Historical dictionary of Tibet [Second ed.] 9781538130223, 153813022X

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The historical dictionaries present essential information on a broad range of subjects, including American and world history, art, business, cities, countries, cultures, customs, film, global conflicts, international relations, literature, music, philosophy, religion, sports, and theater. Written by experts, all contain highly informative introductory essays on the topic and detailed chronologies that, in some cases, cover vast historical time periods but still manage to heavily feature more recent events. Brief A–Z entries describe the main people, events, politics, social issues, institutions, and policies that make the topic unique, and entries are crossreferenced for ease of browsing. Extensive bibliographies are divided into several general subject areas, providing excellent access points for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more. Additionally, maps, photographs, and appendixes of supplemental information aid high school and college students doing term papers or introductory research projects. In short, the historical dictionaries are the perfect starting point for anyone looking to research in these fields.

HISTORICAL DICTIONARIES OF ASIA, OCEANIA, AND THE MIDDLE EAST Jon Woronoff, Series Editor Guam and Micronesia, by William Wuerch and Dirk Ballendorf. 1994. Palestine, by Nafez Y. Nazzal and Laila A. Nazzal. 1997. Lebanon, by As’ad AbuKhalil. 1998. Azerbaijan, by Tadeusz Swietochowski and Brian C. Collins. 1999. Papua New Guinea, Second Edition, by Ann Turner. 2001. Cambodia, by Justin Corfield and Laura Summers. 2003. Kyrgyzstan, by Rafis Abazov. 2004. Turkmenistan, by Rafis Abazov. 2005. Vietnam, Third Edition, by Bruce Lockhart and William J. Duiker. 2006. India, Second Edition, by Surjit Mansingh. 2006. Hong Kong SAR and the Macao SAR, by Ming K. Chan and Shiu-hing Lo. 2006. Pakistan, Third Edition, by Shahid Javed Burki. 2006. Iran, Second Edition, by John H. Lorentz. 2007. Gulf Arab States, Second Edition, by Malcolm C. Peck. 2008. Laos, Third Edition, by Martin Stuart-Fox. 2008. Brunei Darussalam, Second Edition, by Jatswan S. Sidhu. 2010. Mongolia, Third Edition, by Alan J. K. Sanders. 2010. Bangladesh, Fourth Edition, by Syedur Rahman. 2010. Polynesia, Third Edition, by Robert D. Craig. 2011. Singapore, New Edition, by Justin Corfield. 2011. East Timor, by Geoffrey C. Gunn. 2011. Postwar Japan, by William D. Hoover. 2011. Afghanistan, Fourth Edition, by Ludwig W. Adamec. 2012. Philippines, Third Edition, by Artemio R. Guillermo. 2012. Kazakhstan, by Didar Kassymova, Zhanat Kundakbayeva, and Ustina Markus. 2012. Thailand, Third Edition, by Gerald W. Fry, Gayla S. Nieminen, and Harold E. Smith. 2013. Syria, Third Edition, by David Commins and David W. Lesch. 2014. Science and Technology in Modern China, by Lawrence R. Sullivan and Nancy Y. Liu. 2014. Taiwan (Republic of China), Fourth Edition, by John F. Copper. 2014. Australia, Fourth Edition, by Norman Abjorensen and James C. Docherty. 2015. Indonesia, Third Edition, by Audrey Kahin. 2015. Fiji, by Brij V. Lal. 2016. People’s Republic of China, Third Edition, by Lawrence R. Sullivan. 2016.

Israel, Third Edition, by Bernard Reich and David H. Goldberg. 2016. New Zealand, Third Edition, by Janine Hayward and Richard Shaw. 2016. Nepal, Second Edition, by Nanda R. Shrestha and Keshav Bhattarai. 2017. Burma (Myanmar), Second Edition, by Donald M. Seekins. 2017. Yemen, Third Edition, by Charles Schmitz and Robert D. Burrowes. 2017. Chinese Economy, by Lawrence R. Sullivan. 2018. Malaysia, Second Edition, by Ooi Keat Gin. 2018. Tajikistan, Third Edition, by Kamoludin Abdullaev. 2018. Postwar Japan, Second Edition, by William D. Hoover. 2019. Iraq, Third Edition, by Beth K. Dougherty. 2019. Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Second Edition, by James E. Hoare. 2019. Chinese Environment, by Lawrence R. Sullivan and Nancy Y. Liu, 2019. Saudi Arabia, Third Edition, by J. E. Peterson. 2019. Republic of Korea, Fourth Edition, by James E. Hoare. 2020. Tibet, Second Edition, by John Powers and David Templeman. 2020.

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Historical Dictionary of Tibet Second Edition

John Powers David Templeman

ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • London

Published by Rowman & Littlefield An imprint of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc. 4501 Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706 www.rowman.com 6 Tinworth Street, London, SE11 5AL, United Kingdom Copyright © 2020 by John Powers and David Templeman All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage and retrieval systems, without written permission from the publisher, except by a reviewer who may quote passages in a review. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Powers, John, 1957–, author. | Templeman, David, 1944–, author. Title: Historical dictionary of Tibet / John Powers, David Templeman. Description: Second edition. | Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, [2020] | Series: Historical dictionaries of Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East | Includes bibliographical references. | Summary: “Historical Dictionary of Tibet, Second Edition, contains a chronology, a glossary, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has more than 500 cross-referenced entries on important personalities as well as aspects of the region’s politics, economy, foreign relations, religion, and culture.”—Provided by publisher. Identifiers: LCCN 2020003576 (print) | LCCN 2020003577 (ebook) | ISBN 9781538130216 (cloth; alk. paper) | ISBN 9781538130223 (epub) Subjects: LCSH: Tibet Autonomous Region (China)—History—Dictionaries. Classification: LCC DS786 .P683 2020 (print) | LCC DS786 (ebook) | DDC 951/.5003— dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020003576 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020003577   The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992.

Contents

Editor’s Foreword, by Jon Woronoff ix Acknowledgments xi Reader’s Notes xiii Acronyms and Abbreviations xvii Maps xix Chronology xxvii Introduction xxxvii THE DICTIONARY 1 Glossary: Common Phonetic Spellings and Wylie Equivalents 751 Bibliography 755 About the Authors 793

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Editor’s Foreword

There are several Tibets. The one addressed in this book encompasses the Tibetan cultural area, a vast region whose epicenter is the Tibetan Plateau. It includes the “Tibet Autonomous Region,” an area designated by the People’s Republic of China following its annexation of the region in the 1950s, the rest of the Tibetan Plateau (most of which is culturally Tibetan), and surrounding areas, including Bhutan, Mongolia, Nepal, parts of Russia, and the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh, Sikkim, and Ladakh. The population of the Plateau is still largely Tibetan, but with a distinct Han Chinese influence. Many entries in this Dictionary cover topics relating to the Tibetan diaspora, best known through the activities of the Dalai Lama and its government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration. It was founded by those who reject Chinese domination and look back to the earlier Tibet, which was ruled by successive Dalai Lamas as an independent Buddhist country, but in its current form the Dalai Lama has no official position and by his own choice plays no political role. The historical Tibetan empire conquered and dominated a large area of Asia, including parts of China and India, and before the rise of the empire Tibetans were linked only tenuously to one another by language, culture, and religion. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Tibet contains a chronology, introduction, and numerous entries on specific aspects of Tibetan society, culture, economy, politics, and religion. There are also many entries on people who have shaped Tibet, including emperors, Dalai Lamas, and other religious, political, and military figures. Finally, an extensive bibliography directs readers to other resources. The authors are knowledgeable about not only modern but also historical Tibet. John Powers is a research professor for the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation at Deakin University in Australia. He received his doctorate in Buddhist studies from the University of Virginia in 1991 and has conducted research on Tibet and the surrounding region. He has written 18 books and more than 100 articles and chapters, including Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism, History as Propaganda: Tibetan Exiles versus the People’s Republic of China, and The Buddha Party: How the People’s Republic of China Works to Define and Control Tibetan Buddhism. David Templeman has ix

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studied Tibet for five decades, beginning as a teacher at the former Tibetan Nursery in Dharamsala. He has translated many Tibetan texts, including most recently the autobiography of Tāranātha, and has published seven other books and more than 40 articles. He is an adjunct research fellow at the China Studies Research Centre at LaTrobe University in Melbourne. Both men know the country as well as its history, religion, and language and once again have done an excellent job of distilling their knowledge into this book. Jon Woronoff

Acknowledgments

Series Editor

This project was supported by the Australian Research Council, the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation, and Deakin University’s Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalisation. A number of people contributed information and insights, including Ruth Gamble, who wrote the “Literature” entry and corrected other entries; Shannon Ward and Gerald Roche, who wrote the entries on “Language” and “Language Policy”; Emily Yeh, who contributed the entry on “Disneyfication”; Franz Xaver Erhard, who wrote the entry on “Newspapers and Periodicals”; Gillian Tan, who wrote the entry on “Nomads”; and Petra Maurer, who wrote the “Geomancy” entry. Paul Hackett provided information on a number of entries, and the members of lotsawa.forum generously shared their knowledge of Tibetan history and culture. The maps were prepared by the staff of Cartographic and GIS Services, College of Asia and the Pacific, Australian National University. We wish to thank the people who made corrections to the manuscript: Gesar Temur, who provided feedback on Chinese terms; Dr. Li Narangoa and Nandin-Erdene Banzragch, who proofread Mongolian terms and Cyrillic spellings; and Tenzin Choepak, who proofread the entire document and provided helpful comments. Thanks also to Jon Woronoff, the series editor, for his careful reading and useful suggestions.

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Reader’s Notes

The Tibetan language presents unusual problems. Tibetan words commonly contain unpronounced consonants, and parts of letters are superscripted to make combinations. Sometimes letters that are not themselves pronounced change pronunciation. Pronunciation varies considerably among the regions where Tibetan is spoken: Ladakhis pronounce some (but not all) of the consonants that are not voiced in central Tibetan, and people from eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau may speak dialects that are largely incomprehensible to central Tibetans. In addition, Tibetans in Tibet are increasingly incorporating Chinese loanwords and other idioms into their vocabulary, while Tibetan exiles in South Asia use terms adopted from neighboring populations (Hindi, Tamil, Nepali, etc.). In this dictionary, central Tibetan (the dialect of dBus and gTsang) has been employed as a standard in indicating how terms are pronounced. In light of the significant differences in pronunciation in various regions of the Tibetan cultural area, it is not practical to provide pronunciations from, for example, eastern Tibet (Khams and A mdo), Ladakh, mGo log, etc. Some specialists might wish for Tibetan-language entries to appear in Tibetan script, but this is also impractical in terms of publishing constraints. Many potential readers will only be familiar with the Wylie system, and formatting documents with Tibetan script, the Roman alphabet, and Chinese characters presents numerous technical difficulties. We were also constrained by the standard style employed by Scarecrow Press for this series, which begins with boldface upper-case headwords for each entry. Tibetan terms that are commonly used in books and popular media and that are now effectively English words—e.g., lama (bla ma) and Dalai Lama (Tā la’i bla ma)—are treated as English words, as are commonly used Sanskrit terms—e.g., nirvana (which appears without diacritical marks except as part of compound terms) and karma. A number of entries on topics whose Tibetan equivalents might not even be known by some specialists (e.g., postage stamps and smallpox) use English headwords. In all such cases, there are cross-references to the relevant Tibetan terms. The Tibetan system of alphabetization can be navigated only by specialists and would be confusing for readers with no background in Tibetan. In xiii

xiv • Reader’s Notes

addition, while the majority of headwords are Tibetan terms, a significant number are Chinese, English, or Mongolian, and there are numerous entries on people from all over the world who have made contributions to Tibetan history or historiography. In light of these factors, English-language alphabetization was decided as the best available option. The dictionary follows the transliteration system developed by Turrell Wylie (1959), which has become standard among scholars, even though it is somewhat misleading in how it renders some consonants. Because Tibetan script was based on Indic models, Wylie equated Tibetan letters with Sanskrit letters that resemble them, even though they are often pronounced differently. Tibetan ད for example, is rendered as “da” in the Wylie system, but is pronounced “ta” in the central Tibetan dialect, and ཏ—rendered as “ta”—is pronounced “da.” Tibetan ཟ—rendered as “za”—is pronounced “sa.” Similar problems abound in Tibetan, making it difficult for beginners to pronounce terms properly. In many cases, the Wylie spelling provides little insight into how a word is actually pronounced. An example is ཟླ་བ་གྲགས་པ་ (Wylie: zla ba grags pa), which is pronounced “dawa drakba” in the central Tibetan dialect. To add to these difficulties, a polyglot system that mingles phonetic spellings with transliteration has developed in Western-language publications, and this has infinite variations. In addition, many publications on Tibetan subjects substitute Sanskrit terms for Tibetan ones, and Tibetans who interact with Westerners have also learned to employ these. Because the Wylie system has become the only real standard, it has been used in this dictionary, but for readers accustomed to phonetic renderings of Tibetan words or Sanskrit terminology it may be difficult to find some entries. To ameliorate this problem, common Sanskrit equivalents for technical terms and names are cross-referenced with Tibetan counterparts throughout the book, and a chart (“Glossary of Common Phonetic Spellings and Wylie Equivalents”) will assist the reader in locating the term easily. In addition, terms that have their own entries are highlighted in boldface, so as readers use the dictionary they will learn how technical terms and names are spelled and pronounced. Tibetan names also present problems. Most Tibetans have two names (although many go by one name), but neither is equivalent to an English surname or given name. Tibetans have family (or clan) names, but these are not generally used. In the Dictionary and Bibliography, Tibetan names are listed according to the first letter, whether pronounced or not. The main (pronounced) letter of the name is capitalized so that readers will have a sense of how to pronounce it. Thus bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (pronounced Denzin Gyatso in central Tibetan) is listed in “B.” Following each term, an indication of its central Tibetan pronunciation is given. After this, Sanskrit, Pāli, and sometimes Mongolian equivalents appear. Chinese equivalents are also provided for most entries.

Reader’s Notes • xv

Another problem with Tibetan names is the fact that influential people are often commonly known by epithets (e.g., sGam po pa, “Man from sGam po”), and some may have multiple epithets (sGam po pa is also referred to as “Dwags po lha rje,” “Doctor from Dwags po”). The general practice in this dictionary is to list people according to their standard personal names (e.g., sGam po pa can be found under “bSod nams rin chen”). Some figures— particularly “treasure discoverers” (gter ston)—may have multiple names, epithets, ordination names, and so forth. Throughout the dictionary, common referents to important figures are provided, along with variations. Nonspecialists can also find common spellings of names and terms in the Glossary. Chinese interest in, and academic study of, Tibetan subjects has proliferated in recent years, but much of what has been published to date is of mixed quality. Fundamental errors abound in Chinese studies of Tibetan religion, history, language, and culture, and most of the equivalent terms used in these publications are merely phonetic renderings that provide no interpretive insights. In addition, most Chinese-language publications from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) employ simplified characters, which often lose etymological nuances encoded in their traditional equivalents. Despite the problems with Chinese scholarship of Tibetan subjects, PRC academics have produced a substantial and useful corpus of editions of Tibetan works, some of which are used in this book. Tibet’s history is a subject of heated contestation between the PRC and Tibetan exiles, and many Western interpreters position themselves on one side or the other of this ideological divide. Studies of Tibet published in the PRC must follow the party line (of the Chinese Communist Party) and are vetted by censors to ensure ideological purity. The study of history is driven by ideology (see “historiography” entry); deliberate obfuscations, elisions, and outright fabrications abound. Productions by Tibetan exiles are also commonly permeated by the ideology of Tibetan independence (rang btsan; see entry) and are structured as arguments designed to persuade Western readers and convert them to the cause. The editorial stance adopted in this book aims to present factual data based on the most reliable information available, and it often indicates the fault lines of contested presentations of different parties (which include PRC sources, Tibetan exile publications and oral discourses, and divergent conclusions of Western Tibetologists). Readers are left with the task of drawing their own conclusions. Readers should also be aware that dating presents significant problems. Tibetans traditionally employed a lunar calendar, and the dating system combines elements of Chinese and Indian systems. The yearly calendar follows a duodecennial cycle marked by 12 animal signs: rabbit, dragon, snake, horse, sheep, monkey, bird, dog, pig, rat, ox, and tiger. This was adapted from the traditional Chinese system. It is combined with the five

xvi • Reader’s Notes

elements: earth, water, wood, metal, and fire. Combinations of animals and elements signify each year (e.g., “earth rabbit”). The Tibetan calendrical system maps unevenly onto the standard Western system, the “Gregorian calendar,” which uses the birth of Christ as its central marker. Conversion programs are now available for finding Western equivalents, but these are sometimes problematic because of the repeating elements of the Tibetan system and the fact that it is a lunar calendar, while the Western system is solar. In most cases, it is possible to be reasonably certain of Tibetan dates to within a year or so, and where there are contradictions in available sources the most widely cited dates are provided. A conversion program for Tibetan dates was created by the late Edward Henning (www.kalacakra.org/), who also provides an overview of the system. In order to facilitate the rapid and efficient location of information and to make this book as useful a reference tool as possible, extensive crossreferences have been provided. Within individual entries, terms that have their own entries are in boldface type the first time they appear. Further crossreferencing is shown through See and See also. We realize that questions regarding what is and is not included are inevitable in a work like this one. Specialists in particular subject areas will criticize our decisions, but given the space limitations and the vast scope of Tibetan history, many historical personages or events that particular specialists would have chosen to include have not been given separate entries. Many will appear in other entries, but it is simply not possible to include everyone. An example is lineages of reincarnate lamas (sprul sku). Since the inception of this system, many of Tibet’s most influential personages have been reincarnate lamas, and some lineages have been particularly historically important, such as the Dalai Lamas, the rGyal dbang Karma pas, and the Paṇ chen bla mas. In other lineages, only one or two individuals may stand out as particularly significant, while the rest may have been powerful figures during their lifetimes but did not have a lasting impact or leave behind a literary legacy that continued to influence subsequent developments in philosophy or religion. Another decision, which follows the conventions of this Scarecrow series, is to place primary emphasis on modern and contemporary developments. Entries on prehistory and paleontology are intended to provide information on the most significant scholarship in these fields in summary form, and the Dictionary increases in detail and specificity as we approach the present day. Scholars of antiquarian fields will probably question these decisions, but in a work of this type such choices are inevitable, and in the final analysis there is no way to produce a perfect historical dictionary that will satisfy every academic constituency.

Acronyms and Abbreviations

alt. b. BCE ca. CCP CE Ch. CIA Cl. CTA d. fl. FPMT ft. Hin. hon. in. Jpn. kg lb. Man. mi. mm Mon. NGO P. PAP PLA PRC r. ROC

alternative spelling(s) born Before the Common Era (before 0 BC) circa Chinese Communist Party Common Era (from 0 AD) Chinese Central Intelligence Agency Classical Mongolian Central Tibetan Administration died flourished Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition feet Hindi honorific inches Japanese kilogram pound Manchu miles millimeters Mongolian Nongovernmental Organization Pāli People’s Armed Police People’s Liberation Army People’s Republic of China reigned Republic of China

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Rus. Skt. sq. m sq. mi. sq. yd. TAR Tib. TWA UNPO yd.

Russian Sanskrit square meters square miles square yards Tibet Autonomous Region Tibetan Tibetan Welfare Association Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization yards

Maps

The Mauryan dynasty.

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The Qing empire.

Map of Nepal.

Maps • xxi

Map of Arunachal Pradesh and surrounding regions.

xxii • Maps

The Tibet Autonomous Region and adjacent autonomous prefectures.

Maps • xxiii

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Map of Tibet and adjacent regions.

xxiv • Maps

The Tibetan Plateau and surrounding regions.

Maps • xxv

Map of Zangs dkar.

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Chronology

Prehistory and the Imperium 27,000–3,000 BCE Early Neolithic period; settlements in Chu bzang. 3,000 BCE Prehistoric settlements in mKhar ro. 480–400 BCE Life of Siddhārtha Gautama, Śākyamuni Buddha. 100 CE Beginnings of Mahāyāna Buddhism in India. 1st century CE Buddhism enters Central Asia and China. 150–250 Life of kLu sgrub (Nāgārjuna). 233 Buddhist texts and relics fall onto the roof of Lha Tho tho ri’s palace. 350–650 Reign of the Gupta dynasty in India; flourishing of Buddhist philosophy and art. 5th century Founding of Nālandā Monastic University in India. 6th century Reign of sTag bu gnya’ gzigs. 605 Birth of Khri Srong btsan sgam po. 618–906 Chinese Tang dynasty. 634 The first recorded military conflict between Tibet and Tang China. 640 The Chinese princess Wencheng travels to Tibet and marries Khri Srong btsan sgam po.

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650 Death of Khri Srong btsan sgam po; birth of Khri Mang slon mang btsan. 676 Birth of Khri ’Dus srong; death of Khri Mang slon mang btsan. 698–699 Khri ’Dus srong massacres members of the mGar clan, effectively eliminating them from the Tibetan political scene. 704 Death of Khri ’Dus srong. 712 Birth of Khri lDe gtsug btsan (alt. Mes ag tshoms). 742 Birth of Khri Srong lde btsan. 754 Beginning of Khri Srong lde btsan’s reign. 755 Death of Khri lDe gtsug btsan. 760 Śāntarakṣita and Padmasambhava travel to Tibet; beginning of the “early propagation” of Buddhism. 760–1200 The period of flourishing of tantric Buddhism in India. 763 The Tibetan army conquers the Chinese capital of Chang’an. 786 Beginning of the Tibetan occupation of Dunhuang. 779 Consecration of bSam yas, the first monastery in Tibet. 786 Birth of Khri Mu ne btsan po. 792 Council of bSam yas; Chinese Buddhism declared heretical. 799 Death of Khri Srong lde btsan; beginning of Khri lDe srong btsan’s reign. 803 Death of Khri Mu ne btsan po. 815 End of Khri lDe srong btsan’s reign; beginning of Khri Ral pa can’s reign. 821/822 A treaty between Tibet and China is concluded; the text is inscribed on a stone pillar. 836 Assassination of Khri Ral pa can; end of the “early propagation” of Buddhism.

Chronology • xxix

838 Beginning of Khri gLang dar ma’s reign. 842 Assassination of Khri gLang dar ma; this is followed by the rapid demise of the Yar klungs dynasty. 848 End of Tibetan control of Dunhuang. “Later Propagation” of Buddhism and the Mongol Hegemony 950 Revival of monastic Buddhism in central Tibet. 978 Rin chen bzang po returns from India; this marks the beginning of the “later propagation” of Buddhism. 1012 Birth of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros. 1040/1052 Birth of Mi la ras pa. 1042 Atiśa arrives in Tibet. 1055 Death of Rin chen bzang po. 1057 ’Brom ston rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas founds Rwa sgreng Monastery; this becomes the seat of Tibet’s first Buddhist order, bKa’ gdams. 1073 dKon mchog rgyal po founds Sa skya Monastery. 1079 Birth of sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen. 1092 Birth of Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po. 1097 Death of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros. 1123/1135 Death of Mi la ras pa. 1153 Death of sGam po pa. 1235 Tibetan pilgrim Chos rje dpal (Dharmasvāmin) visits India; Buddhism mostly dies out in India after this time. 1239 Mongol troops led by Dor rta nag po invade Tibet and sack Rwa sgreng Monastery.

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1244 Sa skya Paṇḍita travels to Liangzhou with ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan; beginnings of Sa skya hegemony under Mongol rule. 1271 Khubilai Khan founds the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). 1334 The Tibetan Buddhist canon is compiled under the direction of Bu ston Rin chen grub. Period of Secular Rule 1350 Byang chub rgyal mtshan conquers Sa skya; this is the beginning of Phag mo gru pa rule. 1357 Birth of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa, founder of the dGe lugs order. 1405 sMan ri Bon po Monastery is founded by mNyam med Shes rab rgyal mtshan. 1409 Founding of dGa’ ldan Monastery. Tsong kha pa initiates the sMon lam chen mo. 1419 Death of Tsong kha pa. 1435 End of Phag mo gru pa rule. 1440 Beginning of Rin spungs rule. 1487 dGe ’dun rgya mtsho is recognized as the reincarnation of dGe ’dun grub pa and enthroned at bKra shis lhun po. He is later designated as the second Dalai Lama. 1518 The dGa’ ldan pho brang estate is given to bSod nams rgya mtsho; this later becomes the seat of the Tibetan government. 1546 bSod nams rgya mtsho, the third Dalai Lama, is enthroned at the dGa’ ldan pho brang. 1565 The governor of gTsang overthrows the Rin spungs; this marks the beginning of rule by the gTsang sde pa.

Chronology • xxxi

1585 Abadai Khan declares dGe lugs the state religion of Mongolia. 1578 Altan Khan confers the title “Dalai Lama” on bSod nams rgya mtsho; this initiates an ongoing reincarnational lineage. 1589 Birth of Yon tan rgya mtsho, the fourth Dalai Lama. 1617 Death of Yon tan rgya mtsho. The dGa’ ldan pho brang Period 1603–1621 Civil war between dBus and gTsang. 1617 Birth of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, the fifth Dalai Lama. 1642 Karma bsTan skyong, the last gTsang pa ruler, is defeated by Gushri Khan. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho is installed as the ruler of Tibet. This marks the beginning of the dGa’ ldan pho brang governmental system. 1684 Tibet and the Kingdom of La dwags sign a peace treaty. 1697 Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho is enthroned as the sixth Dalai Lama. 1706 The Mongol chieftain Lhazang Han overthrows the sixth Dalai Lama and installs a puppet. 1713 bLo bzang ye shes receives the title “Banchan E’erdini” from Kangxi. 1716 Jesuit missionary Ippolito Desideri arrives in Lha sa. 1717 Death of Lhazang Khan. The Qing dynasty establishes a protectorate over Tibet and dispatches two representatives (am ban). 1720 bsKal bzang rgya mtsho is enthroned as the seventh Dalai Lama. 1727 Pho la nas bSod nams stobs rgyas seizes power and establishes a brief period of civilian rule. 1749 The Mongolian Buddhist canon is completed.

xxxii • Chronology

1751 bsKal bzang rgya mtsho establishes the bKa’ shag. 1788 The Gorkha invasion of Tibet. Chos grub rgya mtsho, the 10th Zhwa dmar Rin po che, plots with the Gorkhas. bKra shis lhun po Monastery is sacked. The Tibetan government bans future recognition of Zhwa dmars. 1792 Qing emperor Qianlong sends the “Golden Urn” to Tibet with orders that it be used to choose reincarnations of deceased lamas. 1813 Birth of ’Jam mgon kong sprul. The Ris med approach to Buddhism flourishes in eastern Tibet. 1841 Dogra invasion of Tibet: General Zorāwar Siṅgh is defeated and beheaded. 1855 Gorkha invasion of Tibet: the Qing am ban brokers a settlement; Tibet is required to pay an indemnity. 1865 mGon po rnam rgyal is killed by Tibetan government troops; this marks the end of the “Nyag rong Troubles.” 1876 Tibet and Great Britain sign the “Chefoo Convention.” Tibet allows a British mission to travel through its territory. Birth of Thub bstan rgya mtsho, the 13th Dalai Lama. 1899 Death of ’Jam mgon kong sprul. 1903–1904 Col. Francis Younghusband invades Tibet, marches to Lha sa, and forces government officials to sign the Anglo-Tibetan Agreement. 1906 The Sino-British Convention is signed: China is accorded “suzerainty” over Tibet. The agreement was reached without consultation with Tibet’s government, which repudiates it. 1908 Paul Pelliot embarks on an expedition to Central Asia in search of rare manuscripts; he discovers a huge trove of texts at Dunhuang. 1909–1910 Chinese troops led by Ma Weiqi and Zhao Erfeng invade eastern Tibet, sack monasteries, establish road networks and unsuccessfully force Tibetans to adopt Chinese patronyms. 1910 Sir Charles Bell meets with the 13th Dalai Lama in India.

Chronology • xxxiii

1912 In China, the Nationalists overthrow the last Qing emperor. In Tibet, the bKa’ shag issues an official declaration of independence and expels Chinese nationals. 1913 Tibet and Mongolia sign an accord recognizing each other’s independence: the “Treaty of Friendship and Alliance between the Governments of Mongolia and Tibet.” 1913–1914 The Simla Conference between Great Britain, Tibet, and China is held; the McMahon Line is declared the official border of southern Tibet. 1918 A formal boundary between Tibet and China is established. 1921 The Chinese Communist Party is officially founded in Beijing. 1923 bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma, the ninth Paṇ chen bla ma, flees to eastern Tibet following a dispute with the Dalai Lama, and later travels to China. 1933 Death of Thub bstan rgya mtsho. 1934 Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes is named regent following the death of the 13th Dalai Lama. Hundreds of monks are killed during an armed uprising against the government. 1935 July: Birth of bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho, the 14th Dalai Lama. Chinese Invasion of Tibet and the Modern Period 1947 February: sTag brag Rin po che avoids an attempted assassination. April: The bKa shag issues a warrant for Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s arrest, and he later dies in prison. 1949 October: The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is established. 1950 The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) enters eastern Tibet. The commander of Chab mdo surrenders without a fight and becomes a collaborator. 1950 November: The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho, is invested with temporal authority as the head of the Tibetan government.

xxxiv • Chronology

1951 Tibetan delegates in Beijing are forced to sign the “Seventeen Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet” without consulting their government. 1955 The process of forced collectivization begins in Khams: monasteries are razed, monks and nuns are killed, and cultural and religious sites are destroyed and looted. 1958 June: A ’brug mGon po bkra shis establishes the Chu bzhi sgang drug resistance movement. 1958–1960 The Great Leap Forward: across the PRC people are forced to join “people’s communes.” 1959 March: The 10 March Uprising; the Dalai Lama flees to India and establishes a government-in-exile. April: The persecution of Buddhism by the Chinese is accompanied by attacks on Tibetan culture. 1960 Following the abolition of the dGa’ ldan pho brang, Mao Zedong’s “gradualist policy” is abandoned and Chinese authorities begin transforming Tibet. Most Tibetans are forced to join “people’s communes,” and the country is subjected to “democratic reforms.” 1962 bLo bzang ’phrin las lhun grub chos kyi rgyal mtshan (10th Paṇ chen bla ma) composes the “70,000 Character Petition” detailing Chinese failings in Tibet. Mao Zedong describes it as a “poisoned arrow shot at the Party by reactionary feudal overlords.” The Paṇ chen bla ma is imprisoned and tortured. 1963 February: Central Intelligence Agency operatives travel to India and recruit Tibetans for guerilla training. 1965 The PRC announces the formation of the “Tibet Autonomous Region.” 1966 The official announcement of the beginning of the Cultural Revolution: forced collectivization is imposed throughout the Tibetan Plateau, accompanied by concerted attacks on religion and culture and a massive propaganda effort by Chinese authorities. 1967 sMan ri Monastery is rebuilt and consecrated in Dolanji, India.

Chronology • xxxv

1968 ’Phrin las chos sgron leads the sNye mo Uprising: she and many followers are executed after PLA troops suppress the revolt. 1974 The Chu bzhi sgang drug disbands after receiving a recorded message from the Dalai Lama but continues to operate in northern Nepal for a short time. 1976 Death of Mao Zedong: the Cultural Revolution is officially declared over. 1980 Chinese premier Hu Yaobang visits Tibet and orders an easing of repression and increased religious freedom. 1987 The Dalai Lama proposes his “Five-Point Peace Plan.” 1989 January: Chinese premier Hu Yaobang is removed from office. This initiates a period of increased repression in Tibet. His replacement, Hu Jintao, imposes martial law. December: The Dalai Lama is awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The PRC denounces this as “gross interference in China’s internal affairs” and an “attempt to split the country.” Martial law is declared following two years of unrest. 1995 May: The Dalai Lama announces his choice of dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma as the 11th Paṇ chen bla ma. China denounces this as “illegal and invalid” and imprisons the boy and his family. PRC officials designate rGyal mtshan nor bu as the “true” Paṇ chen. 1996 The PRC imposes “patriotic education” in the Tibet Autonomous Region; monks and nuns are forced to attend propaganda courses. 1998 A skya Rin po che, the abbot of sKu ’bum Monastery, flees into exile following pressure to support the PRC’s actions in the Paṇ chen bla ma recognition. 1998 April: First example of self-immolation by a Tibetan exile in New Delhi. 2000 O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje, the 17th rGyal dbang Karma pa, escapes to India citing PRC oppression and denial of religious freedom. 2001 July: gSer rta Monastery, founded by mKhan po ’Jigs med phun tshogs, is destroyed by Chinese troops; he is arrested and later dies in

xxxvi • Chronology

custody. Professor Zam gdong Rin po che bLo bzang bstan ’dzin is elected bKa’ blon khri pa of the bKa’ shag in the first democratic elections in Tibet’s history. 2006 July: Chinese premier Hu Jintao officially opens the Golmud-Lha sa section of the Qinghai-Tibet Railway. 2007 The 14th Dalai Lama is awarded the US Congressional Medal of Honor. China denounces this as “gross interference in China’s internal affairs.” 2008 March: The Tibetan Plateau erupts in the largest and most widespread demonstrations in its history. The PRC announces an annual holiday, “Serf Liberation Day.” April–May: China puts a halt to the demonstrations with a massive crackdown: thousands are jailed and dozens executed after sham trials. June: The 14th Dalai Lama announces plans to “retire.” 2009 February: First case of self-immolation in Tibet. 2010 The PRC announces a law requiring all religious believers to register with state officials. 2011 January: The 14th Dalai Lama asserts that his reincarnation will not be born in Chinese-occupied Tibet. The PRC reacts with anger and denounces him. February: The PRC announces that all reincarnate lamas, no matter where they were born, must receive government approval in order to be valid. Those who do not are not “true” reincarnations. March: The Dalai Lama submits a formal request to retire from his political role to the bKa’ bshag. 27 April: bLo bzang seng ge is elected the second bKa’ blon khri pa. June 2014: The 14th Shamar Rinpoche (Zhwa dmar Rin po che Mi pham chos kyi blo gros), founder of Bodhi Path Buddhist Centers, dies in Germany. September 2018: The Central Tibetan Administration holds the “FiveFifty Forum” in Dharamsala to discuss the future of the Tibet movement.

Introduction

LAND AND PEOPLE Tibet: Place and Symbolism Tibet is a land bounded by the world’s highest mountains and the repository of an ancient culture. For centuries Europeans viewed Tibet as a remote, mystical place populated by Buddhist masters with supernatural powers and profound wisdom. In contrast to this image, it was once a warlike country whose expansionist rulers conquered a vast empire that incorporated much of Central Asia and parts of China. Buddhism arrived in the 7th century and quickly gained adherents, but initially it became part of the state cult and did little to curtail the territorial ambitions of Tibet’s kings. It is still the faith of the majority of Tibetans, both in the Tibetan Plateau and around the world. Religion became a pervasive factor in governance, and a system of “religion and politics combined” was the official governing philosophy. For much of its history, Tibet was ruled by Buddhist clerics, interspersed with a few periods of civilian rule. The inspiration of Buddhism led to the development of a vast corpus of religious literature and a proliferation of some of the most spectacular religious art in the world. Elaborate systems of meditation and sophisticated traditions of philosophy developed in Tibet are among the country’s most notable contributions to global culture. Tibet’s system of rule by Buddhist clerics ensured that significant resources were devoted to cultural, philosophical, and religious ends, but it also weakened the country militarily. Scant attention was paid to national defense, and in the 19th–20th centuries the government followed a policy of isolation. Tibet was still a nexus of trade and communication within its region, and outside influences continued to contribute to the cultural mix, but its leaders did not respond well to changes on the international scene, which left the country vulnerable. Following the invasion of Tibet in the 1950s by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Dalai Lama (the religious and temporal leader of the country) attempted to cooperate with the new rulers, xxxvii

xxxviii • Introduction

but in 1959 he was forced to flee into exile following an abortive uprising against the Chinese. Since then Tibet has become a cause célèbre internationally, and people around the world have joined “Free Tibet” movements. Human rights organizations have issued numerous reports detailing a range of abuses by the PRC government, all of which its leaders have denied. The Tibetan Plateau remains a scene of contestation, both ideologically and militarily. Major popular uprisings in 1959, 1988, and 2008 have drawn the attention of the world’s media, and its religious teachers often attract large crowds when they travel overseas. The situation in the country remains highly volatile today, as the 2008 uprising (the largest and most widespread in the history of the region) attests. Geography Tibet means different things to different people. For the Theosophists of the 19th century and many New Age enthusiasts, Tibet is a repository of ancient Oriental wisdom, inhabited by enlightened lamas who live in caves or monasteries in remote valleys surrounded by snow-covered peaks. For the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Tibet (Xizang 西藏) is confined to the “Tibet Autonomous Region” (TAR) (Ch. Xizang Zizhiqu 西藏自治区; Tib. Bod rang skyong ljongs), which comprises only the central provinces of the Tibetan Plateau. For most Tibetans living there or in exile, “Tibet” (Bod; pronounced Pö) refers to the entire area of the high regions bounded by the Himalayas—the world’s highest mountains— the sparsely populated western areas that were once under the control of the kingdoms of Zhang zhung and Gu ge, the vast plains of the Byang thang in the north, and the grasslands of Khams and A mdo in the east. The Tibetan Plateau contains some of the highest inhabited areas in the world and is the most extensive high-altitude region on the planet. It has a mean elevation of 3,660 m (12,000 ft.) above sea level and encompasses an area of around 3,107,990 sq. km (1,200,000 sq. mi.). It comprises roughly one-third of the landmass of modern China and is almost as large as the lower 48 states of the United States. Much of this territory consists of high plains bordered by towering snowcovered mountains, but in the southern reaches areas of dense forest and subtropical valleys fed by water descend from glaciers in the alpine regions. Tibetans traditionally distinguish three main environments: (1) The major agricultural areas are designated as zhing (“fields”), and (2) thang (“plains”) refers to the level areas bordered by mountains. (3) The high ridges and

Introduction • xxxix

mountain ranges are termed sgang (“highland”) and are generally considered unsuited for human habitation. Tibetans typically have little interest in mountaineering or in exploration of remote, inaccessible regions. Mountains are obstacles to travel and trade and are the abode of powerful and capricious gods, who may cause harm to humans and are best avoided. An important division is made in terms of livelihood: the people who live in the agricultural areas are termed “field people” (zhing pa), while those who inhabit the pasturelands (’brog) and mainly make their living through animal husbandry are “pasture people” (’brog pa) who are commonly referred to in English-language publications as “nomads.” Tibetans generally regard their territory as consisting of three main areas (Chol kha gsum): (1) the “three circuits” of mNga’ ris in the western part of the Plateau, (2) the “four horns” of the central provinces of dBus and gTsang, and (3) the “six ranges” of Khams and A mdo in the east. The western reaches include the areas once ruled by Zhang zhung and Gu ge. The major landmark in this region is the towering peak of Ti se (or Gangs rin po che, Mt. Kailāśa), 6,714 m (22,030 ft.) in height. Another important feature is Lake Ma pham g.yu mtsho, located at its base. Much of the west of the Plateau is now incorporated into the mNga’ ris Prefecture (Ch. Alidiqu 阿里地区) of the TAR. Traditionally the three circuits also included La dwags and Zangs dkar—now part of the territory of India—as well as areas in Himachal Pradesh and Baltistan in the north of Pakistan. The western regions contain some of the most sparsely populated areas of traditional Tibet, with vast expanses of open land and few towns or settlements. Only 4–5 percent of the Tibetan population live in these territories. The central regions of dBus and gTsang are the most populous parts of the Plateau and have been the cultural and economic heart of Tibet for centuries. The first ruling dynasty of Tibet, headquartered in the Yar klungs Valley, became a powerful political force from the 7th century to the 9th and created a centralized government that ruled most of the Plateau and extended its power into neighboring territories. The Yar klungs gtsang po River runs through this region and is the center of its most fertile area for agricultural production. It flows to India, where it becomes the Brahmaputra. The main city of central Tibet is Lha sa, the capital, which is also the commercial and religious heart of the region. Its elevation is 3,650 m (11,975 ft.) above sea level, making it one of the highest cities in the world. To the west sit several major cities, including rTse thang, rGyal rtse, and gZhis ka rtse. The alluvial valleys of this region are among the most agriculturally productive parts of the Plateau. Lha sa is situated in one of these areas, which is fed by the sKyid chu, a river that is a northern tributary of the Yar klungs gtsang po. In modern times irrigation has greatly extended the arable

xl • Introduction

land. Farmers have planted trees on the lower hillsides and near the rivers and irrigation channels so as to maintain the soil, and the temperate weather allows for a longer growing season than in most areas of the Plateau. During the summer months temperatures vary from 18 degrees to 24 degrees Celcius (65–76 degrees Fahrenheit) during the day, but often drop significantly at night. Even in the middle of summer they can plunge to below freezing after the sun goes down. Populations Much of the Plateau is a high-altitude desert, with thin, rocky soil and sparse vegetation. The high peaks are covered with snow all year round, and the population is thinly spread. Traditionally the hardy Tibetan nomads (’brog pa) traversed the high plains, moving their herds of yak (g.yag) and other grazing animals between seasonal pastures, but in recent years the Chinese government has begun a program of enforced settlement, which has greatly reduced the number of people following the traditional nomadic way of life. Many nomads have been relocated to newly constructed concrete dwellings in remote areas, but there is little local industry, and many find that they cannot make a living in their new environment. The official policy states that these moves are designed to protect the environment and prevent overgrazing, but they are really about control. The Chinese have historically distrusted mobile populations, and the modern state seeks to control as many aspects of its citizens’ lives as possible. The traditional heartland of the nomads is the Byang thang (“Northern Plain”)—situated north of dBus-gTsang and extending west into mNga’ ris and east into A mdo—now a vast and barren territory with thin soil, freezing temperatures in the winter, and often ferocious winds. A starkly beautiful area with striking vistas and thin air, the Byang thang is inhabited by pastoralists, many of whom travel between seasonal grazing areas. Another significant demographic is the monastic population. At the time of the Chinese invasion in 1950, monks and nuns comprised an estimated 10–15 percent of the population, and non-monastic lay tantric practitioners (sngags pa) who pursued full-time religious vocations also lived in Tibet. In recent decades Chinese authorities have systematically purged the monasteries and nunneries of Tibet and greatly reduced their ability to support themselves financially. Coupled with a program of religious repression and the escape of thousands every year into exile until recent moves to exert greater military control at the border with Nepal, this has dramatically reduced the number of monastics.

Introduction • xli

Border Regions In the lower reaches of the Plateau to the east and southeast, the terrain descends toward the plains of India. Many of these areas are covered with dense forests, and there are abundant lakes, rivers, and tributaries. The temperatures are warmer than in the high plains; inhabitants grow rice and millet in the lower valleys and supplement their diets with fish. In the upper reaches of Tibet the main staple is a high-altitude barley that is ground into a flour called rtsam pa. This is mixed with Tibetan buttered tea (bod ja) and eaten as a paste. The lower parts of the Tibetan Plateau have for centuries been a zone of contact with India and are also commercial centers where goods are bought and sold. Arunachal Pradesh on India’s northeastern frontier is culturally Tibetan in its northern corner, and in past centuries significant economic and cultural interchange took place between Tibet and India through this region. The sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), was born in the town of rTa dbang in northwest Arunachal Pradesh, and this is a basis for the Chinese government’s claim to this region, which it refers to as “Southern Tibet” (Zangnan 藏南).1 Much of Arunachal Pradesh is tribal, and only a small area is culturally Tibetan, but China considers most of the region to have been Tibetan territory in the past, and so its claim to sovereignty extends to the entire state, even though historically it was independent of the central Tibetan government and had little contact with Tibet. No Chinese government has ever administered this area or collected taxes there.2 In the southern part of the Plateau, the gTsang po River makes a wide circuit and plunges down toward the Indian plains. At one point it forms the world’s deepest gorge, a dizzyingly steep area with dense forests and precipitous drops. One of Tibet’s most famous hidden lands (sbas yul), Padma bkod, is located here. This semitropical area—with lush vegetation, abundant flowing water, and high levels of annual precipitation—has a unique ecosystem distinct from every other part of the region in terms of flora and fauna. Eastern Tibet In the east of Tibet are the vast reaches of Khams and A mdo, much of which are open grasslands. These have been incorporated into the Chinese provinces of Qinghai and Gansu, except for western areas of Khams that are in the TAR. Large areas of this region are sparsely populated and barren, but lush grasslands support animal husbandry on the high plains. A pass referred to in Chinese as “Sun and Moon

xlii • Introduction

Mountain” (Riyue Shan 日月山) separates traditional Tibetan lands from Chinese populations. In the 7th century a Chinese princess named Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (Tib. rGya mo bza’ Un shing kong jo, d. 683) crossed this pass into Tibet and married Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), an event commemorated by the construction of two temples referred to as the “Temples of the Sun and Moon,” which still stand today. A giant statue of Wencheng erected by the Chinese government makes the claim that her marriage marks the beginning of the assimilation of Tibet into China and that she voluntarily traveled to this remote region in order to import advanced Chinese culture and help the “backward” Tibetans improve culturally and technologically so that they could raise themselves up to the level of the Han culture of central China. She is also credited with founding several temples in the eastern reaches of the Plateau, and Tibetan histories commonly portray her as a physical manifestation of the buddha sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā), who worked to import Buddhism together with Srong btsan sgam po (traditionally regarded as a manifestation of sPyan ras gzigs [Skt. Avalokiteśvara]) and the Nepalese princess Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī), also believed to be a manifestation of sGrol ma. Tibetan histories depict her marriage to the Tibetan king as the price China was forced to pay for peace with Tibet. On the other side of the pass, a modern Chinese-built road descends toward the city of Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁), which was under Tibetan administration in past times but today is overwhelmingly Chinese in population. Between the pass and Zi ling are a number of mixed-population towns, including sTag ’tsher (Ch. Hongya cun 红崖村), the village where the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), was born. The population of sTag ’tsher is mainly ethnically Tibetan, but the inhabitants speak a Chinese dialect interspersed with Tibetan vocabulary, and the Dalai Lama reports that his first language was Chinese, not Tibetan.3 The Tibetan side of the pass was once mostly inhabited by ethnic Tibetans and for most of its history was under the control of local hegemons. Parts were ruled by the central Tibetan government from time to time, but today they have been separated from the rest of Tibet and incorporated into neighboring Chinese provinces that have majority Chinese populations in the lower regions. The abundant grasslands of the high plains provide rich grazing grounds for pastoralists, and the nomads who inhabit these areas have traditionally been relatively wealthy. In the northern and western reaches of A mdo, the land turns into an arid desert in the borderlands with Xinjiang and Gansu. In the lower river valleys of Khams, which are fed by water melting off the high glaciers, the relatively mild temperatures and abundant irrigation make possible cultivation

Introduction • xliii

of wheat, barley, and fruit. In the rGyal mo rong region, fed by the Chu chen river system of the modern Chinese province of Sichuan, a number of towns host mixed Chinese-Tibetan populations. Many of these were devastated by the earthquake of 2008, which flattened whole cities and caused significant loss of life. The inhabitants speak a mixture of Tibetan, local languages, and various dialects, but have cultural and historical links with the Tibetans of the Plateau. The indigenous population is mainly Tibetan Buddhist or followers of Bon, a religion whose adherents claim predates Buddhism. A mdo is the source of the ’Bri chu River, which becomes the Yangtze in China. At its edge on the lower parts of the pass that separates Tibetan and Chinese cultural regions is A mdo mtsho sngon (alt. mTsho sngon po, Kokonor), a large salty inland body of water left behind when the Himalayas were created by the Indian subcontinental landmass sliding underneath the Asian landmass and pushing up its southern edge. The Himalayas, the world’s highest mountains, were formed by this ancient collision of tectonic plates, which began some 60 million years ago and continues today. The Himalayas edge upward as a result of the slow but inexorable collision of these two landmasses, which initiated the formation of the Tibetan Plateau. Kokonor is a traditional meeting point for the cultures of Tibet, Mongolia, and China, and a number of important historical figures stayed by its shores on their journeys between the three countries. Some early sources claim that the first residents of the Plateau came from the northeastern regions. The high reaches of A mdo are dominated by the A myes rma chen range of mountains, which Tibetans regard as a spiritual heartland. This is an eastern branch of the Kunlun Mountains. It runs northeast to southeast across eastern Qinghai and into Hainan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and Gansu’s Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. It is an important pilgrimage destination, and many Tibetan Buddhists make a 190 km (120 mi.) circumambulation around its base every year. Tibetan Life The Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet has brought major changes to its people. Prior to the 1950s when troops of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) marched into eastern Tibet and subsequently made their way to Lha sa and “liberated” the region, Tibet was technologically backward in many modern areas, although it made notable contributions in art, sculpture, printing, water control, metallurgy, and medicine, yet was materially relatively poor. Most of its people subsisted on animal husbandry or agriculture, and the land was deeply influenced by Buddhism. Chinese rule has

xliv • Introduction

fundamentally affected the region, and now immigrants flood into Tibet from all over the country. The Chinese government claims that the Plateau is still overwhelmingly inhabited by Tibetans, but in the cities Chinese far outnumber them. The Tibetan government-in-exile (Central Tibetan Administration [CTA]) estimates that several million more Chinese than Tibetans now live in Tibet, but the figures on both sides of the dispute are impossible to verify. Prior to the 1960s urbanization was poorly developed, and the largest city, Lha sa, had a population of 25,000–30,000, according to Hugh Richardson (1905–2000), a British diplomat stationed there. Around 20,000 monks resided in several large monasteries outside the city limits. The few foreign travelers who managed to reach the cities of central Tibet reported that there was no sewerage system and that the streets smelled of human and animal waste and garbage. There was no electricity aside from what a few imported generators could provide, and the country had only a handful of motorized vehicles. Roads were unpaved, and animal transport was the norm. Chinese Influence Tibet’s cities have been transformed by the Chinese, who are remaking them in the image of the metropolises of interior China. Traditional Tibetan buildings are being torn down and whole neighborhoods razed to make way for the monolithic concrete structures beloved by Chinese city planners. Street signs in the cities have large Chinese characters, generally with Tibetan names in smaller letters underneath. Following the invasion, “backward” Tibetan names were replaced wholesale with “progressive” Chinese terms. Chinese rule has also led to an influx of modern infrastructure projects, including roads, bridges, irrigation systems, and the Qinghai-Tibetan Railway, completed in 2006, which links Beijing with Lha sa. The Chinese have also built modern hospitals, schools, and factories, but Tibetans complain that these mainly benefit Han settlers and that Tibetans are often excluded from them. The Chinese government pours large amounts of money into the region in an attempt to spur its development and proudly proclaims to the world that it is significantly improving the lives of Tibetans. Annual growth rates are among the highest in China, but most of this comes from central government funding and not local industry or production. Infrastructure projects are generally run by Chinese firms—which tend to hire Chinese workers—and so much of this money moves to other areas of China and seldom provides any real benefit to Tibetans.

Introduction • xlv

Some Tibetans have become wealthy in the new economy, but many find that they cannot compete. The Chinese-run schools are often of poor quality, and few good teachers want to relocate to the remote and arid regions of the Tibetan Plateau, far removed from the centers of Chinese culture. Many Tibetans speak Chinese poorly, and they lack the connections (Ch. guanxi 关系) essential to getting ahead in China. Some Tibetans— particularly people from nomadic backgrounds—state that they are better off economically under Chinese rule and have prospered in ways that would have been impossible under the old system, but most Tibetans express deep dissatisfaction with the present regime and tell foreigners that they wish the Chinese would leave and that the Dalai Lama should return. He fled into exile in India in 1959 following an abortive uprising against Chinese rule, but remains deeply revered by Tibetans, both those in the PRC and exiles. Decades of PRC vilification have done little to stain his image in their minds. During the 2008 demonstrations—which swept across the Tibetan Plateau and were probably the largest in the history of the region—tens of thousands of Tibetans took to the streets and vented at a range of grievances, including heavy-handed repression by Chinese authorities, the “patriotic education” (Ch. aiguozhuyi jiaoyu 爱国主义教育) propaganda campaign imposed on monks and nuns, and the economic marginalization of Tibetans. A recurrent theme of the protests was a call for the Dalai Lama’s return and proclamations of reverence for him. The Chinese authorities were shocked by images of young Tibetans—who grew up under PRC rule and have never known any other system—denouncing the government and calling for an end to its defamation of their religious leader. Today most Tibetans still live in rural areas, and many make their livings from animal husbandry and agriculture. The Chinese takeover has brought numerous other employment prospects, and the economy has diversified significantly in recent decades. Chinese rule has brought a modern education system, and most young Tibetans obtain at least a rudimentary proficiency in reading and writing. The primary language of instruction is Chinese—a fact that angers many who fear that their traditional culture is being overwhelmed by a foreign presence—but pragmatic reasons back this policy. Approximately 5.2 million Tibetans live in China, a country of 1.2 billion people, and so economic advancement generally requires proficiency in Mandarin. The increasing influx of settlers from other parts of China and Chinese control of the educational system have brought changes to the Tibetan language. The indigenous inhabitants of the Plateau increasingly incorporate Chinese loanwords into everyday conversation and learn neologisms for the discourse of modern life. Tibetans in exile, meanwhile, have adopted loanwords from Hindi or Tamil, as well as English, and the dialects of the two groups are

xlvi • Introduction

drifting farther apart. Tibetan escapees who come to the exile settlements in India often find themselves confronted by unfamiliar terms, and they are immediately recognized as immigrants by their use of Chinese words. Chinese rule has also brought modern printing techniques, and for the first time in history books, newspapers, and magazines are widely available. In pre-invasion Tibet, circulation of books mainly depended on production of manuscripts. Some were copied by hand by scribes, and others were massproduced (on a limited scale by modern standards) by running rollers over wooden tablets with Tibetan letters carved in reverse. Monks involved in this process could turn out multiple copies of works or collections of texts in a relatively short time, and this technology enabled the spread of books throughout the Tibetan cultural area. In some places books are still produced through this method, but increasingly Tibetans are adopting modern techniques and are reproducing documents through electronic means using computers, word processing, and new printing technologies. Since the 1980s, publications of low-cost books on Tibetan history, religion, literature, medicine, and regional topics have proliferated. Who Are the Tibetans? The CTA is engaged in a propaganda campaign designed to counter that of the PRC. This has been remarkably successful in influencing world opinion despite its limited resources. The Ministry of Information in Dharamsala in the Indian state of Himachal Pradesh is the headquarters of the Tibetan exile propaganda effort. It has a small staff and occupies a building in the administrative area in Gangchen Kyishong (the government-in-exile’s secretariat area), between McLeod Ganj and the main bazaar. The exile government website proclaims that the central distinguishing feature of Tibetans is that they are “rtsam pa eaters.”4 One of the other Tibetan definitions of what made a Tibetan was the wearing of leather-soled felt boots, which linked them with the Mongols and other cis-Himalayan groups. This is an obvious attempt to exclude the Chinese, whose main staple is rice. In the early years after the invasion, Chinese officials ordered farmers to shift fields of barley to wheat and rice cultivation, which resulted in massive crop failures. Rice is best suited to lower elevations with abundant water and long, warm growing seasons; it fares poorly in the arid, rocky climate of the Tibetan Plateau. rTsam pa remains the staple of the diet of Tibetans living on the high plains and the alluvial valleys of the central regions, as well as the nomads of the northern reaches and inhabitants of the eastern grasslands, but in lower

Introduction • xlvii

e­ levations significant diversity is found in food products, particularly since the PRC government expanded irrigation and introduced modern farming techniques. But consumption of rtsam pa remains a factor that separates Tibetans from Chinese. Few immigrants from China’s interior provinces are willing to shift from rice to barley, and they also tend to recreate their local cuisines when they settle in Tibet. TIBETAN PREHISTORY, THE IMPERIUM, AND BUDDHISM Tibetan Prehistory and Archeology The earliest extant historical records from Tibet date to the late 8th century, about one and a half centuries after the development of a Tibetan script. A few documents survive from the imperial period, but large gaps remain in our present knowledge of early Tibetan history and society. Several of the earliest known records were discovered in caves in Dunhuang; these date from the early imperial period and provide valuable information about the frequent relocations of the court and the process of enfeoffment through service to the ruler, as well as details of the deeds of some of the major figures of the Imperium.5 In addition, a number of inscriptions commissioned by the emperors that indicate official policy and the ideology of their reigns have been preserved.6 Early Chinese records of contact with inhabitants of the Plateau also survive, including accounts from the Tang dynasty 618–907). Chinese imperial annals discuss armed disputes between Tibet and China, trade relations, and cultural contact. Contemporary Chinese sources attempt to portray China as the main source for the importation of culture and technology into Tibet, but Tibetan accounts emphasize the dominant role of India in shaping Tibet’s early history and its impact on the civilization of the Plateau. Tang dynasty relations between Tibet and China were punctuated by military conflicts, which made for difficult relations, while India developed cordial interactions from an early period, particularly following the conversion of Tibet to Buddhism. The earliest historical accounts come from central Tibet and relate to the reigns of sTag bu gnya’ gzigs and gNam ri slon btsan (late 6th–early 7th centuries). Other early accounts include records produced by prominent Tibetan families such as the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed), dating to the 12th century but based on 9th-century and later documents. They indicate that during the early historical period much of central Tibet was divided among powerful clans, each with its own chieftain. These groups joined in pragmatic alliances, and they often shifted rapidly in times of conflict.

xlviii • Introduction

Archeological investigations in Tibet have yielded some information regarding the region’s prehistory, but the record is sparse. (See the dictionary entry ARCHEOLOGY.) Until recently it was widely assumed that patterns of glaciation at the end of the last ice age would have left most of the Plateau uninhabitable until around 7,000 years ago, but recent discoveries of Neolithic remains have been dated back an estimated 30,000 years. In 2002, two Hong Kong archeologists, David Zhang and S. H. Li, described discoveries of handprints and footprints and a hearth near Chu bzang, at a geothermal site about 85 km (53 mi.) from Lha sa. Other archeologists have found Neolithic tools, including blades and scrapers, as well as hunting implements. Quartz dating places some of these 20,000–30,000 years ago. This suggests that humans inhabited the Plateau from a much earlier date than previously supposed, and the fact that the oldest remains were discovered at geothermal sites explains how people could settle there when geological evidence indicates that much of the region was covered by a thick ice sheet. The geothermal areas probably had exposed soil and could support hunter-gatherer groups. Significant gaps remain in the archeological record, and at present there is no way to determine whether these Neolithic settlements were the precursors to Tibetan civilization or whether other groups migrated to the area at later dates. No testable DNA has so far been found from these early people, and so there is no way to ascertain whether they are the ancestors of modern Tibetans. Other finds have suggested that their progenitors emigrated to the area around 6,000–7,000 years ago, and no links between the Neolithic settlements and later groups have been unearthed. Another important Neolithic site was discovered at mKhar ro (alt. mKhar rub) in Chab mdo district, near the eastern border of the TAR. This has been dated to 3,000 BCE and contains remnants of stone houses and hearths, as well as a wealth of artifacts for cooking and stone tools, various preserved seeds, ornaments, potsherds, and some animal remains. The inhabitants were apparently hunter-gatherers who also practiced agriculture and may have had domesticated pigs. It is not clear how these early people came to the region or whether they had any connection with settlements in central regions of the Plateau. In the mid-20th century, Karl Jettmar discovered rock bruisings in northwest Pakistan containing inscriptions in Tibetan from the imperial period, as well as Scythian-style animals and 8th–12th-century inscriptions in Syriac, Hebrew, Persian, and other languages. Most appear to have been inscribed by merchants. Chinese archeologists have also found ancient petroglyphs in western and northwestern regions of the Plateau, some of which have been dated to 3,000 BCE. There is considerable controversy regarding this,

Introduction • xlix

however, because rock bruisings thought to be among the earliest finds have Buddhist elements such as mchod rten (Skt. stūpa) and Tibetan script, both of which were probably introduced in the 7th century CE. Other important prehistorical sites include the tombs of the kings of the Yar klungs Dynasty. The first of these men were probably local chieftains, but no burial sites have been found for the early rulers. This relates to a legend attested in histories written after the fall of the dynasty that the first kings descended from a celestial realm (gnam) and at the end of their reigns returned by means of a sky rope (dmu thag). Michael Walter argues that the sky rope motif is absent in documents from the early period of the Imperium and thinks that it was probably introduced by Buddhist clerics writing centuries later.7 Beginning in the 7th century, the bodies of the Yar klungs rulers were interred in burial tumuli located in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley in central Tibet. Some of these remain today, but only a few have been excavated. Several have been looted, possibly shortly after the rulers were placed within them. Pieces, maybe from these looted tombs, have turned up in various art markets over the past decades. The largest tomb is the Red Mausoleum (Bang so dmar po), where Srong btsan sgam po was interred, which was probably constructed in 650. The latest tumulus is that of King ’Od srung (843–905 or 847–885). The upper chamber of Srong btsan sgam po’s tomb has been opened to the public and is now a tourist spot that contains statues of the king and his Chinese and Nepalese wives, along with PRC propaganda that claims he was embarrassed by the backwardness of Tibet’s culture and sought to remake his country in the image of “advanced” Tang China. One statue of the king in a kneeling position is garbed in Chinese brocades, indicating his cultural submission to the Tang dynasty and the inferiority he felt after encountering its emissaries. Tibetan Origin Myths Tibetans have a number of myths, some apparently of ancient origin, regarding how humans came to reside on the Tibetan Plateau. One of these asserts that the early settlers were refugees from the war depicted in the Indian epic Mahābhārata, who fled there to escape from enemies. A popular story relates that in the distant past Tibet was covered by water, and after it receded only two residents of the region remained: a rock demoness (brag srin mo; an emanation of sGrol ma) who lived in the mountains of Zo thang near modern-day rTse thang and a monkey who was an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs. sPyan ras gzigs is considered a patron bodhisattva of Tibet and traditional accounts portray him as playing a key role in preparing it for the eventual dissemination of Buddhism.

l • Introduction

His monkey manifestation heard the cries of the demoness, who howled for a mate, and he subsequently copulated with her. The myth of their union claims that the mixed natures of modern Tibetans are a result of the contrasting temperaments of their mythical forebears: Tibetans’ tendencies toward religious devotion and compassion are derived from sPyan ras gzigs, while their unruliness and ferocity are the legacy of the demoness. This story is first attested in works composed after the 10th century, which employ a Buddhist trope by associating the monkey with sPyan ras gzigs and the demoness with sGrol ma. They procreated with the intention that their descendants would be inclined toward religion, and they continued to work behind the scenes to prepare the region for the eventual importation of the Dharma. Some modern Tibetans have claimed that the element of descent from a monkey indicates that ancient Tibetans were aware of the evolution of humans from primates, which implies that they were centuries ahead of Darwin. The Early Tibetan Empire According to the earliest records, the first king of Tibet descended from heaven and later returned there. This was also the pattern of his immediate successors, but later the sacred rope that connected them to their heavenly abode was severed, and from this time the kings had to remain on earth. The legendary first monarch was referred to as Nyag khri btsan po (“King Notch Throne”), which may indicate his place between his father and his son, but some later interpreters thought his name meant “Shoulder Throne” and suggested that his first followers carried him on their shoulders after recognizing his superior abilities and choosing him as their king. The first seven hegemons of the royal line departed for heaven after death and left no remains; this element of the royal mythology suggests their divine origins and was part of the lineage’s assertions of its superior status. The first king who left physical remains was the seventh monarch, Gri gum btsan po, whose name can be interpreted as “King Killed by a Knife.” His biography reports that he was a mighty warrior, but because of his prowess and royal status no one was willing to fight him. He challenged numerous rivals, but all declined, and he became frustrated. He ordered Lo rngam, the keeper of the royal stables, to fight him, but the latter accepted only after the king agreed to let him use his magical weapons, which included a sword that could cut by itself, a javelin that hurled itself, and a coat of mail that molded itself to any body. During the battle Lo rngam severed the cord that linked the king to heaven, after which he died. Supporters of Gri gum btsan po later took revenge on Lo rngam by sending dogs covered with poison to the place where he was celebrating his victory.

Introduction • li

He patted the dogs, and the poison killed him. Rhya mo rhul bzhi khug, one of the two men who had successfully plotted Lo rngam’s demise, then decided to seize power for himself, but members of the bKrags clan opposed his claim. This led to conflict between the most powerful families, but eventually Gri gum btsan po’s son ascended the throne, and, according to legend, he ordered the construction of the first royal burial tumulus. For contemporary Tibetans, legends of the Yar klungs dynasty form an important part of nationalist discourses. Later regimes—particularly that of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682)— invoked images of the early kings in order to assert their authority. The CTA uses legends of the Yar klungs monarchs to bolster its claim that the Chinese takeover was an imperialist action against a sovereign state with ruling traditions dating back to the 6th century CE. Chinese histories portray the Yar klungs kings as merely local hegemons and deny that their dominion extended over large areas of the Plateau. Chinese historians refer to this political entity as “Tubo” 吐蕃 and assert that it was merely a “local government” with no legitimate claim to wider authority. In traditional Tibetan historiography, the line of Yar klungs kings is traced from Nyag khri btsan po and is referred to as “kings of sPu” (sPu rgyal), a term that is now obscure but may refer to their early origins in sPo bo in southeastern Tibet. It is also possible that sPu was a family name.8 The first kings of this lineage ruled an area centered on the Yar klungs Valley in central Tibet, but later generations embarked on a remarkable program of expansion. At its greatest extent, the empire controlled most of the Tibetan Plateau and annexed large regions of neighboring countries through military conquest. The Old Tibetan Annals (the earliest extant account of Tibetan history) reports that in the 6th century sTag bu gnya’ gzigs, the ruler of Yar klungs, became involved in military conflict with sTag skya bo, the ruler of Zing po, near modern Lha sa. The Annals depict sTag skya bo as thoroughly evil and claim that his cruelty led other chieftains to ally against him. sTag bu gnya’ gzigs gathered an army to oppose him, but died before he could attack. His son gNam ri slon btsan continued the fight after first securing alliances with his brother and five other chieftains. His army of 10,000 men destroyed sTag skya bo’s fortress. The tyrant was killed and his allies dispersed, which left a power vacuum in central Tibet. This was filled by the Yar klungs ruler, whose authority now extended over much of central Tibet and to the west as far as rKong po. The growing power of the Yar klungs king (btsan po) motivated other lords to cast their lots with him, and he gradually extended his influence into areas of gTsang to the west. At this time he was the most powerful member of an alliance of chieftains, and his continued dominance depended on their allegiance. Marriage played a key role in forging relationships between the

lii • Introduction

clans but, because each had its own individual interests, it was an unstable coalition, which soon began to disintegrate. gNam ri slon btsan was poisoned around 618, and his son Srong btsan sgam po inherited his position. During gNam ri slon btsan’s reign Chinese culture began to penetrate into Tibet, particularly the lore of divination and medicine. During the Chinese Sui dynasty (581–618) a Tibetan delegation was received at the royal court. Under Srong btsan sgam po, contacts with Tibet’s neighbors increased, and for the first time Tibetan rulers sought brides from nearby states. Traditional histories report that Srong btsan sgam po first married the Nepalese princess Bhṛkutī and that Wencheng was his second wife. He also married three Tibetan women of aristocratic families. When a Tibetan emissary first proposed a marriage alliance with the Tang, this was dismissed condescendingly by the Chinese, which infuriated Srong btsan. In 638 his armies defeated the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷渾), an Altaic people allied with the Tang. The Tibetan force then encroached on Chinese territory. In 640 the Tang emperor Taizong 唐太宗 (599–649) realized that he could not defeat the Tibetans, and the minister mGar sTong btsan yul zung was dispatched to the Tang capital of Chang’an. Chinese accounts deny that any coercion was involved and portray his acceptance of the marriage proposal as a clever stratagem to draw the bellicose Tibetans into a familial alliance and use Wencheng as a conduit for the importation of superior Chinese culture to Tibet, which would undermine their warlike tendencies and make them aware of the utter superiority of China. mGar reported that he was treated as an uncouth barbarian and snubbed by most of the Chinese he met. But after a period of negotiation during which he defeated all opposition with his quick wit and cunning, he managed to secure the marriage. Modern Chinese historians regard Srong btsan’s marriage to Wencheng as the beginning point of Tibet’s eventual incorporation into China. Wencheng and her retainers are portrayed as cultural missionaries dedicated to transforming the backward Tibetans in the image of China, and they are credited with introducing a range of technologies and improved farming techniques. Srong btsan sgam po is depicted as a backward local hegemon besotted by the grandeur of his culturally advanced neighbor who slavishly imitated its dress and sought to remake his country in China’s image. Traditional Tibetan histories—written by Buddhist monks intent on glorifying Buddhism—depict Srong btsan and his two foreign wives as emanations of buddhas. The trio consciously worked in concert to import Buddhism and thus complete the work begun by the monkey emanation of sPyan ras gzigs in the distant past. The Old Tibetan Annals—written before Buddhism began to influence the composition of Tibetan histories—portray him as a clever strategist who skillfully regained the allegiance of his father’s former allies and then began a program of conquest against neighboring states.

Introduction • liii

After his forces defeated the ’A zha, he subsequently marched against Zhang zhung. His sister Sad mar kar was given in marriage to Zhang zhung’s king, Lig myi rhya (alt. Lig myi rgya), but she schemed against him and complained to Srong btsan about the way he treated her. This led to a breakdown in relations, and Srong btsan dispatched an army that destroyed Lig myi rhya’s fortress and killed him. After adding Zhang zhung to his expanding realm, Srong btsan controlled most of the Tibetan Plateau, and with this power base his successors were able to forge a large empire. The conquest of the ’A zha led the Tang emperor to recognize that Tibet posed a threat to his borders, and the Tang Annals (Ch. Tang Shu 唐書) state that in 634 the two neighbors engaged in a military conflict, the first of many. These records report numerous battles, but the Chinese are uniformly depicted as victorious. Imperial mythology mandated that the emperor’s armies always triumph, and accounts by his historians claim massive Tibetan losses. If one were to add up the numbers of reported casualties, they would probably have depopulated the entire Tibetan Plateau several times over. Another interesting aspect of these works is that after a glorious victory and slaughter of Tibetan forces the next battle often took place further back in Chinese territory. The Tang records may be significantly biased, but they provide useful information regarding times and places of battles, and reading between the lines makes clear that the balance of victory was in the Tibetans’ favor. The Tang Annals also contain the first mention of Wencheng as a cultural ambassador and claim that “[since] Princess Wencheng went and civilized this country, many of their customs have been changed.”9 Wencheng reportedly brought with her a statue of the Buddha as a young prince, referred to as Jo bo Rin po che. Contemporaneous records, however, have little to say about Wencheng. She arrived as a young girl, and her husband died within a few years. Despite the imaginings of contemporary Chinese fantasies, she produced no heirs, was marginalized for the remainder of her life, and exerted little impact on events of the time.10 Although later Tibetan histories and modern Chinese accounts report that Wencheng traveled to Tibet and married Srong btsan sgam po, records from the time indicate that she was dispatched to marry his son, the crown prince Gung srong gung btsan. Srong btsan abdicated in favor of his son, but Gung srong died in 646, following which Srong btsan again took power. He then married Wencheng, but they had no children, and with her husband’s passing her influence in the Tibetan court apparently came to an end. Following his return to the throne, Srong btsan’s armies continued their conquests. The kingdom of Nepal (a small state that controlled the Kathmandu Valley) became a vassal, and a military party penetrated the Indian subcontinent as far south as Tirhut in modern Bihār state. Later histories portray Srong btsan as a brilliant military commander and credit him with

liv • Introduction

sponsoring the creation of a Tibetan script, with decisively establishing Buddhism in the country, and with promulgating a legal code that remained the basis of the Tibetan legal system until the PRC overthrew the government of the Dalai Lama in the 1950s. Although later histories depict Srong btsan sgam po as a manifestation of sPyan ras gzigs devoted to the establishment and spread of Buddhism, there is little evidence of religiosity in records from the early period. Inscriptions from the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) state that he sponsored the construction of Buddhist temples and imply that he supported Buddhism, but no evidence from the early period survives that might suggest his level of commitment to the Dharma. Later histories assert that he was buried according to the rites of Bon, and one account states that when a favored general died he ordered the slaughter of 100 horses to commemorate his victories.11 Had the king really been a manifestation of the bodhisattva of compassion (or even a committed Buddhist), presumably he would have conceived a more humane alternative.12 Srong btsan was succeeded by his grandson Mang slon mang btsan (650– 676; r. 663–676), who shared his enthusiasm for military conquest. Mang slon’s armies moved into the Tarim Basin in modern Xinjiang province, which was an important part of the Silk Road, a trade corridor linking China with South Asia. The Tang emperor sent troops to oppose the Tibetans, but by 670 Mang slon’s army had defeated the Western Turks and controlled several of the major oasis cities, including Kashgar and Khotan. Ruins of Tibetan forts from this time can still be seen in Miran.13 Despite his military success, he lost effective control of the expanding empire to the mGar clan. As the empire expanded, increased territory and revenues from plunder required expanded administration. After Tibetan troops conquered regions once under Chinese control, a new office, “Commissioner of Pacification” (bDe blon), was created, and a communication system involving horse relays developed to maintain the flow of information from the frontier to the central government. Records of the time indicate that despite the nominal sovereignty of the btsan po, during the later half of the 7th century the mGar clan held the real power, and its members were placed in most of the influential positions in government and administration. Their dominance increased following the death of Mang slon mang btsan in 676. His son ’Dus srong (r. 677–704) succeeded him, but was really a puppet of the mGar in his early years. As an adult ’Dus srong led his army against the mGar and slaughtered them, but he died in modern-day Yunnan in 704 while leading a military expedition there. ’Dus srong’s eldest son, Lha bal po, succeeded him, but he was deposed after a few months, and his mother seized power. She placed Lha bal po’s

Introduction • lv

one-year-old brother rGyal gtsug ru on the throne and ruled in his name. In 712 he was crowned Khri lDe gtsug btsan, and he reigned until some of his ministers deposed him in 755. In 710 he married the Chinese princess Jincheng 金成 (d. 739). Like her aunt Wencheng, she was accompanied by a coterie of retainers, and modern Chinese histories credit her with continuing Wencheng’s missionary efforts to transform Tibet in the image of Tang China. She is depicted as a devout Buddhist in traditional histories, and the Statement of sBa indicates that she introduced Chinese funeral rites. The Early Propagation of Buddhism

Contemporary Chinese histories claim that Tibet’s major cultural contacts during this time were with the Tang, but the actual situation was complex. The trade routes through Central Asia were coveted by the three largest empires of the time: China, Tibet, and the Arabs. Incursions into the Tarim Basin and conquest of Silk Road oases brought Tibet into contact with Indic Buddhist culture, and this set the stage for the importation of Buddhism, for which India was the main source. During the early propagation (snga dar) a number of Chinese Buddhist masters gained followings in Tibet, and traditional sources report that a decisive debate between factions championing Chinese and Indian Buddhism respectively was held in Lha sa or bSam yas in the 9th century, which resulted in the defeat of the Chinese and an imperial declaration that their doctrine was heretical. The religious allegiances of Srong btsan sgam po and his immediate successors may have been unclear, but the second “religious king” Khri Srong lde btsan left inscriptions reporting his support of Buddhism and expended considerable energy and resources in promoting it. Despite his stated religious sentiments, he oversaw renewed territorial expansion by Tibet’s armies. In 763 Tibetan forces conquered the Chinese capital Chang’an and forced the emperor to flee, following which a puppet (an uncle of Jincheng) was installed. China was made to pay a yearly indemnity to Tibet. As part of his efforts to promote Buddhism, Khri Srong lde btsan sponsored the Indian scholar-monk Śāntarakṣita to travel to Tibet and preach the Dharma, but natural disasters that occurred at the time were interpreted by some members of the court as an indication of the displeasure of Tibet’s demons. Śāntarakṣita was forced to leave the country, but before he did he advised the king to invite the tantric master Padmasambhava to subdue the supernatural enemies of Buddhism. When Padmasambhava neared the border, the demons massed against him, and he retreated to a cave, where he meditated on Phyag na rdo rje (Skt. Vajrapāṇi). This enabled him to subdue

lvi • Introduction

all opposition, and each defeated demon offered up its “life force” (bla). Padmasambhava spared them in exchange for a vow that they would henceforth become protectors of the Dharma. After his victory, Padmasambhava traveled to central Tibet, where he advised Khri Srong lde btsan to bring back Śāntarakṣita. The three subsequently founded Tibet’s first monastery, bSam yas (ca. 779), which still stands today in the Yar klungs Valley. Soon the first seven monastic novices were ordained, and this is regarded as the definitive establishment of Buddhism in Tibet. The king ordered that each monk would be supported by seven families, effectively creating a tax to ensure the propagation of the religion. With royal support and a guaranteed revenue base, Buddhism expanded rapidly; more monasteries were erected, new ordinands took vows, and increasing numbers of Tibetans came to identify themselves as Buddhists. But this expansion placed significant strains on the country’s revenue. Even with the plunder that came in from conquered territories, Tibet was a land with a small population and limited resources. Some of the families ordered to support monks did so willingly, but others opposed Buddhism’s importation, and they resented being forced to part with a portion of their incomes to fund it. Despite his success against Tibet’s demons, Padmasambhava subsequently fell out of favor and was forced to leave after powerful figures in the aristocracy became angry at his close association with the king. Together with his consort Ye shes mtsho rgyal, he traveled all over the Tibetan Plateau and interred “hidden treasures” (gter ma), which included texts intended for future audiences and religious artifacts. These were placed under spells that ensured that only a particular preordained “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) could locate them. After completing this aspect of his mission, he traveled to the southern island of Cāmaradvīpa (Tib. rNga yab gling). He will remain there until the present eon ends, but his legacy remains in the Tibetan Plateau: according to tradition, every inch of its territory contains hidden treasures, which will be discovered at the proper time and will serve to enhance the practice of Buddhism. Religious Controversy

Padmasambhava and Śāntarakṣita represent the two major aspects of the Buddhism that was imported from India. Śāntarakṣita was a product of the north Indian monastic universities and was deeply versed in philosophy and scholasticism. Padmasambhava was an itinerant tantric master who operated outside the constraints of institutions, who was renowned for his charisma and magical abilities. These two strands continue to influence Tibetan Buddhism up to the present day, and particular orders tend to

Introduction • lvii

emphasize one or the other.14 The dGe lugs pa and Sa skya pa have strong traditions of scholasticism and oral dialectical debate, and many of their most influential figures are renowned for their learning and their writings, but at the same time both maintain long-standing lineages of tantric practices, and their luminaries include a number of saints regarded as highly realized tantrics. The rNying ma and bKa’ brgyud orders trace themselves back to Indian adepts (grub thob; Skt. siddha), including Padmasambhava (particularly revered by the rNying ma pa), Nāropa, and Tilopa (claimed by the bKa’ brgyud pa as early masters of their tradition). The latter two orders also boast outstanding scholars, and many of the greatest figures of Tibetan Buddhism combine learning and meditative practice. The importation of Buddhism from India also gave Tibet access to an advanced civilization, and along with religious learning the Tibetans appropriated Indian technology, science, and information regarding medicine, architecture, music, poetry, drama, and linguistics. Buddhist texts were systematically copied and translation bureaus were established to create Tibetan versions. These bureaus generally consisted of bilingual Tibetans, Indian masters, and scribes. Standardized lexicons were created, many of which scholars still use today. A system evolved for rendering Sanskrit works into Tibetan. Some terms were translated phonetically, while in many cases Tibetan neologisms were coined that conveyed some sense of their meaning and connotations.15 Like the monastic universities of northern India, Tibetan Buddhist institutions began to establish large libraries, which contained copies of Sanskrit texts along with a growing corpus of Tibetan translations. As Tibetans became more confident in their understanding of the Dharma, they created an indigenous literature, which both commented upon and expanded the teachings of the imported faith. Histories written during the later propagation (phyi dar) report that Buddhism’s expansion corresponded with diminished fortunes for Bon. In traditional Tibetan histories, composed by Buddhist clerics, Bon functions as the obstinate opposition and is linked with Tibet’s demons. The bon po priests are cast in the role of obstructive reactionaries who held to their false doctrines and evil rites, and anything that made the spread of Buddhism even remotely difficult is attributed to the malign actions of Bon. The Bon pos are accused of plagiarizing Buddhist scriptures and substituting Bon terminology, and claiming them as their own; as punishment adherents of the religion were banished from central Tibet and had to reestablish themselves in peripheral regions. Bon chroniclers describe the importation of Buddhism and its establishment as the state religion as a catastrophe, and they claim that their predecessors were the true original adherents of Dharma who were wrongfully displaced

lviii • Introduction

by interlopers practicing a foreign faith. They claim that Buddhism is a bastardized form of the religion brought to Tibet by sTon pa gshen rab, the legendary founder of Bon. The texts of the Buddhist canon are really of Bon origin, and Buddhist histories are profoundly erroneous. Despite its setbacks, Bon was preserved in regions outside the control of the central government, and it remains a minority tradition today, both in Tibet and neighboring areas and among exiles. Its period of greatest literary and philosophical development was during the 14th century, when it attempted to situate itself as the “authentic” voice of Tibetan religion at a time when Tibet’s autonomy and customs were endangered by foreign powers. During Khri Srong lde btsan’s reign the empire continued to expand, and from 786 to 848 the Central Asian oasis town of Dunhuang, the meeting point of the northern and southern trade routes through the Tarim Basin, came under Tibetan control. This also created a meeting point for Tibetan and Chinese culture, and a large library of texts in both languages was stored in caves during this time. These were later sealed and forgotten, but were rediscovered by the Chinese sacristan who lived there and purchased by European explorers in 1900 and afterward. When the chambers were opened, they yielded a trove of manuscripts that includes the earliest documents now available regarding Tibetan history. The Debate of bSam yas Increased contact with Chinese cultural areas also prompted missionaries to travel to Tibet to spread their doctrines. One of these was the Chan master Hwa shang Ma ha ya na (Ch. Heshang Moheyan 和尚摩訶衍), who reportedly attracted a large following. His practice emphasized direct, immediate awakening and contrasted with the mainstream Indian Mahāyāna paradigm of gradual progress toward buddhahood involving elimination of mental afflictions and cultivation of the qualities of buddhas, including generosity, ethics, patience, effort, meditative concentration, and wisdom. Moheyan taught that buddhahood is innate to all beings and that its actualization can occur at any moment, in a flash of insight that involves an existential response to one’s fundamental buddha nature. Proponents of Indian models opposed this teaching, and traditional narratives report that the king sponsored a debate. Tibetan accounts claim that the Indian side, led by Śāntarakṣita’s disciple Kamalaśīla, emerged victorious and that the king declared Chinese Buddhism heretical. Moheyan and his teachings were banned, and his faction left in disgrace.

Introduction • lix

Chinese dossiers of the debate report that the Chinese side was victorious, but that the Chinese delegates were so upset by the degeneration of the Dharma in Tibet that several committed suicide. This version is obviously suspect, because if they had won the contest they would presumably have felt vindicated and would have freedom to spread their doctrines, and so they would be elated and not suicidal. Recent scholarship has called a number of aspects of the traditional accounts into question, and Luis Gómez (1983a) has persuasively argued that the traditional story of a one-time, winner-take-all debate is improbable on the basis of available evidence. The purported dossiers of the “debate” show little understanding of the rival position by either side, and core doctrines of each of the opponents are not even mentioned. Later historians may have constructed the story of a single, decisive debate as a conclusion to a period of dissemination and discussion between rival Buddhist schools in Tibet in which Indic models emerged victorious. Whether or not the details are accurate—and even if the “debate” never occurred at all—Tibetan Buddhists accepted the accounts of traditional histories as veridical, and the lesson they drew from them was that Chinese schools are false and that India is the source of true Dharma. This conclusion was so well established during this period that in the decisive “later propagation” of Buddhism to Tibet there was no question that India would be the sole provider. Intrigues at the Center Khri Srong lde btsan was succeeded by his eldest son, Mu ne btsan po (786–803; r. 802–803), also reportedly a devout Buddhist. He instituted religious festivals still practiced today, and he is also credited with an early experiment with a form of proto-communism. He lamented the inequalities between his rich and poor subjects, and to rectify them he ordered that all wealth would be evenly distributed. Within a year, the poor had returned to their destitute state, while the wealthy had become even richer. The king attempted redistribution of wealth two more times, with the same results. Mu ne btsan po died after being poisoned by his mother, Tshe spong bza’, who, according to later Tibetan histories, was an adherent of Bon and resented her son’s patronage of Buddhism. Khri lDe srong btsan (r. ca. 799–815), his youngest brother, succeeded him as king. During his tenure the Tibetan empire was apparently relatively stable, despite the intrigues in central Tibet and the untimely demise of several monarchs. A system of administrative outposts had been established, and the various territories

lx • Introduction

were ordered into districts. Communications traveled from the center to the frontiers and back again, and the administrators were largely unaffected by court intrigues. Khri lDe srong btsan and his successors continued to support Buddhism, and royal patronage reached its apogee during the tenure of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836). He was a devout Buddhist who depleted the royal coffers in order to construct monasteries and support monks and their activities. Demise of the Empire Despite their religious commitments, the Buddhist monarchs of the Yar klungs dynasty continued to pursue military expansion of their empire. By the dynasty’s end, Tibet controlled much of modern Xinjiang, including several important oasis cities of the Silk Road. Tibet also controlled the Gansu Corridor, an important nexus of trade, and for a time these conquests cut off China’s lines of communication between the eastern and western parts of its empire. Tibet viewed a marriage alliance between the Uyghur Turks and Tang China as a sign that the two states were allying against it, and this precipitated large-scale military conflict between the three imperial powers. Beginning in 821 a series of treaties was negotiated between Tibet, China, and Uyghur chieftains.16 An accord between China and Tibet was commemorated on stone steles erected in Lha sa, with bilingual inscriptions proclaiming an “uncle-nephew” (dbon zhang) relationship. The inscription delineates a settled border and mandates that neither side would send its armies to the frontier region. Contemporary Tibetan exile historians cite this inscription as evidence of a long-standing and well-established border, as well as proof that Tibet was an independent state that entered into treaties with other countries, including China. This agreement brought Tibet’s outward expansion to a close, and also eliminated sources of possible additional revenue.17 At the same time, the king was expending imperial resources on the propagation of Buddhism, which created a financial crisis at the center. Some of his ministers decided to assassinate him, and following his death his brother U’i dum brtan— better known in traditional accounts as gLang dar ma (“Dar ma the Ox”; r. 838–842)—succeeded him on the throne. Buddhist historians portray gLang dar ma as a supporter of Bon who persecuted Buddhism. He withdrew royal patronage from Buddhist establishments and ordered monks and nuns to return to lay life. He is credited with a harsh persecution of Buddhism, but

Introduction • lxi

accounts of the time indicate that his crimes were more connected with loss of revenue than active suppression. Records from the early period paint a very different picture: he is said to have built monasteries and is even credited with composing Buddhist texts.18 He was assassinated by a Buddhist monk named dPal kyi rdo rje. Tibetan histories agree that gLang dar ma’s assassination led to a fight for power at the center of the empire, but no contestant or party was able to seize the throne and hold it. As Matthew Kapstein has persuasively argued, another factor was probably the decline in revenues resulting from a halt to expansion, coupled with the excessive largesse of previous rulers on Buddhist activities.19 The Tibetan empire needed new territories to maintain its income, and following the treaties of 821–823 it was forced to stay within the borders of that time. The territories that previous regimes had conquered required administrators and military garrisons to hold them, but their surplus wealth had already been largely expropriated. The demise of the Yar klungs empire was probably due to this loss of revenue, along with a combination of instability at the center, debilitating intrigues, and assassinations, both attempted and successful. The religious conflicts at the core of Buddhist histories may have played some role, but the main reasons for the empire’s collapse probably had more to do with economic factors and the difficulties of maintaining a large empire and keeping restive conquered populations under control. The ongoing instability in the capital exacerbated these factors. In the absence of a person or faction with sufficient authority to take control, parts of the empire were divided among local hegemons. Rival clans carved out spheres of influence, and their leaders often gave themselves the title of btsan po and claimed descent from the Yar klungs kings. Later Tibetan histories indicate that the empire collapsed suddenly after gLang dar ma’s assassination, but accounts of the time give the impression that the empire’s demise was more gradual. His son ’Od srung assumed the throne, and he resumed the practice of imperial patronage of Buddhism. He sponsored the construction of some temples, but it appears that with the end of expansion the coffers had been largely emptied. The lack of new sources of plunder, coupled with past excess in support of economically nonproductive religious activities, was probably a major factor in the demise of the Yar klungs state. The northeast province was the first section to break away, which allowed China to reestablish control over the Gansu Corridor. During the next few decades local hegemons seized many other former parts of the Yar klungs empire, and by the 10th century the process of balkanization was complete. For the next several centuries, no person or faction had the ability to control the Tibetan Plateau.

lxii • Introduction

POLITICAL INSTABILITY AND THE RESTORATION OF A CENTRAL GOVERNMENT The Kingdom of Gu ge During the 9th century rival clans vied for power and territory. Some managed to carve out stable dominions and established lines of succession. One of these was the kingdom of Gu ge, ruled by kings who claimed descent from the Yar klungs btsan pos. Several of them were Buddhists who sponsored religious activities, and Buddhism was an important factor in royal legitimization. During the 9th–10th centuries Buddhism continued to expand throughout the Tibetan Plateau and into neighboring regions. Buddhist monks often played political roles, and in some cases their activities were conjoined with missionary work. Tibetan Buddhists traveled into China and Mongolia, and pilgrims visited India until the demise of Buddhism on the subcontinent after the 13th century. Tibetans studied at north Indian monastic universities, and Indian teachers traveled to Tibet. Tibetan Buddhists also established centers in Central Asia, and later in China. Several sites in China became important pilgrimage destinations for Tibetans, including Wutai shan 五台山 (Tib. Ri bo rtse lnga), which still has a number of Tibetan Buddhist monasteries. Among these is one of two institutions in China in which Tibetan and Chinese monks collectively practice a Tibetan form of Buddhism (the other is in Chengdu). Tibetan missionaries also traveled to Mongolia and successfully converted some of the leaders of Mongol factions. These missionizing activities and the creation of political networks between Tibetans and their neighbors led to ongoing cultural contacts, as well as trade and exchange of technology. Over the next several centuries, Tibet became an increasingly important nexus for religious activities, and its cultural influence eventually spread into much of Central Asia, parts of China, large areas of northern India and Nepal, Bhutan, Sikkim, La dwags, Zangs dkar, Russia, and Mongolia. The impact of Tibetan culture and religion is particularly remarkable in light of the small population of the Plateau and its geographical boundaries, which include the world’s highest mountains, vast empty plains, and open grasslands that separated traditional Tibet from the centers of Chinese culture and its southern neighbors. Until the fifth Dalai Lama brought a unified leadership to most of the Tibetan Plateau in the 17th century, most of the area was divided among local chieftains. For short periods several regimes established dominions, but with the demise of each of these the region became fragmented again. During the 13th century Tibet was annexed to the Mongol empire, which at its greatest

Introduction • lxiii

extent stretched from Poland to the Pacific Ocean and incorporated much of Asia. After its demise, kings controlled portions of central and western Tibet for short dynastic periods. Traditional Tibetan accounts describe the period beginning with the collapse of the Yar klungs empire as the “time of fragmentation” (sil bu’i dus). They highlight the rise of the kingdom of Gu ge as one of the few positive developments of the time, mainly because its rulers sponsored Buddhism. In Buddhist narratives, Gu ge is conceived as a bastion of the Dharma in Tibet, but the religion continued to thrive in a number of other places. Some monasteries in eastern Tibet maintained Vinaya lineages following the collapse of the central government, and these played a major role at the beginning of the “later propagation” in the 10th–11th centuries. Sa skya scholar bSod nams rtse mo (1142–1182) reported that a group of Tibetan and Chinese monks who maintained their monastic ordination traveled to central Tibet in the 10th century, and their arrival is considered an important early precursor for the decisive final establishment of Buddhism. Tibetan historians portray ’Od srung’s son dPal ’khor btsan (r. 905–910) as a Buddhist monarch who sponsored the construction of several temples. Two of his sons, Khri bKra shis rtseg pa dpal and sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon (r. ca. 900–930), moved to western parts of the defunct empire and established kingdoms. The former brother’s realm was in the western part of gTsang, and the latter established a kingdom in the far western reaches of mNga’ ris. sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon had three sons, each of whom inherited a part of his father’s realm. The eldest, dPal gyi mgon (r. ca. 930–960), became the ruler of Mar yul, which included La dwags, and established a lineage that continued to rule the area from its headquarters in Leh until the Dogra invasion of 1842. This resulted in the area’s incorporation to the Dogra state and led to its contemporary status as a union territory of India. sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon’s youngest son, lDe gtsug mgon (fl. ca. 10th century), founded the royal line of Gung thang in Mang yul, near present-day western Nepal, which continued through the 17th century. bKra shis mgon (fl. late 10th century), the second son, established the kingdom of Gu ge, which would later become a major player in the second dissemination of Buddhism. His son Khri dPal srong lde (ca. 959–1036) inherited the throne, and he attempted to recreate the traditions of the early empire. He was a committed Buddhist, and after abdicating became a monk. He received the ordination name Ye shes ’od, by which he is best known. Ye shes ’od and his descendants built Buddhist temples and sponsored translations of texts. One important monastery founded by Ye shes ’od was Ta pho, located in the Indian state of Himachal Pradesh, noted for its outstanding mural and sculptural art, much of which was influenced by Kashmiri styles.20 Ye shes ’od was also committed to reforming Buddhism, which

lxiv • Introduction

he believed had degenerated after the collapse of the Yar klungs dynasty. In a famous poem, he characterized many of the Buddhists of his time as hypocrites who claimed to be followers of the Great Vehicle while really pursuing selfish interests. He stated that many tantrics who violated monastic vows or transgressed Buddhist moral codes claiming that superior esoteric commitments (which involved sexual activities and violence) superseded them were merely charlatans with no true religious inclinations. Traditional histories report that as part of his program to reform Buddhism he sponsored the translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) to travel to India with 21 other young Tibetans, but records from the time suggest that Rin chen bzang po made his way to Kashmir on his own. He later became one of the most proficient translators of Indian texts, and his corpus includes medical works as well as tantric literature. A popular biography of Ye shes ’od recounts that he sought to raise money to bring the Bengali master Atiśa (982–1054) to Tibet to revive the Dharma, but during his fundraising campaign he was captured by the Turkic Qarluq chieftain, who offered to return him in exchange for his weight in gold. From his prison cell Ye shes ’od advised his family to refuse and instead use the money on Atiśa’s visit. Some traditional sources report that the great scholar preferred to remain in India and not make the difficult journey to the remote land of Tibet. He prayed to Tārā, his tutelary deity, who told him that if he went to Tibet his life would be significantly shortened. He was delighted that Tārā seemed to be advising against accepting the invitation, but then she added that if he were to make the sacrifice it would promote the Dharma and lead to the conversion of countless beings. As a Mahāyānist, Atiśa realized that his religious commitments required him to embrace this opportunity to help others. An early biography of Rin chen bzang po states that Ye shes ’od died of illness, and records of the time indicate that ’Od lde (r. 1024–1037), one of his successors, was captured by the Qarluqs and died in their custody. His demise may have been conflated with Ye shes ’od’s work to promote Buddhism in later accounts. Ye shes ’od’s two sons both followed his example and became monks, and so his brother ’Khor re (ca. 967–1040) inherited the throne. He had three sons, the youngest of whom, Lha lde (r. 996–1024), succeeded him. Lha lde also produced three sons: the eldest, ’Od lde, ascended the throne after him, and the other two, Yong srong lde (d. 1111) and bKra shis ’od (984–1078), became monks. Their respective ordination names were Zhi ba ’od and Byang chub ’od. The latter successfully persuaded Atiśa to undertake a missionary journey to Tibet, and, according to traditional accounts, the great master arrived in 1042.

Introduction • lxv

In later records, particularly those by dGe lugs pa historians (for whom Atiśa is conceived as the Indian progenitor of their tradition), he is portrayed as almost singlehandedly reestablishing Buddhism in Tibet and is the leading figure of the later propagation. He is credited with the composition of several influential works, most importantly Lamp for the Path to Awakening (Bodhipatha-pradīpa), reportedly written as an introduction to the Dharma for Tibetans. As Ronald Davidson has pointed out, however, accounts from this period suggest that Atiśa was in fact a relatively minor player, and by the time he arrived a number of influential figures had been working to revive Buddhism for almost a century.21 The rulers of Gu ge played a central role in maintaining Buddhism in the period following the collapse of the early dynasty. They conceived of themselves as heirs to its traditions and worked to continue the system of royal patronage of religious activities. Gu ge remained an independent kingdom until 1630, when it was incorporated into La dwags. Shortly before this, in 1624, a Portuguese mission led by Antonio d’Andrade (1580–1634) arrived and spent several years there. This was one of several missionary efforts by Europeans, but it had little success. In 1642 the Mongol chieftain Gushri Khan (1582–1655) invaded the region and conquered Gu ge, along with Nepal. In 1685 Gu ge became part of a new Tibetan state, and the last member of its imperial line, bLo bzang padma bkra shis sde (1676–1743), moved to Lha sa in 1692. He spent the remainder of his life there. Tibet and the Mongols The Sa skya order rose to political prominence during the 13th century when the Mongols annexed Tibet to their rapidly expanding empire. As Mongol armies neared the region, emissaries from their leader, Godan Khan, came to Tibet demanding that the country submit to Mongol overlordship. There was still no central government, and many of the most powerful leaders were religious figures. One of these, Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), was deputized to travel to Liangzhou to accede to the khan’s demand that Tibet become part of his empire. Traditional histories report that Tibetan submission to the Mongols began with Sa skya Paṇḍita’s visit, but this actually occurred about a decade later following an attack on Tibet by Mönke Khan (ca. 1208–1259) in 1252. This led to formal incorporation of Tibet. The Mongol chieftains offered to leave Tibet under Tibetan control as an autonomous region of the empire, and in exchange the hierarchs of Sa skya would send chaplains to the Mongol court. The first of these was Sa

lxvi • Introduction

skya Paṇḍita’s nephew ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280), who accompanied him on his journey to Liangzhou and who remained behind after he returned. Traditional histories report this as a mutually agreeable arrangement based on the newly arisen religious convictions of the Mongol leaders, but records of the time indicate that ’Phags pa was a hostage whose residence with the Mongols was arranged to ensure Tibetan compliance with the terms of surrender. This was a common tactic of the Mongols, but during his stay ’Phags pa made good use of his time and gradually rose in prominence and influence. He was named “Imperial Preceptor” (Ch. Dishi 帝師; Tib. Ti shrī), and he formed a particularly close relationship with Khubilai Khan (1215–1294). The two formalized a “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship, which would continue as a motif in contacts between Tibetan and Chinese governments until the overthrow of the last imperial dynasty of China in 1912. ’Phags pa gave tantric initiations to Khubilai; this consecration set a precedent for later ceremonies Tibetan lamas performed for their Mongol royal patrons. In exchange the khan designated ’Phags pa as regent over the 13 myriarchies of central Tibet and gTsang, as well as western Tibet, A mdo, and Khams. Tibet’s incorporation into the Mongol empire marks the beginning of its history as an integral part of China, according to modern Chinese histories. They claim that the Mongols were one of many ethnic groups in China, bound by ties of solidarity for millennia, and that their empire was one of several examples of one people temporarily gaining supremacy within the greater sphere of the Middle Kingdom. This narrative contains a number of flaws, but PRC publications acknowledge none. One important problem is that the Mongols regarded themselves as a separate people and saw China as a foreign country. At the time of Tibet’s accession, the Mongols had not yet conquered China and were engaged in military conflicts at various points along China’s border. Accounts of the time certainly do not regard the Mongols as a minority people who belonged within the Middle Kingdom’s united family of ethnicities. The Mongols were a feared barbarian force that China resisted with every means at its disposal, and when it fell it became one of many conquered territories in an already substantial empire. Mongol armies overran Poland and Lithuania in Europe, and their territory stretched across Asia to the Pacific. Tibet was annexed about 50 years before China, and when Mongol power waned in the 14th century Tibet regained its independence. The Mongol period played an important part in later developments in Tibetan history. Religious and personal connections between Mongol hierarchs and Tibetan religious figures helped pave the way for missionizing in Mongolia by Buddhist prelates, who converted large portions of the

Introduction • lxvii

region to Tibetan Buddhism over the course of centuries in two major phases of proselytizing activity. It also forged relationships that led to Mongol hegemons playing significant roles in Tibetan politics, including Gushri Khan’s intervention in the 17th century that placed the fifth Dalai Lama in charge of a government that ruled most of the Tibetan Plateau. Developments in Tibetan Buddhism The bKa’ gdams pa order was the first of the new schools founded during the period of Buddhism’s renaissance in Tibet. The rNying ma pa (“Old School”) traces itself back to Padmasambhava and the dissemination of Buddhism during the Yar klungs dynasty. It follows translations prepared during this period, but also incorporates subsequent developments from India, particularly the later tantric systems. As Buddhism became more established, institutionalized forms were imported, mainly from the north Indian monastic centers, along with tantric traditions associated with charismatic figures like Tilopa, Nāropa, and Virūpa. Tibetans traveled to India to study with renowned masters, and some were able to cash in their spiritual capital and become wealthy and powerful. An example of this trend was Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), who studied with ’Brog mi but later fell out with him, apparently largely due to the exorbitant fees he charged. But Mar pa gained some important knowledge from ’Brog mi, including linguistic skills and information regarding where to find the tantric masters who continued the lineages of the great tantric adepts. Their lore had become highly marketable in Tibet, and Mar pa made several trips to India, during which he was able to persuade some of these teachers to grant him advanced teachings and initiations. Traditional accounts indicate that he was a student of Nāropa and Maitripa, but recent scholarship has cast doubt on this. He may not have met Nāropa in person, but he received the teachings of the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (Nā ro chos drug), which are now practiced in all orders of Tibetan Buddhism and particularly associated with the bKa’ brgyud pa (“Instruction Lineage”). bKa’ brgyud is one of the three “New Orders” (gSar ma), along with Sa skya and dGe lugs. The latter inherited the tradition of Atiśa and grew from humble beginnings to become the largest and most powerful school of Tibetan Buddhism. Following the lead of Tsong kha pa, the dGe lugs pa became renowned early on for high-level scholarship, strict adherence to the monastic code and the meditative accomplishments of their masters. One of their most important contributions to Buddhism is the system of “stages of the path” (lam rim), a graduated path to buddhahood that begins with elements of the

lxviii • Introduction

sūtras and advances to tantric techniques. The Sa skya pa also excelled in scholarship and produced a number of famed meditators. The most important aspect of their system is called “path together with its result” (lam ’bras), a comprehensive vision of the path that begins with basic techniques and builds on these through progressively more profound levels of accomplishment. Its philosophical basis is the notion of the “inseparability of cyclic existence and nirvana” (’khor ’das dbyer med) as articulated in the Hevajra-tantra. One of the most important religious developments of the 11th century was a growing tendency to recognize certain children as the reincarnations of deceased masters. This probably began as an informal designation, but eventually became one of the most influential institutional aspects of Tibetan Buddhism. It is based on a convergence of the needs of a tradition that valorizes celibacy but seeks to maintain stable succession and pass on religious lore and core tenets. The doctrines of karma and rebirth are fundamental to all orders of Tibetan Buddhism; they hold that a person’s volitional actions produce concordant effects and that future births are shaped by past moral decisions. Mahāyāna has the added element of the bodhisattva doctrine, which valorizes heroic practitioners who strive for buddhahood in order to benefit others. They are motivated by compassion, and as they progress on the path they gain greater wisdom and power. At advanced levels they can consciously choose their rebirth situations in order to be of maximum benefit, and other adepts can recognize them. These ideas converged in the Tibetan system of reincarnating lamas (sprul sku; pronounced tülku; Skt. nirmāṇa-kāya). Beginning around the 11th century, Tibetan Buddhists began identifying children as reincarnations. The first formally established lineage was that of the rGyal dbang Karma pas, and the idea soon caught on throughout the Tibetan cultural area. The developed system of reincarnating lamas involved testing children born soon after the death of a particular lama, and those who demonstrated intelligence and religious aptitude were designated as their heirs. This system ensured that intelligent children would enter Buddhist orders and that they could be trained from an early age in the elaborate cultic and scholastic knowledge of a particular system. This allowed celibate monks to effectively reproduce themselves (in a sense they became their own fathers) and their lore and provided an institutional base for the continuation of their systems. The reincarnations inherited both the reputations and estates of their predecessors, and the most prominent ones attracted donations and followers from all over the area influenced by Tibetan Buddhism. The system proved to be so successful that reincarnational lineages proliferated. The PRC government has passed legislation that requires any lama wishing to reincarnate to obtain permission from a government official (who is not a Buddhist and does not believe in reincarnation). Only those who f­ ollow

Introduction • lxix

the official channels are allowed to reincarnate, and the PRC has declared that lamas recognized outside of its territory are not authentic. The Chinese government claims sole authority to administer the system, and the absurdity of the avowedly antireligious Chinese Communist Party (CCP) playing the leading role in a tradition it denounces as “feudal superstition” is obvious. Nonetheless, PRC officials continue to force Tibetans to pay lip service to their authority in religious matters, but privately few regard this as valid. The Aftermath of the Mongol Period During the 14th century Mongol power began to wane, and the Sa skya pa regents were displaced by the Phag mo gru pa, who were affiliated with the bKa’ brgyud pa sect. Ta’i si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364; r. 1354–1364) was an administrator in the Sa skya bureaucracy who was placed in charge of the Phag mo gru pa estates, which he rescued from insolvency. He oversaw a turnaround in fortunes for his domain, but later fell out with the Sa skya pa hierarchs when they ruled against him in a land dispute. This escalated into open war, and Byang chub rgyal mtshan suffered some early setbacks, including capture and imprisonment. He persevered, and in 1350 managed to displace the Sa skya pa and gain control over central Tibet. The Mongol emperor Toghon Temür (1320–1370) accepted the fait accompli of power transfer and in 1354 named him “Ta’i si tu” (chief minister), which designated him as overlord of Tibet, a position passed on to his heirs. Byang chub rgyal mtshan applied the principles of administration that had enabled him to reverse the fortunes of Phag mo gru. He instituted a new legal code and reorganized the administration of the country. He created a system of forts (rdzong), each of which had an appointed governor (rdzong dpon) who served a three-year term. With the fall of the Mongol Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) and the establishment of the Ming dynasty in 1368, Chinese interest in Tibet waned, and the Phag mo gru pa ruled the country with little interference but maintained ceremonial contacts. The Ming rulers conferred official seals and titles on Tibet’s influential figures, both political and religious, but they had little real interest in the remote frontier region and mainly saw their patronage as a way to maintain positive contacts with a people who enjoyed good relations with the still dangerous Mongols. Many Tibetan monasteries dispatched emissaries to the Ming court to pay tribute to the emperor, but in reality this was a system of bribery in which people from the frontier would give him inexpensive gifts from their regions and in exchange receive valuable products of central China, such as porcelains, silks, and gold.

lxx • Introduction

The Phag mo gru pa period was a time of good governance, according to accounts of the time, and the regime generously sponsored religious figures and their activities. They continued to rule through the 15th century, but clashes between rival factions eroded Phag mo gru pa authority and led to their demise. Following the reign of Mi dbang Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374– 1432; r. 1385–1432), his nephew Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448) laid claim to the throne based on established precedents of succession. His father, Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan, however, sought to take power for himself, and soon various factions aligned themselves with one of the two rivals. Armed conflicts broke out in 1434, described in chronicles of the time as the “great tiger year turmoil” (stag lo sde gzar chen po). Grags pa ’byung gnas’ claim was eventually upheld, but Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan received additional estates, and the precedent demonstrated the weakness of the Phag mo gru pa, who ruled as “first among equals” and required the allegiance of their subordinate regents to maintain their dominion. During these conflicts the Ming court stayed on the sidelines and conferred official recognition and titles on whomever came out on top. The conflict over succession emboldened members of the sGer clan, who claimed descent from the Yar klungs emperors of the 7th century. Early in the 15th century, sGer Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan was given the estate of Rin spungs, and his son Nam mkha’ rgyal po inherited it in 1416. It became the power base for the clan, who increasingly contested the authority of the Phag mo gru pa hierarchs. In 1435 sGer forces took bSam grub rtse (later renamed gZhis ka rtse), and by the end of the 15th century their power rivaled that of their former masters. Several marriage alliances failed to quell the growing hostilities between the two factions. The Rin spungs pa eventually emerged victorious, but their rule was weakened by factionalism. Local officials in gTsang overthrew the last Rin spungs ruler in 1565, and the gTsang kings (sde pa) became the most powerful force in central Tibetan politics. They were closely affiliated with the Karma bKa’ brgyud order. Rise of the dGe lugs pa In 1518 the Phag mo gru pa ruler granted bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543– 1588, the third Dalai Lama), an estate near ’Bras spungs called dGa’ ldan pho brang, which later became the seat of the fifth Dalai Lama’s government. dGa’ ldan pho brang remained the official designation of the Tibetan government until its abolition by the Chinese in 1959. In 1578 bSod nams rgya mtsho traveled to Altan Khan’s (1507–1583) camp near Kokonor, and the two agreed to establish a “patron-recipient” relationship.

Introduction • lxxi

Mongol leaders sought the legitimization that prominent Buddhist clerics could confer, and the lamas needed the financial resources powerful leaders like Altan could provide, as well as military assistance against their enemies. During his stay bSod nams rgya mtsho was given the title “Tā la’i bla ma” (“Ocean Lama”), which would remain one of the official designations of his successors.22 Every Dalai Lama since then has been given a name at the time of investiture that includes the Tibetan word rGya mtsho, which also means “Ocean.” Altan Khan received a title from bSod nams rgya mtsho, “Religious King, Brahmā among Gods” (Chos kyi rgyal po lha’i tshangs pa). In the early 17th century, the gTsang king Karma bsTan skyong (1606– 1642; r. 1620–1642) began to move against the growing power of the dGe lugs pa in central Tibet and ordered the closure of several of their monasteries. In 1617 monks from the dGe lugs pa monasteries Se ra and ’Bras spungs joined an army of 2,000 soldiers of the Khalkha Mongols and marched against the gTsang kings, but they were defeated. The gTsang pa sacked the monasteries and exiled the monks. In 1618 the 10th Karma pa hierarch, Chos dbyings rdo rje (1604–1674), was officially installed as the head of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order, and he retained the traditional close ties with the gTsang pa kings. He was named supreme religious leader of Tibet, and following this the dGe lugs pa suffered further persecution. The fifth Dalai Lama, hoping to reverse the fortunes of his sect, sought help from the Mongol chieftain Gushri. Although the Mongols had divided into rival factions and lacked the solidarity and military might that had enabled them to conquer a vast empire, they remained a powerful force. From the time of the recognition of the fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), among the family of Altan Khan, the dGe lugs pa had enjoyed close relations with several Mongol factions. bSod nams rab brtan, one of the fifth Dalai Lama’s retainers, traveled to Kokonor in 1619 and raised an army of 2,000 Mongolian soldiers, who marched into central Tibet in 1621. They defeated the king of gTsang, but following this the rulers in gTsang sought military assistance from other Mongol tribes, the Chahars and Khalkhas. The dGe lugs pa, faced with a formidable force that sought their extermination, convinced Gushri to send his army to their defense. Gushri, the leader of the powerful Khoshuut tribe of the Oirat Mongols, saw an opportunity to exert influence in central Tibet and gain power over rival Mongol factions. Gushri Khan was given the title “Upholder of the Doctrine, King of Dharma” (bsTan ’dzin chos kyi rgyal po) by the fifth Dalai Lama, and he subsequently spent several months of each year in central Tibet. He gave the 13 myriarchies of central Tibet to the Dalai Lama, but declared himself king of Tibet. This title passed to his descendants until the death of Lhazang Khan in 1717.

lxxii • Introduction

Gushri Khan’s intervention may have saved the dGe lugs pa from extinction, and it placed them at the top of the political hierarchy in central Tibet. But it also established a pattern of inherent instability that would underlie subsequent governments. From the time of the fifth Dalai Lama until the flight of the 14th Dalai Lama in 1959, no Tibetan government was able to rule without either active or tacit military support from outside. As Buddhist monks, the Dalai Lamas were reluctant to direct military actions, but they were more than willing to let others do their fighting for them. Tibetan history is punctuated by invasions by external forces, and because Tibet failed to develop an indigenous force sufficient to repel determined invaders, its leaders have had to rely on foreign powers with hegemonic motives to safeguard their borders. In several cases Chinese regiments were dispatched to defend Tibet against aggression, and the Tibetans conceived this aid as a gift freely given by the emperor, who was portrayed as an incarnation of the bodhisattva ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). Mañjuśrī personifies wisdom, and Avalokiteśvara is the bodhisattva of compassion. In traditional Tibetan imaginings, the Dalai Lamas as emanations of Avalokiteśvara shared a religious bond with China’s rulers, and they convinced themselves that when the emperor came to their aid it was due to shared religious commitments. But when Chinese rulers sent their militaries to Tibet’s aid, they proclaimed this as an indication of their sovereignty over the region. Neither side apparently understood the other’s perspective, and when China began publicly proclaiming that Tibet was part of its territory, the Tibetan government chose to ignore this. When requests for military aid came from the Dalai Lama’s government, the Chinese were willing to provide it in order to maintain stability on their borders. The fundamental weakness of the Tibetan government and its inability to defend itself from aggression allowed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to march virtually unopposed from the eastern part of the Plateau to Lha sa in 1950. Beginning with the fifth Dalai Lama, the system of the Tibetan government was termed “religion and politics combined” (chos srid gnyis ldan). The administration consisted of monastic and lay officials, and these two groups were represented in the construction of the Po ta la. The parts with red paint on the exterior were the domain of monks, while the parts painted white housed lay officials. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho soon consolidated control over most of Tibet and began developing contacts with neighboring countries. He recognized that the Ming dynasty was collapsing and that the Manchus were the emerging power in the region, and so he cultivated relationships with their leaders. The Manchu Qing dynasty (1644–1912) overthrew the last Ming ruler and moved its capital to Beijing. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho traveled to the court of the new Qing emperor Shunzhi

Introduction • lxxiii

順治 (1638–1661) in 1652. The two rulers exchanged official titles and established a formal relationship. The Sixth Dalai Lama By the 17th century the system of reincarnating lamas was well established in Tibet. Most monasteries established lineages, and today every order has a hierarchy ranging from tülkus who are influential throughout the Tibetan cultural area to others of merely local provenance. The system was well suited to the environment of institutional monasticism because it ensured that cultic practices and scholastic learning would be passed on from generation to generation, along with property and estates. After the fifth Dalai Lama came to power with the help of Gushri Khan’s armies, from this point until 1959 he and his successors were at least nominally the heads of state in Tibet. With the fifth Dalai Lama’s passing, however, a significant flaw became apparent in the application of a monastic institution to the political realm: following Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’s death, his regent, Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), successfully hid this fact for several years. He announced that the Dalai Lama was in long-term meditative retreat and could not be disturbed, and Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho ruled in his name. He reportedly feared that if the Dalai Lama’s death became publicly known this would destabilize the government and derail the construction of the Po ta la. The regent realized that the ruler’s death created a power vacuum at the center, one that could not be filled until a successor was identified. Even then, the child would require education and could not assume political authority until he had reached maturity. The problem of the interregnum period between the death of one Dalai Lama and the investiture of his successor with political authority continued to destabilize Tibetan politics into the modern period. During the interregnums the country was ruled by regents (sde srid, generally referred to as rgyal tshab during this period) who exercised dictatorial power during their stewardship, but then were sidelined when a new Dalai Lama was enthroned. This situation was ripe for intrigue and abuse, and some Dalai Lamas may have been killed while they were still young in order to prevent them from assuming power. The sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), was enthroned only at the age of 12, and by that time he had developed his own personality, one that was ill suited to the traditional monastic role expected of him. He renounced his vows and left the Po ta la for an apartment in Zhol, the enclave below it. He devoted himself to drinking, composing erotic poetry, and affairs with women, but in spite of

lxxiv • Introduction

his carnal indulgences he was accepted as the legitimate successor to Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho was deposed by Lhazang Khan, kidnapped, and spirited out of the capital. He died during his journey, and it was widely rumored that he was poisoned. Lhazang Khan denounced him as a false Dalai Lama, but this was rejected by Tibetans, who began searching for his rebirth as soon as his death was announced.

INTRIGUES, INVASIONS, AND INDEPENDENCE Challenges to the Rule of the Dalai Lamas The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), was born near Li thang in Khams, and he soon came into conflict with Lhazang Khan, who had declared himself “King of Tibet” and installed a puppet Dalai Lama. A minister named Nor bu dngos grub advised bsKal bzang rgya mtsho to go into hiding, and he emerged only after Lhazang left central Tibet. The Mongol prince of Kokonor, Baatur Taiji, arranged for bsKal bzang rgya mtsho to be moved to safety to A mdo. Because Lhazang still controlled Lha sa, the boy was raised at sKu ’bum in the far eastern part of the Tibetan Plateau. In 1717 Zunghar Mongol forces invaded central Tibet and defeated Lhazang’s armies, but they looted and pillaged and earned the enmity of Tibetans. Their victory, however, allowed combined Manchu and Tibetan regiments to defeat Lhazang and depose the false Dalai Lama. The seventh Dalai Lama arrived at the Po ta la in 1720, but because he was still young and the situation was highly unstable he was not immediately enthroned, and instead devoted himself to his studies. In the early 18th century, Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747) seized power in central Tibet. The Qing rulers were upset by this development but in the end accepted his claim to rule. The Dalai Lama was forced to move to a monastery in Khams and was not allowed back into Lha sa until 1735. Pho lha nas stipulated that he could play no political role and should confine himself to religious pursuits. Pho lha nas died in 1747 and was succeeded by his son ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (r. 1747–1750). He was assassinated by the representatives of the Manchu court in Tibet (am ban). This sparked riots against Manchus, which prompted the newly installed Qianlong emperor 乾 隆帝 (1711–1799) to intervene. The remaining members of ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s faction were suppressed and the Dalai Lama was installed as ruler, albeit with the proviso that he shared equal authority with the am bans. He began his leadership role at the age of 43, after a lifetime spent in study and

Introduction • lxxv

religious pursuits, but despite his lack of experience proved to be an able ruler. An important innovation he instituted was the creation of a cabinet, the bKa’ shag, which played an advisory role. He died in 1757, and the sixth De mo hu thog tu, ’Jam dpal bde legs rgya mtsho (1723–1777), was appointed regent. The eighth Dalai Lama, ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804), was born in gTsang. While he was still a young boy, armies from Gorkha in presentday Nepal invaded Tibet under the pretext of a currency dispute. The Qing emperor sent a force to resist them, and the Gorkhas were routed. The Qing army marched to the outskirts of Kathmandu and forced the Gorkha ruler to surrender, following which the region became a tributary of the Qing. Qianlong instituted a series of reforms in 1792, one of which was a decree that henceforth tülkus would not be chosen according to the traditional method; instead, lots with the names of candidates written on them would be placed in a golden urn, and the boy whose name was drawn would inherit the position of the deceased lama. The Tibetans resented this interference in their religious affairs and refused to use the urn, but the am bans sent messages to the Qing court asserting that the emperor’s orders were being followed. This situation allowed both sides to save face. The Tibetans continued to select tülkus according to established procedure, and they allowed the Manchu representatives to preserve imperial dignity. But the PRC claims that the urn lottery became the established method for selection of reincarnations and uses this as a precedent for its interference in Tibetan religious matters. The eighth Dalai Lama showed little interest in state affairs and mainly devoted himself to religious activities. He served a tenure of only three years as official ruler of Tibet and died at the age of 47. During most of the 19th century Tibet was effectively ruled by regents, although the Dalai Lamas were the nominal heads of state. The next three Dalai Lamas—Lung rtogs rgya mtsho (1806–1815), mKhas grub rgya mtsho (1838–1856), and ’Phrin las rgya mtsho (1856–1875)—all died young. It is widely believed among Tibetans that they were murdered by regents or their subordinates—or by Chinese agents who wished to create a climate of instability in Tibet—but to date no firm evidence has emerged to support these theories. After the Qing government’s direct intervention in Tibet in the 18th century, it only sporadically showed any concern with this remote frontier region. As long as Tibet was stable and posed no threat to the periphery of their empire, the Qing monarchs were content to leave Tibetans to run their own affairs. The first Opium War with Great Britain (1839–1842) exposed China’s military weakness, and from that time it lacked the power to play anything beyond a symbolic role in Tibet. Titles were still conferred on Tibetan leaders, and the am bans remained in Lha sa with a small military contingent, but they had no real authority. When the Dogras attacked western Tibet in 1841, the

lxxvi • Introduction

Dalai Lama sought help from the Qing government, but it was too weak to provide assistance. Fortunately for the Tibetans, the Dogras were defeated by the Tibetan winter, which depleted their forces and allowed a much smaller Tibetan militia to drive them from its territory. The Qing dynasty was further weakened by the Taiping Rebellion (1850– 1864), and China also suffered from several natural disasters. When Gorkha forces invaded Tibet in 1855, the Qing were unable to provide any military aid, and the Tibetan government was forced to pay reparations. The depleted coffers of the dGa’ ldan pho brang were insufficient to cover them, and the Tibetans were forced to secure a loan from the treasury of Sichuan. These conflicts with hostile neighbors, the weakening of the Qing, and its waning ability to influence Tibetan affairs prompted Tibet to become increasingly insular. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), came to power during a time of increased danger for Tibet. His country was the coveted prize of the “Great Game,” in which Britain, Russia, and China vied for influence in what all perceived as a strategically important region. During this time China effectively lost any real influence in Tibet. In 1901 Agvan Dorjiev (1854–1938)—a Russian Mongol who had become a Tibetan Buddhist monk and studied at ’Bras spungs Monastery near Lha sa—traveled to Russia with a letter from the Dalai Lama to Czar Nicholas II that offered to open friendly relations between the two countries. This greatly alarmed the British, who overreacted to what they perceived as a Russian threat. British officials in India attempted to counteract this by expanding trade relations in Tibet and asked the Qing government for permission. They were informed that China had no real influence in Tibet, but subsequent attempts to deal directly with the Tibetan government were largely ignored. In 1903, prompted by a growing fear of (vastly exaggerated) Russian ambitions in the region, a military mission led by Col. Francis Younghusband (1863– 1942) was dispatched to Tibet to force the Dalai Lama’s government to agree to regularize trade relations with Britain. Younghusband marched toward rGyal rtse, where he met resistance from poorly armed militias. The Tibetan defenders wore amulets given to them by lamas, which they believed would protect them from British bullets, and they confidently attacked the invaders. The result was a slaughter, and this scenario was repeated several more times. By the time Younghusband reached the capital, the Dalai Lama had fled to Outer Mongolia with Dorjiev, and Younghusband spent several frustrating months attempting to find a high-ranking official with whom he could negotiate. Fearing that the expedition would end in humiliating failure, he managed to coerce Tibetan officials to sign a memorandum, which was later known as the Anglo-Tibetan Convention. The CTA cites this as a clear precedent for

Introduction • lxxvii

Tibet’s sovereign status. The government of Tibet negotiated directly with the government of Great Britain, and China was effectively sidelined. The pact was later repudiated by the British Parliament, which reaffirmed an ambiguous Chinese “suzerainty” over Tibet. After realizing that the Russian government had no intention of helping Tibet, the Dalai Lama moved to A mdo and then visited Wutai shan. The Qing government, angered by his negotiations with foreign powers, declared that his official titles had been rescinded, including that of Dalai Lama. This was an empty gesture, and the Tibetans ignored it. He was summoned to the Qing court in 1908 and had an unpleasant meeting with Emperor Guangxu 光 绪 (1871–1908). Guangxu reiterated China’s claim to sovereignty over Tibet and demanded that the am ban or the Chinese government handle any future negotiations with foreign countries. The Dalai Lama, however, decided that there was no longer any reason to continue relations with China. He informed the emperor that he was the king of Tibet and that his country would pursue an independent polity. In 1910, General Zhao Erfeng 赵尔豊 (1845–1911)—whom the Qing government had appointed military commander for Tibet—decided to assert his authority by launching an invasion. He razed and looted monasteries and killed many people; he came to be known as “Zhao the Butcher,” and his actions negatively affected Tibetan perceptions of China. As his troops marched toward Lha sa, the Dalai Lama again fled, this time to British India. He was warmly received by several British officials. The Chinese government again stripped him of his titles, and the experience convinced him that Britain offered a better prospect for friendly relations than did China. The Qing dynasty collapsed in 1912, and the Tibetan government severed its ties with China. Tibet declared itself an independent country, and Chinese nationals were expelled. In 1912 the Dalai Lama returned, and he initiated a program of modernization and reform. He moved to upgrade the military and began importing British rifles. In 1913, representatives of Tibet, Britain, and China met in Simla and negotiated an agreement. It stipulated that “Outer Tibet” (the central regions, roughly corresponding to the TAR) was an autonomous entity, but it also reaffirmed Chinese “suzerainty.” One stipulation prevented China from attempting to convert Tibet into a Chinese province. Ivan Chen, the Chinese representative, initialed the accord, but later refused to affix his official seal. The Dalai Lama’s travails and his journeys in foreign countries had made him aware of Tibet’s isolation and its technological backwardness. He attempted to modernize his country and ordered the establishment of banks, postal and telegraph systems, and modern schools. An English-language school was created in rGyal rtse and a number of wealthy Tibetans traveled

lxxviii • Introduction

for schooling in England. Capital punishment was abolished, as was punishment by physical mutilation. Slaughter of animals was also banned. Many of these injunctions were not always followed in practice, however. Following his death in 1933 his efforts at reform and upgrading of the military were largely scuttled by conservative elements—particularly the leaders of the large monasteries—who feared that change might undermine their power. He had foreseen the danger China would pose in the future and warned his fellow Tibetans, but few understood how profoundly the world had changed during the period of isolation. The Republican government of China attempted to maintain the fiction of Chinese overlordship, but the Tibetans ignored its proclamations. Chiang Kai-shek 蔣介石 (1887–1975) sent a letter to the Dalai Lama inviting Tibet to voluntarily accept status as a part of China, but this was politely rebuffed. At this time much of China was effectively controlled by warlords, and the Republican regime only ruled an area around its capital of Nanjing. It continued to assert authority over the vast territories of the Qing dynasty, but lacked the military muscle to act on these pretensions. The Sino-Japanese War, which began in 1931, further weakened the government. The 14th Dalai Lama and the PRC Invasion The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), was born during a time of increasing danger for Tibet. The Communists, led by Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976), overthrew the Nationalist government in 1947. Following the declaration of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, Mao set his sights on reconquering parts of former empires that had become independent, including Tibet. In a radio broadcast in 1949, one of the goals of the People’s Liberation Army for the coming year was declared to be the “liberation” of Tibet from foreign imperialists. This puzzled the Tibetans who were listening because only a handful of foreigners lived in the country, and none had influence in the government. On the eve of the invasion, Mao convened a meeting with his generals, during which he admitted that China had no intelligence on Tibet. Since Tibet’s declaration of independence and the expulsion of Chinese nationals, few had been allowed to travel in the country, and Tibet had functioned as an independent state. Despite this, China continued to proclaim its sovereignty in international forums, and the Tibetans, who were woefully inept and inexperienced in international affairs, failed to recognize the immanent danger they faced. Another important factor in Tibet’s subsequent defeat and annexation by China was its archaic and poorly trained military. A few rifles and some field

Introduction • lxxix

artillery had been purchased from the British during the 13th Dalai Lama’s time, but Tibet’s troops lacked effective training and were mostly under the command of aristocrats with no military background and little stomach for fighting. One of these, Nga phod Ngag dbang ’jigs med (1910–2009), was in charge of Tibet’s eastern defenses, and when Chinese troops approached he surrendered without a fight, and later became a collaborator. In the early years following the 14th Dalai Lama’s recognition, the government was under the control of Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes (1911–1947), whose tenure was marked by corruption and abuse of power. He favored his own monastery and gave it lucrative government contracts, and he also had sexual relations with both men and women. When the time came for the young Dalai Lama to be given monastic vows in 1941, Rwa sgreng Rin po che suddenly and unexpectedly resigned. Melvyn Goldstein speculates that this may have been the result of a crisis of legitimacy: because he had broken his own vows, he could not rightfully bestow ordination on someone else, and if he had done so the Dalai Lama’s initiation would have been void according to the dictates of the Vinaya.23 He convinced his teacher, sTag brag Rin po che (1874–1952), a widely respected senior monk, to assume the position of regent, and apparently believed that he would be returned to power. sTag brag Rin po che, however, had other ideas. He began to reform the administration and purged the government of people loyal to Rwa sgreng Rin po che, who soon realized that his teacher had no intention of allowing him to regain his former position. In 1947 Rwa sgreng plotted a coup d’état and planned an assassination. sTag brag Rin po che may have been warned, and he failed to arrive at the festival where the murder was to take place. Rwa sgreng’s supporters then sent him a parcel bomb, but it was exploded before sTag brag saw it. The plot was uncovered and Rwa sgreng was arrested. This led to armed conflict between government forces and monks from Se ra Monastery; 200–300 monks were killed. Rwa sgreng died while in custody in 1947, and he may have been poisoned. When Chinese forces encroached on its eastern borders in 1950, Tibet was unable to mount any effective defense. The gNas chung and dGa’ gdong oracles demanded that the Dalai Lama be invested with power, even though he was only 15 years old. An enthronement ceremony was hastily arranged. The Tibetan government dispatched emissaries to seek allies, but found none. India, which had inherited the British territories of the subcontinent, was committed to a policy of friendship with China, which Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru pursued until China invaded his country in 1962. The United Nations declined to consider the case of a country that was not a member state, and the United States, which was Tibet’s main hope, was busy with a war on the Korean Peninsula.

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In 1951 a group of Tibetan delegates traveled to Beijing in response to a Chinese demand that Tibet negotiate its incorporation into China. When they arrived they were presented with a document that outlined the Communists’ conditions. This is referred to in China as the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.”24 It declared that Tibet has always been part of China and that it was to return to the “big family of the Motherland.” It also promised that Tibet’s religious and cultural traditions would not be altered and that the Dalai Lama’s government would continue to have authority over local matters. The Chinese officials made clear from the beginning that this was not a negotiation: if the Tibetans failed to accede to their terms, the PRC threatened all-out war. The Tibetan delegation had no authority to sign such an agreement and arrived without the official seals required for ratification, and so the Chinese manufactured seals and forced the delegates to affix them to the document. Some reasoned that if the Tibetan government disagreed with the provisions it could repudiate it, and so they bowed to Chinese pressure. When word reached Lha sa of the conditions of the agreement, the Dalai Lama and the bKa’ shag were shocked at the harsh provisions, but decided that they had no hope of obtaining a better deal with the Chinese and had no allies who might intervene on their behalf. The Chinese government soon dispatched officials, who set up a parallel government. The dGa’ ldan pho brang continued to function, but the Chinese gradually marginalized it. In 1959 matters came to a head; the flashpoint was an invitation by a Chinese general to the Dalai Lama to attend a theatrical performance on 10 March. Ominously, he was ordered to come alone, with no bodyguards, and rumors soon spread that the Chinese planned to kidnap him. A crowd of tens of thousands of Tibetans soon gathered outside the summer palace, the Nor bu gling ka, in order to prevent his abduction. This turned into an anti-China riot. Chinese soldiers—who had been assured that they would be greeted as liberators by the populace and believed that the Tibetans were a minority group that had always revered their “Han big brothers and sisters”— were shocked to hear angry crowds shouting: “Han go home!” The situation was exacerbated by an estimated 50,000 refugees living in and around Lha sa who had fled Khams and A mdo, which had earlier been incorporated into neighboring Chinese provinces and subjected to harsh repression. The populace in the east was forced into communes, and private property was confiscated. Monasteries were emptied of monks and then looted. Some monasteries were bombed from the air. These measures led to the creation of a resistance movement, Chu bzhi sgang drug (“Four Rivers, Six Ranges”). As the citizens of central Tibet learned of Chinese repression in the east, they became aware that it was only a matter of time before the relatively cautious approach Mao was pursuing would end and be replaced by the implementation of more vigorous Communist changes to their way of life.

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A tense standoff ensued, and on 17 March the Chinese military began to advance on Lha sa. The state oracle advised the Dalai Lama to flee. That night, dressed as a soldier, he was taken by guerillas from Khams across the sKyid chu River in a boat, and then he rode on horseback to the Indian border. On 30 March he was granted asylum in India, and he was soon followed by tens of thousands of fellow Tibetans. The Indian government offered to let them settle in Dharamsala, a former British hill station in Himachal Pradesh, and later provided tracts of land in the southern state of Karnataka for the bulk of the refugees. In Tibet discontent grew over increasingly draconian measures by the Chinese conquerors, and the Paṇ chen bLa ma, the most senior religious leader to remain, expressed his disappointment in a petition to Mao. This was suppressed, and all known copies were destroyed. He was imprisoned as a “reactionary” and released only in 1978. He resumed his criticism of Chinese policies and died under mysterious circumstances in 1987. The Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) was a time of intense repression, during which the Communists imposed their revolutionary program on Tibet and attempted to eradicate its traditional culture, religion, and way of life. As a result of Chinese policies of confiscating agricultural products and shipping them to China, hundreds of thousands perished in Tibet, and tens of thousands more died as a result of torture or military actions against suspected “reactionaries.” The CTA, on the basis of reports by refugees, estimates that 1.2 million Tibetans perished during the early years of Chinese occupation, but these figures are probably inflated. There is no doubt, however, that the Chinese occupation resulted in massive loss of life and widespread destruction. The Chinese continued their assault on Tibetan culture and either destroyed or badly damaged thousands of monasteries and religious sites. Of the more than 7,000 religious structures that existed at the beginning of the occupation, only a handful remained undamaged at the end of the Cultural Revolution. The resistance movement in eastern Tibet gained recruits and was briefly sponsored by the Central Intelligence Agency. Guerillas were secretly flown to a base in Colorado and given insurgency training and supplies, and then dropped behind Chinese borders. Tensions and Rebellions Following Mao’s death, a slight lessening of repression occurred in Tibet, and this was further enhanced during the tenure of Party Secretary Hu Yaobang 胡耀邦 (1915–1989). Hu traveled to Tibet in 1980 and was reportedly appalled by the living conditions of the Tibetans. Reports from cadres in the region routinely proclaimed that they were prospering and

lxxxii • Introduction

happy, but this was far from the reality. Hu embarked on a program of economic assistance and relaxed some of the repressive measures of his predecessors, but in 1987–1989 the Tibetan Plateau erupted in widespread demonstrations against Chinese rule, which gave hard-liners in Beijing a basis for denouncing Hu’s moderate measures. He was ousted from power, and Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 (1942–), the premier of Tibet, imposed martial law. His repression of the “ungrateful” Tibetans brought him to the attention of CCP hard-liners and was an important element of his later ascent to power in Beijing. Qiao Shi 乔石 (1924–2015), the PRC’s security chief, described the Chinese policy toward recalcitrant Tibetans as “merciless repression,”25 a phrase that human rights groups seized on as an unintendedly candid assessment of the situation. The PRC’s meddling in religious affairs has been an ongoing source of tension for Tibetans under its rule and with the CTA. The most significant episode in this ongoing drama was the PRC’s decision in 1995 to reject the Dalai Lama’s designation of a five-year-old boy named dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) as the successor to the 10th Paṇ chen bla ma, the second most influential tülku in the dGe lugs pa order. The PRC arrested the boy and his family, and they have not been seen since. They may have been killed, or they could be in a military detention compound in China. International human rights groups, the Red Cross, and a number of government bodies have requested access to the prisoners, but the PRC has never agreed. From time to time official announcements proclaim that they are living comfortably. Some even state that dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma resides in Tibet, but this is clearly false. If the Paṇ chen bla ma were anywhere in the Tibetan cultural area, there would be no way to hide this fact for long. Following the boy’s disappearance, Chinese authorities forced a group of Tibetan religious leaders to designate another child, named rGyal mtshan nor bu (1990–), the son of Communist Party cadres, as the “true” Paṇ chen. A closed enthronement ceremony was staged. This was attended by highranking officials of the CCP and was closely guarded by a large military contingent. Since that time his movements have been tightly controlled, and he is seldom allowed to visit Tibet. By all accounts he is prevented from studying Buddhism, and so even if he wished to play a leading role as a teacher, he lacks the basic knowledge to do so. He is paraded in front of cameras and parrots the current Party line, consisting of platitudes about religious freedom and unity of nationalities, but it is difficult to imagine any Tibetan Buddhist taking seriously the Chinese government’s claim that he is a legitimate tülku (particularly given the fact that the CCP has never declared that he inherited the recincarnated consciousness of his predecessor, which for Tibetans is the crucial element of tülku succession).

Introduction • lxxxiii

The pervasive military presence in Tibet during the 1990s stifled largescale dissent, and most demonstrations were suppressed before they could reach symbolically significant sites such as the Bar skor in Lha sa. Nonetheless, Tibetan discontent is obvious to most visitors, and sporadic protests punctuate the repression throughout the region. Others vote with their feet: every year until the PLA took effective control of the Nepal border in the 2000s, between 1,000 and 4,000 Tibetans risked their lives crossing some of the world’s highest passes in order to escape Chinese rule. Tibetan parents sent their children to study in the schools set up by the exile government in India so that they could learn their language and preserve their culture, but this is now virtually impossible. The deep dissatisfaction Tibetans have felt was evident during the protests that began in March 2008, in commemoration of the 1959 uprising. Tens of thousands of Tibetans of all ages and from all walks of life took to the streets, and as in the past the PRC responded with repression followed by a propaganda barrage. The situation in Tibet remains tense, and the region has been flooded by heavily armed Chinese troops. Increasing numbers of refugees attempt to escape, while the PRC proclaims that the situation is stable and that Tibetans are happy. In the immediate aftermath of the demonstrations, a number of Tibetans were paraded in front of television cameras and forced to mouth coerced “confessions.” Sham trials were held, and the verdicts were sometimes announced before their conclusion. Some Tibetans were executed, and hundreds more have been imprisoned or disappeared. These measures are designed to subdue the Tibetans, but as in the past they are likely to sow the seeds of future unrest. The PRC blamed the uprising on the sinister machinations of the Dalai Lama and the Dalai Clique (Ch. Dalai Jituan 达赖集团, an international cabal headed by the Dalai Lama and the CTA that includes foreign governments with secret plans for undermining China and well-meaning but deluded foreign supporters of the “Free Tibet” movement) and claimed to have “irrefutable evidence” to this effect. To date none has been shared with the international community. Talks were held with representatives of the CTA and some low-ranking PRC officials, but as in the past the latter were not remotely interested in serious negotiations regarding the “Tibet issue.” The Dalai Lama subsequently declared that he saw no reason for further discussion and in 2011 sent a letter to the bKa’ shag requesting official permission to retire from his political functions. This was reluctantly accepted, but he continues to travel the world and perform religious ceremonies, and he gives lectures to large audiences several times every year. The election of bLo bzang seng ge (1968–) as the CTA’s prime minister (bka’ blon khri pa; the title was later changed to srid skyong) in 2011 was a

lxxxiv • Introduction

significant event for Tibetan exiles. He is a legal scholar trained at Harvard University who was born in Darjeeling and raised in the exile community. He has never set foot in Tibet, but Tibetan exiles from all over the world overwhelmingly endorsed his plans for the future and gave him a substantial mandate to initiate policy changes in how the exile government relates to the PRC. It remains to be seen what if any effect his tenure might have on relations with China. One looming point of contention relates to the Dalai Lama’s successor: the PRC has repeatedly declared its intention to use its puppet Paṇ chen bla ma to choose bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho’s successor after his passing, but he has made clear he will not be reborn in an area under Chinese control. He has made a number of statements to the effect that he and other tülkus have sole authority to determine the places and circumstances of their reincarnations, and he has suggested that his successor might be female, which prompted outraged responses from PRC officials. In 2019 he made a public declaration to the effect that the reincarnation system is a Tibetan invention and a relic of Tibet’s feudal past. It has no legitimization in Indian precedents and should be abolished. Despite his efforts to forestall PRC moves to control his succession, it seems inevitable that religious leaders in exile will follow the traditional procedures and appoint a child as his reincarnation and that the PRC will move forward with its anointment of a rival claimant and then force Tibetans under its control to pay verbal allegiance to its actions. This will affect China’s relations with its Tibetan subjects and with foreign governments and will undoubtedly create future tensions. As this is being written in 2020, the situation in Tibet remains tense. More than 160 Tibetans have died by self-immolation, a graphic form of public protest against the Chinese state. To counter this, the PRC has instituted strict controls on the purchase of flammable substances by Tibetans, and public security forces patrol cities armed with fire extinguishers. In Tibet, as in the rest of China, the government has also greatly expanded the use of surveillance technology. Surveillance cameras proliferate in cities, and even in rural areas. Advanced artificial intelligence technology is being used to analyze the data from a range of sources, which include cameras and spying software for smartphones. This allows the government to track people’s movements and activities, as well as their contacts. Facial and gait recognition are being employed in an expanding effort to monitor and control as many aspects of people’s lives as possible. Recent studies have concluded that this program is the most expansive and intrusive public surveillance regime in the world. The combination of technology and a massive police and military presence all over the Plateau make it virtually impossible for Tibetans to engage in open protest (or even to voice grievances in person to local authorities). Present indications suggest that these measures, while very costly and personnelintensive, are achieving the desired goal of suppressing public expressions

Introduction • lxxxv

of discontent, but it is unlikely that they are doing anything to address the underlying reasons for Tibetan dissatisfaction with their government. NOTES 1. China briefly occupied parts of Arunachal Pradesh during the Sino-Indian War of 1962, but was later forced to evacuate when Indian troops moved into the area. Although it has been part of India since India’s independence in 1947, China continues to dispute India’s claim and occasionally presses the issue with military incursions and petitions in international forums. 2. Another part of the Chinese claim relates to an ambiguous document from the 7th century indicating that a local chieftain sent presents to the emperor of Tibet. The Chinese government interprets this as evidence that Tibet collected taxes from Arunachal Pradesh, but the document does not suggest this. Despite the weakness of evidence for China’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh, Chinese officials have repeatedly stated publicly that it has been an inalienable part of China since ancient times. In 2008 China blocked an Indian government application for a World Bank loan for infrastructure projects in Arunachal Pradesh on the grounds that it is really Chinese territory, and later that year Chinese officials expressed outrage when Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and the Dalai Lama visited the state. 3. Discussing his interview with the Dalai Lama, Thomas Laird (2006) states: “It was a surprise to hear the Dalai Lama say that in Taktser […] his family did not speak Tibetan as its first language. ‘At that time in my village,’ he said, ‘we spoke a broken Chinese. As a child, I spoke Chinese first, but it was a broken Xining language which was (a dialect of the) Chinese language.’” 4. For a discussion of this idea, see Tsering Shakya (1993). 5. See Bacot et al. (1940–1946). 6. See Richardson (1985). 7. Walter (2009): xxv. 8. See Walter (2009): 18. He mentions that this is a possibility, but on p. 19 notes that if this is the case it is strange that it is not mentioned in early sources. 9. Bushell (1880): 457. 10. Uebach (1997: 61) has argued persuasively that Wencheng did not give birth to a Tibetan emperor. 11. This was a common practice in Central Asia, and excavations of some early graves in Tibet have found signs of horse sacrifice. 12. Walter (2009: 268, n. 17) makes a useful observation regarding Srong btsan’s religious commitments: he notes that imperial inscriptions from the reign of his successor state that Buddhist monks performed rituals in the royal court and that the king sponsored the construction of Buddhist monuments, but he also maintained earlier traditions. Walter concludes that he was “sincerely, though by his own words […] not exclusively, a Buddhist emperor.”

lxxxvi • Introduction

13. See Michell et al. (2008), which contains photographs of surviving Buddhist monuments, sketches reconstructing their dimensions, and discussions of archeological work on them. 14. A good discussion of these two strands can be found in Samuel (1993). 15. For example, the Sanskrit term nirvāṇa, which refers to the final state of a meditator who has eliminated mental afflictions and brought an end to suffering, is rendered in Tibetan as mya ngan las ’das pa, “passed beyond sorrow.” 16. The treaty of 821/822 marked an end to formal hostilities between Tibet and China, but it was one of a number of such accords. Bushell (1880) mentions Tibet-China treaties in 730, 756, 765, 766, 783, and 821/2. 17. There were, of course, other possible directions for expansion other than China, but the Tibetan government appears to have either lost its appetite for conquest or lacked the ability to annex the sorts of territories that might have provided the revenue it needed. 18. See Walter (2009: 52, n. 30). Walter notes that two of the old Tibetan works found in Dunhuang (PT 134 and PT 840), as well as the ’Phang thang ma catalogue, portray him as continuing the traditions of royal patronage of the Dharma that his predecessors had instituted, though probably with reduced resources due to the empire’s financial straits. Walter speculates that his negative reputation may have been related to bad luck: during his short reign “a disastrous weather change struck Central and East Asia. It brought disease and famine, and there were heavy snowfalls. Evidence for other causes lacking, it seems clear it was at least partly responsible for the fall of several empires, including the Uyghur and Tibetan, and it damaged the Tang.” The king was bound by sacred oaths to pay his retainers, maintain military operations, and protect trade routes; when he was unable to fulfill his obligations, his subordinates turned against him. 19. Kapstein (2006): 79–83. 20. See Klimburg-Salter (1998). 21. Davidson (2005): 84–166. 22. Tibetans also refer to the Dalai Lamas as Kun ’dun (“All Pervasive”) and Yid bzhin nor bu (“Wish-Fulfilling Jewel”). 23. Goldstein (1989): 357–358. 24. Hongyang renmin zhengfu he Xizang difang zhengfu guanyu heping jiefang Xizang banfa de xieyi; 中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏办法 的协议, “Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” 25. See Asia Watch (1990).

A A DKAR BON (AGAR PÖN) (“BON OF THE WHITE LETTER A”). The seventh of the nine sequential vehicles of Bon, which uses secret mantras (gsang snags) and tantric meditations. Practitioners of this vehicle visualize a five-part dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) that emanates from the translucent center of the Tibetan letter A. They make offerings to tantric deities using nine vessels and nine gtor ma (images made from barley flour and butter, which are painted). These rituals are believed to maintain the order of the cosmos through special procedures and chants and with songs called gshen glu. A LCI (ALT. A PHYI) (ALCHI). The name of a village and monastery in the Leh Valley in La dwags, about 70 km (43 mi.) from Leh. It is one of the oldest Buddhist monasteries in the region and is famous for its magnificent 11th- and 12th-century wall paintings. Local tradition holds that famed translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) built it in 1000 BCE. Two of its buildings, the Rin chen lha khang and the Lo tsā lha khang, are dedicated to his memory. Its main image is of the buddha rNam par snang mdzad (Skt. Vairocana). A MDO (AMDO; ALT. MDO SMAD) (CH. ANDUO 安多). One of the three traditional regions of Tibet (the others being dBus-gTsang and Khams), located in the eastern region of the Tibetan Plateau. It is also referred to as mDo smad. It ranges from the rMa chu River to the ’Bri chu River. For most of its history it was divided among local chieftains, but from time to time the central Tibetan government was able to exercise control over parts of the region. Following the disintegration of the Tibetan empire in the 9th century, A mdo and Khams remained culturally linked with central Tibet, but they were under local control. In the 13th century, A mdo became part of the Mongol empire, along with central Tibet. During the Ming dynasty (Ming rgyal rabs; alt. Ta ming; Ch. Mingchao 明朝, 1368–1644), A mdo again reverted to local rulership in the form of small chieftains and their followers, but in the 17th century it came under the control of the central Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) under the fifth Dalai Lama, 1

2 • A MDO MTSHO SNGON

Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), with the help of Güshri Khan’s (1582–1655) armies. To a great extent this centralized rule made no difference to the local chieftains. Following the collapse of the Qing dynasty (Tib. Ching rgyal rabs; Ch. Qingchao 清朝, 1644–1912), eastern Tibet again reverted to independent status. In 1928, Qinghai Province of the Republic of China (ROC) was formed, and in the 1930s, Muslim warlord Ma Bufang 马步芳 (1903–1975) conquered the northeastern part of A mdo, which was officially annexed to Qinghai Province. The Nationalist government appointed Ma military governor of northwest China in 1949, but in August of that year the advancing People’s Liberation Army defeated his forces, and the Communists gained control over the region. Following their conquest of Tibet in the 1950s, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) largely retained the administrative divisions of the Nationalists. See also A MYES RMA CHU. A MDO MTSHO SNGON (AMDO TSONGÖN; ALT. MTSHO SNGON PO) (MON. KÖKENUUR, KÖKENAYUR, KOKONOR) (CH. QINGHAI HU 青海湖) (“BLUE LAKE OF AMDO”). A large saltwater inland lake that was a traditional border region between China, Tibet, and Mongolia. Travelers from the three countries often stayed there during their journeys. It is located about 100 km (62 mi.) from Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁), the provincial capital of Qinghai, at an altitude of 3,025 m (10,515 ft.) above sea level. It is the largest lake in China, measuring 70 km (43.5 mi.) in length and 30 km (18.6 mi.) in width. A number of hermitages sit at the southeast extremity of the lake as well as small islands, accessible only a few months of the year, on which dedicated hermits meditate. These are mentioned in histories such as Sum pa mkhan po’s History of the Blue Lake (mTsho sngon lo rgyus) and the early 19th-century Annals of the [Blue] Lake (Deb ther rgya mtsho) by Brag dgon pa dKon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas (1801–1866). A MYES RMA CHEN (AMNYÉ MACHEN) (CH. ANIMAQING SHAN 阿尼玛卿山). A part of the Tibetan region of A mdo. It is an eastern extension of the Khu nu ri bo (Ch. Kunlun Shan 昆仑山), which runs in a northwest-to-southwest direction in the modern Golog Tibetan Autonomous Region (Ch. Guoluo Zangzu Zizhizhou 果洛藏族自治州; Tib. mGo log bod rigs rang skyong khul). It is believed to be the abode of the most powerful local deity of the region, rMa chen spom ra. Its highest peak rises 6,282 m (20,610 ft.) above sea level. Tibetans regard it as a sacred mountain, and it is a popular place for pilgrimage. Prior to the Chinese invasion, an estimated 10,000 people traversed the 193 km (120 mi.) circumambulation circuit around it every year. It was first climbed in 1949 by a Chinese expedition, but

A SKYA RIN PO CHE • 3

Western edge of A mdo mtsho sngon (Kokonor).

in 1980, it was proven that the climbers did not scale the highest peak, rMa chen gangs ri. An American expedition led by Galen Rowell, Harold Knutsen, and Kim Schmitz achieved this feat in 1981. A NI: See Nun. A PHYI CHOS KYI SGROL MA (ACHI CHÖGI DROLMA) (“GRANDMOTHER DHARMA PROTECTRESS”). The divine protectress of the ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud order and of the ’Bri gung Valley northeast of Lha sa. The legend of her cult holds that the paternal grandmother of ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig rten gsum mgon’s (1143–1217) father passed away in the sky after death, but first promised to return in every generation to protect the religious lineage that would become ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud. A SKYA RIN PO CHE (AGYA RINPOCHÉ). One of the highest-ranking Buddhist leaders to remain in Tibet following the People’s Republic of China’s invasion and annexation of the country in the 1950s. He was vice president of the Chinese Buddhist Association, vice president of the AllChina Youth Federation, and vice-chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, seventh Qinghai Provincial Committee. He tried to cooperate with PRC authorities, but decided that this was no longer possible following the PRC’s decision in 1995 to reject the Dalai Lama’s designation of dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) as the 11th Paṇ chen bla ma. A skya Rin po che, the abbot of sKu ’bum Monastery, fled into exile after PRC

4 • ’A ZHA

authorities ordered him to publicly endorse their actions in the affair, which included imprisoning dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma and his family and imposing their own candidate, rGyal mtshan nor bu (1990–), the son of Communist Party cadres. He decided that he could not do this in good conscience and fled into exile in 1998. ’A ZHA (ASHA) (CH. TUYUHUN 吐谷浑). A Turkic people affiliated with the Tang dynasty (Thang rgyal rabs; Ch. Tangchao 唐朝, 618–907) of China that Tibetan armies defeated during the Yar klungs dynasty. Early sources record marriage alliances between the Tibetan ruling house and ’A zha chieftains, which are said to have established a “nephew-uncle” (dbon zhang) relationship between the two countries. ’A zha was incorporated into the empire and referred to as one of the vassal “minor kingdoms” (rgyal phran) after it was conquered in 663. The ’A zha lived in an area around Lake Kokonor, mainly to the west of it, and their domain stretched into the Tswa’i ’dam (Qaidam) Basin (Ch. Chaidamu Pendi 柴达木盆地). The Old Tibetan Annals entry for 689–690 indicates that a marriage in that year inaugurated a nephew-uncle relationship between the ’A zha and Tibet. A princess (btsan mo) named Khri bangs married the ’A zha chieftain, and she was probably the mother of Ma go tho gon Kha gan, who was a later chieftain. ABADAI KHAN (TIB. AB TA’I HAN, 1554–1587) (CH. ABADAI HAN 阿巴岱汗). A grandson of Batumönke Dayan Khan (Tib. Da yan Han, 1464–1517/1543) and leader of the Khalkha (Tib. Hal ha) Mongols. He met with the third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), while the latter was en route to Mongolia in 1582. The Dalai Lama conferred an honorific title that recognized him as an important Mongol leader. In 1585, he sponsored the construction of Erdeni ǰuu Monastery in Kharakhorum, which housed images presented to him by the Dalai Lama; it became one of the most important Buddhist institutions in Mongolia. He declared the dGe lugs tradition to be the state religion in areas under his dominion. His grandson Zanabazar (Tib. Dznyā na ba dzra, 1635–1723) became the first rJe btsun dam pa Hu thog tu (Mon. Javzandamba Khutagt; Жавзандамба хутагт; Cl. Jabsangdamba Qtuγtu); this was the most important reincarnational lineage in Mongolian Buddhism. AGRICULTURE (SO NAM ’DEBS LAS). The Tibetan Plateau is mainly arid, and much of the terrain has thin, rocky soil that is unsuitable for largescale agriculture. In the dry, high-altitude plains, the inhabitants mainly subsist on products derived from animal husbandry. Herds of yak (g.yag) graze on the sparse vegetation, and the herders harvest dairy products, meat, and dung. Sheep and goats are also found in the lower elevations. In the

AGRICULTURE • 5

alluvial plains, the main agricultural product is a high-altitude barley, which is roasted and ground to make rtsam pa, which has a nutty flavor and is highly nutritious. This is often mixed with Tibetan buttered tea (bod ja) and made into a paste. The alluvial valleys in lower elevations are capable of supporting a wider range of agricultural endeavors, and farmers there produce wheat, black peas, beans, mustard, hemp, potatoes, cabbage, cauliflower, onions, garlic, celery, and tomatoes. Since the PRC’s invasion and takeover of Tibet in the 1950s, modern farming techniques have been introduced, along with greatly expanded irrigation, so previously fallow areas have been converted to agriculture. In the central regions, the river valleys stretching from Lha sa to gZhis ka rtse are particularly fertile. In much of the Plateau, traditional methods of agriculture are still practiced; farmers use yaks or horses to pull plows, and seeds are sown by hand. During harvest, whole families or villages participate, and much of the work is done by hand. With motorized vehicles and roads, it is now possible for farmers to transport their products to markets by themselves, which has facilitated the cultivation of some cash crops. The large number of immigrants from outside the region requires that food be brought in from outside because the Plateau is incapable of supporting the millions of new Chinese settlers. See also ’BROG PA; GRASSLAND LAW OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA.

Spring planting in the Phyong rgyas Valley.

6 • AKS.OBHYA

AKṢOBHYA: See MI BSKYOD PA. ALTAN KHAN (TIB. AL THAN HAN, 1507–1583) (MON. ANDA; АЛТАН ХААН) (CH. ANDA HAN 俺答汗) (“GOLDEN KHAN”). A Mongol chieftain, leader of the Tümed Mongols, whose birth name was Anda. He was the grandson of Batumönke Dayan Khan (Tib. Da yan Han, 1464–1517/1543) and a descendant of Khubilai Khan (1215–1294). He belonged to the Right Wing of the Mongols and, following the death of Gün Bilig in 1542, he became the leader of the Right Wing and was given the title “Tösheetü Sechen Khan.” He subsequently united the Khalkha Mongols in the north and the Chahars in the south and became the most powerful Mongol chieftain of his time. In 1578, he met with bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543– 1588), the third Dalai Lama, and conferred on him the title “Tā la’i bla ma,” or “Ocean Lama.” The title “Dalai Lama” was also retroactively given to his two predecessors and has become the most common title by which bSod nams rgya mtsho’s successors are known. The relationship between bSod nams rgya mtsho and the khan was made more powerful by the latter’s contextualizing it into a historical relationship that had existed between the pair in a previous time. He said: “when the Svāyambhū caitya (in Kathmandu) was being erected, I was Khubilai Khan and you were Lama ’Phags pa” (Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, dNgos grub shing rta: 148). This had the effect of making the conversion into a re-conversion and demonstrating that the relationship was therefore irrefutably stable. AM BAN (AMBAN) (CH. ANGBANG 昂邦; ZHUZANG DACHEN 驻藏大臣; QINCHAI DACHEN 钦差大臣) (“HIGH OFFICIAL,” “REPRESENTATIVE”). The official title of representatives of the Qing government who were stationed in Tibet following the Zunghar (Tib. Jung har; Mon. Зүүнгар, Züüngar; alt. Dzungar, Jüngar or Jungar) Mongol invasion of 1717. They functioned as ambassadors for the Chinese government, but because of the primitive state of communications and the lack of roads connecting China and Tibet their role was mainly ceremonial. The government of the PRC has tried to cast them as official representatives of the Chinese emperor with authority superseding that of the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government, but accounts from the time indicate that they had little real power and generally played a minimal role in Tibetan politics. There were generally two am bans in Lha sa, one senior and one junior, and they were accompanied by a small contingent of troops. They reported to the Qing government’s Lifan Yuan 理藩院 and were mainly responsible for passing messages between the governments of Tibet and China and conducting diplomatic exchanges. From the inception of the office in 1717,

ARCHEOLOGY • 7

Lha sa had a total of 78 am bans, and their effective accomplishments were minimal. When George Bogle (1746–1781) visited Tibet, he remarked on the obstructiveness of the am ban and his demeaning attitudes toward Tibetans (Narrative of the Mission of Mr. George Bogle to Tibet [1774]). Perhaps the high point of their influence in Tibetan affairs was the years 1747–1750, when they were involved in the assassination of ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (r. 1747–1750), whose allies, the Zunghar Mongols, were the avowed enemies of the Qing. After the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, the am bans were expelled from Tibet, marking the end of their role there. ANGLO-TIBETAN AGREEMENT OF 1904. A convention signed by representatives of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) and Great Britain following the Younghusband Expedition (1903–1904), in which British troops entered Tibet with the intention of expanding trade relations and establishing a permanent presence there. Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942) reached as far as Lha sa, the Tibetan capital, but the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), had fled, leaving no one clearly in charge. Despite this, the British formulated a treaty that was highly favorable to their interests, and officials of the Tibetan government signed it. The sweeping provisions of the concord would have effectively made Tibet a protectorate of Great Britain, and when the British government read the treaty, it decided to repudiate some of its terms. Among other things, Britain chose to retain a vague notion of Chinese “suzerainty” over Tibet, but demanded that China allow the country to remain autonomous. China repudiated the treaty. Its representative, Ivan Chen, initialed it, but later, under instructions from his government, refused to sign his name or affix his official seal. The treaty is significant for debates regarding Tibet’s status at this time. China officially claimed Tibet as part of its territory but lacked the power to rule it, and the fact that representatives of the Tibetan government signed a joint treaty that effectively marginalized China is evidence that Tibet functioned as an independent state that could negotiate with other countries. ARCHEOLOGY (TIB. GNA’ DNGOS RIG GNAS). Tibet’s archeological record is still poorly understood. A number of factors contribute to the present lack of knowledge, including the difficulties of working in remote and inaccessible places, the hard and rocky soil of most of the region, and the logistics of moving a team of researchers to work for extended periods of time in arid places where the soil is frozen for several months of every year. In addition, the lack of oxygen makes digging and moving large quantities of earth and stone difficult. Tibetans have traditionally shown little interest in digging the ground for archeological investigation. Such activities disturb

8 • ARCHEOLOGY

powerful forces best left alone, and archeological activities inevitably harm or kill living beings, which runs contrary to Buddhist ideals. During the 19th and early 20th centuries, several intrepid European scholars conducted important work in a number of areas. Giuseppe Tucci (1894–1984), one of the great early Tibetologists and explorers of the region, undertook eight expeditions to Tibet (1929–1948), as well as six in Nepal (1950–1954). He excavated some of the tombs of the Yar klungs kings in central Tibet and also published studies of his work on temples in western Tibet. Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943) and Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) discovered important texts and artistic treasures from the Tibetan imperial period at Dunhuang (Tib. Sha cu; Ch. 敦煌/炖煌) that greatly expanded the available resources for the study of early Tibetan history. Following a brief period during which some adventurous scholars such as Tucci were able to explore the vast reaches of the Tibetan Plateau and neighboring regions, Tibet entered a period of isolation, and the government issued orders to prevent foreigners from crossing its borders. This policy made it difficult or impossible to conduct serious archeological research in the region. The Chinese invasion of the 1950s put a stop to any such work, and during the early period of the People’s Republic of China’s occupation, a great deal of effort and resources were devoted to destroying as much of the region’s history and prehistory as possible. The damage done during the Cultural Revolution (Ch. Wuchanjieji Wenhua Da Geming 无产阶 级文化大革命; Tib. ’Byor med gral rim gyi rig gnas gsar brje chen po, 1966–1976) is incalculable; thousands of temples and religious places were destroyed, and most historically important sites were looted. Archeological treasures were wantonly destroyed or sold to dealers and collectors. Even after the destruction slowed down, the Chinese government was unwilling to allow foreigners to conduct archeological work in Tibet, and had a similar reluctance to fund Chinese researchers, who would likely uncover artifacts that would undermine or contradict the official mythology of Tibetan history constructed by the Chinese Communist Party and enshrined in official “Resolutions” (Ch. Ti’an 提案). Chinese archeologists are also reluctant to unearth anything within the boundaries of the PRC that might suggest that the Chinese were not the most advanced and civilized people on earth. This is the probable reason why important finds of pottery in Khams in the early 1970s were ignored or covered up. These included simple unbaked clay pots with interesting painted designs, but they reflected a level of development similar to peoples in other parts of the world at the time they were made. Despite these limitations, there have been some significant recent excavations, mostly by Chinese scholars. In 2002, two Hong Kong–based archeologists, David Zhang and S. H. Li, made an important discovery of

ARCHITECTURE • 9

handprints and footprints and a hearth at Chu bzang, a geothermal site about 85 km (53 mi.) from Lha sa. They dated some of the remains to 28,000 BCE, which significantly pushed back the estimates of the beginnings of human settlement on the Tibetan Plateau. Previously most archeologists assumed that the region would have been largely uninhabitable until around 7,000 years ago because it was covered by a thick ice sheet. Another important Neolithic site was excavated in mKhar ro in the Chab mdo district, which yielded stone houses, a range of tools, preserved seeds, ornaments, potsherds, cooking utensils, and animal remains. Some of the finds have been dated to 3,000 BCE, but it is not yet known what, if any, relation these early people may have to the present indigenous inhabitants of the Plateau. For the past 20 years or more, Chinese archaeologists have been working almost continually at sites in western Tibet at Tho ling (alt. (m)Tho lding) and rTsa pa rang. They have unearthed early metal objects and village sites, as well as several buried Buddhist images, some bearing inscriptions. These mainly seem to come from the 11th century. They have also been involved in restoring the temple complexes themselves and stabilizing the painted surfaces. Archeology continues to have a low priority in Chinese government estimations. Large historically important areas of Tibetan cities are being razed to make way for new roads and the monolithic concrete structures that dominate modern Chinese cities. Archeologists are seldom allowed to explore these sites before they are destroyed forever, so the ongoing obliteration of Tibet’s past ensures that our limited understanding of the archeological record is likely to continue. One of the best resources for Tibetan archeology is John Bellezza’s website: www.tibetarchaeology.com/newsletter-archive/, which has a number of interesting entries. One of Bellezza’s significant contributions to the field is his argument that the northern areas of the Byang thang once supported flourishing civilizations that had dozens of hydraulic townships, the remains of which still exist, as well as thousands of lakes. See also DENISOVANS; ’PHYONG RGYAS. ARCHITECTURE (TIB. RTSIG BZO RIG GNAS; RTSIG LAS). Traditional Tibetan houses are generally two-story buildings with flat roofs. Walls are commonly constructed from rocks or earth mixed with clay and straw and pounded by heavy poles. In the latter case, a frame is built from wood, and earth is poured in; whole families or villages often participate in the activity, which can take days or weeks to complete. The lower floor of the house is generally reserved for domestic animals; their body heat rises and helps warm the upper floor, where the family lives. The roof is used for drying heating materials such as wood or dung, as well as barley or other crops. In summer, families may gather on the roof.

10 • ARCHITECTURE

Religious buildings tend to be more elaborate structures and may have many floors and rooms. Their walls are also constructed from stone or packed earth. One distinctive feature of traditional Tibetan buildings is their inwardsloping walls. Internal beams of wood maintain structural integrity. In some regions that are prone to earth movement, particularly on the southern slopes of the Himalayas, timbers are laid horizontally between several courses of stone and act as shock absorbers. Most religious structures have a red parapet (spen bad), along with various medallion ornaments and decorative beam ends. The windows are generally trapezoidal in shape. Victory banners (rgyal mtshan) are a common embellishment, as are rooftop decorations known as ga dznyi ra (Skt. gajira), comprising two deer and a dharma wheel (chos ’khor; Skt. dharma-cakra). Buddhist buildings also commonly have Chinesestyle ornamental roofs of golden color and a verandah at the entrance with decorated pillars at the corners. The walls are often white, but red is also used. Sa skya monasteries are often painted white, blue, and red, which is related to the colors of the faces of Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra), the order’s principal buddha. When constructing a building, a number of rituals are considered necessary. This is true both for secular and religious structures, but the requirements for Buddhist establishments are more elaborate and detailed. Before any construction is considered, geomantic requirements must be met. A number of commonly used manuals detail the preferred geomantic features for Buddhist structures and rituals to secure the site and propitiate earth spirits or other supernatural forces that might hinder the construction. For monasteries or temples, there should be a tall—and preferably snow-covered—mountain behind the site of the proposed structure, and monasteries are often built on promontories that rise above a plain to the front, with a larger mountain rising behind. Ideally, two rivers come from left and right and converge in front, in a central valley with rocks that resemble heaps of grain (suggestive of abundance), as well as a lower area that resembles two hands crossed at the wrists. Inauspicious features include a ravine that looks like a spear point or a sharply curved mountain pass with pointed peaks at either end. The latter feature is suggestive of the fangs of gShin rje (Skt. Yama), the lord of death. For most unfavorable features, however, rituals and construction protocols can ameliorate or eliminate their negative influence. After an appropriate site has been selected, a number of rituals must be enacted. The site is tested to ensure that it is a healthy and religiously auspicious environment. One common testing ritual involves digging a hole and filling it with water. One should then walk 100 paces from the spot and then return. If the hole is still full of water, this is a positive sign. If the water has been absorbed into the soil, another site should be considered. After a lama has decided on a site, a foundation ceremony is required; this enables the

ARCHITECTURE • 11

future residents to take possession of it and appease the local spirits. These include both human and nonhuman owners, such as the “lords of the ground” (sa bdag), which may interfere if not properly compensated and propitiated. Every stage of construction also requires rituals, and it is considered essential to follow the proper sequence for these. The final stage is an official consecration (rab gnas), following which the building can be inhabited and used for religious purposes. During a visit to a small monastery in La dwags that followed this design, John Powers remarked to the abbot while they were having tea that a constant line of monks walked down to a stream at the bottom of the hill, carrying buckets of water up to the monastic quarters. Hundreds of man-hours of work were required every day to supply water, and Powers suggested that it might have made more sense to simply build the monastery closer to the water source. The abbot agreed that this would have saved immeasurable time and effort, but he added that the spectacular setting and the fact that it perfectly matched the ideal geomantic features for a Buddhist establishment more than compensated for the difficulties (of course, he was not personally carrying any water, and this may have affected his judgment). This attitude is common among Tibetan Buddhists, for whom considerations of proper geomantic features, concordance with ideal physical and geographic settings, and the potential for a physically impressive structure to inspire religious sentiment outweigh merely pragmatic concerns. Many Tibetan religious buildings employ a dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) design, which as the name suggests has a central circular area surrounded by external walls in a square shape. The maṇḍala design was imported from India and can be seen in both Hindu and Buddhist structures. The Buddhist maṇḍala encodes the higher doctrine (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma) model of the universe, with Ri rab lhun po (Skt. Sumeru) at its center and four continents in the cardinal directions. As in maṇḍala paintings, there is a central area of greatest power and sanctity. In a maṇḍala-shaped building, the central room is the holiest space and contains images of the main buddha of a given tradition as well as images of the leading human figures of its lineage. One of the most notable examples of a maṇḍala pattern is bSam yas, the first Buddhist monastery in Tibet, which is said to follow the general model of Otantapuri’i gtsug lag khang (Skt. Odantapurī) in modern-day Bihār, India. Assembly halls follow the general pattern of models inherited from India. They commonly use the “vihāra plan,” which can be seen in Ajaṇṭā or the ruins of Nālandā. The traditional vihāra (Tib. gtsug lag khang) had an open central space, surrounded by small cells that were the residences of monks or shrine rooms. The Jo khang, the first Buddhist shrine constructed in Tibet, followed this plan.

12 • ARCHITECTURE

In assembly halls, the main room generally has an altar in the front, with a large image of a buddha. Smaller statues of buddhas and luminaries of the tradition are also arranged there, along with offerings and decorations. Near the altar are attached rooms for images of protector deities. On the roof is often a partial extra story, which contains residences of lamas. From at least the mid-17th century, Tibetans began to deviate from Indian designs. This is particularly notable in dGe lugs pa assembly halls, which tend to have large, open meeting areas but dispense with many or all of the adjacent shrine rooms. An example is the assembly hall of Ganden Jangtse in Mundgod, India. It has no attached chapels at all, but many dGe lugs assembly halls retain the protector chapels near the main altar, also derived from Indic prototypes. Tibetan exiles have maintained the outward appearance of traditional religious buildings, but generally employ modern materials and often incorporate architectural innovations. Tibetans constructing religious buildings generally strive to retain as much of the traditional outward appearance as possible, but in modern times such buildings are often made from red brick or concrete and have steel reinforcements; the builders may use modern frames and glass for windows. Exiles perceive retaining the traditional look as a way of maintaining their “Tibetanness.” Despite this intention, a number of differences can be seen. Prior to the 1950s, most Tibetan religious structures employed inward-sloping walls, but in contemporary Tibet and in exile communities walls are more often perpendicular. Stone or packed earth walls are becoming increasingly uncommon, as these require significantly more cost and effort than concrete ones. In addition, sculpted concrete is commonly used for ornamental features like victory banners. Trapezoidal windows are still often seen, but only in religious structures, whose designers strive to maintain a traditional outward look. Secular buildings, including houses, tend to use modern rectangular frames. Despite the discourses of tradition, there is often significant deviation from both Indic prototypes and earlier Tibetan buildings that are the purported models of newer structures. Tibetans commonly contend that their architectural system is “pure” and maintains Indian and Tibetan models intact, but this is rarely the case. Buildings are adapted to the physical environment, and individual lamas often make significant changes to a design. They may follow a general pattern derived from earlier structures, but they adapt them in accordance with the specific functions of a given structure; or they may make alterations that reflect religious symbolism appropriate to a buddha, a lineage, or prominent religious figures. Tantric imagery is commonly employed in these innovations and is intended to provide an additional source of religious inspiration for inhabitants or visitors. See also ART; GEOMANCY.

ART • 13

ART (RI MO; SGYU RTSAL; RTSOM RIG). Tibetan art is generally known today through its mainly religious forms. This does not mean, however, that other forms do not exist. Documents from the Tibetan Imperium (630–850), for example, indicate that early rulers favored certain objects for the elegance of their craftsmanship, which indicates a developed aesthetic sense. These objects included rhytons and silver jugs imported from the Iranian world, as well as luxurious silks, some from Iran and others from Yunnan. In their juxtaposition of this developed sense of beauty and a warrior’s love of conquest, the Tibetan rulers of the early period were little different from earlier tribal groups such as the Scythians. Early metal objects (mostly commonplace items such as combs, horse trappings, and cultic objects) display a developed sense of balance and aesthetic sensibility. Although Tibetans were not as adept as some of their neighbors in the arts of wood carving and painting in this early period, they were willing to pay for artisans (for example, craftsmen from the Kathmandu Valley and, later on, Kashmir) to travel to Tibet and create works of art. Some of these can still be seen in the earliest surviving wooden pillars of the Jo khang and in A lci. Following the migration of the remnants of the Imperium to western Tibet after 842 and the creation of new kingdoms by their descendants, the origins of what might be termed “Tibetan art” began to emerge during the latter part of the 10th century and the early 11th century. Tibetans sponsored visits by artisans from Kashmir and subsequently borrowed Kashmiri concepts of the ideal human form in both painted and sculptural media. Tibetans later followed the same pattern with Newari artists from Kathmandu. More often than not, these Newari artists were paid in kind (i.e., in gifts offered to the monasteries), rather than in cash. Tāranātha notes in his autobiography that they were paid in gifts such as horse saddles, semiprecious stones, clothing, leather boxes, and even pumpkins. Some Tibetans also trained under foreign craftsmen, either in Tibet or during their travels to northwest India. The impressively large amount of painted art, bronze and clay stucco images, and miniature illustrations in texts from this period is testimony to the wealth and developing sensitivity of Tibetans to visual imagery. We can see in these works an increasing quotient of Tibetan input—not only in subsidiary figures and background detail—but also in a palpable sense of conceptual “wholeness.” This wholeness is manifested in such aspects as the disbursement of figures on the surface, the preponderance of spiritual masters as central figures surrounded by a theophany of deities, and other details that are not always evident in the surviving artworks of their neighbors. Artists from Kathmandu were present in Tibet during the Imperium and were later employed from the later 12th century almost continually. To a significant extent, their aesthetic became one of the major templates for Tibetans.

14 • ARUNACHAL PRADESH

By the 15th century, Tibetans had largely found their own artistic voice; statues and paintings became more recognizably individual in style while retaining something of the insights of their neighbors. This sense of individuality is manifested in a range of deities developed far beyond those from earlier periods. An example of this trend is the pervasive Kashmiri influence. The proliferation of tantric meditational insights and local visionary practices also meant that far more detail was incorporated into the painted surfaces of some works, much of it subsidiary and only a tiny fraction of it decorative. It is from this period that Tibetan paintings became more uniquely “Tibetan” in style. This proliferation did not apply to the fabrication of bronze images; many figures could be combined to form a maṇḍala or a divine palace, but each part was generally cast as a separate piece. One increasingly noticeable trait in Tibetan painting after the 15th century (although certainly present in the 13th century and even before) is the central position of the lama, surrounded by his tutelary deities, lineage predecessors, and protective figures, and a theophany of gods considered important to the central figure. Most of these developments are commonly characterized as if they all occurred in central Tibet (dBus) and central-western Tibet (gTsang), but other approaches to both painting and the sculptural arts were taking place in eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau, especially from the 17th century. Various schools developed in eastern Tibet, which generally centered on major artistic figures. Some of these distinctively eastern Tibetan styles are still the accepted mode of representation in Khams. Some newer styles, such as the sGar bris and sMan ris, offered fresh perspectives on how landscape could be employed to delineate narrative events, join parts of a story, and also to separate elements. Today a number of training institutes offer spaces in which students learn traditional techniques and reproduce long-established motifs, and contemporary artists and sculptors are “updating” older styles. A new wave of artists is overturning traditional norms and developing sometimes radically new visions of Tibetan art, both among the exile community and in the People’s Republic of China. Some artists have become part of the international art scene; their work exhibits a global perspective and employs modern techniques and media, including photography, contemporary modes of depiction, and nontraditional themes. See also ARCHITECTURE; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. ARUNACHAL PRADESH (ARŪṆĀCAL PRADEŚ) (“LAND WHERE THE DAWN LIGHTS THE MOUNTAINS”) (CH. ALUNAQIA’ERBANG 阿鲁纳恰尔邦). A federated state of India, officially established on 20 February 1987, located in the far northeast of

ASTROLOGY • 15

the country. It comprises 83,743 sq. km (32,333 sq. mi.). It is bordered by the states of Assam and Nagaland to the south and northeast, and it also has borders with Burma, Bhutan, and China. The region has been an object of contestation in recent times; the present dispute is linked with the “McMahon Line” that Sir Henry McMahon (1862–1949) designated in order to demarcate areas of British India from China. The 890 km (550 mi.) line was debated during the 1913–1914 Simla Conference by representatives of the governments of Great Britain, Tibet, and China, but while Ivan Chen, the Chinese delegate, initialed the accord, he later refused to affix his official seal. Both Tibet and Britain ratified the agreement. The People’s Republic of China claims most of the state; this is based on the fact that the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683– 1706), was born in rTa dbang in the northwest corner of the state and an ambiguous document stating that in the 7th century a local chieftain sent presents to the emperor of Tibet. The PRC interprets this as payment of taxes and asserts that it proves that the area was under the control of the Tibetan government. It refers to the region as “Southern Tibet” (Ch. Zangnan 藏南). The northeastern part of the state has been influenced by Tibetan culture and has several Buddhist monasteries. Most of its area is tribal, and many people practice local religions and are animists. The capital and largest city is Itangar, and the state’s official languages are Hindi, Deori, Assamese, and English. Its inhabitants also speak a number of local dialects. The Monpa kingdom of Monyul controlled the area from 500 BCE to 600 CE, and parts later fell within the cultural sphere of Tibet. Britain annexed it in 1858, and it became part of Britain’s South Asian empire, but most parts remained under effective local control until India’s independence in 1947. ASAṄGA: See THOGS MED. AŚOKA: See MYA NGAN MED, CHOS RGYAL. ASTROLOGY. Astrological calculations are integral to the lives of most Tibetans. The astrological system has two main sources: (1) “astral calculation” (skar rtsis) mostly follows Indian antecedents; and (2) “elemental calculation” (’byung rtsis), also called “Chinese calculation” (rgya rtsis), is based on Chinese sources including the Book of Changes (Ch. Yijing 易 经) and related materials. The two systems are integrated in Tibet, and this syncretic character is a distinctive feature of the system. The Chinese aspects are said to have been transmitted to Tibet by Kong tse (Ch. Kongzi 孔子, Confucius, 551–479 BCE), who is regarded as an emanation of ’Jam dpal

16 • ATIS´A

(Skt. Mañjuśrī) and is associated with Chinese learning and is an important character in the Ge sar epic. The Chinese aspects of the Tibetan system emphasize the five elements (earth, water, wood, metal, and fire), and the eight trigrams (spar kha; Ch. bagua 八卦). The calendar follows a duodecennial cycle marked by 12 animal signs: rabbit, dragon, snake, horse, sheep, monkey, bird, dog, pig, rat, ox, and tiger. This was adapted from Chinese sources and incorporates the five elements. Each year is associated with both an animal and an element (e.g., “fire ox”). Astrological calculations also rely on the lore of the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra), probably composed in India around the 12th century. It also employs a 60-year cycle based on Jupiter’s orbit. The year of its translation, the fire rabbit year 1027 CE, marks the beginning of a new era, referred to as rab byung. The days of the week are designated by associations with heavenly bodies, as in the European calendar: Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, and Saturn. The Tibetan calendar is punctuated by auspicious and inauspicious days, and the fates of individuals are also tied to the cycles of the system. Tibetans commonly plan their lives in accordance with these considerations, and few activities are undertaken without consultation with an astrologer. Marriages, journeys, construction projects, and other events are closely linked with astrological prognostications. A yearly almanac predicts the fluctuations of the cosmos, and it is consulted for such things as when to plant crops, when to move one’s flocks, when to harvest, and so forth. ATIŚA: See JO BO RJE. AVALOKITEŚVARA: See SPYAN RAS GZIGS.

B BA KU LA RIN PO CHE THUB BSTAN MCHOG NOR: See THUB BSTAN MCHOG NOR. ’BA PA PHUN TSHOGS DBANG RGYAL: See PHUN TSHOGS DBANG RGYAL. ’BA’ ROM BKA’ RGYUD (PAROM GAGYÜ) (CH. BARONG GAJUPAI 巴絨噶举派). One of the four “great schools” of the bKa’ brgyud ­order, founded by ’Ba’ rom Dar ma dbang phyug (1127–1199/1200), who ­established Nag chu ’Ba’ rom Ri bo che Monastery, the main seat of the school, in 1160. One of its most important figures was ’Gro mgon ti shri ras pa Rab seng ge (1164–1236), and it was particularly influential in the Nang chen region of Khams, where it still has monasteries today. One of its most important modern lineage holders was sPrul sku O rgyan Rin po che (1920–1996). BACKWARD (CH. LUOHOU 落后: TIB. RJES LUS). A term contemporary Chinese often use to characterize Tibetans and other minorities. Tibetans and other minorities are commonly contrasted with the “advanced” or “progressive” Han majority, who see themselves as tutors or “big brothers and sisters” and expect deference and gratitude from the minorities, whom they believe benefit from their guidance. BAI RO TSA NA: See BE RO TSA NA. BAL BZA’ (PELSA). “Nepalese Wife,” an epithet by which Bhṛkutī, one of the two foreign wives of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), is commonly referred in Tibet. According to legend, she was a princess of the ­Licchavi kingdom of Nepal and the daughter of King Aṃśuvarman (r. 605–621), the successor to Śivadeva I, but no contemporaneous records survive that attest to her existence. In 1969 Baburām Ācārya, Nepal’s leading ancient historian, concluded that no epigraphic evidence found in Nepalese

17

18 • BAL YUL

sources supports the Tibetan story of her existence. Like the other foreign queen, ­Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684), she is described in traditional sources as an emanation of the buddha sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā). BAL YUL: See NEPAL. BAN DE CHEN PO (PANDÉ CHENBO) (“GREAT MONK MINISTER”). A title from the late imperial period for the highest-ranking monk in the administrative hierarchy. BANG SO (PANGSO) (“MAUSOLEUM”) (CH. LING 陵). The term for the burial tumuli of the Yar klungs kings (also used as a general term for burial mounds), some of which survive today in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley in central Tibet. Most were looted by locals (who may have been antagonistic toward dynastic rule) shortly after their completion. By the 11th–12th centuries they were regarded as historical curiosities but still thought to contain a great deal of mythic power. According to tradition, the “seven heavenly kings” (gnam gyi khri bdun; the first seven kings of the dynasty) descended to earth from a heavenly realm (gnam) and returned there at the end of their reigns. The eighth king, Gri gum btsan po (alt. Dri gum btsan po), was killed in a knife fight with an ambitious retainer—during which the “sky rope” (dmu thag) that had allowed his predecessors to ascend to heaven was severed—and his body remained on earth after his death and was interred. The necessity of burying him began the tradition of creating burial tumuli for the Yar klungs rulers. BANG SO DMAR PO (PANGSO MARBO) (CH. SONGZAN GANBU LING 松赞干布陵) (“RED MAUSOLEUM”). The burial tumulus of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), located in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley of central Tibet. BANKING AND FINANCE (TIB. DPAL ’BYOR). Tibet has been integrated into the Chinese economy, which still follows the socialist model of central planning and control. The Renminbi (RMB) is the legal currency. Several major Chinese banks, including Bank of China, Agriculture Bank, and Construction Bank, have offices in Lha sa. Following the central planning model, the People’s Republic of China has initiated 10 “five-year plans” in order to stimulate and develop the economy, and the region has one of the most rapid growth rates in the country, but most of this comes from government funds rather than real economic growth. As part of the government’s

BAR DO THOS GROL • 19

plan to stimulate growth, official loan rates are two percentage points below those in the rest of China, and insurance premiums are also offered at reduced rates. See also TRADE. BAR DO (BARDO) (SKT. ANTARĀBHĀVA) (CH. ZHONGYOU 中有) (“INTERMEDIATE STATE”). According to Tibetan Buddhism, after death beings enter an “intermediate state” in which they acquire a subtle body that endures until they are reborn. In the intermediate state they experience various intense sounds, sights, etc., which are products of their own minds. This is considered a time of danger, as beings may react to their experiences in ways that cause them to regress to lower rebirth situations. It can also be a time of opportunity, as beings may make choices that lead them to higher rebirths, or even buddhahood. The bKa’ brgyud order teaches the existence of six bar do states: (1) bar do between birth and death (skye shi’i bar do), which refers to the normal waking state between birth and death; (2) dream bar do (rmi lam bar do), the period between falling asleep and awakening; (3) meditation bar do (bsam gtan bar do), a state of cessation in which the senses are withdrawn from external objects and the mind is focused on an internal object of observation; (4) bar do of becoming (srid pa’i bar do), the period between the moment of death and rebirth; (5) reality bar do (chos nyid bar do), the time of unconsciousness beings experience when overwhelmed by death, so called because during this period the mind returns to its primordial nature; and (6) bar do of birth (skye gnas bar do), which begins at the moment of rebirth into a new lifetime, immediately after the bar do of becoming. See also BAR DO THOS GROL. BAR DO THOS GROL (LIBERATION THROUGH HEARING IN THE INTERMEDIATE STATE) (CH. ZHONGYOU WENJIE 中有闻解). A funerary work attributed to Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and written down by his student and consort Ye shes mtsho rgyal (ca. 757–817) that contains descriptions of and rituals for the intermediate state (bar do). Sometimes referred to as the Tibetan Book of the Dead, it is a “hidden treasure” (gter ma) said to have been concealed until the time was right for its propagation. Karma gling pa (1352–1405) “discovered” it in the 14th century. The text is intended to be recited to people in the process of dying; it describes the physical and mental processes related to death and the phenomena of the intermediate state. It warns the dying of potential dangers and advises them about proper choices that will guide them toward a good rebirth. The Western focus on this text has been extremely varied. Its first publication in English in 1927 by Walter Evans-Wentz attempted to associate the imagery of the bar do period with something recognizable to Westerners through a curious mixture of Jungian theory and poorly understood ­Buddhism. A

20 • BAR SKOR

memorable late 1960s interpretation by Timothy Leary used the text as a guide to the various levels of psychedelic experience and suggested that Tibetans had somehow tapped into a universal human experience. More recent studies have focused on its Tibetan transmission and patronage as well as various theories of how text “ownership” can empower and enhance status. BAR SKOR (PARKOR) (CH. BAKUO 八廓) (“CENTRAL CIRCUIT”). The pilgrimage route in central Lha sa that circumambulates the Jo khang. This is the most popular pilgrimage spot in the Tibetan cultural area and draws pilgrims from all regions. It is about one kilometer in total length and contains numerous stalls and shops. The area is a scene of constant contestation between Tibetans and Chinese authorities, and it has been the focal point of numerous demonstrations. Many protests begin at the Bar skor, while others begin at another symbolic site and march toward it. Chinese security is always omnipresent, and often more than 100 uniformed or plainclothes personnel are on duty at any given time. Surveillance cameras monitor every part of the circuit, and the Chinese government has been demolishing old Tibetan buildings and widening the streets in order to provide better views for soldiers and police and to facilitate the rapid movement of troops. In the past, the narrow alleys made it difficult to shoot demonstrators, and there were many potential hiding places; the new arrangements facilitate the use of force by Chinese security officers. BDE BA CAN (DEWACHEN) (SKT. SUKHĀVATĪ) (CH. JILE 极 乐) (“JOYOUS”). The “pure land” of Sangs rgyas ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha Buddha), located in the western quadrant. According to the legend of its formation, while ’Od dpag med was a bodhisattva he vowed that sentient beings who had faith in him would be reborn there and that it would have optimal conditions for the attainment of buddhahood. The aspiration to be reborn in this heavenly realm became a central focus of Buddhist practice in China, Japan, and Korea, but never gained the same level of popularity in Tibet. Scholars have found numerous Tibetan depictions of bDe ba can dating up to the 13th–14th centuries, but only rarely after that. BDE ’BYUNG: See SHAM BHA LA. BDUD (DÜ) (SKT. MĀRA) (CH. MOLUO 魔罗) (“DEMON”). In Indian Buddhism, Māra (whose name means “death”) is the antagonist of Gautama Buddha, who tries to dissuade him first from attaining full awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi) and then from teaching others. In some narratives the defeat of Māra is a major event in the Buddha’s biography, while others do not even mention it. In the standard version Māra appears before the Bodhisat-

BDUD • 21

Tibetan men turning prayer wheels in the Bar skor.

tva while he is sitting under the Tree of Awakening in Bodhgayā and creates a fierce storm. The nāga king rises up and shields the Bodhisattva with his hood, and then Māra sends his demonic army to attack the unperturbed sage. When this tactic fails, Māra dispatches his beautiful daughters to seduce the Bodhisattva, but he magically transforms them into hideous hags and they flee in terror. After Gautama attains buddhahood, Māra tries to convince him not to teach others, but at the urging of the god Tshangs pa (Skt. Brahmā), the Buddha embarks on a 40-year career of preaching. Māra is a high-level deity of the Desire Realm (’Dod khams; Skt. Kāmadhātu), and he fears that if the Buddha were to teach beings the Dharma it would show them a path to reduce desire and they would attain nirvana. This would reduce the number of Māra’s subjects, and this is why he takes an active interest in thwarting the Buddha. The term māra can also refer to a class of beings whose goal is to promote desire and ignorance, which lead to continued rebirth within cyclic existence. In Indian monastic codes (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), Māra and his minions function as the main antagonists to the Buddhist monastic order. When a monk or nun commits an infraction or decides to return to lay life, Māra is generally blamed for causing the downfall. In Indian Buddhist literature the term māra has four main usages: (1) māra of afflictions (nyon mongs pa’i bdud; Skt. kleśa-māra), which refers

22 • BDUD ’JOMS RIN PO CHE

to māras’ efforts to entice beings to commit unskillful actions that create mental afflictions; (2) māra of death (’chi ba’i bdud; Skt. mṛtyu-māra), the notion that beings who engage in unskillful actions create the causes for continued death and rebirth; (3) māra of the aggregates (phung po’i bdud; Skt. skandha-māra), which refers to the idea that māras work to ensure that beings are reborn, and in each rebirth their psychophysical continuums are composed of the aggregates (form, feelings, discriminations, consciousness, and compositional factors); and (4) Māra the son of a god (lha’i bu’i bdud; Skt. devaputra-māra), Māra as a deity of the Desire Realm. BDUD ’JOMS RIN PO CHE: See ’JIGS ’BRAL YE SHES RDO RJE. BDUD TSHOGS ’DUL BA’I RDO RJE (DÜTSOK DÜLWÉ DORJÉ, 1733–1797) (CH. DOUDU DUOJIE 都度多杰). The 13th rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in gNyal in lCam pa grong. In 1736/1737 he was recognized by rGyal tshab Rin po che and enthroned at mTshur phu Monastery, the seat of the Karma pas in Tibet, with the support of the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), and Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747). His teachers included lamas of the bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma orders. He founded dGon sbug dgon in sNye mo rdzong. He reportedly understood the language of animals and could converse with them, and much of his religious hagiography is concerned with this. BE RO TSA NA (ALT. BAI RO TSA NA, PA GOR BE RO TSA NA, RNAM PAR SNAGS MDZAD) (SKT. VAIROCANA, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. BIANZHAOHU 遍照护). One of the most influential translators of the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism in Tibet, who lived during the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). Vairocana was one of the 25 main disciples (rje ’bangs nyer lnga) of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). He was one of the first seven ordinands (sad mi bdun) who received monastic vows at bSam yas. He traveled to India and studied with Shri Sing ha (Skt. Śrī Siṃha), who gave him the transmission of the “mind class” (sems sde) and “spatial class” (klong sde), two of the major aspects of the rNying ma “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) teachings. His prominence as a translator demonstrates the important role given to the art of translation in Tibet’s dynastic period (7th–9th centuries). BEIJNG (TIB. PE CING; ALT. PE CIN) (CH. BEIJING 北京). The capital of the People’s Republic of China.

BHUTAN • 23

BELL, SIR CHARLES ALFRED (1870–1945). A pioneering Tibetologist, born in Calcutta and educated at Winchester College. He joined the ­Indian Civil Service and was appointed a political officer in Sikkim in 1908. He also served as a political officer in Bhutan and Tibet. He played key roles in the politics of Sikkim and Bhutan, and in 1910 he met the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), who had fled his country following the Younghusband expedition of 1903–1904. Bell had numerous conversations with the Dalai Lama and wrote a biography, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (1946). Bell traveled to Tibet and visited Lha sa in 1920. A portrait of Bell can still be seen on a wall mural in the Nor bu gling ka. He captured numerous images of Tibet and the surrounding regions, many of which are stored in the Pitt Rivers Museum. Some have been published in Tibet: Caught in Time (1997). He published an influential dictionary of colloquial Tibetan language and grammar, Manual of Colloquial Tibetan (1905). He died in Canada in 1945. His Tibet: Past and Present (1924) was an important study of Tibetan history and culture. The People of Tibet (1928) records his impressions of Tibetan life and culture, and The Religion of Tibet (1931) was one of the first authoritative introductions to Tibetan Buddhism. BHṚKUTĪ: See BAL BZA’. BHUTAN (’BRUG YUL) (CH. BUDAN 不丹) (“DRAGON LAND”). A landlocked country located at the eastern end of the Himalayas that shares borders with India and the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s ­Republic of China. Its official language is rDzong kha, a dialect of the Tibetan language family. Prior to the 17th century, Tibetans often characterized Bhutan as a place of exile, a region where untamed forces ruled the semiTibetanized land, which was believed to be the home of turbulent and malignant spirits. It was also a locale that was believed to be highly conducive to isolated meditation, but because of its wildness only the bravest practitioners ventured there. In 1616 Bhutan entered modern Tibetan historical annals when—as a result of the struggles between the rulers of gTsang and the dGe lugs pa hierarchs of dBus (backed by their Mongol supporters)—Zhabs drung Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (1594–ca. 1651, who had failed to be recognized as the fifth incarnation of the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud lineage) fled to Bhutan fearing reprisals from the rulers of gTsang. The gTsang pa forces pursued him there, but were unable to defeat him. The Zhabs drung united many of the disparate groups in Bhutan and laid the foundations for a subsequent unified system of governance. In the 18th century Scottish merchant adventurer George Bogle

24 • BI RU– PA

(1746–1781) traveled through Bhutan on his way to visit the Paṇ chen bla ma at gZhis ka rtse, and he left a charming portrait of Bhutan in that formative period. The current king of Bhutan is ’Jigs med ge sar rnam rgyal dbang phyug (1980–), the fifth ’Brug rgyal po of the dBang phyug dynasty, which has ruled Bhutan since 1907. Bhutan contains a diverse range of ecosystems, ranging from towering snow-covered mountains in the north, some with peaks higher than 7,000 m (23,000 ft.), to subtropical valleys in the south. The state religion is Tibetan rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) Buddhism, and the population of 807,610 (per the 2017 census) is predominantly Buddhist. The largest city is the capital, Thim phug, located in the west-central part of the country. It was designated the capital in 1961. In 2008 the country held its first democratic elections, which the ’Brug phun sum tshogs pa (Bhutan Peace and Prosperity Party) won decisively. BI RŪ PA (BIRUPA) (ALT. BIR WA PA) (SKT. VIRŪPA, FL. 9TH CENTURY) (CH. PILUPO 毗卢婆). One of the 84 “great adepts” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha), born in Bengal in Tripura during the reign of King Devapala. He entered the Buddhist monastic university of Somapurā, where he studied the standard scholastic curriculum during the day and devoted

sPa phro, Bhutan.

ˉ R • 25 BIHA

sTag tshang Monastery, sPa phro.

himself to tantric practices focusing on rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajravārāhī) at night. He recited her mantra 10 million times during the course of 12 years, but was disheartened by a lack of results. He threw his rosary into the toilet, and when the time came for evening mantra recitation he was without his beads. Vajravārāhī appeared before the assembly, handed him a new rosary, and informed him that he had indeed made great progress. He continued his practice for another 12 years and became a tantric master. He decided that the monastery and its rules inhibited his progress, so he cast off his robes, renounced monasticism, and gave himself the name Virūpa (“Mr. Ugly”). The Sa skya order regards him as one of the masters of its “path and result” (lam ’bras) tradition, and he is the author of one of the order’s most important texts, the Vajra Verses (rDo rje tshig rkang; Skt. Vajra-gāthā), which, according to tradition, he wrote for his disciple Nag po pa (Kṛṣṇa or Kāṇha). His hagiography reports that he received path and result instructions directly from tantric buddha bDag med ma (Skt. Nairātmyā). His hagiography is one of the most colorful of those of the great adepts and includes episodes of heavy drinking, mastery of time and planetary movements, seductions of women, and destruction of non-Buddhist religious sites. BIHĀR (TIB. BI HĀR) (CH. BIHA’ERBANG 比哈尔邦). A state in modern-day India, where rDo rje gdan (Skt. Vajrāsana, in Bodhgayā) is located. This is the place where, according to Buddhist tradition, Sangs rgyas Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama Buddha) attained awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi).

26 • BKA’ BLON

BKA’ BLON (GALÖN) (CH. DACHEN 大臣) (“MINISTER”). The official title of representatives to the Tibetan cabinet. This body was instituted in 1751 during the reign of the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). Originally the cabinet comprised four representatives, and this later was extended to six. They provided advice to the Dalai Lama. From 1751 the administration of Tibet was managed by a nonelected council known as the bKa’ shag and composed of four officials, three lay and one monk. Their views were communicated to the Dalai Lama through the prime minister. The People’s Republic of China dissolved the council in 1959, but the Central Tibetan Administration, headquartered in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, India, reconstituted it. In its current manifestation, it is a democratically elected body comprising ministers from Tibetan exile communities in South Asia and overseas. BKA’ BLON KHRI PA (GALÖN TRIBA) (“PRIME MINISTER”). The title of the highest elected official of the Tibetan parliament (bKa’ shag) of the Central Tibetan Administration, headquartered in Dharamsala, ­Himachal Pradesh, India, until 20 December 2012, when the title of the head of the bKa’ shag was changed to srid skyong. The bKa’ blon khri pa was directly elected by the Tibetan exile community and then appointed up to seven ministers who held a variety of official portfolios. The first directly elected bKa’ blon khri pa was Professor Zam gdong Rin po che bLo bzang bstan ’dzin (1939–), who held the post from 20 August 2001 until 2010. The election for his successor was held in November of that year. The winner was bLo bzang seng ge (1968–), a legal scholar trained at Harvard University. In 2012, the 15th bKa’ shag voted to change the title of the head of the executive branch of the Tibetan exile government to Srid skyong (“Protector of the State”). BKA’ BRGYUD (GAGYÜ) (CH. BAIJIAO 白教; GAJUPAI 噶举派) (“TEACHING LINEAGE”). One of the four principal orders of Tibetan Buddhism. It is one of the three “New Orders” (gSar ma), along with Sa skya and dGe lugs, because it mainly follows the teachings of the new tantras (the translations of tantras of the “later propagation” of Buddhism). It traces its lineage back to the Indian “great adept” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) Ti lo pa (988–1069), who was the teacher of Nā ro pa (Nāropa, 1016–1100). Nāropa in turn was the teacher of the first major Tibetan exponent of the tradition, Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097). Mar pa’s greatest student was famous yogi and poet Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), whose biography is one of the best-known pieces of Tibetan religious literature. The bKa’ brgyud tradition is particularly known for its many non-monastic yogis, but it also developed a monastic tradition, beginning with Mi la ras

BKA’ BRGYUD • 27

pa’s student sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153). The name bKa’ brgyud literally means “teaching lineage,” and its adherents claim that its doctrines and practices are passed down through a succession of awakened teachers, each of whom directly understands the true nature of reality through spontaneous, nonconceptual awareness and who then transmits the essence of his/her wisdom to the next generation of disciples. The major practices of the tradition are the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) and the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug), a set of techniques connected with tantric practices of the subtle body (sgyu lus). The bKa’ brgyud order is traditionally divided into “the four great and the eight lesser suborders” (che bzhi chung brgyad). These schools trace themselves back to sGam po pa and his nephew Dwags po sgom tshul (1116–1169). sGam po pa is commonly referred to as “Dwags po lha rje,” “The Physician from Dwags po,” and so the schools that derive from him are known as Dwags po bka’ brgyud. The four great schools are: (1) Karma bKa’ brgyud, founded by Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193); (2) Tshal pa

Cave containing statues of Mi la ras pa and sGam po pa, Lamayuru Monastery, Zangs dkar.

28 • BKA’ BRGYUD RNAM PAR RGYAL BA

bKa’ brgyud, founded by Shangs Tshal pa (1123–1193); (3) ’Ba’ rom bKa’ brgyud, founded by ’Ba’ rom pa Dar ma dbang phyug (1127–1199/1200); and (4) Phag gru bka’ brgyud, founded by Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). The eight “lesser suborders” are: (1) ’Bri gung, (2) sTag lung, (3) Khro phu, (4) ’Brug pa, (5) sMar, (6) Yel pa, (7) Shug gseb, and (8) g.Ya’ bzang. Today only the ’Brug pa, ’Bri gung, and sTag lung survive, and the newer lineage of Shangs pa should be added to the list of bKa’ brgyud pa suborders. Shangs pa traces itself back to Khyung po rnal ’byor (ca. 10th–11th centuries). BKA’ BRGYUD RNAM PAR RGYAL BA (GAGYÜ NAMBAR GYELBA, FL. LATE 16TH CENTURY). The 12th ruler (sde srid) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. He was the son of the previous ruler, Ngag dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan (r. 1564–ca. 1579). By the time he ascended the throne at the dynasty’s seat of sNe’u gdong, its power was mostly a memory of the past. BKA’ CHEN (GACHEN) (“MASTER OF THE TEACHING”). An advanced degree bKra shis lhun po Monastery awards to monks who have mastered five main branches of learning: (1) monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), the basic text of which is the Discourse on Monastic Discipline (’Dul ba’i mdo; Skt. Vinaya-sūtra) by Yon tan ’od (Skt. Guṇaprabha); (2) “higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma), which focuses on dByig gnyen’s (Skt. Vasubandhu) Treasury of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon ­mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa) and is primarily concerned with metaphysics and cosmology; (3) epistemology (tshad ma; Skt. pramāṇa), which is based on Chos kyi grags pa’s (Skt. Dharmakīrti) Commentary on [Dignāga’s] “Compendium of Epistemology” (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇa-vārttika); this text concentrates on logic, reasoning, and the nature of the mind; (4) the Middle Way School (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka), in which monks mainly study Zla ba grags pa’s (Skt. Candrakīrti, 600–ca. 650) Entry into the Middle Way (dBu ma la ’jug pa; Skt. Madhyamakāvatāra) and which focuses on emptiness, the 10 perfections, and reasoning; and (5) perfection of wisdom (shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. prajñā-pāramitā), which also focuses on the 10 perfections, on the mind of awakening (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhi-citta), and on the career of the bodhisattva (Tib. byang chub sems dpa’). Its main text is Byam pa’s (Skt. Maitreya) Ornament for Clear Realizations (mNgon rtogs rgyan; Skt. Abhisamayālaṃkāra). BKA’ ’DRUNG (GANDRÜNG) (CH. NEIGE ZHUXI SHUJIGUAN 内 阁主席书记官) (“CHIEF CABINET SECRETARY”). The secretary of state of the Tibetan cabinet (bKa’ shag) prior to its dissolution in 1959.

BKA’ GDAMS • 29

BKA’ GDAMS (GADAM) (CH. GADANG 噶当) (“SCRIPTURES AND PRECEPTS”). The first order of Tibetan Buddhism, founded by ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064), the main Tibetan disciple of Indian master Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054). In 1057 ’Brom ston founded Rwa sgreng Monastery, located to the north of Lha sa, which became the main seat of the order. It declined over the next several centuries, but was revived by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), who called the order he founded the “New bKa’ gdams pa” (bKa’ gdams pa gsar ma). It later came to be most commonly known as dGe lugs (“System of Virtue”). The bKa’ gdams pa masters are particularly known for their influential discussions of the “mind of awakening” (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhicitta), codified in the system of “mind training” (blo sbyong), and for their detailed hierarchical vision of the path (lam rim). Following Atiśa’s approach, the school emphasized strict observance of the rules of monastic discipline and close adherence to the scriptures attributed to the Buddha. Atiśa considered the teachings of the sūtras and tantras to comprise a coherent, noncontradictory system, and he believed that the life of a celibate monastic is the ideal for most committed practitioners. Following Atiśa’s death, ’Brom ston passed on the tradition in three divisions to the “Three Noble Brothers” (sKu mched rnam gsum): (1) Po to ba Rin chen gsal phyogs las rnam rgyal (1031–1105), (2) sPyan snga ba Tshul khrims ’bar, 1038–1103), and (3) Phu chung ba gZhon nu rgyal mtshan, 1031–1106). dGe bshes Po to ba was given the responsibility for maintaining the scriptural traditions of the lineage, which included six treatises and secret oral transmissions on sūtric and tantric topics. The six treatises are: (1) Thog med’s (Skt. Asaṅga) Bodhisattva Levels (Byang chub sems dpa’i sa; Skt. Bodhisattva-bhūmi) and (2) Ornament for Great Vehicle Discourses (Theg pa chen po’i mdo sde’i rgyan; Skt. Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra); (3) Zhi ba lha’s (Skt. Śāntideva) Compendium of Instructions (bsLab pa kun las btus pa; Skt. Śikṣā-samuccaya); dPa’ bo’s (Skt. Āryaśūra) Garland of Birth Stories (sKyes rabs phreng ba; Skt. Jātakamālā); and (6) Chos skyobs’ (Skt. Dharmatrāta) Collected Sayings (Ched du brjod pa’i tshoms; Skt. Udānavarga, the Tibetan Dhammapada). dGe bshes sPyan snga ba was given responsibility for the lineage’s oral instructions, particularly its discourses on the four noble truths (’phags pa’i bden pa bzhi; Skt. catvāri-ārya-satyāni). dGe bshes Phu chung ba was responsible for maintaining the “Sixteen Drops of the Scriptures and Precepts School’s Secret Instructions” (bKa’ gdams pa’i thig le man ngag bcu drug), a set of oral teachings that included tantric empowerments and secret discourses relating to Lamp for the Bodhisattva Path (Byang chub lam gyi sgron me; Skt. Bodhipatha-pradīpa). The bKa’ gdams pa were widely influential, particularly during the 14th– 15th centuries, but never achieved the levels of power and political patronage

30 • BKA’ GDAMS CHOS ’BYUNG GSAL BA’I SGRON ME

of other orders until the dGe lugs pa revived the tradition. The bKa’ gdams pa emphasis on compassion and wisdom became central to the dGe lugs system, and other Tibetan Buddhist orders also accept it to some degree. BKA’ GDAMS CHOS ’BYUNG GSAL BA’I SGRON ME (GADAM CHÖNJÜNG SALWÉ DRÖNMÉ) (LAMP ILLUMINATING THE ECCLESIASTIC HISTORY OF THE SCRIPTURES AND PRECEPTS ORDER). The earliest extant history of the dGe lugs order, which portrays itself as descending from bKa’ gdams, the first Buddhist order in Tibet. It was written by Las chen Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1432–1506). BKA’ GDAMS GSAR MA (GADAM SARMA) (CH. GADANG XINPAI 噶当新派) (“NEW SCRIPTURES AND PRECEPTS ORDER”). One of the names by which the dGe lugs order was originally known. Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) and his followers viewed themselves as the inheritors of the bKa’ gdams order founded by ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064) based on the teachings of Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054). This identification played a role in the rapid rise to prominence and power of his successors. The link to the widely respected Indian master Atiśa served to enhance their prestige, and they further developed this marketing strategy by writing histories according to which Atiśa was almost singlehandedly responsible for the initiation of the decisive “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet. The dGe lugs pa also claimed to have inherited Atiśa’s teachings and to have been the only order that fully transmitted and accurately interpreted them. BKA’ ’GYUR (GANGGYÜR) (CH. GANZHU’ER 甘珠尔) (“TRANSLATIONS OF TEACHINGS”). One of the two main scriptural collections of Tibetan Buddhism (the other being the bsTan ’gyur). It consists of translations of more than 1,000 Indian texts purportedly spoken by Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha), including Mahāyāna sūtras and tantras. The first compilation of this collection was reportedly overseen by Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364), and it was first printed in 1411. It contains 13 volumes of texts on monastic discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya), 21 volumes of Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñā-pāramitā) texts, six volumes of Flower Garland Discourse (Sangs ­rgyas phal po che shin tu rgyas pa chen po’i mdo; Skt. Avataṃsaka-sūtra) texts, six volumes of Heap of Jewels Discourse (Rin chen brtsegs pa’i mdo; Skt. Ratnakuṭa-sūtra) texts, 30 volumes of discourses (mdo; Skt. sūtra), and 22 volumes of tantras (Tib. rgyud). Most of these texts were originally written in Sanskrit and translated into Tibetan from the 8th century onward. There are several versions of the bKa’ ’gyur, including the sDe dge, Lha sa, sNar thang,

BKA’ SHAG SHOD PA • 31

Co ne, Stog Palace, and Peking. Extant versions of the collection appear to derive from the old sNar thang edition. BKA’ MGRON (GANDRÖN) (CH. NEIGE GUANFANG GUAN 内閣官 房官) (“CABINET OFFICIAL”). A title for assistant clerks in the Tibetan cabinet (bKa’ shag) prior to its dissolution in 1959. BKA’ SHAG (GASHAK) (CH. NEIGE 内阁; GAXIA 噶厦) (“CABINET”). The Tibetan cabinet. Prior to 1959, its members constituted a cabinet appointed from the ranks of the aristocracy (sku drag) and monasteries to advise the Dalai Lama. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) abolished it in 1959, but the Tibetan exile community reconstituted it as a democratically elected body that functions independently of the Dalai Lama and enacts legislation. The bKa’ shag was established in 1751 as an advisory body following a directive from the Qianlong 乾隆 emperor (1711–1799). Four ministers (bka’ blon) were appointed: rDo ring gung paṇḍita mGon po dngos grub rab brtan (1721–1792), mDo mkhar zhabs drung Tshe ring dbang rgyal (1697–1763), Thon pa shri chod tshe brtan, and rTse mgron dar han nyi ma rgyal po. This established a precedent according to which three of the ministers were laymen and one was a monk. The stated task of the ministers was to provide advice regarding matters of civil administration to the office of chief minister, who decided which should be forwarded to the Dalai Lama. During the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), the Chinese representative (am ban) was generally also briefed on bKa’ shag decisions. The State Council of the PRC ordered it dissolved in March 1959. The bKa’ shag of the Tibetan government-in-exile has been significantly expanded, and now comprises representatives from Tibetan exile communities in South Asia and overseas. The head of this body is the srid skyong; the first head of the Cabinet (whose title was bKa’ slon khri pa) was Zam gdong Rin po che bLo bzang bstan ’dzin (1939–), who was first elected in 2001. He was succeeded by bLo bzang seng ge (1968–), who was elected in 2011. The head of the executive branch is directly elected, and then appoints up to seven bka’ blons, who must be approved by a majority of the parliament. Each minister serves a term of five years. The bKa’ shag is responsible for all important administrative matters of the government-in-exile, including political, social, health, and financial matters. BKA’ SHAG SHOD PA (GASHAK SHÖBA) (CH. NEIGE SHUJI GUAN 内阁书记官) (“CABINET SECRETARY”). Clerks of the Tibetan cabinet (bKa’ shag), whose duties included translating and sending letters between the Tibetan government and other governments.

32 • BKRA SHIS GLING PA, MDA’ DPON

BKRA SHIS GLING PA, MDA’ DPON (DABÖN TASHI LINGBA; ALT. MDA’ DPON BKRAS GLING). The Tibetan commander of the fort at rGyal rtse, whose troops fought with British soldiers under the command of Col. Francis Younghusband in April 1904. (Strictly speaking, Brigadier-General James Ronald MacDonald (1862–1927) was the senior officer, but his duties mainly related to supply lines, rather than taking command during battles.) The Tibetans were defeated, but bKra shis gling pa managed to escape. He returned with reinforcements and recaptured the fort. He then attacked the British encampment at lCang lo, but British artillery fire decimated his troops. After his minor victory, the British force was able to continue on to Lha sa. Despite his military defeats, he has become a symbol for the People’s Republic of China of a patriotic Tibetan who bravely fought against imperialists who wanted to split Tibet from his beloved “Motherland.” He is lauded in the fort’s “Anti-British Museum” as a brilliant military commander who used strategic retreats and launched unexpected counterattacks that inflicted heavy losses on the enemy. As Robin (2003) and Powers (2004) note, the Younghusband expedition has spawned a number of popular novels, comics, movies, and other productions that demonize the British and portray the Tibetans as patriotic citizens of China. The Chinese hagiography fails to mention that in 1917 bKra shis gling pa was one of eight generals who, along with cabinet minister Byams pa bstan ’dar, led a recently modernized Tibetan army that repelled a Chinese invasion of Khams. Like the Younghusband expedition for the Chinese, the defeat of Republican forces who sought to enforce China’s hegemonic claims to the Tibetan Plateau has become a popular symbol for Tibetan exiles that is part of the narrative of Tibetan independence (rang btsan). In subsequent battles, Tibetan troops took large areas of Khams from the Chinese overlords and reestablished central government control. bKra shis gling pa was killed during the successful capture of Chab mdo in a battle that lasted for several months. His ferocious attack was aided by his apparent lack of strategy and ill-advised actions by Chinese officers, which sapped the morale of the defenders. The capture of Chab mdo demonstrated the weakness of Chinese forces in the region and sparked widespread civil unrest in Khams. It was the trigger for further anti-Chinese activity, and Tibetan troops were able to penetrate further into Yunnan and dislodge Chinese from a number of strategically important positions. The British government—which feared that the war could spill over to its South Asian empire—sent Eric Teichman (1884–1944) of the British Consular Service to negotiate a truce between the Tibetans and Chinese. The truce was ratified in August 1918. Most of the territory the Tibetan army captured remained under the (at least nominal) jurisdiction of the central government until the Chinese invasion of the 1950s.

BKRA SHIS MGON • 33

BKRA SHIS LHUN PO (TASHIHLÜNBO) (CH. ZHASHILUNBU SI 扎什伦布寺) (“MOUNT FORTUNE”). One of the great monasteries of Tibetan Buddhism, located in the town of gZhis ka rtse. It has traditionally been the seat of the Paṇ chen bla ma, the second most important reincarnate lama (sprul sku) in the dGe lugs order after the Dalai Lama. It was founded by dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474) in 1447 and significantly expanded by the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662). During the tenure of the gTsang pa kings (particularly during their struggles with the dGe lugs pa in the 16th–17th centuries) the monastery was in an awkward position: it patronized the Karma bKa’ brgyud hierarchs, but bKra shis lhun po was a major dGe lugs establishment located in their main power base. In his autobiography, the first Paṇ chen bla ma recalls that the last of the gTsang rulers, Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642), made certain slights against him in 1616, in contrast to the always proper courtesies offered to the Paṇ chen by his father, Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1550–1621; r. 1603–1621) and his predecessors. The monastery was sacked during the Gor kha (Gorkha) invasion of 1791, following which a force of Tibetan and Chinese troops drove them out of the country. The Gorkha militia was routed and was later forced to return what it had looted. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), two-thirds of the monastery’s buildings were destroyed, but these were mainly monastic quarters, and the most historically significant and architecturally beautiful buildings were largely spared. In 1966 a contingent of Red Guards sacked the monastery and broke a number of statues, burned scriptures, and opened the reliquary monuments (mchod rten) containing the relics of the fifth to ninth Paṇ chen bla mas. Some of these were thrown in a river, but local Tibetans managed to save some of the remains. In 1985 the 10th Paṇ chen constructed a new mchod rten to house them; it was consecrated on 22 January 1989, six days before his death. In its heyday the monastery housed more than 4,000 monks and had four tantric colleges, each with its own abbot. Following the death of a Paṇ chen bla ma, they led the search for his reincarnation. It was one of the great seats of learning in Tibet, but its numbers have been severely reduced under Chinese rule. During a visit in 2002 residents reported that at that time only 73 monks lived in the monastery, and 22 Chinese security personnel conducted full-time surveillance. A new bKra shis lhun po has been constructed in Bylakuppe, India, and maintains the practices and teachings of this tradition. BKRA SHIS MGON (TASHIGÖN). One of the three sons of sKyid lde nyi ma mgon. The latter divided the remains of the Yar klungs empire among them. bKra shis mgon, the middle son, was given control of the western

34 • BKRA SHIS RNAM RGYAL, DWAGS PO

bKra shis lhun po Monastery.

regions of the empire. He is credited with founding the kingdom of Gu ge, which played a central role in the renaissance of Buddhism in the 11th–12th centuries. BKRA SHIS RNAM RGYAL, DWAGS PO (DAKBO TASHI NAMGYEL, 1511–1587) (CH. DABO ZHAXI NANJIA 达 波札西南嘉). One of the important masters of the Dwags po bKa’ brgyud lineage, which traces itself back to sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (Dwags po lha rje, 1079–1153). He also studied with teachers of the Sa skya order. He was an accomplished scholar and yogi. His influential works include Moonlight of Good Explanations Clarifying the Meditation Stages, Definitive Meaning of the Great Seal (Nges don phyag rgya chen po’i sgom rim gsal bar byed pa’i legs bshad zla ba’i ’od zer). He served as the abbot of the main seat (gdan sa) of sGam po pa’s lineage, Dwags lha sgam po. BLA (LA) (“VITAL ENERGY”). A person’s life force. Tibetans widely accept this notion, but it is somewhat amorphous conceptually. Each person has a bla associated with him/her, and death occurs if the connection is cut, but the bla is not always resident within the body. It can travel and sometimes inhabits trees, rocks, or other places. It can also have a collective dimension, as bla of a family or group may inhabit a particular area. They are often

BLA RI • 35

connected with local gods, and a lama (bla ma) may have a particular place associated with his or her bla. Mount Ti se is considered a “bla mountain” (bla ri) that links the earth with heavenly realms. A bla may be lost or misplaced, and its restoration may require consultation with a lama or ritual specialist and performance of rituals to bring it back to its rightful place. BLA BRANG BKRA SHIS ’KHYIL (LABRANG TASHIKYIL) (CH. LABULENG SI 拉卜楞寺). One of the great monasteries of eastern Tibet, situated in A mdo in Xiahe County of modern-day Gansu Province in the Gannan Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture. It is one of the six major monasteries of the dGe lugs order. The first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721/1722) founded the monastery in 1709. Prior to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet, it housed more than 3,000 monks, but in recent years the Chinese government has instituted mass expulsions and imposed an enrollment limit of 1,500. It contains 18 halls, six teaching academies, a golden reliquary monument (mchod rten), a debating courtyard, and a substantial library. Chinese authorities closed the monastery in 1958, and allowed it to reopen only in 1970. In 1985 its main assembly hall burned down, and it was replaced by a new structure that was consecrated in 1990. Prior to the Chinese invasion in the 1950s, it also had a famous large golden buddha statue more than 60 feet in height, but Chinese troops stole and destroyed it. The monastery has been at the forefront of anti-Chinese protests in eastern Tibet, and during the 2008 demonstrations monks from bLa brang played a leading role. BLA MA: See LAMA. BLA MA ZHANG: See BRTSON ’GRUS GRAGS PA. BLA MA’I RNAL ’BYOR (LAMÉ NENJOR) (SKT. GURU YOGA) (CH. LAMA YUJIA 喇嘛瑜伽/拉玛瑜伽). One of the most important techniques of Tibetan Buddhism, practiced by all four orders. It involves identifying one’s mind with that of one’s religious teacher (bla ma) and visualizing the teacher as a fully awakened buddha, possessing all the exalted qualities of buddhahood. According to tantric theory, a meditator who successfully cultivates this awareness quickly attains these qualities, even if his or her teacher has not actually realized them. See also LAMA. BLA RI (LARI). A term for mountains believed to be the residence of powerful spirits. Ti se in particular is referred to by this term, as it is believed to link the earth with heavenly realms. This term may be variously translated according to context as “divine mountain,” “soul mountain,” or even “ancestral

36 • BLANG DOR GSAL BAR STON PA’I DRANG THIG DWANGS SHEL ME LONG NYER GCIG

mountain.” In some cases where the mountain may be the abode of the local, autochthonous deity (yul lha), adherents perform specific rituals designed to placate the deity and maintain its benign influence over the surrounding lands. BLANG DOR GSAL BAR STON PA’I DRANG THIG DWANGS SHEL ME LONG NYER GCIG (LANGDOR SELWAR DÖNBÉ TRANGTIK DAKSHELMELONG NYERCHIK) (A STRAIGHTFORWARD CRYSTAL MIRROR CLEARLY DEMONSTRATING OBLIGATIONS AND PROHIBITIONS IN TWENTY-ONE SECTIONS). A supplemental legal code written by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), the regent (sde srid) of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), which stipulated regulations and guidelines for government officials. BLO BZANG BSTAN ’DZIN, ZAM GDONG RIN PO CHE (SAMDHONG RINPOCHÉ LOSANG DENZIN, 1939–). The first elected bka’ blon khri pa (prime minister) of the bKa’ shag (cabinet) of the Central Tibetan Administration (the Tibetan government-in-exile, headquartered in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, India). He was born in Khams and at the age of five was recognized as the reincarnation of the fourth Zam gdong Rin po che. At age 12 he began his monastic education at ’Bras spungs Monastery near Lha sa and later graduated from rGyud stod Monastery. In 1959 he fled into exile following the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet, and soon began to play a leading role in the education of exile monks in India. In 1988 he was appointed the principal of the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies in Sārnāth, and remained its director until 2001. Under his leadership, it became a degree-granting tertiary institution, and later was deemed a university. On 29 July 2001, Tibetan exiles elected him as the first bka’ blon khri pa of the bKa’ shag, and he was later reelected to a second term. He is regarded as one of the leading intellectuals of the Tibetan exile community and is a prominent scholar, teacher, and philosopher. His political philosophy is based on Gandhian principles and emphasizes the importance of nonviolence and peaceful resistance as the cornerstones of the Tibetan struggle against Chinese oppression. BLO BZANG BSTAN PA’I DBANG PHYUG DPAL LDAN CHOS KYI GRAGS PA (LOSANG DENBÉ WANGCHUK BELDEN CHÖGI DRAKBA, 1855–1882) (CH. LUOSANG DANBAI WANGXIU 罗桑丹白 旺修). The eighth Paṇ chen bla ma. He was recognized as the reincarnation of the seventh Paṇ chen bla ma in 1857 and enthroned at bKra shis lhun po in 1860. In 1877 he received his novice (dge tshul) vows. In 1878 he performed the tonsure ceremony for the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933).

BLO BZANG CHOS KYI NYI MA, THU’U BKWAN • 37

BLO BZANG CHOS KYI NYI MA, THU’U BKWAN (TUGEN LOSANG CHÖGI NYIMA, 1737–1802) (CH. LUOSANG SHIQUEJI NIMA 罗桑世却吉尼玛). The third Thu’u bkwan Rin po che. He was born in the Pra sti clan in A mdo in Pho rod lang gru’i phun tshogs lung pa. His father was dBang skyabs rgyal, and his mother was Ba ri bzang Chos mtsho skyid. At age six he was identified as the reincarnation of Ngag dbang chos kyi rgya mtsho (1680–1736) by dKon mchog ’jigs med dbang po (1728–1791), the second ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. He made the decision in consultation with lCang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786), who performed divinations. The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya, mtsho (1708–1757), confirmed the choice. The boy was brought to dGon lung byams pa gling in northwestern A mdo and enthroned. His early teachers included dMar tshang dpon chung bLo bzang chos ’dzin. dGon lung khri pa bDe rgu Ngag dbang dge legs rgya mtsho gave him lay vows, and when he was 11 he received renunciant (rab byung) vows from Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor (1704–1788). He subsequently studied philosophical topics, including Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) and Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa). lCang skya gave him novice (dge tshul) vows when he was 13. He studied a range of subjects, including astrology, poetics, and Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñā-pāramitā). In 1754, at age 18, Sum pa mkhan po conferred full monastic ordination (dge slong), following which he traveled to Lha sa. He met the seventh Dalai Lama and enrolled at ’Bras spungs Monastery’s sGo mang College. His main teacher was ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. He and lCang skya received Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) initiation from the Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738– 1780). On the recommendation of lCang skya, he was appointed the abbot of Zhwa lu gser khang gdan sa. He subsequently traveled in gTsang and met the Paṇ chen bla ma at bKra shis lhun po, and then received teachings from the 32nd Sa skya Khri chen, Ngag dbang kun dga’ blo gros (1729–1783), at Sa skya Monastery. In 1761, at age 25, he returned to A mdo and was appointed the abbot of dGon lung. In 1763 he accepted an invitation from the Qianlong 乾隆 emperor (1711–1799) to visit Beijing. He stayed in the Pho brang ser po. Qianlong presented him with a set of ceremonial robes. He was given the rank of “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师). He returned to A mdo in 1768, traveling by way of Mongolia. He arrived with a fortune in gifts and money, which he distributed to monks at dGon lung and used to build a new assembly hall and shrines. During the next three years he devoted most of his energies to writing. In 1771 he was again requested to travel to Beijing. lCang skya joined him en route, along with Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma (1758–1773), the third rJe btsun dam pa. They consecrated a new temple the emperor commissioned at

38 • BLO BZANG CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN

Chengde that resembled the Po ta la. On his way back to A mdo, he visited a number of monasteries in Mongolia. He founded Thar pa gling Monastery in 1783, which he consecrated with ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, following which he made a third trip to China. He spent the next two years in Mongolia, performing religious ceremonies and conferring empowerments. He became the 35th Throne Holder (Khri pa) of sKu ’bum Monastery in 1789 at age 53. He remained in the post for three years and returned to dGon lung. He was involved in the search for the third ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, Thub bstan ’jigs med rgya mtsho (1792–1855), and in 1799 gave him renunciant vows. In 1799 he received news of Qianlong’s death and performed rituals for him. The next year he again visited Mongolia and spent two years there. He returned to dGon lung in 1802, in failing health, and died that same year. Despite his numerous travels and administrative duties, bLo bzang chos kyi nyi ma was a prolific author; his collected works (gsung ’bum) fill 15 volumes containing more than 500 titles. He wrote on a diverse range of topics, including philosophy, astrology, doxography, and poetics. His works include poems, philosophical treatises, religious biographies, dramas, and official documents. His best-known work is a doxographical treatise, Crystal Mirror: Good Explanations Presenting the Sources and Viewpoints of All Philosophical Systems (Grub mtha’ thams cad kyi khung dang ’dod tshul ston pa legs bshad shel gyi me long), composed in 1802. It discusses the philosophical systems of India and Tibet, as well as those of Mongolia and China. It is notable among dGe lugs works of this genre for its lack of overt sectarianism. Unlike his teacher Sum pa mkhan po, he avoids polemical language and presents a reasonably balanced assessment of the systems he discusses, mainly based on dGe lugs pa sources and understandings. BLO BZANG CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN (LOSANG CHÖGI ­GYELTSEN, 1567–1662) (CH. LUOSANG QUEJI JIANZAN 罗桑却 吉坚赞). The fourth Paṇ chen bla ma. He was born in Drug brgya in the Lhan Valley of gTsang, in 1567 or 1570 in the dBa (alt. sBa) clan. His father, Kun dga’ ’od zer, was a nephew of dBen sa pa Sangs rgyas ye shes (1525– 1590/1591). His mother was mTsho rgyal. His name at birth was Chos rgyal dpal ldan bzang po. He was recognized as the reincarnation of dBen sa pa bLo bzang don grub (1505–1566) by gLang mig pa Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, who gave him the name Chos kyi rgyal mtshan. After entering bKra shis lhun po Monastery, he studied with its abbot, Sangs rgyas ye shes (1525–1591). He received his novice (dge tshul) vows at the age of 13 from Sangs rgyas ye shes at dBen sa Monastery and began study of the stages of the path (lam rim). He stayed there for five years, and when he was 18 he traveled to bKra shis lhun po and entered Thos bsam gling grwa tshang, where he studied with

BLO BZANG CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN • 39

dPal ’byor rgya mtsho. He also received the dGa’ ldan phyag rgya chen po (Skt. mahāmudrā) teachings of Tsong kha pa from Sangs rgyas ye shes. He took full ordination vows in 1591; Paṇ chen Dam chos yar ’phel, dPal ’byor rgya mtsho, and Paṇ chen Lha dbang blo gros officiated the ceremony. After that he traveled to Lha sa and studied at dGa’ ldan Monastery, where he was given Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) teachings by Nam mkha’i mtshan can. dGe ’dun rgyal mtshan (1532–1605/1607), the 28th Throne Holder (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), instructed him in the works of the second Dalai Lama, dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542). Dam chos dpal ’bar (1523/1546–1599), the 26th Throne Holder, gave him “cutting through” (gcod) teachings. After a period of study, he returned to dBen sa and delivered teachings, and then entered meditative retreat. During this time he had a vision of Tsong kha pa, who conferred private instructions while he slept. In 1601 he became the abbot of bKra shis lhun po. In 1609 he established a tantric college there, bKra shis lhun po rGyud pa grwa tshang. Soon after he became abbot, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), the fourth Dalai Lama, visited him. The two traveled together to ’Bras spungs near Lha sa. In 1612 Chos kyi rgyal mtshan visited Bhutan. In 1617, following the fourth Dalai Lama’s death, Chos kyi rgyal mtshan became the abbot of ’Bras spungs and Se ra, and in 1626 he was named the abbot of dGa’ ldan Byang rtse. In 1642 he became the abbot of Zhwa lu Monastery. In 1618 the political situation in gTsang became complicated when the ruling family overthrew the Phag mo gru pa ruler. The gTsang pa kings (sde pa) were patrons of the bKa’ brgyud order and were involved in armed conflicts with the dGe lugs pa hierarchs of central Tibet, but they allowed Chos kyi rgyal mtshan freedom to continue his religious activities in gZhis ka rtse. He cured the king of gTsang of a disease that he believed had been caused by a curse from the fourth Dalai Lama, and in recognition of this was given permission to officially recognize the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). The boy was not allowed to reside in Lha sa, however, and he spent his early years outside the main centers of power in Tibet. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan frequently served as a mediator between the forces of gTsang and their dGe lugs rivals in dBus. In 1621 Mongol troops, working with the dGe lugs hierarchs, attacked the gTsang forces and defeated them. They fled to lCags po ri, a hill in Lha sa, and he mediated an end to the siege. The gTsang army returned to gZhis ka rtse, and because of their loss of power in 1622 he was able to enthrone the fifth Dalai Lama at ’Bras spungs. With the defeat of the gTsang pa king and the victory of the fifth Dalai Lama, the dGe lugs pa emerged as the leading power in Tibet. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan was designated as the fourth “Paṇ chen bla ma” (a term that means “Great Scholar”), and his predecessors (mKhas grub rje [1385–1438], bSod nams

40 • BLO BZANG DON GRUB, DBEN SA PA

phyogs kyi glang po [1439–1505], and dBen sa pa bLo bzang don grub [1505–1566]) were retroactively recognized as the first three emanations. BLO BZANG DON GRUB, DBEN SA PA (ENSABA LOSANG TÖNDÜP, 1505–1566) (CH. ENSHUAIBA LUOSANG DANZHU 恩帥巴罗桑丹珠). The third Paṇ chen bla ma. He was born in dBen sa, in Lha khud in gTsang. His father was bSod nams rdo rje, and his mother was dPal ’dzom skyid. He was given the name mGon po skyabs at birth. His first teacher was rJe skyabs mchog dpal bzang, the abbot of dBen sa Monastery. He received novice (dge tshul) ordination at the age of 11 at Chos ’khor dbus sdings Monastery. His teacher (slob dpon; Skt. ācārya) was Grags pa don grub, and his preceptor (mkhan po; Skt. upādhyāya) was Tshul khrims rin chen pa. He received the ordination name bLo bzang don grub. He went to ’Bras spungs Monastery and studied the stages of the path (lam rim) and highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). Chos kyi rdo rje gave him oral instructions derived from Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), including the dGa’ ldan great seal (phyag rgya chen po). He studied the main text of this lineage, Great Emanational Scripture (sPrul pa’i glegs bam chen mo). Chos kyi rje bLo gros rgyal mtshan instructed him in the lore of sNar thang brgya rtsa, meditation traditions inherited from Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa), and gSang ba ’dus pa (Skt. Guhyasamāja). bLo bzang don grub became ill with smallpox at age 17. He entered meditative retreat at mGar mo rdzong at bKra shis rdzong, west of gZhis ka rtse, and subsequently recovered. Grub chen Chos kyi rdo rje gave him the full transmission of the stages of the path and the dGa’ ldan oral tradition, and he went into meditative retreat in a cave named Padma can at Padma ’od. According to some accounts, he practiced tantric sexual yogas with a consort during this period. At the age of 20, he engaged in Guhyasamāja practice in rGyal ba rgyung in ’Brag rgya bo. He delivered his first teachings at Padma ’od and subsequently traveled widely and gave lectures and tantric empowerments. He received his full ordination (dge slong) at the age of 33 from dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), the second Dalai Lama. He received oral instructions from the Dalai Lama and also studied with Paṇ chen Byang chub blo gros, mNga’ ri lo chen rnam rgyal, and Legs pa’i blo gros. After his death his body was cremated; during the ceremony witnesses reported seeing rainbows in the sky and flowers falling to earth. His remains were enshrined at dBen sa Monastery. BLO BZANG DPAL LDAN BSTAN PA’I NYI MA (LOSANG BELDEN DENBÉ NYIMA, 1781–1854) (CH. LUOSANG DANBAI NIMA 罗桑丹 白尼玛). The seventh Paṇ chen bla ma, who was one of the leading political

BLO BZANG DPAL LDAN YE SHES • 41

figures of his time. As an infant, he became embroiled in the intrigues between Zhwa dmar Rin po che Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), who was a brother of the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma. He believed that the Tibetan government had handled his brother’s inheritance unfairly and subsequently conspired with the Gor khas (Gorkha) in their invasion of Tibet in 1788, apparently hoping that they would repay him by helping him recover part of the former Paṇ chen’s estate. The Gorkhas looted bKra shis lhun po Monastery, the seat of the Paṇ chens, but declined to share their plunder with Zhwa dmar Rin po che. Prior to the sacking of bKra shis lhun po, the seventh Paṇ chen was taken to Lha sa for his protection; he returned to his seat following the defeat of the Gorkhas by a combined Chinese-Tibetan force. The seventh Paṇ chen was one of the preceptors of the ninth Dalai Lama, Lung rtogs rgya mtsho (1806–1815). He conferred the novice (dge tshul) vows on the young Dalai Lama in 1810 in the Po ta la and gave him his ordination name. Following Lung rtogs rgya mtsho’s death in 1815, eight years passed before a new Dalai Lama was officially recognized, and the selection process involved drawing lots from the Golden Urn (gSer bum skrug pa; Ch. Jinping cheqian 金瓶掣签) that Lha skyong rgyal po (alt. Chan lung; Ch. Qianlong 乾隆, 1711–1799) sent to Tibet with instructions that it should be used to confirm the choice of reincarnations. This was the first time this method was used to select a Dalai Lama. In 1822 the 10th Dalai Lama, Tshul khrims rgya mtsho (1816–1837), was enthroned, and dPal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma conferred novice ordination and the name Tshul khrims rgya mtsho. He gave the Dalai Lama the full ordination (dge slong) in 1831. In 1842 dPal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma recognized the 11th Dalai Lama, mKhas grub rgya mtsho (1838–1856), conferred novice vows, and gave him his ordination name. In 1844 dPal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma commissioned the construction of a summer palace for the Paṇ chen bla mas about one kilometer south of bKra shis lhun po, which contained two chapels and walled gardens. Due to concerns about the safety of the 11th Dalai Lama, he was appointed sde srid (regent); he served in this post from 6 August 1844 to 26 April 1845, following which he handed the position to the ninth Rwa sgreng Rin po che, Ngag dbang ye shes tshul khrims (1816–1863), in 1845. In 1846 he conferred the dge slong ordination on mKhas grub rgya mtsho. BLO BZANG DPAL LDAN YE SHES (LOSANG BELDEN YESHÉ, 1738–1780) (CH. LUOSANG BEIDAN YIXI 罗桑贝丹意希). The sixth Paṇ chen bla ma. He was involved in foreign affairs throughout his life. He hosted George Bogle (1746–1781), a Scottish adventurer who visited bKra shis lhun po from 1774 to 1775, and negotiated with Warren Hastings (1732–1818), the governor of British India, through him. After the king of

42 • BLO BZANG GRAGS PA, TSONG KHA PA

Bhutan invaded Cooch Behar (Koch Bihār) in Bengal in 1772, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes mediated negotiations on a settlement. In 1778 he accepted an invitation from Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) to visit Beijing 北京 for his 70th birthday celebrations. He was greeted with great fanfare, but he died of smallpox on 2 November 1780. Among his most widely read works are his Guide Book to Sham bha la (Sham bha la’i lam yig), the geographical aspects of which were based to a considerable extent on the descriptions given to the Jo nang prelate Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634), whose information was largely based on data given to him by his major Indian teacher, Sangs rgyas sbas pa’i mgon (Buddhaguptanātha), around 1600. These data were accepted almost completely by bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes despite the fact that in that work he pointedly questions the legitimacy of Tā ra nā tha’s authority as a teacher, rejecting the authenticity of the tantric initiations he claims were only partially received from Buddhaguptanātha. BLO BZANG GRAGS PA, TSONG KHA PA (TSONG KHABA LOSANG DRAKBA, 1357–1419) (CH. ZONGKABA LUOSANGZHABA 宗喀巴 罗桑札巴). The founder of the dGe lugs order, born into a nomadic family in the Tsong kha Valley in A mdo. He is often referred to as rJe Rin po che. He was ordained by the fourth rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rol pa’i rdo rje (1340–1383), at the age of three. At age seven he received novice (dge tshul) vows from Chos rje Don grub rin chen (1309–1385) and was given the name bLo bzang grags pa. For most of his life he traveled all over Tibet, studying with teachers from various traditions, focusing both on the philosophical traditions that Tibetans inherited from India and on tantric literature and practice. His main source for the system he developed was the bKa’ gdams pa teachings stemming from Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa) and codified by his student ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064). Tsong kha pa’s main teacher was Red mda’ ba gZhon nu blo gros (1349–1412). Tsong kha pa is renowned throughout the Tibetan cultural region as one of its most eminent scholars, meditators, and philosophers. His written works fill 12 volumes in the Tibetan canon. His most influential works include: (1) Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path (Lam rim chen mo), a comprehensive treatment of the traditional Mahāyāna Buddhist path to buddhahood; (2) Great Exposition of Secret Mantra (sNgags rim chen mo), which presents a similarly graduated tantric path to buddhahood; and (3) Essence of Good Explanations (Legs bshad snying po), a discussion of Buddhist hermeneutics in accordance with the Indian Yogācāra and Madhyamaka schools. His Three Principal Aspects of the Path (Lam gtso rnam gsum) is also a popular short condensation of the main aspects of the Buddhist path. In addition, he wrote numerous other texts, which have become the basis of training in the dGe lugs pa tradition.

BLO BZANG GRAGS PA, TSONG KHA PA • 43

Zanabazar, the 1st rJe btsun dam pa.

He was one of Tibet’s great religious reformers, and the structure of the dGe lugs pa order reflects this orientation. Its emphasis is on extensive study supplemented with oral debate, combined with strict adherence to the rules of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya). According to dGe lugs pa tradition, Tsong kha pa was able to accomplish so much because he was a physical

44 • BLO BZANG PADMA BKRA SHIS LDE

Row of stu-pas built on the spot where Tsong kha pa was born.

manifestation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī), the bodhisattva of wisdom, and he reportedly was able to meet with Mañjuśrī and receive instructions directly from him. The dGe lugs pa tradition credits him with four great actions: (1) establishing the annual “Great Aspiration Festival” (sMon lam chen mo), (2) restoring an important statue of Byams pa (Skt. Maitreya), (3) championing strict observance of monastic discipline, and (4) construction of several major monasteries. BLO BZANG PADMA BKRA SHIS LDE (LOSANG BEMA TASHIDÉ, 1676–1743). The last member of the ruling house of the kingdom of Gu ge in western Tibet. La dwags conquered and annexed the kingdom in 1630; bLo bzang padma bkra shis lde moved to Lha sa in 1692 and spent the rest of his life there. BLO BZANG ’PHRIN LAS LHUN GRUB CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN (LOSANG TRINLÉ LHÜNDRUP CHÖGIGYELTSEN, 1938– 1989) (CH. LUOSANG QUEJI JIANZAN 罗桑确吉坚赞). The 10th Paṇ chen bla ma, who was an influential and controversial figure. He was born in modern-day Xunhua Salazu Zizhixian 循化撒拉族自治县 in Sichuan. His father was mGon po tshe brtan, and his mother was bSod nams grol ma. He

BLO BZANG ’PHRIN LAS LHUN GRUB CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN

 • 45

Image of Tsong kha pa in Yonghegong Monastery in Beijing.

was enthroned on 11 June 1949 in A mdo, and the ceremony was attended by representatives of the Guomindang 国民党 government as well as officials of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (b. 1935), refused to accept his designation as Paṇ chen bla ma, but under pressure from the Chinese government later agreed. In 1951 the Paṇ chen bla ma accepted an invitation to visit Beijing at the time when a Tibetan delegation was being coerced to sign the “SeventeenPoint Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,” and he was forced to send a telegram urging the Dalai Lama to accept its terms. In 1954 he traveled to Beijing with the Dalai Lama to attend the first National People’s Congress, and they met with Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) and other Chinese leaders. The Paṇ chen bla ma was later appointed to the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (Ch. Quanguo Renmin Daibiao Dahui Changwu Weiyuanhui 全国人民代表大会常务委员会), and in 1954

46 • BLO BZANG ’PHRIN LAS LHUN GRUB CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN

was appointed to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (Ch. Zhongguo Renmin Zhengzhi Xieshang Huiyi 中国人民政治协商会议). During this time, he publicly supported Chinese claims to Tibet and endorsed the People’s Republic of China’s policies for “democratic reforms” (Ch. minzhu gaige 民主改革; Tib. dmangs gtso’i bcos bsgyur), and when the Dalai Lama fled to exile in India in 1959 he remained in Tibet and was appointed to the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region. In May 1962, following a tour of Tibet, he met with Zhou Enlai 周恩来 (1898–1976) and detailed PRC failures in the region. He wrote a document, popularly referred to as the 70,000 Character Petition (Ch. Qiwan Yanshu 七万言书), that outlines in blunt terms the oppression and brutality of Chinese rule, the sufferings of the Tibetan people, and the economic failures that had reduced many to abject poverty. In October 1962 Mao described it as “a poisoned arrow shot at the Party by reactionary feudal overlords.” The petition was suppressed, and for decades it was widely believed that all copies had been destroyed, but in the 1990s the Tibet Information Network obtained a photocopy and published an English translation. In 1964 the Paṇ chen bla ma was subjected to public humiliation and torture in “struggle sessions” (Ch. pidou dahui 批斗大会; Tib. ’thab ’dzing). He was labeled a “class enemy” and his crimes against the people were recounted. He was sentenced to a term of hard labor in the brutal Qincheng Prison 秦城监狱, where many political prisoners are sent. He was released in 1977 but held under house arrest until 1982. He was considered to have been politically rehabilitated and was appointed vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress (Ch. Quanguo Renmin Daibiao Dahui 全国人民代表大 会). He renounced his monastic vows in 1979 and married a Han Chinese woman. In 1983 they had a daughter, Rig ’dzin dbang mo (Ch. Yaoxi Ban Renji Wangmu 尧西班仁吉旺姆). In 1987 he went to Australia as part of a Chinese parliamentary group and was covertly put in telephone contact on an unmonitored line with the Dalai Lama, who was in Hamburg at the time. This was their first uncensored contact since 1959. In 1989 he returned to Tibet and oversaw the reinternment of the remains of several previous Paṇ chen bla mas at bKra shis lhun po whose tombs had been ransacked and desecrated during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). He died in gZhis ka rtse at the age of 51, from what Chinese doctors described as a heart attack. The circumstances were widely regarded as suspicious because five days earlier he had delivered a public speech in which he declared that the harm the PRC had done in Tibet outweighed the good. He also poignantly indicated his allegiance to the Dalai Lama as the leading figure of Tibetan Buddhism, which angered Chinese authorities. His personal servant, now living in India, has written in his memoirs of finding the Paṇ chen’s body on the morning of

BLO BZANG THUB BSTAN CHOS KYI NYI MA • 47

his death with blackened fingernails, an indication of possible heavy metal poisoning. Some Tibetans consider him a traitor and collaborator, but the Dalai Lama has consistently described him as a “patriot” and portrays him as a heroic figure who worked to help his people in difficult times. BLO BZANG SENG GE (LOSANG SENGÉ, 1968–). The second chief executive (bka’ blon khri pa/srid skyong) of the Tibetan exile government. Born in Darjeeling, he earned undergraduate degrees at University of Delhi. His doctoral dissertation, Democracy in Distress: Is Exile Polity a Remedy? A Case Study of Tibet’s Government-in-Exile, was awarded the 2004 Yong K. Kim Prize of Excellence. He received a Fulbright Fellowship to study at Harvard University, where he earned S.J.D. and LL.M. degrees. At the time of his election, he was a research fellow at the East Asian Legal Studies Program of Harvard Law School. On 27 April 2011, Tibetan exiles from around the world elected him chief executive of the exile parliament. He succeeded Zam gdong Rin po che bLo bzang bstan ’dzin (1939–), the first person democratically elected as the leader of Tibetan exiles. BLO BZANG THUB BSTAN CHOS KYI NYI MA (LOSANG TUPDEN CHÖGI NYIMA, 1883–1937) (CH. LUOSANG QUJI NIMA 罗桑曲吉 尼玛). The ninth Paṇ chen bla ma. He was officially recognized in 1888 and taken to bKra shis lhun po for his education. In 1903 he received full ordination (dge slong) vows from the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933). In 1901 he conferred tantric initiations for Mongolian lama Agvan Dorjiev (Ngag dbang blo bzang rdo rje, 1854–1938). In 1906 Sir Charles Alfred Bell (1870–1945), one of the leading experts on Tibet of the time, visited Thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma. In 1911 Thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma stirred up a minor controversy during a visit to Lha sa when he insisted on staying in the private quarters of the Dalai Lama in the Nor bu gling ka while the latter was in India. In 1923 he fled to mDo smad following a dispute with the Dalai Lama, and in 1924 he went to Inner Mongolia. The basis of the dispute was a Tibetan government ruling requiring the Paṇ chen bla ma’s estate to contribute one quarter of the funds needed to support a modern army. After his flight some of his officials were arrested in Lha sa, and monks from bKra shis lhun po were forbidden to hold offices in the Tibetan government. He hoped to convince the Chinese government to intervene on his behalf, but no support was forthcoming. He spent the remaining years of his life traveling in China, where he was a leading figure in the popularization of Tibetan Buddhism. He gave many large-scale initiations that were widely attended by both Chinese citizens and Russian émigrés living in China. He died in sKye dgu mdo (Ch. Jiegu 结古) in modern-day Qinghai Province, which

48 • BLO BZANG TSHE DBANG

today is part of the Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Ch. Yushu Zangzu Zizhizhou 玉树藏族自治州; Tib. Yul shul bod rigs rang skyong khul). BLO BZANG TSHE DBANG (LOSANG TSEWANG). A Tibetan government official involved in the search for the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–). Following portents reported by Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes, he traveled to A mdo with Ke’u tshang Rin po che, and the two interviewed a young boy named Lha mo don ’grub, who was subsequently recognized as the Dalai Lama. BLO BZANG YE SHES (LOSANG YESHÉ, 1663–1737) (CH. LUOSANG YIXI 罗桑意希). The fifth Paṇ chen bla ma. He was born in Thob rgyal in gTsang, and in 1668 was recognized as the reincarnation of the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662). His father was bDe chen rgyal po, and his mother was Shes rab sgrol ma. In 1670 he was brought to Lha sa and received novice (dge tshul) ordination from the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), who gave him the name bLo bzang ye shes. In 1684 he received his full ordination (dge slong) in a ceremony officiated by ’Dul ’dzin dKon mchog rgyal mtshan. bLo bzang ye shes was the official preceptor (yongs ’dzin) of the sixth and seventh Dalai Lamas. In 1659 he bestowed ordination on the sixth Dalai Lama and gave him the name bLo bzang rin chen Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706). In 1713 he was given the title “Banchan E’erdeni” 班禅 额尔德尼 by the Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) along with a seal in three scripts (Tibetan, Mongolian, and Manchu) certifying his position. This is the title by which this reincarnational lineage is commonly known in China. In 1717 he conferred the novice vows on the seventh Dalai Lama and gave him the name bLo bzang bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). In 1727 he officiated at his full monastic ordination. In 1728 Qing emperor Gong ma Yung ting (alt. Gong ma Yung ting; Ch. Yongzheng 雍正, 1678–1735) sent his representative (am ban) Aliha to request bLo bzang ye shes’ help in settling an armed conflict between dBus and gTsang. He was asked to take control over a large territory in western Tibet in exchange for ceding some disputed territories. He initially declined, but later agreed to relinquish control of rGyal rtse and Phag ri to the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), while he gained control over the area to the west of Pa snam. After his death, a domed tomb was built at bKra shis lhun po, and his remains were interred there. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), the tombs of the fifth–ninth Paṇ chen bla mas were destroyed, but some of their remains were salvaged and placed in a newly built tomb by the 10th Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ’phrin las lhun grub chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1938–1989).

BOD • 49

BLO GROS RGYAL MTSHAN, CHOS RGYAL ’PHAGS PA (CHÖGYEL PAKBA LODRÖ GYELTSEN, 1235–1280) (CH. BASIBA 巴思巴 OR 巴思八). A nephew of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rGyal mtshan (1182– 1251). He was born in mNga’ ris at kLu khang. His father was bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1184–1239), and his mother was Kun dga’ skyid. Together with his younger brother Phyag na rdo rje (1239–1267), in 1244 he traveled with Sa skya Paṇḍita to Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan) at the command of Godan Khan (Tib. Go dan Han, 1206–1251). Sa skya Paṇḍita cured the khan of a skin disease and reportedly converted him to Buddhism; the lama was named regent of Tibet under Mongol overlordship. Sa skya Paṇḍita was required to leave his nephews behind as “guests” of the Mongol court. This was a common tactic of the Mongols, who required that princes of conquered peoples reside with them in order to prevent insurrection or disloyalty. Godan died soon after this, and ’Phags pa replaced Sa skya Paṇḍita as regent. The position was inherited by his successors. ’Phags pa reportedly converted Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) and his consort Chamui to Buddhism. He was appointed to the posts of “Religious Preceptor” (Ti shri; Ch. Dishi 帝师) and “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师). ’Phags pa and Khubilai developed the “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship, which stipulated that the khan would protect Tibet and the Sa skya pa hierarchs would serve as the spiritual preceptors to the royal court. In addition to his political and missionizing activities, ’Phags pa was a prolific author. He wrote a famous set of instructions on the art of rulership for Khubilai, and he is credited with developing a script (named after him) for the Mongolian language. See also BYANG PHYOGS SPRUL PA’I LHA KHANG; MONGOL EMPIRE; MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM. BLO GSAL RGYA MTSHO, TSHAR CHEN (TSARCHEN LOSEL GYATSO, 1502–1566) (CH. CHAQIAN LUOSUO JIACUO 察千罗索 嘉措). The founder of ’Dar grang mo che Monastery in gTsang and an important member of the path and result instructional teaching (lam ’bras slob bshad) transmission. ’Dar grang mo che is the main seat of the Tshar pa tradition of the Sa skya order. bLo gsal rgya mtsho is regarded as the founder of the Tshar pa lineage. BOD (PÖ) (CH. XIZANG 西藏). The traditional Tibetan name for Tibet. For Chinese, the name Tibet refers only to the Tibet Autonomous Region (Ch. Xizang Zizhiqu 西藏自治区; Tib. Bod rang skyong ljongs), but Tibetans—both those in Chinese-controlled regions and exiles—regard it as comprising the central provinces of dBus and gTsang, the western regions of Gu ge, the Byang thang (“Northern Plain”), and the eastern provinces of Khams and A mdo.

50 • BOD PA

Mountain in west-central Tibet.

BOD PA (PÖBA) (CH. ZANGZU 藏族) (“TIBETAN”). The most common term designating ethnic Tibetans. This can refer to indigenous inhabitants of the Tibetan Plateau or exile Tibetans descended from them. According to a traditional Tibetan definition of what constitutes a “Bod pa,” such a person has black hair, eats rtsam pa (parched barley flour), and wears felt boots. This could also characterize several Mongol tribes, but is reasonably accurate as a set of descriptors. BOD SKAD: See LANGUAGE. BODHGAYĀ: See RDO RJE GDAN. BODHIMAṆḌA: See BYANG CHUB SNYING PO. BODHISATTVA (TIB. BYANG CHUB SEMS DPA’; SKT. BODHISATTVA) (CH. PUSA 菩萨). An incipient buddha, someone following the path to full awakening (bodhi), the ideal of “Great Vehicle” (Skt. Mahāyāna; Tib. Theg pa chen po) Buddhism. A bodhisattva resolves to attain buddhahood for the benefit of other sentient beings mired in the sufferings of cyclic existence. The bodhisattva path begins with the dawning of the “mind of awakening” (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhicitta) and progresses through stages, each characterized by increasing wisdom and insight. See also PHA ROL TU PHYIN PA. BON (PÖN) (CH. BENJIAO 苯教). A Tibetan religious tradition that traces its history back to pre-Buddhist practices associated with the cult of the early

BON • 51

Tibetan kings. It has absorbed many Buddhist practices and doctrines, but its adherents consider Bon to be distinct from Tibetan Buddhism. According to Bon sources, the tradition came to Tibet from sTag gzigs, which appears to roughly refer to parts of the wider Persian empire. sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the mythical founder of Bon, was born in sTag gzigs ’Ol mo lung ring, and he brought the religion from there to the kingdom of Zhang zhung, which was probably an area in western Tibet with Ti se (Mt. Kailash) at its center. Note, however, that early Bon texts say that the Mt. Kailash area was “Outer” Zhang zhung and that “Inner” Zhang zhung was in sTag gzigs, suggesting that, at least in the Bon po’s own view, the center of their cultural origins lay far away from Tibet, possibly in an area north of Bactria. From Zhang zhung, Bon was disseminated into Tibet. Bon histories claim that the early tradition was closely connected with the cult of the rulers of the Yar klungs dynasty, but documents from the early period fail to support this. The earliest Bon histories lack the liturgical detail that would be expected if Bon priests officiated over religious ceremonies of the Yar klungs monarchs. In documents from Dunhuang, the term Bon is not found as a designator of a religious sect, and the term bon po appears to refer to ritual functionaries and not a specific religious grouping. The earliest surviving documents that refer to Bon as a religion date from the 9th or 10th centuries—i.e., after the fall of the Imperium. According to Per Kvaerne, the term Bon can refer to three distinct traditions: (1) the pre-Buddhist religious practices of Tibetans that are somewhat amorphous but distinct from Buddhism and are related to the cult of divine kings; (2) a syncretic religion that arose in Tibet in the 10th and 11th centuries and combined elements of Buddhism with earlier religious practices; and (3) a wide variety of popular beliefs and practices that include cults of local deities, geomancy, fortune-telling, and various forms of magic. Some scholars, including Christopher Beckwith, regard the developed Bon tradition as one of the two branches of Tibetan Buddhism because it shares a common set of beliefs and practices, and many of its religious and philosophical terms are equivalents of Buddhist doctrines. The Bon canon also incorporates many Buddhist works with Bon terminological variants. Some scholars regard the major period of Bon development (14th–15th centuries) as a reaction to the advances Buddhism made in attracting patronage and wealth and point out theconsiderable evidence suggesting that Bon was deliberately fashioned to maintain its very existence vis-à-vis Buddhism. In Tibetan Buddhist histories written after the 12th century Bon functions as the obstinate “other” to normative Buddhism and is blamed for any factors that made the propagation of Buddhism even minimally difficult. Recent years have seen some rapprochement between Bon and Tibetan Buddhism, and in 1988 the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), was famously (and controversially) photographed participating in a Bon

52 • BON PO

ceremony in Dolanji, Himachal Pradesh, following which he declared that Bon should be regarded as one of the five major religious traditions of Tibet, along with the four Buddhist orders (rNying ma, Sa skya, bKa’ brgyud, and dGe lugs). After centuries of persecution and government-ordered closures of Bon establishments that caused many Bon pos to move from central Tibet to peripheral parts of the Tibetan cultural area, Shar rdza bKra shis rgyal mtshan (1859–1935), a master of the Bon “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) tradition, revived Bon in the 19th century. Among his works, one of the most influential was Self-Dawning of the Three Bodies (sKu gsum rang shar). sMan ri Monastery, established in 1405 by mNyam med Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1356–1416), is one of the most important institutions of contemporary Bon, and the Throne Holder of sMan ri (sMan ri Khri ’dzin) is generally regarded as the leader of the tradition. sMan ri was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), but was rebuilt in Dolanji by Lung rtogs bsTan pa’i nyi ma and sLob dpon bsTan ’dzin rnam dag (1926–) and consecrated in 1967. Prior to the Chinese invasion, Tibet had more than 300 Bon monasteries, but many were destroyed. The two most important institutions were sMan ri and g.Yung drung dgon pa. See also GE KHOD; DBAL CHEN GE KHOD; G.YUNG DRUNG BLA MA; G.YUNG DRUNG BON. BON PO (PÖNBO). An adherent of Bon. In some early Tibetan texts, bon po is a term referring to a ritual specialist. BON RI (PÖNRI) (CH. BEN SHAN 本山) (“BON MOUNTAIN”). A term Bon pos use to refer to Ti se (Mt. Kailash, but not the mountain of the same name in western Tibet), a peak in the southeastern province of rKong po, also called bLa ri. This peak is sacred to Bon pos, Buddhists, and Hindus. According to Bon tradition, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the mythical founder of the tradition, brought the Dharma from sTag gzigs to Zhang zhung, a region with Bon ri at its heart. Recent scholarship suggests that one of the large mounds found in the vicinity of Bon ri is in fact a tumulus and may be the tomb of the first Tibetan king to leave a body on earth, Gri gum btsan po. BRAHMAPUTRA RIVER: See YAR KLUNGS GTSANG PO. BRAM DZE (DRAMSÉ) (SKT. BRĀHMAṆA) (CH. POLUOMEN 婆 罗门) (“BRAHMAN”). The priestly caste of Hinduism. The brahmans are responsible for maintaining the order of the universe through their sacrifices. They learn the sacred Vedas by heart along with the lore of their sacrificial system. Their position in Buddhist texts varies: in some places the Buddha

’BRAS SPUNGS • 53

indicates that they are worthy of respect and alms, while in other places he castigates brahmans who fail to live up to the religious ideal. BRAN KA DPAL GYI YON TAN (DRENKA BELGI YÖNDEN, FL. 9TH CENTURY) (CH. BEIJI YUNDAN 贝吉云丹). One of the most influential monk ministers (ban de chen po) of the Imperium. He was the first to hold this position. He served in this post during the reign of Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs; r. ca. 799–815) and was retained by his successor Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836). He was the chief witness to the treaty between Tibet and China in 822. He was slandered by a rumor that he had an affair with a queen and later put to death. dBa’ rGyal to re sTag nya and another minister belonging to the Cog ro clan engineered the rumors. His body was cut in half; a part of his remains was thrown into a river, and the other parts were fashioned into an effigy and installed at a chapel at sNye thang. His spirit became the Dharma protector (chos skyong) dPa’ bo bLon chen. ’BRAS MO LJONGS: See SIKKIM. ’BRAS SPUNGS (DREBUNG) (CH. ZHEBANG SI 哲蚌寺) (“RICE HEAP”). One of the largest monasteries of Tibetan Buddhism, founded in 1416 by ’Jam dbyangs chos rje bKra shis dpal ldan (1379–1449), a disciple of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419). It was named after Shri dhana’i gling (Skt. Śrī Dhānyakaṭaka) in south India, where tantric tradition holds the Dus kyi ’khor lo’i rgyud (Skt. Kālacakra-tantra) was revealed. Its initial construction was largely funded by the second governor (rdzong dpon) of sNe’u, Drung chen Nam mkha’ bzang po (r. ca. 1400–1430). He ordered the transfer of religious objects that had belonged to Rwa Lo tsā ba. Later the protector deity Pe har was ritually transferred from Tshal Monastery, and he became the main protector of bDe yangs grwa tshang. ’Bras spungs is located near the bottom of Mt. dGe ’phel (Ch. Gengpiwuzi Shan 更丕乌孜山) and situated about eight kilometers from Lha sa. It is one of the three main monasteries of the dGe lugs order (the others being dGa’ ldan and Se ra). The abbots of these three monasteries exerted considerable influence on Tibetan politics from the 17th century up to 1959. Prior to the Chinese invasion in the 1950s, Bras spungs was one of the world’s largest monasteries, housing around 10,000 monks. It was largely destroyed during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), but in recent years much of it has been rebuilt, although due to Chinese government restrictions and a program of expelling monks from monasteries it now has only a few hundred residents. Tibetan refugees have built a new ’Bras spungs in Karnataka State in south India, which currently houses 5,000 monks. ’Bras spungs has three

54 • BRGYA BYIN

Monks putting butter in lamps, ’Bras spungs Monastery.

main monastic colleges: (1) ’Bras spungs bDe yangs (“Rice Heap Extensive Happiness”), (2) ’Bras spungs sGo mang (“Rice Heap Many Doors”), and (3) ’Bras spungs bLo gsal gling (“Rice Heap Clear Mind School”). BRGYA BYIN (GYAJIN; ALT. SKYO MED MGON PO; SKABS GSUM DBANG PO; KHYAB STOBS; GANG PO ’BOD; GRAGS PA’I MU KHYUD; GROL BYED ’JOMS; MGON PO RDO RJE CAN; RGAN LAS NYAN) (CH. DISHITIAN 帝釋天/帝释天). Indra, the king of the gods (lha; Skt. deva) in the Vedas. He is a recurring figure in the life stories of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). He is depicted as a devotee of the Buddha who begs him for teachings and asserts the Buddha’s utter superiority in terms of wisdom and insight. In some stories, he accompanies the Buddha (along with Tshangs pa; Skt. Brahmā) when he descends to earth from dGa’ ldan (Skt. Tuṣita) Heaven.

’BRI GUNG BKA’ BRGYUD • 55

’BRI CHU (DRICHU) (CH. CHANG JIANG 长江 OR YANGZI JIANG 扬子江; YANGTZE) (“RIVER OF THE FEMALE YAK”). The longest river in Asia and the third longest in the world, which originates in Tibet and flows through China to the East China Sea at Shanghai. It begins at a glacier to the west of Mt. dGe la bstan stong (Ch. Geladandong Feng 各拉 丹东峰) in the gDang la Mountain range (Ch. Tanggula Shan 唐古拉山) in Qinghai Province, near the border with the Tibet Autonomous Region. It is about 6,300 km (3,915 mi.) in length. It feeds the Three Gorges Dam (Ch. Sanxia Daba 三峡大坝) in Yunan Province, the largest hydroelectric project in the world. It is known by different names at different parts: (1) the source is referred to in Chinese as “Marsh River” (Dangqu 当曲); (2) further downstream it is known as “Tearful River” (Tuotuo He 沱沱河); (3) the next length is the “River that Passes through Heaven” (Tongtian He 通天河); (4) in the Three Gorges area, where it runs through deep gorges parallel to the Mekong River and the rGyal mo rngul chu (Ch. Nu Jiang 怒江; Salween) River before it runs into the plains of Sichuan, it is referred to as the “Golden Sands River” (Jinsha Jiang 金沙江). ’BRI GUNG BKA’ BRGYUD (DRIGÜNG GAGYÜ) (CH. ZHIGONG GAJUPAI 直贡噶举派). One of the “eight lesser Dwags po bKa’ brgyud lineages” (Dwags po bka’ brgyud chung brgyad), all of which trace themselves back to sGam po pa (Dwags po lha rje bSod nams rin chen) (1079–1153).

The ’Bri chu River.

56 • ’BROG MI LO TSA- BA

Its traditional headquarters in Tibet was ’Bri gung mthil ’Og min byang chub gling (alt. ’Bri gung mthil) Monastery. This was named for the valley in which it was built, situated about 150 km (93 mi.) east of Lha sa. It was founded in 1179 by ’Jig rten mgon po rin chen dpal (alt. sKyob pa Rin po che, 1143–1217), a student of Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po, whose teachings are referred to as “one thought” (dgongs gcig). From its founding to the present, 38 abbots have resided there. In 1959, it housed around 400 monks and had 60 meditators in solitary retreat, six lama residences (bla brang), and eight reincarnate lamas (sprul sku). The Chinese destroyed the monastery in 1959, and reconstruction began in 1980. One of its main teaching lineages is the “profound five-fold path of the great seal” (lam zab mo phyag chen lnga ldan), which is traced back to sGam po pa. This tradition emphasizes solitary retreat and is renowned for its great meditators. Its two main reincarnational lineages are the ’Bri gung che tshangs and ’Bri gung chung tshangs. The ’Bri gung che tshang escaped from Tibet in 1974 and established a new headquarters in La dwags. The main institution for the order today, Byang chub gling ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud Institute, is in Dehra Dun, Uttarkhand, India. ’BROG MI LO TSĀ BA: See SHĀ KYA YE SHES. ’BROG PA: See NOMAD. ’BROG RI (DROKRI) (“HIGHLAND MOUNTAIN”). A mountain about 50 km (31 mi.) from Lha sa where dGa’ ldan Monastery was built. The monastery became one of the three main seats of the dGe lugs order. ’BROM STON PA RGYAL BA’I ’BYUNG GNAS: See RGYAL BA’I ’BYUNG GNAS. BRTSON ’GRUS BZANG PO, THANG STONG RGYAL PO (TANGDONG GYELBO TSÖNDRÜ SANGBO, 1361–1485) (CH. TANGDONG JIEBO 唐东杰波) (“LORD OF THE EMPTY PLAIN”). An itinerant tantric master and civil engineer who reportedly traveled widely in the Tibetan cultural area. He is credited with designing and building 58 iron link-chain bridges over rivers in Tibet and Bhutan and with designing a noncorrosive iron alloy used in their construction. Some of these are still in use. He is referred to as “Builder of Iron Bridges” (lCags zam pa). He was also noted for his contributions in medicine, theater, and engineering, along with his tantric instructions. He is credited with developing the a lce lha mo genre of Tibetan opera, which depicts Buddhist stories in a combination of dramatic recitation, singing, and dancing. He was born in Upper gTsang in Ol ba lha

BRTSON ’GRUS BZANG PO, THANG STONG RGYAL PO • 57

Phyllite stone (painted) image of Thang stong rgyal po.

58 • BRTSON ’GRUS GRAGS PA, SHANGS TSHAL PA

rtse. He studied with numerous teachers, including Kun spangs Don yod rgyal mtshan, who introduced him to the Northern Treasure (Byang gter) tradition, and rDo rje gZhon nu, who instructed him on the Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud system. He was a noted “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). He recovered the Deathless Vaiśravaṇa Long Life Ritual (Tshe sgrub ’chi med dpal ster) from mChims phu near bSam yas, and at Gram pa gyangs he found the Unsurpassed Supremely Secret Long Life Ritual (Thugs sgrub yang gsang bla med). At Lake Padma gling he recovered the Precious Collection of Secret Instructions (Man ngag rin chen gter spungs). He developed theatrical performances of the lives and deeds of bodhisattvas and the “Religious Kings” (Chos rgyal) as a tool for conversion. The performances also raised funds for his civil works projects. His hagiography reports that he lived for 125 years and physically left for the celestial realm of dPal ri bo che. BRTSON ’GRUS GRAGS PA, SHANGS TSHAL PA (SHANG TSELPA TSÖNDRU DRAKBA; ALT. ZHANG G.YU BRAG PA; BLA MA ZHANG, 1123–1193) (CH. XIANG ZUNZHU ZHABA 向尊珠扎巴). The founder of the Tshal pa bKa’ brgyud tradition. He was influential in political and religious affairs and was characterized as one of the “Three Jewels of Tibet” (Bod nor bu rnam gsum) along with Tsong kha pa and Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po. He was born in Tshal pa gru in the sKyid chu River ­Valley south of Lha sa in the aristocratic sNa nam zhang family, which claimed descent from ministers of the Imperium. His father was Zhang rDo rje sems dpa’, and his mother was Mang skyid, formerly a Buddhist nun who belonged to the Shud phu clan. At birth he was given the name Dar ma grags. During his teens he studied magic and reportedly performed animal sacrifices. His parents died, and he attributed this to his negative karma. He contemplated suicide, but instead became a Buddhist monk in Khams. In 1148 he received full ordination (dge slong) from mKhar sgo ba and Grab mkhar ba and was given the name brTson ’grus grags pa. In Khams he studied with rGwa Lo tsā ba, a translator who had traveled to India. rGwa gave him tantric empowerments and instructions on ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara). brTson ’grus grags pa engaged in solitary retreat, following which he returned to central Tibet and studied with Mal Yer pa ba, who instructed him in heat yoga (gtum mo). In 1152 he began teaching students. In 1154 he met sGam po pa’s nephew Dwags po sgom tshul (1116–1169), who initiated him into the bKa’ brgyud teachings (at that time bKa’ brgyud was still an unorganized assemblage of people who followed traditions of Indian masters imported to Tibet by Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros and others). During this time he composed his best-known work, Supreme Path of the Great Seal (Phyag chen lam mchog mthar thug).

’BRUG PA BKA’ BRGYUD • 59

brTson ’grus grags pa became involved in conflicts in dBus and gTsang in the early 1160s. sGom tshul mediated the disputes, and he asked brTson ’grus grags pa to protect religious sites in Lha sa. In 1175 brTson ’grus grags pa founded Tshal gung thang, situated north of Lha sa on the opposite side of the sKyid chu River. He became a local ruler and wrote his own legal code. He forged alliances with other hegemons, and he also had a militia that he used liberally. Yamamoto (2009, 114) describes him as one of an influential group who combined religious authority and secular power and who “were slowly transforming a figure familiar from Indian esoteric Buddhism—the tantric lama—into a distinctively Tibetan creature: more ‘worldly,’ more ‘engaged,’ more willing to take on the responsibilities of governance and rulership that had formerly been the province of kings and members of the old aristocratic clans.” He was criticized for excessive use of force and for coercing people to work on his construction projects, but the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po) reports that he defended himself as a tantric adept who had transcended ordinary concerns and whose actions were motivated by superior insight. The first rGyal dbang Karma pa, Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193), traveled from Khams in 1189 to persuade him to stop using violence to achieve his ends. brTson ’grus grags pa reportedly grabbed the Karma pa’s finger and went into a wild dance, and then made a vow to abjure violence. At age 61 he contracted a serious illness and withdrew into meditative retreat for the rest of his life. He still controlled his secular affairs and met with his deputy (dpon chen), Dar ma gzhon nu. He died in 1193 while a massive mchod rten whose construction he ordered was still unfinished. His remains were cremated and placed in the lower part of the structure. Dar ma gzhon nu assumed control over his fiefdom and was succeeded by several generations of hegemons but, as Sørensen (2007) explains, the remarkable power and influence of Gung thang was soon eclipsed, and brTson ’grus grags pa’s realm was incorporated into the core holdings of the central Tibet government in the 17th century. BRU CHEN G.YUNG DRUNG BLA MA: See G.YUNG DRUNG BLA MA. ’BRUG PA BKA’ BRGYUD (DRUKBA GAGYÜ) (CH. ZHUBA GAJU 竹 巴噶举). One of the “eight lesser Dwags po bKa’ brgyud lineages” (Dwags po bka’ brgyud chung brgyad), all of which trace themselves back to sGam po pa (Dwags po lha rje, 1079–1153). The traditional founder of the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud lineage was gTsang pa rGya ras ye shes rdo rje (1161–1211), a disciple of gLing chen ras pa Padma rdo rje (1128–1188). He founded Rwa lung Monastery around 1180. The monastery was built in an area southeast

60 • ’BRUG YUL

of rGyal rtse, near the border of ’Brug yul (Bhutan). The school received its name from an earlier monastery named ’Brug (“Dragon”), purportedly because dragons appeared in the sky during its construction. ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud later became the main order of Tibetan Buddhism in Bhutan. Until the 17th century, the family of gTsang pa rGya ras ye shes rdo rje transmitted the lineage. In the 15th century, rGyal dbang rje Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (1428–1476) was recognized as his reincarnation, and from the time of the fifth member of the lineage, rGyal dbang ’Brug pa dPag bsam dbang po (1593–1653), the rGyal dbang ’Brug pa sprul skus became the leaders of the tradition. The ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud lineage maintains tantric and scholastic traditions inherited from sGam po pa and Phag mo gru pa (1110–1170); one of its distinctive teachings is the “six cycles of equal taste” (ro snyom skor drug), a set of “hidden treasures” (gter ma) concealed by Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa (1084–1161) and discovered by gTsang pa rGya ras, and the “seven auspicious teachings” (rten ’brel rab bdun), revealed to gTsang pa rGya ras by seven buddhas who appeared to him in a vision. The lineage is commonly divided into several sub-schools: (1) sMad ’brug (Lower ’Brug), founded by rGyal ba lo ras pa dBang phyug brtson ’grus (1187–1250), who built dBu ri and Seng ge ri Monasteries and who visited Bhutan, where he founded Thar pa gling Monastery in ’Bum thang; (2) sTod ’brug (Upper ’Brug), founded by rGod tshang pa mGon po rdo rje (1189–1258); and (3) Bar ’brug (Central ’Brug), which traces itself back to gTsang pa rGya ras and remained in his familial lineage for several generations. The next lineage holder was his nephew Dar ma seng ge (1177–1237). Dar ma seng ge’s nephew gZhon nu seng ge (1200–1266) succeeded him. The first nine lineage holders are referred to as the “Incomparable Nine Lions” (mNyam med seng ge dgu). ’BRUG YUL: See BHUTAN. BSAM YAS (SAMYÉ) (CH. SANGYE SI 桑耶寺) (“INCONCEIVABLE”). The first Buddhist monastery in Tibet, which, according to Tibetan tradition, was modeled after Otantapuri’i gtsug lag khang (Skt. Odantapurī) in modern Bihār, India. It was probably constructed between 775 and 779 under the patronage of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). Traditional histories attest that it was consecrated by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) in 779, but the earliest extant recension of the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed)—dating to the 12th century but based on 9th-century and later documents—mentions Padmasambhava only as a minor figure, a wandering water diviner and magician. The central buildings and surrounding monuments are laid out in

BSAM YAS • 61

a dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) pattern that reflects traditional Buddhist cosmology, with Ri rab lhun po (Skt. Sumeru) in the center surrounded by four continents in the cardinal directions. Shortly after its consecration, bSam yas was the site of the first monastic ordination in Tibet, during which the “seven probationers” (sad mi bdun), all of whom belonged to aristocratic families, received monastic vows. In the main temple (dbu rtse chen po) the central image is of the buddha rNam par snang mdzad (Skt. Vairocana), which is placed in the middle floor (bar khang). The upper floor houses his form of Kun rigs rNam par snang mdzad (Skt. Vairocana Sarvavid). When Buddhism became the state religion, bSam yas was designated as the chapel of the ruling kings. During the 8th– 10th centuries it played a major role in the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet, but it fell into disrepair after the fall of the Yar klungs dynasty. The temples have suffered from a number of disasters such as fires, and Chinese Red Guards destroyed most of the complex in the 1960s. For several years it was used as a motor repair garage. Despite the destruction, the bottom floor of the main temple remained intact. In recent years it has been restored and is now a popular destination for tourists and pilgrims. Traditional accounts report that initial attempts to construct a monastery on the site were thwarted by malevolent spirits (lha and srin), which Padmasambhava subdued. He performed an exorcism ritual, involving rdo rje phur pa (Skt. vajra-kīla), gtor ma (figures made of butter and flour and painted, used for tantric rituals), and nam mkha’ (crossed threads symbolic of a dpal be’u or endless knot; Skt. śrīvatsa), which expelled the obstructions. This ritual bound the local deity, Pe har rgyal po, to an oath to defend Buddhism,

Wall painting of Padmasambhava and S´a¯ ntaraks∙ita founding bSam yas Monastery, dKar mdzes Monastery.

62 • BSHAD GRWA

and he later became the main protector of the Dalai Lamas. He speaks through the gNas chung Chos skyong, the main oracle of the Tibetan government. The rNying ma order traces itself to the establishment of bSam yas and claims to continue the traditions practiced there. BSHAD GRWA (SHEDRA) (“TEACHING CENTER”). A college or school for the study of Buddhism. Traditional establishments comprise small institutes in which monks or nuns study Buddhist scriptures and receive oral instructions from a master (mkhan po). These are often viewed as the counterpart of a retreat center (grub grwa) and are the places where students receive learning that prepares them for advanced meditation. In the dGe lugs order they are linked with the “debating college” (rtsod grwa), where the scriptures and commentaries are discussed in a dialectical format. BSKAL BZANG RGYA MTSHO (GELSANG GYATSO, 1708–1757) (CH. GASANG JIACUO 噶桑嘉措). The seventh Dalai Lama, who was born near Li thang in Khams. His father was bSod nams dar rgyas, and his mother was bSod nams chos mtsho. Shortly after his birth, ’Od ldan dkar po, a form of the Dalai Lamas’ protector deity Pe har, possessed a local lama and declared that the boy was the rebirth of the teacher “fulfilling to see,” which was taken as a reference to the previous Dalai Lama. His enthronement was delayed by the machinations of Lhazang Khan (Tib. Lha bzang khan, d. 1717), who deposed the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), and installed his own son Ye shes rgya mtsho as Dalai Lama. Lhazang Khan sent two of his officers, a Tibetan and a Mongol, to investigate the reports that a new Dalai Lama had been born in Li thang. The Tibetan, Nor bu dngos grub, recognized that Lhazang posed a threat to the boy’s safety and advised bSod nams dar rgyas to flee. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho went into hiding in sDe dge, where the local prince, brTan pa tshe ring (1678–1738), welcomed him. Later the Mongol ruler of Kokonor, Qinwang Baatur Khungtaiji (Tib. Ching wang Bā dur tā’i ji, r. 1635–1653), arranged for him to be brought to A mdo. In 1716, the Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) sent a Tibetan-Mongol cavalry contingent to escort him to sKu ’bum. He resided in sKu ’bum for several years and was instructed by some of the leading eastern Tibetan scholars of the day, including Chu bzang No mon han (1652–1723). While in exile in sKu ’bum, dGe lugs pa lamas examined him and confirmed him as the seventh Dalai Lama. Kangxi issued an imperial decree that the boy was the true Dalai Lama, but he also accepted the fait accompli of Lhazang Khan’s rule over central Tibet. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho was able to travel to central Tibet only in 1720 following the defeat of Lhazang Khan’s forces by an army of Zunghar

BSKAL BZANG RGYA MTSHO • 63

Mongols. They looted and pillaged, earning the enmity of the Tibetan populace, and the Zunghars in turn were routed by a combined Manchu-Tibetan force. The Zunghars had removed the false Dalai Lama. Kangxi’s son, Prince Yinti (Ch. 胤禵), accompanied bsKal bzang rgya mtsho on his journey. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho arrived at the Po ta la in the fall of 1720, and during the winter was given monastic ordination by the fifth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737), who gave him the name bLo bzang bskal bzang rgya mtsho. The Manchu court sought to convert Tibet into a dependency, and in 1720 sent troops to Lha sa; they punished nobles who had collaborated with Lhazang Khan or the Zunghars. An oligarchy of nobles was created, led by the aristocrat Khang chen nas. They were placed under the authority of two Manchu representatives called am ban. The Dalai Lama’s father was ennobled, and he became involved in political affairs. Numerous conflicts arose between various factions, and Khang chen nas, while in many respects a capable administrator, also had a penchant for alienating people. In 1727, he and his family were murdered, and Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747) seized power in central Tibet. He raised an army from western Tibet and managed to outmaneuver a much larger force. He took gZhis ka rtse and then Lha sa, and then he received reinforcements from the Manchu court. The Manchu ruler agreed to allow Pho lha nas to rule Tibet under Qing overlordship. Theoretically he shared power with the am bans, but visitors to Tibet during this period remarked that the Manchus played no role in Tibetan politics and referred to Pho lha nas as the real king of the country. He moved against bsKal bzang rgya mtsho and his father. He considered the latter a divisive element who meddled in politics. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho was forced to flee to Khams. The Dalai Lama settled in mGar thar, a monastery built for him in the far east of Khams, well away from the centers of power in Tibet. He spent the next eight years devoted to study and meditation. He was not allowed to return to Lha sa until 1735, and Pho lha nas forbade him from playing any role in politics. He was accompanied by a contingent of 500 religious, political, and military dignitaries. The religious leader of the group was lCang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786), who was 18 at the time. lCang skya became a close disciple of bsKal bzang rgya mtsho and after his death was his official biographer. Pho lha nas died in 1747 and was succeeded by his son ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (r. 1747–1750), who attempted to forge an alliance with the Zunghars. He was assassinated by the am bans. This led to them being murdered, and Tibetans in Lha sa also attacked Chinese residents. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s supporters led a rebellion, and the Dalai Lama mediated the conflict. The new emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) ordered that the am bans would

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henceforth be the rulers of Tibet and that the Dalai Lama would exercise temporal authority under them. As a result of these intrigues, he was not allowed to assume leadership until the age of 43, and he had to share power with the am bans. Among his significant innovations was the creation of a cabinet (bKa’ shag), comprising four members (three aristocrats and one monk) who advised him on matters of state. This institution continued until 1959, when the Tibetan government was abolished following China’s invasion of Tibet. The Central Tibetan Administration in exile has revived it and changed it to a cabinet appointed by a democratically elected president. Two members of the first bKa’ shags, rDo ring Paṇḍi ta mGon po dngos grub rab brtan (1721–1793) and rDo mkhar zhabs drung Tshe ring dbang rgyal (1697–1763), had been allies of Pho lha nas; their inclusion was a move designed to quell tensions between the obstreperous factions of Tibetan politics. In 1754 the Dalai Lama created a school for the education of lay officials, where they studied calligraphy, literature, and astrology, and he established a school for the arts named ’Dod dpal in Zhol, the village below the Po ta la in Lha sa. He died in 1756, and his regent, the sixth De mo hu thog tu, bLo bzang ’phrin las (1723–1777), assumed power. BSKAL PA GRANGS MED PA (GELBA DRANGMEBA) (SKT. ASAṂKHYEYA-KALPA) (CH. WUYANGSHUJIE 無央數劫/无央数劫) (“COUNTLESS EON”). An unimaginable span of time, often conceived as the duration of the universe from creation to destruction. According to traditional Buddhist cosmology, the universe moves in vast cycles of time. There is no creator God, neither is there any divine power with the ability to alter the operations of the universe, which proceed in a mechanistic way. BSOD NAMS GRAGS PA, PAṆ CHEN (BENCHEN SÖNAM DRAKBA, 1478–1554) (CH. 班BANCHAN SUONANZHABA 禅索南扎巴). One of the great scholars of the dGe lugs order, born in Lho ka rtsed thang. His father was named Nang par lam pa. He began his studies at Se ra Monastery in 1493 and earned his monastic degree at rTsed thang in 1507. In 1508 he began studies at the tantric college of rGyud stod, and from 1511 to 1526 he was the Throne Holder (Khri) of rGyud stod. At the request of the second Dalai Lama, dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), he assumed the office of Throne Holder of ’Bras spungs bLo gsal gling in 1526, and from 1529 to 1535 he succeeded dGe ’dun rgya mtsho as the 15th Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), the most senior position in the dGe lugs order. In 1542 he was named Throne Holder of ’Bras spungs, and was also Throne Holder of Se ra. He established the “Upper Chamber” (Zim khang gong ma), one of the two main seats of power at ’Bras spungs (the other is Zim khang

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’og ma, the “Lower Chamber,” associated with the Dalai Lamas). bSod nams grags pa’s collected works (gsung ’bum) comprise six volumes, and his monastic textbooks (yig cha) are still the standard texts for dGa’ ldan Shar rtse Grwa tshang, ’Bras spungs bLo gsal gling, and ’Bras spungs sNgags pa. BSOD NAMS GRAGS PA, SDE SRID (DESI SÖNAM DRAKBA, 1359–1408) (CH. SUONAN ZHABA 索南札巴). The fourth Phag mo gru pa ruler (sde srid) of Tibet. He was the son of Rin chen rdo rje, a brother of the second sde srid, ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan (1340–1373). He became the abbot of rTse thang Monastery when he was nine years old, and in 1381 was appointed sde srid after Grags pa byang chub (1356–1386) abdicated. bSod nams grags pa was forced to abdicate in 1385, and he was succeeded by his cousin Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432; r. 1385–1432). Because his brief reign was marked by consistently high crop yields, he was referred to as the “Meritorious Ruler.” In 1405 he became a renunciant (kun spangs), and he died three years later. BSOD NAMS PHYOGS KYI GLANG PO (SÖNAM CHOGI LANGBO, 1439–1505) (CH. SUONAN QIAOLANG 索南乔郎; SUONAN QUELANG 索南却朗). The second Paṇ chen bla ma. Following the designation of bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662) as Paṇ chen bla ma, bSod nams phyogs kyi glang po, considered to have been his second previous incarnational predecessor, was retroactively designated as the second Paṇ chen bla ma. BSOD NAMS RGYA MTSHO (SÖNAM GYATSO), 1543–1588) (CH. SUNAN JIACUO 素南嘉措). The third Dalai Lama, best known for his missionary work among the Mongols. He was born in sKyid shod in dBus in a family linked with the Sa skya order and with the Phag mo gru pa rulers of gTsang. He was the son of rNam rgyal grags pa, a local administrator (sde pa) in central Tibet. His mother was dPal ’dzom bu khrid. When he was still a child, a local lama had a vision indicating that he was an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). In 1546, at the age of four, he was enthroned in the dGa’ ldan pho brang at ’Bras spungs as the successor to dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474) by rulers of the house of sNe’u gdong. Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554), the 15th dGa’ ldan khri pa, conferred novice (dge tshul) vows and gave him the name bSod nams rgya mtsho dpal bzang po bstan pa’i nyi ma phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba. He became thr abbot of ’Bras spungs and in 1558 was also appointed the abbot of Se ra. He became a court minister of the Phag mo gru pa and visited their seat of sNe’u gdong in 1559.

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He is credited with founding several monasteries, including rNam rgyal, which became the personal monastery of the Dalai Lamas. It began as a house of ’Bras spungs named Grwa tshang Phan bde legs bshad gling and was incorporated into the Po ta la during the reign of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). In 1578 bSod nams rgya mtsho accepted an invitation to visit Altan Khan (1507–1583), chief of the Tümed Mongols and the most powerful Mongol leader of his day. While traveling to Mongolia, he stopped at the place where dGe lugs tradition holds Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) was born. A monk named Rin chen brtson ’grus had built a small temple there in 1560. bSod nams grags pa asked him to expand it, and in 1583 he consecrated it as sKu ’bum byams pa gling; this became one of the major monasteries in eastern Tibet. When he met with Altan, the two forged a “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship modeled on that of ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235– 1280) and Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) in the 13th century. Altan wanted to establish Mongol influence in Tibet, following the precedent of his ancestors, and bSod nams rgya mtsho wished to secure Mongol military assistance for the growing dGe lugs pa order and an opportunity to missionize among the Mongol tribes. Altan conferred on him a Mongolian title, “Ghaikhamsigh vcir-a dar-a say-in cogh-tu buyan-tu dalai” (Wondrous Vajradhara, Good, Brilliant, Admirable Ocean). This was shortened to “Dalai bla ma” (“Ocean Lama”). The Tibetan version of this designation, “Tā la’i bla ma,” was retroactively conferred on his two predecessors (dGe ’dun grub pa and dGe ’dun rgya mtsho) and is the most common title by which this incarnational lineage is known. As was common on such occasions, he conferred a title on Altan: “Religious King, Brahmā among Gods” (Chos kyi rgyal po lha’i tshangs pa). According to Mongolian tradition, bSod nams rgya mtsho convinced Altan Khan to ban blood sacrifices and the worship of ancestral images, and due to his missionary activity the Tümed Mongols became adherents of the dGe lugs order. The Dalai Lama returned to Mongolia in 1584 and gained a number of powerful disciples, including Abadai Khan (1554–1587), the leader of the Khalkha Mongols. While he was in Mongolia, bSod nams rgya mtsho received an invitation from the Ming emperor Wanli 万历 (1563–1620) to visit Beijing, but he declined. While returning to Tibet, he traveled through Khams and founded Li thang chos sde (alt. dGa’ ldan thub chen chos ’khor gling) in 1580. In 1582 Altan Khan died, and bSod nams rgya mtsho passed away in 1588 while traveling to Mongolia at the invitation of Altan’s son Dugureng. His remains were interred at Kokekhota. The bonds between the Mongols and the dGe lugs pa were further strengthened when a grandson of Altan Khan was recognized as the fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616).

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BSOD NAMS RGYAL MTSHAN RIN PO CHE (SÖNAM GYELTSEN RINPOCHÉ OR SOGYAL RINPOCHE, 1945–2019). A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of the rNying ma order, a student of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i chos kyi blo gros (1893–1959), who recognized him as the reincarnation of gTer ston bSod rgyal (1826–1926). He also studied with bDud ’joms Rin po che ’Jigs ’bral ye shes rdo rje (1904–1987) and Dil mgo mkhyen brtse Rin po che (1910–1991). He was born in Khams and traveled to central Tibet in 1955. He subsequently journeyed to India on a pilgrimage and accepted an invitation from the Chos rgyal (king) of Sikkim to settle in sGang thog. He enrolled in a Catholic school in Kalimpong, and later took university courses in Delhi. In 1971 he traveled to England, where he studied comparative religions at Trinity College of Cambridge University. In 1974 he began teaching meditation, and he founded Orgyen Choling in northwest London. He became increasingly popular in Western countries, and his Rigpa Foundation has centers all over the world. His Tibetan Book of Living and Dying was an international bestseller. In 1993 he appeared in the film Little Buddha, directed by Bernardo Bertolucci; he played the role of Khenpo Tenzin. In 1994, a $10 million civil lawsuit was filed against him, which charged that he had forced students to have sexual relations with him. He was also accused of misusing charitable funds, and a Rigpa investigation concluded that a number of charges against him were substantiated. He retired from the organization and died in Thailand on 28 August 2019 of a pulmonary embolism. BSOD NAMS RIN CHEN, SGAM PO PA (GAMPOBA SÖNAM RINCHEN, 1079–1153) (CH. GANGBOBA 冈波巴) (“MAN OF SGAM PO”). A student of Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135) who established a monastic institution in the bKa’ brgyud order. The name “sGam po pa” is a reference to the area of sGam po where he practiced meditation for a number of years. He is also referred to as “The Doctor of Dwags po” (Dwags po lha rje) because he was a physician prior to becoming a monk. He was born in the gNyal Valley in Bud nyi’i bye brag ser lung. His father was Lha rje dbu gtso dGa’ ’bar rgyal po (alt. U tsho rgyal ’bar or sNyi ba rgyal po). His mother was Sho mo bza’ Che lcam (alt. bDe mchog lcam). He was named Kun dga’ snying po at birth. He married, but after his wife and child died he decided to become a monk in the bKa’ gdams tradition. At age 24 he was ordained by dGe bshes bLo ldan shes rab, rGya mchil ba, and dGe bshes Sha pa gling pa snying po at ’Phan yul rgya lcags ri Monastery; he was given the name bSod nams rin chen. From Mi la ras pa he received instructions in the “six dharmas of Nā ro pa” (nā ro chos drug) and the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). bLo ldan shes

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rab instructed him in the lore of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) and six precious jewel ornaments (rin chen rgyan drug ma). He received bKa’ gdams instructions from Bya yul pa chen po gZhon nu ’od (1075– 1138), lCags ri gong kha pa, and sNyug rum pa brTson ’grus rgyal mtshan (1042–1109). One day he heard beggars talking about the hermit Mi la ras pa and felt a surge of faith. He was told that Mi la resided at Brin snye nam. sGam po pa requested permission to visit Mi la, which was granted on the condition that he remain faithful to his teachers’ traditions and not renounce his monastic vows. He met Mi la in 1109 and offered him gold and tea, but the gifts were refused. Mi la handed him a skullcup full of wine, which sGam po pa at first declined as a violation of his monastic vows, but then accepted. Mi la instructed him in the tantric practice of rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajravārāhī), following which he went into retreat in a cave for 13 months. Mi la then gave him the full range of his teachings. sGam po pa spent the next three years at Se ba lung Monastery, a bKa’ gdams establishment, but he continued the practices he learned from Mi la ras pa. He later left the monastery and engaged in solitary meditation in sGam po gdar and ’O de gung rgyal. He then planned another visit to Mi la ras pa, but in Yar klungs he learned that the master had died. He returned to ’O de gung rgyal, and then moved to sGam po, where he founded the monastery that would become his main seat, Dwags lha sgam po (1121). Unlike Mi la ras pa, sGam po pa remained a monk, and following his teacher’s death he began to reorganize the bKa’ brgyud tradition, developing a monastic component to what had previously been mainly a lineage of lay tantrics. He combined the bKa’ gdams scholastic curriculum with the tantric lore Mi la ras pa inherited from Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), which the latter imported from India. After establishing Dwags lha sgam po, he began to accept students, but he required that his monk disciples maintain adherence to the monastic code and provided instructions in sexual yogas to only a select few. His disciples included his nephews Dwags po sgom tshul (1116–1169) and Dwags po sgom chung Shes rab byang chub (1130–1173). Four of his disciples later established the main branches of bKa’ brgyud: Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170) founded Phag mo gru pa bKa’ brgyud; ’Ba’ rom pa Dar ma dbang phyug (1127–1199/1200) established ’Ba’ rom bKa’ brgyud; Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193) (the first rGyal dbang Karma pa) instituted Karma bKa’ brgyud; and Shangs Tshal pa (alt. Zhang g.yu brag pa, 1123–1193) was the originator of Tshal pa bKa’ brgyud. sGam po pa’s best-known work is the Jewel Ornament of Liberation (Thar pa rin po che’i rgyan), which synthesizes the teachings of bKa’ gdams and bKa’ brgyud.

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Statue of sGam po pa, Hemis Monastery.

BSOD NAMS RTSE MO (SÖNAM TSEMO, 1142–1182) (CH. SUONAN ZIMO 索南孜莫). The second of the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga) who played prominent roles in the early development of the Sa skya order. He wrote an influential history of this period, Introduction to the Doctrine (Chos la ’jug pa), completed in 1167. BSOD NAMS SENG GE, GO RAMS PA (KORAMBA SÖNAM SENGGE, 1429–1489) (CH. GUORANGBA SUONAN SENGGE 果让巴索 南僧格). One of the most influential figures of the Sa skya order. He was born in Go bo in Khams in an area called ’Bom yung mda’. His father was named Ru tsha zhang skyabs, and his mother was named rGyal ba sman. Sa skya tradition regards him as the reincarnation of Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216). Go rams pa received novice (dge tshul) vows when he was eight years of age from Kun dga’ ’bum and studied with Go bo rab byams pa Shes rab dpal ba and bKa’ bcu pa sByin bzang. When he was 19, he traveled to Nā lendra Monastery and became a student of Rong ston Shes bya kun rig (1367–1449). At 21, he went to ’Bras yul skyed tshal, where Sangs rgyas ’phel instructed him in Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā), monastic discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya), and Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon; Skt. Abhidharma). In 1453 he moved to Ngor E waṃ chos ldan and received tantric instruction from Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456). His teachers included

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Mus chen dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1388–1469), mKhan chen Kha phyar ba, and Gung ru Shes rab bzang po (1411–1475). The latter prompted him to write his famous Distinguishing the View (lTa ba’i shan ’byed), which discusses dBu ma (Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy. He trenchantly critiqued a number of Tibetan interpretations, including those of Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1292–1361) and Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). Because of the work’s criticisms of Tsong kha pa, the Tibetan government, led by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), banned it in central Tibet in the 17th century. Go rams pa was given full monastic ordination (dge slong) when he was 26, and he subsequently received the full path and result (lam ’bras) instructions from Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po. At age 32 Go rams pa traveled to Khams and gave teachings at ’Bras yul skyed tshal; he was subsequently invited to become its abbot, and he accepted. In 1466 he founded rTa nag gser gling Monastery, and he stayed there for several years. He taught and wrote some of his most influential works during this time. He received patronage from aristocrats of the Rin spungs court. In 1473 he founded rTa nag thub bstan rnam rgyal Monastery and established its academic curriculum. He remained there until 1483, when he accepted an invitation to become the sixth abbot of Ngor E waṃ chos ldan. He remained in this position until 1486 and officiated over the enthronement of his replacement, dKon mchog ’phel (1445–1514). He returned to rTa nag, where he continued to teach and write. While traveling from Sa skya to rTa nag he became ill and died in 1489. He was one of the most influential and prolific scholars of the Sa skya order, which has had a number of masters distinguished for their learning. His Collected Works (gSung ’bum) fills 13 volumes. BSTAN ’DZIN RGYA MTSHO (DENZIN GYATSO, 1935–) (CH. DANZENG JIACUO 丹增嘉措). The 14th Dalai Lama, whose full official name is rJe btsun ’Jams dpal ngag dbang blo bzang ye shes bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho. His mother was bDe skyid tshe ring, and his father was Chos skyong tshe ring. He was born in sTag ’tsher (Ch. Hongya Cun 红崖村), a small town of mixed Tibetan-Chinese population in Qinghai, on 6 July 1935. He was officially recognized at the age of six as the reincarnation of Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), the 13th Dalai Lama. Following the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China, he was hastily enthroned at the age of 15 at the urging of the state oracle, gNas chung chos skyong. In 1951, in response to a Chinese threat of a full-scale invasion and significant loss of life, he agreed to ratify the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,” but later repudiated it.

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In March 1959, as rumors circulated that he was about to be captured or killed by Chinese forces, thousands of Tibetans thronged around the Nor bu gling ka and began anti-Chinese protests. As the situation escalated, he decided to flee into exile, shortly before the Chinese began shelling his residence. With the aid of Khams pa guerillas, he crossed the ’Bri chu River and, disguised as a soldier, rode on horseback to the Indian border, where he was granted asylum. He was soon followed by tens of thousands of other Tibetans who fled Chinese oppression and religious persecution. The exiles were allowed to settle in the former British hill station of Dharamsala in Himachal Pradesh, and they soon formed a government-in-exile. This was transformed from a recreation of Tibet’s theocratic system into a democratically elected government headed by a cabinet (bKa’ shag). This transition was spearheaded by the Dalai Lama, who also commissioned the drafting of a constitution and stipulated that neither he nor his successors could play an official role in future Tibetan governments. He also demanded that a Dalai Lama may be impeached by a two-thirds majority vote of the parliament (sPyi ’thus). He is one of the most widely recognized and respected religious figures in the world, but the Chinese government labels him a “splittist” (Ch. fenliezhuyi fenzi 分裂主义分子; Tib. kha bral ring lugs pa) and characterizes him as a thoroughly evil hypocrite. The PRC’s attempts to convince Tibetans of this have, however, been notably ineffective, despite the fact that vilification of him is a core aspect of the “patriotic education” (Ch. aiguozhuyi jiaoyu 爱国主义教育; Tib. rgyal gces chos gces slob gso) program, in which monks and nuns are forced to denounce him or risk expulsion. In 1989 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his efforts to bring about a peaceful solution to the “Tibet Question,” and in recent years he has emerged as one of the most influential theoreticians of “Engaged Buddhism.” In 2006 he was granted honorary Canadian citizenship, and in 2007 he was given the U.S. Congressional Gold Medal, the highest civilian honor of that country. He has received more than 100 honorary doctorates and a number of international humanitarian awards. In 2008 he announced that he intended to withdraw into semiretirement, but he continues to travel all over the world, despite the PRC’s ongoing attempts to pressure governments to deny him entry to their countries. In 2009 he officially declared his intention to reincarnate if the Tibetan people wish him to do so, but added that he will be reborn in a free country, and not in Chinese-controlled Tibet. This sets up a future showdown with the PRC, which in 1995 declared his choice of dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) as the 11th Paṇ chen bla ma “illegal and invalid.” The boy, then five years old, was imprisoned along with his family, and they are either still in detention or dead. Another boy, rGyal mtshan nor bu (1990–), was installed as Paṇ

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chen bla ma, and the PRC has declared that it intends to use him to select a successor to the current Dalai Lama. In April 2011 the Dalai Lama submitted a formal petition to the cabinet to withdraw from his political role, and the cabinet accepted. See also STRASBOURG DECLARATION. BSTAN ’GYUR (DENGGYÜR) (CH. DANZHU’ER 丹珠尔) (“TRANSLATIONS OF TREATISES”). The second part of the Tibetan recension of the Buddhist canon (the other being the bKa’ ’gyur), containing translations of philosophical treatises and commentaries. The bKa’ ’gyur contains works attributed to Gautama Buddha, while the bsTan ’gyur contains works by other Buddhist writers, mostly Indians. Some indigenous Tibetan works and several Tibetan translations of Chinese treatises also appear in the bKa’ ’gyur. A number of recensions exist, including the sDe dge, Co ne, Stog Palace, and Peking editions. The Peking edition comprises 224 volumes. The two collections together contain 4,569 works. The diverse recensions of the bsTan ’gyur contain considerable variation, as certain texts have been edited out or added for multiple reasons, including textual, sectarian, political, and personal ones. The study of the development and the varieties of both the bKa’ ’gyur and the bsTan ’gyur collections has become a major scholarly discipline since the early 20th century, but the patterns of differentiation and the histories of their developments are still matters of considerable dispute. BTSAN PO (ALT. RTSAN PO; TSENBO) (CH. ZANPU 赞普) (“KING,” “MIGHTY ONE”). The title of the rulers of the Yar klungs dynasty. Several scholars have demonstrated its derivation from the word “btsan,” a kind of powerful, autochthonous, and potentially malignant spirit. Its earlier form of “lha btsan po” suggests the divine aspect of the emperor. The transition from “btsan po” (emperor) to “rgyal po” (king) is still a largely unexplored topic. BU STON RIN CHEN GRUB (PUDÖN RINCHEN DRUP, 1290–1364) (CH. BUDUN RENQINZHU 布敦仁钦竹). One of the great scholars of Tibetan Buddhism, also referred to as “The Omniscient Bu ston” (Bu ston thams cad mkhyen pa). His father was rGyal mtshan dpal bzang, and his mother was bSod nams ’bum. He received his novice (dge tshul) vows at age 17 and the full monastic ordination (dge slong) at 23. He studied with many of the leading scholars of his day from a range of traditions. He served as the 11th abbot of Zhwa lu Monastery, one of the great seats of learning of the Sa skya order. Bu ston wrote an influential history of Buddhism in India and Tibet, entitled History of the Dharma (Tib. Chos ’byung). This remarkably original history mainly focuses on the development of Buddhist philosophy

BUBONIC PLAGUE • 73

and doctrine in India and only sketchily addresses the advent of Buddhism in Tibet and its diffusion there. Nevertheless, its structure and overall approach, as well as many details, were utilized by later historians such as Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) in his own historical work on the same topic. Bu ston is recognized as one of the earliest formulators of the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra), and the Zhwa lu “style” of interpretation is of great historical importance. Bu ston is also credited with editing the first compilation of the Tibetan Buddhist canon. This is divided into two volumes, bKa’ ’gyur (“Translations of Teachings”) and bsTan ’gyur (“Translations of Treatises”). The first comprises 108 volumes of monastic discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya) texts, Mahāyāna discourses (mdo sde; Skt. sūtra), and tantras (rgyud). The bsTan ’gyur generally comprises 225 volumes and includes philosophical treatises and commentaries. A master copy of this compilation was stored in 1334 in Zhwa lu, and it became the basis for all later editions of the canon. Bu ston also reportedly devised an influential doxography of tantric works, which divides them into four categories: (1) action tantra (bya ba’i rgyud; Skt. kriyā-tantra), (2) performance tantra (spyod pa’i rgyud; Skt. caryātantra), (3) yoga tantra (rnal ’byor rgyud; Skt. yoga-tantra), and (4) highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). Bu ston was one of the most prolific writers of Tibetan Buddhism; his collected works (gsung ’bum) comprise 26 volumes. His main student was dMar ston rGya mtsho rin chen. Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554), the 15th Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), was recognized as his reincarnation. BUBONIC PLAGUE (BYI RIMS; CH. LINBAXIAN SHUYI 淋巴腺鼠 疫/HEISIBING 黑死病). Modern scientific research strongly suggests that the Tibetan Plateau was the origin point for bubonic plague, caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis. The main transmitting vector is most likely fleas that live in the fur of animals, particularly marmots (Marmota himalayana) and sheep (Ovis aries). The connection between marmots and sheep appears to be that the latter are bitten by fleas that leave the bodies of dead marmots and then infest sheep. People who butcher, skin, or eat the meat of those sheep then become infected. Outbreaks of the plague in the 14th century killed an estimated one-third of the population of Europe, and an outbreak in China in the 19th century killed tens of thousands. According to William McNeill, the Mongol empire’s conquests and troop movements played a key role in the spread of the disease. The wide dispersion of the various khanates and the movements of troops and officials throughout what became the largest contiguous land empire in history allowed the Black Death to spread

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Bu ston Rin chen grub statue, dKar mdzes Monastery.

rapidly across Europe and Asia. Beginning with Mongol invasions in 1252 in the Himalayan foothills in Tibet and modern-day Burma, fleas that bore the disease infested the manes of horses or camel fur. An outbreak of the plague in 1331 severely weakened the empire and was a key factor in its demise. In 1334, an outbreak in Hebei 河北 Province led to the deaths of more than 90 percent of the population, at least 5,000,000 people. In addition to the Mongol

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connection, the disease was also spread by traders journeying along the Silk Routes. Tibetan tradition holds that the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), issued a proclamation banning the eating of marmots, but sources that report this give no indication that it was connected with an understanding of the source of the plague; accounts of travelers in Tibet during this period report that Tibetans did not comply with the ban. BUDDHA (TIB. SANGS RGYAS; SKT. BUDDHA) (CH. FO 佛) (“AWAKENED ONE”). An epithet of those who successfully break the hold of ignorance, liberate themselves from cyclic existence, and teach others the path to liberation. Derived from the Sanskrit root √budh (“to awaken”), it refers to someone who attains nirvana through meditative practice and the cultivation of such qualities as wisdom, patience, and generosity. Such a person will never again be reborn within cyclic existence, as all the cognitive ties that bind ordinary beings to continued rebirth have been severed. Through their meditative practice, buddhas have eliminated all craving (sred pa; Skt. tṛṣṇā) and defilement (zag pa; Skt. āsrava). The buddha of the present era is referred to as Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha, “Śākya Sage Buddha”). He was born Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama), and he was a member of the Śākya clan. BUDDHISM (TIB. CHOS OR NANG CHOS) (CH. FOJIAO 佛教). One of the world’s major religions, which, according to tradition, was founded by a prince named Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama, ca. 480–400 BCE) of the Shā kya (Skt. Śākya) clan. His family ruled a small kingdom whose capital city was Ser skya’i gnas (Skt. Kapilavastu). Siddhārtha renounced his royal heritage in order to pursue the life of a wandering religious mendicant in the hope of attaining awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi). After six years of asceticism and meditation, he succeeded in his quest, and from this point he is referred to as “Buddha” (“Awakened One”; Tib. Sangs rgyas). His personal epithet is “Śākya Sage Buddha” (Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa; Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). He did not claim to be an innovator, and instead asserted that he had realized the eternal and universal truth (chos; Skt. dharma), which buddhas in the past had also understood. Following his death, his teachings spread throughout Asia and later all over the world. Scholars of Buddhism commonly distinguish three main traditions, divided according to the region where each predominates, and reflecting significant differences in doctrine, practice, and history: (1) Southeast Asian Buddhism, whose dominant school is Theravāda (“Teachings of the Elders”), the major tradition in Sri Lanka, Thailand, Burma, Laos, and Cambodia; (2) East Asian Buddhism, initially transmitted along trade routes that linked South

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Asia with China (Buddhism was established in China in the 1st–2nd centuries, and from there spread to Korea, Japan, and Vietnam); and (3) Northern Buddhism, first transmitted from India to Tibet in the 7th century and later spread into Mongolia, Nepal, Bhutan, and throughout the Tibetan cultural area. The Buddhism that came to Tibet had two major aspects: (1) the scholastic and meditation traditions of the north Indian monastic centers (e.g., rNam gnon ngang tshul [Skt. Vikramaśīla], Nā lendra [Skt. Nālandā], and Otantapuri’i gtsug lag khang [Skt. Odantapurī]); and (2) tantric lineages that traced themselves back to charismatic figures including Ti lo pa, Nā ro pa, and Bi rū pa (Skt. Virūpa, fl. 9th century), who shunned monastic establishments and transmitted their lore orally to their students. All four orders of Tibetan Buddhism incorporate elements of both streams, and all agree that the supreme philosophical view is that of kLu grub’s (Skt. Nāgārjuna, ca. 150–250 CE) Middle Way Consequence School (dBu ma thal ’gyur pa’i lugs; Skt. Prāsaṅgika-madhyamaka). All four orders also agree that the Vajra Vehicle (rDo rje theg pa; Skt. Vajrayāna) is the supreme meditative tradition and represents the ultimate path taught by the Buddha. Chinese Buddhists, however, commonly distinguish authentic Buddhism (Ch. Fojiao 佛教) from Tibetan Buddhism, which they term Lamaism (Ch. Lamajiao 喇嘛教). Tibetans have traditionally regarded Chinese Buddhism as heterodox and sometimes distinguish their tradition with the term Tibetan Insiders’ Doctrine (Bod kyi nang chos) in contrast to other religious systems and other (inferior) forms of Buddhism. Tibetan doxographical tradition also distinguishes two main forms of Buddhism: (1) “Inferior Vehicle” (Skt. Hīnayāna; Tib. Theg pa dman pa), and (2) “Great Vehicle” (Skt. Mahāyāna; Tib. Theg pa chen po). The former comprises expedient teachings that the Buddha delivered for students of inferior capacity. Hīnayāna teachings are widely studied in Tibet, and they are considered essential aspects of the Dharma. The Great Vehicle, however, is said to utterly surpass the Inferior Vehicle and is ultimately the only path that can lead to awakening. Vajrayāna or tantric Buddhism is considered one of the two streams of Mahāyāna; the other is the “Sūtra Path” (mDo sde’i theg pa; Skt. Sūtra-yāna), which refers to teachings and practices contained in exoteric Mahāyāna works attributed to the Buddha. See also CENTRAL ASIAN BUDDHISM; INDIAN BUDDHISM. ’BUM LA (PÜMLA). A pass in eastern Tibet, southwest of ’Ba’ thang, that in 1727 was established as a formal boundary between the areas controlled by the central Tibetan government in Lha sa and Chinese territory following the Zunghar Mongol invasion of 1717. The pass separates the ’Bri chu (Yangtze) and the rDza chu (Mekong) Rivers and is the watershed for both.

BYAMS PA • 77

A pillar was erected there, with an inscription stipulating that the ’Bri chu constituted a territorial boundary between Tibet and China. From 1723 to 1728 tension increased among inhabitants of eastern parts of the Tibetan Plateau. In 1723, Tibetans and Mongolians in the Kokonor area revolted against the Qing government’s attempts to exercise greater control over the region. Troops were dispatched and forcibly suppressed the revolt. Following subsequent persecution, the area was annexed to Qinghai Province. Armies were sent to central Tibet, and the Qing government issued decrees that if fully implemented would have made Tibet a protectorate. In 1918, following military conflicts between Tibetan and Chinese forces, Eric Teichman (1884–1944) of the British Consular Service brokered the treaty of Rong ba rtsa, which Tibetan and Chinese officials subsequently ratified. The boundary was formalized, and the lands to the west were declared to belong to the Dalai Lama’s government, while those on the other side were Chinese territory. This armistace had little effect on local governance, however. Local chieftains generally continued as before. Some were certified as feudatories and given seals of authority. They ruled their respective territories semiautonomously under the authority of the governor of Sichuan. Fighting between Tibetan and Chinese forces erupted again in 1931–1932, and the former were defeated. This allowed Chinese provinces to annex areas previously under the nominal control of the central Tibetan government. Ethnic Khams pa areas to the east of the ’Bri chu became Chinese territory, and most of A mdo was also outside the control of the Lha sa government. The new demarcation remained in effect until Chinese forces invaded Tibet in the 1950s. The present-day border between the Tibet Autonomous Region and eastern Chinese provinces also follows the ’Bri chu. BYAMS PA (SKT. MAITREYA; P. METTEYYA; CH. MILE PUSA 彌 勒菩薩/弥勒菩萨) (“LOVE”). (1) The future buddha, who presently resides in the paradise of dGa’ ldan (Skt. Tuṣita) in preparation for his last rebirth, in which he will be the last buddha of the present age. The cult of Maitreya is found throughout the Buddhist world; it commonly involves practices and prayers designed to lead to rebirth at the time of his appearance on earth, believed to be about 30,000 years in the future. (2) Maitreya is also the name of the author of five seminal texts of the rNal ’byor spyod pa (Skt. Yogācāra) tradition (sometimes referred to as “Maitreyanātha” by contemporary scholars). The “five treatises of Maitreya” (Byams chos sde lnga) are: (1) Ornament for Clear Realizations (mNgon par rtogs pa’i rgyan; Skt. Abhisamayālaṃkāra), (2) Ornament for the Great Vehicle Discourses (Theg pa chen po’i mdo sde’i rgyan; Skt. Mahāyāna-sūtrālaṃkāra), (3) Sublime Continuum of the Great Vehicle (Theg pa chen po’i rgyud bla ma’i

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bstan; Skt. Mahāyānottara-tantra), (4) Differentiation of Phenomena and Pure Being (Chos dang chos nyid rnam par ’byed pa; Skt. Dharma-dharmatāvibhāga), and (5) Differentiation of the Middle Way from Extremes (dBus dang mtha’ rnam par ’byed pa; Skt. Madhyānta-vibhāga). Buddhist tradition holds that the author of these treatises was the future buddha, with whom Thogs med (Skt. Asaṅga, ca. 4th century) met on a number of occasions, but some contemporary scholars think that they may have been written by an enigmatic human master, who probably lived during the 4th–5th centuries. In East Asian traditions Maitreya is said to have manifested as the monk Budai 布袋 (“Cloth Sack”), who lived during the later Liang dynasty (907– 923) in Fenghua. His Buddhist name was Qici 契此; stories of his life report that he traveled around China carrying a sack filled with treats for children. BYAMS PA PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO, PHA BONG KHA RIN PO CHE (PABONGKA RINPOCHÉ JAMBA TRINLÉ GYATSO, (1878– 1941) (CH. POWENGKA 颇翁卡). One of the most influential dGe lugs pa masters of the 20th century. His primary title is Pha bong kha bDe chen ­snying po, and his personal name was Ngag dbang rab brtan. He was born in the area of Lha sa nub phyogs g.yu thog shar in central Tibet and was officially recognized as a reincarnation (sprul sku) of the lCang skya line, which began with lCang skya Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786). The lCang skya lineage had close associations with China. Because of rising tensions, it was decided that his official title should not include this appellation, and he was designated Pha bong kha Rin po che. In 1888 he enrolled in Se ra sMad Monastery and in 1895 received the gling bsre degree. His main teacher was Dwags po Rin po che bLo bzang ’jam dpal lhun grub rgya mtsho (1845–1919). In 1896 Pha bong kha began tantric studies at rGyud stod, and in 1897 received monastic vows from Phur bu lcog bLo bzang tshul khrims byams pa rgya mtsho (1825–1901). His collected works (gsung ’bum) comprise 12 volumes, and the English translation of his book Liberation in the Palm of Your Hand has become popular in the West. He was a fierce sectarian and an adherent of the cult of the protector deity rDo rje shugs ldan, a tradition he passed on to his students. He was the root lama of the two tutors of the 14th Dalai Lama, gLing Rin po che Thub bstan lung rtogs bstan ’dzin ’phrin las (1903–1983), the 97th dGa’ ldan Khri pa and Senior Tutor, and Khri byang rin po che bLo bzang ’jigs med bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1900–1981), the 14th Lab skyabs mgon and Junior Tutor. BYANG CHUB ’OD, LHA BLA MA (HLA LAMA JANGJÜP Ö, 984– 1078) (CH. PUTIGUANG 菩提光). A ruler of Gu ge phu hrang in western Tibet, a kingdom that played a prominent role in the “later propagation” (phyi

BYANG CHUB RGYAL MTSHAN, T’AI SI TU • 79

dar) of Buddhism. He was the nephew of Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (ca. 959– 1036) and eighth descendant of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), the last king of the Yar klungs dynasty. He invited Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) to Tibet. He is credited with sponsoring the construction of Buddhist establishments, including Byang chub dge gnas gling and Kyin re glong gTsug lag khang, and he also sponsored the renovation of Ta pho gTsug lag khang (alt. Ta po Lha khang dmar po) in 1041. According to traditional accounts, Atiśa accepted the invitation and arrived in mNga’ ris in 1042; he spent about three years in Tho ling (alt. (m)Tho lding) Monastery in Gu ge. BYANG CHUB RDO RJE (JANGCHUP DORJÉ, 1703–1732) (CH. QIANGYUN DUOJIE 強允多杰). The 12th rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in sDe dge in Khams, and his hagiography reports that when he was two months old he informed his parents: “I am the Karma pa.” A search party led by the eighth Zhwa dmar rin po che, dPal chen chos kyi don grub (1695–1732), found him. Central Tibet was politically unstable because of the Zunghar invasion of 1717, during which a pretender to the throne of the Dalai Lamas (who had been installed by Lhazang Khan [d. 1717]) was murdered. An army sent by the Chinese emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) drove the Zunghars out in 1720. The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), who had been living in exile in Khams, returned to central Tibet, but the situation remained unstable, so Byang chub rdo rje and dPal chen Chos kyi don grub decided to go on pilgrimage to Nepal, India, and China. After their return to Tibet, they were invited to visit the Chinese emperor, but both died of smallpox during their journey. BYANG CHUB RGYAL MTSHAN, T’AI SI TU (TAI SIDU JANGJUP GYELTSEN, 1302–1364) (CH. DAI SITU JIANGQIU JIAZAN 大司徒 強秋嘉贊; DAI SITU PUTI GONGGA 大司徒菩提贡噶). The first ruler of the Phag mo gru line of kings, born into the rLangs clan. During the 14th century Mongol power began to wane, and Tibet returned to indigenous rule. Byang chub rgyal mtshan was the administrator (khri dpon) of the Phag mo gru estates; the Sa skya hierarchs had placed him in that position. When he assumed his post, the estates were insolvent, and through skillful management he returned them to prosperity. Despite his successes, he fell afoul of his superiors. He attempted to reclaim territories annexed by the myriarchs of Tshal pa and g.Ya’ bzang, but they successfully lobbied members of the Sa skya hierarchy, including bSod nams rgyal mtshan, against him. A decision was made to remove Byang chub rgyal mtshan and replace him with bSod nams rgyal mtshan, but Byang chub rgyal mtshan refused to accept this, and his military commander, gZhon nu bzang po, continued to control his castle.

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Byang chub rgyal mtshan was arrested and imprisoned. He destroyed the official seal that would have allowed his enemies to officially displace him. He was whipped and tortured, and subsequently released and exiled, but he continued his fight against what he considered an unjust decision. In 1350 he overcame the Sa skya hierarchs and established himself as king of much of Tibet. He took the Tibetan title sde srid (ruler, regent). His ascension was certified by the Mongol emperor Toghon Temür (Tib. Tho gan the mur; alt. Tho kan thu mur, Thi’u kun thing mur, Tho’u kwan thing mur; Mon. Тогоонтөмөр; or Ukhaantu Khan [Cl. Toγon Temür or Uqaγantu qaγan]; Ch. Huizong 惠宗, 1320–1370), who gave him the designation “T’ai si tu” (chief minister), a title passed on to his successors. Byang chub rgyal mtshan instituted a new legal code and also created a new system of administration for his realm. In his overview of the direction Tibet was to take, Byang chub rgyal ­mtshan looked to the era of the Tibetan dynastic rulers as his inspiration, and the subsequently developed Phag mo gru pa legal code was to a certain extent based upon these earlier legal injunctions. He developed a system of forts (rdzong), each headed by a governor (rdzong dpon) who served a three-year term. This process of redefining the administration was in fact a wholesale assertion of Tibetan national aspiration through replacement of the previous administrative structures of the Mongol Yuan dynasty (Tib. Yon rgyal rabs; Mon. Их Юан Гүрэн: Dai Ön Ulus; Ch. Yuanchao 元朝, 1271–1368), imposed on Tibet under the Sa skya pa. In this period we also note a nationalistic note emerging in Tibetan literature as well as in various other fields such as architecture, dress, and administrative terminologies. Some accounts of the time suggest that he became a Buddhist monk later in life, but this is not certain. Byang chub rgyal mtshan was succeeded by his nephew ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan (1340–1373). Phag mo gru pa rule lasted until 1435, when they were displaced by the Rin spungs. BYANG CHUB SEMS DPA’: See BODHISATTVA. BYANG CHUB SNYING PO (SKT. BODHIMAṆḌA) (CH. PUTIDAOCHANG 菩提道場/菩提道场) (“PLACE OF AWAKENING”). The place in the Indian town of Bodhgayā, located in the state of Bihār about 90 km (56 mi.) south of Patna, where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) attained awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi). It is one of the most important holy sites of Buddhism, and pilgrims travel there from all over the world. According to standard legends of the Buddha’s life, after six years of ascetic practices he renounced asceticism and traveled to Bodhgayā, where he resolved to find the key to final release from the sufferings of cyclic existence (’khor ba; Skt. saṃsāra). Sitting in meditation under a tree (which Buddhists

BYANG THANG • 81

now refer to as the “Tree of Awakening”: Byang chub kyi shing; Skt. Bodhivṛkṣa), he cultivated progressively deeper meditative states, until at dawn the next day he became fully awakened. From that point on, Buddhists refer to him as “Buddha.” For Tibetans this location has been the pilgrimage site par excellence, and Tibetan pilgrims visited the site frequently between the 11th–12th centuries and the 16th century, after which travel out of Tibet became more problematic, and journeying within Mughal India presented special problems. As most of the important Buddhist pilgrimage sites were either damaged or no longer accurately locatable in this later period, Tibetan pilgrims skillfully developed a means of relocating them within areas that were easier for them to visit, such as Assam and places within Tibet. This hermeneutic was considered quite valid and equivalent to visiting the “true” places in India. BYANG PHYOGS SPRUL PA’I LHA KHANG (JANGCHOK TRÜLBÉ HLAKHANG) (CH. BEIFANG HUANHUA SI 北方幻化寺) (“MAGICAL TEMPLE OF THE NORTH”). According to traditional accounts of the life of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), he converted Mongol ruler Godan Khan (1206–1251) to Buddhism and became his spiritual preceptor. Their close relationship angered some of the khan’s ministers, who hired a magician to test Sa skya Paṇḍita by creating an illusory temple. Sa skya Paṇḍita responded to the challenge by giving it substance, and the magician was unable to make it disappear. It is said to have been created near Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山) in Shanxi Province, China. BYANG RTSE CHOS RJE (JANGTSÉ CHÖJÉ) (CH. JIANGZE QUEJIE 绛则却杰) (“DHARMA MASTER OF BYANG RTSE COLLEGE”). One of the two most senior positions in the hierarchy of the dGe lugs order. The Byang rtse chos rje is a retired abbot (mkhan zur) of rGyud smad grwa tsang. The holder of this position alternates with the Shar pa chos rje (“Dharma Master of dGa’ ldan Shar rtse Grwa tsang”) in holding the position of “Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan” (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), the head of the dGe lugs pa order. This has been the procedure since the time of the eighth dGa’ ldan Khri pa, sMon lam legs pa’i blo gros (1414–1491). BYANG THANG (JANGTANG) (CH. QIANGTANG 羌塘) (“NORTHERN PLAIN”). A huge alpine basin in the northern part of the Tibet Autonomous Region, with an average altitude of more than 5,000 m (16,500 ft.) above sea level. It borders Mang yul gung thang (alt. mNga’ ris smad) to the east, and Mar yum la in the west. The Himalayan range forms its southern

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border and Nag tshang is the northern border. It encompasses the regions referred to as ’Brong pa in the east and Gro shod in the west, along with the upper regions of gLo bo to the south. It is traditionally regarded as the habitat of pastoralists (’brog pa). The difficulties involved in traversing the Byang thang have acted as a buffer between southern Tibet and the tribes and civilizations to Tibet’s north. Although traders as varied as Armenians, Jews, and Iranians skirted its northern borders between the 5th and 9th centuries—and Persian histories record details of the kingdoms that lay to its south—it has only rarely been crossed due to its extremes of temperature and the scarcity of water and food. BYE BRAG SMRA BA (JEDRAK MAWA) (SKT. VAIBHĀṢIKA) (CH. PIPOSHA 毗婆沙) (“GREAT EXPOSITION SCHOOL”). One of the four tenet systems of Indian Buddhism according to Tibetan doxographers. It is one of the two Inferior Vehicle (Skt. Hīnayāna; Tib. Theg pa dman pa) schools (the other being mDo sde pa; Skt. Sautrāntika). Its main text is the Great Exposition Treatise (Bye brag bshad mdzod chen mo; Skt. Mahāvibhāṣā-śāstra; Ch. Dapiposhalun 大毘婆沙論/大毗婆沙论); according to tradition, 500 dgra bcom (Skt. arhat) composed it 600 years after the Buddha’s death, and its compilation is attributed to Kātyāyanīputra (Ch. Jiaduoyannizi 迦多衍尼子). The text is only extant in Chinese versions and some Sanskrit fragments. Vaibhāṣika is a sub-school of the Everything Exists School (Thams cad yod par smra ba; Skt. Sarvāstivāda; Ch. Shuo yiqie youbu 說一切有部/说一切有部), one of the major systems of “higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma). It was a realist system that espoused the existence of subtle qualia (chos; Skt. dharma) that are the building blocks of complex phenomena. Perception results from contact by the senses with collections of dharmas. BYE BRAG TU RTOGS PAR BYED PA CHEN PO (CHEDRAKDU DOKBAR JEBA CHENBO) (SKT. MAHĀVYUTPATTI) (CH. FANYI MINGYI DAJI 翻译名义大集) (GREAT VOLUME OF PRECISE UNDERSTANDING). A bilingual Sanskrit-Tibetan glossary initially compiled during the late 8th–early 9th centuries, which contains thousands of equivalents of individual terms and compounds, as well as phrases. It was intended to provide a standardized set of equivalents for translators to aid in the process of rendering Sanskrit texts into Tibetan, and it is included in the bsTan ’gyur. According to tradition, it was created during the reign of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836), but Giuseppe Tucci (1950: 11 and 14) asserts that it probably dates to the time of his predecessor, Khri lDe srong btsan (Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815). Some of the materials were probably developed even

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earlier. Three Tibetan translators—Cog ro kLu’i rgyal mtshan, ’Bro sKa ba dPal brtsegs, and sNa nam Ye shes sde—collaborated on the project, and several Indian scholars—Jinamitra, Surendrabodhi, Śīlendrabodhi, Dānaśīla, and Bodhimitra—checked and corrected their work. The original work contained 9,565 entries in 227 chapters. Several copies were made and then stored at mChims phu, ’Phang thang, and lDan mkhar. An imperial decree was issued that henceforth this would be the standard for translation. In later editions Chinese equivalents were added. By the 17th century versions appeared with Sanskrit, Tibetan, Chinese, Mongolian, and Manchurian equivalents. The first English translation was prepared by pioneering Transylvanian scholar Sándor Kőrösi Csoma (Alexander Csoma de Kőrös, 1784–1842). The Asiatic Society of Bengal published the first part in 1834, the second in 1910, and the third in 1944. BYI RIMS: See BUBONIC PLAGUE.

C CAKRASAṂVARA: See ’KHOR LO BDE MCHOG. CANDRAKĪRTI: See ZLA BA GRAGS PA. CENTRAL ASIAN BUDDHISM (TIB. SHAR GLING DBUS MA’I NANG CHOS). Central Asia was a crucial part of the overland Silk Routes, through which goods and ideas passed between India and China for centuries. It encompasses a wide variety of peoples and cultures speaking a diverse collection of languages. It is not clear when Buddhism entered the area, but the earliest reported missionary activity was initiated by Chos rgyal Mya ngan med (Skt. Dharmarāja Aśoka, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE), who sent Buddhist monks into Nyi ’og (Bactria) during the 3rd century BCE. Two Aśokan inscriptions have been found as far north as Sa ’dzin (Skt. Gandhāra, modern-day Kandahar; Ch. Jiantuoluo 犍陀罗) in Afghanistan. The first flowering of Buddhism in Central Asia was during the reign of Ka ni shaka (alt. Ka niṣka; Kaniṣka I, third king of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty, ca. 1st– 2nd centuries CE; Ch. Jianishaijia 迦腻色伽), whom traditional Buddhist histories depict as a supporter of Buddhism, though little actual evidence corroborates this. It is more likely that he promoted religious tolerance and that Buddhism flourished as a result. Another important Buddhist center was Khotan (Tib Li yul; Ch. Huotian 和阗; Kaṃsadeśa), whose king is said to have converted Kashgar (Tib. Shu lig; Ch. Kashi 喀什) to Buddhism around 100 CE. Buddhism was established in Dru gu (alt. Gu zan yul; Kuchā; Ch. Kuche 库车) sometime during the 1st century BCE, and was certainly well established by the time of ’Tsho byed gzhon nu (Skt. Kumārajīva; Ch. Jiumoluoshi 鸠摩罗什, 344–413), whose father was Indian and whose mother was Kuchean. During the early part of the first millennium CE, Buddhism flourished in a number of Central Asian centers. Several of the most important of these were in East Turkestan, including Khotan, Thur phan (Turfan; Ch. Tulufan 吐鲁番), and Dunhuang. Some of the most influential early Buddhist missionaries to China were from Central Asia, including An Shigao 安世高 (d. 168), a Parthian monk who traveled to Luoyang 洛阳 in 148 and established the first center for 84

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the translation of Buddhist texts in China. Most of the early translations of ­Buddhist texts into Chinese were reportedly done by monks from western Central Asia, and by the 4th century Buddhism had spread among the Turkic tribes of eastern Central Asia. The Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang 玄奘 (596–664) reported a number of flourishing Buddhist centers in the region during the 7th century, but a wave of Arab invasions apparently led to the demise of Buddhism in Central Asia. Following the Arab defeat of the last Sasanian ruler in 642, a series of invaders entered the area, and Islam displaced Buddhism and the other religions that had flourished there. The eradication of Buddhist civilization was so complete that not until the 19th century did European explorers conducting archeological work in the region begin piecing together the story of Buddhism’s influence in Central Asia. Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism exerted significant influence on the cultures of Central Asia during the Yar klungs dynasty (7th–9th centuries), during which Tibetan armies conquered much of the area. Tibet occupied Dunhuang from 786 to 848, and remains survive of Buddhist monasteries and stūpas in Kashgar and other Silk Road oases that are still being uncovered. Much of the Buddhist culture of these civilizations derived from Indian and Chinese styles, but Tibet also contributed to the mix. Wall paintings in surviving Central Asian temples reflect Tibetan influence, and the caves of Dunhuang have yielded a wealth of ancient documents that include the earliest extant records of early Tibetan history and culture. Several wall paintings depict Tibetan envoys to the Tang court, and some portray Tibetan monks with inscriptions indicating their names. Tibet was not always comfortable with its Buddhist Central Asian neighbors. Although monks from Khotan were invited to set up the first monastic community in Tibet (in seven monasteries in about 675 during the reign of bTsan po Mes ag tshoms), a reaction against Central Asian monks occurred following an outbreak of contagious disease in 739, and the monks were expelled to India. This suggests a fear of disease and unease with the presence of foreigners in the Tibetan imperial heartland. CENTRAL TIBETAN ADMINISTRATION (CTA). The Tibetan government-in-exile initially established the Tibetan Welfare Association (TWA) in the early days of exile from 1954. The TWA was largely a politically oriented group focused on publicizing the independence of Tibet. Following the flight into exile of the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), the TWA’s immediate role was regarded as of parallel importance to the equally pressing need to provide for 100,000 refugees in India, and to this end the CTA was inaugurated in 1959 to cover the widest possible range of Tibetan exile needs. Under his leadership, the ruling elite of the exile community—which continued to be drawn mainly from traditional aristocratic families—slowly

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began a transition to democratic rule. The bKa’ shag—which in Tibet had been an appointed advisory body comprised of lay aristocrats and senior monk officials—was fundamentally reconstituted and enlarged and became an elected body, which now has representatives from all segments of the Tibetan exile community. The most senior position in the bKa’ shag is that of president (Srid skyong). The first man to be elected to the top executive post (then termed bKa’ blon khri pa) was Professor Zam gdong Rin po che bLo bzang bstan ’dzin (1939–), who was first elected to this post in 2001 and then returned to office in the next election. His final constitutional term expired in 2011. He was succeeded by bLo bzang seng ge (1968–), who at the time of his election in April 2011 was a legal scholar at Harvard University. The official position of the CTA is that Tibet was a fully independent state prior to the Chinese invasion and annexation of the country in the 1950s, but it follows the Dalai Lama’s “middle way” approach, which accepts the fact of Chinese rule and seeks “genuine autonomy” for Tibet under indigenous leadership. Since the Chinese occupation, no Tibetan has ever been given real power; non-Tibetan members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have held all senior positions. Thus the Dalai Lama’s proposals, while modest, would represent a significant change from established practice. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) regards the CTA as a group of “splittists” (Ch. fenliezhuyi fenzi 分裂主义分子) who do not represent the Tibetan people and contends that it has no legitimacy, but the two groups have held talks for decades. The CTA hopes these will lead to a lessening of repression and a resolution of the “Tibet Problem,” but there is no sign that the PRC is remotely interested in any real compromise. It participates in talks under pressure from foreign governments, but believes that the pretence of discussion will mollify critics of its human rights record in Tibet and will be enough to forestall any change in its policies. The CTA’s main offices are in Gangchen Kyishong (Gang can skyid gshongs), in upper Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, where the Dalai Lama and the senior Tibetan leadership settled after the 1959 uprising against Chinese rule and the Dalai Lama’s subsequent flight into exile. The CTA refuses to recognize the legitimacy of Chinese overlordship in Tibet and claims to be the sole legitimate governing body for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), the ethnically Tibetan areas of the eastern Tibetan Plateau, and several Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures and Tibetan Autonomous Counties that the PRC established following its conquest. The CTA administers a range of government services for the exile community, which numbers around 100,000 in India. Through its seven departments (Religion and Culture, Home, Finance, Education, Security, Information and International Relations, and Health), it runs various welfare services,

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a system of schools, and a range of commercial activities that employ poor refugees. It runs medical clinics and also funds and oversees the monastic and cultural institutions rebuilt in exile. Many of these were destroyed under Chinese rule in Tibet. It also works to resettle the constant stream of new refugees who escape every year. The number of these refugees varies from 1,000 to 4,000, depending on current levels of Chinese repression and economic circumstances. Due to enhanced Chinese military presence at border areas, this has slowed to a trickle in recent years. The CTA is not recognized as a legitimate government by any nation, but it receives aid from various governments and from nongovernment organizations (NGOs) that support its welfare work for Tibetan refugees. It has ties with a number of international NGOs, and in 1991 the CTA became the founding member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) at a ceremony held in the Peace Palace in The Hague. Because the CTA is not recognized as a government, it is effectively an NGO that functions in an undefined capacity in parallel with the government of India. Most Tibetan refugees refuse to take citizenship in the countries in which they reside, so they are stateless people who generally travel using a “Green Book” that lists the “voluntary contributions” they make to the CTA (which is not allowed to require payment of taxes). The Green Book functions as a passport and provides evidence of a person’s claims to “Tibetan citizenship.” Since 2008, however, some Tibetans, especially residents of Delhi, have become proactively willing to become citizens of India because they believe that this is the only way to substantially influence Indian government policy toward Tibet, Tibetans’ lives, and the PRC. This is a particularly controversial move, because if it becomes widespread it will effectively reduce the number of Tibetans who can be counted as comprising the exile community. CENTURY OF HUMILIATION (CH. BAINIAN GUOCHI 百年国耻) (TIB. DMA’ ’BEB BYUNG BA’I PHYI LO BRGYA PHRAG). The last roughly 100 years of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), during which foreigners carved out spheres of influence in China and established trade ports. During this period, China was forced to sign a number of “unequal treaties” (bu pingdeng tiaoyue 不平等条约) with European powers, and European nationals were exempt from Chinese law. The most humiliating events of this period, according to Chinese histories, were the Opium Wars (Yapian Zhanzheng 鸦片战争) with Great Britain (1839–1842, 1856–1860), which began when the Chinese government attempted to prevent importation of opium and Britain waged war to continue it. The Century of Humiliation was also the time, according to Chinese histories, when integral parts of China such as Tibet were alienated from the “Motherland” (Zuguo 祖国). Their reintegration

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was a core concern of the Republican government (1912–1947) and of the Communists (1947–), and the latter’s success in militarily conquering and annexing Tibet has been an important part of its claim to legitimacy. The process of regaining these alienated parts of China, five in number, was likened to restoring the five fingers to the palm of the hand—only by reclaiming these essential lost regions could China possess the dignity it merited and function as a nation. See also HAN; PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. CHAB MDO (CHAMDO) (CH. CHANGDU ZHEN 昌都镇). A town in Khams in eastern Tibet that today is in the Tibet Autonomous Region (Ch. Xizang Zizhiqu 西藏自治区; Tib. Bod rang skyong ljongs). It is the capital of modern-day Qamdo County (Ch. Changdu Xian 昌都县; Tib. Chab mdo rdzong) and Qamdo Prefecture (Ch. Changdu Diqu 昌都地区; Tib. Chab mdo sa khul). It is the second largest city in Tibet after Lha sa, with a population of around 583,000. At the beginning of the 20th century it had a population of around 12,000. It is located about 480 km (298 mi.) from Lha sa. It lies at an altitude of 3,230 m (10,600 feet). It is situated at the confluence of the rDza chu (Ch. Zaqu 扎曲) and Ngom Chu (Ch. Angqu 昂曲) Rivers, which join to form the Lancang Jiang 澜沧江. This is referred to as the Meigong He 湄公 河 (Mekong) in its lower reaches. Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) visited Chab mdo in 1373 and established Byams pa gling Monastery (Ch. Qiangbalin Si 强巴林寺), which was constructed between 1436 and 1444 by his student Byang sems shes rab bzang po (15th century), who was born in La dwags. It once housed more than 2,500 monks and had five main temple buildings. It was destroyed in 1912, but the main hall survived. The monastery was rebuilt in 1917 and currently houses around 500 monks. Chab mdo was the site of the first major incursion into Tibet by troops of the People’s Liberation Army (Ch. Renmin Jiefangjun 人民解放军) in 1950. More than 40,000 soldiers amassed near Chab mdo on 19 October 1950, and China threatened a full-scale invasion if the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) refused to surrender and cede the country to the People’s Republic of China. The governor of Chab mdo, Nga phod Ngag dbang ’jigs med (Ch. Apei Awang Jinmei 阿沛阿旺晋美, 1910–2009), surrendered without a fight and urged the Tibetan government to sign the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,” which China regarded as a valid convention that certified its historical claims to the region. CHAB SRID (CHAPSI) (“POLITICS”). A multifaceted term for relations between states. It is commonly translated into English as “politics,” but has a range of connotations. In the Lha sa Treaty Inscription of 823, it is related to the marriage of two Chinese princesses to Tibetan monarchs. In this case,

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it refers to the political alliances forged through such arrangements. The text indicates that the marriage entails that both sides pledge to unite their polities (chab srid gcig du mol). CHAKRATA PROJECT. An Indian military initiative to form a regiment of ethnic Tibetans. India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964), wanted to establish friendly relations with China, and as a result he refrained from criticizing the invasion of Tibet in 1950. Despite this policy, covert activities linking Tibetans and the government of India commenced almost immediately after 1959, and in Rajasthan the Indian Central Intelligence Bureau trained Tibetan fighters in guerilla techniques, including map reading and intelligence gathering. Following China’s invasion of India in 1962, Nehru dramatically changed his policy, and while Chinese troops occupied areas of northern India he approved the formation of a guerilla force composed of exiled Tibetans. The unit was under the command of Major General Sujan Singh Uban and was referred to as Unit 22 (later Establishment 22). It was part of the Special Frontier Force. It was initially stationed in Dehra Dun, and was later moved to Chakrata, about 92 km (58 mi.) away. The initial force consisted of 5,000 volunteers. In February 1963, CIA operative Marine Colonel Wayne Sanford led a group of eight counterinsurgency trainers, who traveled to India. The goal was to instruct the Tibetans in guerilla techniques and then airdrop them behind Chinese lines. They were given six months of basic training, which involved physical exercise, along with instructions in commando tactics, use of explosives, and intelligence gathering. The recruits expected to fight for Tibet’s independence, but the Indian government mainly used them to spy on Chinese positions and relay information. They were organized in companies of 123 men led by Tibetan officers, and they mainly operated from bases in Kashmir along the border with China. ’CHAM (CH. QIAMU 恰木; TIAOSHEN WUHUI 跳神舞会) (“DANCE”). Ritual dances generally performed by Tibetan Buddhist monks in costumes. The participants in the dance represent Buddhist figures and the opponents of Buddhism, and during the dance the antithetical forces are symbolically subdued. These dances are commonly performed before large crowds of lay Buddhists and have both didactic and entertainment functions. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), provided details of a variety of older Tibetan dances in his book An Account of Dance (’Cham yig); the range of styles he described have been preserved down to the present. CHIANG KAI-SHEK (CH. JIANG JIESHI 蒋介石; JIANG ZHONGZHENG 蒋中正, 1887–1975). One of the most influential military and political

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figures of 20th-century China. He was the first and third chairman of the Nationalist Government of China and was a close ally of Sun Yat-sen (Ch. Sun Yixian 孫逸仙; Sun Zhongshan 孫中山, 1866–1925). Chiang headed the Guomindang’s 国民党 Whampoa Military Academy (Ch. Lujun Junguan Xuexiao 陆军军官学校) and replaced Sun as the head of the Guomindang following his death. One of Chiang’s most notable accomplishments was his command of the Northern Expedition (Ch. Beifa 北伐) to unify the country. He later served as the chairman of the National Military Council (Ch. Guomin Zhengfu Junshi Weiyuanhui 国民政府军事委员会). He directed China’s military effort during the Second Sino-Japanese War from 1928 to 1948, which resulted in an overall weakening of the country’s military but increased power for him. Following Japan’s surrender in 1945, Chiang attempted to eliminate the Communists, who were becoming increasingly powerful in rural areas. This prompted a civil war, which the Guomindang lost, and its leaders fled to Taiwan and established a government that claimed to be the sole legitimate ruling body of China. Chiang became the president of the Republic of China (Ch. Zhonghua Minguo Zongtong 中华民国总统) and imposed martial law on the island. He died in Taipei at the age of 87 of a combination of a heart attack and pneumonia. CHINA (TIB. RGYA NAG) (CH. ZHONGGUO 中国). For most Han, China is an ancient civilization that has flourished for more than 5,000 years. They conceive of themselves and their ancestors as the dominant cultural and ethnic entity in this story, with minorities playing at most peripheral (and often antagonistic) roles. For Han, China includes the central regions that early regimes demarcated by several versions of a Great Wall (Changcheng 長城), which marked the boundaries of “civilized” China and its “barbarian” (yi 夷) neighbors. Contemporary Chinese generally view all territories that previous dynasties conquered as inalienable parts of Chinese territory, including those that have broken away. This is true even of areas that have functioned as independent states for centuries or that have become parts of other nations. China is traditionally referred to by its inhabitants as “Zhongguo,” meaning “Middle Kingdom.” This refers to the notion that it is the central realm of the world, the nexus of culture. During the dynastic period, imperial mythology proclaimed that its ruler, the Son of Heaven (Tianzi 天子), had dominion over the earth by virtue of his semidivine origins, his country’s superior culture, and his own moral rectitude, which entitle him to the “mandate of Heaven” (tianming 天命). The word “China” is derived from the Persian word for the country, Cin (‫)�ڍن‬, and was introduced to Europe by Marco Polo (ca. 1254–1324).

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For millennia China has been the dominant cultural center of East Asia. Its writing system, religions and philosophies, artistic traditions, and technologies pervaded the region and profoundly influenced the development of other civilizations. The earliest evidence of human habitation was uncovered in the Zhoukoudian Cave (周口店), which contained one of the oldest extant Homo erectus specimens. Often referred to as Peking Man (Beijing Yuanren 北京 猿人; Homo erectus pekinensis), his remains have been dated to between 300,000 and 780,000 years ago. Remains of modern hominids have been found in Liujiang County 柳江县 of Guangxi 广西 dating back 67,000 years. Traditional sources refer to the earliest Chinese dynasty as the Xia 夏 (ca. 2070–1600 BCE). This was generally regarded as mythical until Bronze Age sites were discovered in Erlitou 二里头 in Henan 河南 Province in 1959. Considerable dispute remains regarding whether these correspond to the Xia dynasty. The first dynasty that left written records was the Shang 商, whose headquarters was in eastern China along the Yellow River (Huang He 黄河). It flourished between the 17th and 11th centuries BCE. Shang oracle bone inscriptions are the earliest extant examples of Chinese writing. The Shang dynasty was displaced by the Zhou 周 (1046–256 BCE). The latter dominated the region for centuries, but was weakened by division. Feudal warlords carved out spheres of influence, and the disintegration of the Zhou ushered in the Spring and Autumn Period (Chunqiu shidai 春秋时代, 771–403 BCE), during which the Zhou emperor became a figurehead. During the Warring States Period (Zhanguo shidai 战国时代, 475–221 BCE), the central regions of China were divided among local kings. Seven major states dominated the affairs of this time. In 221 BCE Qin Shihuang 秦始皇 (259–210 BCE) founded the first unified Chinese state. His authoritarian rule lasted only 15 years, and the Qin 秦 dynasty was replaced by the Han 汉 (206 BCE–220 CE). China’s largest ethnic group regards this period as a central aspect of its identity. During this time, the empire was significantly expanded, and neighboring territories that had previously threatened stability were incorporated into the state. Areas of modern Korea, Vietnam, Mongolia, and Central Asia came under Han control. The demise of the Han dynasty ushered in the Three Kingdoms Period (Sanguo shidai 三国时代, 220–280), during which China was again divided. The country was reunited by the Sui 隋 (581–618) dynasty, but this collapsed following wars with the Korean state of Goguryeo (598–614). During the Tang dynasty (Tang chao 唐朝), Tibetan records indicate, the two countries engaged in military conflicts and cultural contacts. Tibetan armies attacked Tang territories in Central Asia, and successive waves of invasion enabled the Yar klungs dynasty to annex strategically important areas, including the Silk Road entrepôt of Dunhuang. During this time,

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Tibetan rulers imported technology and culture from neighboring states, mainly India and China. The Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成 公主 (d. 683/684) married Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), which attested to Tibet’s increasing power. Chinese dynasties gave brides to countries that posed a threat; this was conceived as a way of forging familial ties and blunting military aggression. Despite this marriage and the later betrothal of the princess Jincheng 金成 (d. 739), hostilities between China and Tibet continued. During the early Tang dynasty, Chinese Buddhist missionaries traveled to Tibet, and some gained adherents. The best known of these was Hwa shang Ma ha ya na (Heshang Moheyan 和尚摩诃衍), who, according to Tibetan histories, was defeated in a debate with Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla) in the 9th century, following which Chinese Buddhism came to be regarded as heretical in Tibet. The border between the two countries was settled by the treaty of 821/822, which marked the end of major Tibetan expansion. During the Mongol Yuan dynasty (Tib. Yon rgyal rabs; Ch. Yuan chao 元朝, 1271–1368), China came under foreign domination and was incorporated into the Mongol empire. The Mongols also forced Tibet to cede sovereignty, and the hierarchs of Sa skya ruled as regents. The Mongol khans patronized Tibetan Buddhism, and several Sa skya lamas exerted significant influence in the royal court. With the collapse of the Yuan dynasty, both China and Tibet reverted to indigenous rule, though this occurred at different times and neither played any role in the other’s return to independence. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) maintains that later Chinese states inherited the territories of the Mongols and that from this time Tibet has been part of China. Despite these pretensions, during the succeeding Ming dynasty (Ming chao 明朝,1368–1644), when China was again controlled by Han rulers, relations between the two countries were mainly formal and distant. Tibetan religious institutions took advantage of the Ming tribute system to enrich themselves, but the Tibetan government did not and functioned as an autonomous polity. The Manchu rulers of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), which overthrew the Ming, established close relations with Tibetan Buddhist masters, and early in the 18th century sent troops to Lha sa to thwart an invasion. The government was reorganized, Mongol forces that had looted and pillaged were driven out, and Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) ordered that henceforth two representatives (am ban) would be stationed in Tibet to oversee Qing interests. Measures were introduced that if fully implemented would have made Tibet a protectorate. The distance between the two countries and the general incompetence of the am bans allowed the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) to govern with minimal foreign interference, but its failure to create an effective military left the country weak and vulnerable to invasion. As a result, Tibetan

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rulers were forced to seek military aid from the Qing or other neighbors when their domain was threatened. The last Qing emperor was deposed in 1912, following which the Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo 中华民国; ROC) was established. Its leaders continued to claim the territories of the Qing dynasty, but in reality their sphere of control was limited to the region around their capital, Nanjing 南 京. Natural disasters and rebellions weakened the Republican state, and much of the country was effectively controlled by warlords. Lacking the power to enforce its territorial assertions, the ROC sent messages to Tibet requesting that it voluntarily return to the “Motherland,” but these were rebuffed. During this time, the notion that bringing Tibet and other fissiparous territories under Chinese control was essential for the very survival of the nation and for securing its borders became firmly entrenched. It was encoded in textbooks and official publications, and it was a recurrent theme of the speeches of political leaders. The ROC’s failure to accomplish this was a key factor in its generally low level of popular support. This was recognized by the Communists who overthrew the ROC in 1947, and after they consolidated their power the conquest of Tibet became a core priority. In 1950, troops of the People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibet and marched to Lha sa. The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), was hastily installed as the temporal ruler. The Chinese established a new administration, which initially governed in parallel with the dGa’ ldan pho brang, but following an abortive rebellion against Chinese rule in 1959 the Dalai Lama fled into exile in India and China took full control of the country. See also CHIANG KAI-SHEK; MAO ZEDONG; PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA; RGYA NAG; SEVENTEEN-POINT AGREEMENT FOR THE PEACEFUL LIBERATION OF TIBET; ZHOU ENLAI. CHINESE BUDDHISM (TIB. RGYA’I NANG CHOS). China began importing Buddhism centuries before Tibet, and the sources of the two traditions are largely different. Chinese often make a distinction between normative Buddhism (Ch. Fojiao 佛教, “Buddha’s Teaching”), and Tibetan Buddhism, which is referred to as “Lama Teaching” (Ch. Lamajiao 喇嘛教). Chinese tradition traces the introduction of Buddhism to a dream in which Emperor Ming of the Han dynasty (Ch. 汉明帝, 28–75 CE) saw a “golden man,” which one of his counselors informed him was a foreign deity called Buddha. He sent emissaries to northern India to learn more about it, and they returned three years later, along with some Buddhist monks. The king subsequently built the White Horse Temple (Ch. Baima Si 白马寺) in Luoyang 洛 阳 to house them. No historical evidence survives to support this story, and the earliest substantiated account of Buddhist influence in China is a royal

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edict from 65 CE indicating that a prince from the area of modern Jiangsu 江 苏 Province performed Buddhist sacrifices and entertained Buddhist monks and laypeople. During the 1st century CE Chinese influence in Central Asia increased. Many of the oasis kingdoms of the region had Buddhist establishments, and missionaries—mainly Parthians, Kushans, Sogdians, and a few Indians— began to arrive in China during that time. In 148 CE An Shigao 安世高 (d. 168), a Kushan monk, settled in Luoyang, where he established a translation bureau staffed by other Central Asians. Others followed, and by the end of the Han dynasty (Ch. Hanchao 汉朝, 206 BCE–220 CE) a significant number of Indian Buddhist texts had been translated into Chinese. Despite these efforts, it appears that Buddhism at this time was viewed as an exotic foreign religion and had little impact among indigenous Chinese. Another important early translator was the Kuchean monk Fotudeng 佛圖澄/佛图澄 (232–348), who served as a court advisor. Two of his disciples, Dao’an 道安 (312–385) and Huiyuan 慧遠/慧远 (334–416), were influential during the Eastern Jin dynasty (Ch. Dong Jin 东晋, 317–420); they were involved in the translation of a number of important Buddhist texts and supported a small but growing monastic community that included both monks and nuns. Beginning in the early 4th century, internal weakness allowed invaders to penetrate the Chinese heartland, and in 311 the capital was sacked, forcing the emperor to flee south of the Yangtze (Ch. Chang Jiang 长江) River. During this time Buddhism gained converts among both the educated aristocracy and the masses. The former group was attracted by Buddhism’s extensive canon, its meditation literature that taught the possibility of cultivating advanced states of consciousness, and its highly developed philosophical systems. The masses were drawn in by Buddhism’s pantheon of buddhas and bodhisattvas, as well as by texts teaching that laypeople could follow the path and attain better rebirths or even final salvation. Many of the “barbarian” rulers found it convenient to patronize Buddhism, which like them was of foreign origin, and which served to counterbalance the power of Confucianism and Daoism. By the 4th century significant numbers of Chinese had adopted Buddhism, and the northern part of the country had a reported 1,700 temples and 80,000 monks and nuns by 400 CE. During the reign of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty 梁武帝 (r. 502–549) Buddhism enjoyed royal patronage, and the emperor reportedly took layman’s vows, commented on Buddhist scriptures, and banned Daoism. The most significant event of this time for Buddhism was the arrival in China of the Kuchean monk ’Tsho byed gzhon nu (Skt. Kumārajīva; Ch. Jiumo luoshi 鸠摩罗什, 344–413), who translated a number of influential texts and introduced the Indian Madhyamaka tradition to China.

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During the next few centuries a number of schools arose, including: (1) Sanlun 三论, founded by Kumārajīva; (2) Jushe 倶舍, based on Paramārtha’s (Ch. Zhendi 眞諦 or Boluomotuo 波羅末陀, 499–569) translation of Vasubandhu’s Treasury of Higher Doctrine (Tib. Chos mngon pa’i mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa; Ch. Apidamo jushe lun 阿毘達磨倶舍論); (3) Faxiang 法相, founded by Xuanzang 玄奘 (596–664); (4) Tiantai 天台, founded by Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597); and (5) Huayan 華嚴, founded by Dushun 杜順 (557–640). In addition to these scholastic traditions, (6) the Chan school 禅 宗 (whose founding is credited to Bodhidharma; Ch. Puti Damo 菩提达 磨) and (7) Jingtu 净土 were established. Despite periods of anti-Buddhist persecution in 452–466 and 574–578 Buddhism experienced steady growth. It reached its apogee during the Sui 隋 (581–618) and Tang 唐 (618–907) dynasties, during which it came to permeate every stratum of Chinese society. It was also patronized by the aristocracy, which led to laxity and corruption within the monastic community. This precipitated a massive persecution of Buddhism in 845, during which more than 40,000 temples were destroyed and 260,500 monks and nuns were forced to return to lay life. During the Song 宋 (960–1279), Ming 明 (1368–1644), and Qing 清 (1644–1912) dynasties, Confucianism became the dominant intellectual force in the country. Although there were many Buddhist monks, nuns, and monasteries, it was generally a period of intellectual stagnation in Buddhist circles. The tradition remained popular among the masses, but its practice was mainly confined to rituals and ceremonies. During this time there was a tendency toward syncretism, which resulted in the amalgamation of most Chinese Buddhist traditions into a generic form of Buddhism, which coincided with the development of the notion of “three traditions” (Ch. sanjiao 三教), according to which Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism are three complementary systems. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries Buddhist reformers like Taixu 太虛 (1890–1947) made notable attempts, but their efforts effectively ended with the ascension to power of Mao Zedong 毛泽 东 (1893–1976) and the Communists in 1947. Declaring Buddhism—and all other religions—to be “feudal superstition,” the Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) destroyed religious sites throughout the country and also killed numerous religious professionals or forced them to return to lay life. The persecution was most severe during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), but beginning in 1979 it eased somewhat. Religion is still tightly restricted today. Religious organizations are ­under strict government control, and their activities are often confined to the performance of colorful rituals that bring in tourist dollars. While Chinese ­Buddhism continues to thrive in Taiwan, Hong Kong, and in scattered Chinese communities throughout the world, Buddhism on the Chinese mainland

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today struggles to retain past traditions despite mounting restrictions and government surveillance. The Chinese government is deeply suspicious of religious practitioners, as is evidenced by a 2010 law requiring all religious believers to register with their local government (much like sex offenders in many Western countries). Tibetan traditions have significantly influenced Chinese Buddhism. During the Yuan dynasty (Yon rgyal rabs; Mon. Их Юан Гүрэн: Dai Ön Ulus; Ch. Yuan chao 元朝, 1271–1368) several emperors received initiations and instructions from Tibetan lamas, and a number of Qing rulers were adherents of Tibetan Buddhism. In the Republican period (1912–1947) hundreds of Tibetan Buddhist teachers operated throughout China, and some gained substantial followings. Despite these influences, Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism remain very different traditions. China began importing Buddhism from India and Central Asia during the 1st century CE, and its early schools were mainly scholastic traditions that traced their origins to Indian texts or teachers. ­Tibetan Buddhism was more strongly influenced by tantra, and all four orders maintain practice lineages that they trace back to the Indian “great adepts” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha). Tibetan scholastic traditions were mainly imported from the great north Indian monastic universities during the 7th–12th centuries, and the eventual forms of Tibetan schools are mixtures of Indic roots and Tibetan innovations. Tibetans came to regard Chinese Buddhism as heterodox by at least the 9th century, and as a result from the period of the “later propagation” (phyi dar) Tibetan Buddhism strove to emulate Indian models as closely as possible, while eschewing Chinese influences. Contemporary Chinese tend to have a strong sense of ownership with regard to Tibet, and this extends to religion and culture. During the Republican period many Chinese Buddhists came to view Tibetan Buddhism as an aspect of their tradition, and some Tibetan teachers became popular. This trend continues today in the PRC and Taiwan. In both countries Tibetan Buddhists are widely believed to possess magical powers that can heal illness or bring good fortune. The PRC government also promotes Tibetan religion and culture (in a highly superficial form) as a part of the ethnic mosaic of “multicultural China.” In places like the “Ethnic Park” in Beijing (mostly Han) performers dressed in “traditional” Tibetan garb perform ersatz Vajrayāna ceremonies in replicas of famous Tibetan buildings like the Po ta la for the entertainment and edification of Han audiences, but these displays contain no real doctrinal content, and the message emphasizes PRC propaganda relating to its ownership of Tibet. CHINESE BUDDHIST ASSOCIATION (CH. ZHONGGUO FOJIAO XIEHUI 中国佛教协会). An organization founded in 1953 by the

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government of the People’s Republic of China, conceived as an umbrella association for all monastic and lay Buddhists. It is dedicated to ensuring that Buddhists are loyal to the Chinese Communist Party and that their religious practice contributes to patriotism. Its theoreticians reinterpret Buddhist doctrines in accordance with Marxism-Leninism, so the Buddha is said to have been a revolutionary engaged in a struggle with heretics and the ruling class of India. Traditional Buddhists are mistaken in their belief that compassion and love are the central guiding tenets of Buddhism; rather, class struggle and conflict are its core concerns and all “patriotic” Buddhists should embrace them. The organization’s publications and public statements reflect PRC propaganda and uniformly endorse current Party policies. It publishes a monthly magazine called Modern Buddhism (Ch. Xiandai Foxue 现代佛学), which reflects government policies regarding Buddhism. The organization claims to represent 500,000 monks and 100,000,000 lay Buddhists, but these figures are probably inflated in light of the effects of the government’s anti-religious practices. CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY (CCP) (CH. ZHONGGUO GONGCHANDANG 中国共产党) (TIB. KRUNG GO KUNG KHRAN TANG). The ruling party of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and the only political party allowed under the country’s constitution. It was founded in May 1921 in Shanghai, and in 1949 it became the supreme ruling body in China following its defeat of the Guomindang 国民党. The CCP claims to have 78 million members, or about 5.6 percent of the country’s population. According to its charter, the supreme ruling entity of the Party is the National Congress of the Communist Party of China (Ch. Zhongguo Gongchandang Quanguo Daibiao Dahui 中国共产党全国代表大会), which has around 300 members and convenes about every five years, but in practice it is a rubberstamp body that endorses decisions that have been settled before it meets. The most powerful group in the CCP is the members (currently nine) of the Politburo Standing Committee (Ch. Zhongyang Zhengzhiju Changwu ­Weiyuanhui 中央政治局常务委员会). The CCP’s Secretariat (Ch. Zhongguo Gongchandang Zhongyang Weiyuanhui Shujichu 中国共产党中央委员会书记处) comprises the ruling bureaucracy, which decides matters relating to the Party and the state (but not the military, which is under a separate administration). The military is under the control of the Central Military Commission (Ch. Zhongyang Junshi Weiyuanhui 中央军事委员会). It is not a national army in the normal sense; it serves the CCP, and its purpose is to maintain its power and control. Another powerful body of the CCP is the Central Discipline Inspection Commission (Ch. Zhongguo Gongchandang Zhongyang Jilü Jiancha Weiyuanhui 中国共产党中央纪律检查委员会), which is on the same level

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as the Central Committee and below the National Congress; its mandate is eradicating corruption among Party cadres and identifying examples of incompetence or wrongdoing. One of the most powerful and influential branches of the CCP is the Central Publicity Department (Ch. Zhonggong Zhongyang Xuanchuanbu 中共中央 宣传部; the propaganda ministry), which is headed by a senior member of the government, generally a member of the Politburo. It has two main divisions, one dedicated to internal media control and censorship, and another that disseminates current Party messages to the rest of the world. It has branches at every echelon of government, down to the local level, and its decisions affect the content of media throughout the country and overseas, as well as any official messages or publications. It oversees all information regarding Tibet, which censors vet prior to publication and distribution. The United Front Work Department (Ch. Zhonggong Zhongyang Tongzhanbu 中共中央统战部) is part of the Central Committee; it purports to be a reflection of popular sentiment among China’s workers. Its functions are mainly symbolic, but it has operatives throughout the country whose mandate is promulgating Party policies and reporting examples of worker dissatisfaction to their superiors. This is the body in charge of Tibet’s religious institutions, such as monasteries and colleges. Most monasteries have a member of the United Front on their governing committees, and they are charged with enforcing Party dictates and conducting surveillance on religious activities. In Tibet, and throughout China, the CCP is the dominant political force. The Tibetan administration generally consists of a governor who is often an ethnic Tibetan, but the real power lies with the provincial secretary of the CCP. CHING RGYAL RABS: See QING DYNASTY. CHINGGIS KHAN (TIB. JING GIR RGYAL PO; ALT. SOG PO ­CHING GE SE KHANG; JEN GIS HAN, 1162–1227) (MON. ЧИНГИС ХААН; CL. ČINGGIS QAΓAN) (CH. CHENGJISIHAN 成吉思汗) (“GENGHIS KHAN”). The founder of the Mongol empire (Mon. Mongolyn Ezent Güren, Монголын Эзэнт Гүрэн; Ikh Mongol Uls, Их Mонгол улс; Cl. Yeke Mongγol Ulus). His birth name was Temüjin. He was born near Burkhan Khaldun Mountain and the Onon and Kherlen Rivers near modernday Ulaan Baatar. His father was named Yesükhei, a chieftain of the Kiyad tribe. His mother was named Joelun. Temüjin’s father arranged a marriage for Temüjin to a girl named Börte when Temüjin was nine, and Temüjin moved in with her family until the age of 12. On his way home, Temüjin learned that Tartars had poisoned his father. He attempted to assume his father’s position, but tribal elders denied this, and Temüjin and his family were reduced to

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poverty. They survived by hunting and scavenging. When Temüjin was 10 he killed his half-brother Bekhter in a fight. In 1182 he was captured and imprisoned by members of the Tayichi’ud clan, who had been allies of his father. He escaped and formed an alliance with Jelme and Bo’orchu, who would later become generals in his army. His experiences with rival groups and his family’s abandonment by their former allies made him aware of how fragmented the Mongols were and how their infighting diminished their strength. He began working to forge alliances with various factions. When he was 16 he married Börte, who belonged to the Olkut’hun tribe. She gave birth to four sons: Jöchi (1185–1226), Chaghatai (1187–1241), Ögödei (1189–1241), and Tolui (1192–1232). Temüjin also fathered children with other wives, but they were not allowed to succeed him. Shortly after their marriage, Börte was captured by Merkits, and Chinggis rescued her with the help of Jamuka and Toghrul (Ong Khan, d. 1203) of the Kerait tribe. He formed an alliance with Toghrul. Temüjin launched his first military campaign with some of Toghrul’s soldiers, but was defeated. Undeterred, he worked to unite Mongol factions, and unlike other leaders he based military and administrative posts on merit and loyalty, rather than family ties. He instituted the Yassa (Mon. Их засаг хууль or Yasa) code, which detailed laws for various sections of the Mongol community and outlined the ways in which they would benefit from military campaigns. He also deviated from standard Mongol practice by not annihilating defeated rivals; instead, he forced them to swear oaths of fealty and join his confederation. He even adopted children from defeated tribes and made them members of his own family. Temüjin later fell out with Toghrul, and the latter’s defeat led to the decimation of the Kerait tribe. Temüjin then fought with his former ally Jamuka, who had become leader (Gür Khan) of the Naiman Mongols. Jamuka lost the support of some factions and his own soldiers handed him over to Temüjin in 1206. Temüjin offered a reconciliation, and even killed the men who had betrayed Jamuka (because he valued loyalty above all other qualities), but Jamuka refused. He requested the traditional bloodless death, which involved breaking the spine. The Naimans were subsequently defeated by Temüjin’s ally Subutai. After this Temüjin was the most powerful Mongol chieftain. In 1206 a conference (quriltai) of Mongol leaders was held, and Temüjin was named “Khan” of the new confederation of tribes. He took the name Chinggis Khan. Hostile peoples surrounded the Mongols: the Tangut Xixia 西夏 (Tib. Mi nyag) kingdom to the west and the Chinese Jin dynasty (Ch. Jin chao 金朝; Jurchen: Anchu, Aisin Gurun, 1115–1234) of the Manchurian Jurchens (Ch. Nuzhen 女真; Jurchen: Jušen; Mon. Jürchid, Зүрчид) to the south and east. Chinggis first moved against the Xixia and defeated them in 1209. In 1211 he

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defeated the Jin army in a battle at Badger Pass. In 1215 he besieged and then sacked their capital of Yanjing (later renamed Beijing 北京). The Jin emperor Xuanzong 宣宗 (1213–1223) was forced to flee and established a new capital at Kaifeng 开封. Following his victory, Chinggis controlled the northern half of the kingdom. He next moved against the Kara-khitan (Mon. Kara Kida, Хар Хятан; Ch. Xiliao 西辽) khanate ruled by his rival Kulchug. A force of two tümen (20,000 troops), led by Jebe, fomented rebellion and then defeated Kulchug’s army in 1218. Chinggis’s next campaign was against the Khwaresmian empire, which fell in 1220. Chinggis initially hoped to establish trade relations with it, but his emissaries were attacked first by the governor Inalchug and then by Shah ʿAlā al-Dīn Muḥammad (r. 1200–1220). Chinggis sent three men—two Mongols and a Muslim—to meet the shah, but the latter ordered that the Mongols be shaved and the Muslim beheaded; his head was sent back to Chinggis. In retaliation, Chinggis sent a force of 200,000 soldiers, divided into three divisions, and they devastated the empire. They conquered Otrar and massacred its population; this pattern was repeated in Samarkand. Inalchug was killed by molten silver poured into his ears and eyes. Following Samarkand’s defeat, its people were killed and their skulls piled into a pyramid. Bukhara’s artisans and craftsmen were spared, and the Mongols executed everyone who had fought against them. Reportedly 2 million people were murdered after the fall of the trading city of Urgench. During this time, Chinggis designated his third son, Ögödei (1189–1241), as his successor and decreed that henceforth Mongol leadership would be by succession within his family. Chinggis split his forces and led an army that raided in Afghanistan and northern India. Another two tümen led by Jebe and Subutai conquered land in Armenia and Azerbaijan. They destroyed the kingdom of Georgia and marched through Crimea to the Black Sea. Jebe’s army penetrated to the Volga River, and in 1225 Mongol armies annexed Transoxiana and Persia to the empire. They conquered Volga Bulgaria and Kievan Rus in 1237. In 1226 Chinggis led his army against the Tanguts. He defeated the defenders of Lingzhou 灵州 following a siege, and then crossed the Yangtze River, after which he defeated the Tangut forces. They then moved into modern-day Xining, which borders the grasslands of the eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau. They reached as far as modern-day Qingshui County (Ch. Qingshui Xian 清水县) of Gansu 甘肃 Province. The Tanguts surrendered, but Chinggis ordered the entire populace executed as punishment for their resistance. This destroyed the Tangut people. Fortunately for Tibet, Chinggis died in 1227, and an internal battle for succession followed. Ögödei eventually inherited the throne. Chinggis was buried in an unmarked spot, in accordance with custom, probably somewhere near his birthplace in Khenti Aimag. Traditional

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sources report that the funeral procession killed every person it passed so that the spot would remain secret. CHOL KHA GSUM (CHÖLKASUM) (“THREE PROVINCES”). This term originally referred to the territory Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) assigned to the administration of ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) in the 13th century, but it has become a post-exile conceptual configuration of the three areas that Tibetans consider to constitute their land: (1) dBus-gTsang, the central regions, which range from mNga’ ris skor gsum at the border of Kashmir (Kha chul) to Sog la skya bo near the town of Sog; (2) mDo stod or Khams, which comprises an area from mNga’ ris skor gsum to the upper bend of the rMa chu River; and (3) mDo smad or A mdo, which stretches from the rMa chu to the rGya mchod rten dkar po (White Chinese Stūpa) at the traditional border with China. This represents a central Tibetan perspective and reflects the influence of people from dBusgTsang in the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). Many Khams pas and A mdo bas reject it and further assert that the CTA is not the authentic voice of people from the eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau and that they were never consulted about this notion. Tsering Shakya has noted that researchers have never assessed the acceptance of the concept in Tibet. CHOS: See DHARMA. CHOS ’BAR, ZHANG STON (SHANGDÖN CHÖBAR, 1053–1135). The 10th main lineage holder of the “path and result” (lam ’bras) teachings. He was born in Ding ri in gTsang. He received the path and result transmission from Se ston Kun rig (alt. Se ’Khar chung ba, 1029–1116), who required that Chos ’bar give him all he owned in exchange. His biography reports that he practiced “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) during the day and secretly trained in path and result at night. In some sources he appears to be regarded as a monk, but his biography reports that he had a consort named ’Od zer brgyan. He passed the path and result lore on to Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158). At first Zhang denied that he knew anything about path and result, but when he learned that Sa chen belonged to the ’Khon family he agreed to instruct him. He sent Sa chen away, claiming that he needed time to prepare, but when he returned Chos ’bar’s tongue swelled, which he said was due to the fact that when Sa chen first met him he saw him as an ordinary person and failed to recognize his spiritual attainments. Sa chen then engaged in rDo rje sems dpa’ (Skt. Vajrasattva) meditation in order to clear away his mental afflictions, following which he received the transmission. Chos ’bar

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taught him for four years. He required that Sa chen keep the teachings strictly secret and not even mention the term lam ’bras for 18 years. When he was about to die, Chos ’bar sent a message to Sa chen that he should visit him, but Sa chen arrived after his death. Sa chen oversaw the funeral arrangements, and ’Od zer brgyan gave him some manuscripts. Oddly, the story reports that Sa chen wrapped them in cloth and placed them in Chos ’bar’s mchod rten without even looking at them. The explanation for this is that Chos ’bar had previously asserted that no written path and result texts existed, and if Sa chen had opened them and found that they contained path and result teachings his faith in the lama would have been damaged. CHOS DBYINGS RDO RJE (CHÖYING DORJÉ, 1604–1674) (CH. FAJIE JINGANG 法界金刚). The 10th rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in mGo log and his name at birth was O rgyan skyabs. He received his full monastic ordination (dge slong) in 1634. At the age of eight he was recognized by the sixth Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos kyi dbang phyug (1584–1630). He was caught up in political intrigues that required him to leave central Tibet. During the time of his predecessor, dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603), the Karma pas were aligned with the kings (sde pa) of gTsang, who were involved in armed conflict with the dGe lugs pa hierarchs in Lha sa. The fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), was forced to leave central Tibet and never returned. The Karma pas and their patrons attacked several dGe lugs monasteries and suppressed the order, and when the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), became the ruler of Tibet with the help of the army of the Mongol khan Güshri (1582–1655), his patron, the ruler of gTsang, Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1620–1642), was defeated by Güshri khan. Chos dbyings rdo rje had to flee to ’Jang by way of Khams, disguised as a beggar in order to avoid detection. Some monasteries in gTsang aligned with bKa’ brgyud were forced to convert to dGe lugs. While in exile from central Tibet, he sponsored the construction of 13 Karma kaṃ tshang monasteries in Khams. He also founded rGyud sde dgon in Padma rdzong in mGo log. During his exile, Chos dbyings rdo rje traveled extensively; he spent much of his time in eastern Tibet, and also went to Bhutan, Nepal, Burma, and Yunnan. Despite the conflicts between the dGe lugs pa hierarchs and the Karma pas and their supporters, the fifth Dalai Lama invited him to return to central Tibet near the end of his life. In 1674 the two met in the Po ta la in Lha sa and officially reconciled. Chos dbyings rdo rje is regarded as one of Tibet’s finest artists, and although he was trained in the style known as sMan ri he also was strongly influenced by the unassuming

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Wall mural in dKar mdzes Monastery of luminaries of the Sa skya order.

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and delicate Chinese scroll paintings he encountered during his travels, which made a strong impression on his later style. CHOS DPAL YE SHES (CHÖBEL YESHÉ, 1406–1452) (CH. QIUPA YEXIE 丘帕耶些). The third Zhwa dmar rin po che, who is credited with founding several monasteries, and is famous for attempting to ban animal sacrifice. CHOS GRAGS RGYA MTSHO RANG ’BYUNG KUN MKHYEN CHOS KYI RGYAL PO (CHÖDRAK GYATSO RANGJÜNG GÜNKHYEN CHÖGI GYELBO, 1454–1506) (CH. FACHENGHAI 法称海). The seventh rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in mGod mda’ spyi nang in Khams and was recognized when he was nine months old and enthroned at sGar chen ’dzam gling rgyan chen. His religious biography casts him as a peacemaker: at the age of five he settled an armed conflict between tribes in Nagaland and Bhutan, and he worked to convince Tibetans to renounce hunting and fishing. His biography reports that in 1465 he brought about an end to warfare between tribes in the regions of Tre hor, Mi nyag, and Dar rtse mdo. He also built bridges and roads to facilitate travel and communication, and he sent a large quantity of gold to India so that a statue of the Buddha in Bodhgayā could be gilded. He established an important study center, the Karma grwa tshang bshad grwa, and is credited with reestablishing scholastic teachings and monastic discipline at ’Bri gung. He founded Bre bo chu mdo rnam rgyal gling Monastery in sPo ba. CHOS GRAGS YE SHES (CHÖDRAK YESHÉ, 1453–1524) (CH. QUEZHA YEXIE 却扎耶歇). The fourth Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was recognized by the seventh rGyal dbang Karma pa, Chos grags rgya mtsho (1454–1506). He is credited with founding a number of monasteries, including one in Nepal at Rang ’byung mgon (alt. ’Phags pa shing kun; Svayaṃbhūnāth). He also established four monasteries in Bhutan. CHOS GRUB RGYA MTSHO, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR CHÖDRUP GYATSO, 1741/1742–1792) (CH. MIPANG QUEZHU JIANGCUO 米 庞确竹蒋措). The 10th Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was the stepbrother of the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780). He laid claim to his stepbrother’s estate after he died, but when his petition was denied he plotted with the Gor khas (Gorkha) against the Tibetan government during his visit to Nepal in 1786. A Gorkha force invaded Tibet in 1787. The Paṇ chen’s wealth brought from Beijing was not shared with Chos grub rgya mtsho, and he encouraged the Gorkhas to sack bKra shis lhun po.

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After his machinations were revealed, he was arrested. He committed suicide in prison (or his death was made to look like a suicide), and a government decree forbade his lineage to reincarnate. This edict remained in place until the fall of the Tibetan government in the 1950s. It was revealed that members of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order had secretly been recognizing Zhwa dmar reincarnations. His monastery, Yangs pa can, was forcibly converted into a dGe lugs pa establishment by the Tibetan government and renamed Kun bde gling. It housed one of Tibet’s great printing establishments. CHOS ’KHOR (CHÖKOR) (SKT. DHARMA-CAKRA) (CH. FALUN 法轮) (“DHARMA WHEEL”). (1) The cycle of teachings and practice that Sangs rgyas Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama Buddha) set in motion beginning with his “first sermon,” the Discourse Setting in Motion the Wheel of Doctrine (Skt. Dharma-cakra-pravartana-sūtra; P. Dhamma-cakkapavattana-sutta), delivered to five ascetics at the Deer Park (Ri dwags kyi tshal, Mṛga-dāva) in Sārnāth, India. According to some Mahāyāna sources, he followed this with two more “wheels of doctrine”: a second wheel, mainly the Perfection of Wisdom discourses (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i mdo; Skt. Prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra), in which he made a blanket declaration that all phenomena are empty of inherent existence; and a third wheel, in which he fully differentiated what was being negated in the second wheel. The locus classicus for this schema is the Discourse Explaining the Thought (dGongs pa nges par ’grel pa’i mdo; Skt. Saṃdhinirmocana-sūtra), an Indian text probably composed around the 3rd century. (2) The wheel of doctrine is a common iconographic element adorning Buddhist structures throughout the world. In Tibet, it is an eight-spoked wheel, generally gold in color, with a round rim and a central hub. Two deer generally are placed on either side of it. (3) The term can also refer to the “maṇi prayer wheels” (maṇi chos ’khor) that abound in Tibetan cultural areas. These are generally perpendicular cylinders with a spindle through their center that allows them to turn. They commonly have wooden handles at their base that devotees use to spin them. Maṇi wheels often ring the exteriors of holy places such as monasteries or mchod rten. They may be part of a circuit that Buddhists walk in a clockwise direction, turning each prayer wheel as they go. In most places the cylinders have the mantra of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), “Oṃ maṇi padme hūng” (Skt. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ”) embossed on the outside and contain rolls of paper with numerous copies of the mantra inside. When these are turned (in a clockwise direction), they generate merit for all sentient beings. Devout Buddhists who engage in this activity also produce merit for themselves. The more altruistic one’s intention, the greater the merit one derives.

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Prayer wheels at sKu ’bum Monastery.

CHOS KYI BLO GROS, MAR PA (MARBA CHÖGI LODRÖ, 1012– 1097) (CH. MA’ERBA YISHI 玛尔巴译师). The first Tibetan master of the bKa’ brgyud tradition, born in Lho brag. He studied with the translator (lo tsā ba) ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072), and later made three visits to India, where he studied Sanskrit and received tantric initiations from several Indian masters, reportedly including the “great adepts” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) Nā ro pa (Nāropa or Nāḍapāda, 1016–1100) and Mai tri pa (Maitripa, ca. 1002–1077). Mar pa received a number of initiations and teaching lineages in Nāropa’s system, including the ritual and meditative practices of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara, the main tutelary deity of the bKa’ brgyud order), the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā), and the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug). Upon his return to Tibet he became a noted translator, married a woman named bDag med ma, and raised several sons, while also establishing himself as a lay tantric practitioner (sngags pa). Mar pa is one of the most widely revered figures in Tibetan Buddhism, and in bKa’ brgyud lore is considered to have attained a level of awakening equivalent to that of the buddha rDo rje chang (Skt. Vajradhara). He eschewed the monastic lifestyle, adopting instead the outward appearance of an ordinary householder and local hegemon, although he had completely transcended attachments to worldly affairs. His best-known disciple was

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Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), whose biography tells of a series of arduous tasks Mar pa ordered so as to overcome his negative karma and prepare him for meditative training. The most famous of these involved building a tower that allowed Mar pa to become the most powerful local chieftain in his region. Mar pa was typical of the Tibetan hegemons of his period. He held land, guarded it by means of armed watchtowers located at strategic valley points, and was in constant contention with his relatives and neighbors. The Buddhist interpretation of his life—at least as it is recorded in Tibet—uses these aspects skillfully and interprets them as signs of his spiritual attainments. Mi la ras pa’s building and rebuilding of towers—understood as a task deliberately designed to wear down his obdurate nature and reduce his negative karma— might also suggest Mar pa’s response to threats from ambitious neighbors and relatives. The fact that the basic shapes of the towers conform to that of a stūpa may well be a later interpretation according to which Mar pa “sealed” his territory with a Buddhist marker as a device to protect against invasion. CHOS KYI ’BYUNG GNAS, TĀ’I SI TU (TAISIDU CHÖGI JÜNGNÉ; ALT. SI TU PAṆ CHEN, 1699–1774) (CH. DAI SITU FAYUAN 大司 徒法源). The eighth Tā’i si tu, an influential scholar and painter. He was born in sDe dge in Khams and was recognized as the reincarnation of his predecessor by the eighth Zhwa dmar rin po che, dPal chen chos kyi don grub (1695–1732). He left sDe dge in 1712 and traveled to central Tibet to study. He returned to Khams in 1715 and continued his studies until 1721. In 1720 he met Kaḥ thog Rigs ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698–1755), who would become his main teacher. Kaḥ thog Rigs ’dzin was a master of the “other emptiness” (gzhan stong) approach to Buddhist soteriology, and Chos kyi ’byung gnas later played a key role in propagating and popularizing these teachings. His 1722–1723 visit to the monastery of Phun tshogs gling— once Tā ra nā tha’s home and a center of other emptiness teachings that had since been converted to a dGe lugs pa establishment—is poignantly recorded in his Autobiography. He also sparked renewed interest in the study of linguistics and Sanskrit grammar and studied with Newari paṇḑits in Kathmandu. He is widely regarded as the greatest of Tibetan Sanskrit grammarians. His style of painting, which integrated Tibetan and Chinese influences, was one of the most significant developments in Tibetan aesthetics during this period. Chos kyi ’byung gnas returned to central Tibet in 1721 and then went to Nepal with the rGyal dbang Karma pa, Byang chub rdo rje (1703–1732), and the Zhwa dmar pa. He returned to Tibet in 1724. In 1724 he moved his seat from Karma dgon near Chab mdo in Khams to dPal spungs chos ’khor gling, which was consecrated in 1729 and sponsored by the king of sDe

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dge, bsTan pa tshe ring (1678–1738). After this the Tā’i si tu incarnations were also known as dPal spungs si tu. From 1731 to 1733 he oversaw the editing and correction of the woodblocks used to produce the sDe dge edition of the bKa’ ’gyur. Sa skya pa scholar Zhu chen Tshul khrims rin chen (1697–1774) edited the bsTan ’gyur. After this Si tu Paṇ chen worked on revisions of translations of Sanskrit texts, particularly works on grammar and poetry. In 1735 he traveled to Lha sa to search for Sanskrit manuscripts, and he journeyed to Nepal in 1748. While there he translated the Ancient Lore of the Great Self-Arisen Stūpa of Nepal (Bal yul rang byung mchod rten chen po’i lo rgyus; Svayambhū-purāṇa), a collection of legends related to the Svayaṃbhūnāth Stūpa. In 1750 he returned to Khams, and he traveled to Lha sa in 1762. He spent much of the rest of his life traveling in Khams, and he died in the second month of 1774. CHOS KYI DBANG PHYUG (CHÖGI WANGCHUK, 1212–1270) (CH. QUEJI WANGQIU 确吉旺秋). According to his hagiography, Chos kyi dbang phyug was the second of five eminent “Treasure Discoverer Kings” (gTer ston rgyal po; the others are: Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer, 1124–1196; rDo rje gling pa, 1346–1405; Padma gling pa, 1450–1521; and ’Jam ­dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po, 1820–1892). His hagiography reports that he was a reincarnation of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). He was initiated into tantric lore by his father at a young age, and at 13 he had a vision of rDo rje sems dpa’ (Skt. Vajrasattva). He subsequently studied epistemology (tshad ma; Skt. pramāṇa) and other branches of Buddhist philosophy, as well as the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā), “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po), and the “six doctrines of pacification” (zhi byed chos drug). At 17 he met mNga’ bdag ’Gro mgon, who told him of his destiny as a treasure discoverer. One of his definitive visions occurred in a dream during which he envisioned himself traveling to Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山) and receiving a vision of the buddha ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī), following which he attained unshakeable wisdom regarding all phenomena (chos thams cad). He is credited with discovering several important treasures, including: (1) The Guru’s Collected Secrets (bLa ma gsang ’dus), (2) Quintessence of Great Compassion (Thugs rje chen po yang snying ’dus pa), (3) Unified Quintessence of the Buddhas’ Great Perfection (rDzogs chen yang ti sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor), (4) Innermost Secret Razor (Yang gsang spu gri), and (5) Eight Teachings of Secret Perfection (bKa’ brgyad gsang rdzogs). CHOS KYI DBANG PHYUG, ZHWA DMAR RIN PO CHE (SHAMAR RINPOCHÉ CHÖGI WANGCHUK, 1584–1630) (CH. QUEJI WANGQIU 确吉旺秋). The sixth Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was recognized by the ninth rGyal dbang Karma pa, dBang phyug rdo rje, in 1589

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and showed a precocious interest in Sanskrit, mastering its intricacies by age 16. He enthroned the 10th Karma pa, Chos dbyings rdo rje (1604–1674), in 1612 and thereafter traveled to Nepal, where he was honored by the ruler, Lakṣminkara Siṃha Malla, at the Bodhnāth Stūpa. While there, one of his prime concerns was to further his Sanskrit studies with local paṇḑits. Historical texts contain suggestions that his relationship with Nepalese rulers might have been his insurance of a safe place to flee in the event of a worsening of the troubles of the civil war (1603–1621) in central Tibet. CHOS KYI GRAGS PA (CHÖGI DRAKBA) (SKT. DHARMAKĪRTI, CA. 7TH CENTURY) (CH. FACHENG 法稱/法秤). One of the great philosophers of Indian Mahāyāna Buddhism and the most influential figure in the Epistemological (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa) tradition. He was born in south India to a brahman family and later became a renowned teacher at Nālandā Monastic University in India. His best-known work is his Commentary on [Dignāga’s] Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇa-vārttika). His main concern was the workings of the mind and its relation to the external world, and his texts on logic exerted a profound influence on both Buddhist and non-Buddhist traditions. The focus of his system of thought is direct experience and reasoning based on such experience. His work is one of the main sources of the monastic curriculum of all four Buddhist orders, and he is particularly influential in the thought of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) and the dGe lugs tradition. CHOS KYI GRAGS PA, DUS GSUM MKHYEN PA (TÜSUM KHYENBA CHÖGI DRAKBA, 1110–1193) (CH. DUSONG QINBA 都松钦巴). The founder of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order; he was later recognized as the first rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Tre shod in Khams. His father, sGom pa rDo rje mgon, was a gShin rje (Yamāntaka) practitioner. His mother was named Lha thog gza’ sgang lcam ming ’dren; she was known as dGe ’phel. His father introduced him to rNying ma tantric lore, including Ral gcig ma (alt. E ka dza ti; Skt. Ekajaṭī, Ekajaṭā, or Māhacīna-tārā). At the age of 16 (1124), Dus gsum mkhyen pa received novice (dge tshul) ordination from the bKa’ gdams monk Tre bo mchog gi bla ma, a disciple of Ngog Lo tsā ba bLo ldan shes rab (1059–1110) and his uncle, Ngog Legs pa’i shes rab. He received the name Chos kyi grags pa. After this he began a two-year retreat at Tre ka brag and engaged in the ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) practice brought by Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) under the instruction of Yol chos dbang, a student of Atiśa, and dGe bshes Kra ra ba. According to his religious biography, in his 16th year he received a black hat made from the woven hair of 10,000 mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī). dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba (1504–1564/1566) also reported the story in his

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Ecclesiastic History: A Feast for Scholars (Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, vol. pa, completed in 1564). This became a distinctive symbol of the Karma pas. According to tradition, this is the hat worn during the “Black Hat” (Zhwa nag) ceremony. Chinese histories of Tibet claim that the hat was given to the fifth Karma pa, De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415), by the Yongle emperor (r. 1402–1424), but pictures of the second, third, and fourth Karma pas depict them wearing the same style of hat. When he was 19, Dus gsum mkhyen pa traveled to sTod lungs sa thang Monastery, where sTod lung rgya dmar pa Byang chub grags pa instructed him in dBu ma (Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy and logic. He received his full ordination (dge slong) from Mal ’Dul ’dzin pa, and he traveled to rGyal lha khang Monastery in Phan po (founded in 1012 by sNa nam rDo rje dbang phyug, 976–1060). There Dus gsum mkhyen pa was taught by several bKa’ gdams monks, including Grwa Lo tsā ba. Grwa Lo tsā ba gave him mGon po dkar lugs instructions, part of the Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla) cycle of practice. Grwa’s student Khams pa A seng gave him Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) instructions according to the sixfold training (sbyor drug). He also studied Madhyamaka at gSang phu ne’u thog with mKhan po Phywa pa Chos kyi seng ge (1109–1169) and Pa tshab Lo tsā ba Nyi ma grags pa. When he was 30, Dus gsum mkhyen pa went to meet sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (Dwags po lha rje, 1079–1153). He first met him at Dwags po dgon pa and became his student. He adopted the white cotton clothes of a cotton-clad yogi (ras pa) and mastered heat yoga (gtum mo). sGam po pa advised him to meditate in a cave named Til at Zangs ri, where he spent four months, and then he spent two months at Phag mo gru. He later spent three years studying with sGam po pa. He received instructions from Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa (1084–1161), another student of Mi la ras pa; sPon phug ston rgyal, a disciple of Rong pa ’Gar dge ba; and Mes ston Kun dga’ snying po’s student rKyang mo spang kha ba. He mastered the six dharmas of Nā ro pa (nā ro chos drug), and also studied the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā), ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara), Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra), and bKa’ gdams monastic traditions. He received path and result (lam ’bras) teachings from the Sa skya lama gShen pa rDo rje seng ge at Yar klungs phug mo che. For the next several years, he meditated in caves in southern and central Tibet, as well as in Bhutan, including brGyud dpal ri and Sha ’ug stag sgo. At a monastery near gZhu snye bar rdzong, a student of Nāropa gave him further great seal teachings. In 1154 he founded a monastery named Lha lung in Lho brag, which later became the seat of dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba (1504–1564/1566). Before sGam po pa died (when Dus gsum mkhyen pa was 53), the former advised the latter to go into retreat at Kam po gnas nang in Khams. There

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he established Kam po gnas nang Monastery in 1164, and in the same year he founded Karma ldan sa (alt. Karma dgon), which was one of the seats of the Karma pas until the 17th Karma pa, O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje, 1985–) fled into exile in 2000. Dus gsum mkhyen pa spent 20 years in Khams. He traveled to central Tibet and in 1189 established mTshur phu Monastery in sTod lung; this was the main seat of the Karma pas until the escape of O rgyan phrin las rdo rje. Before Dus gsum mkhyen pa died, he gave written instructions to his disciple Sangs rgyas Ras chen dpal grags (1148–1218) that provided details regarding where his reincarnation would appear. This established a precedent that subsequent Karma pas have followed. CHOS KYI RGYA MTSHO, DRUNG PA RIN PO CHE (CHÖGYAM TRUNGPA RINPOCHÉ, 1940–1987). A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of the bKa’ brgyud order, recognized in 1941 as the 11th Drung pa. He fled Tibet in 1959 following the Chinese invasion, and in 1963 he was awarded a fellowship to study at Oxford University. He was instrumental in establishing the Tibetan monastery of bSam grub gling in Scotland, the first of its kind in the United Kingdom. In 1970 he traveled to America, where he founded the Vajradhatu Foundation (1973), which later grew to be one of the largest Buddhist organizations in the country. In 1974 he created the Nalanda Foundation, and in 1976 he passed on the leadership of the organization to his “Vajra Regent” Osel Tenzin (Thomas Rich, 1943–1990). He was the author of a number of popular books, including Cutting through Spiritual Materialism and Shambhala: Sacred Path of the Warrior. CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN: See BLO BZANG ’PHRIN LAS LHUN GRUB CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN. CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN, RJE BTSUN PA (JETSÜNBA CHÖGI GYELTSEN, 1469–1544/1546) (CH. ZHIZUN FACHUANG 至尊法幢; SELA JIEZUNBA QUEJIJIANZAN 色拉杰尊巴却吉坚赞). One of the most influential dGe lugs textbook authors. He was born in Nyang stod at Phyugs po gzhung smin drug khyung rtse. His father was bKra shes dpal bzang, and his mother was Bu ’dren rgyal mo. In 1475 he received novice (dge tshul) vows from gNas rnying chos rje Kun dga’ dge legs rin chen (b. 15th century), who gave him the name Chos kyi rgyal mtshan. In 1481 he began his studies at bKra shis lhun po, where he met Paṇ chen Lung rigs rgya mtsho (b. 1418, the third Throne Holder) and Kun mkhyen Chos ’byor dpal bzang. In 1484 Paṇ chen Ye shes rtse mo (b. 1433) became the Throne Holder, and Chos kyi rgyal mtshan studied with him. In 1491 he was appointed Disciplinarian (dGe skos) of bKra shis lhun po.

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In 1492 rJe btsun pa traveled to dBus, where he met Se ra chos rje mKhas grub Don yod dpal ldan (1445–1524), and he also studied with gNyal ston dPal ’byor lhun grub (1427–1514). In that same year he received full ordination (dge slong) from Shes rab bzang po. In 1495 he returned to gTsang at the request of gNas rnying chos rje and began teaching. In 1511 he was appointed abbot (mkhan po) of Se ra byes Monastery, replacing Don yod dpal ldan. In 1522 he was appointed Throne Holder of sTag rtse Rin chen sgang, and in 1537 he became the 12th abbot of Se ra. In 1538 he replaced dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), the second Dalai Lama, as Throne Holder of bKra shis lhun po, and in 1541 he designated Shes rab seng ge as abbot of Se ra. He retired from administration after that and spent his final years at bDe chen gsang sngags mkhar. He was an influential teacher and author. His collected works (gsung ’bum) fill seven volumes. His textbooks are the standard curriculum for dGa’ ldan byang rtse, Se ra byes, and Se ra sngags pa grwa tshang. Several divisions of sKu ’bum Monastery also use his textbooks. See also LITERATURE. CHOS RGYAL (CHÖGYEL) (CH. FAWANG 法王) (“RELIGIOUS KING”). An epithet of three emperors of the Yar klungs dynasty: (1) Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), (2) Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), and (3) Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836). According to Tibetan Buddhist legend, they were manifestations of buddhas who took human form in order to propagate the Dharma. Srong btsan sgam po was purportedly an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), Khri Srong lde btsan of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī), and Ral pa can of Phyag na rdo rje (Skt. Vajrapāṇi). These deities are commonly referred to by Tibetans collectively as “Rigs gsum mgon po” (Lords of the Three Families). The association between them and Dharma Kings establishes a powerful conceptual link between Buddhism and ancient Tibetan dynastic origins. The title has been given to or assumed by Buddhist religious figures and has been used historically as a designation that expresses their elevated status (e.g., Chos rgyal ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan, 1235–1280). CHOS RGYAL ’PHAGS PA: See BLO GROS RGYAL MTSHAN. CHOS RJE DON GRUB RIN CHEN: See DON GRUB RIN CHEN, CHOS RGYAL. CHOS SKOR GNAS: See DRANG SRONG LHUN PA. CHOS SKYONG (CHÖGYONG) (SKT. DHARMAPĀLA) (CH. HUFA 护法) (“PROTECTOR OF THE DOCTRINE”). Powerful beings that are

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particularly important in rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) Buddhism, in which they serve as guardians of the Dharma and of its practitioners. They are generally portrayed iconographically as having fearsome demeanors and wearing necklaces of skulls and other terrifying ornaments. An example is Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla), a wrathful manifestation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). Tibetan Buddhism recognizes two classes of chos skyong: (1) mundane protectors, who were originally malevolent spirits subdued by tantric masters; and (2) supramundane protectors, who are wrathful manifestations of buddhas. Most Tibetan monasteries and temples have a shrine room for images of chos skyong, who protect the building and its inhabitants from inimical forces, both things that might cause physical harm and obstacles to spiritual realization. Throughout Tibet’s history, chos skyong have been employed for a variety of purposes peripheral to the practice of Buddhism. They are routinely transferred ritually, along with tutelary deities, from a lama to a sick person to ­assist in the healing process, and they have also been invoked in ritual warfare. Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599), the so-called primogenitor of the gTsang pa lineage of rulers, was said to have been not only an emanation of Tibet’s great culture hero, the warrior Ge sar, but also a manifestation of the chos skyong of the Karma pa hierarchs. CHOS SRID GNYIS LDAN (CHÖSINYIDEN) (“RELIGION AND POLITICS COMBINED”). A designation of the system of the dGa’ ldan pho brang, the Tibetan government headed by the Dalai Lamas, which ruled Tibet from the 17th century when the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), gained power with the help of Mongol armies. The People’s Republic of China abolished it following China’s invasion and annexation of Tibet. In this system, the administration consisted of lay and monastic officials. The former were mainly drawn from around 350 traditional aristocratic families and arranged according to ranks. The monk officials came from all strata of society. The stated goal of the system was to promote Buddhism and to ensure that the government worked to maintain and propagate it. The Dalai Lamas were the heads of state, except during the interregnum periods between the death of one and the investiture of his successor. During these times Tibet was ruled by regents (sde srid; while the Dalai Lama is alive, they are commonly referred to as sde srid, and during the interregnum period as rgyal tshab), who were monks, often high-ranking reincarnations (sprul sku). It should not be assumed that all aspects of governance were uniform throughout Tibet; scholars have found evidence of regional variation in areas such as taxation and legal administration. While much evidence that survives indicates that certain regions were governed on behalf of the dGa’ ldan pho

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brang by officials who were sometimes in exile or simply holding a sinecure, the general consensus of foreign travelers is that the chos srid gnyis ldan system worked reasonably equitably and quite efficiently. The paper money and coinage issued since the 18th century by the Tibetan government was marked by the inscription “dGa’ ldan pho brang phyogs las rnam rgyal,” meaning “The dGa’ ldan pho brang, Victorious in all Directions.” CHRISTIANITY (TIB. YI SHU’I CHOS LUGS) (CH. JIDUJIAO 基督 教). In the 17th century, several Christian missions came to Tibet hoping to gain converts, but they had little success. The first missionary was the Jesuit Antonio d’Andrade (1580–1634), who traveled to rTsa pa rang in western Tibet in 1624. Two more Jesuits, Father Estêvão Cacella (1585–1630) and Father Joao Cabral (1599–1669), arrived in 1627. Their exemplary and highly complimentary reports of, for example, the court of the gTsang pa ruler and the productivity of the land are the only extant records in such detail. In 1707 Capuchin monks made the journey to Tibet. According to their reports, some of the early missionaries believed that Tibet had converted to Christianity but that practice had degenerated, and they expected to have little difficulty in convincing the natives that they were already Christians and altering their methods of worship. Few Tibetans showed any interest in their message; one important reason was that the missionaries in this early period generally did not bother to learn Tibetan well enough to communicate effectively. Although the foreigners were forthright in their intention to convert Buddhists, the government was surprisingly tolerant and even allowed them to debate with scholar monks. Most of the missionaries failed to grasp the subtleties of dialectical debate, however, and generally made dogmatic statements about their doctrines and blanket denunciations of Buddhism, which made them appear uneducated and uncouth to Tibetans. One exception was the Jesuit Ippolito Desideri (1684–1733), who lived in Lha sa from 1716 to 1721. He became fluent in Tibetan and was able to debate Buddhist monks. His scholarly approach to doctrinal matters and his erudition impressed some of his debating opponents, but like his compatriots he had little success in his goal of converting Buddhists to Christianity. Only a few Tibetans did so, and after the missionaries departed the small Christian community eventually dissolved. The results of this missionary activity were not all negative, however. The wide-ranging and encyclopedic Alphabetum Tibetanum dictionary of Tibetan culture and religion was composed by missionary Cassianus (da Macerata) Beligatti (1708–1791), who spent 18 years in Tibet. The work was brought together and completed by Father Giorgi, an Augustinian friar who specialized in Tangut philology; it first appeared in 1759. Giorgi based his study on material sent back to Europe by the Capuchin mission to Tibet, which finally expired in 1745.

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During the 19th and 20th centuries Tibet became increasingly isolated, and the government issued decrees that threatened severe punishments for anyone who aided foreigners attempting to travel through the country. A few intrepid missionaries managed to visit neighboring areas with ethnic Tibetan populations, but few made it past the Tibetan border. As a result, Tibet’s knowledge of the outside world waned, as did its interest in foreign cultures and religions. Most of the work of Christian missionaries that contributed to global knowledge of Tibetan language and culture was undertaken in Tibetan cultural areas to the east of Khams. As in the 18th century in southern Tibet, the result was few converts but much valuable ethnographic and linguistic material. The dictionaries, grammars, and word lists of eastern Tibetan dialects prepared by Abbé Auguste Desgodins (1826–1913) and later George Charles Kraft (1912–?)—originally intended as aids for future missionaries— are models of accurate recording of now endangered dialects. Australian/ New Zealand missionary James Huston Edgar (1872–1936) spent more than 30 years in Khams and published the first dictionary of the Jiarung (rGyal rong) language and the Journal of the West China Border Research Association between the late 1920s and 1947. Many interesting firsthand missionary accounts from this period are found in the China Inland Missionary journal China’s Millions. After the Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, the antireligion policies of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) continued to make it difficult for Christians to spread their message, and the added restrictions on travel to Tibet exacerbated the obstacles. The situation today is largely unchanged. Christianity is flourishing throughout China—and increasing numbers of Christians travel to Tibet so as to capitalize on economic opportunities or as tourists—but government restrictions on proselytizing make it difficult for them to convert Tibetans. Also, like the early European missionaries, few Chinese who come to Tibet learn the language, so they are unable to communicate effectively. Few Tibetans have converted to Christianity, and most remain staunchly Buddhist. CHU BZHI SGANG DRUG (CHUSHI KANGDRUK) (“FOUR RIVERS, SIX RANGES”). A resistance group based in eastern Tibet that fought against Chinese forces in the years following the invasion of Tibet in the 1950s. Most of its members were Khams pa men, but a number of women also joined the resistance. The group officially formed on 16 June 1958 in response to forced collectivization and destruction of religious sites in eastern parts of the Tibetan Plateau. The term Four Rivers, Six Ranges is a traditional designation for Khams, and it indicated that the guerillas considered themselves freedom fighters resisting foreign occupation of their homeland. The leader was A ’brug mGon po bkra shis (1905–1964), who headed a

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force with 37 regiments under 18 military commanders. They established headquarters in mTsho sna, and later moved to Lha gya ri. They were effective fighters and on several occasions defeated Chinese forces, but they were poorly armed and had little chance against a modern military that enjoyed technological superiority and vastly greater numbers. As Tshe ring dbang phyug (2007) notes, several cases have been reported of Chinese soldiers deserting their regiments and fighting alongside Tibetans. The Tibetans possessed an assortment of World War II–era British .303 Enfield rifles or German 7.92 mm and Russian 7.62 mm caliber rifles, along with hand weapons such as knives and machetes. Initial overtures to the U.S. State Department in 1957 and 1958 for military assistance were ignored, but as part of its Cold War strategy in the 1960s the Central Intelligence Agency began supplying arms and ammunition and trained some members of Chu bzhi sgang drug at Camp Hale in Colorado. Beginning in 1960, the group moved its main base of operations to sMon thang (Mustang) in Nepal. In 1974, following Richard Nixon’s (1913–1994) rapprochement with China, America stopped supplying the guerillas, and Chu bzhi sgang drug disbanded after receiving a recorded message from the Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), asking the guerillas to cease violent resistance. They surrendered their weapons, but many were later killed by Nepalese forces anxious not to offend the PRC, which linked aid to Nepal with removal of Chu bzhi sgang drug. A considerable number were unable to obey the Dalai Lama’s request and committed suicide rather than betray what they regarded as their sacred cause of liberating Tibet. Survivors fled to India or disarmed and settled in Nepal, and today they have a headquarters in Majnu-ka-tilla, Delhi. CHU CHEN (CHUCHEN) (CH. JINCHUAN 金川). A river system in Sichuan Province, which empties into the Yangtze (Ch. Chang Jiang 长江) River. CI LU PĀ (SKT. CILUPĀ, CA. 11TH CENTURY) (CH. ZHILUBA DASHI 支鲁巴大师). The tantric master credited with visiting the “hidden land” of Sham bha la (alt. bDe ’byung; Skt. Śambhala) and bringing back the Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud (Skt. Kālacakra-tantra) to India. The Tibetan Sa skya master ’Jam mgon a myes zhabs Ngag dbang kun dga’ bsod nams’ (1597–1659) history of the Kālacakra-tantra, Wondrous Chariots: Good Explanation of the Methods of the Profound and Expansive True Ecclesiastic History of the Auspicious Wheel of Time (dPal dus kyi ’khor lo’i zab pa dang rgya che ba’i dam pa’i chos byung ba’i tshul legs par bshad pa ngo mtshar dad pa’i shing rta) reports that he was known as Dus zhabs pa chen po (Skt. Mahākālacakrapāda). He was born in Varendra in northern Bengal; his father

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was a tantric practitioner initiated into the cycle of gShin rje gshed nag po (Skt. Kṛṣṇayamāri), and his mother was a mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī). He received ordination at an early age and mastered all subjects quickly. He studied the Kālacakra-tantra but was unsatisfied with the instructions he received, so decided to travel to Sham bha la. He encountered an emanation of Sham bha la’s king (rigs ldan), Padma dkar po (Skt. Puṇḍarīka), who became his teacher. Cilupā received the empowerment of the triple dus kyi ’khor lo dkyil ’khor (Skt. kālacakra-maṇḍala), the sphere of reality maṇḍala of the Lord of Speech (Mañjuśrī) (chos dbyings gsung gi dbang phyug gi dkyil ’khor; Skt. dharmadhātu-vāgīśvara-maṇḍala), and the six-cycle yoga of Kālacakra. He meditated for six days and gained a high level of realization, and subsequently flew through the air to Sham bha la. He met the king in person and received further empowerments and instructions. Cilupā went to Me tog khyim (Skt. Puṣpagiri) in eastern India and began to spread the Kālacakra teachings. CLASS CONSCIOUSNESS (CH. JIEJI YISHI 阶级意识; TIB. GRAL RIM GYI GO RTOGS). An important term for Mao Zedong毛泽东 (1893–1976) and the Chinese Communists, who sought to heighten divisions of class among the populace. Class consciousness is related to increased selfawareness, and it serves to engender revolutionary fervor and inspires people to make sacrifices for the greater good. According to Marxist theory, the mindset of people in a given class is shaped by their economic circumstances. The upper classes exploit the lower, and they are unable to feel empathy for the workers’ suffering unless they undergo a process of indoctrination or encounter changed economic circumstances that force them to experience the realities of life for people in lower economic strata. Members of the lower classes have greater class consciousness than those of the upper strata because their daily lives are punctuated by experiences of oppression and exploitation, but this does not necessarily translate into revolutionary action. Class is generally determined by a person’s access to the means of production: the upper classes own the factories, run the government, and manage the economy, but do no productive work, while the workers labor for them for meager wages. Workers cannot control their productivity, which leads to alienation, and this can be overcome only when the workers gain control of the means of production. Mao believed that an awakened elite, the “vanguard of the proletariat” (Ch. wuchan jieji xianfeng dui 无产阶级先锋队; Tib. ’byor med gral rim gyi mdun skyod), was needed to educate the workers and make them fully aware of their shared suffering and the necessity of revolution. Mao wanted to create a society in which revolution was ongoing, and he believed that this

118 • COLLECTIVE PUBLIC SECURITY INCIDENTS

would quickly move China forward to a socialist utopia, but the Great Leap Forward (Ch. Dayuejin 大跃进; Tib. mDun mchong chen po, 1958–1960) and the Cultural Revolution (Ch. Wuchanjieji Wenhua Da Geming 无产阶 级文化大革命; Tib. ’Byor med gral rim gyi rig gnas gsar brje chen po, 1966– 1976) proved to be disastrous for the country’s economy. Tens of millions starved to death, and the chaos of random revolution created deep divisions between people and groups. The current leadership of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) maintains an official adherence to Marxist principles, but in practice the country has a market economy affected by international events. It is effectively capitalist but maintains an apparatus of control similar to those of the now-defunct Marxist states of Eastern Europe. PRC leaders seldom mention class consciousness or revolution and are primarily concerned with maintaining the status quo and their positions of power and privilege. COLLECTIVE PUBLIC SECURITY INCIDENTS (CH. QUNTIXING ZHI’AN SHIJIAN 群体性治安事件). An official term that refers to incidents in which a group of people illegally gathers to disrupt public order and destroy public properties. The term denotes incidents involving more than five protesters, and it is often used to describe gatherings of Tibetans. Activities that have the potential to disrupt public order are banned by law in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and any protest is viewed as an attack on the system itself. Even small and insignificant demonstrations are commonly met with physical violence, and demonstrators may receive prison terms with hard labor for even local demonstrations against clear injustices. The PRC system lacks the pressure release mechanisms of open societies, and its leaders regard any protest as a rejection of the entire system and an attempt to subvert it. Thus gatherings of disaffected people, which are largely viewed as nonevents in open societies, are threats to national stability and the rule of the Chinese Communist Party, and the actions of protestors are treated as acts of treason. COMMUNE (CH. GONGSHE 公社; TIB. SPYI KHANG). In the years following the invasion and annexation of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China in 1950, most of the rural populace was forced to join “people’s communes” (Ch. renmin gongshe 人民公社; Tib. mi dmangs spyi khang). Private property was confiscated and the collective jointly owned farm animals, equipment, and other goods. Former aristocrats and wealthy peasants were labeled “class enemies” (Ch. renmin gongdi 人民公敌; Tib. gral rim gyi dgra) and assigned the most demeaning and arduous tasks, while former “serfs” (Ch. nongnu 农奴; Tib. mi ser or zhing bran) became the leaders. The central Tibetan provinces of dBus and gTsang, along with part of Khams, became

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a new entity, the “Tibet Autonomous Region” (Ch. Xizang Zizhiqu 西藏自 治区; Tib. Bod rang skyong ljongs). Other parts of the Tibetan Plateau were incorporated into neighboring Chinese provinces. Communalization was first forced on residents of eastern Tibet outside the TAR. Mao Zedong毛泽 东 (1893–1976) proposed a “gradualist” policy with regard to central Tibet and promised that communist changes would occur only when the people demanded them. Following the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, the PRC adopted a hard-line approach and launched punitive military repression across the Plateau, which resulted in thousands of deaths. Between 80,000 and 100,000 ­Tibetans joined the Dalai Lama, fleeing into exile in India, Nepal, or Bhutan. Following this, residents of the TAR were forced to join communes and their property was taken from them. The Chinese imposed “democratic reforms” (Ch. minzhu gaige 民主改革; Tib. dmangs gtso’i bcos bsgyur), an odd term because the changes were imposed from above with no consultation and against the will of the people. These “reforms” involved reshaping Tibetan society and eradicating its traditional culture and religion, replacing them with “progressive” Chinese social structures. Tibet’s government was dissolved and replaced by a PRC administration that imposed collectivization on an unwilling populace and bombarded the masses with propaganda designed to change their thinking and spur “class consciousness.” The experiment with communalization proved to be a colossal failure; much of the livestock died, and while cadres were sending glowing reports to their superiors about wildly inflated production, much of the population starved as a result of crop failures and expropriation of food for people in China. Due to those exaggerated figures, while Chinese and Tibetans starved, China became a net exporter of foodstuffs because the inflated outputs were taken as fact, and the government believed that there was a surplus. Land that had never previously been cultivated was cleared and used to grow new crops, but management was haphazard, and much of the new farmland was poorly suited to agriculture. As a result, huge amounts of effort yielded little output. Chinese overlords often demanded that the traditional staple crop of Tibet, high-altitude barley (nas), be pulled up and replaced by wheat or rice, which fare poorly in Tibet’s arid climate. An estimated 15 percent of the Tibetan populace died of starvation during the time of the “Great Leap Forward” (1958–1960) and the “Cultural Revolution” (1966–1976). The estimated death toll in the rest of China was 2.7 percent, but in some areas more than 50 percent starved to death. One irony in this situation was that (at least during the dGa’ ldan pho brang’s rule) Tibet had never known serious famine prior to the invasion, which China’s leaders claimed would lead to greater prosperity.

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During much of this period Tibet produced more crops than before, but because cadres claimed far more than was actually grown, their superiors demanded that the “surplus” be sent to feed the rest of the country. Millions of Tibetans survived only by eating wild grasses, leaves, and other foods that could be foraged despite Chinese authorities’ attempts to punish those who did this because it was perceived as an overt statement that the Chinese Communist Party was failing in its promise to feed all of the country’s citizens. Chinese overlords forced Tibetans to work harder than ever before and made no allowances for climate or weather. Many survivors report workdays of 12–18 hours, in summer heat and winter cold, with starvation rations and inadequate water. During the winter Tibetans were forced to work outdoors in freezing temperatures to build unnecessary irrigation systems or to dig wells that served no utilitarian purpose. Those who resisted were often branded “class enemies” (Ch. renmin gongdi 人民公敌; Tib. gral rim gyi dgra) and subjected to public humiliation and beatings in “struggle sessions” (Ch. pidou dahui 批斗大会; Tib. ’thab ’dzing). The accused were forced to recount their sins and then often beaten to death. At the same time, Red Guards destroyed thousands of religious structures and historical sites in an effort to eradicate Tibet’s traditional culture and create a cognitive and cultural vacuum that would be filled by the “progressive” ideas of Maoist communism. They sought to smash the “four olds” (Ch. sijiu 四旧: Tib. rgan bzhi: ideas, culture, costumes, and habits) and replace them with the “four news.” Despite official pronouncements of unprecedented agricultural output and prosperity, the immense suffering Mao’s misguided policies caused eventually became too obvious to hide. An estimated 33 million Chinese perished as a result of the CCP’s failed experiment with communalization, and following Mao’s death the communes were disbanded and communal property divided according to the relative size of households. The PRC now occasionally makes bland statements to the effect that “mistakes were made” in the commune period and expects Tibetans and other minorities that suffered and died as a result of disastrous policies to let bygones be bygones and learn to regard the Chinese government as a competent organization that has their best interests at heart and that effectively promotes economic growth, security, and prosperity for its citizens. See also ECONOMY. COMMUNISM (CH. GONGCHANZHUYI 共产主义; TIB. GUNG KHRAN RING LUGS). A political philosophy articulated by Karl Marx (1818–1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820–1895), German intellectuals who regarded capitalism as inherently exploitive and who believed that history has an inevitable teleology that moves from one period to the next and that each

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is determined by a distinctive set of economic realities. According to Marx, early human societies had a system of “primitive communism” in which goods and services were exchanged in a barter system. People lived as huntergatherers, but they only had enough for survival. Private property develops only when there is a surplus. The next phase is the “slave society,” in which a ruling class exploits slaves who have no rights and are treated as property. The inherent contradictions of this system lead to revolt by the slaves, and the result is the emergence of feudalism, in which an aristocracy controls the land and charges landless serfs to use it, but the rulers have obligations to protect the country against invasion and the serfs have some rights, at least to a limited extent. This system is also exploitive, and the serfs eventually overthrow the aristocrats. The next phase is capitalism, in which a new exploitive class, the bourgeoisie, controls the means of production, such as factories, and pays workers for their labor. This system serves the needs of the owners, but the working proletariat is alienated from the products of their work. When the contradictions of capitalism have been fully manifested, the proletariat—led by an awakened elite, the “vanguard of the proletariat”—rise up and take control of the means of production. The workers then replace the bourgeoisie as the ruling class and establish the first free society. The next phase is early socialism, which inexorably leads to a classless society in which all are equal and all share in the work. Each person willingly contributes to the common good, and each receives what he or she needs. In developed communism, the state will disappear and there will be only a minimal administrative and diplomatic apparatus. There will be no classes and no private property. This will be the final stage of the development of society, but it can be achieved only through a proletarian revolution and can occur only when the previous phases of history have been fully worked out and their respective contradictions resolved by revolution. In a pure communist society, decisions will be collective and there will be no class that rules over others, but in practice all countries that have attempted to put Marx’s ideas into practice have developed entrenched oligarchies and repressive regimes of state control. Marx was strongly influenced by German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel’s (1770–1831) teleological vision of history and adapted it to his ideas about political economy. Marx believed that his methodology was “scientific” and that his conclusions were based on empirical study of history. Marx’s philosophy is commonly referred to as historical materialism; it is based on the notion that economic relationships determine the structures of all societies. The “base” is the political economy, which gives rise to a “superstructure” that reflects the ways in which goods and services are exchanged and that serves to perpetuate the status quo.

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Communism leads to the actualization of true human freedom, or so Marx believed. But he warned that the bourgeoisie will use any means to preserve its privileged status, so revolution is necessary to end economic exploitation. The revolution has three aspects: an agent, an obstacle, and a goal. The agent is the working classes and the obstacles are the class divisions that separate groups and alienate workers from the products of their labor, economic inequalities, and false consciousness. The goal is a system in which human needs are met in satisfying work, in which all own a share of their products. Marx was unclear on many details regarding the nature of communist society and how the revolution would unfold. His ideas were developed by ­Engels and by other intellectuals like Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870–1924), who became a leading theoretician of Russian Communism, and implemented by dictators like Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin (1878–1953) and Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976). Stalin created a profoundly oppressive apparatus of state control that ruthlessly crushed opposition. Mao was influenced by both Leninist and Stalinist interpretations of Marx’s philosophy. In the People’s Republic of China the official government ideology is commonly referred to as “Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought” (Ch. Maliezhuyi Mao Zedong sixiang 马列主义毛泽东思想). Like Stalin, Mao believed in a strong central government and a powerful military and used a combination of coercion and propaganda to achieve his goals. Following the Soviet Union’s example, he instituted a series of “five-year plans” to spur development in key areas of the economy, and he oversaw a move toward collectivization of the means of production. Mao recognized that most of China was rural and agrarian and had not moved through the large-scale industrialization of central and western Europe that Marx regarded as the necessary precursor to socialist revolution, but Mao believed that by eradicating the “four olds” (Ch. sijiu 四旧; Tib. rgan bzhi: ideas, culture, costumes, and habits) China could have a “Great Leap Forward” (Ch. Dayuejin 大跃进; Tib. mDun mchong chen po, 1958–1960) and quickly nurture a socialist consciousness among the working masses. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Mao and the PRC government forced millions of Chinese to join work teams or communes. Private property was abolished, and people became part of economic collectives that jointly owned the means of production, including farm equipment, animals, and other goods. Mao’s social experiment—conducted on a massive scale in the country with the world’s largest population—proved to be a disaster, and tens of millions of people starved as a result of famines and government ineptitude. The current government of the PRC still officially endorses socialism as its guiding philosophy, but claims to practice “socialism with Chinese characteristics” (Ch. juyou Zhongguo tese de shehuizhuyi 具有中国特色的社会主义).

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China now has a market economy and encourages entrepreneurial activities. Disparity between rich and poor is growing, and the reality is that China has a capitalist economy that maintains an apparatus of control similar to those of former Eastern European Marxist-Leninist countries like the Soviet Union. The contradictions between the official ideology and the realities of China’s economic and political system are glaringly obvious, but most Chinese today appear content with a system that is generating wealth for many and a government that has made the country militarily powerful. See also HISTORIOGRAPHY. CONFUCIUS: See KONG TSE. COUNCIL OF BSAM YAS. A public debate reported in several Tibetan and Chinese sources, which purportedly involved the Indian scholar-monk Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century) and the Chinese meditation master Hwa shang Ma ha ya na (Ch. Heshang Moheyan 和尚 摩诃衍). According to Bu ston’s (1290–1364) account in his History of the Doctrine (Chos ’byung), the debate was arranged by Khri Srong lDe btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) and was held in Lha sa in 792. The central dispute, according to all sources, concerned the proper understanding of the path to awakening. Bu ston indicates that Moheyan taught that awakening is attained suddenly and is not a result of gradual training. It dawns in a sudden flash of insight, after which all mental afflictions are eliminated. Kamalaśīla, who followed the Indian gradualist model of the five paths (lam; Skt. mārga) and 10 levels (sa; Skt. bhūmi), contended that the process of awakening gradually removes mental afflictions. Because these are deeply rooted and are the result of countless lifetimes of familiarization with negative thoughts and deeds, they cannot be eradicated all at once. Bu ston reports that the Indian side led by Kamalaśīla won the debate and was declared the orthodox Buddhist system, while the Chinese side was defeated and forbidden to propagate its teachings. Moheyan was reportedly so upset by the result that after his return to China he sent assassins to Tibet, who killed Kamalaśīla by squeezing his kidneys. A Chinese account of the debate, written by a disciple of Moheyan, reports that he won the contest, but subsequent Tibetan records are unanimous in declaring Kamalaśīla the victor. Some contemporary Western scholars have raised questions about the historicity of the debate and its details, but from that time onward C ­ hinese ­Buddhism was widely considered heterodox in Tibet, and the model Kamalaśīla espoused was viewed as authoritative. Recent scholarship interprets this crucial debate (if indeed it actually occurred as a face-to-face debate) in quite different terms. Examination of

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extant documents suggests that the dispute was not really about the topic of an ideal path to spiritual awakening but was rather about models of society. The view of Moheyan as documented in the later records was that the basic building blocks of society—ethics, generosity, kindness, gradual perfection, social responsibility, etc.—were not at all necessary because people are already awakened, and such ministrations are a waste of time. One will attain realization by simply clearing one’s mind and waiting for awakening to occur spontaneously. Kamalaśīla’s view was that these aspects of the Buddhist path are absolutely necessary, and their practice serves to establish one on the gradual path to buddhahood. Clearly, for a ruler expected to make a decision on which one of the two approaches should be adopted as a “national religion,” the Indian tradition offered a socially centralized and socially responsible model, whereas that of Moheyan was antinomian in nature and likely to cause fissures in society, and it provided a doctrinal rationale for adopting an amoral stance. The clash between the Chinese and Indic versions of Buddhism also had significant political dimensions. Tibet was engaged in intermittent warfare with China, so members of the government viewed any increased influence by Chinese figures with some concern. Rivalries between powerful clans also played a role: Moheyan was patronized by Byang chub—one of Khri Srong lde btsan’s queens and a member of the ’Bro clan—as well as women from other noble families. The ’Bro hailed from borderlands near China, while key supporters of the Indian faction had their origins in central Tibet. These included the Myang and sBa (alt. dBa’). Members of Myang, including the great monk minister Myang Ting nge ’dzin, supported the Chinese faction, while sBa Sang shi and sBa dPal dbyangs sided with the Indians. The ’Bro had come to prominence when one of their members, Khri ma lod (d. 712), married Khri Srong btsan sgam po’s (ca. 605–650) father, gNam ri slon btsan (ca. 7th century), and gave birth to a royal heir, ’Od srung (843–905 or 847–885). They were marginalized during the hegemony of the rival mGar clan and returned to the center of the political stage when ’Od srung carried out a brutal purge that wiped out the mGar. Khri ma lod had close contacts in China and played a leading role in arranging for a Chinese bride for her grandson Khri lDe gtsug btsan (712–755) in 710. Thus Moheyan’s ethnicity undoubtedly played a role in the outcome of the contest between factions that saw advantage in stronger cultural ties with China and others that wanted to maintain the connection between India and central Tibetan politics. COUNTERREVOLUTIONARY (CH. FANGEMING 反革命; TIB. GSAR BRJE’I NGO LOG PA). A term widely used during the period following the Communist victory over the Guomindang 国民党, which led

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to the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. During the 1950s, and particularly during the period of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) sought to purge the country of those elements he saw as opponents of the revolution (or anyone who might pose a threat to his power). In many cases, they were imprisoned or killed, but Mao wanted to reform people afflicted by “false consciousness,” and so “counterrevolutionaries” were often subjected to public “struggle sessions” (Ch. pidou dahui 批斗大会; Tib. ’thab ’dzing), during which they were ­humiliated, beaten, and forced to confess their crimes. Many suffered long periods of imprisonment and torture, which was thought to be therapeutic: hard labor, brutal treatment, and oppression would make them aware of the evils of the system they sought to defend and alter their consciousness sufficiently to allow them to rejoin society as productive members, chastened by a realization of their past misdeeds and committed to the Communist revolution. See also COMMUNISM. CULTURAL REVOLUTION (CH. WUCHANJIEJI WENHUA DA GEMING 无产阶级文化大革命; TIB. ’BYOR MED GRAL RIM GYI RIG GNAS GSAR BRJE CHEN PO) (“GREAT PROLETARIAN CULTURAL REVOLUTION”). The period from 1966 to 1976 during which Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) promoted forced collectivization of Chinese workers and sought to quickly move the country toward socialism. In Tibet this was a time of unprecedented suffering for the populace. For the first time in history Tibet experienced major famine, and an estimated 300,000 starved to death. Crops and products of animal husbandry were shipped to areas in interior China and, according to some estimates, 15 percent of the population of the Tibetan Plateau died during this period. Nomads were forced into communes, but because the pasturage was poor and the management often inept, large numbers of livestock died. Tibetans were forced to replace high-altitude barley (nas), the staple of the traditional diet, with wheat and rice, which fared poorly in Tibet’s arid climate and thin, rocky soil. In addition to mass starvation, thousands were killed or imprisoned as “counterrevolutionaries” or “class enemies” (Ch. renmin gongdi 人民公敌; Tib. gral rim gyi dgra), thousands of religious buildings were ransacked and destroyed, and monks and nuns were tortured, killed, or forced to return to lay life. All aspects of Tibet’s culture and religion came under attack. “Backward” Tibetan street names were replaced by “progressive” and “revolutionary” Chinese terms. Old Tibetan buildings were razed and replaced by the monolithic concrete structures beloved by Chinese city planners. By the time the experiment ended and the communes disbanded Tibet’s economy and infrastructure were devastated, and the populace had been decimated. The

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c­urrent government of the People’s Republic of China blandly acknowledges that “mistakes were made,” but refuses to fully recognize the harm done during this period or the reasons behind lingering Tibetan resentment toward the foreign conquerors who subjected them to the miseries of this massive failed social experiment. See also RED GUARDS; STRUGGLE SESSION. CURRENCY (DNGUL). During the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang— the government of Tibet before China disbanded it in 1959—Tibet issued its own currency, both coins (sgor mo) and paper money (shog dngul). Gold was also a common medium of exchange, but in areas under the control of the Tibetan government its currency functioned as legal tender, sometimes alongside other currencies. For small purchases, shell money or beads were commonly used, and coins from other countries, mainly Nepal or China, ­circulated in areas of the Tibetan Plateau that shared borders with them. Tibet minted few, if any, coins before the mid-18th century. Prior to that Tibetan commerce employed a variety of means for payment, such as Chinese silver ingots, precious and semiprecious stones, exchange goods, etc. By the mid-18th century Tibet had become used to using Nepalese minted coins but had become disillusioned at the unreliable weight of the metals used in the coins and their inaccurate quality. The first Tibetan coins are dated to 1763/1764, but recent scholarship suggests that they may date from as late as the early 19th century. In 1792 coins were mass-produced for the first time; these bore both Tibetan and Chinese inscriptions. This continued until the 1830s, and from 1840 the Tibetan government began minting its own coins with only Tibetan inscriptions. These were made until 1954, when the PRC began introducing its own currency to the region. In 1910 the Tibetan government expanded the range of its coins and began producing copper and silver coins of various denominations. These included the srang, a silver coin minted in large numbers, and another type of silver coin called tam ka. In 1918–1921 gold coins were also minted. Due to the extremely complex forms employed in the making of Tibetan coins, a large number of fakes have appeared on the market. Because of the large gaps in present knowledge regarding this topic, it is difficult to separate fakes from authentic coins. A website that contains a catalogue raisonné of the collection of the late Nick Rhodes, one of the finest collectors of Tibetan coins, is a good source (https://issuu.com/spinkandson/docs/13020). Paper currency was first printed in Tibet in 1912/1913. These contained Buddhist symbols and Tibetan script and were issued in various denominations of tam, the standard unit. Each note bore a red seal symbolizing the authority of the Dalai Lama and his government and a black seal in ’phags pa

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script that read “government bank” (gzhung dngul khang). The authority of the Tibetan government was expressed in the words—found on some coins and all banknotes—“dGa’ ldan pho brang phyogs las rnam rgyal” (“The dGa’ ldan pho brang, Victorious in all Directions”). These notes were made by printing from carved wooden blocks in monochrome, but in a variety of colors for varying denominations. As Bertsch (1999) notes, these were rather simply made and were relatively easy to forge. They were discontinued by 1926 when, with the aid of an imported power plant and newly cast metal blocks, a new range of banknotes was produced with several colors on each banknote. The metal blocks were later replaced by copper blocks that allowed greater detail and therefore more protection from forgery. From 1955 to 1959 the Tibetan government stopped production of coins but continued to print banknotes, although the currency was gradually replaced with Chinese money. Following the overthrow of the dGa’ ldan pho brang and the Dalai Lama’s flight to exile in India, Tibetan notes and coins became worthless, and many were sold as curios.The Chinese closed the mint for banknotes in 1959, and Tibetan banknotes were readily available for sale in India for several decades thereafter. However, as with coins, a huge number of fake banknotes sits on the current market. Today Tibet, like the rest of the PRC, uses the renminbi 人民币 as the standard currency. The basic unit is the yuan 元.

100 srang note.

D ḌĀKINĪ: See MKA’ ’GRO MA. DALAI CLIQUE (CH. DALAI JITUAN 达赖集团; TIB. TĀ LA’I RU TSHOGS; ALT. TĀ LA’I RU KHAG). A term the Chinese government uses to pejoratively designate the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan governmentin-exile, and their supporters. The People’s Republic of China claims that this international cabal secretly plots against China with the intention of restoring the old “feudal theocracy” and returning the Dalai Lama to power. Whenever Tibetans protest, the Dalai Clique is routinely accused of masterminding the demonstrations and with maintaining a network of disaffected supporters who attempt to stir up trouble and “split Tibet from the Motherland.” DALAI LAMA (TIB. TĀ LA’I BLA MA) (CH. DALAI LAMA 达赖喇 嘛). The most prominent reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of Tibetan Buddhism, whom Tibetan Buddhists regard as a physical manifestation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). This epithet is a shortening and a Tibetan adaptation of a Mongolian title, “Ghaikhamsigh vcir-a dar-a sayin cogh-tu buyan-tu dalai” (Wondrous Vajradhara, Good, Brilliant, Admirable Ocean). It was first given to the third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), by Altan Khan (1507–1583) in 1578. The Tibetan version of this designation, “Tā la’i bla ma,” was retroactively conferred on his two predecessors (dGe ’dun grub pa and dGe ’dun rgya mtsho). The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), became the ruler of Tibet with the backing of descendants of Altan Khan, and prior to the Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s the Dalai Lama was the spiritual and temporal leader of Tibet. Tibetans most often refer to the Dalai Lama as “rGyal ba Rin po che” (“Precious Lord”) or “Kun ’dun” (“Omnipresent”). The members of this lineage (including those who were retroactively designated) are: 1. dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474) 2. dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542) 128

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3. bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588) 4. Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616) 5. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682) 6. Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706) 7. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757) 8. ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804) 9. Lung rtogs rgya mtsho (1806–1815) 10. Tshul khrims rgya mtsho (1816–1837) 11. mKhas grub rgya mtsho (1838–1856) 12. ’Phrin las rgya mtsho (1856–1875) 13. Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933) 14. bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–) DAM PA BDE GSHEGS SHES RAB SENG GE (TAMBA TESHEK SHERAP SENGGÉ, 1122–1192) (CH. GATUO BASHAN YOURULAI 噶陀巴善友如来; GATUO BABEN MINGHUI SHIZI 噶陀巴本名慧 狮子). A rNying ma master credited with founding Kaḥ thog Monastery in Khams in 1159. This was a major center for the preservation and training of the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) lineage, one of the two main sources of the rNying ma pa (the other is “hidden treasures,” gter ma). His personal name was sPobs pa mtha’ yas or Shes rab seng ge. He was born in sPom ’bor sgang and was given novice ordination (dge tshul) in 1138. He received full monastic ordination (dge slong) from Nags kyi mkhan chen. His main teachers were ’Dzam ston ’gro mgon, Kam Lo tsā ba, Cog ro Lo tsā ba, Dus gsum mkhyen pa, and bLa ma U se. DAR MA DBANG PHYUG, ’BA’ ROM PA (PAROMBA TARMA WANGCHÜK, 1127–1199/1200) (CH. BARONG DAMA WANGQIU 巴绒达玛旺秋). The founder of ’Ba’ rom bKa’ brgyud, one of the four main schools of the bKa’ brgyud order. His personal name was ’Bum skyabs. His main teachers were the bKa’ gdams master dGe bshes Bya yul ba, Gru ’bu lung pa, and sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153). He is credited with founding Nag chu ’Ba’ rom Ri bo che Monastery, the main seat of the ’Ba’ rom bKa’ brgyud school, in 1160. According to his religious biography, he was born into the Bran ka clan in ’Phan yul at dKa’ ba yul sna, and his parents named him after the Tibetan title of the 100,000 Line Perfection of Wisdom Discourse (Shes rab gyi pha rol tu p­hyin pa stong phrag brgya pa’i mdo; Skt. Śatasāhasrikā-prajñā-pāramitāsūtra—’Bum skyabs means “Protected by the 100,000 Line Perfection of Wisdom Discourse”). He received his novice (dge tshul) vows at the age of eight from mKhan po sKa ba, who gave him the religious name Dar ma dbang phyug. He traveled to Dwags lha sgam po and met sGam po pa, and

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subsequently became his disciple. He became known as ’Ba’ rom pa after following sGam po pa’s advice to engage in solitary retreat at ’Ba’ rom in Nag chu. He spent seven years in retreat, during which he had a number of visions, including one of a protector spirit named dGe bsnyen dkar po (Pious White Layman). DAR MA MDO SDE (TARMA DODÉ, 11TH CENTURY) (CH. TAMADUODE 塔玛多德). One of the seven sons of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), who was cursed with black magic by Rwa lo tsā ba rDo rje grags (1016–1198), a rival of his father. Dar ma mdo sde later died following a horse riding accident on his way to a festival. As he lay dying, Mar pa performed a tantric ritual called pho ba, which caused his consciousness to depart his body. It entered a pigeon and then flew to India, where it took over the body of a recently deceased brahman boy, the son of Ga ya dha ra (Skt. Gayādhara, 11th century). Dar ma mdo sde was reportedly a master of the lore of corpse reanimation (grongs ’jug), which enabled him to bring the body back to life. He later became an adept named Ti phu pa (“The Pigeon”; Skt. Pārāvatapada). The incident of his death at the hands of Rwa lo tsā ba demonstrates one aspect of the mood of the so-called hegemonic era, during which masters attempted to establish both themselves and the Buddhist teachings in Tibet. This led to intense rivalry for recognition of the special teachings so arduously (and often at great financial cost) gained from India and the power these conferred on their holders. Despite interpretations to the contrary on the part of Tibetan Buddhists and contemporary Western enthusiasts of the tradition, something of the flavor of this rivalry has existed as a thread throughout Tibetan history, often resulting in incidents in which violent and treacherous means were used to advance a particular master or lineage at the expense of enemies. DAR MA RIN CHEN, RGYAL TSHAB RJE (GYELTSAPJÉ TARMA RINCHEN, 1364–1432) (CH. JIACAOJIE DAMA RENQIN 贾曹杰达 玛仁钦). One of the main disciples of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), the founder of the dGe lugs order. He was born in gTsang in Ri nang in Myang stod. His father worked in the rBa family’s stables. His mother was Jo mo shes rab. When he was 10 he received novice (dge tshul) vows from gNas rnying pa Rin chen rgyal mtshan and Brag thog pa gZhon nu tshul khrims. They gave him the name Dar ma rin chen. He subsequently studied Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol to phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) with bKa’ bzhi pa Rin chen rdo rje and Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa) with Kun dga’ dpal. He also learned Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy from Red mda’ ba gZhon nu blo gros (1349–1412). He studied at Sa skya Monastery and gSang

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phu, a bKa’ gdams monastery. At age 21 he received full ordination (dge slong) from lDog lho pa Chos rje kun dga’ dpal, rJe gang can Kun dga’ dpal ba, and Red mda’ ba. During a visit to dBus he met Tsong kha pa at gNyal stod ra grong. He became his disciple. rGyal tshab rje is commonly depicted sitting on his left side, and mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) is on his right. In 1409 rGyal tshab established dGa’ ldan rnam rgyal gling. Following Tsong kha pa’s death in 1419, he became the second Throne Holder (Khri pa). He was given the epithet rGyal tshab (regent) because he inherited Tsong kha pa’s lineage. He served as the Throne Holder for 11 years and was renowned for teaching, debate, and writing (’chad rtsod rtsom gsum). In 1431 he convinced mKhas grub rje to replace him as the Throne Holder. rGyal tshab was an influential author whose works on Epistemology, Middle Way, and Tantra continue to form part of the curriculum in dGe lugs monastic universities. His collected works (gsung ’bum) fill eight volumes. DAR RTSE MDO (DARTSEDO; CH. KANGDING 康定/DAJIANLU 打 箭爐). For centuries Dar rtse mdo has been a point of contact between Tibetans and Chinese, in terms of both trade and cultural exchange. It is located in the Garzé Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (dGar mdzes bod rigs rang skyong khul; Ch. Ganzi Zangzu Zizhizhou 甘孜藏族自治州) in Sichuan Province (Ch. 四川省, Sichuan Sheng; formerly western Khams) and is situated in a river valley at an altitude of 2,560 m. In the past Dar rtse mdo constituted a de facto border between Tibet and China; it was a frontier town where traders and travelers met. From at least the mid-13th century, Dar rtse mdo was a commercial center where traders exchanged tea and other goods. It later became a hub for the “tea-horse” trade between Tibet and China, as well as for trade in medicinal products and paper and later Chinese exports such as silk and satin. In addition to horses, Tibetan traders exported musk (gla rtsi) and yak tails. Several major Buddhist temples sprang up in and around Dar rtse mdo, which became wealthy as a result of the city’s commercial traffic. Dar rtse mdo prospered during the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) following a Ming court edict proclaiming that all tribute from central Tibet to China must follow the “Sichuan Road,” which went through the town. Dar rtse mdo was a crossroads for a variety of traders from central Tibet, Mongolia, and China, and for Hui 回 Muslims from modern Qinghai and Ningsia 宁夏 as well as some from India. From the 15th century, Dar rtse mdo was the capital of the lCags la (Ch. Mingzheng 明正) kingdom (1407–1950). Although the lCags la kings ruled the region, the dGa’ ldan pho brang established a taxation bureau there, which led to a rebellion in which the local regime formed an alliance with the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). In 1671 the dGa’ ldan pho brang launched an attack on lCags la, and in 1699 the lCags la king assassinated the taxation

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commissioner sent from Lha sa. A year later, a Qing military force entered the area, following which the Qing administered lCags la, and the dGa’ ldan pho brang was no longer allowed to collect taxes there. The Qing officially annexed it in 1911, and Zhao Erfeng 赵尔丰 (1845–1911) forced the king to abdicate his throne through a new policy of “replacing local hegemons with government-appointed officials” (gaitu guiliu 改土归流). The king was later allowed to regain some authority, but this ended when the People’s Republic of China annexed the region in 1950. In 1696 the Qing dynasty designated the town as a trade center and stationed a trade official (yingguan 营官; Tib. sgar dpon) there. By 1699, 800,000 packs of tea (approximately 8 million kilograms) were sold each year, much of this brokered through Dar rtse mdo’s commercial houses (guozhuang 锅庄; Tib. a lcags kha pa). In 1702 the Qing authorities further bolstered the town’s status as a trade hub by establishing a customs office overseen by two officials, and in 1706 a bridge was built over the rGyal rong rgyal mo rngul chu River (Ch. Dadu he 大渡河), which made travel through the valley significantly easier. In 1729 Qing authorities established Dar rtse mdo as a subprefecture. Various groups met there, including the still-extant lCags la regime, Qing officials and soldiers, Tibetan monks, and merchants from other countries, including India and Russia. In 1860 French missionaries began construction of a Catholic church and abbey, and beginning in the early 20th century, American and British missionaries settled there. As Scott Relyea (2016) has noted, Dar rtse mdo’s status as an international trade hub is attested by the fact that in the 1880s Indian rupees and Russian rubles circulated there. Over time patterns of trade shifted, which affected Dar rtse mdo. Less expensive tea from Yunnan supplanted Chinese tea that cost more to import, and during the Republican period (1911–1949) an unstable political situation and civil wars further disrupted trade. During the 1930s and 1940s goods exported from India to Tibet (which the aristocracy prized) became increasingly popular, and traders from central Tibet, including the merchant sPang mda’ tshang and Sa ’du tshang families, dominated this trade. During the 1950s better roads were built through the region, which led to a decline in Dar rtse mdo’s importance as a commercial center. Today Dar rtse mdo/Kangding is a bustling nexus for travel between Chengdu and central Tibet. Improved transportation has resulted in a reduced emphasis on trade, but it is still an important travel hub. DAR THANG SPRUL SKU: See KUN DGA’ DGE LEGS YE SHES. ’DAS LOG (DELOK) (“RETURNER FROM THE DEAD”). A general term for accounts by people (generally female) who have returned from

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the realm of death and who recount their experiences. In many cases, they enter the intermediate state (bar do; Skt. antarābhava), and they often report meeting with the Lord of Death, gShin rje (Skt. Yama), who gives them moral messages for the living regarding what sorts of actions result in pleasant or unpleasant rebirths. Their stories are a popular form of literature in Tibet; they often describe the sufferings of those who run afoul of the operations of karma. Many describe the sufferings of the Buddhist hells, which are the fate of those who engage in very negative actions. The term ’das log can also refer to ghosts or other apparitions, or a return to life after a sojourn in the intermediate state. A common theme of these stories is the terrifying sufferings of the wretched beings inhabiting the hells as a result of their past negative deeds. Stories of ’das log commonly describe elaborate visionary landscapes and emphasize Buddhist notions of karmic good and evil. They detail the happiness of those who performed virtuous actions in past lives and provide cautionary tales of those whose deeds resulted in painful rebirths. Cuevas (2007) argues that these tales rarely appear before the 15th century, but today they are widely popular and constitute a large body of oral and written literature. The ’das logs’ function of promoting virtue is generally assumed to be socially beneficial, but because of their perceived contact with deceased beings they are regarded as somewhat dangerous. They are widely respected, but often avoided because of this perception. DAS, SARAT CHANDRA (1849–1917). An Indian spy and scholar who covertly traveled to Tibet in 1879 and 1881–1882 and mapped large areas for the British government. He was born in Chittagong, eastern Bengal, and attended Presidency College in Calcutta. In 1878 a Tibetan named O rgyan rgya mtsho arranged for him to receive a passport, which enabled him to travel to bKra shis lhun po in gZhis ka rtse. Das and O rgyan rgya mtsho spent six months in Tibet and returned with a trove of texts in Tibetan and Sanskrit. In 1881 they returned to Tibet and spent time in the Yar klungs Valley; they returned to India in January 1883. Das later worked for the British, gathering information about Tibet and China. The Tibetan government had previously issued warnings not to aid foreign travelers, and many of those who helped Das were severely punished (most notably bLo bzang dpal ldan dpal ’byor, the Seng cheng bla ma, who in 1887 was drowned as per state orders because he provided instructions to Das and aided his work). Das later settled in Darjeeling, where he wrote an account of his travels and published a number of scholarly works based on his studies of Tibetan literature. Das’s scholarly works included editions and partial translations of texts that at the time were largely unknown. Perhaps the best known is his work on the massive history of Tibet by 18th-century Tibetan savant

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Sum pa mkhan po (1704–1788). Das’s Tibetan-English Dictionary, with Sanskrit Synonyms (first edition Calcutta, 1902) is still widely used, as is his Grammar of the Tibetan Language, which contains rare examples of contemporary edicts and official letters. DBA’ ’JAM DPAL GO CHA (BA JAMBEL KOCHA, CA. 8th–9th CENTURIES) (Skt. Mañjuśrīvarma of the dBa’ family). One of the main Tibetan students of Sangs rgyas gsang ba (alt. Sangs rgyas sbas pa; Skt. Buddhaguhya or Buddhagupta). Buddhaguhya instructed him in the basic lore of tantric Buddhism (rtsa rgyud), the Secret Essence Tantra (gSang ba snying po’i rgyud; Skt. Guhyagarbha-tantra) cycle of teachings, and the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhya-samājatantra). dBa’ ’jam dpal became a noted translator of Sanskrit texts. DBAL CHEN GE KHOD (WELCHEN KEKHÖ) (ALT. GE KHOD GSANG BA DRAG CHEN) (CH. WEITIE GEKUO 威铁盖阔). One of the 360 Ge khod gods of Bon mythology. He evolved from a primordial cosmic egg after the physical universe came into being out of chaos. He is iconographically depicted with 18 heads and nine arms. His top head is that of a nam mkha’ lding (alt. khyud/ga ru ḍa; Skt. garuḍa), and the others are of demons (srin). His consort is gLog ’bar tsa med. He is one of the main meditation deities of Bon. DBANG PHYUG BDE LDAN ZHWA SGAB PA, RTSI DPON (WANGCHÜK DEDEN SHAKABPA, TSIBÖN; TSEPON W.D. SHAKABPA, 1908–1989). One of the most influential modern Tibetan historians. He was born into an aristocratic family and worked for the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. His Tibet: A Political History (1967) is widely read in Tibet despite being banned by the People’s Republic of China and is a standard work on Tibetan history for Tibetan exiles. He entered government service at the age of 23 and served as the minister of finance (rTsi dpon) from 1939 to 1951. He offered effective counsel to supporters of the imprisoned nonconformist monk dGe ’dun chos ’phel in 1947, and may have used his influence to lobby for his release. Zhwa sgab pa played a prominent role in Tibetan affairs, including leading a delegation that in 1948 visited the United States to seek aid against mounting Chinese aggression. The fact that he traveled on a passport issued by the Tibetan government and recognized by foreign customs officials is cited as evidence for Tibet’s independent status. In addition to America, Zhwa sgab pa traveled to China, India, Great Britain, Italy, Switzerland, and France.

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Following the Chinese invasion of his country, in 1951 he fled to exile in India, and until 1966 served as a senior representative of the Dalai Lama in New Delhi. He wrote a far larger history of Tibet before his death, which has been translated into English by Derek Maher as One Hundred Thousand Moons: An Advanced Political History of Tibet (2010). It also presents a case for Tibetan independence based on Tibetan and foreign source materials. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. DBANG PHYUG RDO RJE NAM MKHA’ RGYAL PO (WANGCHUK DORJÉ NAMKHA GYELBO, 1556–1603) (CH. WANGQU JINGANG 旺曲金刚). The ninth rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Tre smad sTag bzang (according to another source Tre shod stag tshang) in Khams and given the name dKon mchog ’bangs. According to his hagiography, shortly after his birth he declared: “I am the Karma pa.” His ordination name was dPal ldan mi pham chos kyi dbang phyug. He received instructions from the fifth Zhwa dmar rin po che, dKon mchog yan lag (1525– 1583). While settling a dispute involving the king of Sikkim, he founded Rum btegs Monastery, which was the seat of the Karma pas in exile until a bitter dispute over the succession to the 16th Karma pa. dBang phyug rdo rje traveled throughout the southern areas of Tibet and as far east as Tsā ri on the border of modern Arunachal Pradesh. He formed a strong relationship with the Rin spungs pa family while it was in its declining period, but it appears that he remained aloof from much of the politics of its downfall. He also had strong links to the gTsang pa rulers and on many occasions performed rituals for them. He was involved in several projects to restore Buddhist sites, including ’Brong bi dgon rnying and mTshur phu ’du khang chen mo, and he founded sGo rab brtan gtsug lag khang and Thar gling gtsug lag khang. DBEN SA PA BLO BZANG DON GRUB: See BLO BZANG DON GRUB. DBON ZHANG (ÖNSHANG) (CH. JIUZHU 舅主) (“NEPHEWUNCLE”). The official designation of a relationship established between the Tibetan king Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) and the Tang emperor Taizong (599–649). It was based on a marriage exchange in which the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684) traveled to Tibet and married Srong btsan sgam po. This served as a model for other similar exchanges of Tibetan princesses with neighboring peoples such as the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷浑). It implies a joining of families, but there is also a notion of superiority for the party that gives away the princess. The

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receiver is conceived as the son-in-law of the giver of the bride (who may or may not be her father). In the case of Wencheng, Taizong was her uncle. In the first such exchange, Srong btsan sgam po is referred to as the dbon, and Taizong is the zhang. By extension, China became the uncle and Tibet the nephew. Thus in later Tibetan histories one sometimes encounters the term Uncle China (Zhang po rgya). The relationship is conceived as extending forward across generations, and the initial exchange joins the two lineages, though over time the sense of relationship may wane. The Old Tibetan Annals mentions a nephew-uncle relationship between Tibet and the ’A zha. The Lhasa Treaty Inscription and the Religious Annals of Khotan (Li yul chos kyi lo rgyus) also contain early mentions of a nephew-uncle relationship between Tibet and China. Many such arrangements may have existed; the Old Tibetan Annals also mentions the king of Dwags po, a vassal kingdom in southern Tibet located west of rKong po, as a dbon of the Tibetan rulers. Records from the Imperium document exchanges of princesses from Turkic ruling families as well. The relationship was conceived as a political alliance rather than a blood bond. Neither of the two Chinese princesses (Wencheng and Jincheng) who married Tibetan kings gave birth to heirs to the throne. This may have been imperial policy, prompted by fear that such a son might have divided loyalties or that his mother might use him to advance Chinese interests at the expense of Tibet. In marriages to ’A zha rulers, however, this was not the case. In these Tibet played the uncle role and gave away princesses who married ’A zha chieftains. The Tibetan practice mirrors that of China, which gave away princesses to neighboring rulers but never accepted foreign brides. The hope was that their princesses would retain their loyalty to China and work to advance its interests and that this sentiment would be passed on to their sons. The use of the term dbon zhang in documents from the Yar klungs period indicates that the relationship could be terminated as a result of developments leading to estrangement of the two parties. In the Old Tibetan Annals the entry for the years 762–764 states that the political alliance between Tibet and China had been destroyed (chab srid zhig) in the period leading up to the Tibetan attack on the Chinese capital. DBU MA PA’I LUGS (UMABÉ LUK) (SKT. MADHYAMAKA) (CH. ZHONGGUAN XUEPAI 中觀學派/中观学派; ZHONGDAOZONG 中 道宗) (“MIDDLE WAY SCHOOL”). An Indian Mahāyāna Buddhist school whose doctrines are based on the notion that all phenomena are empty (stong pa; Skt. śūnya) of inherent existence (rang bzhin; Skt. svabhāva), a notion also extended to philosophical views. This is conceptually linked with the doctrine of dependent arising (rten cing ’brel

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bar ’byung ba; Skt. pratītya-samutpāda), which holds that because all phenomena come into being in dependence upon causes and conditions, change from moment to moment, and pass away, they do not exist by way of their own nature and so are devoid of inherent existence. The Middle Way School developed the doctrines of the “Perfection of Wisdom” (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñā-pāramitā) literature. kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna, ca. 2nd century CE) is considered the founder of the tradition, and his Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way (dBu ma rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur byas pa; Skt. Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā) is its most influential text. His thought was further developed by Zla ba grags pa (Skt. Candrakīrti, 600–ca. 650), whose Clear Words (Skt. dBu ma rtsa ba’i ’grel pa tshig gsal ba; Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā-vṛtti-prasanna-padā) became highly influential in Tibet, where it is generally regarded as the orthodox interpretation of Nāgārjuna’s thought. All four Tibetan Buddhist orders consider the Middle Way Consequence School (dBu ma thal ’gyur pa; Skt. Prāsaṅgika-madhyamaka) the supreme Buddhist philosophical system. This approach is associated with Nāgārjuna, Candrakīrti, and Sangs rgyas bskyangs (Skt. Buddhapālita, ca. 470–550), while the Middle Way Autonomy School (Rang rgyud pa; Skt. Svātantrika), which is linked with Legs ldan ’byed (alt. sLob dpon Bha vya; Skt. Bhāviveka or Bhavya, ca. 500–560), is placed in a secondary position. The Consequence School uses reductio ad absurdum (thal ’gyur; Skt. prasaṅga) arguments, which accept the opponent’s thesis for the sake of argument and draw out unwanted philosophical consequences, but without advancing a counter-thesis. The goal is to demonstrate how any attempt to construct a philosophical view results in internal contradiction; if taken to its soteriological conclusion, this insight leads to a nonconceptual, direct realization of reality. DBU MA THAL ’GYUR PA’I LUGS (UMA TENGYÜRBELUK) (SKT. PRĀSAṄGIKA-MADHYAMAKA) (CH. JUYUAN ZHONGGUANPAI 具緣中觀派/具缘中观派; GUIMIULUNZHENG ZHONGGUANPAI 歸謬論證中觀派/归谬论证中观派) (“MIDDLE WAY CONSEQUENCE SCHOOL”). One of the two divisions of dBu ma (Skt. Madhyamaka), according to Tibetan doxographers (the other is Rang rgyud; Skt. Svātantrika). The founder of this branch is said to be Sangs rgyas bskyangs (Skt. Buddhapālita, ca. 470–550), who was the philosophical rival of Legs ldan ’byed (alt. sLob dpon Bha vya; Skt. Bhāviveka or Bhavya, ca. 500–560), the founder of the Middle Way Autonomy School (dBu ma rang rgyud; Skt. Svātantrika-madhyamaka). Buddhapālita championed the use of reductio ad absurdum (thal ’gyur; Skt. prasaṅga) argumentation. His position was later elaborated and defended by Zla ba grags pa (Skt.

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Candrakīrti, 600–ca. 650), and through his efforts this tradition became the dominant school of Madhyamaka in India, and it was later brought to Tibet. DBUS (Ü) (CH. WEI 卫). A province in central Tibet, in which Lha sa is located, one of the traditional four “horns” (ru) into which the land claimed by the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) was divided. Following the Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet, it was merged with gTsang and part of Khams to form the Tibet Autonomous Region. DBYANGS CAN MA (YANGCHENMA) SKT. SARASWATĪ) (CH. YINTIANNÜ 音天女). An Indian goddess, the patron of music, poetry, and learning. In Hindu iconography, she is depicted holding a lute and appears in a benign aspect. In Tibetan Buddhism, she is associated with the fearsome dharma protector (chos skyong; Skt. dharma-pāla) dPal ldan lha mo (Skt. Śrīdevī). DBYAR RTSWA DGUN ’BU (YARTSA GÜNBU) (CH. DONGCHONG XIACAO 冬虫夏草). Caterpillar fungus (Cordyceps sinensis), a parasitic fungus that grows in high grasslands in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau and adjoining mountain valleys. It is a popular component of Chinese traditional medicine, and is mentioned as da byid (a term that generally refers to “animal medicine”) in the Tibetan medical classic Four Tantras (rGyud bzhi). It is also discussed by 18th-century medical writer De’u dmar bsTan ’dzin phun tshogs (b. 1672), particularly in his Precious Garland: Essentials of Medicine (gSo rig gces btus rin chen phreng ba). The first mention in Chinese sources appears to be Wang Ang’s 汪昂

Mountain in dBus.

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(b. 1615) medical reference work, Complete Essentials of Materia Medica (Ch. Bencao bei yao 本草備要), written in 1694. dByar rtswa dgun ’bu has become a major cash crop in eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau, particularly in Qinghai and mGo log, where many former nomadic herders now harvest it as their main source of income. This has transformed the economies of the regions where the fungus is readily available; people who traditionally practiced subsistence forms of animal husbandry are now part of the cash economy and can purchase modern consumer goods such as automobiles and televisions. This prosperity has come at the expense of traditional patterns of work and life, however. Many former nomads, who used to meticulously maintain the bloodlines of their herds and manage their reproduction, now devote their energies to gathering caterpillar fungus and living a modern consumerist lifestyle. This weakening of bloodline management skills is especially concerning in regions of greater marginality such as the northern area of Bhutan, where dbyar rtswa dgun ’bu is also found and where its sustainability appears questionable. Many people have become much more prosperous than would have been possible in the past, but the riches of the caterpillar fungus trade have led to violent clashes between competing groups, and even to some murders due to disputes over access to grasslands where it is harvested. The fungus parasitizes the larva of the ghost moth (Thitarodes Hepialus), which bores into the roots of grasses and other plants. C. sinensis feeds on the larva during its year-long growth cycle. Its spores attach themselves to the larva in the late summer and slowly ingest its internal organs and tissues during the winter. In the early spring, the fungus sends out a furry growth that emerges from one to five centimeters above the surface of the ground. This horn-shaped fruiting body emerges from the head of the larva. It dispenses spores, which are dispersed by the wind. Forty species of Thitarodes live on the Tibetan Plateau, and 30 of these can be infected by C. sinensis. DE BZHIN GSHEGS PA (DESHIN SHEKBA, 1384–1415) (CH. DEIYIN XIEBA 得银协巴). The fifth rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born at Nyang ’dam (alt. Myang ’dam) in rKong po, southern Tibet. He was brought to mTshur phu, the seat of the Karma pas, in 1395. He received his ordination at Tshogs dge ’dun sgang. In 1403 the Yongle 永乐 emperor (1360–1424) invited him to visit China; he arrived in Nanjing in 1407. He performed Buddhist ceremonies for the emperor and his family, and in return he received 700 measures of silver. The meeting was reportedly marked by several miracles memorialized on a series of Tibetan scroll paintings that have been the object of considerable study, as much for their multilingual inscriptions as for their depiction of the events. The emperor gave him the title “Precious King, Great Loving Master of the West,

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Mighty Buddha of Peace.” According to Chinese tradition, the emperor also gave him the black hat that has become a symbol of the Karma pas, but the previous incarnations are depicted wearing the hat, which, according to Tibetan tradition, was woven from the hair of 10,000 mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) and presented to the first Karma pa, Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193). The emperor also offered to lend De bzhin gshegs pa his army to help him eliminate competing Buddhist sects and establish Karma bKa’ brgyud as the dominant order, but the Karma pa declined. He left Nanjing on 17 May 1408 and returned to mTshur phu, which had been damaged by an earthquake. He oversaw its rebuilding. bDe bzhin gshegs pa traveled extensively in Tibet, China, Mongolia, Yunnan, and Mi nyag and attracted a number of powerful patrons. DEB THER DKAR PO (TEPTER GARBO; FULL TITLE: BOD CHEN PO’I SRID LUGS DANG ’BREL BA’I RGYAL RABS DEB THER DKAR PO) (CH. BAISHI 白史) (“WHITE ANNALS”). An unfinished historical work on Tibet and the Tibetan people by dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903/1905–1951), published in 1946, which focuses on Tibet’s imperial period. As Dan Martin (1997) points out, this is the first Tibetan-language historical work to take account of materials found at Dunhuang. This history was poorly received in Tibet because it challenged the predominant Buddhicized mythology of the country, which made Buddhism the focal point of all that was good in its history. Samten Norbu’s 1978 English translation was also poorly received by Tibetan readers, who felt that it challenged their perceived “history.” Despite this, dGe ’dun chos ’phel’s approach—which involved relying on historical sources beyond the traditional ones Buddhist clerics had written—influenced a generation of scholars, including Rikha Lozang Tenzin (Ri kha bLo bzang bstan ’dzin), Jamyang Norbu (’Jam dbyangs nor bu), and Dawa Norbu (Zla ba nor bu). DEB THER DMAR PO (TEPTER MARBO; ALT. DEB THER DMAR PO RNAMS KYI DANG PO HU LAN DEB THER) (CH. HONGSHI 红史; DEIBUTE MAPO 得布特马坡) (“RED ANNALS” ). A work written by Tshal pa si tu Kun dga’ rdo rje (1309–1364) in 1346, which mainly focuses on Tibetan history, both political and religious, as well as some local events. It also contains sections on India, China, Sham bha la, and the Mongol Empire. It was complemented by a more ambitious work, New Red Annals (Deb ther dmar po gsar ma), written in 1538 by Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554), in which, building on the original work, the author focused more on political history and histories of powerful families.

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DEB THER SNGON PO (TEPTER NGÖNBO) (CH. QINGSHI 青史) (“BLUE ANNALS” ). A work on the religious and political history of Tibet written by ’Gos gZhon nu dpal (1392–1481), completed in 1476. It is a wide-ranging survey of Tibet’s religious history and that of neighboring regions and is notably ecumenical in its approach. The depth of its detail—much of which subsequent scholarship has verified—is remarkable. This work is one of the most authoritative sources for the development of Tibetan religious traditions. It discusses events relating to the four main orders of Tibetan Buddhism as well as many smaller lineages of teachings, and it also contains details of the teaching lineages of each tradition. DECLARATION ON PRINCIPLES FOR RELATIONS AND COMPREHENSIVE COOPERATION BETWEEN INDIA AND CHINA. A treaty India and China signed on 23 June 2003 that pledged both countries to peaceful and harmonious relations. In it India reasserted its policy of recognizing China’s sovereignty over Tibet. One paragraph states: “The Indian side recognizes that the Tibet Autonomous Region is part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China and reiterates that it does not allow Tibetans to engage in anti-China political activities in India.” DEMOCRATIC MANAGEMENT COMMITTEE (CH. MINZU GUANLI WEIYUANHUI 民族管理委员会; TIB: DMANGS GTSO BDAG GNYER U YON LHAN KHANG). Management groups mandated by People’s Republic of China laws regarding religious organizations in Tibet. They generally consist of an abbot who is the nominal head of the committee and who is chosen for proven loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party, and the local head of the Party, generally a Han Chinese cadre. The latter holds the real power on the committee and is responsible for ensuring that government regulations are followed and that the monastic organization is sufficiently “patriotic.” Other members are selected from among monks who are considered loyal. The committee is responsible for overseeing all aspects of management of the monastery, including finances and policing government regulations. In recent years these committees have taken a leading role in expelling monks who are under 18 years of age or over 60, and those who fail to demonstrate sufficient loyalty. DEMOCRATIC REFORMS (CH. MINZHU GAIGE 民主改革; TIB. DMANGS GTSO’I BCOS BSGYUR). The standard term used in the People’s Republic of China for changes imposed on Tibetan society following its invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s. These involved abolishing the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang)

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and the traditional aristocracy. This was followed by a period of forced collectivization, during which private property was abolished and possessions, domestic animals, and land became common property of “people’s communes” (Ch. renmin gongshe 人民公社; Tib. mi dmangs spyi khang). Another aspect of the democratic reforms was “thought work” (Ch. sixiang gongzuo 思想工作; Tib. bsam blo’i las ka), which involved changing the mentality of the people from “backward” (Ch. louhou 落后; Tib. rjes lus) thinking to “progressive” (Ch. jinbu 进步; Tib. yar thon can) ideas and socialist convictions. “Class enemies” (Ch. renmin gongdi 人民 公敌; Tib. gral rim gyi dgra)—people who belonged to the aristocracy, landowners, and others accused of harboring “reactionary” (Ch. baise 白 色; Tib. log spyod pa) ideas—were often subjected to public humiliation in “struggle sessions” (Ch. pidou hui 批斗会; Tib. ’thab ’dzing). The sins of the accused were detailed and they were forced to acknowledge their guilt. People who claimed to have been oppressed often served as leaders, and the sessions commonly included physical torture. The term democratic is highly misleading because there is nothing remotely democratic about these changes; they have been imposed from above by Han Chinese Communist Party cadres with no consultation with the populace and with no elections. Calling them “reforms” is also problematic, because forced collectivization led to crop failures, decimation of farm animals, and the starvation of hundreds of thousands of Tibetans. DENG XIAOPING 邓小平 (1904–1997). The paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China from 1978 to 1992, who is credited with developing the philosophy of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” (Ch. juyou Zhongguo tese de shehuizhuyi 具有中国特色的社会主义). He never officially held the positions associated with PRC heads of state, but was the most powerful man in China for several decades. From 1981 to 1989 he held the position of chairman of the Central Military Commission of the Chinese Communist Party, and from 1978 to 1983 he was the chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. He was born in Guang’an 广安, Sichuan Province, in an ethnic Hakka 客 家 (Keija) farming family in Paifang village 牌坊村. His father, Deng Wenming, was a middle-class landowner who studied at the University of Law and Political Science in Chengdu. His mother died while he was still young. After graduating from Chongqing Preparatory School in 1919, he traveled to France, where he began to study Marxism and became involved in political activism. In 1921 he joined the Chinese Communist Youth League in Europe, and in 1924 he became a member of the Chinese Communist Party. In 1926 he traveled to the Soviet Union, where he studied at Moscow Sun Yat-sen University.

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He returned to China in 1927, and in 1928 he led the Baise Uprising (Baise Qiyi 百色起义) in Guangxi Province against the Guomindang government. This was suppressed, and he fled to the Central Soviet Area in Jiangxi Province. Deng later became the general secretary of the Secretariat of the Communist Party and participated in the Long March (Changzheng 长征) of 1934–1936. Following the Communists’ victory in 1947, Deng, a close ally of Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976), was appointed to several important posts, including general secretary of the Secretariat. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949, Deng traveled to Tibet and neighboring areas of southwestern China, where he worked to consolidate Communist control. Deng later began to move away from Mao’s socialist radicalism, and increasingly advocated a pragmatic approach to economic affairs. In 1961, he famously declared: “I don’t care whether it’s a white cat or a black cat; it’s a good cat so long as it catches mice.” Mao interpreted Deng’s economic ideas as reflecting creeping capitalism, and Deng fell out of favor during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). He was removed from his official positions. He was exiled to rural Jiangxi and forced to work in a tractor factory. Deng and his family were targeted by Red Guards, and his son Deng Pufang 邓朴 方 (1944–) was tortured and thrown from a fourth-story window. Deng Pufang was severely injured and left a paraplegic. In 1975 Deng Xiaoping was required to write a self-criticism in which he admitted his ideological errors. Following Mao’s death in 1976, however, Deng’s fortunes improved, and in 1977 he began a program of criticizing the excesses of the Cultural Revolution. He initiated the “Beijing Spring” (Beijing zhi chun 北京之春), in which analysis of government failures was allowed. Under Deng’s leadership, China began to open up to the rest of the world and moved toward a market economy. In 1979 he visited the United States and met with President Jimmy Carter at the White House. On 19 December 1984 he secured an agreement with the government of Great Britain to hand over Hong Kong in 1997, which the Chinese people enthusiastically endorsed. His policy of economic reforms led to increasing prosperity for China, but he maintained the one-party system and the apparatus of military control typical of the former socialist states of Eastern Europe. Deng adopted a hard-line approach toward internal dissent, and protests in Tibet in the late 1980s were put down with extreme force. The same is true of the protests at Tiananmen Square in 1989, though it is not clear what role Deng played in authorizing the violent crackdown. In 1992 Deng officially resigned from his government posts and later that year undertook the “Southern Tour” (Nanxun 南巡), during which he gave a number of public speeches endorsing his economic agenda and urging further opening of China’s economy. The government-controlled media in Beijing initially ignored the tour,

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but local newspapers gave him enthusiastic coverage, and Jiang Zemin 江泽 民 (1926–) belatedly lent his support to Deng’s ideas. Deng is now venerated as an economic visionary, and his reformist approach is referred to as “Deng Xiaoping Theory” (Deng Xiaoping lilun 邓小平理论). DENISOVANS. The discovery of genetic links between the Denisovans and present-day Tibetans has rewritten the paleontology of the Tibetan Plateau. The Denisovans were a hominid group distantly related to the Neanderthals that has no settled taxonomic name; they are referred to variously as Homo denisova, Homo altaiensis, or Homo sapiens denisova. Denisovans and Neanderthals diverged from modern humans about 550,000–765,000 years ago. The existence of the Denisovans is known mainly through fragmentary fossils found in Denisova Cave in Siberia’s Altai Mountains. The most important of these was a finger bone whose discovery was announced in 2010. Mitochondrial DNA from the bone was genetically distinct from both Neanderthals and modern humans. Tibetans inherited Denisovan DNA, which is credited with providing them a genetic advantage that helped them in adapting to their high-altitude environment. A gene labeled EPAS1 enables those who have it to reduce the amount of oxygen-bearing hemoglobin in their blood, which provides an advantage at high altitudes. Unlike other high-altitude peoples, Tibetans retain their ability to adapt to low-oxygen situations even after prolonged time at lower altitudes. In 1980 a Buddhist monk discovered a Denisovan mandible while meditating in Baishiya Karst Cave (Baishiya Rongdong 白石崖溶) in Xiahe 夏 河 (Tib. bSang chu) in modern-day Gansu Province, at an altitude of 3,280 meters. He gave the fossil to ’Jigs med bstan pa’i dbang phyug (1926–2000), the sixth Gung thang Rin po che. Gung thang Rin po che then passed it on to geologist Dong Guangrong 董光荣 of Lanzhou University 兰州大学. Dong recognized that it was an unusual artifact but was unable to identify it, and the jawbone remained in storage until 2010, when Zhang Dongju 张东 菊, also of Lanzhou University, began to study it. In 2018 Zhang and JeanJacques Hublin, a paleontologist at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, traveled to Baishiya Karst Cave and conducted further excavations. A multinational team discovered Paleolithic tools and animal bones in the cave, along with other artifacts. This provided the first clear evidence of Denisovan settlement in Tibet. The existence of the Denisovans was previously attested mainly through DNA evidence that suggested that the Denisovans had ranged widely across Central and modern Asia. Today, people throughout East Asia, as well as Australia, the Pacific Islands, and the Americas, carry some Denisovan DNA, but it is unclear how this genetic inheritance spread so widely.

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The mandible is only partially intact and has two attached molars. No DNA could be extracted from the mandible or teeth, but using uranium-series dating of an adhering carbon matrix that took into account Tibet’s low-oxygen, high-altitude environment, scientists concluded that it was at least 160,000 years old—tens of thousands of years prior to human settlement of the Plateau. This was the first time protein analysis has been used as the only means of identifying an ancient hominid. Proteome in the dentine indicated a link with a Denisovan fossil from Denisova Cave. Researchers concluded that archaic hominids lived in the area of Baishiya Karst Cave during the Middle Pleistocene epoch and that they were able to adapt to Tibet’s high-altitude environment prior to the arrival of Homo sapiens. The mandible predates hominid fossils from other Paleolithic sites on the Plateau by at least 120,000 years, and it indicates that the Denisovans who settled there developed adaptive alleles that helped them to cope with Tibet’s low-oxygen environment and that these were passed on to their descendants. DESIDERI, IPPOLITO (1684–1733). A Jesuit missionary who lived in central Tibet from 1716 to 1721. He witnessed the conflict between the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), and his regent (sde srid) Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) and the Mongol chieftain Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) and provided a firsthand account of the events. He noted the cosmopolitan nature of Lha sa and the many foreign traders there. He recorded trance predictions made by the oracle of bSam yas and also claimed to have “insider” knowledge of the sixth Dalai Lama’s preference for secular dances by Lha sa women over the more courtly styles he was expected to favor. Desideri became fluent in Tibetan, and his translations of several Tibetan Buddhist texts demonstrate a high level of expertise in the language and relevant religious ideas. He viewed two Buddhist doctrines as particularly pernicious: emptiness and rebirth. He thought that of all the ideas he encountered in his studies, these were particularly inimical to belief in a creator God, and much of his own writing was devoted to refuting these notions. Unlike some other missionaries, he adopted a reasoned and detailed analytical approach, rather than bluster and dogmatic posturing, but he was strongly convinced that Tibetans were fundamentally in error regarding these two tenets and that it was his duty to help them recognize the faults inherent in their religion and provide them with a broader perspective on the world. See also CHRISTIANITY. DGA’ GDONG CHOS SKYONG (KADONG CHÖGYONG) (CH. GADONG HUFA 噶東护法) (“DGA’ GDONG ORACLE”). One of the two main state oracles of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang; the

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other was the gNas chung chos skyong). Unlike the gNas chung oracles, the dGa’ gdong mediums are always males, and they pass on the office through matrilineal succession. The human medium is possessed by the “dharma protector” (chos skyong) Yon tan rgyal po Shing bya can and provides often cryptic advice on matters of concern to the government. This dharma protector is also credited with affecting weather, and particularly with bringing rain. It is said to have power over klu (Skt. nāga), beings that live in water, and thus it is sometimes referred to as kLu dbang. It played a crucial role in the decision to invest the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), with full temporal power following the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in 1950. During a session with government officials to decide on the best course of action, the oracle advised that he be enthroned, and the advice was followed. The oracle’s seat was dGa’ gdong dgon, founded in 1600 and located in sTod lung in central Tibet. It was originally a bKa’ gdams institution and was incorporated into the dGe lugs order. It has been recreated in exile, and the present dGa’ gdong Monastery is located in Gangchen Kyishong, in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh. The oracle is still consulted in matters of interest to the exile government. DGA’ LDAN (GANDEN) (SKT. TUṢITA) (CH. DOUSHUAI TIAN 兜率天) (“JOYOUS”). The name of a Buddhist heaven, one of the six god realms (lha ris or lha gnas; Skt. deva-loka) of the Desire Realm (’Dod khams; Skt. Kāma-dhātu). According to Buddhist cosmology, it is located between the gShin rje (Skt. Yama) heaven (gShin rje’i ’jig rten; Skt. Yama-loka) and the ’Phrul dga’ (Skt. Nirmāṇarati) heaven. Beings are born in Tuṣita as a result of outstanding karma and meditative training in past lives. It is the realm where buddhas reside during their final births. The bodhisattva Dam pa tok dkar po (Skt. Śvetaketu; P. Setaketu) spent his penultimate life there prior to being born as Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama); in his last life he became a buddha known as Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni). The bodhisattva mGon po (Skt. Nātha) currently resides there prior to his future final birth, during which he will become the buddha Byams pa (Skt. Maitreya). The gods of Tuṣita are extremely long-lived and have the best resources and enjoyments. According to Mahāyāna tradition, they are the hosts of all bodhisattvas during their penultimate lifetimes, during which the future buddhas make final preparations for their next rebirths. Because it is currently the residence of the future buddha Maitreya, Buddhists often aspire to birth there so that they can listen to his teachings and form karmic connections with him, and then continue their association during his time as a buddha.

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DGA’ LDAN BYANG RTSE (GANDEN JANGTSÉ) (CH. GANDAN JIANGZI SENGYUAN 甘丹強孜僧院) (“NORTH PEAK COLLEGE OF GANDEN MONASTERY”). One of the main teaching colleges (grwa tshang) of dGa’ ldan dgon pa. It has 22 residences (khams tshan), which are further divided into houses (mi tshan). Monks are assigned to grwa tshang in accordance with their places of origin. Byang rtse’s traditional founder is Hor ston Nam mkha’ dpal bzang (17th century), the author of Sun Radiance Mind Training (bLo sbyong nyi ma’i ’od). It was first created during the tenure of mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438), the second Throne Holder (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), by the merging of dPal ldan grwa tshang and Yar ’brog grwa tshang. Byang rtse uses the textbooks (yig cha) of rJe btsun pa Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/1546). See also EDUCATION. DGA’ LDAN DGON PA (GANDEN GOMBA; ALT. DGA’ LDAN RNAM RGYAL GLING) (CH. GANDAN SI 甘丹寺) (“GANDEN MONASTERY”). One of the three largest monasteries of the dGe lugs pa order (the other two being Se ra and ’Bras spungs), located on ’Brog ri bo che about 50 km (31 mi.) from Lha sa in sTag rtse County. These three monasteries were some of the most powerful institutions in Tibet, and their hierarchs played a leading role in suppressing attempts at reform of the government and society and pressuring the government to follow conservative policies. Its name is the Tibetan translation of Tuṣita (the heaven realm in which Byams pa [Skt. Maitreya, the future buddha] resides). Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) founded it in 1410. Prior to the Chinese invasion of Tibet in the 1950s, it housed about 6,000 monks, but the Peoples’ Liberation Army largely destroyed it in 1959 following the Tibetan rebellion that began on 10 March. It was rebuilt in south India by monks who escaped the invasion, and the original site near Lha sa has been partially restored, although it now houses only a few hundred monks. dGa’ ldan has traditionally been the main administrative center of the dGe lugs pa order, and the abbot of the monastery, the “Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan” (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), is the head of the order. The first holder of this position was Tsong kha pa’s disciple rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen (1364–1432); he was succeeded by mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438). The present incumbent, bLo bzang bstan ’dzin dpal bzang po (1935–), is the 104th holder of the position. Each holds office for seven years. dGa’ ldan has two main colleges (grwa tshang): Byang rtse (North Peak) and Shar rtse (East Peak). During the tenure of mKhas grub rje there were four colleges. dPal ldan grwa tshang and Yar ’brog grwa tshang were merged to form Byang rtse, and Paṇ chen Sha kya shri grwa tshang and Chos grags

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grwa tshang became Shar rtse. For centuries dGa’ ldan housed the tomb of Tsong kha pa, but his mummified remains were mostly destroyed by Red Guards. The monk who was forced to drag the remains to a fire managed to salvage the skull and some ashes, and these have been reinterred. Prior to the destruction wrought by the Chinese, dGa’ ldan had more than 20 major chapels and a large meeting hall able to hold 3,500 monks. The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), took his final examinations at dGa’ ldan in 1958. Tibetan exiles have rebuilt it in the Tibetan settlement of Mundgod, Karnataka State, India. DGA’ LDAN KHRI PA (GANDEN TRIBA) (CH. GANDAN CHIBA 甘丹墀巴) (“THRONE HOLDER OF GANDEN”). The main abbot of dGa’ ldan Monastery and the head of the dGe lugs pa order. The first holder of this position was Tsong kha pa’s (1357–1419) disciple rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen (1364–1432); he was succeeded by mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438). The present incumbent, bLo bzang bstan ’dzin dpal bzang po (1935–), is the 104th holder of the position. Each holds office for seven years. The Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan is appointed on the basis of his outstanding scholarship and performance in dialectical debate. Unlike many of the leading positions of Tibetan Buddhism, it is not based on reincarnation; the holders of the position are monks who are judged by the hierarchs of the dGe lugs pa order to have distinguished themselves as scholars, teachers, debaters, and meditation masters. Candidates for the position must hold the degree of dge bshes lha ram(s) pa (the highest dGe lugs ecclesiastical degree). The position alternates between the “Dharma Master of Shar rtse College” (Shar pa chos rje, who is also a former abbot [mkhan zur] of rGyud stod grwa tshang) and the “Dharma Master of Byang rtse College” (Byang rtse chos rje, a former abbot of rGyud smad grwa tshang). DGA’ LDAN PHO BRANG (GANDEN PODRANG) (CH. GANDANGONG 甘丹宫). The Tibetan government the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), instituted in the 17th century. dGa’ ldan pho brang remained the designation of the central government of Tibet until the People’s Republic of China dissolved it following its invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s. In 1518, the “supreme ruler” (gong ma chen po) of the Phag mo gru pa, Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa (1488–1564; r. 1499–1564), gave dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542, later designated as the second Dalai Lama) an estate near ’Bras spungs Monastery named dGa’ ldan pho brang. This became the seat of the Dalai Lamas and was the seat of government following the ascension of the fifth

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Dalai Lama to power. The Mongol general Güshri Khan (1582–1655)— who at the Dalai Lama’s request had subdued most areas of Tibet—bestowed on his religious preceptor a gift of all 13 myriarchies (khri sde) that had previously been the Mongols’ Tibetan provinces; the Sa skya hierarchs ruled them during the 13th century. This was regarded as the supreme gift by a patron and served to further link the dGe lugs pas and the Mongols. The dGa’ ldan pho brang was a rigidly hierarchical organization, with four main grades of officials: (1) at the apex were the Dalai Lamas and the Paṇ chen bla mas; (2) the second rank was the regent (sde srid, who was the chief advisor to the Dalai Lama and served as head of state during the interregnum period between the death of one Dalai Lama and the investiture of his successor) and the Grand Minister (Srid blon or bLon chen); (3) below them were the ministers of state (bka’ blon or zhabs pad), the chief abbot (spyi khyab mkhan po), and men who held the titles of gung, dza sag, and tha’i ji; (4) the fourth level comprised the grand accountants (rtsis dpon) and ecclesiastical secretaries (drung yig chen mo). The dGa’ ldan pho brang’s rule did not extend over the entirety of Tibet; principalities in southern central Tibet had special dispensation to handle their own affairs, and most of eastern Tibet remained independent and was controlled by local hegemons. Estates were given on lease to those who could effectively manage them, or hegemons were permitted to retain them where families had long association with the land. Ultimately, however, the dGa’ ldan pho brang held all of the land. Taxation was levied in a variety of forms, including expropriating a share of produce, direct payment, or levied service to officials. Generally the taxation levels were about 40 percent of earnings and were levied by dGa’ ldan pho brang officials, even sometimes in the independent areas of eastern Tibet (which was a cause of ongoing friction between the staunchly independent people of the region and the central government in Lha sa). DGA’ LDAN PHUN TSHOGS GLING (GANDEN PÜNTSOKLING) (CH. GADAN PENGCUOLIN SENGYUAN 甘丹彭措林僧院). (Also known as Shar dga’ ldan phun tshogs gling, “dGa’ ldan of the West”). A monastery founded by Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) in 1615, originally named rTag brtan phun tshogs gling. It was the main seat of the Jo nang order. Its construction was sponsored by the gTsang pa ruler Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1587–1620; r. 1603–1621). Its lavish funding continued under his successor, his son Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642). It was described as the most richly decorated and wealthiest monastery in the whole of dBus and gTsang. To this day visitors can see several sets of footprints and handprints Tā ra nā tha is said to have left

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An 18th-century bronze of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho sitting in an authoritative pose holding a book with a phur bu ritual dart in his belt.

there in 1590/1591 on the site and on the peak above it. These are considered signs of his legitimacy as its abbot. Tā ra nā tha’s Autobiography gives details of the many Nepalese artisans he employed to decorate the walls, cast images, and make paintings at Phun tshogs gling It is located in gTsang at gZhis ka rtse kron chus, to the west of bKra shis lhun po. The central government (sDe pa gzhung) forcibly converted it into a dGe lugs pa establishment during the reign of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), and renamed it dGa’ ldan phun tshogs gling. It is generally accepted that this transfer of authority was due to the Dalai Lama’s resentment when Tā ra nā tha became the chief ritual priest for the gTsang rulers (sde pa)—who opposed the dGe lugs pa in Tibet’s civil

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war (1603–1621)—as well as a personal animosity between the two. It is interesting, however, that when the catalog of the fifth Dalai Lama’s personal library was discovered and published in 2004 it contained the titles of dozens of works by Tā ra nā tha—in some cases, several editions of the same work. The monastery came under the control of the rDzong rtse sprul sku lineage. The Jo nang books were sealed by order of the Tibetan government, and permission to reprint the texts from wood blocks was given to bLo gsal bstan skyong (b. 1804) in 1874. In 1977 the most recent incarnation of the rDzong rtse lineage, rDzong rtse Byams pa thub bstan (1933–), published a book in Tibetan that is a poignant evocation of the monastery’s past glory in both its Jo nang pa and dGe lugs pa incarnations. DGA’ LDAN PO SHOG TU HAN: See GALDAN BUSHUKTU KHAN. DGA’ LDAN SHAR RTSE (GANDEN SHARDZÉ) (CH. GANDAN XIAZI SENGYUAN 甘丹夏孜僧院). One of the two main colleges (grwa tshang) of dGa’ ldan dgon pa (the other is Byang rtse). It was created during the tenure of mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438), the second Throne Holder (dGa’ ldan Khri pa), by the merging of Paṇ chen Sha kya shri grwa tshang and Chos grags grwa tshang. Its traditional founder is gNas brtan Rin chen rgyal mtshan (14th century). Another college, gSang phu nyag rong grwa tshang, became part of Shar rtse during the tenure of the 21st Throne Holder, dGe legs dpal bzang (1505–1567). It has 11 residences (khams tshan). Monks are assigned to these in accordance with their places of origin. Shar rtse uses the textbooks (yig cha) of the 15th dGa’ ldan khri pa, Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554). See also EDUCATION. DGA’ LDAN THEG CHEN GLING (GANDEN TEKCHENLING; SHORT NAME: GANDAN) (CH. GANDAN SI 甘丹寺) (“GANDANTEGCHINLEN MONASTERY”). A Tibetan-style monastery in the Mongolian capital of Ulaan Baatar. It is the seat of the Khambo Lama, who is the spiritual head of Mongolian Buddhism. The current Khambo Lama is also the president of the Asian Buddhists’ Conference for Peace. The monastery was established in 1835 by the fifth rJe btsun dam pa, bLo bzang tshul khrims ’jigs med (Mon. Luvsanchültimjigmed [Лувсанчүлтэмжигмэд], 1815–1841). It became the principal center of Buddhist learning in Mongolia. In the 1930s the Communist government of Mongolia, under the leadership of Khorloogiin Choibalsan (1895–1952) and under the influence of Joseph Stalin (1878–1953), destroyed all but a few monasteries and killed more than 10,000 lamas.

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DGE BSHES (GESHÉ; SHORT FOR DGE BA’I BSHES GNYEN; SKT. KALYĀṆA-MITRA) (CH. GEXI 格西) (“SPIRITUAL FRIEND”). A title awarded to dGe lugs pa monks who successfully complete a series of oral examinations at the culmination of a program of study that commonly takes 15–25 years to complete. During this time, they master a range of scholastic material on monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), epistemology (tshad ma; Skt. pramāṇa), Madhyamaka philosophy (dBu ma), and other topics. The standard curriculum is: (1) Collected Topics (bsDus grwa), which focuses on memorizing definitions (mtshan nyid) derived from Indic sources and collected in textbooks (yig cha), along with their divisions (dbye ba), and debating them in an oral dialectical format; (2) Perfection of Wisdom (Phar phyin; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā), which includes material derived from Indian and Tibetan commentarial literature on the bodhisattva levels and paths (sa lam) and topics related to Mahāyāna soteriology; (3) Middle Way philosophy, which emphasizes the perspective of the Consequence School (Thal ’gyur pa; Skt. Prāsaṅgika) and is based on the perspective of Zla ba grags pa’s (Skt. Candrakīrti, 600–ca. 650) Entry into the Middle Way (dBu ma la ’jug pa; Skt. Madhyamakāvatāra); (4) Epistemology, which is based on Chos kyi grags pa’s (Skt. Dharmakīrti, ca. 7th century) Commentary on [Dignāga’s] Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇavārttika; (5) Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon; Skt. Abhidharma), which comprises scholastic systems inherited from India that cover a range of topics, including Buddhist cosmology, psychology, and dharma theory; it is based on dByig gnyen’s (Skt. Vasubandhu, fl. 4th century) Treasury of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon pa’i mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa); and (6) Monastic Discipline, which is based on the Discourse of Monastic Discipline (’Dul ba’i mdo; Skt. Vinaya-sūtra). In Tibet monks who were following the dge bshes curriculum were required to pass two yearly examinations (rgyugs sprod): (1) a memorization exam (blo rgyugs) and (2) a debate exam (rtsod rgyugs). Following reforms instituted by the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), students at Tibetan exile institutions are required to take a written exam (bri rgyugs), an exam on poetry writing (rtsom bri), and an exam on Tibetan culture and ecclesiastic history (rgyal rabs chos byung). Monks who complete the curriculum may submit themselves to final degree examinations at the end of their studies. Several degree options are available: (1) the highest level of recognition is dge bshes lha ram(s) pa, awarded to only one or two students per year; to be eligible, a candidate must have consistently performed at the top of each field of study. During the 11th year of study students are divided into two groups for monastic discipline courses based on past performance and their aspirations for fur-

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ther education. One group completes study that year and is awarded the dge bshes tshogs ram pa degree upon successful completion of examinations. The other group goes on to at least a further six years of schooling. When they have completed their curriculum, they present a formal debate at the annual Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo) before the combined communities of the three main dGe lugs monastic universities (Se ra, ’Bras spungs, and dGa’ ldan). Successful candidates receive the degree of dge bshes rdo ram pa. After completing this phase of their educations, monks in dGe lugs pa institutions in exile continue their studies at a tantric college, either rGyud smad or rGyud stod depending on their places of origin. During their tenure there they are referred to as dge bshes bka’ ram pa. They study for at least one year, which is mainly spent in intensive tutoring with a senior scholar. Each year a maximum of two candidates take the tantric examination (sngags dam bca’); if successful they receive the degree of dge bshes sngags ram pa. Only the best scholars receive the dge bshes lha ram(s) pa degree, but there are other options. The dge bshes gling bsres degree is awarded on the basis of expertise in Perfection of Wisdom, Epistemology, and the six main works of Nāgārjuna (ca. 150–250). The dge bshes tshogs ram pa degree is awarded during the annual “Great Aspiration Gathering” (Tshogs mchod smon lam), which is held during the second month of the Tibetan calendar and in Tibet was convened in the courtyard of the Jo khang in Lha sa. Each year only 12 students from all eight colleges of the four main dGe lugs monastic universities are allowed to attempt the examination. The topics are similar to those of the lha ram pa degree, but the tshogs ram pa, while respected as a high level of attainment, is not as exalted. The examination is also shorter than those for the higher levels. The examinations in Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s were very rigorous, as detailed earlier, and only the best students could complete the higher degrees. After the reforms instituted by the Dalai Lama, the exile monastic universities have achieved an even higher overall level, with more consistency than in the past; the program is more intensive and the examinations more rigorous. In Tibetan institutions, however, the situation is very different. Most of the best scholars fled to exile, and many of those who remained were killed or imprisoned. Generations of teachers were lost, and the quality of instruction is still poor. In the debating courtyards of the monastic universities near Lha sa students fumble for answers, debates end with no resolution, and teachers admit that they cannot maintain anything approaching the standards of the past. Because of this, for many years the monastic universities refused to grant any dge bshes degrees, but recently the Chinese government has forced them to resume the practice, even though the graduates do not fulfill the standard requirements. The People’s

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Republic of China does not want to admit that it has gutted the monasteries and reduced them to hollow tourist attractions, so administrators are required to give bogus degrees to undeserving graduates. DGE ’DUN (GENDÜN) (SKT. SAṂGHA) (CH. SENGJIA 僧伽) (“RELIGIOUS COMMUNITY”). The community of Buddhists. The term can be used just to refer to monks—including fully ordained monks (dge slong; Skt. bhikṣu) and nuns (dge slong ma; Skt. bhikṣuṇī) and novice monks (dge tshul; Skt. śrāmaṇera) and nuns (dge tshul ma; Skt. śrāmaṇerī)—or it can also include laymen (dge bsnyen; Skt. upāsaka) and women (dge bsnyen ma; Skt. upāsikā) who have taken the vows of “individual liberation” (so thar sdom pa; Skt. prātimokṣa-saṃvara). In common Tibetan usage, it refers only to the monastic community. Buddhist monastics and laypeople generally adopt a set of rules and regulations, and to be considered a Buddhist one must at minimum have formally taken the refuge vows (skyabs ’gro ba’i sdom; Skt. śaraṇa-saṃvara). These involve declaring one’s intention to “go for refuge” to the three jewels (dkon mchog gsum; Skt. triratna; or three refuges): the Buddha, Buddhist doctrine (chos; Skt. dharma), and the monastic community. In Tibetan traditions, novice monks take 36 vows. Full monastic ordination in Tibet requires adoption of the Monastic Code of the Fundamental Everything Exists School (gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba’i ’dul ba; Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya), which has 253 vows for fully ordained monks and 364 for fully ordained nuns. In Tibet, however, the full ordination for women was either never transmitted or died out, so female monastics can ordain only as novices. See also A NI; GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA. DGE ’DUN CHOS KYI NYI MA (GENDÜN CHÖGI NYIMA, 1989–) (CH. GENGDENG QUEJI NIMA 更登确吉尼玛). The 11th Paṇ chen bla ma. He was born in Lha ri rdzong. On 14 May 1995, the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), announced that he was the reincarnation of the 10th Paṇ chen bla ma, who died in 1989. After several days of silence, the government of the People’s Republic of China declared the selection “illegal and invalid” and stated that the Dalai Lama—the most senior reincarnate lama (sprul sku) in Tibetan Buddhism—has no standing with regard to selecting other reincarnations. Only Chinese Communist Party officials—who are not Buddhists and do not believe in reincarnation—can do so. Chinese authorities began a vilification campaign against the boy, which among other things claimed that he once drowned a dog, and he was also accused (by non-Buddhists) of being a bad Buddhist. He and his family were arrested and imprisoned and, as this is being written (2020), they have not been seen since.

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The PRC has rebuffed repeated calls by international human rights organizations, the United Nations, and various governments to see the boy (or for his release since no criminal charges have ever been made). PRC officials have repeatedly declared that he and his family are “living quietly in Tibet,” but this is obviously nonsense. If the Paṇ chen bla ma were really anywhere in Tibet, there would be no way this could be kept secret for long. The PRC named another boy, rGyal mtshan nor bu (1990–), as the Paṇ chen bla ma. He is the son of Communist Party cadres, so his installment violates a PRC dictate that no Tibetan Party members allow their children to be recognized as reincarnations. DGE ’DUN CHOS ’PHEL (GENDÜN CHÖMPHEL, 1903/1905–1951) (CH. GENGDENG QUNPEI 更登群培). One of the most influential modern Tibetan intellectuals. He was a monk at ’Bras spungs Monastery but became dissatisfied by its intellectual rigidity and conservatism. He wrote a dBu ma (Skt. Madhyamaka) work entitled Ornament for Nāgārjuna’s Thought: Essence of Condensed Good Explanations of the Profound Import of the Middle Way School (dBu ma’i zab gnad snying por dril ba’i legs bshad klu sgrub dgongs rgyan), which trenchantly criticized a number of Tsong kha pa’s (1357–1419) interpretations. His work sparked outrage among members of the dGe lugs establishment, and his own teacher, Shes rab rgya mtsho (1884–1968), wrote a refutation of his ideas. Another of his important works was the White Annals (Deb ther dkar po), an unfinished historical study of Tibet and the Tibetan people, with a particular emphasis on the dynastic period (7th–9th centuries). dGe ’dun chos ’phel was born in Reb gong Zho ’ong dpyi in A mdo and was recognized as a reincarnation (sprul sku) of the rNying ma monastery g.Ya ma bkra shis ’khyil, the g.Ya ma bkra shis ’khyil rDor grags sprul sku. His personal name was Rig ’dzin rnam rgyal. His father was sNgags ’chang rdo rje (a.k.a. A lags rgyal po), and he died when Rig ’dzin rnam rgyal was seven. dGe ’dun chos ’phel entered bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil and later studied at Shel dgon. He received his novice (dge tshul) vows from dGe ’dun rgya mtsho, the sixth mKhan chen of rDi tsha (the monastery of the A mdo Zhwa dmar). He subsequently traveled to Lha sa and joined sGo mang grwa tshang of ’Bras spungs Monastery. In 1934 he dropped out and traveled with Rāhul Sāṃkṛtyāyana (1893–1963) in search of rare manuscripts in monastic libraries in southern Tibet. He then went to India and later to Sri Lanka and studied Sanskrit and Pāli, as well as English. He collaborated with George Roerich (1902–1960) in the translation of ’Gos Lo tsā ba’s Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po), published in 1949. He wrote a guide to Indian pilgrimage places and a book on erotic love, Treatise on Eroticism (’Dod pa’i bstan bcos).

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He was critical of the conservatism of the Tibetan political and religious establishment and was an activist in the Tibet Improvement Party (Nub bod legs bcos skyid sdug) based in Kalimpong. He was invited back to Tibet by Khri byang Rin po che and arrived in 1946. In 1947, by order of the cabinet (bKa’ shag), he was arrested and charged with counterfeiting. He was sentenced to three years in prison and died two years after his release. DGE ’DUN GRUB PA (GENDÜN DRÜBA, 1391–1474) (CH. GENDUN ZHUBA 根敦朱巴). One of the main disciples of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419); dGe ’dun grub pa was later designated as the first Dalai Lama. His personal name was Padma rdo rje. He was born in the Ngar tso clan into a family of nomadic farmers that lived in Ru lug near Sa skya in gTsang Province. His father was mGon po rdo rje, and his mother was Jo mo nam mkha’ skyid. Padma rdo rje’s father died when Padma rdo rje was seven, and Padma rdo rje’s mother sent him to sNar thang Monastery. He was given novice (dge tshul) vows at 15 from the abbot of sNar thang, mKhan chen Grub pa Shes rab, and received full ordination (dge slong) at 20. At this time he was given the religious name dGe ’dun grub pa. He was an outstanding student, and at sNar thang was referred to as “omniscient” (thams cad mkhyen pa). In 1415, at the age of 25, he traveled to dBus and met Tsong kha pa. According to his religious biography, Tsong kha pa gave him his monastic robes at their first meeting and predicted that dGe ’dun grub pa would enhance the practice of monasticism in Tibet. dGe ’dun grub pa became the first abbot of dGa’ ldan Monastery, which Tsong kha pa founded in 1409. He traveled widely and spread the teachings of the bKa’ gdams order and Tsong kha pa’s interpretations, and several of his students became abbots of bKa’ gdams and dGe lugs monasteries. In 1432 he was appointed abbot of the Sa skya monastery rTa nag ri khud and converted it to a dGe lugs institution. In 1447 he founded bKra shis lhun po Monastery in gZhis ka rtse in gTsang, which later became the seat of the Paṇ chen bla mas. He established a prayer festival there in 1463, following the model of the Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo) created by Tsong kha pa. He passed away at the age of 84 at bKra shis lhun po. He composed a number of influential works, including three treatises on monastic discipline (’dul ba), a commentary on the Compendium of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon pa’i mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa), and an epic poem about the life and deeds of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha), Grinding the Forces of Evil into Dust: Hymn for the Religious Biography of the Lord Buddha Śākyamuni (bCom ldan ’das thub pa’i dbang po’i rnam par thar pa la bstod pa bdud dpung phye mar ’thag pa).

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DGE ’DUN RGYA MTSHO (GENDÜN GYATSO, 1476–1542) (CH. GENDUN JIACUO 根敦嘉措). The second Dalai Lama, born at mThong smon rdzong near rTa nag dgon in gTsang. His family contained noted yoga practitioners, and one of his ancestors had been the abbot of bSam yas Monastery. His father was Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1432–1481); he was a disciple of dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474), the first Dalai Lama. His mother was Kun dga’ dpal mo. He was given the name Sangs rgyas ’phel at birth. His hagiography reports that at a young age he repeatedly expressed a desire to return to his monastery, bKra shis lhun po, which had been founded by dGe ’dun grub pa and was the place where the latter died. In 1487 he was recognized as the reincarnation of dGe ’dun grub pa and enthroned at bKra shis lhun po. He received novice (dge tshul) vows at age 10 or 11, and he subsequently studied at the monasteries of gNas rnying, sNar thang, and rTa nag. In 1494 he traveled to central Tibet and studied with ’Jam dbyangs legs pa’i chos ’byor at ’Bras spungs. In 1509 he founded Chos ’khor rGyal me tog thang in southern Tibet near the sacred lake Lha mo’i bla mtsho; this later became known as the personal monastery of the Dalai Lamas. He is also credited with performing the empowerment of the lake, which provides visions that guide the search for the reincarnations of Dalai Lamas. In 1512 he was appointed the abbot of bKra shis lhun po, and in 1517 was named the abbot of ’Bras spungs. In 1518 he reestablished the Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo), which Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) had instituted. In 1526 dGe ’dun rgya mtsho became the abbot of Se ra. In 1541 he founded mNga’ ris grwa tshang. In 1530 he established the estate of dGa’ ldan pho brang at ’Bras spungs, which later became the seat of the Tibetan government. The land was donated in 1518 by the Phag mo gru pa ruler, and it was the residence of the Dalai Lamas until the construction of the Po ta la was completed in the 17th century. The name dGa’ ldan pho brang was the designation of the government founded by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), which ruled Tibet until the People’s Republic of China abolished it in 1959. DGE LEGS DPAL BZANG, MKHAS GRUB RJE (KEDRUPJÉ GELEK BELSANG, 1385–1438) (CH. KEZHUJIE GELE BASANG 克珠杰格勒巴桑). One of the two main disciples of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), the founder of the dGe lugs order (the other being rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen, 1364–1432). He was born in lDog lung in gTsang. His father was Kun dga’ bkra shis dpal bzang, who belonged to the Se clan, whose origins were purportedly in Khotan. His mother was Bu ’dren rgyal mo. At age seven he received novice (dge tshul) vows from mKhan chen Seng ge rgyal mtshan. When he was 16 he

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studied at the Sa skya monastery Ngam ring chos sde; his teacher was Bo dong Paṇ chen ’Jigs bral phyogs las rnam rgyal (1376–1451), the founder of the Bo dong tradition. He received full ordination (dge slong) at age 21 from Red mda’ ba gZhon nu blo gros (1349–1412), who also taught him Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa), Middle Way (dBu ma: Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy, and the “Five Treatises of Maitreya” (Byams pa chos lnga; see Byams pa entry). In 1407 he traveled to dBus and met Tsong kha pa at Se ra chos sdings. The latter gave him instructions on a variety of sūtra and tantra topics. He returned to gTsang and was appointed the abbot of lCang ra Monastery. He also founded Ri bo ’dangs chen. At age 34 he helped establish dPal ’khor chos sde in rGyal rtse with financial backing from the rGyal rtse king, Rab brtan kun bzang ’phags. In 1432, at age 47, he became the second successor to Tsong kha pa in the position of Throne Holder (Khri pa) of dGa’ ldan Monastery at the request of the second Throne Holder, rGyal tshab rje. mKhas grub rje played a prominent role in the development of the order and established dGa’ ldan’s first monastic college dedicated to the study of Buddhist philosophy and dialectics. Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554) considered him to have had a particularly close relationship with Tsong kha pa. In his history of the dGe lugs pa order, Ornament for the Mind: Ecclesiastic History of the Old and New Scriptures and Precepts Orders (bKa’ gdams gsar rnying gi chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan), he refers to mKhas grub as Tsong kha pa’s “inner heart-son” (nang thugs sras). Following the designation of bLo bzang Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662) as “Paṇ chen bla ma,” mKhas grub rje, considered to have been his third previous incarnational predecessor, was retroactively designated as the first Paṇ chen bla ma. DGE LUGS (GELUK) (CH. GELUPAI 格鲁派; HUANGJIAO 黄教) (“SYSTEM OF VIRTUE”). The largest and most recently formed order of Tibetan Buddhism, founded by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). It is one of the three “New Orders” (gSar ma), along with Sa skya and bKa’ brgyud, all of which base their tantric systems on translations of tantras made during the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet. Tsong kha pa established the order’s first monastery, dGa’ ldan dgon pa, in 1410, and his school was referred to as “dGa’ ldan System” (dGa’ ldan pa’i lugs). Because of its emphasis on strict adherence to the rules of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), it came to be known as the “System of Virtue” (dGe lugs). Tsong kha pa saw himself as reviving the bKa’ gdams pa tradition founded by ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064), a Tibetan student of Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054), and he was committed to reforming monastic discipline, which

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he believed had degenerated in Tibet. He was also committed to tantric reform, as he believed that many popular tantric practices were deviant and their advocates were frauds. From its inception, the dGe lugs order emphasized the centrality of extensive study and tantric meditation, and it quickly grew in size as new students joined and new monasteries were founded. In the 17th century it became the most powerful political organization in Tibet when the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), became the country’s ruler with the help of Mongol forces. The Dalai Lamas, the most influential incarnational lineage in Tibetan Buddhism, are members of this order, a fact that has further enhanced its prestige. They are not, however, the heads of the order; traditionally, this position has fallen to the “Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan” (dGa’ ldan Khri pa). The dGe lugs pa are commonly referred to as “Yellow Hats” because of the “scholar hats” (paṇ zhwa) they wear during ceremonies, which are modeled on headgear Indian scholars wore prior to the demise of Buddhism in India. This is not a definitive feature of the order, however, as other orders also wear similar hats during formal ceremonial occasions. The dGe lugs tradition has produced a voluminous literature and has developed influential traditions of scholarship and meditation practice. One of its distinctive features is the system of “stages of the path” (lam rim), which outlines a graduated path to awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi) that begins with the first dawning of the “mind of awakening” (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhicitta) and progresses through elaborately defined stages, each marked by increasing insight and supernatural abilities. This system is based on Atiśa’s teachings as Tsong kha pa and his disciples interpreted them. The dGe lugs pa system developed a comprehensive vision of the practices of the Mahāyāna sūtras and tantras. Its tantric practices are based on the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhyasamāja-tantra), the Wheel of Supreme Happiness Tantra (’Khor lo bde mchog rgyud; Skt. Cakrasaṃvara-tantra), and the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra). The three main tantric buddhas of dGe lugs tantric lineages are gSang ba ’dus pa, ’Khor lo bde mchog, and gShin rje gshed (Skt. Yamāntaka). The main text for the graduated sūtra path is Tsong kha pa’s Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path (Lam rim chen mo); his Great Exposition of Secret Mantra (sNgags rim chen mo) provides guidelines for tantric practice. His short text Three Principal Aspects of the Path (Lam gtso ba’i rnam gsum) is widely studied because it contains a condensed and easily memorized description of the path to awakening. The major dGe lugs source for Buddhist hermeneutics is Tsong kha pa’s Interpretable and Definitive: Essence of Good Explanations (Drang nges legs bshad snying po). In addition to Tsong kha

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pa’s works, those of his two “sons” (sras) rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen (1364–1432) and mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) are important sources for the dGe lugs tradition. Most students, however, learn Buddhist lore from textbooks (yig cha) that condense the thought of these three scholars, along with material from normative Indian sources. DGE SLONG: See MONK. DGE SLONG MA (GELONGMA) (SKT. BHIKṢUṆĪ; P. BHIKKHUNĪ) (CH. BIQIUNI 比丘尼) (“MENDICANT,” “NUN”). A Buddhist nun who has received the full ordination. To qualify, a female must generally first take the novice (dge tshul ma; Skt. śrāmaṇerī) ordination. In Tibetan traditions, novice nuns take 36 vows. Tibetan Buddhist monastic orders adhere to the Monastic Code of the Fundamental Everything Exists School (gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba’i ’dul ba; Skt. Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya), which has 253 vows for fully ordained monks and 364 for fully ordained nuns. According to Indian Buddhist tradition, the first nun was Don grub Gau ta ma’s (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama) stepmother, sKye dgu’i bdag mo Chen mo gau ta mi (Skt. Mahāprajāpatī Gautamī), who convinced the Buddha’s personal attendant Kun dga’ bo (Skt. Ānanda) to intercede on her behalf to overcome the Buddha’s initial reluctance to allow women to join his order. The Buddha eventually created an order of nuns bound by the rules for monks in the Monastic Discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya), as well as by eight extra regulations known as “weighty rules” (lci ba’i chos; Skt. guru-dharma) that place nuns in an inferior position in relation to monks. The Buddha is reported to have said that because the order of nuns was established his teaching (chos; Skt. dharma) would flourish for only 500 years, instead of 1,000. In most Buddhist countries today the full ordination lineage for women has not been maintained, and most Buddhist nuns are thus able to receive only novice ordination. The order of nuns died out in India around 456 CE, and the full ordination was probably never transmitted to Tibet. Full ordination lineages are, however, present in Korea, Taiwan, and Hong Kong, and a number of women from other traditions have received ordination from Chinese preceptors as part of a movement to revive the order of nuns. A worldwide movement led by the Buddhist Sakyadhita organization is working to restore or introduce the full ordination for women across the Buddhist world, including among Tibetan exiles. A number of women have taken the full ordination, but the Tibetan exile monastic establishment is still generally opposed to this, despite the endorsement of the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–). This raises a number of technical issues: (1) the tension between Tibet and China makes it problematic for Tibetan exiles to

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Two nuns turning prayer wheels, Bum thang, Bhutan.

agree to importation of Chinese monastic lineages; (2) from at least the 9th century, Tibetan Buddhists have generally accepted the notion that Chinese Buddhism is heretical; and (3) Chinese Buddhists follow the Monastic Discipline of the Chos srung sde (Skt. Dharmaguptaka) school, but since the dynastic period in Tibet, the Monastic Code of the Fundamental Everything Exists School has been normative. See also GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA. DGE TSHUL (GETSÜL) (SKT. ŚRĀMAṆERA; P. SĀMAṆERA) CH. SHAMI 沙彌/沙弥) (“NOVICE MONK”). A male member of the monastic community (dge ’dun; Skt. saṃgha) who has taken the novice vows. Tibetan Buddhist monastic orders adhere to the Monastic Code of the Fundamental Everything Exists School (gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba’i ’dul ba; Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya), which has 36 vows for novice monks (dge tshul gyi blang ’das so drug) and nuns, in which they promise to avoid: (1–4) four types of killing, (5) stealing, (6) sexual intercourse, (7) lying, (8) making false or trivial accusations, (9) causing a schism in the monastic community, (10) sectarianism, (11) causing laypeople to lose faith, (12) making statements they know to be untrue, (13) accusing another monk of favoritism, (14) abusing a caretaker, (15) accusing a monk of teaching in exchange for food, (16) accusing a monk of incurring a partial defeat, (17) disparaging the monastic discipline, (18) covering one’s rice (or vegetables) in order to get more of either, (19) drinking alcohol, (20) sing-

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ing, (21) dancing, (22) playing music, (23) wearing jewelry, (24) wearing cosmetics, (25) perfumes, (26) necklaces, (27) luxurious beds, (28) high beds, (29) luxurious seats, (30) high seats, (31) eating after midday, (32) ­accepting gold, (33) accepting silver, (34) wearing layperson’s clothing, (35) not wearing monastic clothing, and (36) despising their preceptors. In most traditions, the minimum age for this ordination is seven (or, according to some sources, when a boy is able to scare away a crow), but it is not uncommon for much younger children to be ordained. The novice ordination entails a formal ceremony that includes recitation of the refuge prayer (taking refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Monastic Community) and an agreement to uphold the vows, following which the novice is assigned a teacher (slob dpon; Skt. ācārya) and a preceptor (mkhan po; Skt. upādhyāya). The novice’s head is shaved and he receives three robes and a begging bowl. The full ordination of a dge slong (Skt. bhikṣu) is generally reserved for men at least 20 years of age. See also GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA. DGE TSHUL MA (GETSÜLMA) (SKT. ŚRĀMAṆERĪ; P. SĀMAṆERĪ) (CH. SHAMANI 沙彌尼/沙弥尼; QINCENÜ 勤策女) (“NOVICE NUN”). The formal term for a Tibetan Buddhist nun (nuns are colloquially referred to as a ni). Tibetan Buddhism offers no full ordination for women, as it was probably not transmitted to Tibet. Like novice monks, novice nuns promise to uphold the 36 vows listed in the dge tshul entry. See also DGE SLONG MA; ’DUL BA; GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA. DGON PA (GOMBA) (SKT. VIHĀRA, ĀRAṆYA) (CH. SIYUAN 寺 院; PIHELUO 毘訶羅/毘诃罗) (“MONASTERY”). The most common Tibetan term for a Buddhist monastery. The Sanskrit terms vihāra and āraṇya connote solitary places that are conducive to introspective meditation or private study. In Tibet, monasteries may be single buildings or complexes of buildings. In some cases, monasteries are small cities with thousands of residents, shops, administrators, storehouses, kitchens, and dormitories, as well as meeting halls, prayer rooms, chapels, and shrines for buddhas, protector deities, and luminaries of a particular tradition. DHARAMSALA (TIB. RDA RAM SA LA) (HIN. DHARAMŚĀLĀ) (CH. DALANSALA 达兰萨拉). A town in Himachal Pradesh, India, a former British hill station, which is the headquarters of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA), the Tibetan government-in-exile. It is the capital of the Kangra District. The main offices of the CTA are located in McLeod Ganj or in Gangchen Kyishong (Gangs can skyid gshongs; “Happy Valley of the Snowland”). Dharamsala has a population of 53,543

DHARAMSALA • 163

Interior of sDe dge Monastery.

(2015 census) and encompasses 659 sq. km (1,707 sq. mi.). It is located at an average elevation of 1,457 m (4,780 ft.) and is situated on one side of the Dhauladhar range overlooking the Kangra Valley. It has several sections, including McLeod Ganj, Bhagsu Nath, Forsyth Ganj, Naddi, Kotwali Bazaar, Kaccheri, Sidhpur, and Sidhbari. McLeod Ganj and the upper areas are commonly referred to as Upper Dharamsala (elevation 1,700 m). The main commercial area, Kotwali Bazaar, and the areas below it are referred to as Lower Dharamsala. The Dalai Lama’s main residence, the Pho brang, is located just outside the main area of McLeod Ganj. Prior to the time of British rule, Dharamsala was under the control of the Katoch dynasty, and it later became a popular hill station for British administrators. It declined significantly after an earthquake in 1905 that killed more than 1,600 people. The British government had planned to make Dharamsala its summer seat, but chose Simla after the earthquake. Tibetan settlement began shortly after Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964) granted asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), following his escape from Tibet. An Indian government grant of land purchased from local landholders in the region was made to Tibetan refugees in 1960. The Dalai Lama was soon joined by 80,000 other Tibetan refugees, some of whom settled in Dharamsala, while others moved to land in southern India. The CTA was established in 1960. In 1970 the Dalai Lama officially opened the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives in Gangchen Kyishong in order to house texts taken from Tibet before the refugees’ flight; it now houses more than 80,000 manuscripts relating to Tibetan history and Buddhism. Largely because of the Tibetan presence, Dharamsala has become a

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Dhauladhar Range, Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh.

popular tourist destination, but tensions have emerged between the refugees and Indian residents, including some violent clashes. DHARMA (CHÖ; TIB. CHOS; SKT. DHARMA) (CH. FA 法). (1) The Tibetan term for Buddhism, which can also refer to other doctrines. It comprises the teachings and practices attributed to Sangs rgyas Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama Buddha), as well as doctrinal material developed by Buddhist luminaries recognized as authoritative by the tradition. In Buddhist literature, the term can have a number of other meanings, including: (2) the subtle qualia that are the building blocks of the phenomena of the universe; or (3) good qualities developed through religious practice, particularly those of buddhas; or (4) righteousness. DHARMAKĪRTI: See CHOS KYI GRAGS PA. DIGNĀGA: See PHYOGS KYI GLANG PO. DIL MGO MKHYEN BRTSE RIN PO CHE RAB GSAL ZLA BA GZHAN DGA’ BKRA SHIS DPAL ’BYOR (DINGO KHYENTSÉ RINPOCHÉ RABSEL DAWA SHENGA TASHI BENJOR, 1910–1991) (CH. DINGGUO QINZHE FAWANG 顶果钦哲法王). One of the most influential modern reincarnate lamas (sprul sku) and “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) masters of the rNying ma order. He spent more than 20 years in meditative retreat, taught widely, and was the teacher and preceptor of a number of leading figures of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhist teaching and practice. He discovered important “hidden treasures” (gter ma) and wrote influential meditation manuals and commentaries.

DIL MGO MKHYEN BRTSE RIN PO CHE RAB GSAL ZLA BA GZHAN DGA’ BKRA SHIS DPAL ’BYOR • 165

He was born in lDan ma in Khams into a family that claims descent from the royal lineage of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). His father was bKra shis tshe ring (d. 1932), and his mother was Lha ’ga’. He was given the name bKra shis dpal ’byor by ’Ju Mi pham rnam rgyal rgya mtsho (1846–1912). When the boy was one year old, ’Jam dbyangs blo gter dbang po (1847–1914) recognized him as a mind emanation (thugs kyi sprul sku) of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892). His family at first resisted the identification and refused to allow him to be taken to a monastery, but in 1919 they allowed A ’dzom ’brug pa ’Gro dpal rdo rje (1842–1924) to give him novice (dge tshul) monastic vows. He was given the name O rgyan skyab, and he received the transmission of the preliminary practices (sngon ’gro) of the Heart Essence of the Great Expanse (kLong chen snying thig). He received full ordination (dge slong) from bLa ma ’Od gsal, a disciple of Mi pham. He later accompanied mKhan po gzhan dga’ (mKhan chen gzhan phan Chos kyi snang ba, 1871–1927) to the Sa skya monastery sKye rgu’i don ’grub gling in sKye dgu mdo, where he began his studies. mKhan po gzhan dga’ gave him novice vows and the name ’Jigs med rab gsal zla ma mkhyen rab bstan pa dar rgyas, and henceforth he was referred to as sPrul sku gSal dga’. He traveled to a number of monasteries and retreat centers and received instructions and empowerments from many of the leading Buddhist figures of eastern Tibet. He was formally enthroned by Zhe chen rgyal tshab Padma rnam rgyal (1871–1926), who gave him the name ’Gyur med theg mchog bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan. In 1934, when he was 25, he almost died of a severe fever and decided that he should renounce his monastic vows and pursue the life of a lay tantric practitioner (sngags pa). He found a consort, mKha’ ’gro lha mo, and they had two daughters. He began to receive omens of hidden treasures, and in 1935 he found the first section of one of his most important discoveries, Padmasambhava’s Heart Essence of Longevity (Pad ma tshe yi snying thig), at gLa gro bsam ’grub lha ldan chos ’khor gling. He found the rest of this work in the following year at Pad ma shel phug, a site near rDzong gsar previously opened by mKhyen brtse’i dbang po and mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870). Following the People’s Republic of China’s invasion of Tibet in the 1950s, he remained in Khams for several years. He traveled widely, taught a number of students, and discovered more treasures. In 1956 he traveled to Lha sa, where he learned that Chinese forces had destroyed several major monasteries and were trying to arrest him. He fled into exile in 1959 to Bhutan, and then traveled to Kalimpong in India. In 1961 he accepted an invitation to become the head of a monastic college in Thim phug, and after receiving a Bhutanese passport remained there for most of the rest of his

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life. He first visited the West in 1975. He made three trips to North America and taught in France. He established a retreat center in the Dordogne region. In 1980 he founded Zhe chen bstan gnyis dar rgyas gling in Bodhnāth, near Kathmandu, Nepal, and this became the seat of the Zhe chen sprul sku in exile. In 1985 he returned to Tibet as part of a Bhutanese delegation and consecrated a statue of Padmasambhava in the Jo khang in Lha sa. He also opened a monastic college there. He died on 27 September 1991 in Bhutan. His reincarnation, Dil mgo Yang srid O rgyan ’Jigs med bstan ’dzin lhun grub, was born on 30 June 1993 and enthroned at Zhe chen in December 1997. DISNEYFICATION The term Disneyfication was coined to describe PRC policies designed to reinvent Tibet’s image for Chinese and to encourage tourism in the region. Until the 1990s Chinese tourism to Tibet was virtually unheard of. During the Maoist period (roughly 1949–1976) leisure travel was ideologically suspect, and Tibet was largely imagined as barbaric and barren. In the 1990s these images were gradually superseded by exoticized tropes of Tibetans as simple yet spiritual, and of Tibet as a mysterious and beautiful land with unspoiled nature. By 2018 30 million tourists had visited the Tibet Autonomous Region, an order of magnitude greater than the resident population. While early tourism was largely foreign, more than 95 percent of tourists are now Chinese. As China’s national tourism industry took off, local governments in rural areas began to actively turn culture into a resource to generate tourist income. Perhaps the most well-known example is the 2001 renaming of Zhongdian 中甸 (Tib. rGyal thang) County in northwest Yunnan 云南 as Shangri-la. The myth of a Tibetan Shangri-la as a repository of spiritual vitality thus became the cutting edge of commodification in China, integrating Tibet into China through capitalism. “Disneyfication” refers to the transformation of culture and place to trivial and safe entertainment. Many aspects of current tourism appear to reduce Tibetan society to a depoliticized and secularized theme park. Marketed as a well-preserved ancient city, rGyal thang’s Old Town, for example, was built largely of new, old-looking buildings, which became a shopping arcade for “Tibetan” trinkets and handicrafts largely manufactured in eastern China. As part of the Shangri-la brand, the town also built the world’s largest prayer wheel, though this title was usurped in 2012 by Guide 贵德 (Tib. Khri kha) County, where a Qinghai real estate company has had its “China fortune wheel” certified by Guinness World Records as the world’s largest. Pseudo-Tibetan façades on concrete buildings are often accompanied by Tibetan signs that are spelled incorrectly or transliterated from Chinese, rendering them meaningless. Tourists don often-garish versions of Tibetan outfits for selfies and even wedding photographs. There are also literal theme

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parks, such as the US$4.7 billion theme park in Lha sa with a replica of the Po ta la Palace and dedicated to Princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 and the accompanying state-sanctioned narrative of national harmony and of Chinese bringing civilization to Tibet. Yet these new commercial landscapes are not reducible to inauthentic simulacra. Tibetans have the capacity to divert their meanings and values, for example repurposing the tourism spectacle of the world’s largest prayer wheel for religious practice, or performing the rab gnas (consecration) ceremony for a Tibetan temple built as part of an ethnic theme park. Highly disrespectful behavior by Chinese tourists, such as stepping on prayer flags, has also generated pointed Tibetan critiques on social media, along with local efforts to develop guidelines for tourist behavior. Tibetans agentively respond to and participate in the making of official tourist landscapes, which despite their packaging for national exhibitionism can be polyvocal and ambivalent. With the functional zoning of much of the Tibetan Plateau for

Musician singing a “traditional Mongolian folk song” with a chorus (in Chinese): “I’m a Mongol minority person.” Performed at the Ethnic Park, Beijing.

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ecological protection, tourism is now seen as the only viable industry for most rural areas. The rapid expansion of transport infrastructure means that “Disneyfication”—or perhaps better “Shangrilazation”—will continue to reconfigure Tibetan cultural economies for depoliticized and decontextualized consumption, contradicting and overlapping with indigenous geographies and engendering further acceptance, accommodation, tension, and resistance. Emily Yeh, University of Colorado, Boulder DKAR MDZES BOD RIGS RANG SKYONG KHUL (GARDZÉ PÖRIK RANGYONG KHÜL) (CH. GANZI ZANGZU ZIZHIZHOU 甘 孜藏族自治州). An autonomous prefecture in Sichuan Province (Sichuan Sheng 四川省) in the eastern part of the Tibetan Plateau. Its capital is Dar rtse mdo (Ch. Kangding 康定). It encompasses 151,078 sq. km (58,332 sq. mi.) and has a population of 1,091,872 (2010 census). The People’s Republic of China government claims that 77.8 percent of the population are ethnic Tibetans. Historically it was part of Khams Province, but during the period of Republican rule (1911–1949) it was annexed to Xikang Province (Ch. Xikang Sheng 西康省). In 1930 an army sent by the Tibetan government recaptured dKar mdzes, but in 1932 it withdrew, and Chinese warlord Liu Wenhui 刘文辉 (1895–1976) subsequently captured it and agreed to a settlement with the government in Lha sa that set the borders between Tibet and China at the ’Bri chu (Ch. Chang Jiang 长江, Yangtze) River. Following the Communist’s defeat of the Guomindang 国民党 in 1950, it was made a part of the PRC. It was annexed to Sichuan in 1955.

dKar mdzes Town.

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DKON MCHOG DGE BA’I ’BYUNG GNAS, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR GÖNCHOK GEWÉ JÜNGNÉ, 1733–1740) (CH. KUNQUI GEIWEI JIONGNEI 昆秋给威炯内). The ninth Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was born in sPa gro in Bhutan and discovered by the 13th rGyal dbang Karma pa, bDud ’dul rdo rje (1733–1797), but he died when he was nine years old. His life was marked by religiopolitical struggles with the dGe lugs pa. These included their ban on searching for Zhwa dmar incarnations (which the eighth Si tu rin po che successfully challenged in a law case) and the dGe lugs pa challenge to his enthronement by Si tu Rin po che, which was never performed because it was feared that the dGe lugs pa might seize Si tu Monastery in retaliation. DKON MCHOG GSUM (KÖNCHOKSUM) (SKT. TRIRATNA) (CH. SANBAO 三寶/三宝) (“THREE JEWELS”). The three things in which Buddhists take refuge: (1) the Buddha (Sangs rgyas), (2) the Dharma (Chos), and (3) the Monastic Community (dGe ’dun). The formal act of “going for refuge” (skyabs ’gro) is considered the moment of entrance into the community of Buddhists. Going for refuge is a recognition that one needs help in order to achieve religious goals such as cultivation of compassion and wisdom, entering into advanced meditative states, gaining improved rebirth situations, and liberation from cyclic existence. Taking refuge is a formal statement that one intends to follow the Buddha and his teachings and to receive guidance from monks and nuns who serve as instructors and role models. They are also referred to as the “three refuges” (skyabs gsum; Skt. triśaraṇa). DKON MCHOG ’JIGS MED DBANG PO: See ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA DKON MCHOG ’JIGS MED DBANG PO. DKON MCHOG LHUN GRUB, NGOR CHEN (NGORCHEN GÖNCHOK HLÜNDRUP, 1497–1557) (CH. ERSI ZHUCHI GONGQUE LUNZHU 尔寺住持贡却伦珠). The 10th abbot of Ngor E waṃ chos ldan Monastery, one of the main institutions of the Sa skya order. He was born at Sa skya Monastery. His mother was a rnal ’byor ma (Skt. yoginī) named Yongs ’dzin dkon mchog ’phel ba’i dpon mo lha mo, the niece of Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456), and his father was Kun dga’ dar. He was named Lha rgod dar at birth. He was given novice (dge tshul) vows by dKon mchog ’phel ba (1445–1514) at age 13 at Ngor and received the name dKon mchog lhun grub. At 20 he received tantric transmissions from Mus chen Sangs rgyas rin chen (1450–1542), rJe Bya btang pa, Lha mchog seng ge (1468–1535), ’Jam dbyangs nam mkha’ brtan pa, and Mus chen Nam mkha’ dpal bzang. From age 25 to 37 he studied at Ngor and

170 • DKON MCHOG RGYAL MTSHAN, MUS CHEN SEMS DPA’ CHEN PO

mastered its scholastic and tantric lore. He was enthroned as the abbot of Ngor at the age of 38. He held the position for almost 25 years, and during his tenure delivered the “path and result” (lam ’bras) teachings 33 times. His students included Kun dga’ rin chen (1517–1584) and Sangs rgyas seng ge (1504–1569); the latter succeeded him as abbot. He is a major figure in the Sa skya order, and his literary output, while mostly liturgical, contains several interesting historical works. These include his Ecclesiastic History of the Ngor pa Tradition (Ngor chos ’byung), a lengthy history of Buddhism in India and Tibet whose addenda contain much detail on other traditions and a dynastic history of the Mongols. DKON MCHOG RGYAL MTSHAN, MUS CHEN SEMS DPA’ CHEN PO (MUCHEN SEMBA CHENBO GÖNCHOK GYELTSEN, 1388– 1469). A leading figure in the Sa skya order, born in the Mus Valley. His father was dKon mchog bzang po, and his mother was Nam mkha’ skyong. At age nine he received novice (dge tshul) ordination from dBang ’od pa. At 15 he began study of Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) with gLe lung mkhan po Kun smon and Zur chos pa Byang chub seng ge. When he was 20 he was initiated into “cutting off” (gcod) by Mus chen Nam mkha’ rnal ’byor (b. 14th century). After this he entered Sa skya Monastery, where he studied under g.Yag phrug Sangs rgyas dpal (1350–1414). When he was 28 he engaged in meditative retreat at the Myu gu lung Caves, associated with the transmission of “path and result” (lam ’bras). There gZhon nu rgyal mchog initiated him into the system of ’U yug pa’i tshad ma, which follows the interpretations of ’U yug pa Rig pa’i seng ge (d. 1253). He then studied with Shes bya kun rig (1367–1449) at Ngam ring. The following year he made 100,000 circumambulations of Lha sa. He also received teachings from Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456), who taught him tantric practices for ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) and Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra). In 1422 he received full ordination (dge slong) from Gangs chen Kun dga’ dpal. In 1430 he helped Ngor chen establish Ngor Monastery. He was in charge of stone masonry (mkhar las pa). He taught there from age 53. He became the second Throne Holder (Khri pa) in 1456 when he was 68. He also founded gLing dga’ bde ba chen Monastery in 1437 and Mus su ya ma dgon in 1459. During his tenure as the abbot of Ngor, the path and result instructions were divided into two sections: (1) initiate teachings (slob bshad) and (2) general teachings (tshogs bshad). The former were passed on only to his student bDag chen bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1444–1495), who wrote his biography, while the latter were given to groups of students in more public lectures. He retired as abbot in 1462, following which he moved to Mus bstan ’dzin phug, where he remained until his death in 1469. His students included bSod nams

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lhun grub (1456–1532), Sangs rgyas rin chen (1450–1524), Kun dga’ dbang phyug (1424–1478), and bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489). His works include biographies of Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po and dPal ldan tshul khrims (1333–1399), as well as several texts on mind training (blo sbyong). DKON MCHOG RGYAL PO (GÖNCHOK GYELBO, 1034–1102) (CH. GONGJUE JIEBU 贡觉杰布). A Sa skya scholar who founded the main seat of the order in 1073, and he served as its first abbot (gdan sa chen po) from 1073 to 1102. He was born into the ’Khon lineage and was a descendant of ’Khon kLu’i dbang po bsrung ba, one of the first seven Tibetan Buddhist monastic ordinands (sad mi bdun). His birthplace was Yar klungs mkhar stabs. His father was Shā kya blo gros, who was reportedly killed by Rwa lo tsā ba rDo rje grags (1016–1198). dKon mchog rgyal po and his elder brother ’Khon rog Shes rab tshul khrims decided that the tantric lineages deriving from the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism had declined to such a point that it was no longer possible to attain liberation through them (mainly because their rituals, which should be kept secret, were being openly performed as public entertainment). They subsequently renounced the rNying ma tradition, and dKon mchog rgyal po became a student of Khyin Lo tsā ba of sBal phug. Following Khyin Lo tsā ba’s death, dKon mchog rgyal po studied with ’Brog mi Lo tsā ba Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072) at Myu gu lung. ’Brog mi was notorious for charging exorbitant amounts of gold in exchange for his teachings, and to raise the required funds dKon mchog rgyal po sold family land in Yar klungs. The wealth he received was carried on 17 horses. Even this did not satisfy ’Brog mi, who complained that he did not have sufficient pastureland to feed the horses. dKon mchog rgyal po finally appeased his teacher’s greed by adding a jewel rosary to his offerings. ’Brog mi gave him the teachings of the Kye rdo rje rgyud (Skt. Hevajra-tantra) and the main texts of “path and result” (lam ’bras). dKon mchog rgyal po later received ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) teachings from Mal Lo tsā ba Blo gros grags pa, gSang ba ’dus pa (Skt. Guhyasamāja) teachings from ’Gos Lo tsā ba Khug pa lhas brtsas (fl. 11th century), and instructions on the Ti la ka rgyud from Paṇḍita Shes rab sbas pa (Skt. Prajñāgupta). He also studied under Ba ri Lo tsā ba Rin chen grags pa (1040–1111) and Pu rangs lo tsā ba, gZhon nu shes rab (11th century). dKon mchog rgyal po’s students included Se ston Kun rig (alt. Se ’Khar chung ba, 1029–1116). His son Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158) became a leading figure of the Sa skya order. DKYIL ’KHOR (GYILKOR; SKT. MAṆḌALA) (CH. MANTULUO 曼 荼羅; MANTUOLUO 曼陀羅/曼陀罗). Circular diagrams that are objects for meditation. These diagrams symbolize aspects of Buddhist iconography

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and soteriology and depict the palace or “buddha-land” (sangs rgyas shing; Skt. buddha-kṣetra) of a particular buddha. They occur in both two- and three-dimensional forms. The main buddha is placed at the center, often surrounded by symbols associated with him/her and with a retinue of other buddhas, bodhisattvas, and attendants. Maṇḍalas are particularly important in rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna), where they serve as the focus of meditative visualizations. Tantric practitioners generally are authorized to engage in a particular practice after being initiated into the maṇḍala of the central buddha. One important type is the “sand maṇḍala” (rdul tshon dkyil ’khor), which is made from fine particles of colored sand sifted through long tapered tubes. These maṇḍalas are commonly used for tantric initiations, particularly for practices of highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). They are memorized at the time of initiation and serve as a template for cognitive restructuring in subsequent meditation and in the performance of ritual cycles (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana) that involve visualization and chanting. The diagram is a sacred space that encodes symbolism reflective of the awakened reality of a buddha’s mind; this is what the practitioner is attempting to actualize in his/her own consciousness. The meditation is ongoing and involves a process of repeated familiarization with the sacred symbols and the reality they represent. DMAN LHA (MENHLA) (SKT. BHAIṢAJYARĀJA, BHAIṢAJYAGURU) (CH. YAOSHI RULAI 藥師如來/药师如來, YAOSHIFO 药师佛) (“MEDICINE BUDDHA”). A buddha associated with healing, the keeper of medical lore. He is described in the Discourse of the Lapis Lazuli Radiance of the Special Extensive Original Vows of the Transcendent Victor, the Medicine Teacher (bCom ldan ’das sman gyi bla bai ḍūrya’i ’od kyi sngon gyi smon lam gyi khyad par rgyas pa’i mdo; Skt. Bhagavato-bhaiṣajyaguruvaiḍūrya-prabhasya-pūrvapraṇidhāna-viśeṣa-vistāra-sūtra; Ch. Yaoshi liuliguang rulai benyuan gongde jing 藥師琉璃光如來本願功德經), which states that his healing practices are the fruition of 12 vows taken in a past life: (1) to illuminate countless realms with his radiance and aid beings in becoming buddhas; (2) to awaken the minds of sentient beings with lapis lazuli light; (3) to provide them with whatever material things they need; (4) to refute heretical views and motivate beings to become bodhisattvas; (5) to help beings adhere to Buddhist ethical precepts, even those who have previously failed; (6) to heal the crippled and deformed, the sick or suffering; (7) to aid the destitute or sick; (8) to help women who wish to be reborn as men to attain their desire; (9) to cure mental delusions and afflictions; (10) to free the oppressed from their suffering; (11) to help beings who are hungry or thirsty; and (12) to help clothe the poor and help those suffering from cold or mosquitoes.

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He presides over the eastern realm of Bai dūrya ston pa’i  ’od (Skt. Vaidūryanirbhāsa; Ch. Dongfangjingliulishijie 東方淨瑠璃世界). He is commonly depicted as blue in color, holding a sprig of myrobalan (a popular medicinal plant in India) in his pendant right hand. He often has two attendant bodhisattvas on either side: Nyi ma ’od (Skt. Sūryaprabha; Ch. Riguang Pusa 日光菩薩) and Zla ba’i ’od (Skt. Candraprabha; Ch. Yueguang Pusa 月光菩 薩). He is popular in Tibetan Buddhism, where those who are sick supplicate him. He also cures mental afflictions and helps those who pray to him to accumulate positive karma, which can help relieve their sufferings. The cult of the Medicine Buddha was an important and lucrative export for expatriate Tibetan lamas operating in China during the 19th–20th centuries. Large crowds attended public ceremonies in Shanghai, Harbin, and Beijing. These reflected a widespread notion among Chinese that Tibetan lamas possess special magical powers that can cure disease and provide various mundane benefits. DMAR PO RI (MARBORI) (CH. HONG SHAN 红山) (“RED HILL”). The hill in Lha sa on which the Po ta la (the residence of the Dalai Lamas prior to the Chinese invasion of 1950) was constructed. The choice was significant because, according to Tibetan legends, Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), the first “religious king” (chos rgyal), built a castle on the hill during his reign. Between the period of the dynastic kings and the 17th century, dMar po ri—and to an extent the city of Lha sa itself—diminished in importance. The surviving structures on the hill languished, and pilgrims attracted by the Jo khang and one smaller temple in the vicinity visited Lha sa. When Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), the regent (sde srid) of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), chose this hill as the site for the Dalai Lama’s residence and seat of the Tibetan government, he was implicitly invoking the charisma of the imperial period (7th–9th centuries). DNGOS GRUB GRAGS PA, GZHOD STON (SHÖDÖN NGÖDRUP DRAKBA, FL. LATE 11TH CENTURY) (CH. EZHU ZHABA 俄珠扎 巴). A treasure discoverer (gter ston) of the Bon tradition, credited with discovering the main Bon great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) text, The Golden Tortoise (gSer gyi rus sbal). He is also the discoverer of the Summit of the Great Expanse (Yang rtse klong chen) cycle of teachings (1088). DOGRA INVASION OF 1841: See SHIN PA INVASION OF 1841. DOL PO (DOLBO) (CH. DUOBO 多波). One of the highest inhabited areas in the world, a region of Nepal that borders Tibet. It is culturally Tibetan, and most of its population speaks a Tibetan dialect. Many are

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adherents of Bon, but many Buddhists also live there. Dol po is part of the Tibetan-Tethys Zone and is surrounded by high mountains, including the Dhaulagiri range. Because of the height of its mountainous borders, few clouds make it over their peaks, so Dol po is semiarid. It has an annual rainfall of less than 500 mm (20 in.). It was part of the Tibetan empire during the Imperium (7th–9th centuries) and was later part of the sPu hrang (alt. sPu hreng(s); sPu hrangs) kingdom of western Tibet. In the 10th century it came under the control of Gu ge. In 1253 it was annexed by the ruler of Gung thang, mGon po lde, who incorporated it into mNga’ ris. In the 14th century it became part of the kingdom of gLo bo; its inhabitants were required to pay a yearly tribute. It gained independence around the 15th century and was ruled by a king of the Ra nag dynasty. In 1769 Gor khas (Gorkha) from the middle hill region of Nepal conquered Kathmandu and established the kingdom of Nepal. In 1789 they annexed the kingdom of gLo bo, which included Dol po. As Heller (2009) notes, despite its isolation and its reputation among central Tibetans as a backwater, Dol po has produced an impressive number of notable lamas and has been a center of artistic and cultural activity, particularly during the 14th–15th centuries. DOL PO PA: See SHES RAB RGYAL MTSHAN. DON GRUB GAU TA MA (TÖNDRUP GAUTAMA; SKT. SIDDHĀRTHA GAUTAMA) (CH. XIDADUO QIAODAMO 悉達多 喬答摩/悉达多乔答摩). The Tibetan rendering of the name Siddhārtha Gautama, which, according to Buddhist tradition, was given at birth to the child who would later become Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha), the buddha of the present age. He was born into the Śākya clan in the Gautama lineage. The name Siddhārtha means “Aims Accomplished.” According to traditional accounts of his life, he was born into a royal family in modern-day southern Nepal and grew up in his father’s palace. He decided to renounce household life and went in search of a way to overcome suffering. After six years of meditation and ascetic practice, he traveled to rDo rje gdan (Skt. Vajrāsana, in Bodhgayā in modern-day Bihār), where he attained awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi). From this point, he is referred to as “Buddha.” He is commonly referred to as Gautama Buddha or Śākyamuni Buddha in order to distinguish him from other buddhas. See also BUDDHISM; INDIAN BUDDHISM. DON GRUB RIN CHEN, CHOS RJE (CHÖJÉ TÖNDRUP RINCHEN, 1309–1385). A monk of the bKa’ gdams order who was a teacher of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1359–1419) and gave him novice (dge tshul)

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monastic vows. Don grub rin chen founded Bya khyung theg chen yon tan dar rgyas gling Monastery in 1349 and served as its first abbot. DON GRUB TSHE BRTAN RDO RJE: See TSHE BRTAN RDO RJE. DON YOD RDO RJE (TÖNYÖ DORJÉ, 1463–1512; R. 1479–1512) (CH. DUNYUE DUOJI 敦悦多吉). The third Rin spungs hierarch. He was the second son of the second Rin spungs prince, Kun tu bzang po (alt. Kun bzang, r. 1466–1479). He established a patron-recipient relationship with the fourth Zhwa dmar pa, Chos kyi grags pa (1453–1526), and sponsored the construction of Yangs pa can Monastery, which became the seat of the Zhwa dmar pas until it was forcibly converted into a dGe lugs establishment after the 10th Zhwa dmar pa, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), was convicted of treason in 1788. In 1489 Don yod rdo rje launched a military expedition into dBus and penetrated as far as sKyid shod. He took some estates in central Tibet but was unsuccessful in an attack on dGa’ ldan Monastery. This offensive, aimed at diminishing the growing power of the dGe lugs pa, was supported by the Phag mo gru pa, whom the Rin spungs were in the process of supplanting. A conference was convened in which the most powerful figures in central Tibet participated. The Phag mo gru king Kun dga’ legs pa (1433–1483; r. 1448–1481) was forced to abdicate, and his nephew Ngag gi dbang po (alt. sPyan snga tshe gnyis pa, 1439–1491; r. 1481–1491) succeeded him. Don yod rdo rje continued his military adventures, and in 1485 he attacked rGyal rtse. Ngag gi dbang po died in 1491, and Don yod rdo rje succeeded in installing his uncle Sa skyong mTsho skyes rdo rje (1442–1510; r. 1491–1499) as regent in the Phag mo gru seat of sNe’u gdong rdzong. Don yod rdo rje’s reign was the height of Rin spungs power. He referred to himself by the royal title chos rgyal (religious king), which was a designation of the Yar klungs monarchs. Through his campaigns and marital alliances he became the most powerful ruler in central Tibet, and because of his intervention the bKa’ brgyud pa hierarchs were able to suppress the dGe lugs pa, who were growing in power in central Tibet and had established a major monastery, bKra shis lhun po, in western Tibet. DOR RTA NAG PO (DORTA NAKBO) (“DORTA THE BLACK”). A Mongol military commander whose troops launched an attack on Tibet that led to the region being incorporated into the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. In 1239 his troops moved into central Tibet and sacked Rwa sgreng Monastery. They also damaged rGyal lha khang in Phan yul, north of Lha sa, but spared sTag lung and ’Bri gung. A hail of stones prevented Dor rta from damaging Bri ’gung; Dor rta was so impressed

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by this that he wanted to take its abbot with him, possibly as his personal thaumaturge. His force withdrew in 1241 following the death of Ögödei Khan (1189–1241), but in 1244 Godan Khan (1206–1251) summoned Sa skya Paṇḍita (1182–1251) to his camp in Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan, in modern-day Gansu) so as to formally surrender Tibet to the Mongols. DORJIEV, AGVAN: See NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RDO RJE, ­MTSHAN ZHABS. DPAL BRTSEGS, SKA BA (GAWA BELTSEK, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. GAWA BEIZE 噶瓦贝则; GENA BALASEN 革那巴拉森). A scholar of the ’Bro clan who oversaw a project to develop a bilingual Sanskrit-Tibetan glossary of Buddhist terms during the 8th century, ­entitled Various Aspects of the Doctrine (Chos kyi rnam grangs), and its commentary, Memorandum to Various Aspects of the Doctrine (Chos kyi rnam grangs kyi brjed byang). The structure of the work reflects the broad-ranging and intellectually advanced level of thought Tibetans developed during this period. The book deals with human beings, their nature and their minds, the relationship between the person and the world, the nature of cyclic existence, emptiness and relative truth, the path to buddha-realization, the characteristics of buddha-realization, the structure of the teachings of the Buddha, and early understandings of Buddhism. He is also credited with revising the written Tibetan language to reflect Sanskrit grammar and syntax. He was born in the ’Phan po Valley north of Lha sa. His father was sKa ba bLo ldan, and his mother was ’Bro bza’ mDzes ma. He was one of the first seven Tibetans to receive Buddhist monastic ordination (sad mi bdun) at bSam yas. He was a disciple of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava); the latter declared that dPal brtsegs was the reincarnation of an Indian scholar who had taken rebirth in Tibet in order to facilitate the importation of Buddhism. dPal brtsegs was also a student of Kha che Dza na mi tra (Jñānamitra). He traveled to India with Cog ro kLu’i rgyal mtshan on behalf of the Tibetan king Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) to invite Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra) to Tibet. dPal brtsegs is credited with numerous translations of Indian sūtras and tantras, particularly tantras of the action (bya rgyud; Skt. kriyā-tantra), performance (spyod rgyud; Skt. caryā-tantra), and yoga (rnal ’byor rgyud) classes. He was one of the most respected translators at bSam yas, and he translated the Treasury of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa) and Compendium of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon pa kun btus; Skt. Abhidharma-samuccaya). He also wrote independent treatises, including The Seventeen Aspects of the Stages of the View (lTa

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rim snang ba bcu bdun pa). His recognized reincarnations include Grwa pa mNgon shes (1012–1090) and ’Phags pa lha (1439–1487). DPA’ BO GTSUG LAG ’PHRENG BA: See GTSUG LAG ’PHRENG BA. DPAL BZA’ KHRI BTSUN: See BAL BZA’. DPAL CHEN CHOS KYI DON GRUB, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR BELCHEN CHÖGI TÖNDRUP, 1695–1732) (CH. PAQIAN QUEJI DUNZHU 帕千确吉顿竹). The eighth Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was born in Yol mo (Helambu, an area north of the Nepal Valley), a region believed to be a “hidden land” (sbas yul) and long associated with hermits and yogis, the most renowned of whom is Mi la ras pa (1040/1052– 1123/1135). Shortly after his birth, a female anchorite in Kathmandu predicted he would be a future adept (grub thob; Skt. siddha). At age seven he received teachings from the 11th rGyal dbang Karma pa before he died. dPal chen chos kyi don grub recognized and enthroned his successor, Byang chub rdo rje (1703–1732), and served as his main teacher. DPAL GYI MGON (BELGIGÖN, R. CA. 930–960). One of the three sons of sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon (r. ca. 900–930) (in a text discovered at Dunhuang predating 1038, he is referred to as dPal byin mgon). The latter divided the remains of the Yar klungs empire among them. dPal gyi mgon, the eldest, was given control of Mar yul (La dwags) and lived at the fortress castle of Shel in Gu ge. He is regarded as the founder of its first ruling dynasty. He was also master of land to the west of Ru thog, bordering on Bru zha. The dynasty he founded retained control of this domain until the Shin pa (Dogra) invasion of 1842. The lands he ruled are today part of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. DPAL GYI RDO RJE, LHA LUNG (HLALUNG BELGI DORJÉ, BORN CA. 750) (CH. JIXIANG JINGANG 吉祥金刚). The Buddhist monk who, according to tradition, assassinated Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), the last king of the Yar klungs dynasty. He was born in ’Brom stod gung mo che, east of Lha sa on the northern bank of the sKyid chu River. (According to some sources, he was born in Lha lung.) His clan name was sTag nya bzang. He was a soldier who fought against China but feared that the negative karma he accrued would lead to rebirth in hell, so he decided to pursue a religious vocation. He traveled to bSam yas and received ordination from Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra). dPal gyi rdo rje later received bodhisattva vows and tantric empowerments from

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Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). According to a Dunhuang document discussed by Samten Karmay, dPal gyi rdo rje was the ninth abbot of bSam yas, but other Tibetan sources do not appear to attest this. dPal gyi rdo rje studied with several eminent teachers; rGyal ba’i bshes gnyen (or Dzi na mi tra; Skt. Jinamitra) and sKa ba dPal brtsegs taught him “higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma), and rNam par snang mdzad (Skt. Vairocana) gave him “mind class” (sems sde) and “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) instructions. dPal gyi rdo rje later taught them to gNyags Jñānakumāra (gNyags Dznyā na ku ma ra, born ca. 750). He entered meditative retreat in the Grib kyi dkar po Valley and reportedly developed supernatural powers, including the ability to walk through rocks and fly between mountains. His biography reports that he assassinated Khri U’i dum brtan (alt. dBu’i dum pa; gLang dar ma), who, according to later histories, launched a campaign of persecution against Buddhism. They explain that dPal gyi rdo rje “liberated” (i.e., murdered) the king based on a motivation of compassion. By stopping gLang dar ma from doing further harm to Buddhism, dPal gyi rdo rje sought to shorten his inevitable sojourn in hell. Despite this explanation, later accounts state that following the deed he refused to officiate at monastic ordinations on the grounds that he had violated one of the five unforgivable “expulsionary” (phas pham pa; Skt. pārājika) offenses, and so had effectively excommunicated himself from the order. The traditional story states that dPal gyi rdo rje traveled to the king’s palace under the guise of a performer and enacted a ritual dance, during which he placed an arrow on a bowstring and aimed it at gLang dar ma. The king, thinking that this was part of the performance, was unconcerned, but then dPal gyi rdo rje shot him through the heart. dPal gyi rdo rje was wearing a white cloak and rode in on a black horse, but as he fled he reversed his cloak, which was black on the other side, and then rode his horse—which had been covered with soot—through a river. Soldiers searching for a man wearing a white cloak riding a black horse took no notice of him, and he was able to avoid his pursuers. Tibetan hagiography and much history is premised on dualities such as we find in this account. The slain “evil” king’s name, U’i dum pa, means “Bald” and contrasts with his predecessor, the “good” king Khri Ral pa can, whose name means “Hairy.” dPal gyi rdo rje’s transition from black-robed to white-robed reflects the Buddhist preoccupation with the writing of history in which deeds with good motivation may be regarded as “karma-free”—reflected by the color transition. dPal gyi rdo rje subsequently moved to A mdo and spent most of the rest of his life in solitary retreat. His recognized reincarnations include the first dPal yul Pad ma nor bu, Chags ri Rig ’dzin nyi ma grags pa, and the Zur mang drung pa sprul sku reincarnational lineage.

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DPAL LDAN LHA MO (BELDEN HLAMO) (SKT. ŚRĪDEVĪ; MON. UKIN TEGRI) (CH. JIXIANG TIANNÜ 吉祥天女). A wrathful female tantric deity, consort (yum) of Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla). She is often one of the protectors of Buddhist monasteries and temples. She is particularly popular in the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud order. She is regarded as a dharma protector (chos skyong; Skt. dharma-pāla), especially by the dGe lugs order. She is associated with protection of the Dalai Lamas and Paṇ chen bla mas. Following China’s defeat of Tibet and the flight into exile of the 14th Dalai Lama, her popularity waned. Many Tibetans concluded that she had failed to perform her duties, so her cult experienced a significant decline. This reaction reflects the depth of belief of most ordinary Tibetans in the demons, spirits, protectors, and other supernatural beings said to inhabit the Tibetan Plateau. When they were called upon to defend the land against foreign invaders and enemies of the Dharma, they failed spectacularly, and Buddhist prelates are still at a loss to explain this satisfactorily. She is the guardian of the sacred lake Lha mo’i bla mtsho, which is associated with visions and portents that guide the search for reincarnations of Dalai Lamas. She promised dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474), the first Dalai Lama, that she would permanently protect his reincarnations, and since the time of dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), the second Dalai Lama, Tibet’s regents (sde srid) have traveled to the lake to seek visions pointing toward the reincarnation of a deceased Dalai Lama. dPal ldan lha mo’s manifestation as guardian of the lake is referred to as rGyal mo dMag zor ma or Ma gcig dpal lha Zhi ba’i nyams can. According to some accounts, she played an important role in bringing about the demise of the Tibetan empire (7th–9th centuries) when she advised dPal gyi rdo rje (b. ca. 750) to assassinate the last Yar klungs king, Khri gLang dar ma, in 842 in order to prevent him from causing further harm to Buddhism. Iconographically she is depicted with blue skin, red hair, and three eyes, standing above a sea of blood and riding sidesaddle on a white mule. The mule has an eye on its left rump where her husband shot an arrow that missed her and hit her mount. He attacked her because she had killed their son and used his skin as a saddle blanket. After her conversion to Buddhism, she foreswore killing and violence, but retained her wrathful nature, which is used in protection of the Dharma. She is sometimes considered a manifestation of the goddess Nag po chen mo (Skt. Mahākalī) and a wrathful form of d ­ Byangs can ma (Skt. Saraswatī). In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, some ­Tibetans who had seen representations of the older Queen Victoria believed that she was a manifestation of dPal ldan lha mo. DPAL SPRUL RIN PO CHE: See O RGYAN ’JIGS MED CHOS KYI DBANG PO.

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DPAL YUL (BEYUL) (DPAL YUL RNAM RGYAL BYANG CHUB CHOS GLING) (CH. BAIYU 白玉). One of the six major monasteries of the rNying ma order, located in dKar mdzes, Si khrom Province, in Khams on the eastern bank of the ’Bri chu River. Rig ’dzin Kun bzang shes rab founded it at the request of the ruler of sDe dge in 1665, and he served as its first Throne Holder. Prior to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion in the 1950s it was one of the major monasteries of eastern Tibet, with 11 reincarnate lamas (sprul sku), six abbots (mkhan po), and more than 500 monks. Now it houses four reincarnations and fewer than 100 monks. It has been rebuilt in exile and it maintains an ­important treasure (gter ma) cycle, the “Heavenly Doctrine” (gNam chos), revealed by the treasure discoverer (gter ston) gNam chos Mi ’gyur rdo rje (1645–1667). These teachings include instructions on preliminary practices (sngon ’gro) and a path that leads to the “direct approach” (thod rgal) of great completion (rdzogs pa chen po). The 11th Throne Holder of this lineage, Pad nor Rin po che (Padma nor bu Rin po che Thub brtan legs bshad, 1932–2009), was acknowledged as the head of the rNying ma order until his death. The dPal yul lineage traces itself to Chos sku Kun tu bzang po (Skt. Dharmakāya Samantabhadra), who transmitted its teachings to rDo rje ’chang (Skt. Vajradhara). The lineage also claims Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava, fl. 8th century) and his consort Ye shes mtsho ­rgyal (ca. 757–817) as lineage holders. DPON CHEN (BÖNCHEN) (CH. BENQIN 本钦) (“GREAT MASTER”). A title for members of the Sa skya hierarchy who exercised temporal authority over their domain during the period of Sa skya hegemony. They ruled as regents for the Mongol overlords of Tibet during the 13th century, but their power waned with that of the Mongols. Each of the rulers who worked directly under the dpon chen was responsible for an area designated by the Mongols, sometimes referred to as a “myriarch.” See also MONGOL EMPIRE. DRANG SRONG LHUNG PA (TRANGSONG HLÜNGBA) (CH. LUYEYUAN 鹿野苑) (“SĀRNĀTH”). A small town near gSal ldan (Skt. Vārāṇasī or Kāśī) in modern Uttar Pradesh in which is located the Deer Park (Ri dwags kyi tshal, Mṛga-dāva), where, according to Buddhist tradition, Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) preached his first sermon shortly after becoming awakened. The spot is marked with the Dhamek Stūpa, said to have been built sometime around the 4th–6th centuries around a smaller stūpa erected during the time of Chos rgyal Mya ngan med (Skt. Aśoka, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE). Nearby is a modern sculpture depicting the Buddha surrounded by the five

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ascetics (lnga sde bzang po: Kauṇḍinya, Aśvajit, Vaśpa, Bhadrika, and Mahānaman) who constituted the audience of the sermon. DRI MED BSHES GNYEN (DRIMÉ SHENYEN, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (SKT. VIMALAMITRA) (CH. WUGOUYOU 無垢友/无垢友; LIGOUYOU 離垢友/离垢友). An Indian meditation master whom Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) invited to Tibet. According to traditional accounts, he was born in western India and was a student of Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Skt. Buddhaguhya). He translated Indian tantric texts with rMa Rin chen mchog, including the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhya-samāja-tantra) and the Secret Essence Tantra (gSang ba snying po’i rgyud; Skt. Guhya-garbha-tantra). The rNying ma order counts him among the earliest figures in the transmission of great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) teachings, particularly those of the Heart Essence (sNying thig). He is associated with the 17 tantras of the “innermost yoga” (shin tu rnal ’byor; Skt. atiyoga) cycle. According to traditional lineage histories, he also received instructions from Shri Sing ha (Skt. Śrī Siṃha) and Ye shes sde (alt. Ye shes mdo; Skt. Jñānasūtra), and he attained the level of “knowledge bearer” (rigs ’dzin; Skt. vidyā-dhāra) in the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). He composed a number of important works, mainly on the Magical Net (sGyu ’phrul drwa ba; Skt. Māyā-jāla) cycle of teachings. He transmitted the great perfection teachings to five students: (1) Khri Srong lde btsan, (2) Mu ne btsan po, (3) Myang Ting nge ’dzin bzang po, (4) sKa ba dPal brtsegs, and (5) Cog ro kLu’i rgyal mtshan. He concealed texts for future generations of practitioners at bSam yas mChims phu (the hermitage above bSam yas Monastery), and then left for Ri bo rtse lnga (Wutai Shan 五台 山) in China. Before leaving, he promised to return once every century in order to clarify and enhance the tantric lineage he had introduced, the Secret Heart Essence (gSang ba snying thig). Myang Ting nge ’dzin maintained his oral lineage and concealed a set of texts, which his reincarnation lDang ma lhun rgyal (11th century) later discovered. They are referred to as the Heart Essence of Vimalamitra (Bi ma sNying thig). According to tradition, he attained the rainbow body (’ja lus) when he passed away. See also TIBETAN BUDDHISM. DRI MED ’OD ZER, KLONG CHEN RAB ’BYAMS PA (LONGCHEN RAPJAMBA DRIMÉ ÖSER, 1308–1364) (CH. DIAJIE WUYANG 大 界无央; LONGQINGBA 龙青巴). One of the most influential masters of the rNying ma order, particularly important in the “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) tradition. He was born in g.Yo ru stod grong. His father was bsTan pa srung and his mother was ’Brom bza’ bSod nams

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rgyan. He was regarded as the reincarnation of Lha lcam Padma sal, the daughter of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), who received the great perfection transmission of Heart Essence of the Ḍākinīs (mKha’ ’gro snying thig) from Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). He is also regarded as one of the three great emanations of the bodhisattva ’Jam dpal (Mañjuśrī; the other two are Tsong kha pa and Sa skya Paṇḍita). In 1319 kLong chen pa received renunciant (rab byung) vows from the abbot of bSam yas, bSam grub rin chen. In addition to rNying ma lineages, kLong chen pa also received teachings from masters of the New Orders (gSar ma), including “path and result” (lam ’bras) and “cutting off” (gcod). He was given great perfection teachings by Rig ’dzin Ku ma ra dza (who also instructed his friend Rang ’byung rdo rje, the third rGyal dbang Karma pa). He initiated kLong chen pa into the Heart Essence of Vimalamitra (Bi ma snying thig) cycle. kLong chen pa also engaged in meditative retreat that focused on the Heart Essence of the Ḍākinīs. In 1326 he enrolled in gSang phu ne’u thog and studied with sLob dpon bTsan rgod pa (the 15th mKhan rabs) and bLa brang Chos dpal rgyal mtshan (the 16th mKhan rabs). In 1338 he traveled to sNye phu shug gseb and began teaching the Heart Essence (sNying thig). During his exile in Bhutan he fathered a daughter and a son. The latter, Grags pa ’od zer (1356–1409), received transmissions of kLong chen pa’s teachings and is regarded as a rNying ma lineage holder. kLong chen pa’s teachers included Kun dga’ ’od zer, bKra shis rin chen, and bLo gros brtan pa. His recognized reincarnations include the famed “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) Padma gling pa (1450–1521). He is the author of more than 250 works, including the Fourfold Heart Essence (sNying thig ya bzhi) and the Seven Treasuries (mDzod bdun): (1) Wish-Fulfilling Treasury (Yid bzhin mdzod), (2) Secret Instruction Treasury (Man ngag mdzod), (3) Sphere of Reality Treasury (Chos dbyings mdzod), (4) Treasury of Tenets (Grub mtha’ mdzod), (5) Great Vehicle Treasury (Theg mchog mdzod), (6) Words and Meaning Treasury (Tshig don mdzod), and (7) Fundamental Nature Treasury (gNas lugs mdzod). DRU GU (TRUGU) (“TURK”). The Tibetan term for Turkic peoples. They are also referred to as Du ru ka, which is based on the Sanskrit word Turuṣka. They are generally portrayed as implacable and violent enemies of the Dharma who invaded India, destroyed Buddhist sites, and killed monks and nuns, and who wantonly ransacked sacred precincts. DRUNG ’KHOR (TRUNGKHOR) (“LAY OFFICIAL”). One of the two main branches of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), comprising members of the Tibetan aristocracy (sku brag) who held administrative posts. The other branch consisted of monk officials (rtse drung).

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DRUNG PA RIN PO CHE: See CHOS KYI RGYA MTSHO, DRUNG PA RIN PO CHE. ’DUL BA (DULWA) (SKT. VINAYA) (CH. JIELÜ 戒律; PINAYE 毗那 耶) (“MONASTIC DISCIPLINE”). The general term for the rules and regulations governing the conduct of Buddhist monks and nuns. Buddhist monasticism has three main traditions: (1) gNas brtan sde pa (Skt. Theravāda), which is normative in Southeast Asia and is the only complete extant Vinaya in an Indic language; (2) Chos srung sde (Skt. Dharmaguptaka), which is followed in East Asia; and (3) gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda), which is the Vinaya of Tibetan Buddhism. During the reign of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836) this was declared normative for Tibetan Buddhist monastics, and it has remained so up to the present. According to tradition, it was introduced to Tibet by Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) with the ordination of the first seven novices (sad mi bdun) at bSam yas in the 8th century. He was accompanied by 30 monks, who constituted the necessary quorum for valid ordination. The Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya has 36 rules for novice monks (dge tshul; Skt. śrāmaṇera) and novice nuns (dge tshul ma; Skt. śrāmaṇerī); it has 253 vows for fully ordained monks (dge slong; Skt. bhikṣu) and 364 for fully ordained nuns (dge slong ma; Skt. bhikṣuṇī). The full ordination lineage for women was probably never transmitted to Tibet (see below). The monastic lineage also came close to dying out in Tibet following Khri gLang dar ma’s (r. 838–842) persecution of Buddhism. Three monks who had retained the vows of the Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya, together with two Chinese monks who held Chos srung sde (Skt. Dharmaguptaka) ordination, ordained dGongs pa rab gsal (ca. 832–915) in eastern Tibet. This lineage was later brought back to central Tibet and became known as the “Lower Tibet Discipline” (sMad ’dul). The Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya lineage was brought back to western Tibet by King Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036) around the end of the 10th century; he invited the Indian scholar Chos skyong (Dharmapāla) to travel to Gu ge with several other monks and reestablish the tradition. This is referred to as the “Upper Tibet Discipline” (sTod ’dul). In 1204 Khro phu Lo tsā ba Byams pa dpal (1173–1225) invited Kha che Paṇ chen Sha kya shri bhadra (Skt. Śākyaśrībhadra, 1140–1225), the last Throne Holder of Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā) Monastery in India, to travel to Tibet so that he could escape the destruction being wrought by Ghurid Turks. He accepted and came with a retinue of other monks, and they established a Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya ordination transmission within the Sa skya order, which is regarded as a third lineage in Tibet.

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According to a Chinese document from Dunhuang, one of the Tibetan queens of Khri Srong lde btsan, ’Bro bza’ Byang sgron, and 30 other women received the bhikṣuṇī ordination at bSam yas. This presumably would have been conferred by Chinese monks belonging to the Dharmaguptaka lineage who visited the translation bureau at bSam yas in 781. In 709 the Tang emperor Zhongzong 唐中宗 (656–710) decreed that the Dharmaguptaka-vinaya would be normative in China, so this would have been the lineage they transmitted. If the ordination was transmitted, it did not survive for long. The Gu ge Chronicles report that a Mūlasarvāstivāda nun full ordination was conferred during the reign of Ye shes ’od and that his daughter Lha’i me tog received it. No records surviving from that time, however, describe a visit of nuns to Gu ge, and scholars have found no other evidence that the bhikṣuṇī ordination was really transmitted then. Sa skya histories report that another attempt to transmit bhikṣuṇī ordination was made by Sha kya mchog ldan (1428–1507), who arranged an ordination for his mother. Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489) declared that it was not valid, however, and it did not continue. DUNHUANG (TIB. SHA CU) (CH. 炖煌/敦煌). An oasis city where the northern and southern Silk Routes converged. The Mogao Caves (Ch. Mogaoku 莫高窟), rediscovered in 1907, were a repository of thousands of manuscripts, including some of the earliest extant accounts of early Tibetan history. To date 492 intact caves have been found; they contained thousands of manuscripts (many of which were transported to Europe in the early part of the 20th century), 2,400 statues, and 45,000 sq. m of wall paintings. Some of the caves have been dated to the 4th century. They contain one of the best collections of early Central Asian Buddhist art in the world. The majority of the documents discovered in the caves are in Chinese, but the caves also held several thousand documents in Tibetan. These include imperial records, court documents, and court annals, as well as fragments and scraps with a few words on them. Texts in Sogdian, Khotanese, Kuchean, Sanskrit, Uyghur, and Hebrew were also found, which indicates the importance of Dunhuang as a cultural nexus. Tibetan troops garrisoned Dunhuang for several decades from the mid-7th century, and many records of its monasteries, trade relations, garrisons, tribute rates, and other matters are documented in Tibetan texts found there. A Daoist priest named Wang Yuanlu 王圆箓 (ca. 1849–1931) who was living in the Mogao Caves discovered a sealed cavern filled with manuscripts. Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943), a Hungarian-born British explorer, visited the caves in 1907. He purchased several thousand documents from

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Wang, and these became the Stein Collection of the British Library. About one year later, French Sinologist Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) traveled there with an expedition and spent three months on the site. He surveyed the caves and drew sketches of many of them. He brought back almost 4,000 documents, which today comprise the Pelliot Collection of the Bibliothèque National de France in Paris. Other foreign expeditions followed, including one financed by Ōtani Kōzui 大谷光瑞 (1867–1947), which brought documents and other materials back to Japan. After belatedly realizing how important the finds in the caves were, the Chinese government ordered all remaining documents brought to Beijing, but many were lost en route. Some of these were sold and ended up in foreign hands. DUS GSUM MKHYEN PA: See CHOS KYI GRAGS PA, DUS GSUM MKHYEN PA. DUS KYI ’KHOR LO (TUGI KHORLO) (SKT. KĀLACAKRA) (CH. SHILUN 时轮) (“WHEEL OF TIME”). The name of the main buddha of the Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud (Skt. Kālacakra-tantra), a text probably composed around the 11th century in northern India. Iconographically, Kālacakra is depicted with blue skin, four heads, and three faces. The central face is blue and wrathful in appearance, with bared fangs. The right face, manifesting desire, is red. The left face is white and benign in appearance. The rear left one is yellow. All of his faces have three eyes. His hair is bound up on top of his head in the style of wandering yogis, and it has a rdo rje (Skt. vajra) woven into it. He has 12 upper arms and 22 lower ones; they hold an array of implements, including a vajra, a sword, a trident, and a curved knife. His consort sNa tshogs yum (Skt. Viśvamatī) is seated in front of him, and the two are in a posture of sexual embrace (yab yum). She has one face with three eyes and eight arms that hold a curved knife, an iron hook, a ḍa ma ru (alt. lag rnga/rnga chung; Skt. ḍamaru) drum, a string of prayer beads, a skull, a noose, a white lotus, and a jewel. DUS KYI ’KHOR LO RGYUD (TUGI KHORLO GYÜ) (SKT. KĀLACAKRA-TANTRA) (CH. SHILUN TANTUOLUO 时轮坦陀 罗; SHILUN DATELUO 時輪怛特羅/时轮怛特罗) (“WHEEL OF TIME TANTRA”). One of the most important Indian tantric texts for Tibetan Buddhism. It consists of three parts: inner, outer, and other. The outer section discusses the external world. The inner section focuses on the psychophysical world of sentient beings, particularly the mystical physiology of subtle energies called “winds” (rlung; Skt. prāṇa) and

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Three-dimensional Kaˉlacakra man .d . ala, Po ta la, Lha sa.

“drops” (thig le; Skt. bindu), which move through subtle “energy channels” (rtsa; Skt. nāḍī). The third section is concerned with visualization practices that purify the psychophysical elements of existence; this leads to a complete transformation of one’s body and mind into those of a Kālacakra buddha. The text is divided into five main chapters: (1) a discussion of the external world (’jig rten gyi khams; Skt. loka-dhātu), (2) analysis of the individual (nang; Skt. adhyātma), (3) initiation (dbang; Skt. abhiṣeka), (4) liturgies of visualization (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana), and (5) wisdom (ye shes; Skt. jñāna). Each chapter begins with a request by the religious king (chos rgyal) Zla ba bzang po (Skt. Sucandra) for instruction on a particular topic, and the text ends with Sucandra’s verses in praise of Kālacakra. Tibetan doxographers classify it as a non-dual (gnyis med; Skt. advaya) tantra because it does not concentrate on the wisdom aspect of practice like mother tantras or on the method aspect like father tantras, but rather reveals a superior path that combines both in one training program that leads to a state that merges great bliss and realization of emptiness in one consciousness. In addition to mental training, the yoga of the Kālacakra-tantra aims at a transformation of the body from gross physical matter into a form

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composed of subtle energy that transcends both material existence and even winds and drops. This is the state realized by buddhas, and the Kālacakra cycle of teachings claims to provide a rapid path to full actualization of both the physical and mental qualities of a Kālacakra buddha. The physical transformation is accompanied by experience of innate great bliss. The text teaches that all beings have the potential to become buddhas, and the final nature of both sentient beings and their environments is characterized by this innate great bliss. Those who fully realize this fact are buddhas, while sentient beings fail to perceive reality as it is, and so wander in cyclic existence. But the difference between the two is merely a matter of perspective. Other highest yoga tantras contain explanations for manipulating the winds, but the training of the Kālacakra aims at eliminating them. Through this one manifests a body of empty form (stong pa’i gzugs brnyan; Skt. śūnyatā-bimba), which arises along with the mind of immutable bliss. Buddhahood is described as a state without winds (rlung med; Skt. avāta), and the nirvana without support (gnas med pa’i nya ngan las ’das pa; Skt. apratiṣṭhita-nirvāṇa) of a buddha is characterized by an absence of winds. Through eliminating the winds, the mind transcends dualistic thinking, and the subject-object dichotomy is overcome. The text includes instructions on sexual yogas. Some tantric texts indicate that visualization of such techniques can be effective, but the Kālacakra advises that they are to be performed physically with a consort (phyag rgya; Skt. mudrā). Male yogis are expected to develop the ability to retain their semen (referred to as “byang chub kyi sems”; Skt. bodhicitta) and not ejaculate; this prolongs the yogic sequence and brings about actualization of blissful subtle states of mind, including the most fundamental level, the mind of clear light (’od gsal sems; Skt. prabhāsvara-citta). Successful practitioners naturally experience the empty nature of all phenomena and actualize their innate potential for buddhahood. The Kālacakra-tantra may have been one of the latest tantras produced in South Asia (some scholars believe that it was probably composed in or near Sha k’a [Sogdiana] around the 10th century). The text says that it was spoken on the 15th day of the third month after Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa’s (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) awakening. At that time he appeared on the Vulture Peak (Bya rgod phung po ri; Skt. Gṛdhrakūṭa) dressed in monk’s robes and preached the 100,000-line Perfection of Wisdom Discourse (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i mdo; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra), and he simultaneously manifested at dPal ldan ’bras spungs kyi mchod rten (Skt. Śrī Dhānyakaṭakastūpa) in south India as the buddha Kālacakra, in which form he taught the Kālacakra-tantra. The tantra was delivered at the request of Sucandra, king of Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala) and an emanation of the buddha Phyag na

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rdo rje (Skt. Vajrapāṇi), who compiled the tantra in its long form (said to be 12,000 verses, but no longer extant). The version of the Kālacakra-tantra used in Tibet comprises 1,047 verses; it is said to have been edited by ’Jam dpal grags pa (Skt. Mañjuśrīkīrti, the eighth king of Śambhala). It is referred to as the Condensed Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus ’khor bsdus rgyud; Skt. Laghu-kālacakra-tantra). Its central practice is a six-session yoga (dus ’khor sbyor ba yan lag drug), which initiates are expected to perform three times per day: (1) individual withdrawal of winds (sor ’dus; Skt. pratyāhāra), (2) concentration (bsam gtan; Skt. dhyāna), (3) stopping vitality (srog rtsol; Skt. prāṇāyāma), (4) retention (’dzin pa; Skt. dhāraṇā), (5) subsequent mindfulness (rjes dran; Skt. anusmṛti), and (6) meditative absorption (ting nge ’dzin; Skt. samādhi). The initial stages are techniques for withdrawing the winds into the central channel (rtsa dbu ma; Skt. avadhūti). In the sixth branch one actualizes immutable bliss, which is the object of Kālacakra practice. The Kālacakra-tantra is the basis for the Tibetan astrological calendar and the traditional medical system. The tantra is also the seminal source for the notion of the mythical kingdom of Śambhala, which is said to be hidden in a remote valley protected from outsiders by magical spells. Various sources provide differing ideas about its location, but most Tibetan Buddhists believe that it exists somewhere north of Tibet. Śambhala is ruled by a succession of Buddhist kings (seven chos rgyal and 25 rigs ldan), and the current monarch is the 21st to hold the office of rigs ldan (Skt. kalki). He ascended the throne in 1927. The final king (25th in the lineage) will be named Nag po ’khor lo can (Skt. Rudracakri); his reign will begin in 2327. He will rule for 100 years (as does every king of Śambhala), but in the 98th year of his reign (i.e., 2425, which, according to the Kālacakra-tantra, will be 2,304 years after the death of Śākyamuni Buddha), the enemies of Buddhism will attack the kingdom (which at this point will be the main outpost of the religion), and its armies will defeat them. After this Buddhism will flourish for another 1,000 years, but in the 5,140th year after Śākyamuni’s passing the period of his dispensation will come to an end. Contemporary scholars generally regard the Kālacakra-tantra as one of the last tantras composed in South Asia. Its late date is indicated by references to Muslim invaders. It was transmitted to Tibet in 1027. The most influential commentary on the tantra is Stainless Light (Dri med ’od; Skt. Vimālaprabhā), attributed to Pad ma dkar po (Skt. Puṇḍārīka), the second rigs ldan of Śambhala. It is the basis for the subsequent Kālacakra commentarial tradition in India and Tibet. Yearly Kālacakra initiation ceremonies given by the Dalai Lama are among the most popular events of Tibetan Buddhism today, because it is widely believed that receiving the Kālacakra empowerment ensures rebirth in Śambhala.

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’DUS SRONG: See KHRI ’DUS SRONG. DWAGS PO BKA’ BRGYUD (DAKBO GAGYÜ) (CH. DABO GAJU 达波噶举). The lineage of the bKa’ brgyud order that traces itself back to Mar pa Lo tsā ba Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097) and his disciple Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135). This lineage was systematized by sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (Dwags po lha rje, 1079–1153), who created an institutional base for what had been a loosely affiliated group of tantric masters. The institutionalized bKa’ brgyud pa lineages all derive from this source. It includes the “four great orders” and the “eight lesser suborders.” The four great schools are: (1) Karma bKa’ brgyud, founded by Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193); (2) Tshal pa bKa’ brgyud, founded by Shangs Tshal pa (1123–1193); (3) ’Ba’ rom bKa’ brgyud, founded by ’Ba’ rom pa Dar ma dbang phyug (1127–1199/1200); and (4) Phag gru bka’ brgyud, founded by Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). The eight “lesser suborders” are: (1) ’Bri gung, (2) sTag lung, (3) Khro phu, (4) ’Brug pa, (5) sMar, (6) Yel pa, (7) Shug gseb, and (8) g.Yam bzang. Today only the ’Brug pa, ’Bri gung, and sTag lung survive, and the teachings of the other groups have been assimilated into these schools. In some sources Dwags po bka’ brgyud includes only the lineage of sGam po pa’s own monastery (gdan sa), Dwags lha sgam po. He transmitted it to his nephew, Dwags po sgom tshul. One of its important members was Dwags po bKra shis rnam rgyal (1511–1587), who composed influential “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) works and served as the abbot of Dwags lha sgom pa. DWAGS PO BKRA SHIS RNAM RGYAL: See BKRA SHIS RNAM RGYAL. DWAGS PO ’DUL ’DZIN (DAKBO DULDZIN, 1134–1218) (CH. DABO DUNBA 达波顿巴). A student of sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153), born in Dwags po zas dkar and named mKhan po at birth. He first met sGam po pa at the age of 10 and received the empowerments of sGrol ma dkar mo (white Tārā) and Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla), along with the preliminary practices (sngon ’gro) of the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). Dwags po sgom chung Shes rab byang chub (1130–1173) gave him novice (dge tshul) vows and full ordination (dge slong) at gNas mkhar Monastery. He studied Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) with mDos khar ba and monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) with Sha mi ’dul ’dzin (1085–1171). sGom chung gave him the full transmission of sGam po pa’s teachings. He became the fourth abbot of Dwags lha sgam po (the

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monastic seat of sGam po pa) around 1171. He later spent eight years in meditative retreat and attracted many disciples. gNyal pa Byang chub ’bum attempted to kill him with poison, and he received treatment at mTshur phu Monastery. He recovered and moved to the remote northern plains (Byang thang). He established a hermitage at Grol. At the request of ’Bri gung skyob pa ’Jig rten gsum mgon (1143–1217), he returned to Dwags lha sgam po and again served as abbot. He died in 1218 and was succeeded by his nephew, ’Bri gung gling pa Shes rab byung gnas (1187–1241). DWAGS PO LHA RJE BSOD NAMS RIN CHEN (DAKBO HLAJÉ SÖNAM RINCHEN, 1079–1153) (CH. DABO LAJIE SUONAN LINGZHEN 达波拉杰索南领真). One of the titles by which sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen, the founder of the Dwags po bKa’ brgyud order, is known. He was a doctor (lha rje), and at the age of 26 he visited Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135) in sTod phyogs and received oral instructions on the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). DWAGS PO SGOM PO: See TSHUL KHRIMS SNYING PO. DWAGS PO SNYAN BRGYUD (DAKBO NYENGYÜ) (CH. DABO’ERCHUAN 达波耳传). One of the three main lineages of oral transmission of the bKa’ brgyud order that derives from sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153). The other two are the “Oral Transmission of Ras chung pa” (Ras chung snyan brgyud) and the “Oral Transmission of Ngam rdzong” (Ngam rdzong snyan brgyud). They relate to ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) practice. DZNYĀ NA BA DZRA: See ZANABAZAR.

E ECOLOGY AND HYDROLOGY. The primary determinate of the Tibetan Plateau’s ecology is its altitude. This region of the earth’s crust began to be pushed upward around 50 million years ago when the Indian Tectonic Plate collided with the Eurasian Tectonic Plate. The collision and the uplift continue today. The Indian Plate pushes 67 mm (2.6 in.) north every year, causing the region to grow by about 6 mm (0.23 in.) per year. Because the two plates are still colliding, the area is seismically active. The creation of the Plateau shaped both its geology and geography. Geologically, the force of the colliding plates created large copper, gold, iron, lead, zinc, lithium, chromium, and other metal deposits. Smaller stores of fossil fuels also have appeared in the region, including coal, oil, and gas. Geographically, these forces created both a high-altitude plain and deeply incised valleys on the Plateau’s edges. The Plateau is about 2.6 million sq. km (1,003,866 sq. mi.) in circumference, and much of it lies at an altitude of more than 4,000 m (13,123 ft.) above sea level. It is bordered on four sides by higher mountain ranges. To its south is the Great Himalayan Range, which includes 10 of the world’s 13 highest mountains. To its east, three mountain ranges—the Hindu Kush, the Karakorum, and the Tian Shan—intersect. To its north are the Kunlun Mountains, on the other side of which lies the Tarim Basin, and to its northeast are the Qilian Mountains, which separate it from the Gobi Desert. The Hengduan Mountains lie to its east. The Plateau’s creation had a profound effect on the broader region’s climate. The region experiences the most intense ultraviolet radiation on the planet, and in summer it becomes significantly hotter in comparison with the adjacent atmosphere at similar latitudes. This heat creates a low-pressure area over the Plateau that intensifies the monsoon, supercharging the ocean breezes around it. The central and eastern Himalaya and the Hengduan Mountains receive most of the rain these cycles produce. It falls at lower altitudes as rain, and at higher elevations with less intensity as snow. These mountains block the flow of cold air south to India and southwest to China, making those regions warmer and wetter than they would otherwise be, and they create a rain shadow on the other side of the mountains. 191

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Most of the Plateau lies within the rain shadow created by the Great Himalaya. Generally, its winters are dry and controlled by strong westerly winds. The rainy season occurs during summer months when monsoonal rains penetrate the mountains. The precipitation is most intense in the southeast and driest in the northwest. This variance in precipitation helps create a general division of the region into three major regions: a high-altitude cryosphere, a northern and western “lake region,” and a southern and eastern “river region.” The highest and coldest parts of the Plateau are home to the third-highest ice store on earth after the two poles. The glaciation of the Plateau occurred with its uplift and is fed every year by snowfall. Low precipitation levels restrict the glaciers’ size, but there are 36,793 of them, and they store 4,561 sq. km (1,761 sq. mi.) of ice. The lake region has low rainfall (110 ml. p.a.; 3.720 fl. oz.) and is colder than the river region. It extends from sPang gong mtsho in La dwags through to A mdo mtsho sngon (Qinghai Lake) in the northeast. This 45,000 sq. km (17,375 sq. mi.) area holds more than 1,000 lakes. The majority of its lakes are saltwater, remnants of the ancient sea that covered the land before the continental collision. Most of these saltwater lakes do not have an outlet; or if they do, they release only a minimal amount of water. The only freshwater lakes in the region are near the headwaters of rivers. The lake district hosts a variety of ecosystems. It is most well known for its montane grasslands, which support extensive rangeland systems and essential wildlife habitats. Parts of the lake district are semideserts, especially the areas near the Qaidam Basin. Alpine deserts with tundra lie on the other side of the northern Plateau near the Parmi and Kunlun Mountains. The Byang thang, which stretches from La dwags across the north of the Plateau, is an alpine steppe with a large portion of permafrost and semi-permafrost. The soil in this region is boggy and covered with tussocks of grass, which makes it a massive carbon sink. Most of the lake region is not suitable for agriculture. The pastoralists who have survived in this area move long distances with their animals every year. They also keep more sheep and goats than yaks because of the low levels of pasture and limited precipitation in the area. The river region receives more rainfall than the lake area, around 500 ml (17 fl. oz.) per year, and it is slightly warmer. Two sets of interconnected river headwaters flow on either side of the Plateau, from which most of Asia’s largest rivers descend. The three significant headwaters in the far west of the Plateau near Ti se (Mt. Kailash) and Ma pham g.yu mtsho (Lake Manasarovar) are: (1) the Seng ge gtsang po (Indus River), which rises near its tributary, the rMa bya gtsang po (Sutlej River); (2) the Ganges, which descends from the southern side of the Himalaya but is fed by many tributaries that rise on the Plateau itself; and (3) and the Yar klung gtsang po (Brahmaputra River), known in

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western Tibet as the rTa mchog gtsang po. The four important rivers that rise in the northeast of the Plateau are: (1) the rMa chu (Yellow River), (2) ’Bri chu (Yangtze River), (3) rDza chu (Mekong River), and (4) rGyal mo rngul chu (Salween River). All of these rivers are glacier fed, and some of them rely on ice melt for as much as 60 percent of their flow. The ice melt combines with monsoonal rains to make all the rivers perennial. Each of the rivers has its own character, but they do have some commonalities. Their sources, for example, are in sparsely populated glacial and permafrost areas. They then travel through mid-level regions where they are all flanked by agriculture on whatever tillable land is available. Where the valleys are flat and watered by multiple streams and springs, larger agriculture settlements have formed; and where the valleys are steeper, there are often terraces. These areas of cropped agriculture are much smaller than the bare areas and those used for pastoralism; cultivated fields make up only 2,250 sq. km (869 sq. mi.) of the Plateau. The rivers all descend steeply from the Plateau’s edge. The downward-rushing waters are extremely powerful, and they transform the environments through which they move, bringing fertile silt as they flow. The combination of perennial rivers and altitude change along their courses has created some of the most prolific biodiversity hotspots in the world. The river valleys of central Tibet, primarily those in the upper Yar klungs gtsang po River Basin, are particularly useful for cropping as they are permafrost free. Erosion brings them fertile soils, and they can be relatively easily irrigated. Some fields sit around the headwaters of the Seng ge gtsang po and gLang chen gtsang po, although this higher and drier region has not been as productive as central Tibet for the past 1,000 years. The primary crop planted in these valleys is barley (nas), which is supplemented by other grains, beets, potatoes, and some vegetables. Crops grown on the Plateau are high in hydrocarbons and lower in nutrients than those produced at lower altitudes because of the cold night-time temperatures. Cropped agriculture is practiced on the Plateau in rain-fed and irrigated fields, although irrigated fields are more common. The most common irrigation method uses seepage at the top of the flattest parts of valleys, either through streams or springs. Water is directed through gated canals to fields. In La dwags, one of the driest cropped regions of the Plateau, ice melt plays a more prominent role in irrigation. In recent years, the warming climate has forced locals to artificially enhance their ice stores through the production of human-made “glaciers” and ice stūpas. Greenhouses have become increasingly common on the Plateau in the past few decades. Most are located near large urban centers, and they are often kept warm by solar heating. Some valleys and ridges in these central valleys are suitable for pastoralism and not

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agriculture. Most agriculturalists practice a combination of pastoralism and cropping (see NOMADS). The valleys around the main rivers of Khams—the ’Bri chu, rDza chu, and rGyal mo rngul chu—are all steeper than those of the central regions, and the cropped agricultural areas in their adjacent valleys are smaller and more terraced. In this area, much more rangeland is dedicated to pastoralism than in central Tibet. The valleys around the rMa chu in A mdo are not as steep as those in Khams, and a more even combination of pastoralism and agriculture is practiced there. Various types and qualities of grassland make up approximately 57 percent of Tibet’s land area, and around 40 percent of its people identify as pastoralists (’brog pa). The land dedicated to pastoralism is not, as has sometimes been suggested, unmanaged. Traditional pastoralist practices include complex grazing routines that cultivate the grasses the animals require and maintain the grasslands’ ecosystems. Most of them use colder, moister shrubland pastures in summer and warmer, drier meadow pastures in winter. Core samples taken in eastern grassland pastures suggest that they were more heavily forested by juniper and spruce before human occupation. Juniper and spruce forests were also more common in the central river valleys than they are now because they were cleared to make way for agriculture. Only a few juniper forests once considered sacred remain in this area. To sustain agriculture after deforestation, the inhabitants of the central valleys planted willows and poplars, neither of which were native to the region. In recent years, state sponsorship has significantly increased what was a limited plantation practice. Along with these high-altitude, old-growth forest remnants and new monoculture plantation forests, extensive conifer forests sit at slightly lower altitudes in the eastern section of the Yar klungs gtsang po River Basin and in the area known as the Three Parallel Rivers region, through which flow the rGyal mo rngul chu, rDza chu, and ’Bri chu. Another prominent ecological type found across the Plateau is wetlands. Most valleys in the Plateau’s river basins contain wetlands, and they can also be found around many of its lakes. These wetlands include grass marshes, shrubby swamps, forest wetlands, beach land on rivers and lakes, marshes, artificial wetlands in urban areas, moors, and semidry riverbeds. Hot springs are also a form of wetland, and seismic activity makes them common between the Great Himalaya and the northern edge of the Yar klungs gtsang po River Basin. The Tibetan Plateau also has several vast peatlands, including the well-known mDzod dge Wetlands on its eastern edge. Nine sites on the Plateau have been designated Ramsar Wetlands and given the highest possible protection. These include not only mDzod dge, but also the wetlands around Ma pham g.yu mtsho. Tibet’s wetlands play a vital role in the Plateau’s (and,

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therefore, the region’s) hydrological cycle; they are also critical biodiversity zones that provide homes for many species, including migratory birds such as the black neck crane (Tib. khrung khrung; grus nigricollis). The Tibetan Plateau comprises 26 altitudinal belts in which live at least 12,000 species of vascular plants, more than 5,000 mosses, 210 species of mammals, and 532 bird species. Key nondomesticated mammal species include the snow leopard, Tibetan wolf, wild yak, kyang (wild ass; equus kiang), bharal (pseudois nayaur), tahr (hemitragus jemlahicus), musk deer (moschus chrysogaster), and buffalo. Some of the region’s most notable bird species include vultures, hawks, and geese. The Plateau is also home to some important reptiles, including snakes that live at high altitudes in hot springs (thermophis baileyi), and the high-altitude jumping spider (euophrys omnisuperstes), which can live in elevations over 6,500 m (21,325 ft.). The Plateau’s diverse and vital hydrological and ecological systems are threatened by unchecked development and climate change. Militarization and tourism are the primary drivers of unchecked development in the region’s highest altitudes. Further down the slopes, urbanization, resettlement, increased cropping, deforestation, monoculture reforestation, and the proliferation of hydropower projects contribute to degradation of habitats. Governments and communities have instigated some conservation programs, with varying effectiveness. Still, centralized governance, the competing pressures of militarization and development, and the practice of fortress conservation (which is to say the sealing off of areas from human activity) all hamper conservation efforts. The Chinese government has designated 22 percent of the Plateau as a nature reserve, but this has been done without the cooperation or consent of the region’s inhabitants. PRC authorities have also implemented strict no-logging, no-poaching, and no-mining policies in sections of the Plateau. Still, migrants often flout these rules; because of a lack of community consultation, locals have no vested interest in many conservation projects. The government’s reforestation programs have also proved problematic. Rather than practicing diverse and gradual reforestation practices, authorities have chosen to plant large monoculture plantations in areas that were not previously forested, such as riverbeds. Local community conservation programs have been more successful, but fewer of them exist, and they do not receive as much support. In addition, the Plateau’s ecological degradation intensifies climate change and is also intensified by it. Global trends, regionally produced airborne pollutants, deforestation, concretization, and other changes are combining to increase the Plateau’s average temperatures by two to three times the global average. Warming on the Plateau is already occurring at more than one degree Celsius, causing the retreat of 80 percent of the region’s glaciers and shrink-

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ing permanent and semipermanent permafrost areas. Weather patterns are also changing; annual precipitation is declining, and when rain does fall, it occurs in extreme events such as snowstorms and supercell storms. The ecological effects of this warming climate are leading to increased desiccation of the Plateau, which will affect both its agricultural production and the habitats of its many species. It will also increase the threat of hazards related to greater precipitation, such as avalanches, landslides, glacial lake outburst floods, and flash flooding from extreme rain events. Further afield, changes in the Tibetan Plateau’s climate and ecology will affect the water quality of downstream water resources, the rate of siltation that has fertilized lowland river plains, and the climate balance of the region. Ruth Gamble, La Trobe University ECONOMY (TIB. DPAL ’BYOR). Prior to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, the majority of the population of the Tibetan Plateau made their livings through animal husbandry and agriculture. Tibet had few exports, and its economy was largely disconnected from global markets and market forces. Tibet traded with neighboring countries, particularly China, India, and Nepal, and goods circulated across the Tibetan Plateau, but most of the production and exchange was local. In rural areas, traditional patterns of land use are still prevalent, although Chinese rule has brought improvements in infrastructure, roads, and railways, as well as a market economy, which has introduced new economic opportunities. In old Tibet, traditional aristocratic families or monasteries owned most of the land. The aristocrats held estates through government mandates, and they were expected to contribute to the staffing of government offices. Landowners leased productive agricultural land to tenant farmers, who returned a portion of their produce to them. Chinese sources depict this system as “feudal serfdom” and characterize it as “hell on earth,” but the memories of people who lived under the system (both peasants and landholders) tell a very different story: they recall a generally pleasant environment in which the people were mostly poor and worked hard, but in which they also had sufficient food for themselves and their families. Foreigners who journeyed to Tibet or who lived there prior to the 1950s tend to corroborate the Tibetans’ version. Hugh Richardson (1905–2000), who represented the British government and later independent India, reports that the technological level was primitive and the people were mostly poor, but they were also apparently happy, and both commoners and aristocrats were not greatly separated in terms of relative wealth (Richardson 1984). No famines were reported prior to the Chinese takeover, but during the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961) and Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), an

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estimated 300,000 Tibetans died of starvation as a result of misguided socialist policies and expropriation of their agricultural products. The region remained extremely poor until the 1990s, when the government began a concerted effort to make improvements. Tibet’s most intensive wealth-creation period ranged from the turn of the 20th century to the mid-late 1950s. During this time, capital was made available through loans, and aristocrats engaged in trade with neighboring lands. In addition, ordinary people enjoyed enhanced opportunities for local and regional business. This activity enabled a number of entrepreneurs from humble backgrounds to become wealthy. It also created enhanced employment opportunities, particularly for those willing to manage entrepôts in India or China and for managers who oversaw the movement of goods to and from foreign countries. Under Chinese rule, Tibet is now part of the PRC’s economy, though it is still one of the poorest regions in the country. Its economy is one of the fastest growing, but this is largely due to government subsidies. The PRC spends large amounts of money in an attempt to boost the economy; this is part of a publicly touted plan to win the hearts and minds of Tibetans by materially enriching them. The money goes toward infrastructure projects, subsidies for businesses, and other projects, but most of this ends up benefiting Chinese from other parts of the country. Construction projects are generally carried out by firms from outside the region, who hire workers from other regions and send the profits elsewhere. Chinese businesses are often reluctant to hire Tibetans, and as a result the indigenous inhabitants of the Plateau have been largely marginalized. Some Tibetans have managed to set up businesses—and some have become wealthy—but overwhelmingly the glowing economic growth figures official sources proclaim have failed to improve the lives of many Tibetans. See also BANKING AND FINANCE; COMMUNE; COMMUNISM; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; NOMADS; TRADE. EDUCATION (TIB. SHES YON). Prior to the People’s Republic of China’s takeover of Tibet in the 1950s, most Tibetans were illiterate. No program existed for universal (or even widespread) public education. Much of the population was spread over a vast area, and villages were often separated by large tracts of barren land. The general poverty of the country and the sparse population of rural areas made public education unfeasible. Even the cities offered no program for education of children from poor families. Aristocrats often hired private tutors for their children, and the wealthiest families sent children to India or Europe for schooling in the early 20th century. However, several autobiographies by exiles from aristocratic families (e.g., Dorje Yudon Yuthok 1990) note that the children

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of household servants and general workers in the house itself routinely attended classes with the noble children. Monks who pursued a scholastic path received ecclesiastical training, which included reading, writing, and oral debate, as well as a range of religious and secular subjects. Those who pursued higher degrees became thoroughly familiar with the lore of their respective traditions, but seldom studied outside of them. For most monks, the education primarily focused on rote learning, but those who distinguished themselves and who resided in the monastic universities had access to a vast corpus of texts. Aside from the monastic universities, there were also smaller study centers called bshad grwa, in which students could study intensively with masters of their lineage. Nuns—and women in general—saw few possibilities for anything beyond a rudimentary education. PRC propaganda highlights the low level of literacy in Tibet as a symptom of the degenerate nature of the old system, but the educational standard was probably no better or worse than in China or other parts of Asia, or in much of rural Europe. For Tibetans who were not scholar-monks, tantric trainees belonging to lineages that valorized learning, or members of the aristocracy, opportunities for education were limited or nonexistent. Lha sa hosted two government-run schools: (1) the rTse bslab grwa, which prepared boys for careers managing ecclesiastical affairs in government positions; and (2) the rTsis khang, a branch of the Ministry of Finance that trained children from aristocratic families for government service. During the tenure of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), British educators were allowed to establish schools in Lha sa, which mainly instructed the children of aristocrats. Following his death, however, the monasteries forced their closure because they feared that secular education would undermine Tibet’s religious traditions. Chinese records claim that in 1951 the illiteracy rate in Tibet was 90 percent. Following China’s conquest of the Plateau in the 1950s, the PRC government began introducing its educational system. During the period of Mao Zedong’s 毛泽东 (1893–1976) rule (1947–1976) the main emphasis was on propaganda (Ch. xuanchuan 宣传; Tib. dril bsgrags) and “thought work” (Ch. sixiang gongzuo 思想工作; Tib. bsam blo’i las ka), which involved changing the way China’s citizens viewed the world in accordance with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought (Ch. Ma Liezhuyi Mao Zedong Sixiang 马列主义毛泽东思想). The same remains true today in Tibet, and the contemporary educational program is primarily designed to foster patriotism (Ch. aiguo 爱国) toward the Chinese “Motherland” (Ch. Zuguo 祖 国) rather than high-quality academic achievement. This is partly due to the racial attitudes many Han hold toward minority peoples, who are considered “backward” and in need of the guidance of their “Han big brothers and sis-

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ters.” This attitude is seen in a widely used science textbook, in which Tibetan students learn that they are less intelligent than the Han because the high altitude of the Plateau has robbed their brains of oxygen. In many Tibetan classrooms, students spend hours repeating lessons in which they declare: “We love the Han!” in Chinese and Tibetan. The medium of instruction in primary schools is mainly Tibetan in ethnically Tibetan areas, but “modern” subjects such as mathematics, physics, and chemistry are taught in Chinese. Secondary and tertiary education is conducted in Chinese. This reflects pragmatic concerns: China controls the economy, most businesses are run by Chinese immigrants, so in order to get ahead Tibetans must learn the language. But many Tibetan parents fear that the educational system is eroding their traditional culture and religion, and thousands have smuggled their children across the border into Nepal and then to India so that they can study at the Tibetan Children’s Villages that the Central Tibetan Administration has established in several refugee communities in India. The first of these was founded by the Dalai Lama’s elder sister Tshe ring sgrol ma stag lha (1917–1964) in 1960 in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh. It was initially called the Nursery for Tibetan Refugee Children. These schools emphasize Tibetan language, culture, and religion, but those who train in this system may find themselves poorly equipped to compete if they return to Tibet. In recent years, the PRC has begun punishing parents who send their children to the exile schools, and some have been jailed or fired from government jobs. The school system in Tibet is under the control of the PRC’s Ministry of Education (Ch. Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo Jiaoyubu 中华人民共和国教 育部). Primary and secondary education are compulsory, and officially no fees are charged, but in practice some schools do require payments for basic services that are beyond the means of many families. The PRC is committed to improving the educational level of Tibetans, but the quality of schools and teachers is often poor. Preferential admission policies for ethnic minorities have helped to increase the number pursuing tertiary education and vocational training. In 1984 the central government held the “Second National Conference on Work in Tibet,” which led to the creation of Tibet University (Ch. Xizang Daxue 西藏大学; Tib. Bod ljongs slob grwa chen mo). By 2006 Tibet had six institutions for tertiary education. In the past decade, the numbers of ethnic Tibetans enrolled in tertiary institutions have grown steadily, and in 2006 government sources reported that they constituted 60 percent of enrollments. The standard curriculum in PRC-run schools places a primary emphasis on instilling patriotism and promoting the policies of the Chinese Communist Party, and students also are exposed to modern subjects like science and

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geography. They study Chinese literature and the Chinese view of Tibetan history, which is based on Party “Resolutions” (Ch. Ti’an 提案) that instruct them in the correct way to present and interpret history. Classes include denunciations of the Dalai Lama and the “Dalai Clique” (Ch. Dalai jituan 达赖 集团; Tib. Tā la’i ru tshogs), the international cabal headed by the Dalai Lama and the CTA (which includes malicious foreign powers that seek to weaken China and their well-meaning but foolish dupes who belong to “free Tibet” groups) that the PRC blames for Tibetan unrest. History lessons emphasize the notion that pre-1950 Tibet was “feudal” and “hell on earth.” Students learn that their predecessors created a brutal and exploitive system and that the benevolent Han rescued them from themselves and worked to lift them up toward the Han level. Despite the imposition of universal education, literacy remains low in Tibet. According to the 2002 China Human Development Report, the Tibet Autonomous Region ranks last among Chinese provinces. The illiteracy rate for young people is 34.27 percent, but some reports indicate that total illiteracy may be as high as 70 percent across the Tibetan Plateau. With the “Western Development” (Ch. Xibu Dakaifa 西部大开发) program initiated in 1999, educational levels have steadily improved and more schools are being built. Enrollment in primary schools was reportedly 98.8 percent in 2010. EVIL CULTS (CH. XIEJIAO 邪教). A term official sources in the People’s Republic of China use to denote religious organizations that it judges to be a threat to the hegemony of the Chinese Communist Party. The law mandates that all religious groups be “patriotic” and officially register with the government. In 2010 the PRC promulgated a law requiring all religious believers to register with local government offices, and all religious institutions are expected to submit themselves to government control. Those that fail to do so, those that criticize the government, or those that become large enough to be regarded as a possible threat are often labeled “evil cults” and suppressed. An example is Falun Gong 法轮功 (or Falun Dafa 法轮大法), whose founder, Li Hongzhi 李洪志 (1951–), publicly declared that the movement had more than 100,000,000 followers and that the Party should share power with it. In April 1999 the CCP banned Falun Gong, declared it an “evil cult,” and began a concerted program of vilification and suppression.

F FESTIVALS (TIB. DUS CHEN). Before the People’s Republic of China took over their country, Tibetans celebrated many festivals. Some of these were national events, and many were local. Traditional festivals were banned during the Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, but the PRC has gradually allowed some to be celebrated, though with significantly altered features. Buddhist celebrations have been largely stripped of religious elements, and festivals associated with the early empire (7th–9th centuries) or linked to independent Tibet have either remained banned or have been changed to promote Chinese Communist Party ideals and Chinese patriotism. In addition, the PRC has attempted to introduce new festivals, including the annual “Serf Liberation Day” (Ch. Nongnu Jiefang Ri 农奴解放日) held on 28 March. This commemorates the PRC’s introduction of “democratic reforms” (Ch. minzhu gaige 民主改革; Tib. dmangs gtso’i bcos bsgyur) on 28 March 1959. It has generally failed to attract a great deal of enthusiasm on the part of Tibetans. The Tibetan year is punctuated by religiously significant and karmically auspicious dates; the 15th and 30th days of each lunar month are auspicious and are associated with Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). The 10th day is associated with Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), and the 25th with mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī), female spirits who are the guardians of tantric lore. Most Tibetan festivals traditionally had both religious and secular components. Religious activities included visiting holy sites, making offerings to monks or other religious figures, offering butter lamps (mchod me), exchanging silk scarves (kha btags), performing prostrations (phyag ’tshal), and burning juniper (bsangs). Secular aspects included horse races, archery contests, public performance of dramas, and consumption of alcohol. The festival year began with Lo gsar (New Year), which traditionally lasted the entire first month of the year according to the Tibetan lunar calendar (February–March). This was a mainly secular affair that featured dramatic performances, horse races, archery contests, and consumption of an

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alcoholic beverage called chang. Prior to this, leading religious figures held a rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya) ceremony, which eliminated evil forces. The gNas chung state oracle was consulted for portents of the coming year, and thousands would travel to Lha sa to participate. Gifts of food and good wishes were exchanged. From the 3rd to the 25th of the first month, people across the entire Tibetan Plateau traditionally celebrated the sMon lam chen mo (“Great Aspiration Festival”), which Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357– 1419) instituted in 1409. This was particularly popular in Lha sa and was an occasion for pilgrimage by Buddhists from all over the country. During the rule of the dGa’ ldan pho brang, control of the city would be handed over to monks from ’Bras spungs Monastery. During this period, thousands of monks from the great dGe lugs pa monasteries around Lha sa (dGa’ ldan, ’Bras spungs, and Se ra) gathered at the Jo khang, Tibet’s holiest shrine, and offered prayers for the well-being and prosperity of the state, Buddhism, the Tibetan people, and all sentient beings. The PRC banned it during the Cultural Revolution, but allowed it again in 1986 and banned it once more in 1990. During the festival, examinations for the dge bshes degree (the highest academic award in the traditional dGe lugs pa educational system) were held, and monks from all the three main seats participated. In addition, monks performed ’cham dances, in which they dressed in elaborate costumes and enacted Buddhist themes for the entertainment and edification of lay audiences and created gtor ma, sculptures made from painted chilled butter. On the 15th day of the first month, the “Festival of the Great Miracle and the Offerings of the Fifteenth” (Cho ’phrul dus chen dang bco lnga mchod pa) was held; this commemorated the Buddha’s defeat of heretics at gNyan yod (Skt. Śrāvastī; P. Sāvatthī). sMon lam festivals are not confined to Lha sa; one of the most popular sMon lam celebrations was held at sKu ’bum Byams pa gling in modern Qinghai Province, where, according to tradition, Tsong kha pa was born. Prior to the Chinese invasion, monks from its five colleges held a yearly competition in which each designed elaborate sculptures made from chilled butter, which were painted. Other major festivals include: (1) Sa ga zla ba, which celebrates Śākyamuni’s birth, awakening, and death; this is held on the 15th day of the fourth month; (2) the unfurling of the Great Thang ka at bKra shis lhun po Monastery; (3) the “Yogurt Festival” (Zho ston), held at the Nor bu gling ka every summer, on the 29th–30th of the sixth month (July–August), and at Se ra and ’Bras spungs Monasteries from the first day to the fifth day of the seventh month (August–September) in Lha sa; this began in the 16th century, and it involves performance of Tibetan operas (lha mo), traditionally enacted

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by troupes from all over the Plateau (today the PRC allows only the statesupported Lhasa Singing and Dancing Troupe, which performs pieces that reflect Communist Party themes and promote Chinese patriotism); (4) the “World General Cleansing” (Dzam gling spyi bsang), held on the 15th day of the fifth month (June–July), commemorates Padmasambhava’s subjugation of demons and the founding of bSam yas Monastery; this is a popular time for picnics; (5) dGa’ ldan lnga mchod commemorates Tsong kha pa’s death in 1419, and is held on the 25th day of the 10th month; on the previous night, butter lamps are lit all over Lha sa. FEUDAL SUPERSTITION (CH. FENGJIAN MIXIN 封建迷信). A term Chinese sources use to describe religious beliefs and practices of which the leadership of the People’s Republic of China disapproves. These include fortune-telling, shamanism, rituals for the dead, faith healing, and various forms of magic. Much of Tibetan Buddhism comes under this heading, which also includes consultation of mediums like the gNas chung and dGa’ gdong oracles, propitiation of mountain deities, prayer festivals, and other popular activities. These are characterized as remnants of the “feudal” past that will gradually decline and eventually disappear as scientific thinking and Marxist materialism debunk and undermine traditional ideas. The PRC adheres to forms of social Darwinism and scientism that scientists rejected long ago, but that are still considered authoritative by China’s leaders and political thinkers, for whom “science” is equated with incontrovertible truth and who see religion as “backward” and inimical to economic and social progress. See also FEUDALISM. FEUDALISM (CH. FENGJIAN 封建). A term the People’s Republic of China uses to designate the economic and political system in Tibet prior to its “peaceful liberation” (Ch. heping jiefang 和平解放; Tib. zhi bas bcings bgrol) in the 1950s. According to the PRC, this was the “cruelest feudal serfdom in the history of the world,” in which aristocrats and lamas brutally tortured and exploited the populace, who are characterized as “slaves” (Ch. nuli 奴隶) or “serfs” (Ch. nongnu 农奴). In 2009 the PRC introduced an annual event, “Serf Liberation Day” (Ch. Nongnu Jiefang Ri 农奴解放日), held on 28 March. This commemorates the PRC’s introduction of “democratic reforms” (Ch. minzhu gaige 民主 改革; Tib. dmangs gtso’i bcos bsgyur) on 28 March 1959. Propaganda surrounding the event portrays the old system as “barbaric feudalism” and attempts to draw parallels between this and European feudalism. Most Tibetans regard it as absurd; it has been a government-driven propaganda initiative.

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Prior to the 1950s, all land was legally owned by the central government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), which ceded portions to aristocratic families or monasteries. They in turn oversaw the tenant farmers who worked the land and returned a portion of their produce as taxes. The “landlords” (mnga’ bdag) did not actually own the land, but rather administered it on behalf of the government. In return, they were required to pay taxes and to supply family members to staff the bureaucracy. They had other traditional obligations such as providing transport for government officials and dignitaries. Peasants who held land use rights did so through an arrangement with the state, and not the landlord. As long as the peasants fulfilled their obligations in terms of remittance of a portion of their income, the aristocrats had no legal power to expropriate the land or impose further burdens on their labor or income. Peasants might, however, be required to perform additional tasks such as supplying a family member to work as a servant in the household of an aristocratic family. The system shared a number of features in common with European feudalism, and Melvyn Goldstein has argued that the term feudalism is appropriate as a descriptor of the old society. Others, including Beatrice Miller, have pointed out a number of significant differences between the two systems. One important difference is the fact that the “landlords” did not actually own the land they administered, and peasants had legal rights to their fields or grazing areas. Tibet never witnessed anything like the expropriation of land and expulsion of peasants that took place in the Scottish highlands (Fuadach nan Gàidheal) in the 18th and 19th centuries. In addition, European visitors commented that while the peasants were poor and worked hard, the aristocracy was not generally significantly wealthier, and the scarcity of male labor that resulted from mass monasticism meant that if a landlord became excessively exploitive there were options for movement. Taxes were generally not remitted in monetary form; peasant farmers were assessed a portion of their crops, and pastoralists were required to provide a fixed amount of their products to tax collectors. Estate holders were responsible for collection of what was due to their estates, and they in turn remitted a portion to the government or the monastery. Peasants were also commonly required to perform corvée labor as part of their traditional obligations. See also ECONOMY; FEUDAL SUPERSTITION. FLAG (TIB. DAR). The most prominent symbol of independent Tibet is the “Tibetan National Flag” (Bod kyi rgyal dar). For Tibetans under the rule of the People’s Republic of China and those in exile, it represents Tibet’s status before the invasion and annexation of their country in the 1950s. Exiled Tibetans view it as encoding their aspirations for a return

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to independence. It has featured prominently in the major uprisings of 1989 and 2008, as well as numerous smaller incidents of unrest. It has become a core rallying symbol for Free Tibet supporters around the world. In the PRC possession of the flag can earn prison sentences of up to 10 years, and those who display it in public gatherings often receive much longer sentences. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), introduced it in 1912, originally as a symbol of the Tibetan military. It was reportedly based on the design of the Japanese military’s Rising Sun Flag (Jpn. Kyokujitsu-ki 旭日旗); Aoki Bunkyō (1886–1956), a Japanese priest and historian of Tibet, suggested the design motif. It incorporates a number of traditional Tibetan symbols, most prominently a pair of snow lions (gangs seng ge). Tibet possessed a number of earlier flags, often in the form of war banners, dating from the time of the Imperium (7th–9th centuries), but the flag the Dalai Lama commissioned was not based on any of these earlier flags. It incorporated motifs from Tibet’s earliest national flag, designed in the 18th century; it depicted a turquoise-maned snow lion, the national animal of Tibet, romping in front of a range of snow-covered peaks, on either side of which was a sun and moon. The Tibetan army used it and, according to Eric Teichman (1922, 116), it was flown in Khams in the early part of the 20th century. Following the expulsion of Chinese nationals from Tibet after the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1912, the Dalai Lama felt a need to create a new flag that represented his country’s aspirations for the future. Aoki Bunkyō suggested adding the motif of a rising sun to the elements described earlier in this entry. The single snow lion was replaced by a pair of snow lions in front of a triangular white mountain. They hold aloft three blazing jewels representing the Buddha, his teachings, and the Buddhist monastic order. Below them is the swirling jewel of perfection. The rising golden sun symbolizes Tibet’s bright future, and the six rays of light radiating from it refer to the six clans that originally constituted the people of Tibet. These splay across a blue sky that stands for the equality of everyone under heaven. See also RANG BTSAN; TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008. FOREIGN RELATIONS. Prior to the Chinese takeover in the 1950s, Tibet had relations with foreign countries, mainly those with which it shared borders. In response to the intrigues of Great Britain, China, and Russia during the period of the “Great Game” of the 19th and early 20th centuries—in which the three powers vied for influence in and control over the Tibetan Plateau, which they viewed as strategically important— the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) adopted an isolationist policy. This was strongly influenced by aggressive moves by China, which

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claimed Tibet as part of its territory. The Tibetan government hoped that keeping foreigners away would lessen the Chinese threat and remove any pretext for invasion. Tibet’s isolation also served Chinese purposes: the declining Qing government lacked the resources to enforce its fictitious claims over Tibet, but still worked to keep other countries from cultivating influence on the Plateau. The Tibetan government issued decrees that made it illegal to aid foreigners attempting to travel in Tibet, and some who ignored them were severely punished. Following the overthrow of the last Qing emperor in 1912, the Tibetan government decided that the fiction of the “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship—in which the emperor of China was conceived as an incarnation of the bodhisattva ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī) and the Dalai Lamas were incarnations of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) who provided military aid (China) and religious instruction (Tibet) on the basis of shared religious ideals—was no longer possible with the secular Nationalist government. Tibet officially declared its independence and expelled Chinese nationals. During World Wars I and II, Tibet remained neutral and largely ignored global events. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), recognized that China represented a threat to Tibet’s territorial integrity and independence, and he attempted to modernize the army and establish relations with foreign governments. Recently secret correspondence between the 13th Dalai Lama and the Mongolian government has come to light that highlights his internationalist vision for Tibet and his attempts to forge alliances with neighboring countries so as to counter the Chinese threat to its sovereignty. The major monasteries, which feared a diminution of their power and influence, and the deeply conservative traditional aristocracy largely scuttled his efforts after his death. The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), also recognized the danger his country faced and attempted to develop relations with foreign countries. A delegation led by rTsi dpon dBang phyug bde ldan zhwa sgab pa (1908–1989) traveled to the United States in 1948 with a mission to convince the American president to come to the country’s aid. Neither the United States nor any other country responded to their overtures. In addition to America, the delegation traveled to China, India, Great Britain, Italy, Switzerland, and France using passports issued by the Tibetan government. These were recognized as valid by the countries the delegates visited, and the Central Tibetan Administration cites this acceptance as evidence of Tibet’s independent status. Tibet also negotiated a number of treaties with foreign governments over the course of centuries prior to the Chinese invasion. The earliest

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recorded treaties were with China; they were inscribed on stone pillars. One of these was the Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821/822, which ended military hostilities between the two countries and established an official border. As a result of numerous military campaigns, Tibetan forces occupied Khotan, Dunhuang, and several other oasis cities along the Silk Road and controlled the Gansu Corridor. The treaty ended a period of intense fighting between Tibet, China, and the Uyghur Turks. In 1684 Tibet and the kingdom of La dwags negotiated the “Peace Treaty between La dwags and Tibet.” In 1852 Tibet and the kingdom of Kashmir signed a letter of agreement that settled several disputes and demarcated a border. In 1856 the Tibetan and Nepalese governments signed a convention that pledged both to friendly relations and an agreement to an indemnity payment by Tibet. In 1876 Tibet and Great Britain signed the “Chefoo Convention,” in which Tibet agreed to allow a British mission to travel in its territory. In 1913 Tibet and Mongolia signed the “Treaty of Friendship and Alliance between the Governments of Mongolia and Tibet,” in which each recognized the other’s independence. In 1914 representatives of the Tibetan and British governments concluded the “Convention between Great Britain, China, and Tibet, Simla,” generally referred to as the “Simla Convention.” This accord agreed that the border between British India and Tibet would be the “McMahon Line” drawn by Sir Arthur Henry McMahon (1862–1949), which demarcated a boundary that generally followed the peaks of the Himalayas. The Tibetan and British representatives ratified the agreement, but the Chinese representative first initialed it and later refused to affix his seal. Tibetan exiles cite this as evidence of Tibet entering into treaties with foreign powers independently of China. In 1918 the governments of Tibet and China signed the “Agreement for the Restoration of Peaceful Relations between China and Tibet,” in which both agreed to cease military hostilities. A border was established at the ’Bri chu River. China was granted control over the land on one side, and Tibet controlled territories on the other. Tibetan exiles cite these treaties as evidence that Tibet functioned as a sovereign state for millennia prior to the Chinese invasion, but the PRC dismisses them as compacts signed by a “local government” that was under the control of China since at least the 13th century. The last treaty signed by an independent Tibetan government was the “SeventeenPoint Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” Tibetan representatives with no plenipotentiary powers were sent to Beijing to negotiate with the People’s Republic of China and were coerced into signing this document under threat of a full-scale military invasion. They did not bring seals of authority from the Tibetan government, so the Chinese manufactured seals and the delegates affixed them to the document. Despite its tenuous legal status,

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the Tibetan government agreed to it, but after his escape into exile in 1959 the Dalai Lama officially repudiated it. With the abolition of the dGa’ ldan pho brang in 1959 following the Tibetan Uprising, representatives of the PRC handled all governmental functions.

G GALDAN BUSHUKTU KHAN (TIB. DGA’ LDAN PO SHOG TU HAN) (MON. ГАЛДАН БОШИГТ ХААН, 1644–1697) (CH. GA’ERDAN HAN 噶尔丹汗). A chieftain of the Zunghar branch of the Oirat Mongols, the fourth son of Qinwang Baatur Khungtaiji (Tib. Ching wang Bā dur tā’i ji, r. 1635–1653), the founder of the Zunghar khanate. His mother was named Amin-Dara. Following a congress (quriltai) in which leaders of several Mongol tribes officially adopted Tibetan Buddhism as the state religion, Galdan traveled to Lha sa and received novice (dge tshul) vows. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), was one of his main teachers. In 1640, after learning that his eldest brother, Sengge, had been murdered by a half-brother, he left Tibet and returned to Zungharia to avenge him. He assumed the leadership position of his father and initiated several successful military campaigns. With the Dalai Lama’s blessing, he conquered the Tarim and Turfan Basins in 1678–1680. The Dalai Lama gave him the title “Bushuktu Khan” (“Divinely Ordained Khan”), which implied that he was the supreme Mongol leader, despite the fact that he was not a descendant of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227). He extended the domains of Zungharia into East Turkestan and parts of Central Asia, which he conquered in 1679. In 1686 he was invited to a peace conference by the Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722), along with the deceased fifth Dalai Lama’s regent (sde srid), Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). The conference failed to achieve its objective, in part because dGa’ ldan was angry that the rJe btsun dam pa Hu thog tu, a Khalkha Mongol, was seated at the same level as Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho. In 1688 he attempted to unite the tribes of Mongolia by moving his troops into Khalkha territories. His forces advanced into Inner Mongolia, and Kangxi sent an army composed of both Qing and Khalkha troops to oppose him. In 1689 Galdan’s nephew Tshe dbang rab brtan conquered a part of the Khalkha territory and defeated him. In 1694 Galdan, encouraged by Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, again invaded Khalkha lands. In 1696 his troops fought with a Qing force at Zuunmod on the Tula River, east of modern Ulaan Baatar. Galdan’s army was crushed, and his queen, Anu, gave her life to aid

209

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his escape. He fled to Kobdo with his remaining troops and died the next year. He may have succumbed to illness, but Qing historians claimed he committed suicide. GANDHĀRA (TIB. SA ’DZIN) (CH. JIANTUOLUO 犍陀罗). Modernday Kandahar in Afghanistan, where according to Buddhist tradition the “Fourth Buddhist Council” was held sometime near the end of the 1st century CE. It was sponsored by Ka ni shaka (alt. Ka niṣka; Kaniṣka I, third king of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty, ca. 1st–2nd centuries CE) and attended by 499 monks, including rTa dbyangs (Skt. Aśvaghoṣa, ca. 80–150 CE). dByig gi bshes gnyen (Skt. Vasumitra) was chosen as the council’s president. One of its important outcomes was the production of the Great Exposition Treatise (Bye brag bshad mdzod chen mo; Skt. Mahāvibhāṣā-śāstra; Ch. Dapiposhalun 大毘婆沙論), which expounds the philosophy of the Thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Sarvāstivāda) tradition. Gandhāra was also famous as a center for Buddhist art. Some of the greatest early Buddhist sculptures were produced by artists in this area, whose style is commonly referred to as “Greco-Buddhist” because it shows signs of influence from the Greeks who conquered neighboring areas. The Buddha figures produced there are among the earliest known aniconic representations of him (the earliest dating to somewhere around the 2nd century BCE). GANGS CAN (KANGCHEN) (“ABODE OF SNOWS”). A traditional name for Tibet. Snow imagery is a common element in sobriquets for Tibet, e.g., “Bod kha ba can” (Tibet, Land of Snow) and “Gangs ljongs” (Snowland). GANGS RIN PO CHE: See TI SE. GANGS TI SE: See TI SE. GAR LOG (KARLOK) (CH. GELUOLU 葛逻禄) (“QARLUQ”). A Turkic kingdom whose domain bordered the Tibetan kingdom of Gu ge and whose rulers engaged in armed hostilities with it. The Qarluqs lived in Kara-Irtysh (Black Irtysh) and the Tarbagatai Mountains west of the Altai Mountains in Central Asia. They were closely related to the Uyghurs. A popular legend of the Gu ge king Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036) holds that he was captured by the Qarluq chieftain during his campaign to bring the Bengali scholar-monk Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) to Tibet to revive the Dharma. The Qarluqs demanded Ye shes ’od’s weight in gold as ransom, but he advised his family to use the money to entice Atiśa to travel to Gu ge. Buddhist histories of the time depict the Qarluqs, who by the 11th

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century had embraced Islam, as enemies of the Dharma. Qarluq troops destroyed much of the ancient Buddhist oasis kingdom of Khotan around the end of the 10th century. The Qarluq soldiery appear in later texts, such as Tā ra nā tha’s 17th-century account of Buddhism in India, as destroyers of Buddhism and especially as enemies of Indian siddhas. GCOD: See MA GCIG LAB KYI SGRON MA. GDAN SA CHEN PO (DENSA CHENBO) (“GREAT ABBOT”). The chief abbot of Sa skya Monastery, the main seat of the Sa skya order. (These are listed in the Sa skya entry.) GDAN SA GSUM (DENSASUM) (CH. SANDAI SI 三大寺) (“THREE SEATS”). The three main monastic universities of the dGe lugs pa order, all located near Lha sa: Se ra, ’Bras spungs, and dGa’ ldan. GDAN SA MTHIL (DENSATIL; ALT. GDAN SA ’THIL, GDAN SA THEL) (CH. DANSATI SI 丹萨替寺). A monastery built near a meditation hut constructed from willow branches by the Khams pa monk rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170), who was known as Phag mo gru pa. It is located near the border of ’On and Zangs ri, near the northern banks of the gTsang po River. He moved there around 1158 and established a hermitage, where he spent the remaining years of his life. Students were attracted by his reputation and traveled there to study with him. After he died, some left, while others remained. In 1198 his disciples convened a meeting, and they decided to establish a monastery on the place where his hut had stood. During the reign of the Phag mo gru pa ruler Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364; r. 1354–1364), funds were allocated for the construction of the “New Offering Building” (mChod khang gsar ma), which was three stories high and supported by 40 pillars. It was painted red, so it came to be known as the “Red Main Temple” (gTsug lag khang dmar po). Under Phag mo gru pa patronage, gDan sa mThil grew to become the major monastery of the ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud order. It was renowned for its superbly crafted cast bronze decorative gilded work depicting a vast theophany of major and minor figures. Much of this appeared on the international art market following the temple’s almost complete destruction during the Cultural Revolution. Tibetans have partially reconstructed gDan sa mThil. GDONG DMAR (DONGMAR) (“RED FACE”). A term used to refer to Tibetans during the period of the early Imperium. It was customary for Tibetans to put red ochre on their faces, a practice the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684) reportedly found abhorrent;

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she convinced her husband, Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), to ban it. According to other sources, the term referred to a custom of smearing the blood of defeated enemies on the faces of Tibet’s soldiers. The Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed, containing information from the 9th century and earlier, but compiled in the 12th century) refers to China as the “Land of the Red-Faced People” (dMar gdong can gyi yul). Later Tibetan historians appear to have reinterpreted (or misinterpreted) this to refer to Tibet. No definitive evidence in early sources survives to settle the question of whether Tibetans smeared ochre or the blood of their defeated enemies on their faces to become known as the “Red-Faced People.” A prediction from the Prophecy of Lha mo dri ma med pa’i ’od lung bstan pa (Lha mo med pa’i lung bstan) refers to the Red-Faced People as simply “a barbarian people” and does not appear to indicate Tibetans as its referent. GE KHOD (KEKHÖ) (CH. GEKUO 盖阔). A class of 360 deities in the Bon pantheon, said to live on Gangs ti se (Mt. Kailash). Their chief is dBang chen ge khod. GE SAR OF GLING (LING KESAR) (CH. GESA’ER WANG 格萨 尔王). A mythical Tibetan king whose epic saga, Tales of King Ge sar of gLing (gLing lha mo dri ma med pa’i ’od lung bstan ge sar rgyal po’i sgrung), is one of the best-known literatures in Tibet. It may be the largest epic corpus in the world. The Ge sar legends are fluid and are augmented according to historical developments; one notable recent addition recounts his adventures battling the ’Jar, said to have been inspired by the World War II struggles against Germany. This addition was composed by the eighth Khams sprul Rin po che in India and was published in the 1970s. Ge sar is said to have been born in sMar khams in eastern Tibet, and a small industry has developed around his purported birthplace. Different Ge sar legends appear in different parts of the Tibetan cultural area (referred to collectively as “Stories of gLing”: gLing sgrung), but most share the notion that Ge sar was an incarnation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), who ruled the kingdom of gLing and battled against the enemies of Buddhism, particularly proponents of Bon. Some narratives also have pre-Buddhist elements, which suggests that the origins of the Ge sar myth may predate the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). Each part of the Tibetan cultural area has different Ge sar cycles. Geoffrey Samuel (1992) asserts that there are three main regional traditions: (1) La dwags, (2) Mongolia, and (3) eastern Tibet. There is, however, considerable overlap and cross-fertilization between different traditions. Central and southern Tibet are not generally viewed as having produced significant variations of the epic.

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Statue of Ge sar, Nyag rong.

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The legends of Ge sar are mainly known through oral recitation, which is done by professional storytellers (sgrung mkhan). Each learns a repertoire of legends specific to the lineage, and they may be embellished or augmented. The earliest Ge sar legends probably predate the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet in the 7th century, but as this is an oral tradition there is no way to know what its origins may have been. The form and content of some gLing sgrung suggest ancient provenance but, as Rolf Alfred Stein has noted, no extant mentions of gLing Ge sar appear before the (probably 14th–15th centuries) Rhinoceros Horn Book of rLangs (rLangs po ti bse ru) in any independent Tibetan sources. Interestingly, the People’s Republic of China actively promotes diffusion of the Ge sar epic because it views him as a secular figure. This ignores the fact that every narrative tradition is thoroughly suffused with religious elements, and Ge sar is also associated with Tibetan nationalism in the minds of many Tibetans, another fact that the PRC has failed to notice. GENGHIS KHAN: See CHINGGIS KHAN. GEOMANCY (SA DPYAD) (lit. “examination of the land”). Divination occurs in many forms that strongly influenced Tibetan culture and shaped Tibetan life. The most profound influence of divinatory techniques was the system of Tibetan geomancy. It belongs to the Tibetan field of knowledge referred to as “Chinese calculation” (nag rtsis), a Tibetan adaptation of principles and techniques that originated in China. Other sciences with Chinese and Indian origins include mathematics, astrology, astronomy, and divination. The geomantic method for determining the best site for construction comprises two primary procedures, both related to an area’s topography: (1) examination of the land, its identification, and interpretation of its topographical characteristics; by analysis of the place (dpyad), the diviner or astrologer (rtsis mkhan) assesses whether the site is suitable. (2) The second procedure begins with calculation. The diviner calculates specific dimensions related to time, such as the zodiac signs, the elements, the eight trigrams (spar kha brgyad), the nine dots (sme ba dgu), and the planets. By using them in calculation, the diviner relates the past with the present and the future—that is to say, the dimensions of the current time with the client’s birth year. Through this process, he determines the optimum timing for construction. In addition, he connects the client’s dimensions with topographical shapes, thus creating a relationship between time and place that assesses a site as suitable or unsuitable for that specific client. The diviner concludes the procedure with a ritual for the “serpentine lord of the ground” (sa bdag lto ’phye) who inhabits the site. These two procedures are reminiscent of the Chinese tradition of feng shui 風水 (“wind and water”) that also has two methods: the Form School

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(xingshipai 形勢派) and the Compass School (liqipai 理氣派). The former focuses on topographical shapes, like two other Chinese geomantic traditions: di li 地理 (“shape of the land”) and kan yu 看域 (“examination of the area”). The Compass School calculates temporal dimensions. Tibetan historiographical sources commonly date the introduction of geomancy to the 7th century (as is also true of other traditional sciences, the development of a Tibetan script, and the importation of Buddhism). These texts often trace the initial introduction of these fields of knowledge to the Yar klungs dynasty, when the Chinese princess Wencheng traveled to Tibet and married Khri Srong btsan sgam po. She established the practice prior to their marriage: she examined the land, with its mountains and rivers around Lha sa, and determined the ideal site for construction of the Jo khang. Other sources, such as the 14th-century Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) and the 20th-century Wish-Fulfilling Tree (dPag bsam ljong shing), date the beginning of this transmission to the reign of Srong btsan sgam po’s father, gNam ri srong bstan (ca. 7th century). The integration of these techniques with Buddhism also begins within this traditional tale. Geomantic prognostication is a non-Buddhist tradition, but it aided in the taming of the Plateau’s indigenous spirits, particularly the demoness (srin mo) that represents the land from a geomantic perspective. It also contributed to the importation of Buddhism. Wencheng identified the whole of Tibet (including some regions of Bhutan) as the demoness’s body. The isomorphy that identifies the land with the demoness represents the procedure commonly applied in Tibetan geomancy: the diviner compares certain topographic shapes with bodies or body parts of humans, animals, deities, and demons. Other models use objects of daily life and sacred objects. In a sense, the land is perceived as an animate entity; Tibetan tradition associates specific deities with certain places and lakes on the Plateau. Buddhists and Bon pos both regard the sacred lake gNam mtsho phyug mo, for example, as a demoness lying on her back. The idea of identifying the land with the body of a demoness could originate in a non-Buddhist myth recounted in The Hundred Thousand Water Spirits (kLu ’bum), according to which the world originated from a female snake demon (klu mo). Her head turned into the sky, her eyes became the sun and moon, and her four upper teeth formed the four planets. The 12 upper and the 12 lower teeth turned into the lunar mansions. Her veins became rivers, a concept reminiscent of the Chinese dragon with its veins as rivers. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) describes a similar myth in his White Beryl (Vaiḍūrya dkar po). It recounts that the world originated from a golden turtle and the sky was created from her mind. The water corresponds with the turtle’s blood, the eight planets with her teeth, and the lunar mansions with her

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dorsal vertebrae. The identification of these shapes was of major importance in the training of Tibetan diviners. They studied Chinese calculation, including geomancy, in the Medical-Astrological Institute (sMan rtsis khang) in Lha sa. Hence, their training included calculation of dimensions and interpretation of topographical shapes. The identification of these shapes, however, was an important part of the lore they studied, which included learning how to form the shapes of the land with sand. India was the other main source of geomantic lore for Tibet. The Indian geomantic precepts are “lore of the correct site” (vāstu-vidyā) and architecture (śilpa-śāstra). Astrological precepts specify the correct procedures for construction of buildings. In these techniques, the owner’s birth dates and “social class” are important factors in the timing of the construction, its structure, and the orientation of a building, including its doors and windows. In order to ensure a successful construction, rituals should accompany the entire building process. One focus is the “site lord” (vāstu-puruṣa), the Indian model for the Tibetan “resident lord of the ground” (sa bdag lto ’phye) who inhabits the site. In order to avoid angering this spirit (which could result in his inflicting harm on residents of a building), the lore of construction warns of the importance of avoiding doing harm to his vital points (marman). The concept of the “lord of the ground” also influences the position and width of walls and thus points directly to the significance of the architectural structure. In India too myths describe the origins of these sciences and the deeds of early architects. The epic Rāmāyaṇa (attributed to Vālmīki, variously dated between the 5th century BCE and the 1st century CE) refers to the transmission of architecture in two stories. Its fourth book tells the story of how Brahman transmitted his knowledge of śilpa-śāstra to the architect Maya. Another narrative connects architecture with Viśvarkarman, the “master builder of the gods.” He is one of the four heavenly architects, along with Maya, Tvaṣṭar, and Manu, who were born from the four faces of Brahman. Their four sons represent the origins of the four occupations in architecture: the architect, the master builder, the painter, and the carpenter. Other sources testifying to the early transmission of geomantic practices include stories of the Buddha’s past births (Jātaka), several of which contain the phrase “teacher of vāstu-vidyā” (P. vatthuviijācriya”; alt. “expert in the lore of suitable places”). For Tibetans on the High Plateau and in exile, the lore of traditional geomancy has lost much of its currency because the imperatives of modernity are increasingly influential: nowadays, it is no longer feasible to go through the lengthy procedure of calculating the optimal time and place for construction because sites are determined by what is available. Moreover, the availability of contractors determines timing of construction. As a result of these factors, traditional geomantic practices and their rituals have lost much of their significance for many Tibetans. For most planned constructions, there is simply

GNAM (NAM) • 217

no time to conduct the often-lengthy process of divination and propitiation of autochthonous forces as practiced in pre-diaspora Tibet. Petra Maurer, Ludwig Maximilians University GLANG DAR MA: See KHRI GLANG DAR MA. GLANG MDUN (LANGDÜN) (CH. LANGDUN 朗顿). The clan name of the family of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876– 1933), adopted after their ennoblement following his recognition. It came from the name of their village, gLang mdun, in Dwags po. Following the Dalai Lama’s death, the head of the clan, the Dalai Lama’s nephew (commonly referred to as gLang mdun), was chosen to share power with a monastic regent during the interregnum period before the installation of the next Dalai Lama. GLO BO SMON THANG (LO MÖNTANG; ALT. LHO MON SDANG, LHO SMON THANG) (CH. LUOWO MANTANG 洛沃曼塘). The capital of sMon thang (Mustang), a formerly independent kingdom at the high end of the Kāli Gaṇḍaki Gorge in Nepal. gLo bo smon thang is a medieval walled city in the Dhavalāgīri (Dhaulagiri) region, located in the northcentral area of the country. sMon thang is a small finger of land extending into the Tibetan Plateau, surrounded by Chinese territory. gLo bo smon thang is located north of the walled town of Kāgbeni. It is a small village in a remote area, which was cut off from its traditional contacts and trade relations with Tibet following the Chinese invasion in the 1950s. It was regarded as a militarily sensitive area because the People’s Republic of China claims it as part of its territory, and the Nepal government restricts access. Prior to 1992 tourists were not allowed to travel beyond Kāgbeni, and in 2008 only 2,000 foreigners were granted access. The 1991 census indicated that gLo bo smon thang had 876 people and 178 households at the time. A ma dpal established the town in 1360. His descendants ruled the kingdom until the government of Nepal abolished it on 7 October 2008. GNAM (NAM) (CH. TIAN 天) (“HEAVEN”). An important term of Tibet’s imperial period. According to official mythology, the Yar klungs kings (btsan po) descended from gnam, which may have meant simply the sky or upper regions, but it is commonly translated into English as “heaven.” The early emperors ascended to gnam at the end of their reigns. The first emperors were also said to return to gnam at the end of their reigns via a “sky rope” (dmu thag), which led to the belief that the earliest rulers of Tibet left no corpses after their deaths. See also GRI GUM BTSAN PO.

218 • GNAM GYI KHRI BDUN

GNAM GYI KHRI BDUN (NAMGI TRIDÜN) (“SEVEN HEAVENLY KINGS”). The first seven kings of the Yar klungs dynasty that ruled Tibet from the 7th to the 9th centuries. According to tradition, they came to earth from a heavenly realm (gnam) and returned there at the end of their reigns. Histories written after the Imperium stated that they ascended by means of a “sky rope” (dmu thag). The seven are: (1) gNyag khri btsan po (alt. gNya’ khri btsan po), (2) Mu khri, (3) Ding khri, (4) So khri, (5) De khri btsan po (alt. Mer khri btsan po), (6) gDags khri, and (7) Khri spe btsan po (alt. Sribs khri). GNAM MTSHO (NAMTSO) (CH. NAMUCUO 纳木错) (MON. TENGRI NOR). A mountain lake located near the border between modern Damxung County (Ch. Dangxiong Xian 当雄县; Tib. ’Dam gzhung ­rdzong) of Lha sa Prefecture and Baingoin County (Ch. Bange Xian 班戈 县; Tib. dPal mgon rdzong) of Naqu Prefecture (Ch. Naqu Diqu 那曲地 区; Tib. Nag chu sa khul) in the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), about 112 km (70 mi.) north-northwest of Lha sa. It lies at an elevation of 4,718 m (1,5479 ft.) and covers an area of 1,920 sq. km (741 sq. mi.). It is a salt lake, the largest in the TAR. It has five main islands that Buddhist meditators have used for retreats. The largest of these is 2,100 m (6,890 ft.) long and 800 m (2,625 ft.) wide and about 100 m (328 ft.) at its highest point. GNAM RI SLON BTSAN (NAMRI LÖNTSEN; ALT. GNAM RI SRONG BTSAN/SLON BTSAN RLUNG NAM, CA. 7TH CENTURY) (CH. NANGRI LUNZAN 曩日伦赞; TIANSHAN LUNZAN 天山伦 赞). The son of sTag bu gnya’ gzigs, who defeated the tyrant sTag skya bo, king of Zing po, which was near Lha sa. sTag bu gnya’ gzigs forged a coalition of local hegemons to oppose sTag skya bo, but he died before he could attack. The coalition fell apart, but gNam ri slon btsan convinced his brother and five other chieftains to swear oaths of fealty to him, and they gathered an army of 10,000 troops that destroyed sTag skya bo’s fortress and killed him. This allowed gNam ri slon btsan and his clan to become the most powerful hegemons in central Tibet and set the stage for their later creation of a Tibetan empire. gNam ri slon btsan was the father of perhaps Tibet’s most famous dynastic ruler, Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). GNAS CHUNG CHOS RJE (NECHUNG CHÖJÉ) (CH. NAIQIONG QIUJIE 乃穷秋杰) (“DHARMA MASTER OF GNAS CHUNG”). The oracle through whom Pe har (alt. rDo rje grags ldan, an ancient Uyghur deity brought to Tibet in the 8th century) speaks. Pe har is one of the “five protector kings” (rgyal po sku lnga), and, according to legend, was

GNUBS SANGS RGYAS YE SHES • 219

appointed as the chief of the protectors by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) in the 7th century after he defeated the demonic opponents of Buddhism in Tibet and converted them. Pe har became the guardian of bSam yas, the first Buddhist monastery in Tibet. He manifests as the gNas chung chos skyong (Dharma Protector of gNas chung) and possesses his human host (sku rten). During formal sessions, the oracle dresses in an elaborate costume consisting of several layers of embroidered brocade and a circular mirror on his chest made from polished steel that is encircled with turquoise and amethyst. He also wears four flags and three victory banners (rgyal mtshan). On his head is a crown that weighs about 13 kg (30 lb.), and when he is possessed he often dances, lunges, jumps, and speaks in a hissing voice. His oracular utterances are rarely intelligible to most people save for his close attendants, who write down his words, which are later interpreted. His seat in Tibet was gNas chung dgon pa, located about one kilometer south of ’Bras spungs near Lha sa. Following the People’s Republic of China’s invasion in the 1950s, the gNas chung chos rje fled into exile in India, and gNas chung dgon pa has been reconstructed; it is located in Gangchen Kyishong in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh. The oracle retains his old position of human host for the supernatural advisor of the Tibetan government: the Central Tibetan Administration also consults him on important matters. GNAS GSAR BA ’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I DBANG PHYUG: See ’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I DBANG PHYUG. GNUBS SANGS RGYAS YE SHES (NUP SANGYÉ YESHÉ, CA. 830–962) (CH. NU FOZHI ZUNZHE 努佛智尊者). One of the 25 main Tibetan disciples (rje ’bangs nyer lnga) of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). The lineage accounts of the rNying ma order count him as an important figure in the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) lineage as well as an originator of “hidden treasures” (gter ma). gNubs is the main transmitter of “subsequent yoga” (rjes su rnal ’byor, the second of the three “inner tantras” in the rNying ma system) and of the “great yoga” (rnal ’byor chen po, the first of the inner tantras) gShin rje gshed (Skt. Yamāntaka) teachings. He originated the hidden treasure recovered from Mon yul ’bum thang ka ru by rGya zhang khrom. He composed Armor against Darkness (Mun pa’i go cha), a commentary on the Discourse Condensing the Thought (dGongs pa ’dus pa’i mdo), the main work of subsequent yoga. He also composed Lamp for the Eye of Contemplation (bSam gtan mig sgron). He was born into the gNubs clan in sGrags Grong mo che in dBus. His father was gSal ba dbang phyug, and his mother was mChims mo bKra shis ’tsho. He was named rDo rje khri gtsug at birth, and Padma’i ngang tshul

220 • GNYAG KHRI BTSAN PO

(Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century) gave him the name Sangs rgyas ye shes at his ordination. His tantric initiation name was rDo rje yang dbang gter. When he was seven he became a student of ’O bran dPal gyi gzhon nu. He also studied with several of the most influential tantric masters of the time, including Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra, fl. 8th century), Shri sing ha (Skt. Śrī Siṃha), and gNyags Dznyā na ku ma ra (gNyags Jñānakumāra, born ca. 750). He is said to have received tantric initiation from Padmasambhava. Traditional accounts of his life report that he made seven trips to India and Nepal, where he studied with several masters, including gSal ba’i rgyan (Skt. Prakāśālaṃkāra or Sukhodyotaka), who taught him the Discourse Condensing the Thought. He instructed gNubs to travel to ’Bru zha (alt. Bru sha, Gilgit) to receive further instructions. He spent much of his life in meditative retreat in caves and hermitages in Tibet, India, and Nepal, and he reportedly had numerous visions of buddhas and mundane protectors. He was also renowned for his magical powers. A famous story recounts that he frightened Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842) by creating a huge apparitional scorpion the size of nine yaks. This convinced the king to curtail his persecution of tantric practitioners. After his return to Tibet, gNubs established a hermitage in Grags yang rdzong. Following the death of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836), imperial support for Buddhism diminished, and gNubs is credited with playing a leading role in preserving early tantric lineages after the collapse of the Yar klungs dynasty. According to tradition, he lived for more than 100 years; one source claims that he died at the age of 130. When he died, he manifested the rainbow body (’ja’ lus). He is credited with training several disciples who maintained his teachings and tantric lineages, including sPa gor blon chen ’Phags pa, Bru Legs pa’i sgron ma, Ngan Yon tan mchog, and So Ye shes dbang phyug. He also had a number of influential reincarnations, including gTer bdag gling pa ’Gyur med rdo rje (1646–1714), rGya zhang khrom rdo rje ’od ’bar, O rgyan Dri med kun dga’, gTer ston ’Bar ba’i rdo rje, and sPrul sku O rgyan. GNYAG KHRI BTSAN PO (NYAKTRI TSENBO; ALT. NYA GRI BTSAN PO; GNYA’ KHRI BTSAN PO; ’O LDE SPU RGYAL) (CH. NIECHI ZANPU 聂赤赞普) (“JOINT KING”). The mythical first king of the Yar klungs dynasty. His name is sometimes rendered as “Neck-Enthroned King” (gNya’ khri btsan po), with an explanation that his subjects recognized his outstanding qualities, declared him king, and carried him on their shoulders. The term gNyag khri is obscure, but might mean that he was like a finger joint linking his divine father with his son and successor, or that his father was a joint linking three older and three younger broth-

GNYAGS DZNYĀ NA KU MA RA • 221

ers. He was the first of the “seven heavenly kings” (gnam gyi khri bdun). They are so called because after death they ascended to the heavenly realm (gnam) from which they originated. An inscription at rKong po reports that his successors lived for seven generations at Phying ba stag rtse, which Richardson (1998) identifies as a ruined castle in ’Phyong rgyas. It is difficult to evaluate the various mythological claims relating to this figure. An early Tibetan historical text, Pillar Testament (bKa’ chems ka bkol ma, ca. 1028, attributed to Khri Srong btsan sgam po), claims that 500 years elapsed between gNyag khri btsan po and Lha Tho tho ri gnyan btsan (ca. 4th century), who purportedly lived for 120 years. The text further asserts that following his death another 111 years passed before the time of Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). Tibetan historical texts from the 14th and 15th centuries such as the New Red Annals (Deb ther dmar po gsar ma), following the Pillar Testament, claim that gNya’ khri btsan po was descended from the Indian Shā kya (Skt. Śākya) clan, the family into which Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha), was born. These texts repeat the claim as though it were well established and add no critical comments. The 14th-century Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) refers to other works and repeats their claim that gNya’ khri btsan po was descended from King Pāṇḍu’s brother, a member of the Pāṇḍava clan, the heroes of the Indian epic Mahābharata. This son, referred to as Rūpati, was banished and forced to travel north of the Himalayas as a consequence of the internecine struggle described in the Mahābharata. The Tibetans who met him recognized his outstanding qualities, and they begged him to become their king. Following his acceptance, he became known as gNya’ khri btsan po. Sørensen (1994) delineates three typologies of gNya’/gNyag khri btsan po’s mythos: (1) his descent from an Indian king in the Buddhist tradition, (2) descent from gods of celestial realms in Bon tradition, and (3) origin from nonhuman spirits called the’u (b)rang in the “super-secret” (yang gsang) tradition. GNYAGS DZNYĀ NA KU MA RA (NYAK DZNYANA KUMARA; ALT. YE SHES GZHON NU; GNYAGS JÑĀNAKUMĀRA, BORN CA. 750) (CH. SHENA GUMALUO 阇那古玛罗). One of the 25 main Tibetan disciples (rje ’bangs nyer lnga) of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). He was born into the gNyags clan in Phos in Yar klungs. His father was sTag sgra lha snang, and his mother was Sru bza’ sGron (alt. mGon) skyid. At birth he had a mole on his neck that looked like a crossed rdo rje (Skt. vajra), so he was given the name rGyal ba’i blo gros. He received ordination from Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century), and Padmasambhava gave him the tantric initiation of the Vajra Ambrosia

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(rDo rje bdud rtsi; Skt. Vajrāmṛta bLa med He ru ka, the main wrathful Heruka of the Ratna family) dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala), following which he entered into meditative retreat at Yar klungs shen brag. During this period he developed magical abilities, including the power to draw water from earth. Padmasambhava also gave him the empowerment of “eight instructions” (bka’ brgyad). His flower landed on Che mchog He ru ka. gNyags also received the empowerment for rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya) from Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra, fl. 8th century). He transmitted this lineage, which is referred to as gNyags lugs phur pa. His biography reports that he suffered several personal setbacks. A queen named Tshe spong bza’ expelled him from the royal court along with other translators, and his brother gNyags dGe ston accused him of practicing black magic. A hunter in dBus tried to injure him after he inadvertently drove away an animal he was hunting, and a shepherd in mChims chased him away after he scattered his flock. Vimalamitra gave him tantric empowerments that allowed him to overcome such obstacles. He used his new powers to kill his brother and destroy the shepherd’s family. gNyags’ disciple ’O bran dPal gyi gzhon nu tore out gNyags dGe ston’s heart with his own hands. gNyags was one of the leading translators of the early period of Buddhism’s dissemination in Tibet. He translated the Secret Essence Tantra (gSang ba’i snying po rgyud; Skt. Guhyagarbha-tantra), the main text of “great yoga” (rnal ’byor chen po), and he transmitted Padmasambhava’s commentary on it, Garland of the View of Secret Instructions (Man ngag lta ba’i phreng ba). He is also one of the transmitters of the three main great yoga texts: (1) Discourse Condensing the Thought (dGongs pa ’dus pa’i mdo), (2) Continuum of the Net of Magical Illusion (rGyud sgyu ’phrul drwa ba), and (3) the Secret Essence Tantra. He transmitted the “spatial class” (klong sde) and “mind class” (sems sde) lineages of “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) to his disciples Sog po dPal gyi ye shes and ’O bran dPal gyi gzhon nu, who in turn passed them on to gNubs Sangs rgyas ye shes (ca. 830–962). According to rNying ma tradition, gNyags combined the “four great rivers of teachings” (bka’i chu babs chen po bzhi), which he received from: (1) Padmasambhava, (2) Vimalamitra, (3) Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana), and (4) rGyal po g.Yu sgra snying po. These were, respectively: (1) textual interpretation, (2) the hearing lineage, (3) blessings and empowerments, and (4) techniques of practice. He is one of the masters of the oral teaching (bka’ ma) lineage of rNying ma, along with gNubs Sangs rgyas ye shes and Zur po che Shā kya ’byung gnas. He is credited with several independent works, including Nine Cycles of Magical Mirror (’Phrul gyi me long dgu skor), Pleasant Commentary on the Secret Essence (gSang ba bde ba’i ’grel pa), and gNyags Dznyā na ku mā ra’s General Commentary on the Secret Scripture (sPyi gsang sngags lung gi ’grel pa gNyags Dznyā na ku mā ras mdzad pa). His students

GO GNAS GNAS DBYUNG • 223

include dPal gyi rdo rje (born ca. 750), who, according to tradition, assassinated Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), gNyan chen dPal dbyangs, Thags bzang dpal gyi rdo rje, Lam mchog dPal gyi rdo rje, and Dra dPal gyi snying po. His recognized reincarnations included Ra mo shen sman and Byar rong E yi snam pa. GNYAL (NYEL). An area in southern Tibet where Thon mi Sam bho ṭa (ca. 7th century) and the 13th rGyal dbang Karma pa, bDud ’dul rdo rje (1733–1797), were born. gNyal is also a clan name. GNYAN CHEN THANG LHA (NYENCHEN TANGHLA) (CH. NIANQING TANGGULA 念青唐古拉). The name of a mountain range and of a protector deity of the rNying ma order. The gNyan chen thang lha range is located in central Tibet, about 300 km (186 mi.) northwest of Lha sa. Its highest peak is 7,162 m (23,497 ft.) in height and is located in modern Damxung County (Tib. ’Dam gzhung rdzong; Ch. Dangxiong Xia 当雄 县,n). The range has more than 30 peaks over 7,000 m (22,966 ft.). As with many mountains in Tibet, gNyan chen thang lha is believed to be the embodiment of a powerful deity whose symbolic image was used as a motif on the war banners of several clans living in the region of the mountain and serving in the Tibetan armies during the dynastic period. GNYAN YOD (NYENYÖ; ALT. MNYAM DU YOD PA) (SKT. ŚRĀVASTĪ; P. SĀVATTHĪ) (CH. SHEWEI 舍衞; SHILUOFAGUO 室羅筏國/室罗筏国). A city in ancient India in the present-day Gonda District of Uttar Pradesh, about 120 km (75 mi.) north of Lucknow, where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) defeated heretics with his miraculous powers. It was the capital city of the kingdom of dGe ba can (Skt. Kośala), and the Buddha often stayed there in rGyal byed tshal (Jetavana), a grove donated to the monastic order. Tradition holds that several Mahāyāna works were spoken there, including the Lion’s Roar of Queen Śrīmālā (Lha mo dpal ’phreng gi seng ge’i sgra’i mdo; Skt. Śrīmālādevī-siṃhanāda-sūtra) and the Cutting Diamond Perfection of Wisdom Discourse (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rdo rje gcod pa’i mdo; Skt. Vajracchedikā-prajñāpāramitā-sūtra). It is also said to have been the home of rTa dbyangs (Skt. Aśvaghoṣa, ca. 80–150 CE). GO DAN HAN: See GODAN KHAN. GO GNAS GNAS DBYUNG (GONÉ NEJUNG) (“EXILE”; “LIT. “EXPELLED FROM HOLDING RANK”). A punishment given to officials of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) as a result of

224 • GO GNAS RIM PA PHAB

incompetence, disloyalty, treason, or often more arbitrary reasons. The disgraced aristocrat was required to serve a term of banishment, but in a number of cases people were able to return to high office. Banishment often entailed loss of hereditary estates and aristocratic status, and whole families might be reduced to the level of commoners. Certain locations of exile were favored because they were not too far from the center of power, and a loose control over the banished official could be maintained. These included rKong po, rDza yul, and sPo bo, all southeast of Lha sa. On the other hand, officials were sent to “hardship posts” for particularly egregious offenses (or because they had drawn the enmity of a superior). In these remote areas, the language differed from central Tibetan, the climate was less agreeable than in the central regions, and the terrain was more difficult to navigate. GO GNAS RIM PA PHAB (GONÉ RIMBAPAP) (“DEMOTION”; LIT. “DESCEND FROM THE STAGES OF RANK-HOLDING”). The official term for the demotion of an official of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). This might be a result of incompetence, disloyalty, or in extreme cases treason. It could also be the result of personal animosities or arbitrary decisions. Those who suffered this fate were often publicly stripped of the physical insignia of their aristocratic status and might be reduced to the level of commoners. In some cases, however, a demoted official might regain his status, and there are cases of some who attained higher positions after a period living in a state of official disgrace. GO RAMS PA: See BSOD RNAMS SENG GE. GODAN KHAN (TIB. GO DAN HAN) (MON. KÖTON, 1206–1251) (CH. KUODUAN HAN 闊端汗). A grandson of Chinggis Khan (1162– 1227), and the second son of Ögödei Khan (1189–1241). His domain was located near eastern Tibet, and his forces launched raids into A mdo. In 1240 a regiment under the command of Dor rta nag po penetrated further into central Tibet. It reached ’Phan po, north of Lha sa, and looted Rwa sgreng Monastery. In 1244 Godan summoned Sa skya Paṇḍita (1182– 1251) to his camp in Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan) to formally surrender Tibet to the Mongols. Sa skya Paṇḍita left in 1244, along with his nephews ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) and Phyag na rdo rje (1239–1267). Godan met them after he returned from the enthronement of his brother Go yug Han (Guyuk Khan, 1206–1248) as Great Khan. According to traditional accounts, Godan was impressed by Sa skya Paṇḍita and offered to sponsor his religious activities. Sa skya Paṇḍita convinced Godan to stop killing Chinese populations by drowning them,

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and he also cured him of a skin disease. Godan died soon after the meeting, and he was succeeded by Khubilai Khan (1215–1294), who established the “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship with ’Phags pa. In 1261 ’Phags pa was appointed regent of Tibet, a position passed on to his successors. See also MONGOL EMPIRE. GODS. Although Buddhism denies the existence of a supreme being, Buddhist literature contains numerous mentions of gods and supernatural beings. According to Buddhist cosmology, there are six states within cyclic existence, the most exalted of which is that of gods (lha; Skt. deva), but it is not permanent. Gods are merely sentient beings whose good deeds in past lives result in their being born in one of the god realms. Buddhist cosmological literature tells of many heavens that are the rewards for corresponding meritorious behavior. Many categories of earthly deities reside in particular places and may affect the lives of humans and other beings. Gods have long and pleasant life spans and great power, but the state of a god is considered ultimately unsatisfactory from a Buddhist standpoint, since eventually gods’ past good karma will be exhausted and they will return to one of the lower destinies (’gro ba; Skt. gati) of cyclic existence. Gods serve various narrative functions in Buddhist texts, both in the Pāli canon and in Mahāyāna literature. An example is the story of Tshangs pa (Skt. Brahmā) appearing before Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) as he sat under the Tree of Awakening following his attainment of buddhahood. The Buddha had decided that his realization was too profound for ordinary beings to comprehend, so he resolved to pass into nirvana without teaching anyone, but Brahmā convinced him to embark on a teaching career for the benefit of the few people who could profit from the Dharma. Other divinities also appear in numerous accounts of the Buddha’s life. They serve to exalt the Buddha and praise his wisdom, beg him for teachings, and proclaim their devotion to him. In Mahāyāna discourses a multitude of gods appears. As in the Pāli texts, they are subservient to the Buddha and commonly bow down before him, touching their crowns to his feet, and they implore him for instruction. This was probably at least partly polemical in intent, as the gods who prostrate before the Buddha and seek teachings are some of the most popular deities of Hinduism. The Indian gods were imported to Tibet and became part of the pantheon of supernatural beings. They joined an already extensive group of divinities and spirits, some of whom are regarded as exercising their power throughout the world, while others are merely local. Tibetans traditionally believe that their land abounds with supernatural forces, and propitiation of them is an important focus of much religious practice. Major mountains have resident deities, and innumerable mountain god cults exist throughout the

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Tibetan Plateau. A particular mountain generally has one supreme god and various lesser ones. Most regions also have a protector deity associated with them, and each order of Tibetan Buddhism has its favorite dharma protectors (chos skyong). Many of the dharma protectors were indigenous spirits who opposed the importation of Buddhism and were defeated by Padma ’byung gnas’ (Skt. Padmasambhava) magic. They offered up their life force (bla) and he spared them in exchange for a vow that henceforth they would use their power to protect Buddhism and its practitioners. A huge demoness (srin mo; Skt. rākṣasī) whose body is contiguous with the Plateau inhabits the earth. She was also inimical to Buddhism and was subdued by the construction of temples that pinned down her limbs (sa dgra srin mo gnon byed kyi lha khang). Her final subjugation was accomplished when the gTsug lag khang (alt. Jo khang) was built over her heart. Innumerable other srin and srin mo are found throughout the region, and many are the focus of cults that propitiate them. They are generally viewed as dangerous and capricious. Most do not provide benefits to those who pray to them, but they cause harm to beings who anger them or who fail to give them offerings. Most Tibetans are concerned about the potential effects that gods and supernatural beings may have on their lives, and popular religious practice reflects this. Even though the state of a god is not considered ultimately desirable in a Buddhist context, meritorious activity designed to lead to rebirth in heaven is widely popular. Moreover, even though Buddhism recognizes no supreme god, various deities, along with the pantheon of buddhas and bodhisattvas, are propitiated for various mundane benefits, including health, good fortune, children, money, and protection against inimical forces. See also RELIGION. GOLDEN URN: See GSER BUM SKRUG PA. GONG MA LNGA (GONGMANGA) (“FIVE SUPERIORS”). Five influential figures of the early formative period of the Sa skya order, who played leading roles in developing its scholastic and meditative traditions: (1) Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158), (2) bSod nams rtse mo (1142–1182), (3) Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), (4) Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), and (5) ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280). Sa skya tradition designates the three lay members of this group (Sa chen, bSod mans rtse mo, and Grags pa rgyal mtshan) as the “Three White Masters of Sa skya” (Sa skya dkar po rnam gsum), and the two monastic members (Sa skya Paṇḍita and ’Phags pa) as the “Two Red Masters of Sa skya” (Sa skya dmar po rnam gnyis). GOR KHA (GORKHA OR GURKHA; NEPĀLI: GORKHĀ). A people who mainly inhabit Nepal and northern India, whose name derives from

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the 8th-century saint Gorakhnāth (alt. Gorakṣanāth). His disciple Bappa Rāwal (born Prince Kālbhoj, ca. 713–753, son of Mahendra II), the eighth king of the Guhilot dynasty, founded the Mewār dynasty that ruled in present-day Rajasthan. His descendants founded the house of Gorkha, which later established the kingdom of Nepal. Gorkha is one of the 75 districts of modern Nepal. The Gorkhas are best known for their martial exploits; during the period of British rule in India, they were designated one of the “martial races” and recruited for the British army. Today they are one of the groups that constitute the state of Nepal, and they have migrated in large numbers to surrounding regions of India and Bhutan. See also GOR KHA INVASION OF 1788; GOR KHA INVASION OF 1855. GOR KHA INVASION OF 1788. In the 18th century the Gor kha (Gorkha) ruler Prthvi Narayan Shah (Nepāli: Pṛthvī Nārāyaṇ Śāh, 1742– 1775) began to expand his realm and conquered large parts of the Himalayan region, extending the borders of his kingdom to Bhutan and Kashmir. The borders were delimited following the Anglo-Nepal War of 1814–1816. The Gorkhas conquered the Kathmandu Valley—today the central region of Nepal—in 1769. Tibet conducted trade relations with Nepal for centuries, and beginning in the 17th century Tibet used silver coins minted in Nepal. In 1788 the Gorkha king claimed that Tibet was violating currency accords as well as conventions regarding the importation of Tibetan salt. The 10th Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742– 1792), inserted himself into the conflict, plotting with the Gorkhas in hopes that they would lend military support for his claims to the estates of bKra shis lhun po. He was the stepbrother of the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780); he felt that he had not received a sufficient settlement after his half-brother’s death. The Tibetans rejected Nepal’s demands to devalue old gold coins that were still in circulation, and in response a Nepalese army of 18,000 soldiers invaded and sacked bKra shis lhun po. They looted the monastery and carried their plunder back to Nepal. The Qing emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) sent a force of 70,000 troops to punish Nepal. They routed the Nepali regiments still in Tibet and then marched to the outskirts of Kathmandu in September 1792. The king had no choice but to sign a peace agreement on Chinese terms, which included Nepal’s agreeing to become a tributary. The plunder from bKra shis lhun po was restored, and when the Zhwa dmar’s intrigues were revealed the Tibetan government seized his monastery, Yangs pa can. His lineage was forbidden to reincarnate. He died in prison (or was murdered and the death made to look like a suicide). The invasion led to increased Chinese control over Tibet and a souring of relations with Nepal. See also CHINA; GOR KHA INVASION OF 1855.

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GOR KHA INVASION OF 1855. Responding to Nepali traders’ complaints regarding Tibetans’ treatment of them, in 1855 a Gor kha (Gorkha) force entered Tibet and attacked border towns. The Qing representative (am ban) in Lha sa negotiated a settlement, which involved payment of an indemnity to Nepal. Despite the agreement, the invasion continued, and the Tibetan government responded by raising a militia, which included monks from the major monasteries. The Tibetan force was successful at first but was routed when Gorkha reinforcements arrived. Nepal demanded an annual indemnity of 10,000 silver rupees and forced the Tibetan government to agree to the establishment of an embassy in Lha sa and for free trade for Nepali merchants. Nepalis living in Tibet were given extraterritorial status. Relations remained tense, and in 1833 a commercial quarrel over the sale of corals prompted a riot among Tibetans, who destroyed Nepali shops in Lha sa. War was avoided only when the Tibetan government agreed to pay a huge indemnity, which required it to obtain a loan of 70,000 Chinese silver dollars from the treasury of Sichuan. See also GOR KHA INVASION OF 1788. ’GOS CHOS GRUB (KÖ CHÖDRUP, FL. EARLY 9TH CENTURY) (CH. FACHENG 法成). A translator who worked in Dunhuang during the period of Tibetan occupation (786–848). He translated several Chinese Buddhist texts that were later included in the bsTan ’gyur. He was bilingual in Chinese and Tibetan, and several dozen documents discovered in the Dunhuang caves bear his name. ’GOS GZHON NU DPAL (GÖ SHÖNUBEL; ALT. ’GOS LO TSĀ BA, 1392–1481) (CH. KUO YISHI TONGJIXIANG 廓译师童吉祥; GA DAYISHI 嘎大译师). An influential scholar and historian, author of the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po, written in 1478), an extensive history of the development and the lineages of Buddhism in Tibet. His father was ’Byung gnas rdo rje, and his mother was Srid thar skyid. He was born in Lho kha ’phyongs rgyas. He was a student of the fifth rGyal dbang Karma pa, De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415), who gave him the bodhisattva precepts. He also studied with Tsong kha pa (1357–1419), who taught him the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug) and “stages of the path” (lam rim). ’Gos was a teacher of the sixth Karma pa, mThong ba don ldan (1416–1452/1453), to whom he gave the transmission of “three cycles of mind commentary” (sems ’grel skor gsum). He gave tantric instructions to the fourth Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos kyi grags pa (1453–1526). He also composed several works, including Clear Mirror of Suchness: Explanation of the Sublime Continuum (rGyud bla ma’i ’grel bshad de kho na nyid rab tu gsal ba’i me long), a commentary on the Ratnagotra-vibhāga.

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The Blue Annals have been an important source for European scholarship, especially since its translation into English in two parts, in 1949 and 1953. It is synoptic in its overview and covers the development of Buddhist ideas and the lineages that disseminated them, both in India and in Tibet. Although ’Gos lo tsā ba’s dates require some revision, the work remains a milestone of scholarship and forms the basis for much subsequent Tibetan historical writing. ’GOS KHUG PA LHAS BTSAS (KÖ KHUKBA HLETSÉ; ALT. MGOS KHUG PA LHAS BTSAS, 11TH CENTURY) (CH. KUO KUBA TIANHU 廓库巴天护). A renowned translator (lo tsā ba) of New Order (gSar ma) texts, born in gTsang in rTa nag, in the village of Khug. According to the Religious Biographies of the Great Beings of gNas r­ nying (gNas rnying skyes bu rnams kyi rnam thar), his birth was the result of an incestuous relationship between a brother named ’Gos btsun (alt. mGos btsun) and his sister. Lhas btsas’ mother, ashamed of her pregnancy, left home and traveled to rTa nag, where she gave birth in an animal enclosure (lhas ra). Khug pa lhas btsas became interested in Buddhism and studied with Tibetan teachers, and later traveled to India, Kashmir, and Nepal. He studied Sanskrit, purportedly with 72 masters, including Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982– 1054), sGra gcan ’dzin bzang po (Skt. Rāhulabhadra), Nag po zhabs (Skt. Kṛṣṇapāda), Za hor btsun mo (Skt. Yoṣa), and Ga ya dha ra (Skt. Gayādhara). He attempted to study with ’Brog mi Lo tsā ba Shākya ye shes (992/993– 1043/1072), but was turned away. He returned to Tibet to collect gold (because Indian masters tended to demand exorbitant amounts in exchange for their instructions) and returned to India, where he studied with Gayādhara (referred to as sPrin gyi shugs can, “Endowed with the Strength of Clouds”), who gave him instructions in secret mantra (gsang sngags). Khug pa lhas btsas is particularly associated with the transmission of the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhyasamājatantra). He translated a number of texts, including Supplement to the Four Vajra Seats Tantra (rDo rje gdan bzhi cha lag), Triple Hevajra-tantra (Kye rdo rje rgyud gsum), and the Wheel of Supreme Happiness Tantra (’Khor lo bde mchog rgyud; Skt. Cakrasaṃvara-tantra). His works include: (1) Essence of the Secret Assembly (gSang ’dus stong thun), (2) Cycle of Refutation of Errors Relating to Secret Mantra (sNgags log sun ’byin gyi skor), and (3) Condensed Meaning of the Root Supreme Happiness Tantra and Its Index (bDe mchog rtsa rgyud dang de’i sa bcad bsdus don). He was critical of some of the rNying ma tantras, particularly the Secret Essence Tantra (gSang ba snying po rgyud; Skt. Guhyagarbha-tantra), which he claimed had no Indian lineage and differed from authentic Indic works.

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Because of his opposition, it was excluded from the Tibetan canon (bKa’ ’gyur) when it was compiled in the 14th century, but the tantra continued to be important for the rNying ma lineage. He is considered an early progenitor of the reincarnational lineage of the Paṇ chen bla mas. According to tradition, the first member of the lineage was the Buddha’s disciple Rab ’byor (Skt. Subhūti), and Khug pa lhas btsas was the first Tibetan. mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) was the first to be given the designation “Paṇ chen bla ma.” ’Gos Khug pa lhas btsas and the Paṇ chen bla mas are believed to be emanations of the buddha ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha). GOVINDA, LAMA ANAGARIKA (ERNST LOTHAR HOFFMANN, 1898–1985). The son of a German father and a Bolivian mother, born in Waldheim, Germany. He served in the German army during World War I and was discharged after he contracted tuberculosis. He taught philosophy and archeology at Freiburg University, and later traveled to Sri Lanka and received Buddhist monastic ordination. He received anagārika ordination in Burma in 1929. In 1931 he traveled to Darjeeling intending to convince Tibetans that they practiced a corrupt form of Buddhism and convert them to Theravāda, but after meeting a Tibetan lama he became a Tibetan Buddhist and received initiation in the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud order. His approach toward Tibetan Buddhism was eclectic, and he saw himself as belonging to the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) tradition. His many writings, particularly The Foundations of Tibetan Mysticism (1959) and his autobiographical work Way of the White Clouds (1966), had a wide influence on Western audiences. A close reading of his works shows that Govinda wrote with a strong sense of conviction, and it appears that he wrote primarily with a view to effecting conversions. In this aspiration he may well have been among the few influential Western Buddhist figures of his time. His wife, Li Gotami Govinda (1906–1988), who accompanied him on many of his journeys, was an accomplished photographer who preserved evocative images of western Tibet and Sikkim that in many cases are the only surviving visual records of now-ruined temples and citadels. GRA BA MNGON SHES (DRABA NGÖNSHÉ, 1012–1090) (CH. ZHABA ENXIE 扎巴恩协). A contemporary of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), who worked as a shepherd for five years and later received ordination at bSam yas from Yam shud rgyal ba ’od after developing an interest in Buddhism. His father was Zhang stag dkar ba, and his mother was Lha sras Sha ba sgron ma. He was named sTag tshab at birth. His ordination name was Shes rab rgyal ba. He received tantric initiations from his uncle, Zhang ston Chos bar. He was the abbot of dGon pa ri phug, where

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he convinced monks following the Eastern Vinaya tradition to engage in tantric practices. He later renounced his monastic vows and became a lay tantric practitioner. He settled in gNas mo che in gLag, where he attracted students. He traveled to Yar klungs, where he studied with Pha Dam pa sangs rgyas (d. 1105/1108), who gave him the transmission of the “nine cycles of the lamp of pacification” (zhi byed sgron ma skor dgu), and he later received instructions in the practice of “cutting off” (gcod) from sKor Ni ru pa, a disciple of Ma gcig Lab kyi sgron ma (1055–1149). He founded a community of tantric practitioners at Phu thang spyan g.yas in Yar klungs. He is credited with building several mchod rten (Skt. stūpa) and temples, including Grwa thang Monastery in Grwa nang (1081). He was also a “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) who recovered the Four Tantras (rGyud bzhi), the main texts for traditional Tibetan medicine. He found them in bSam yas in 1038 in the place where Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana) had hidden them. He taught them to his student dBus pa Dar rgyas, who gave them to ’Tsho byed dkon skyabs. He in turn passed them on to g.Yu thog Yon tan mgon po (ca. 1112–1203). GRAGS PA BYANG CHUB, SDE SRID (DESI DRAKBA JANGCHUB, 1356–1386) (CH. ZHABA QIANGQU 札巴强曲). The third ruler (sde srid) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty, which reigned from 1354–1435. He was the second son of Rin chen rdo rje, a brother of the second ruler, ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan (1340–1373). He was ordained as a Buddhist monk and became the abbot of gDan sa mThil Monastery when he was 15. In 1374 he was appointed sde srid shortly after his uncle died. In 1381 he abdicated and returned to gDan sa mThil. His younger half-brother bSod nams grags pa (1359–1408) succeeded him. GRAGS PA ’BYUNG GNAS, SDE SRID (DESI DRAKBA JUNGNÉ, 1414–1448; R. 1432–1445) (CH. ZHABA JIONGNAI 札巴迥乃). The sixth Phag mo gru pa ruler (sde srid). He succeeded Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432; r. 1385–1432). His father was Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan, a brother of Grags pa rgyal mtshan. Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan married two aristocratic women belonging to the Rin spungs lineage. Each gave birth to a son, and Grags pa ’byung gnas was the eldest. A debate regarding which brother would succeed to the throne was decided in Grags pa ’byung gnas’ favor. Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan attempted to usurp his son’s position, which led to civil war. Each gathered factions of allies, and armed conflicts broke out in 1434; Tibetan histories describe this as the “great tiger year turmoil” (stag

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lo sde gzar chen po). Grags pa ’byung gnas eventually won, but to placate the other side Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan received additional estates. The conflict weakened the Phag mo gru pa, and in 1435 Don grub rdo rje (son of the Rin spungs hierarch Nor bu bzang po [alt. Nor bzang], 1403–1466; r. 1435–1466) conquered their stronghold of bSam grub rtse (later gZhis ka rtse). Through this conquest, Nor bzang became the most powerful ruler in gTsang, and the Rin spungs pa later replaced the Phag mo gru pa as rulers of much of Tibet. Following this defeat, Grags pa ’byung gnas remained on the throne, but his sphere of power was limited to dBus. He attempted to promote public morality by restricting prostitution and consumption of alcohol. These initiatives were based on his own religious convictions, but they demonstrated his lack of aptitude for secular affairs. Unlike some of his predecessors, he was not celibate, and he fathered a son, Ngag gi dbang po (alt. sPyan snga tshe gnyis pa, 1439–1491; r. 1481–1491), who succeeded him on the throne. After he died, his immediate successor was his half-brother Kun dga’ legs pa (1433–1483; r. 1448–1481). GRAGS PA RGYAL MTSHAN (DRAKBA GYELTSEN, 1147–1216) (CH. ZHABA JIACAN 札巴嘉参). The third of the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga) of the Sa skya order who played influential roles in its early development. He was the main tutor of the fourth “superior,” Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251). GRAGS PA RGYAL MTSHAN (DRAKBA GYELTSEN, 1619–1656) (CH. ZHABA JIACAN 札巴嘉参). The fourth member of the gZims khang gong ma reincarnational lineage of ’Bras spungs Monastery, recognized as the reincarnation of bSod nams dge legs dpal bzang (1594–1615), the third reincarnation of Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554, the 15th dGa’ ldan khri pa). He was given the name Grags pa rgyal mtshan by the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567– 1662), who became his main teacher. bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan gave him monastic vows, and also conferred the empowerment of rDo rje ’jigs byed (Skt. Vajrabhairava). Grags pa rgyal mtshan was a candidate for recognition as the fifth Dalai Lama. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), who was eventually designated in the position, held a lifelong animosity toward his rival, as did his regent (sde srid), bSod nams chos ’phel (1595–1657). Grags pa rgyal mtshan was born in the sTod lung Valley, northwest of Lha sa. His family name was Gad kha sa. He was an outstanding student and debater; according to one account, he bested the Dalai Lama in a debate and received a ceremonial scarf (kha btags) in recognition of his victory. He

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became one of the most renowned teachers of his day and some regarded him as a rival to the Dalai Lama. Prior to his installation as ruler of Tibet with the aid of Mongol forces, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho was one of a number of prominent reincarnate lamas (sprul sku). He and his supporters devoted considerable energy to enhancing his status, and Grags pa rgyal mtshan was regarded as a significant rival. According to some accounts, Grags pa rgyal mtshan was murdered by his enemies; other sources report numerous attempts on his life and claim that his opponents circulated false calumnies regarding his character. Several sources state that he grew tired of the attempts on his life and committed suicide by stuffing the ceremonial scarf he had won from the Dalai Lama down his own throat. Another source asserts that his adversaries murdered him with the kha btags. Some suggest that the murderer was a military commander named Nang so nor bu, who had married into Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s family as a “bridegroom” (mag pa) and who may have feared that he stood to lose part of his inheritance to Grags pa rgyal mtshan. Before his death, Grags pa rgyal mtshan gave instructions for his cremation to his main disciple and said that if the accusations against him were false a pillar of black smoke would rise from his pyre and form the shape of an open hand. This came to pass, and the student entreated his teacher not to leave the world but instead to return and wreak revenge on his enemies. Shortly after this, a series of calamities beset the Dalai Lama and his associates. Dishes from which he was eating would mysteriously turn over and spoil his food, and natural disasters occurred in central Tibet. Other torments were visited on the enemies of Grags pa rgyal mtshan, and rumors began to circulate that his unquiet spirit was the source of these events. This being came to be known as rDo rje shugs ldan, and it later became a dGe lugs pa dharma protector (chos skyong) and is currently the focus of a controversy among factions of the order (see rDo rje shugs ldan entry). The building in which Grags pa rgyal mtshan had resided was destroyed in 1658 and the mchod rten containing his remains was thrown into the sKyid chu River in an attempt to exorcise him. The search for his reincarnation was banned, but the troubles continued. The Dalai Lama ordered that an exorcism ritual be performed because he feared that rDo rje shugs ldan might seek revenge for the wrongs committed against him in his former life. A number of rNying ma ritual specialists were engaged, including gTer bdag gling pa ’Gyur med rdo rje (1646–1714). They performed a fire ritual. One source reports that rDo rje shugs ldan was about to be annihilated but the protector deity bSe khrab can rescued him at a crucial moment in the ceremony; this intervention eliminated the mundane aspects of his new manifestation and he became much more powerful and immune to ordinary magic. After the exorcism failed, the Dalai Lama decided that rDo rje shugs ldan had become

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a dharma protector. He built a temple for him (sPro bde khang gsar in Lha sa) and made a statue of him with his own hands. He also composed prayers to him, and thus established rDo rje shugs ldan as a recognized protector of the dGe lugs pa order. GRAGS PA RGYAL MTSHAN, MI DBANG (MIWANG DRAKBA GYELTSEN, 1374–1432; R. 1385–1432) (CH. ZHABA JIANZAN 札 巴坚赞). The fifth ruler (sde srid) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. Tibetan histories report that his tenure was a time of peace and stability for Tibet and that an old woman could carry a sack of gold anywhere in his domain with no fear. He was the eldest son of Sha kya rin chen, a brother of a former Phag mo gru pa ruler, ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan (1340–1373). Like several other Phag mo gru pa potentates, he had a monastic background, and he had been enthroned as a reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of rTse thang Monastery in 1380. Five years later he was appointed to the Phag mo gru throne. Initially some of his uncles were also vying for power, but after several years he managed to establish himself as supreme ruler. Despite his secular position, he remained celibate and did not father any children. Former Phag mo gru pa kings had used the title sde srid (regent), but Grags pa rgyal mtshan conferred on himself the imperial designations Gong ma (Highest, Supreme) and Chos rgyal (Dharma King). Tibetans use the former to translate an imperial title of Chinese emperors, and the latter invokes memories of the Tibetan Imperium: this title also refers to three of its monarchs (Khri Srong btsan sgam po, Khri Srong lde btsan, and Khri Ral pa can). Moreover, Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s renewal of the laws that governed Tibet evoked the earlier codes of the btsan pos of the dynastic period. They focused on appropriate and respectful behaviors and measures that ensured the welfare of the state. The rulers of gTsang revised these laws in the 17th century, but they remained recognizably linked in Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s code. The Hongwu Emperor 洪武帝 (1328–1398) received news of Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s ascension to the throne and in 1388 gave him the title “Great Dynastic Preceptor Who Performs the Ritual of Initiation” (Ch. Guanding Guoshi 灌顶国师). He also sent him a jade seal and 500 ounces of silver, silk, and tea. The two governments exchanged envoys of a diplomatic nature throughout Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s reign. Current Chinese histories attempt to portray the Ming rulers as sovereigns of Tibet, but sources from the time indicate that they had little interest and limited influence in the region. Exchanges were primarily designed to maintain cordial relations with a neighboring country. The Yongle 永樂 Emperor (1360–1424) is said to have

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invited Grags pa rgyal mtshan to his court, but the Mi dbang declined, allowing a relationship to be established between the Chinese emperor and Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415), who visited in 1406. Grags pa rgyal mtshan was an important patron of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), the founder of the dGe lugs order. He helped Tsong kha pa and his students establish the monasteries of dGa’ ldan (1409), ’Bras spungs (1416), and Se ra (1419), which later became the three main seats of the dGe lugs pa. In 1414 Grags pa rgyal mtshan invited Tsong kha pa to give teachings at bKra shis rdo mkhar. There he met dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474), who would become one of his main disciples (and was later designated the first Dalai Lama). In addition, Grags pa rgyal mtshan helped Tsong kha pa to organize the first “Great Aspiration Festival” (sMon lam chen mo) in Lha sa in 1409. Grags pa rgyal mtshan was also a supporter of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order. He died in 1432 after a reign of 47 years. His nephew Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445) succeeded him. See also CHINA. GRAGS PA SENG GE, MKHAS GRUB (KEDRUP DRAKBA SENGGÉ, 1283–1349) (CH. ZHABA XINGEI 札巴辛给). The first Zhwa dmar pa, a disciple of the third rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339), who presented him with a red ceremonial crown and gave him the title Zhwa dmar pa (“Red Hat Lama”). This began Tibetan Buddhism’s second oldest reincarnational lineage (the first being that of the rGyal dbang Karma pas). He was born in sPon po; his father was named sTag chu pa, and his mother was named A rgod gza’. The family name was dBrang gu, and they belonged to the sBa clan. Grags pa seng ge received novice (dge tshul) vows when he was 13 from bLo gros grags pa, who gave him the name Grags pa seng ge. He studied with bLo gros grags pa for two years, and then spent several years studying magic. At the age of 17 he received novice ordination from bLa ma Ye shes seng ge, a student of rGya pho ba lung pa (a student of the first Karma pa, Dus gsum mkhyen pa, 1110–1193). Ye shes seng ge conferred initiations for the rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajravārāhī) cycle of teachings. He became adept at heat yoga (gtum mo) and was referred to as dBang gu ras pa. He traveled to mTshur phu Monastery when he was 23, where he received gSang ba ’dus pa (Skt. Guhyasamāja) instructions from Tshul rim, Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) teachings from bSod nams seng ge, and ’Khor lo bde mchog (Cakrasaṃvara) and Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra) instructions from gNam par dbu ma. He subsequently studied Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) and Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa) with bLa chos ba ’Jam dbyangs shā kya gzhon nu and sLob

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dpon bLo gros mtshungs med for six years at gSang phu Monastery. While he was there, he met his main teacher, Rang ’byung rdo rje. When he was 28, he again met Rang ’byung rdo rje at sKungs in rKong po. Rang ’byung rdo rje was overseeing the construction of bDe chen stengs Monastery, and the Karma pa gave him teachings on the “eight instructions” (bka’ brgyad) and the “six dharmas of Nā ro pa” (nā ro chos drug). While engaging in tantric practice, he had dreams about O rgyan (Skt. Oḍḍiyāna); when he told Rang ’byung rdo rje about them, he was advised to travel there. Grags pa seng ge journeyed to gTsang with the intention of proceeding to the Swāt Valley, but at Jo mo nang rGyal ba ye shes (1247–1320) told him that Buddhism had disappeared from India. Grags pa seng ge decided to abandon his journey to Oḍḍiyāna and instead spent a year engaging in Kālacakra practice with rGyal ba ye shes. He subsequently made a pilgrimage to sKyid rong, visiting sites associated with Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135). These included the “Six Forts” (rDzong drug), places where Mi la ras pa reportedly meditated, and Brag dkar rta so, Khu byug dben pa rdzong, and Brag dmar. He spent three years in sKyid rong meditating in caves and hermitages. He traveled to ’Phags pa wa ti, the place where the third Karma pa was born (which had a famous sandalwood Buddha image), and then he again visited the Karma pa at bDe chen stengs. His teacher presented him with the red crown that became emblematic of his reincarnational lineage. He spent five years there and received his full ordination (dge slong) vows from gZhon nu byang chub and bKra shis rin chen. He then spent five years at Phug mo che in sPo bo. In 1333 he founded a hermitage in Gas nang, near mTshur phu, which became the seat of the dPa’ bo incarnational lineage (which included the renowned historian dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba, 1504–1564/1566). He later built a hermitage called Yang dgon. He reportedly experienced numerous visions, including visions of Vajravārāhī and the intermediate state (bar do; Skt. antarābhava). These continued until his death in 1349 at the age of 68. GRASSLAND LAW OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA (CH. ZHONGHUA RENMIN GONGHEGUO CAOYUANFA 中华人 民共和国草原法). An edict the People’s Republic of China promulgated in 1985 regulating the use of grassland areas, particularly for nomadic peoples practicing animal husbandry. This followed a disastrous experiment with communization, in which private property was abolished and nomads were forced to form communes. Domestic animals became common property and household resources were shared. The experiment resulted in significant declines in production, and during the period of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) tens of millions of people died across China,

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largely due to starvation. When the communes were disbanded, animals and other resources were returned to private ownership based on respective family size. Long-term land contracts for grassland areas were granted to individual households. The state still owns the land, but people are allowed to generate profits and retain them. The Grassland Law regulates use of these areas. See also AGRICULTURE; NOMADS. GREAT GAME (RUS. БОЛЬШАЯ ИГРА, BOL’SHÁYA IGRÁ). A term for the geopolitical contest between Great Britain, Russia, and China for control over and influence in the Tibetan Plateau and the Himalayan region. Britain viewed Tibet as a buffer state between its South Asian empire and China, and feared that Russia was secretly working to expand its influence with the Tibetan government. These fears were heightened by the activities (or suspected activities) of the 13th Dalai Lama’s tutor, Agvan Dorjiev (Ngag dbang blo bzang rdo rje, 1854–1938), a Buryat Mongol who traveled to Tibet and studied at ’Bras spungs Monastery. In 1901 Dorjiev delivered a letter from the Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), to Czar Nicholas II (Nikolay Alexandrovich Romanov, r. 1894–1917), which sought to gain Russian aid against China and to open diplomatic relations with a potential ally. Despite British suspicions, the Russians had their own domestic worries and had little real interest in investing resources or aid in Tibet. The initial phase of the Great Game began around the time of the RussoPersian Treaty of 1813 and ended with the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907, but another, less intense phase began after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. After Russia and Great Britain became allies during World War II the Great Game soon faded away. The term Great Game is attributed to Arthur Connolly (1807–1842), a British intelligence officer who worked for the British East Asia Company. He was stationed in India and served with the Sixth Bengal Light Cavalry. Rudyard Kipling (1865–1936) helped to popularize the term in his 1901 novel Kim. The initial basis for British fears of Russian expansionism was a series of conquests by Russian troops of small khanates and aggressive moves toward Afghanistan. The British government believed that this was intended as the beginning of an invasion of British territory in South Asia. In 1838 Britain attempted to forestall this by launching the First Anglo-Afghan War and installing a puppet ruler, Shuja Shah Durrani (alt. Shujah al-Mulk, 1785–1842). His regime lacked popular support, and in 1842 British citizens came under attack in Kabul. The British garrison was forced to withdraw from the city. During the retreat, the force was decimated; out of an initial 4,500 troops, only one person, Dr. William Brydon (1811–1873), survived and made his way to

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India. This convinced Britain of the futility of attempting to control Afghanistan militarily, and it came to be regarded as a buffer state. The Russians, however, continued their military adventures and moved southward toward Afghanistan. In 1865 they took Tashkent. Three years later Samarkand was conquered, and Bukhara came under Russian influence. Russia was able to control as far as the Amu Darya River. In response, Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli (1804–1881) proposed to Queen Victoria (1819–1901) that Britain should move against Russia and drive its forces from Central Asia. The Second Anglo-Afghan War was launched after Russia sent a diplomatic mission to Kabul in 1878. A force of 40,000 troops crossed the border. Britain persuaded Abdur Rahman Khan (’Abd al-Raḥmān Khān, 1840–1901) to allow Britain to control Afghanistan’s foreign affairs, while he managed domestic matters. In 1884 Russia sparked another crisis by conquering the oasis of Merv. Russian troops battled Afghan forces, but Britain decided to avoid conflict by agreeing to Russian dominion of territory north of the Amu Darya. Between 1885 and 1888 the Joint Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission (which excluded Afghans from its proceedings) settled their borders. Another phase of the conflict began in the 1890s when Russia took several Central Asian khanates, including Khiva, Bukhara, and Kokand. Britain feared that Russia would move on Tibet, but this was unlikely because the war with Japan (1904–1905) had badly weakened Russia’s military. In 1904 Britain moved to forestall feared Russian designs on the Tibetan Plateau by dispatching a military expedition under the command of Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942). His troops encountered resistance from poorly armed and untrained local militias after they crossed the border, and the result was a massacre of Tibetans. Younghusband’s soldiers fought fierce battles in rGyal rtse and then marched to Lha sa. The Dalai Lama fled to Mongolia with Dorjiev, and left no one clearly in charge. Younghusband was frustrated by the recalcitrance of Tibetan officials—who protested that they lacked the power to sign any agreement on behalf of their absent ruler—and he eventually forced the dGa’ ldan Khri pa to sign an accord that was highly favorable to Britain. It required the Tibetan government to allow British trade representatives to be stationed in the country, but its provisions went far beyond Younghusband’s mandate, and the British government later repudiated it. In 1906 Czar Nicholas II sent an envoy, Col. Gustaf Emil Mannerheim (1867–1951), to establish relations with the Qing court. He was accompanied by French Sinologist Paul Pelliot (1878–1945). The goal of the mission was to gather military and strategic intelligence on China and to survey a route to Kashgar, and from there to Lanzhou and Beijing as a possible invasion route for Russian cavalry. For two years, Mannerheim traveled through Xinjiang, Gansu, Shaanxi, Henan, and Inner Mongolia. He met with the Dalai Lama at

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Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山), where he was staying on his way back to Tibet. The mission was ultimately undermined when Russia and Britain signed the Anglo-Russian Agreement, which effectively ended the Great Game. Russia agreed to British influence in Afghanistan, and Persia was divided into three zones. The British controlled the southern zone, the Russians commanded the northern area, and a buffer was left in the middle. They agreed that Tibet would also be a buffer state, but a vague Chinese “suzerainty” was asserted. Matters pertaining to Tibet would be conducted through China, although by this time the Qing government had little real influence. A new phase of the Great Game began in 1917 following the Bolshevik Revolution. The Third Anglo-Afghan War in 1919 followed the assassination of Habibullāh Khān (1872–1919). His son Amānullāh Khān (1892–1960) succeeded him and declared Afghan independence. He launched attacks on British India’s northern border, which ended with the Rawalpindi Agreement of 1919. Afghanistan became independent, and in 1921 it signed the Treaty of Friendship with the Russian Soviet Republic. Russia sent Amānullāh money and military equipment. Amānullāh abdicated in 1928 and Mohammad Nādir Shāh (1863–1933) replaced him. Both Russia and Britain continued to attempt to gain influence in Afghanistan, but when World War II broke out the two became allies. With German military expansion threatening Europe, their interest in Central Asia diminished. In 1947 Britain granted independence to India, following which it withdrew from direct involvement in the region. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. GREAT LEAP FORWARD (CH. DAYUEJIN 大跃进; TIB. MDUN MCHONG CHEN PO). A program initiated by Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) that lasted from 1958 to 1961, which aimed to use China’s large population to create rapid economic growth and transform the country from an agrarian society into an industrial power. It involved centralized planning to boost heavy industry and forced collectivization. Tens of millions of people perished as a result of Mao’s misguided policies, but he continued his program of forced communization during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Ideology was an important focus of the campaign. Religious institutions across the country were destroyed and religious figures labeled “class enemies.” Many were forced to return to lay life, and large numbers were killed or imprisoned. Mao believed that demolishing elements of the past would hasten China’s transition to communism, thus creating a cognitive and cultural vacuum that would be filled by “progressive” ideas that would rapidly transform the thinking of the Chinese people. This program was particularly devastating in minority areas like Tibet, which were viewed as “backward” by Han Chinese, who also had

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a general contempt for minority populations. Propaganda was employed on a massive scale to spread the new messages and to change people’s minds. Vehicles with loudspeakers mounted on them traveled throughout China, slogans appeared on walls, and large character posters proliferated. The results were disastrous; Frank Dikötter (1992) estimates that the death toll from 1958 to 1962 was at least 45 million people who were killed outright, worked to death, or starved as a result of famines or confiscation of their crops. See also COMMUNE; ECONOMY; PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. GREAT OPENING OF THE WEST (CH. XIBU DA KAIFA 西部大开 发). An initiative of the People’s Republic of China to develop the economically backward regions in the western part of the country, including Xinjiang and Tibet. Spearheaded by Premier Jiang Zemin 江泽民 (1926–) in the 1990s, it attempts to generate rapid development by providing fiscal incentives to entrepreneurs from the central regions. It has led to a large migration to Tibet of Chinese seeking economic prosperity. The region has one of the highest growth rates in the country, but this is largely driven by government money, rather than real development. The program has provided some tangible benefits, however, including improved infrastructure (mainly roads, railways, and bridges), educational facilities, hospitals, and electric power plants. The Central Tibetan Administration claims that one result is that Tibetans have become a minority in their own country, as millions of Chinese move there to benefit from government-created opportunities. See also ECONOMY. GRI GUM BTSAN PO (DRIGUM TSENBO; ALT. GRI(S) BKUM BTSAN PO/DRI GUM BTSAN PO) (CH. ZHIGONG ZANPU 支贡赞普) (“KINGh KILLED BY A KNIFE”). The 7th (or 8th) century king of the Yar klungs dynasty, who may be a mythical figure rather than a historical personage. Traditional sources call his predecessors the “seven heavenly kings” (gnam gyi khri bdun). According to Erik Haarh (1969), his reign marks the coming of the g.Yung drung Bon (“Svastika Bon”) tradition to Tibet, and Phun tshogs tshe ring’s Dharma History: Ornament of the Intentions of Scholars (Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dgongs rgyan) reinforces this point. Moreover, the king’s life as recorded in the Dunhuang text Old Tibetan Chronicle (Pelliot tibétaine 1287) shows a highly complex story that is both “leveled out” and sometimes amended in historical texts written after the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism. Traditional histories report that he received his epithet because he was slain in a knife fight with horseherder Lo rngam (Lo rngam rta rdzi), during which

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the “sky rope” (dmu thag) that had allowed his predecessors to ascend to the heavenly realm (gnam) from which they originated was severed, so his body remained on earth after his death and was interred. The Old Tibetan Chronicle states that his grandmother Gro zha ma skyi brling ma mistakenly gave him the ill-fated name Gri gum, which presaged a violent death. As a result, a malevolent spirit possessed his mind, which led him to arrogant and aggressive behavior, perhaps a manifestation of insanity. Such an interpretation might be gained from an alternate spelling of his name as Dri gum (“Killed by (His) Impurities”), reflecting demonic possession or the loss of his mental faculties. The need to bury him began the tradition of creating burial tumuli (bang so) for the Yar klungs rulers. Recent scholarship suggests that Gri gum btsan po’s tomb may in fact be located near (rKong po) Bon ri in Tibet’s southwest. Bettina Zeisler (2011, 129), based on the 11th-century historical text Pillar Testament (bKa’ chems ka khol ma, attributed to Srong btsan sgam po), suggests that the events of Gri/Dri gum’s story may have originated in western Tibet, and she locates certain events of his life in the Myang region to the southwest of modern gZhis ka rtse. Because no previous king had ever died while still on earth, the king’s corpse posed a potential source of danger for Tibetans, who had no appropriate technology for correctly dealing with it. The ritual specialists summoned to perform the ceremonies all came from regions to the west of Tibet, which, when read in conjunction with details of the treatment of the corpse (such as the use of an ossuary and its route royale through all the areas under the btsan po’s control), suggests that, to some degree, the rituals and technologies had links with the Iranian world, in particular the cultures at the extreme eastern margins of the Sasanian empire, especially those in the Badakshan and Hindu Kush areas. GRONG DRAG (DRONGDRAK) (“MUNICIPAL FORCE”). The name of an elite military regiment whose formation and training were part of the 13th Dalai Lama’s (Thub bstan rgya mtsho, 1876–1933) efforts to modernize Tibet’s armed forces. He recognized the military threat posed by China and sought to create a modern army that could withstand the future invasion he foresaw. The Dalai Lama’s protégé Kun ’phel lags (1905–1963) was placed in charge of this project. The soldiers were well trained and professional, but the project was scrapped due to opposition from conservative forces (mainly the major monasteries), which feared the destabilizing effects of modernization and anything that might undermine their power. The regiment was the most effective fighting force in Tibet, but morale was a problem: its members were recruited from among the wealthy taxpaying families (grong drag), which traditionally could pay peasants to discharge their military obligations. The privileged sons of the

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upper class deeply resented being forced to serve their country. Following the Dalai Lama’s death, it was widely rumored that Kun ’phel lags (who was in attendance in his final hours) was either negligent or contributed to his demise. He was arrested and was subsequently exiled to rKong po. The troops of the regiment mutinied, most simply walking away from their barracks. GRONG KHYER RTSA CAN: See RTSWA MCHOG GRONG. GRONG MO CHE (DRONGMOCHÉ). A monastery in the ’Dar (alt. mDar) Valley in gTsang founded by Sa skya master Tshar chen bLo gsal rgya mtsho (1502–1566), the originator of the Tshar pa tradition. Another Grong mo che, sGrags Grong mo che, was the birthplace of gNubs Sangs rgyas ye shes (ca. 830–962). GRUB THABS: See SGRUB THABS. GRUB THOB CHEN PO (DRUPTOP CHENBO) (SKT. MAHĀSIDDHA) (CH. DACHENGSHI 大成实) (“GREAT ADEPT”). Tantric masters who are particularly important in rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) traditions, renowned for the magical abilities (dngos grub; Skt. siddhi) they develop through their meditative practice. The best known are a group of 84, who came from all social classes and walks of life (as well as both genders). The most popular collection of their hagiographies is ’Jigs pa sbyin pa dpal’s (Skt. Abhayadattaśrī, 12th century) Lives of the Eighty-Four Adepts (Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus; Skt. Caturaśīti-siddha-pravṛtti). One important thing that distinguishes them is that most were not monastics, and they are often depicted with long hair, wearing strange ornaments, and as living unconventional lives. The tradition began sometime around the 8th century, and it remains influential today in Himalayan Buddhism. GRWA PA (DRABA) (“MONK”). A standard term for a Buddhist monk. It literally means “scholar” or “learned,” but this is not actually the case with many monks. GRWA TSHANG (TRATSANG) (CH. ZHACANG 扎仓; CANGXUEXIAO 仓学校) (“COLLEGE”). A college that is part of a larger monastic university. Many large monasteries have colleges, which are often residential. In the dGe lugs institutions near Lha sa, each college has a regional focus, and monks are assigned to a particular college on the basis of their places of origin. Colleges may also be single institutions, generally

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Dhamek Stu- pa and ruins of Buddhist monastery at the Deer Park, Sãrnãth.

a­ dmitting only a few students, that are designed for intensive study. See also EDUCATION. GSAL LDAN (SELDEN) (ALT. KA SHI, KA CI) (SKT. VĀRĀṆASĪ OR KĀŚĪ; P. BĀRĀṆASĪ) (CH. WALANAXI 瓦拉納西/瓦拉纳西; BOLUONAIGUO 波羅奈國/波罗奈国). A city in modern-day Uttar Pradesh, near where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) delivered his first sermon (in the village of Drang srong lhung pa; Hin. Sārnāth). It figures in accounts of the Buddha’s life and was one of the great cities of ancient India. GSANG BA ’DUS PA’I RGYUD (SANGWA DUBÉ GYÜ) (SKT. GUHYA-SAMĀJA-TANTRA) (CH. MIJI JINGANG 密集金刚) (“SECRET ­ASSEMBLY TANTRA”). An Indian tantra that was translated into Tibetan and is part of the tantric systems of all four Buddhist orders. It is one of the five main “great yoga” (rnal ’byor chen po) works of the rNying ma order and is a “mind class” (sems sde) text. It is also important in the New Orders (gSar ma) and is classified as a “father tantra” (pha rgyud) of the highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yogatantra) class. Its main tutelary deity (yi dam; Skt. iṣṭa-devatā) is named Guhyasamāja. The text has 18 chapters, and, according to tradition, the

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Buddha taught it in the form of rDo rje ’chang (Skt. Vajradhara) to Indra bhu ti (alt. Shak pu tri; Skt. Indrabhūti), the king of O rgyan (Skt. Oḍḍiyāna). It was first transmitted to Tibet by ’Gos Lo tsā ba (’Gos gZhon nu dpal, 1392–1481), who also composed expository works on the text and its practice. The buddha Guhyasamāja is generally depicted with dark blue or black skin, with three faces and six arms. gSang ba ’dus pa is also the name of a Bon po sage who subdued demons, who came from the land of sTag gzigs. Another Bon po figure of that name is a member of the “six subduing gshen” (’dul ba’i gshen drug), who may be an apotheosis of the human master. It is not clear if either is related to the Buddhist deity Guhyasamāja. GSANG BA’I RANG RNAM (SANGWÉ RANGNAM) (“SECRET AUTOBIOGRAPHY”). A genre of Tibetan Buddhist literature that focuses on events that are particularly religiously important to the writer, such as visions, meditative attainments and experiences, and memories of past lives. The contents of a secret autobiography should not be discussed within the author’s own lifetime because this could violate the injunction against self-aggrandizement and boasting. Thus the secret autobiography itself is kept sequestered from most people, except perhaps for close disciples and initiates. Even decades after the author’s passing, such writings are frequently not available to the general literate public. Secret autobiographies are in contrast to “open” autobiographies in which events and impressions not usually connected with one’s inner spiritual path are recorded, often in great detail. Tibetan literature also contains a genre that could be called a “super-secret autobiography” (yang gsang ba’i rnam thar), which records the secret tantric sexual experiences of the writer, sometimes over a span of several lifetimes. These are extremely rare and are reportedly interred post mortem—with the corpse if mummified—or secreted inside a memorial mchod rten or other receptacle. GSANG SNGAGS KYI THEG PA (SANG NGAKGI TEKBA) SKT. GUHYA-MANTRAYĀNA) (“SECRET MANTRA VEHICLE”). A term for tantric Buddhism, also known as rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna). GSAR MA (SARMA) (CH. SHAMA 沙玛; XINPAI 新派) (“NEW SCHOOLS”). The three most recently formed orders of Tibetan Buddhism, collectively referred to as the “New Schools” because they favor the translations of tantras prepared according to the rules of the “revised language” (skad gsar bcad) style developed by the translators (lo tsā ba) of the “later propagation” (phyi dar), in contrast to the “Old Translation

GSER BUM SKRUG PA • 245

School” (rNying ma), which relies on the translations prepared during the “early propagation” (snga dar). The New Schools are: bKa’ brgyud, Sa skya, and dGe lugs. GSER BUM SKRUG PA (SERBUM TRÜKBA) (CH. JINPING CHEQIAN 金瓶掣签) (“GOLDEN URN LOTTERY”). (Lit. “Shaking the Golden Urn”; Alt. gSer bum brtag dpyad, lit. “Inspecting the Auguries of the Golden Urn”). The Qing emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) sent the Golden Urn to Tibet in 1792 following his intervention in defeating the 1790 Gor kha (Gorkha) invasion of Tibet, which penetrated as far as gZhis ka rtse. As part of his reorganization of Tibet’s government, Qianlong ordered that a new system be used in the selection of reincarnations (sprul sku): the names of leading candidates were to be inscribed on lots and placed in the urn; the boy whose name was chosen would succeed to the position of the deceased lama. This was done in order to counteract the nepotism that pervaded the system. At that time, many reincarnations were “discovered” in the families of other prominent lamas, and this created tensions and infighting among various factions looking to secure their own advantage. The Gorkha invasion precipitated the emperor’s intervention and epitomized the problems inherent in the system: the 10th Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), was the stepbrother of the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780). After the latter died, he laid claim to his estate, but when the request was denied he plotted with the Gorkhas against the Tibetan government. A Gorkha force invaded Tibet in 1788 and sacked bKra shis lhun po, but declined to share the loot with him. He committed suicide in prison (or his death was made to look like a suicide), and his lineage was forbidden by government decree to reincarnate. The Golden Urn was intended to randomize the selection process and prevent the installation of family members and protégés. The Tibetans resented this attempt to interfere in their affairs, and the urn was generally ignored, but the propaganda apparatus of the People’s Republic of China has exploited it in order to assert a long-standing tradition of Chinese government oversight of the process of sprul sku selection. The urn was reportedly used in the selections of the 10th, 11th, and 12th Dalai Lamas, but this is not necessarily the full story. In several cases in which the urn was not used, the Tibetan government allowed the Qing representatives (am ban) to save face by sending messages to the royal court to the effect that the emperor’s directives were being followed. It is unclear from records of these selection processes if the urn was in fact used instead of traditional methods. See also CHINA.

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GSER GLING (SERLING) (SKT. SUVARṆA-DVĪPA) (CH. JINDI GUO 金地国) (“GOLDEN ISLAND”). Sumatra, an island that is part of present-day Indonesia, where Buddhism flourished in the 9th–10th centuries. According to tradition, gSer gling Chos kyi grags pa (Skt. Dharmakīrti or Dharmamati, ca. 7th century), the main teacher of Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054), lived there. GSER RTA: See ’JIGS MED PHUN TSHOGS. GSHEN (SHEN) (CH. 辛; XIN QIN 亲) (“SACRIFICER”). A term used in Bon literature designating someone who performs rituals. In the earliest extant Bon texts, dating from around the 12th century, “personal priests” (sku gshen) are said to have been the ritualists of the imperial cult of the emperors of the Yar klungs dynasty (7th–9th centuries), but recent research has cast doubt on this idea. Current scholarly understanding of the term regards it simply as an honorific form of address rather than a class of sacerdotal official. gShen is the clan name of sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the mythical founder of the tradition. GSHEN CHEN KLU DGA’: See KLU DGA’. GSHEN LHA ’OD DKAR (SHENLHA ÖGAR) (CH. XINLA WEI GA’ER 辛拉威噶尔) (“RADIANT WHITE DEITY”). One of the “four transcendent lords” (gshegs gtso bzhi), the main peaceful deities of the Bon pantheon. He has attained the level of the “perfection body” (rdzogs sku). He resides in the divine ’Og min Palace (’Og min Pho brang). Iconographically he is depicted with white skin and holds a book in his right hand, and sometimes a lasso in his left. He is seated on a throne supported by elephants. Some sources claim he is the teacher of sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the founder of Bon. He and his consort Yum chen mo are the divine progenitors of the gods, who descend from them. GSHEN RAB MI BO CHE, STON PA (DÖNBA SHENRAP MIWOCHÉ) (CH. DUNBA XINRAO 敦巴辛饶). The mythical founder of Bon. No sources from the period of his purported life on earth survive to establish his historicity, but Bon po histories assert that he predates Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Śākyamuni Buddha, ca. 480–400 BCE). He was born 18,000 years ago. gShen rab studied Bon in sTag gzigs ’Ol mo lung ring. He received teachings from gShen lha ’od dkar and then descended to earth to spread the religion among humans. gShen rab’s biographies describe him as a prince, like the Buddha, who renounced his royal heritage at the age of 31 and embarked on a quest for awakening. He practiced austerities

GSHIN RJE GSHED • 247

and was a wandering mendicant. He traveled to the land of Zhang zhung in western Tibet, where he introduced Bon to the region. He is said to have three aspects: (1) emanation body (sprul sku), (2) perfection body (rdzogs sku), and reality body (bon sku). His life is described in a number of sources, the three main ones being: (1) the Discourse Collection (mDo ’dus), (2) the Piercing Eye (gZer mig), and (3) Transcendent Radiance (gZi brjid). The first two are “hidden treasures” (gter ma) discovered in the 10th–11th centuries, and the third is part of the aural lineage (snyan brgyud) passed on from master to disciple. His teachings are classified in two main ways: (1) four doors and the fifth, the treasury (sgo bzhi mdzod lnga), and (2) the nine progressive vehicles of Bon (bon theg pa rim dgu). The first group comprises: (1) white water (chab dkar), which deals with esoteric topics; (2) black water (chab nag), which includes stories, magical practices, and funerary rites; (3) land of ’Phan (’Phan yul), which details monastic rules and includes philosophical works; (4) master guide (dpon gsas), the Bon “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po); and (5) apex (mtho thog), an anthology of important topics in the four doors. The nine progressive vehicles are: (1) the prediction vehicle (phywa gshen theg pa), which deals with ritual, prognostication, divination, and astrology; (2) the vehicle of the perceived world (snang gshen theg pa), which is concerned with cosmology; (3) the vehicle of illusion (’phrul gshen theg pa), which describes rituals for propitiation of supernatural forces; (4) the vehicle of life (srid gshen theg pa), containing descriptions of funeral rites and practices for the dead; (5) the vehicle of spiritual friends (dge bsnyen theg pa), moral injunctions that provide guidelines for living a virtuous life; (6) the monks’ vehicle (drang srong theg pa), containing monastic regulations; (7) the vehicle of the white letter A (a dkar theg pa), which describes secret mantras (gsang snags) and tantric meditations that maintain the universe; (8) the primordial priest vehicle (ye gshen theg pa), which provides instructions on finding a religious teacher and taking on tantric commitments (dam tshigs); and (9) the supreme vehicle (bla med theg pa)—i.e., the great perfection. GSHIN RJE GSHED (SHINJESHÉ) (SKT. YAMĀNTAKA) (CH. DAWEIDE MINGWANG 大威徳明王) (MON. ЭРЛЭГИЙН ЖАРГАГЧИ, ERLIG-JIN JARGHAGCHI) (“TERMINATOR OF DEATH”). A popular tantric buddha particularly associated with the dGe lugs order. Yamāntaka is a wrathful manifestation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). The name Yamāntaka has two components: Yama is the lord of death and king of the underworld, and antaka means “terminator.” Thus Yamāntaka represents the goal of Buddhist practice, bringing to an end the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth in which ordinary beings are enmeshed. Iconographically, he is generally depicted in a wrathful aspect, surrounded by

248 • GTER BDAG GLING PA

flames, with the head of a raging bull. This representation appears to be a Tibetan innovation and is rare in surviving Indian Buddhist art, except for an 11th-century bronze from Kashmir (which in this period cannot be considered “India”). Tibetan tradition reports that texts and rituals concerning Yamāntaka were introduced to Tibet in the 11th century by Rwā lo tsā ba, whose proprietary attitudes toward them are an interesting historical subtheme of his autobiography. Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) wrote an account of the history of Yamāntaka and the transmission of his cult to Tibet. GTER BDAG GLING PA: See ’GYUR MED RDO RJE. GTER MA (DERMA) (CH. YANZANG 岩藏; FUZANG 伏藏) (“HIDDEN TREASURES”). A general term for relics and texts purportedly hidden by Padma ’byung gnas (Padmasambhava) and his disciples during the 8th century and later discovered at a time preordained by them. Particularly associated with the rNying ma order, these “treasures” are sealed with magical spells and guarded by mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) to ensure that they will be discovered only at the appropriate time and by the preordained “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). Although Tibetans have sometimes dismissed them as forgeries (particularly when they were still a relative novelty, between the 11th and 15th centuries), these “treasures,” particularly revealed texts, have had an enormous impact on all schools of Tibetan Buddhism. There is also a Bon tradition of treasure texts, which have played a major role in the development of the Bon canon. GTER STON (DERTÖN) (CH. YANZANGSHI 岩藏师; FUZANGSHI 伏藏师) (“TREASURE DISCOVERER”). The yogis and visionaries who “discover” texts and relics purportedly hidden by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and his disciples during the 8th century. Such people are believed to be preordained as the discoverers of the “treasures” (gter ma), but in order to fulfill this role they must become adept at the sexual yogas of highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra) and be able to communicate directly with mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī, female spirits who safeguard the treasures). The process of discovery is often preceded by ritual “opening” of a site, following which the discoverer proceeds to recover the treasure, which may be texts or sacred objects. According to tradition, every part of the Tibetan Plateau contains treasures, which will be recovered at an appropriate time in the future. The mystique of gter ma plays an important role in asserting a person’s uniqueness and charisma and tends to localize power in certain individuals. The combination of magic, associations with the tantric master

GTSANG LEGS GRUB • 249

Padmasambhava and the Religious Kings, and the huge impact that some treasures have exerted on Tibetan religion and culture have created a nexus of symbolism and power that lends an almost superhuman aura to many of the gter ston. When this is challenged—particularly by outsiders—it is viewed as an affront to fundamental religious values and cherished institutions. A study of Padma gling pa (1450–1521) that suggested he manipulated texts, their locations, and their discoveries (Aris 1989) met with a hostile reception in Bhutan, where Padma gling pa is considered a national palladium. Successful discoveries may create new industries: they are passed on to selected students and then become institutionalized. Successive generations maintain the treasures and traditions of commentary on them, specific initiation rituals and empowerments, and lore over which they have a certain proprietary authority. The first gter ston was Sangs rgyas bla ma (1000–1090), and the tradition has included a number of influential figures, such as ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/1730–1798) and O rgyan gling pa (1323–1360). GTSANG (TSANG) (CH. ZANG 藏). One of the two provinces of central Tibet (the other being dBus), which is located in the western-central region. Its capital is gZhis ka rtse, and it extended beyond Ti se (Mt. Kailash). The boundaries were not fixed, but following the appointment of the Sa skya hierarchs as regents of Tibet in the 13th century, gTsang was divided into six regions (khri skor): mNga’ ris skor gsum, La stod byang, La stod lho, Chu mig, Zhwa lu, and sBra ’bre khyung. Throughout Tibetan history, a recurring motif has been rivalry between gTsang and dBus, which has led to open warfare on many occasions. During some periods, dBus has been dominant, while at other times hegemons from gTsang have been able to control dBus. In the 17th century, Jesuit missionaries traveled there and provided information about its economy, religious practices, and politics. They observed and commented on the richness of the farmland in gTsang, the general happiness of the populace, and the magnificence of the palaces and other buildings built for its rulers, the sde pa. gTsang no longer exists as an official geographical entity; it has been incorporated into the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China. GTSANG LEGS GRUB (TSANG LEKDRUP, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. ZANG LEIZHU 藏勒竹). One of the early figures in the transmission of “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po). He was one of the first seven Tibetans (sad mi bdun) ordained at bSam yas. He accompanied the translator Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana) on his journey to India and received half of the great perfection transmission from Shri sing ha (Skt. Śrī

250 • GTSANG PA

Siṃha). He died on his way back to Tibet, and his recognized reincarnation, g.Yu sgra snying po, became one of the 25 main disciples (rje ’bangs nyer lnga) of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). GTSANG PA (TSANGBA). One of Tibet’s ruling dynasties. The kings (sde pa) of gTsang seized power in the mid-16th century and maintained control over much of the Tibetan Plateau until Mongol troops under the command of Güshri Khan (1582–1655) overthrew the sixth gTsang pa king, Karma bsTan skyong dbang po, in 1642. In 1605 the gTsang pa hierarch Karma bsTan srung (r.?–1609) defeated the sKyid shod chieftains and annexed large portions of their territory. During the “Rat-Ox War” (byi glang sde gzar) of 1610 and 1612, Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1587–1620; r. 1603–1621) seized Yar rgyab and then took estates of sNe’u rdzong. He razed ’Bras spungs and Se ra and killed a number of their monks. As a result of his conquests, he reigned supreme in central Tibet, and the sKyid shod chieftains bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1586–1636) and his brother bsTan ’dzin blo bzang rgya mtsho fled to Kokonor. In 1618 his troops destroyed the sKyid shod pa seat of bDe chen rtse, and later they took the Tshal zur khang estate. In 1621, a combined force of dGe lugs pa, Mongol, and sKyid shod pa fighters defeated the gTsang pa troops at rKyang thang sgang, a plain located southeast of ’Bras spungs. This attack was initiated by bSod nams rab brtan, the treasurer (phyag mdzod) of ’Bras spungs, who later became Tibet’s first regent (sde srid). The gTsang pa kings were: (1) Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?– 1599), (2) Kun spangs drung r. ?–1605/1606), (3) Karma bsTan srung, (4) mThu stobs rnam rgyal (?–1610), (5) Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal, and (6) Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642). The dynasty was short-lived, but the gTsang pa kings played an important role in events of the time. They devoted considerable effort to legal reform, but after they were supplanted by the dGa’ ldan pho brang these laws were never fully implemented. Many of the documents on this subject produced during gTsang pa hegemony are now lost or inaccessible (partly because the People’s Republic of China wishes to suppress evidence that Tibet had a fully autonomous legal system). Ruby Key: A General Survey of Tibetan History (Bod kyi lo rgyus spyi don padma rā ga’i lde mig) provides interesting information about the ambitious plans of Karma phun tshogs, who intended to introduce a set of 16 significant new laws to gTsang. Little is known about the details of these laws or about the impetus behind their development, except for statements that they were revisions of earlier codes the Phag mo gru pa introduced in the 14th century; those in turn reflected earlier codes and moral systems.

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The intention of the laws was to maintain what were regarded as the valuable characteristics derived from Tibet’s imperial period (7th–9th centuries), and part of their uniqueness lay in the fact that they were to be drafted, championed, and maintained by secular leaders. Their special characteristics included, for example, the inculcation of certain aspects of martial valor as well as reevaluation of the practical merits of demonstrating kindness and care to the aged (including the donation of silk fabric for aged women). Both Ruby Key (as in 1st edition Ruby Key [1996], 803–804 and 808) and Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) (220) observe that the 16 laws (bca’ khrims) were a revision of the code promulgated by the Phag mo gru pa. Most of the 16 fundamental laws (zhal lce) were primarily concerned with such things as bravery, statecraft, oath-taking, and the control of barbarians on the borderlands. In terms of the introduction of these laws, the sde srid Karma Phun tshogs followed in the footsteps of Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599), who in 1548 applied a “five-point policy” that sought to “revive the institutions of the imperial period” (Karmay 2003, 66). Although not completely backward-looking in intention, the desire to return to the behavioral codes of the 7th–9th centuries was given impetus by some noble families who claimed descent from the imperial period, some of whom were by then again (temporarily) in ascendency. Their aim was to link themselves—and by implication Tibet’s future, of which they regarded themselves as the custodians—to Tibet’s glorious past. The rulers of gTsang were in no substantial manner different in these aspirations. GTSANG SMYON HE RU KA: see RUS PA’I GNYAN CAN. GTSUG LAG (TSUKLAK) (CH. HUIMENG 会盟) (“POTENCY,” “POWER”). A term of uncertain meaning used during the imperial period. It appears to refer to the power of the kings (btsan po), which gives them the right to rule and authority over other people. This is connected with the military might of the empire and sustains both the rulers and their domain. Records of the time indicate that it descended from their celestial home (gnam) and somehow became a part of the ruler’s intangible aura. In later usages, it came to refer to any outstanding ability, talent, or knowledge. GTSUG LAG KHANG (TSUKLAKHANG) (CH. HUIMENG SI 会 盟寺; ZULAKANG 祖拉康). A general name for a Buddhist monastery, monastic college, or shrine. It is also the name of a temple in Lha sa built during the Yar klungs dynasty, regarded as Tibet’s holiest shrine (also referred to as Jo khang because it houses the image of Jo bo rin po che). The Lha sa gTsug lag khang was reportedly constructed during the reign

252 • GTSUG LAG ’PHRENG BA, DPA’ BO

of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650, probably around 641) to house an image of Mi bskyod pa (Skt. Akṣobhya) brought to Tibet by his Nepalese bride, Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī). Jo bo Rin po che was later moved into the shrine. It was originally named Ra sa ’phrul snang gTsug lag khang. Several art historians have noted that its construction reflects Newari styles, and Newari artisans probably crafted it. This influence is especially noticeable in the woodwork corbelling, beamwork, and pillars, which are carved in a style similar to the Nepalese Licchavi style of the 4th–8th centuries, precisely the period when the gTsug lag khang in Lha sa was built. What might be the earliest known evidence of painting in Tibet (8th–9th centuries) was discovered after a wall was removed, revealing a long-disused walkway. The building has four stories; its roofs are covered with gilded bronze tiles, and its construction reflects that of Indian monastic residences (vihāra). On its roof are two deer on either side of a “wheel of doctrine” (chos ’khor). The interior is dark and has deep shadows in the corners. Many religious images are displayed and a number of small chapels are dedicated to various buddhas and protectors. Many of the statues are new because the original ones were destroyed during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). During this period, the gTsug lag khang was the scene of a brutal massacre of unarmed Tibetan protestors in 1969; they sought refuge in the shrine, but People’s Liberation Army soldiers slaughtered them. On the north side of the building is the famous stone pillar (rdo ring) on which is inscribed the text of the Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 822 that proclaims an end to hostilities between the two countries and demarcates the border. The complex suffered extensive damage during a fire in 2018. Images of the gilded roof of the main temple ablaze circulated around the world, and several shrines were also damaged. GTSUG LAG ’PHRENG BA, DPA’ BO (BA’O TSUKLAK TRENGWA, 1504–1564/1566) (CH. BAWO ZULA CHENWA 巴卧祖拉陈哇). The second dPa’ bo, author of the first known ecclesiastic history (chos ’byung), Ecclesiastic History: A Feast for Scholars (Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston), completed in 1564. It details the development and spread of Buddhism in India and Tibet. One reason for its influence and importance was that the author had access to (possibly) original documents from the period of the Imperium and shortly after its fall that have since been lost. This has lent his work an aura of authority lacking in many other, later works. The ecclesiastic history became a popular genre of historical literature in Tibet, attested by numerous examples. In 1508 gTsug lag ’phreng ba was recognized as the successor to the first dPa’ bo, Chos dbang lhun grub (1440/1455–1503), by dGe bshes Cha lung pa. He was installed at

GU GE • 253

Lho brag gro bo lung pa. He received monastic ordination from the fourth Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos grags ye shes (1453–1524). His father was bLa ma dar, and his mother was Lam snyed sgrol ma. His parents belonged to the same clan as gNyags Dznyā na ku mā ra (born ca. 750). He was born at sNye thang at Chu shur rdzong. He became the de facto hierarch of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order while the fourth rGyal tshab, Grags pa don grub (1550–1617), and the fifth Zhwa dmar, dKon mchog yan lag (1525–1583), were searching for the successor to the eighth rGyal dbang Karma pa, Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507–1554). He conferred novice (dge tshul) vows on the ninth Karma pa, dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603). GU GE (GUGÉ) (CH. GUGE 古格). An area in western Tibet that roughly corresponds to the ancient Zhang zhung kingdom. The gLang chen kha ’babs River runs through the center of Gu ge and divides it into two major regions: (1) Gu ge byang ngos, which borders the gLang chen kha ’babs to the south, Rong chung to the west, Chu mur ti to the north, and a mountain range that moves into sGar chu to the east; and (2) Gu ge lho, which includes Lho stod and Lho smad. Gu ge rose to prominence in the late 10th century, and its kings played important roles in the renaissance of Buddhism on the Tibetan Plateau. The kingdom of La dwags conquered Gu ge and annexed it to its territory in 1630. The last ruler of the royal line,

Gu ge Palace ruins.

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bLo bzang padma bkra shis lde (1676–1743), moved to Lha sa in 1692 and spent the rest of his life there. See BYANG CHUB ’OD; JO BO RJE; RIN CHEN BZANG PO; YE SHES ’OD. GU RU RIN PO CHE: See PADMA ’BYUNG GNAS. GU SHRI HAN: See GÜSHRI KHAN. GUHYASAMĀJA-TANTRA: See GSANG BA ’DUS PA’I RGYUD. GURKHA: See GOR KHA. GÜSHRI KHAN (TIB. GU SHRI HAN; ALT. BSTAN ’DZIN CHOS RGYAL) (MON. GUSH KHAN; GUSHRI KHAN, 1582–1655) (CH. GUSHI HAN 固始汗). A Khoshud (Tib. Ho shod) Mongol prince, whose troops conquered the last king of gTsang and installed the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), as ruler of Tibet. In 1637, his army defeated troops of a rival Mongol general, Choghthu Khung Taiji (Tib. Chog tu Han, who supported the bKa’ brgyud pa rivals of the dGe lugs hierarchs), in a battle near Kokonor. Güshri Khan was given the name Torobaikhu at birth. He was the third son of the Oirat Khoshud chieftain Khanai Noyan Khonggor. He won his first military

Wall mural of Güshri Khan and Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, Jo Khang, Lha sa.

G.YAR DKYANG • 255

contest at the age of 12 against a Turkestani force. In 1630 he succeeded his older brother Babaghas as the leader of the Khoshud, taking the title Güshri Khan. After elevating the Dalai Lama to power, he gave himself the title “King of Tibet” (Bod gyi rgyal po) and spent part of each year there. Between 1635 and 1642—after destroying the last vestiges of ­gTsang power and brutally murdering the last gTsang ruler—Gushri Khan elevated his religious preceptor, the fifth Dalai Lama, to power in 1642 in what may be considered a enactment of the patron-recipient (mchod yon) relationship. G.YA’ BZANG BKA’ RGYUD (YAMSANG GAGYÜ) (CH. YASANG GAJUPAI 雅桑噶举派). One of the “eight lesser suborders” of the bKa’ brgyud order, founded by Ye shes seng ge, a disciple of Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). Its main seat was g.Ya’ bzang Monastery, founded by Ye shes seng ge’s main disciple, g.Ya’ bzang pa Chos smon lam (1169–1233). It no longer exists as a separate order. In the early 14th century, the leaders of the g.Ya’ bzang and the Tshal pa families were in conflict with Ta’i si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364), who was attempting to regain territory previously lost to those rulers. Constant legal cases and fighting ensued between the g.Ya’ bzang and the Phag mo gru pa families through to the middle of the 14th century. This situation was resolved in 1354 by the Sa skya pa, who asserted their own control over the disputed lands. GYAD YUL (GYEYUL) (“MALLA COUNTRY”). The Tibetan term for the territory of the Mallas, a people who lived in the northern areas of modern-day Bihār. It is also possible that this term referred to the several Malla dynasties that ruled from the town of Jumla in western Nepal and then ruled over Jumla itself from the new capital at Ya rtse (Señjā) after the early 1400s. This Malla series of dynasties is of importance due to their artistic abilities, especially in bronze casting, much of which is found in temples throughout Tibet, and for the significant influence they exerted from the earlier Khāṣa Malla period. G.YAG: See YAK. G.YAR DKYANG (YARGYANG) (CH. SHACHE 莎车) (“YARKHAND”). Yarkhand, an oasis city on the southern rim of the Taklamakan Desert, in modern Xinjiang Province. It was an ancient Buddhist kingdom of the Silk Road.

256 • G.YAS RU DBEN SA KHA

G.YAS RU DBEN SA KHA (YERU ENSAKA) (CH. YERU WANSAKA 叶茹完萨卡). According to Bon tradition, the first Bon monastery in Tibet, founded by Bru chen g.Yung drung bla ma (b. 1040) in 1072 in gTsang, located a few kilometers from gZhis ka rtse, north of the gTsang po River. It was maintained by members of the Bru family (which had migrated to Tibet from ’Bru zha, or Gilgit), who served as its abbots. One brother would marry and produce heirs, while another would enter the religious life. Between 1072 and 1405 it was the most important center of Bon learning in central Tibet. A flood destroyed it in 1386. In 1405 it was rebuilt as bKra shis sMan ri dgon, founded by mNyan med Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1356–1416). He was the head of one of the colleges of g.Yas ru dben sa kha, but was traveling in rGyal rong in eastern Tibet when the flood struck. After hearing of the devastation of his monastery, he went into retreat, during which he experienced visions that convinced him to found another monastery. In 1405 he established this on the southern slope of Mt. sMan ri, further up the same valley in which g.Yas ru dben sa kha had been located. GYI JO ZLA BA’I ’OD ZER: See ZLA BA’I ’OD ZER. GYIM SHENG KONG JO: See JINCHENG. G.YUNG DRUNG (YUNGDRUNG; ALT. GEG GSANG) (SKT. SVASTIKA) (CH. WANZI 万字; HAIYUN 海云; YONGHENG BUBIAN 永 恒不变) (“WELL-BEING,” “UNCHANGING”). An Indian solar symbol of well-being and good fortune. It is often found on Buddhist monasteries and temples. The term svastika derives from the Sanskrit prefix su, meaning “good, well,” and the verb asti, “to be.” In Indian Buddhism it is sometimes associated with the wheel of doctrine (chos kyi ’khor lo; Skt. dharma-cakra). G.YUNG DRUNG BLA MA, BRU CHEN (DRUCHEN YUNGDRUNG LAMA, B. 1040). A Bon master, born into the Bru clan, which, according to its lineage histories, migrated to Tibet from ’Bru zha (Gilgit). His father was g.Yung drung seng ge, and he was one of the main disciples of gShen chen kLu dga’ (996–1035). He was the founder of the first Bon monastery, g.Yas ru dben sa kha, located in gTsang about 48 km (30 mi.) east of gZhis ka rtse, established in 1072. gShen chen kLu dga’ enjoined him to maintain the Bon traditions of cosmology (mdzod phug) and metaphysics (gab pa). The monastery became one of the great seats of Bon learning but a flood destroyed it in 1386. mNyam med Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1356–1416) later rebuilt it and renamed it sMan ri dgon.

’GYUR MED RDO RJE • 257

G.YUNG DRUNG BON (YUNGDRUNG PÖN) (CH. YONGZHONG BENJIAO 雍仲苯教) (“ETERNAL BON”). The normative early propagation of the Bon tradition initiated by mythical founder sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che. He lived in the sacred land sTag gzigs ’Ol mo lung ring 18,000 years ago and later traveled to Zhang zhung in western Tibet, where he began to teach. The earliest phase of the tradition was primitive Bon, consisting of shamanic and animistic traditions. gShen rab introduced the eternal Bon to the world, and around the 16th century a third phase began, the “New Bon” (bon gsar ma), which developed institutions and created a canon. “Hidden treasures” (gter ma) were also an important source for the new developments of the tradition. Bon pos regard the eternal Bon as the core of their tradition; it is the timeless truth that all awakened masters have discovered and exists independently of the agency of humans or other beings. The doctrines and practices of gShen rab are also referred to as “Old Bon” (Bon rnying ma); they are encoded in the teachings he passed on to his disciples and are contained in discourses (mdo), tantras (rgyud), and the instructions of the “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po). He delivered these teachings at ’Ol mo lung ring and in a previous incarnation in a celestial realm, ’Chi med gtsug phud. When he began teaching in Zhang zhung, they were translated into the Zhang zhung language. G.YUNG DRUNG DGON PA: See LAMAYURU. G.YUNG DRUNG DGU BRTSEGS (YUNGDRUNG GUTSEK) (“NINE-STORY SVASTIKA MOUNTAIN”). A nine-tiered mountain mentioned in Bon texts that is described as a crystal monolith in the shape of a pyramid. It has nine levels, which correspond to the “nine progressive vehicles of Bon” (bon gyi theg pa rim dgu). It is located in the middle of the sacred land ’Ol mo lung ring, where the mythical founder of Bon, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, lived 18,000 years ago. ’GYUR MED RDO RJE, GTER BDAG GLING PA (DERDAK LINGBA GYURMÉ DORJÉ; ALT. GTER CHEN CHOS KYI ­RGYAL PO, 1646–1714) (CH. DEDA LINBA 德达林巴). One of the great “treasure discoverers” (gter ston) of the rNying ma tradition and the founder of sMin grol gling Monastery (1670). He is regarded as a rebirth of Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478) and a speech emanation (gsung gi sprul pa) of the translator Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana, 8th century). He was born at Dar rgyas chos sdings in dBus g.Yo ru in the mThing ma myos family. His father, gSang bdag ’Phrin las lhun grub (1611–1662), was a recognized reincarnation of gNubs Sangs

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rgyas ye shes (ca. 830–962), one of the 25 main disciples (rje ’bangs nyer lnga) of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). His mother was Lha ’dzing dbyangs can sgrol ma, an incarnation of Shel dkar rdo rje ’tsho. His ordination name was Ngag dbang padma bstan ’dzin, his treasure discoverer title was ’Gro ’dul gTer bdag gling pa, and he is also known as sMin gling gter chen. In 1655, at the age of nine, he attended an empowerment of the Assembly of the Well Gone Ones (bDe gshegs ’dus pa) cycle, during which he had a vision of Padmasambhava, who gave him empowerments and blessings. In 1663, at the age of 18, he recovered the Heart Essence of the Knowledge Bearers (Rig ’dzin thugs thig) at g.Ya ma lung. In 1667 he discovered the Doctrinal Cycle of Mañjuśrī Yamāntaka, Subduer of the Arrogant (’Jam dpal gshin rje dregs pa ’joms byed kyi chos skor) at Shel brag. In 1676 he discovered the Wrathful Guru (Gu ru drag po) at gNam lcags brag (alt. O dkar brag). In 1680, at the age of 35, he recovered the Doctrinal Cycle of the Assemblage of Greatly Compassionate Well-Gone Ones (Thugs rje chen po bde gshegs kun ’dus kyi chos skor) at Sha ’ug stag sgo. He practiced tantric meditation for several years in various places, including Brag dmar mchims phu and g.Ya’ ma lung, during which he mastered the “cutting through” (khregs chod) and “direct approach” (thod rgal) practices of great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po). He was able to perceive all appearances as the play of primordial awareness (ye shes kyi rol pa). He also compiled a compendium of treasure texts in 16 volumes, Collected Works of the Great Treasure Discoverers (gTer chen bka’ ’bum). He composed a great perfection treatise, Clarification of the Profound Path: Practice Manual for the Heart Essence of the Ḍākinīs’ Great Perfection (rDzogs pa chen po mkha’ ’gro snying thig gi khrid yig zab lam gsal byed), a commentary on the mKha’ ’gro snying thig. He had a number of outstanding students, and he gave teachings to the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), and his regent (sde srid), Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). He taught the former the Collection of Early Translation Tantras (sNga ’gyur rgyud ’bum) and received the title “Religious Preceptor” (Ti shri; Ch. Dishi 帝 师). At the age of 68 he delivered tantric teachings, during which his disciples heard the sound of flute music and smelled camphor. The next morning he announced that he needed to take seven steps toward the east. After he did so, he sat cross-legged in a meditative posture and passed away. This was accompanied by various auspicious occurrences and miraculous events. His main disciple was his younger brother sMin gling Lo chen Dhar ma shri (1654–1718), author of bLo Chen’s Collected Works (bLo chen bka’ ’bum).

’GYUR MED RNAM RGYAL • 259

’GYUR MED RNAM RGYAL (GYURMÉ NAMGYEL, R. 1747–1750) (CH. ZHU’ERMOTE NAMUZHALE 珠爾默特那木札勒). The second son of Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747), civilian ruler (mi dbang) of Tibet, who was assassinated by the am bans Fucin (Ch. Fuqing 傅清; served 1744–1748) and Labdon (Ch. Labudun 拉布敦; served 1748–1749), the Qing dynasty’s representatives in Lha sa. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal, as the second son, would not normally inherit his father’s position, but Pho lha nas regarded his elder brother, ’Gyur med ye shes tshe brtan, as unsuited to rule. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal proved to be impulsive and prone to tactical mistakes. The first of these occurred soon after he assumed rulership. He dispatched a letter to the Qing court outlining a proposal to send dGe lugs monks to eastern Tibet (then under Qing control) to bolster their influence in the region. The Manchu emperor rightly viewed this as a subterfuge by the Tibetan ruler to gain advantage. This prompted the Qing court to dispatch an am ban to keep an eye on ’Gyur med rnam rgyal. The representative’s report painted the Tibetan hegemon as arrogant and impulsive, and it further indicated widespread popular discontent with his rule. A second incident involved a long-running feud with his older brother, whom he viewed as a threat. In 1748 ’Gyur med rnam rgyal sent an army to mNga’ ris, where ’Gyur med tshe brtan ruled. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s minister rDo ring Paṇḍi ta mGon po dngos grub rab brtan (1721–1793) counseled against the move, but ’Gyur med rnam rgyal seized a spear and hurled it at him, instead hitting a horse. He then threw a second spear at the minister, but missed again and killed an attendant. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal then sought aid from the Qianlong 乾隆 emperor (1711–1799) on the pretext that his brother was disrupting trade with central Tibet and robbing traders moving through his territory. ’Gyur med ye shes tshe brtan died on 25 January 1750, probably killed by his brother’s soldiers, but ’Gyur med rnam rgyal claimed that his brother had succumbed to illness. One of ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s primary goals was to reduce the power of Qing representatives in Tibet, and in 1748 he persuaded the emperor to reduce the size of the Manchu military garrison from 500 to 100 soldiers. He also sought to acquire allies among the Zunghar Mongols, who saw a strong relationship with Tibet as a major aspect of their ongoing resistance to the policies of the Chinese emperors Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) and Quianlong to completely control the Zunghars of the Ili region. There was also a measure of support for ’Gyur med rnam rgyal among certain lay Tibetans who wished to align themselves with the Zunghars both under Pho lha nas and later under ’Gyur med rnam rgyal, but Luciano Petech (1973) reports that monastic leaders opposed this. In 1747 a Zunghar embassy

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traveled to Tibet and met with ’Gyur med rnam rgyal, and the two parties agreed on a purchase of 49 loads of gunpowder. Pho lha nas had established Tibet’s first standing army, which his son inherited. At the time the deal was struck, ’Gyur med rnam rgyal commanded an army of more than 25,000 troops, and the additional military supplies made him much more powerful than the am bans. In 1750 he denied them access to the Tibetan postal system, which made it difficult for them to communicate with the Qing court. Unknown to ’Gyur med rnam rgyal, pro-Qing spies had informed the am bans of his plots. The am bans invited him to their residence for a meeting. He arrived with an escort, but the am bans convinced him to go alone to a meeting room. There Fucin informed ’Gyur med rnam rgyal that he knew of his machinations. Labdon stabbed him with a sword, and then ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s military escort was also murdered. An official (mgron gnyer) named bLo bzang bkra shis escaped by leaping through a window, and afterward he organized an uprising against the am bans. A Tibetan mob first fired muskets at their residence, and then set fire to it. When the Manchu representatives escaped the flames, one was killed, and the other committed suicide after being gravely wounded. Many of their retainers were killed. bLo bzang bkra shis attempted to escape to Zungharia but was captured along with 12 accomplices. In January 1751 a Manchu official named Bandi arrived in Lha sa and ordered the execution of the 13 Tibetans. ’Gyur med rnam rgyal’s death marked the end of the rule of the Pho lha family. In the following year, the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), assumed temporal authority. GZHAN STONG (SHENDONG) (CH. TAKONGJIAN 他空见) (“OTHER EMPTINESS”). A doctrine particularly associated with lineages within the bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma orders. It was articulated by Jo nang pa scholars, who postulated a positive, self-existent entity of “embryonic buddhahood” (de bzhin gshegs pa’i snying po; Skt. tathāgata-garbha), conceived as an inherent buddha-nature made manifest by meditative practice. It is not, however, newly developed, but rather is the basic nature of mind. Embryonic buddhahood truly exists, and it is characterized as subtle, ineffable, permanent, and beyond the grasp of conceptual thought. It is the luminous essence of mind, which is primordially untainted by afflictions. It is often compared to the sky, which remains the same at all times, although clouds may temporarily obscure it. Similarly, adventitious (glo bur; Skt. āgantuka) afflictions obscure the nature of mind, but these never affect its basic nature. The dGe lugs pa attacked this position, in part because it posited the ultimate

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existence of an entity, a view that runs counter to the dGe lugs pa view of Prāsaṇgika-madhyamaka. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), suppressed the Jo nang pa, converted their main temple at rTag brtan Phun tshogs gling to a dGe lugs pa institution, and ordered their books sealed. This is sometimes characterized as a theological issue taken to an extreme, but was more likely an expression of the Dalai Lama’s enmity toward Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634), the Jo nang pa prelate and an influential exponent of the other emptiness view, who was also the spiritual preceptor of the gTsang pa rulers, the main rivals of the Dalai Lama and the dGe lugs pa. Despite the Dalai Lama’s efforts at suppressing this doctrine, other emptiness remains popular among many contemporary lineages, particularly those associated with the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) traditions. GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA (SHI TAMCHÉ YÖBAR MAWA) (SKT. MŪLASARVĀSTIVĀDA) (CH. GENBEN SHUO YIQIE YOU BU 根本说一切有部; YIQIEYOU GENBEN 一切有根本) (“FUNDAMENTAL EVERYTHING EXISTS SCHOOL”). An Indian Buddhist school that developed around the 2nd century that influenced subsequent philosophical developments before declining around the 7th century. It is unclear what relation it may have had with the Sarvāstivāda school. The Mūlasarvāstivāda code of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) became the standard in Tibet (see ’dul ba entry). GZHIS KA RTSE (SHIGATSÉ) (CH. RIGAZE 日喀则). The traditional capital of gTsang and the second largest city in the Tibet Autonomous Region (after Lha sa). Its current population is about 117,000 (2013 census). It is located about 250 km (160 mi.) southwest of Lha sa and 90 km (56 mi) northwest of rGyal rtse. It lies at an altitude of 3,840 m (12,500 feet) above sea level and is at the confluence of the Yar klungs gtsang po and Nyang chu Rivers. Early texts referred to it as bSam grub rtse. bKra shis lhun po Monastery, seat of the Paṇ chen bla mas prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s, is located in gZhis ka rtse. GZHON NU BLO GROS, RED MDA’ BA (RENDAWA SHÖNU LODRÖ, 1349–1412) (CH. RENDAHUA 仁达华). One of the most influential scholars and teachers of the 14th–15th centuries, and one of the main teachers of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). He was born in Red mda’ khang so mga rigs in Sa skya. His father was bKra shis rgyal mtshan, and his mother was dBang phyug skyid.

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GZHUNG ZHABS (SHUNGSHAP) (“GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL”). The general term for officials in the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). Employees of the Central Tibetan Administration also hold this title. These were divided into two main categories: monastic officials (rtse drung) and lay officials (drung ’khor). Lay officials were almost always members of Tibet’s traditional aristocracy (sku drag), while monk officials could come from all levels of society. Theoretically each group had 175 members, but in practice each was larger.

H HAL HA: See KHALKHA. HAN (CH. HAN 汉; HANZU 汉族) (TIB. RGYA NAG PA, RGYA RIGS). Han Chinese, the dominant majority ethnic group of China and among overseas Chinese. The Han constitute about 92 percent of the population of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), 98 percent of the population of the Republic of China (Taiwan), 78 percent of the population of Singapore, and about 20 percent of the global population. Han are also about 95 percent of the population of Hong Kong and 96 percent of the population of Macau. About 40 million Chinese live overseas, the majority of whom are Han. About 30 million live in Southeast Asia. Other populations are dispersed throughout Asia, as well as Europe, Africa, Australia, Oceania, and the Americas. About 3 million people of Chinese descent live in the United States (about 1 percent of the population). The majority of Han, about 1.2 billion, live within the borders of the PRC. They are the majority in every province, municipality, and autonomous region, although official figures claim that they comprise only 41 percent of the population of Xinjiang (Ch. Xinjiang Weiwu’er Zizhiqu 新疆维吾尔自 治区) and 6 percent of the population of the Tibet Autonomous Region (Ch. Xizang Zizhiqu 西藏自治区). Anyone who has traveled in Tibet has seen that the Han far outnumber ethnic Tibetans, but real figures cannot be obtained. The Central Tibetan Administration regularly issues estimates that claim steady increases of Han settlers in the region and assert that Han now outnumber Tibetans by several million. The figures both sides produce are highly politically and emotionally charged, and are likely significantly inflated. The Han ethnicity is not, as its members commonly imagine, a homogeneous grouping: significant genetic, historical, linguistic, cultural, and social differences exist between Han populations, and many of those who today regard themselves as “Han” had ancestors who did not identify with China; their descendants began to adopt Chinese cultural traits, many began speaking Chinese and using its writing system, and over the course of time they came to regard themselves as belonging to the dominant culture of the central regions of China. Significant differences also exist in language and culture among contemporary Han populations, particularly between northern and 263

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southern Han. Many southern Han speak dialects that are different from the main northern dialect, Mandarin (Guanhua 官话; alt. Beifanghua 北方话, “Northern Dialects”); these include Cantonese (Yueyu 粤语), Hakka (Kejiahua 客家话), and Minnan (Minnanyu 闽南语). The term Han is related to the Han dynasty (Hanchao 汉朝, 207 BCE–220 CE), which succeeded the Qin dynasty (Qinchao 秦朝, 221–207 BCE). Its first king, the peasant rebel Liu Bang 刘邦, was posthumously referred to as Emperor Gaozu 高祖 (256–195 BCE). He was originally referred to as the king of the region of Han Zhong 汉中. The Han dynasty was an important period in the development of early China, during which its rulers extended their control and influence into Central, Southeast, and Northeast Asia. Prior to this time, people living in China’s central regions were referred to as “Huaxia People” (Huaxiazu 华夏族), but as the Han dynasty extended its power and territory, increasing numbers came to associate themselves with it and referred to themselves as “Han people” (Hanren 汉人). During the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368) a foreign ethnic group, the Mongols, seized control of China and established an extensive empire that included most of Asia and large parts of Eastern Europe at its height. Chinese served its government, but were reduced to second-class status. Chinese control was reasserted during the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), but China was again conquered by a foreign power during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), during which Han were required to wear their hair in a distinctive style as a symbol of their subordinate status. Han supremacy was reasserted with the Republican Revolution of 1912, and for many members of China’s dominant ethnic group their long history of subjugation by foreigners and their national humiliation by Europeans during the “Century of Humiliation” (Bainan Guochi 百年国 耻) in the latter stages of the Qing dynasty are bitter lessons that the country’s leaders continually resurrect and use as the basis for the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. Its hierarchs claim that the Party has removed foreign powers from their previous dominant position and restored the Han to their rightful place as rulers of China and as a growing international force. One result of this rhetoric and the defensive impulses it engenders is a phenomenon referred to as “Han chauvinism” (da Hanzu zhuyi 大汉族主 义 or Han shawenzhuyi 汉沙文主义; Tib. rGya rigs chen po’i ring lugs), an ethnocentric attitude that portrays China’s minorities—including Tibetans, Uyghurs, Manchus, Mongols, and others—as culturally and genetically inferior and in need of guidance by their “Han big brothers and sisters.” In Tibet, this attitude is a major source of friction between Han immigrants and ethnic Tibetans, and the latter often complain about the former’s condescension and outright bigotry. The PRC government officially denounces Han chauvinism, but it is manifest throughout Chinese popular culture, including governmentrun media.

HISTORIOGRAPHY • 265

HAYAGRĪVA: See RTA MGRIN. HERUKA: See KHRAG ’THUNG. HEVAJRA: See KYE RDO RJE. HEVAJRA-TANTRA: See KYE RDO RJE RGYUD. HĪNAYĀNA (TIB. THEG PA DMAN PA) (CH. XIAOSHENG 小乘) (“LESSER VEHICLE”). A term Mahāyānists coined to describe their opponents, whose path they characterized as selfish and inferior to their own. Traditionally the term is said to encompass 18 schools of Indian Buddhism (although Indian Buddhist literature mentions more) whose doctrines were based on the discourses attributed to Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) and collected in the “Basket of Discourses” (Skt. Sūtrapiṭaka; P. Sutta-piṭaka). Many of these schools developed their own “”higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma) literatures and monastic codes (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), but the extant versions of these collections indicate that they shared a great deal in common, particularly a realistic worldview and an emphasis on a group of core concepts, such as the four noble truths, dependent arising, and the ideal of individual liberation. The only “Hīnayāna” school that survives today is gNas brtan smra (Skt. Theravāda), whose members reject the label “Lesser Vehicle.” HISTORIOGRAPHY. Tibetan history from earliest times has been profoundly influenced by ideology. Records from the imperial period (7th–9th centuries) reflect the concerns and dogmas of the Yar klungs kings, and accounts of clans such as the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed) were intended to glorify these groups and assert various claims on their behalf. From the 12th century onward, most Tibetan histories have been written by Buddhist clerics whose aim was to exalt their religious tradition, enhance its propagation, and defame those who oppose it. Modern Tibetan histories written by Chinese or Tibetan scholars in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) follow the official line of the Chinese Communist Party, which is encoded in “Resolutions” (Ch. Ti’an 提案) issued by the Central Committee. Tibetan history is one of the most sensitive topics in modern China, and censors vet all publications. Most historians are denied access to historical records and must rely on the Resolutions for their work. Only the most senior academics—Party members of proven loyalty—are allowed to examine documents from the past, because they often tell stories that are at odds with the official one. Even if a historian were to arrive at conclusions that differ from the Party line, such research would not be published in the PRC.

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In recent years, however, scholars in the PRC have produced an increasing number of works on Tibetan history that have no overt ideological commitment, particularly on topics the propaganda apparatus does not regard as particularly sensitive. In addition, much Tibetan-language work exhibits a pronounced Tibetan perspective, and little effort appears to be made to censor or significantly alter such works. Their authors are obviously aware of the ideological limitations within which they operate and refrain from discussing topics that could lead to official punishment. Such work, which is consumed by a Tibetan audience, is not as closely scrutinized as more high-profile publications aimed at international audiences, such as China’s Tibet or China Tibetology. Tibetan exiles have more freedom, but their writing is also constrained by an official ideology. Most works by Tibetan exiles that examine Tibetan history are designed to prove that Tibet was an independent country prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. Chinese publications assert that China has owned Tibet since at least the 13th century and claim that it has a right to be in Tibet and to rule its citizens. Tibetan histories want to deny China that right. In the exiles’ view, Tibet was an independent and closed society whose deeply religious populace was ruled by Buddhist monks, who employed the principles of their religion in their application of power. The populace was devout and lived simple—albeit mostly poor—lives, but they were generally happy and content with their society. Their culture derived from indigenous myths and symbols, and the main foreign influence was India, which is the source of true Dharma. Chinese Buddhism is a heterodox system, and Chinese culture, religion, language, and mores are foreign to Tibet. In Chinese histories Tibet entered the Chinese cultural sphere in the 7th century when Princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684) traveled to Tibet and married Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). He recognized (and was embarrassed by) the backwardness of his country and wished to replace its culture with that of the advanced Tang. Wencheng was a cultural ambassador who successfully imported Chinese technology and began the process of civilizing the backward Tibetans. A watershed event in this narrative is the incorporation of Tibet into the Mongol Empire in the 13th century. From that point to the present day, each successive Chinese regime has exercised sovereignty over Tibet. Its people regard themselves as Chinese citizens and actively resist any attempt to split them from the “Motherland.” Each side regards its version of Tibetan history as an essential aspect of its worldview. In Tibetan exiles’ accounts China played a peripheral role in Tibetan affairs and lacked any real power despite its hollow claims of sovereignty. They point out that the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) issued its own laws and decrees; it did not ask for Chinese permission, neither did China have the power to control it except for a few brief periods of

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direct intervention in the country’s affairs. The Tibetan legal system had its origins in 7th-century codes and followed indigenous precedents. Courts did not invoke the authority of China’s emperor, and Chinese did not play any role in their proceedings. The military was under the command of the Tibetan government: Chinese military personnel did not serve in it and did not have command roles, neither did Tibetans serve in China’s militaries. Tibet issued its own currency and passports and instituted postal and telegraph systems, and the government entered into dozens of treaties with foreign powers. The government collected taxes and used them; no taxes were remitted to China, and the Chinese governments did not levy taxes in Tibet. Tibetans speak a different language from Chinese; it uses an alphabet and has a very different grammar and morphology. Tibetan culture and religion are also autochthonous and have little Chinese influence. Both sides use their own sources. Few Chinese historians read Tibetan, and because they are not allowed access to historical records they must rely on Chinese works approved or produced by the Communist Party. Government ideology predetermines their conclusions. Most Tibetan historians base their conclusions on Tibetan historical sources and do not read Chinese. Interestingly, some who do read both languages, for example Thub bstan phun tshogs (1996), are the writers whose publications tend to fall under the official radar and who are relatively free to conduct independent research—provided, of course, that it does not directly contravene the core tenets of the official ideology. For both sides, the writing of history is an ideologically driven exercise. Tibetan historians rely on texts written by Buddhist monks and generally accept the main outlines of their perspective on their country’s history. Most assume the overall validity of the standard periodization, which presents a vague and highly mythologized period prior to the introduction of Buddhism (during which Buddhist figures, particularly sPyan ras gzigs, were preparing the region for the Dharma), followed by the “early propagation” (snga dar) in the imperial period. After the assassination of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), Tibet entered the period of the “interim propagation of the teaching” (bstan pa bar dar), which ended in the 11th century when the translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) reinvigorated the tradition, along with several other Buddhist luminaries such as Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) and ’Brog mi lo tsā ba Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072). This was the beginning of the decisive “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism. Various dynastic conflicts and the activities of secular actors are all subsumed into this overarching grand narrative of Buddhism’s introduction, propagation, and spread in Tibet. Chinese historians dismiss Tibetan histories as the products of “slave” or “feudal” societies and contend that their own work is “scientific” and based

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on Marxist materialism. One of the oddities of their research is an obsession with periodization: Chinese historians are generally not trained in modern history departments, but rather in departments of Marxism-Leninism, where they learn an ideologically based approach to historiography that assumes the traditional Marxist periodization. Societies have an early period of primitive communism that is replaced by an exploitive slave society. This is overthrown as a result of peasant revolts. The next phase is feudalism, which is also exploitive; its inequalities spark more peasant revolts, which eventually result in its overthrow. Capitalism is the next phase: one class, the bourgeoisie, controls the means of production and exploits the working proletariat. The latter eventually develop a consciousness of their oppression, rise up, overthrow the exploiting class, and become masters of the society. This leads to the introduction of socialism, which inevitably progresses toward communism. Most Marxist historians abandoned this crude version of Marxism decades ago, but it is still current in the PRC. It is accompanied by an equally outmoded version of social Darwinism debunked long ago among natural and social scientists but still portrayed as current “science” in PRC intellectual circles. Critical historiography as practiced in Western universities is still unknown in China. The training of Chinese historians does not include current critical historical methodology, neither do most who work on Tibet learn to read the language well. History in the PRC is an activity designed to promote government aims and to serve the government’s current agendas. Historical studies generally lack nuance or ambiguity and are written as part of the government’s propaganda effort. Historians’ work falls under the direct control of the Publicity Department (Ch. Zhonggong Zhongyang Xuanchuanbu 中共中 央宣传部), and its officials regularly meet with academic bodies to ensure that they understand and adhere to the Party line. Much current historiographical work in the PRC continues to focus on class struggle and ignores dynastic conflicts, political intrigues, or wars, and instead focuses on how peasant revolts weakened regimes and forced them to make “concessions” that led to a transition to the next inevitable historical phase. The PRC approach to history follows Mao Zedong’s 毛泽东 (1893–1976) dictum “make the past serve the present” (Ch. gu wei jin yong 古为今用) and assumes that ideology is more important than facts. The official policy regarding history is that “theory must take the lead over facts” (Ch. yi lun dai shi 以论代史); Party policy determines historians’ conclusions, and they must either ignore or alter facts. In many PRC histories of Tibet events that never happened but are considered essential for Chinese Marxist historiography are invented and inserted into the historical record. In other cases actual events are significantly rewritten to conform with official ideology.

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The most significant divide between Tibetan exiles and PRC historians concerns the role of religion. Tibetans generally regard Buddhism as the core of their culture, and even the works of secular historians are profoundly influenced by Buddhist ideas and the pervasive religious motifs of traditional Tibetan histories. PRC historians, including Tibetans trained in Chinese universities, follow Marx’s maxim that religion is “the opiate of the masses,” a malign instrument of control over the minds and bodies of common people in slave, feudal, and capitalist societies that will wither and disappear under the scrutiny of “science” and improving socioeconomic conditions as socialism transforms the way people think and live. Chinese histories of Tibet tend to employ extreme dichotomies, most pervasively the characterization of pre1950 Tibet as “hell on earth” and the “cruelest feudal serfdom in the history of the world” and the notion that after its “peaceful liberation” it has transformed into a “socialist paradise.” This is designed to convince the Chinese people (including Tibetans) of the correctness of the Party’s characterizations of Tibet’s history, China’s historical right to rule it, the depravity of its former overlords, and the wondrous progress made since the 1950s under Chinese “socialism.” It also seeks to convince the international community and deflect criticism of China’s human rights record and persistent reports of torture and abrogation of internationally recognized standards for freedom of expression, thought, and religion. A core aspect of this narrative is a trope in which the sinister machinations of “hostile foreign powers” have caused all of China’s problems, and they are not the result of bungling by China’s leaders. China has always been great and strong except when imperialists have undermined it, and now it again assumes its rightful place in the world, one that requires that it maintain control over Tibet and other conquered territories. Most contain a Marxist moral conclusion and anti-imperialist tropes. In Tibetan history is referred to as lo rgyus or de lta bu byung bar brjod pa (Skt. itihasa). The former term means “knowledge of time,” and the latter means “describing how things came to be as they are.” Both include material from legends, hagiographies, myths, historical records, or second- and third-order narratives, many of which Western historians would not count as sources for historical data. From these sources, Tibetans create a master narrative in which Buddhism transformed their society through the ongoing intervention of various buddhas and bodhisattvas, either indirectly or through their physical emanations. They describe how things came to be as they are, who the Tibetans are as a people, their distinctiveness from the Chinese, and their sole right to govern their land. For Chinese, historiography is a tool of control designed to advance the agendas of the government and its Publicity Department. The only acceptable history is one that describes a multiethnic Chinese society in which Tibetans

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are one of the contented minorities uplifted by the Han. The country is governed by the “correct policies” of the Communist Party, whose leaders rule in the best interests of “the people.” Neither side recognizes the validity or desirability of Western norms of critical historiography based on evidence derived from archives and subject to debate and critique by experts in the field. For both, the history of Tibet is far too important to be left to people with no vested interest or guiding ideology that predetermines their conclusions. See also COMMUNISM. HO SHOD: See KHOSHUD. HOR DPON KHAG LNGA (HOR BÖNKHAKNGA; ALT. TRE HOR) (“FIVE HOR PA STATES”). Five independent states with overlapping boundaries located in Khams to the east of the valley of dKar mdzes, east of sDe dge on the Upper Nyag chu. They were: Brag mgo (alt. Brag ’go), Bre’o (alt. Tre’o or Tre bo), Khang gsar (alt. Khang gser), Ma zur, and Be ri. Each was ruled by a hereditary lay chieftain (dpon po), whose authority was over families rather than territory. Families under the authority of a particular chieftain might be distributed throughout the area. From 1862 to 1905 these states were part of the domain of the Nyag rong sPyi khyab. Under the terms of a treaty signed in 1918, the government in Lha sa (dGa’ ldan pho brang) exercised some authority over these states, but after armed conflicts from 1930 to 1933 it lost any power over them. The area of the Hor pa states roughly corresponds to the People’s Republic of China’s administrative regions of the counties of dKar mdzes rdzong (Ch. Ganzi Xian 甘孜县), Brag ’go rdzong (Ch. Luhuo Xian 炉霍县), and part of rTa’u rdzong (Ch. Daofu Xian 道孚县). HOR PA (HORBA) (CH. MENGGUZU 蒙古族). A term Tibetans use to refer to Uyghurs and sometimes to Mongols. It generally refers to Turkic or Mongolian peoples living near Tibetan populations in northern Tibet and modern Qinghai. HU BI LE HAN: See KHUBILAI KHAN. HU JINTAO 胡锦涛 (1942–). The paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China from 2002 to 2012. He has held a number of important positions, including general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), president of the PRC, and chairman of the Central Military Commission. He succeeded Jiang Zemin 江泽民 (1926–) as paramount leader. He was the premier of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in the late 1980s and imposed martial law following widespread demonstrations in 1988–1989.

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He was born in Taizhou Prefecture 泰州市 in Jiangsu Province 江苏省. His father owned a tea-trading business, but was reduced to poverty after being denounced during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). His mother died when he was seven, and an aunt raised him. He attended Tsinghua University (清华大学), where he studied hydraulic engineering. He joined the CCP while still a student and graduated in 1965. He met his future wife, Liu Yongqing 刘永清 (1940–), during his tenure at Tsinghua. In 1968 he volunteered to work on the Liujiaxia Hydroelectric Station (刘家峡大坝) in Gansu 甘肃, and also played a leadership role in Party politics. From 1969 to 1974 he was an engineer in the employ of the Sinohydro (中国水利水电 建设集团公司) Engineering Bureau. In 1974 he began working in the Gansu Construction Department, and in 1980 he was promoted to deputy head of the Gansu Communist Party. In 1982 he became the branch secretary of the Communist Youth League of Gansu and director of the All-China Youth Federation (Zhonghua Quanguo Qingnian Lianhehui 中华全国青年联合会). In 1985 Hu moved to Guizhou 贵州 and became the provincial secretary of the Communist Party. Following the ouster of his patron Hu Yaobang 胡 耀邦 (1915–1989), Hu Jintao was transferred to the TAR, which was far from the centers of power in China. He assumed the post of provincial committee secretary in 1988 and soon was confronted by a major uprising by ethnic Tibetans both inside and outside the TAR. Hu opted for use of force, and in February 1989 moved 1,700 troops of the People’s Armed Police to Lha sa. This did little to quell the unrest, which escalated on 5 March in anticipation of the 30th anniversary of the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959. Police fired indiscriminately on mostly unarmed protestors, and on 8 March Hu declared martial law. It is not clear exactly what role Hu himself played in the violence or whether he personally gave orders to shoot at unarmed demonstrators, but this incident brought him to the attention of hard-liners in Beijing, who saw him as a no-nonsense administrator willing to use force to keep restive minorities in line. In 1990 Hu became ill due to altitude sickness and in June transferred to Beijing. In 1992 Song Ping 宋平 (1917–) recommended him for a position on the Politburo Standing Committee (Zhongguo Gongchandang Zhongyang Zhengzhiju Changwuweiyuanhui 中国共产党中央政治局常务委员 会), and his approval by Party bosses made him the youngest man ever to hold such a post. In 1993 he became head of the Secretariat of the CCP’s Central Committee, and he took charge of the Party’s ideological work. He gained a reputation for being careful and low-key, and he publicly praised initiatives put forward by paramount leader Jiang Zemin. In 1998 Jiang promoted him to the position of vice president, following which he began to play an increasingly prominent role in foreign affairs. He was the leading voice expressing China’s fury over the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s

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accidental bombing of China’s Belgrade embassy in 1999, which was the result of outdated intelligence. Hu’s ascension to the position of paramount leader took place during the 16th National Congress of the CCP (Zhongguo Gongchandang Dishiliuci Quanguo Daibiaodahui 中国共产党第十六次全国代表大会) in 2002, where he was named general secretary. Wen Jiabao 温家宝 (1942–) became premier. During his tenure, Hu worked to promote economic growth and social stability. He frequently stated that the best way to quell rebellions in minority areas like Tibet and Xinjiang is through improving the lives of their citizens, but he was also liberal in approving use of force to suppress public rebellion. He approved deployment of massive numbers of troops to the TAR and surrounding areas during the Tibetan Uprising of 2008, which was the largest and most widespread in the history of the region. Overall troop numbers in Tibet remain high, and most of the region is now effectively under (undeclared) martial law. The same is true of Xinjiang, where protests have been suppressed by extreme use of force. Unlike some of his predecessors, Hu is primarily a pragmatist and not an ideologue, neither has he been associated with notable new initiatives. He worked to fight against the pervasive corruption in China’s government and bureaucracy and also initiated a move to promote renewable energy technologies. He continued the policy of opening up the economy initiated by Deng Xiaoping 邓小平 (1904–1997), but at the same time retained the apparatus of control developed in the early days following the founding of the PRC, which is based on models derived from the former Marxist states of Eastern Europe, particularly the Soviet Union. Under his leadership, China showed no willingness to engage in real dialogue with the Dalai Lama or the Central Tibetan Administration. Sporadic talks with low-level PRC bureaucrats were designed to placate calls by Western powers to resolve the “Tibet issue,” but Hu and his representatives made clear that they were unwilling to consider any changes to the administration of Tibet and were not prepared to allow Tibetans to exercise any significant power. He oversaw a major increase in funding and government investment in the region designed to improve economic conditions, but because it mainly benefits Han migrants tensions remain high among ethnic Tibetans. HU LE HU HAN: See HÜLEGÜ KHAN. HU THOG TU (HUTOKDU) (ALT. HU TUK TU) (SKT. NIRMĀṆAKĀYA) (MON. KHUTUGTU) (CH. HUTUKETU 呼图克图) (“REINCARNATE LAMA”). The Mongolian term for reincarnate lamas (sprul sku).

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HU YAOBANG 胡耀邦 (1915–1989). The secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) whose visit to Tibet in 1980 led to a period of relative relaxation of repression. He was reportedly deeply shocked by the appalling conditions in which most Tibetans lived; he and other Party leaders in Beijing received uniformly glowing reports of an improved economy and the general happiness of the fortunate residents of the “Socialist Paradise on the Roof of the World.” What Hu witnessed was general misery and economic disaster. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) herds of domestic animals had been expropriated and made communal property. Most of Tibet’s livestock perished as a consequence of Chinese mismanagement. Massive crop failures resulted from ill-conceived agricultural changes mandated by Chinese overlords, and much of what was produced was shipped to China to feed its starving people. Hundreds of thousands of Tibetans died of starvation or were victims of government executions and torture during the early decades of Chinese rule, and Hu witnessed firsthand the degradation and misery of the population. He ordered that religious repression be eased and began using government funds to try to improve the economy. Hu also opened talks with representatives of the exiled Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), who had formed a government-in-exile in India. Some exile leaders were invited to Tibet to witness the changes that Chinese rule had brought. The PRC ­leadership fully expected them to be surprised and impressed, but they were appalled by the obvious distress of the populace. Before the first Tibetan delegation arrived, Chinese authorities urged citizens to greet them politely and not denounce them as “reactionaries” and as hated members of the old regime. This demonstrates the vast gap between Chinese and Tibetan perceptions: the delegation was mobbed everywhere it went by weeping Tibetans who told them tales of grief and horrific suffering under Chinese rule. The emotional outpouring was so intense in several places that embarrassed Chinese authorities hastily cancelled planned events. The visit was cut short and the delegation was sent home. A second delegation was allowed to visit several years later, and despite Chinese attempts to better orchestrate events it was a repeat of the first visit. Hard-liners in Beijing viewed this embarrassing fiasco as reflecting on Hu’s leadership, and it undermined his standing among the Chinese Communist Party elite. The easing of repression and the visits of the Dalai Lama’s representatives awakened separatist sentiments among Tibetans, most of whom were deeply unhappy with Chinese rule. During the late 1980s demonstrations and public unrest increased in Tibet. Hu Yaobang was removed from his position on 16 January 1989 and replaced by Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 (1942–); the latter imposed martial law and put down the demonstrations with a show of force. Hu ­Yaobang’s attempts at reform were abolished and the region returned to a regime of repression.

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HUANG MUSONG 黄慕松 (1887–1937). A Chinese general dispatched to Lha sa in August 1934 to attempt to convince the Tibetan government to voluntarily become part of China. In 1927 he was appointed commander of the third division of the Guangdong army, and in 1930 he became acting superintendent of the Army College. His mission to Tibet was undertaken under the pretext of offering condolences following the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933). The Dalai Lama had pursued independence for his country, and the Republican government hoped that the interregnum period might present opportunities to take advantage of political uncertainty. Huang presented a proposal to the bKa’ shag under which Tibet would agree to be one of the “Five Races” of China and would submit itself to China’s government, and in exchange it would be protected from outsiders. In its weakened state China lacked the power to protect itself, so Tibet would have gained little advantage in agreeing to renounce its independence. The National Assembly (Tshogs ’du chen mo) debated Huang’s proposals and rejected them: it declared that Tibet was an independent country ruled by the Dalai Lamas, and it would fight to defend its independence if invaded. Huang responded with vague threats, but the Tibetans knew that his government was unable to follow through on them. He pointed out that China had negotiated a treaty with Great Britain that acknowledged Chinese suzerainty over Tibet, but the Tibetans replied that they had not been party to the treaty and did not recognize its provisions. No country, they declared, had the authority to negotiate on Tibet’s behalf, and the government would be bound only by agreements ratified by its designated representatives. In 1935, following his trip to Tibet, Huang was named the head of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission. HÜLEGÜ KHAN (TIB. HU LE HU HAN) (MON. ХҮЛЭГҮ ХААН, 1217–1265) (CH. XULIEWU 旭烈兀). A Mongol ruler, son of Tolui (1192– 1232) and Sorghaghtani Beki (ca. 1198–1252), who conquered large parts of Southwest Asia. He was a grandson of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227). His military exploits greatly expanded the Mongol Empire and led to the founding of the Ilkhanate of Persia. His troops destroyed Baghdad and attacked ­Damascus. His forces also conquered Syria, which brought the Ayyubid dynasty to an end. Hülegü’s soldiers killed the last Ayyubid ruler, An-Nasir Yusuf, in 1260. Hülegü was a supporter of Christianity, and his mother was a Nestorian Christian, but reportedly he experienced a conversion to Buddhism shortly before his death. HUMAN RIGHTS (TIB. ’GRO BA MI’I THOB THANG). Since the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) invasion of Tibet in the 1950s, reports have persisted of widespread and fundamental breaches of international

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standards of human rights by its officials, army, and paramilitary forces. ­Human Rights Watch Asia, Amnesty International, and other rights watchdogs have published hundreds, perhaps thousands, of reports on the Internet and in print that detail instances of torture, false imprisonment, stifling of dissent, denial of basic religious freedoms and freedom of assembly, cruel and inhumane punishments, and a host of other abuses. These are corroborated by studies published by governments, including those of the United States, Germany, Great Britain, and the European Union, as well as a host of nongovernmental organizations and the international media. Many of these make reference to the United Nations’ “Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” ratified in 1948. This is the most widely accepted standard for how nation-states should treat their citizens, but in recent years the PRC, faced with overwhelming evidence that it is in breach of the Declaration’s provisions, has begun to question its validity. The “Preamble” claims that it provides “a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations,” but the PRC contends that it emphasizes Western notions of individual rights—rights that citizens can claim against states—and undermines the virtues of harmony, security, and communalism valued in Asian societies. The primary duty of a government is not to ensure individual liberties but to promote economic growth, maintain order, and protect its territory from foreign aggression. Moreover, what a country does within its own borders to its own citizens is a domestic affair, and no other nation or group has a right to interfere with or criticize the actions a sovereign government chooses to take. Human rights organizations are all described as harboring anti-China sentiments; their denunciations of China’s human rights record are motivated by a desire to humiliate it and serve the interests of “hostile foreign powers.” The current official position of the PRC government holds that contemporary international human rights thought is incompatible with traditional Chinese ways of thinking and social philosophies, but this is clearly not the case. Classical Confucianism assumed a monarchical government and did not envisage a system in which people would be free to choose their own leaders, but emperors had significant limitations on their exercise of power. Their actions had to conform to standard expectations, which included human-heartedness (ren 仁) and propriety (li 禮/礼). The emperor enjoyed the “mandate of Heaven” (tianming 天命), which accorded divine authority, but he maintained it only as long as he exhibited moral rectitude and worked for the happiness of the people. Rulers who were despotic or cruel would receive warnings from Heaven in the form of natural disasters, rebellions, or portents, and if they did not reform their ministers had a duty to remonstrate with them. Those who continued to violate Heaven’s norms could be removed from office, either by their ministers or the people. Confucius (Tib. Kong tse;

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Ch. Kong Fuzi 孔夫子, 551–479 BCE) and Mencius (Mengzi 孟子, 372–289 BCE), as well as most later Confucian thinkers, described a system in which the emperor was trained from birth in moral propriety and was constantly reminded of his duties by advisors, and retained legitimate power only as long as he remained benevolent and promoted the welfare of his subjects. Daoism, another widely influential Chinese philosophical tradition, asserted that a universal force called Dao 道 guides the formation of the u­ niverse and works to promote harmony and flourishing. Rulers should remain in the background and not oppress their citizens. Those who become despotic or harm the people will prompt a corresponding backlash from the Dao that will remove them from power. The people should be left alone to pursue their own goals and live their lives, and the less a king interferes, the better. When the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) came to power in 1947, however, it repudiated Confucianism, Daoism, and other traditional systems as remnants of the “feudal” past and proclaimed an official ideology based on Marxism-Leninism, as interpreted by Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) and his cohorts. They claimed that society is composed of mutually antagonistic classes, and Mao sought to foster class struggle and create a system of ongoing revolution. All citizens did not enjoy equal status: members of former landowning families and aristocrats, for example, found themselves attacked and imprisoned, and millions were tortured to death in “struggle sessions” (Ch. pidou hui 批斗会; Tib. ’thab ’dzing) designed to promote class divisions and arouse revolutionary fervor among the masses. There was no provision for popular elections because the masses remained backward in their thinking. The “vanguard of the proletariat” (wuchanjieji xianfengdui 无产阶级先锋队; Tib. ’byor med gral rim gyi mdun skyod)— revolutionaries who had embraced communist ideology—worked for the betterment of the masses and exercised power on their behalf. The Communists emulated the apparatus of state control of the Soviet Union, which included a large military primarily designed to suppress popular dissent, and created a legal system that served to promote the aims of the state and enhance its power. The law is an instrument of control, and the judiciary is not independent. Judges and lawyers are expected to work on behalf of the Communist Party. The current Constitution, promulgated in 1982, contains a list of rights, but these are not guaranteed; they are more in the form of desiderata. As long as citizens follow the dictates of the Communist Party and do not act in ways that contravene its current policies, they might have freedom of belief, for example, but only so long as their beliefs conform to those the Party promotes. The Constitution declares that all power belongs to the people, but the people exercise power through the National People’s Congress and local people’s congresses. Article 2 states that these bodies represent the true will

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of the people (which is necessary because the people do not know what is in their best interests). The Constitution outlines the rights and duties of China’s citizens, the most important of which is the right to live in a socialist society. They do not have the right to alter the system or to choose their leaders, and they should recognize that the Party’s decisions are not matters for public discussion. No individual or group may legitimately question its policies or disrupt its plans (Article 15). Chapter Two contains a list of rights—including equality before the law, the right to vote, and the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, and religion, as well as freedom from unlawful detention or torture—but these are not real limitations on state power because it further stipulates that any right may be abrogated or curtailed provided that this is done in accordance with law. The law is a tool of the Party, so it can be altered or interpreted in accordance with its current agendas. Moreover, the constitution provides no provisions for redress in cases of denial of basic freedoms, neither is there any apparatus for lodging complaints or pursuing legal avenues in such cases. During Mao’s tenure, contemporary standards of human rights were dismissed as products of “bourgeois” Western thinking. The people benefit from living in a socialist society and should exert themselves in furthering the agendas of their revolutionary leaders. In Western countries, the notion of “individual rights” is really an illusion, because these systems are inevitably exploitive. People are alienated from the products of their work, and the bourgeoisie control the means of production. People can be truly free only under socialism, and human rights are possible only in such a society. Once the country has been transformed through class struggle, everyone will enjoy equal opportunity and the benefits of the new system. After Mao’s death, however, his successors began to move away from his ideology, and the opening up to the global economy under Deng Xiaoping 邓小平 (1904–1997) was accompanied by a change in official rhetoric. The PRC began to verbally accede to international human rights conventions and claimed that it was in compliance with the Universal Declaration and other rights accords. In 1990 the PRC’s representative to the United Nations (UN) told the Committee Against Torture that China is bound by all such internationally recognized conventions and even stated that if its actions are at variance with their provisions they “take precedence over domestic law.” This followed the crackdown in Tiananmen Square and the violent suppression of demonstrations in Tibet in 1989, images of which appeared on television screens all over the world. The PRC continued to maintain that it adhered to international human rights standards, but as evidence to the contrary became overwhelming a profound change occurred: officials began to question the validity of human rights philosophy and argued that it is really a tool of imperialism designed to suppress developing nations.

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China has long claimed a leadership position among Asian nations and portrays itself as the spokesman for the developing world. PRC leaders regularly proclaim that Asians have different standards from those of Western peoples and are more concerned with economic progress, social harmony, and communal values than individual freedoms. They desire strong governments that have the power to secure borders and protect them from foreign aggression, and expect them to maintain harmony among the populace. This notion was directly challenged in the All-Party Forum on Tibet, held in New Delhi on 18–20 March 1994, in which representatives from all over Asia and various Third World countries gathered to discuss the human rights situation in Tibet. Its conclusion was that China is engaged in widespread human rights violations that amount to genocide. The resolution the delegates produced asserted that the PRC is in violation of UN General Assembly Resolution #1723 (XVI) of 1961, which condemns such practices, and called for withdrawal of Chinese forces from the region. The fact that the conference was held in an Asian capital and attended by representatives from developing nations was particularly galling to China, which condemned the gathering and rejected its conclusions. PRC officials asserted that it “violates the principle of noninterference in each other’s internal affairs” and “launched against China a campaign of defamation under the pretext of so-called ‘human rights’ […] we are indignant and sternly condemn these clamors and activities aimed at splitting China and intervening in the internal affairs of China.” This remains the official position, which vacillates between claims of adherence to human rights standards and angry denunciations of these same standards as tools of imperialism. Evidence of human rights abuses is dismissed as false and malicious, and those who present it are characterized as bigots who seek to weaken China. The Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), has been the most consistent high-profile critic of China’s human rights record in Tibet. Following his flight from Tibet in 1959, he established a government-in-exile. Its research staff collects oral reports of torture, extrajudicial killings, and suppression of religion, as well as a range of other abuses, and regularly publishes them. In addition to the dissemination of evidence of PRC violations of international rights conventions, the Dalai Lama has questioned the philosophy behind the current PRC position. He points out that Asians do not suffer any less than Westerners when tortured, neither do they welcome such actions by their governments. He applies Buddhist principles of interdependence to the discussion and claims that all beings suffer when subjected to painful experiences, and all are bound together through interconnected karma. All equally wish to be happy and free from suffering, and no one willingly accepts torture as the price for economic development. He believes that human rights standards are indeed universal and that Asian systems of

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thought such as Buddhism provide ample support for the provisions of the Universal Declaration and other human rights conventions. This dispute is one of the most acrimonious aspects of current relations between China and other countries, particularly those of Europe and North America, and is likely to continue to be a source of mutual antagonism for the foreseeable future. See also COMMUNISM; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; DGE ’DUN CHOS KYI NYI MA; LEGAL SYSTEM. HWA SHANG MA HA YA NA (HASHANG MAHAYANA, FL. CA. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. HESHANG MOHEYAN 和尚摩訶衍/和尚摩诃衍). The Chinese Chan 禅 master who, according to Tibetan tradition, debated with Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century) in the “Council of bSam yas,” held during the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). According to Bu ston’s (1290–1364) account in his Ecclesiastical History (Chos ’byung), the debate was arranged by Khri Srong lDe btsan and was held in 792. Moheyan reportedly taught that awakening is attained all at once, in a flash of insight, following which all afflictions are eliminated. Bu ston reports that he was defeated and that Kamalaśīla’s gradualist position (rim gyis ’jug pa)—reflecting mainstream Indian Mahāyāna paradigms of practice and doctrine—was declared to be orthodox Dharma. Following this, Moheyan returned to China, but was so upset with his defeat that he sent a team of Chinese assassins to Tibet, who killed Kamalaśīla by squeezing his kidneys. Moheyan is associated with the “East Mountain Teaching” (Ch. Dongshan Famen 东山法门) of the Northern School (Ch. Beizong 北宗) of Chan. He traveled to Dunhuang, which was under Tibetan control, in 781 or 787, and then continued on to Tibet, where he began to teach. He reportedly settled at bSam yas and attracted many followers, but he ran into opposition from supporters of Indic forms of Buddhism. Little is known of his actual teachings, and much of what Tibetans accept as historical fact is found only in accounts written centuries after the “debate.” Documents bearing his name, however, appeared in the Mogao Caves (Ch. Mogaoku 莫高窟) of Dunhuang, including IOL TibJ 709, a collection of Chan texts that begins with a summary of Moheyan’s teachings. According to several Chinese sources, he advocated a doctrine of “sudden awakening” (Ch. dunwu 顿悟; Tib. cig car ’jug pa); his main practice involved eliminating all thought as the most rapid path to awakening. When thought stops, he asserted, one’s innate buddha-nature manifests and one instantly enters the state of buddhahood. He also taught that there is no point in performing meritorious actions; any activity only enmeshes beings in further cyclic existence. His main technique involved concentrating on mind itself (Ch. kanxin 看心; Tib. sems la bltas) and allowing thoughts to cease naturally.

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A Chinese dossier of the debate entitled Verification of Sudden Awakening according to the Great Vehicle (Ch. Dunwu Dacheng Zhenglijue 顿悟大乘 正理决), written by the monk Wangxi 王锡, claims that Moheyan won the debate. Another account in Pelliot chinois 4646 only alludes to discussions through letters with “brahman monks” over the course of several months, and it claims that the emperor declared the Chinese side victorious. Regardless of the actual historicity of the debate, the story has had lasting effects on Tibetan religion and culture. The details of the debate and its outcome are well known, and for most Tibetans the main lesson is that Chinese Buddhism is heterodox and Indian Buddhism is normative. Despite the legend of his comprehensive defeat, Moheyan remains a part of contemporary Tibetan culture. A Hwa shang figure often appears in ritual dances (’cham). He wears a round mask and brocade robes and has exaggerated Chinese features, and he provides comic interludes. He is clumsy and prone to harming himself, and he is accompanied by a group of disciples who protect him. His antics are considered hilarious. In some dances he is a serious figure who is accorded respect, but he generally appears as a clown who symbolizes the rift between Tibetans and Chinese. See also COUNCIL OF BSAM YAS.

I INDIA (TIB. RGYA GAR) (HIN. BHĀRAT). Tibetans have traditionally referred to India as “rGya gar (alt dkar)” (White Region); a common explanation holds that this is based on a belief that its inhabitants wear white clothing. Another etymology construes rGya gar as meaning “vast encampment.” It is also referred to as “’Phags pa’i yul” (Land of Superiors) because it is the region where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha, ca. 480–400 BCE) was born and promulgated his teachings and where many of the luminaries of early Buddhism lived. Beginning with the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism in Tibet in the 7th century, Tibetan pilgrims began to travel to India, and Indian masters were invited to teach in Tibet. Tibetan Buddhists proclaim that their traditions faithfully preserve lineages imported from India and that their canonical texts are of Indic origin. The Republic of India (Bhārat Gaṇarājya), founded in 1947, is the world’s seventh-largest country in terms of geographical area and has its second-­ largest population (more than 1.2 billion in 2011). It is a federal constitutional republic with a parliamentary democracy, comprising 28 states and seven union territories. India is bounded by the Indian Ocean to the south, the Arabian Sea in the southwest, and the Bay of Bengal in the southeast. The modern state of India borders Pakistan, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Bhutan, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Burma. Sri Lanka and the Maldives share a maritime border with India. It is the place of origin of four of the world’s major religious traditions: Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism. Modern India also has a substantial population of Muslims, as well as Christians, Baha’is, and Zoroastrians. The Indian subcontinent began to collide with the Asian landmass about 60 million years ago; it pushed up the southern edge of Asia and in the process created the Tibetan Plateau and the Himalayas, the world’s highest mountains. The name India is related to the Indus Valley, the site of an ancient civilization that flourished from 2500 to 1500 BCE. Excavations in Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro provide evidence of a highly developed social structure and advanced technology for the time. Little is known with certainty about this period because the inhabitants did not leave behind any decipherable written records. 281

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The next major early phase of Indian history is commonly designated the “Vedic period” (ca. 1500–500 BCE), during which the Vedas, the earliest sacred texts of Hinduism, were composed. These became the scriptural corpus of the brahman caste, whose duty (dharma) it was to memorize them and perform rituals that maintained the order of the cosmos. This was also the time when Hinduism’s distinctive system of social hierarchies (Skt. varṇa) developed. By the 5th century BCE the Gangetic Plain and much of the northwest of the subcontinent were under the control of 16 hegemonic states referred to as “Mahājanapada” (Great Realms). This was also the time when nonbrahmanical religious movements—including Buddhism and Jainism— arose and challenged the traditional orthodoxy. The Epic and Purāṇic Period (ca. 500 BCE–500 CE), during which the great epics Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata were composed, was a time of political and religious ferment. In later centuries the Mauryan dynasty (ca. 320–185 BCE) ruled large areas in the northern reaches of the subcontinent. The third Mauryan emperor, Mya ngan med (Skt. Aśoka, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE), converted to Buddhism and sponsored missions to Ceylon (modern Sri Lanka) and parts of the subcontinent. From Ceylon it spread to other countries in Southeast Asia. Influential religious movements including Vaiṣṇavism (worship of Viṣṇu), Śaivism (worship of Śiva), and Śāktism (worship of the Goddess or Devī) also developed in this period. From 200 BCE to 200 CE, the Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas ruled the southern peninsula. The last Mauryan emperor was assassinated by his brahman general Puśyamitra Śuṅga in 185 BCE. The latter founded the Śuṅga dynasty (185–73 BCE). This collapsed as a result of invasions by Greek armies, which established kingdoms in northern areas of the subcontinent. The Śāka kings succeeded them but were invaded by the Kuṣaṇas, who created an empire that stretched along the Gangetic Plain beyond Vārāṇasī. The rulers of the Gupta dynasty (320–500 CE) established control over much of northern India. Their reign was a time of flourishing of literature, architecture, medicine, science, and mathematics. It also saw important developments in Buddhist philosophy and art. The Medieval Period (500–1200) was a time during which religion and philosophy evolved in new directions, but the subcontinent was divided among small states, none of which was able to exert influence over a wide area. Tantric traditions arose, emphasizing acquisition of supernatural abilities and rapid progress in spiritual endeavors. Cults associated with charismatic masters in Bengal and Bihār that originated in the 7th to 12th centuries were particularly influential in Tibet. Beginning in the 7th century, the Yar klungs monarchs began importing Buddhism and Indian culture, along with technology and learning from other surrounding countries. The main source for scholastic lore was the Buddhist monastic universities of northern India,

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which attracted students from all over the world. Many Tibetan pilgrims traveled to India to study, and Indian masters were invited to missionize in Tibet. Muslim rule on the subcontinent began with Arab general Muhammad bin Qasim’s (ca. 695–715) conquest of Sindh. Successive waves of invasions by armies from Central Asia and Afghanistan looted and pillaged. Some established kingdoms. During the 11th–13th centuries a series of Muslim invasions in the northern parts of the subcontinent attacked Buddhist institutions and destroyed many. By the end of the 13th century, Buddhism was mostly eradicated on the subcontinent, except for a few surviving pockets. With the demise of the Dharma in India and the increasingly hostile environment for travel and pilgrimage, Tibetans began to create alternative sacred sites on the Tibetan Plateau and they generally accepted that traveling to these was equivalent to the merit gained by visiting their Indian counterparts. The most important early Muslim dynasty was the Delhi Sultanate (1206– 1525), which was supplanted by the Mughals, descendants of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) and Timur (1336–1405). They ruled most of the north of the subcontinent from 1526 to 1707. Europeans began to arrive in India in the 15th century. In 1498 Vasco da Gama (1460–1524) discovered a sea route to India; this opened the door to trade and later colonization. Portugal was the first European country to acquire territory, and it was also the last to leave. Its colony in Goa was returned to India in 1962. In 1600 a group of British businessmen formed the British East India Company. Its stated goal was to pursue trade relations with India. It established a commercial port in Calcutta, and later, with the agreement of the British government, took over most of Bengal. It continued to extend its influence and the territory it controlled, and it created a substantial army to advance its interests. By the mid-19th century it held sway over most of the subcontinent. Even at the height of its power, however, much of the region retained a system of princely states ruled by traditional hegemons. They managed internal affairs, and the British allowed them to control their territories as long as they did not interfere with their commercial or administrative interests. India came under British crown rule following the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Earlier restrictions against missionizing were abolished, and Christians arrived with the intention of converting the populace. They established schools, hospitals, and other institutions that directly benefited Indians, and the Bible and other texts were translated into Indic vernaculars so as to facilitate the dissemination of their message. When Europeans first arrived, orthodox Hindus generally shunned them as ritually impure; in the traditional social hierarchy people who do not belong to a caste (jāti) are the most polluting of humans, and caste Hindus should avoid any contact with them. The Mughals declined in influence with the growing dominion of foreigners, and by the latter half of the 18th century local rulers paid at most

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lip service to the emperor’s authority. Hinduism was also in decline, and European commentators routinely predicted that it would disappear under the onslaught of British rule and the efforts of missionaries. A revival led by reformers who adapted received traditions to the new situation stemmed the tide, and Hindus trained in British schools co-opted imported philosophies and religious ideas to create a new, modernist Hinduism that appealed to the emerging Western-educated elites. One of the most important of the new Hindu spokespeople was Mohandas Karamchand (“Mahātma”) Gandhi (1869–1948). Born into a Vaiṣṇava family in Gujarat, he studied in English schools and worked as a barrister in London. After his return to India, he strove to reappropriate traditional Hinduism. His vision of the religion was based on the Bhagavad-gītā, which he first encountered in Sir Edwin Arnold’s English translation. He was the leading figure in the Indian independence movement that succeeded in convincing the British to quit India. Gandhi’s close ally in the freedom movement, Jahawarl Nehru (1889–1964), became the first prime minister of the new nation after it gained independence in 1947. Nehru proclaimed that his policy toward the country’s northern neighbor was “mutual brotherhood between India and China” (Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai). Asian nations, he declared, were averse to war and did not attack neighboring countries as did the European colonial powers. The relationship between his nation and China would provide a model that others would emulate. He demilitarized the border, which provided the expansionist leaders of the PRC an opportunity to encroach on India’s northeastern frontier. With the Indian government’s attention directed toward internal problems and conflicts with Pakistan, the Chinese built roads in areas abutting and entering the Indian Himalayas and moved their troops into these areas. When this was discovered and reported to the government in Delhi, Nehru dispatched troops to reassert India’s territorial claims, but Chinese forces attacked them. Following armed responses by the Indian military, in October 1962 China launched a full-scale invasion that penetrated deeply into northeastern India and took military control over disputed areas in the far west in La dwags. Nehru belatedly recognized that Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) did not share his romantic vision and declared that he had been “living in a fool’s paradise.” The Indian government bolstered its northern defenses, and from that time to the present border security has been a core priority of the Indian military. Conflicts are ongoing, mostly initiated by Chinese troops seeking to expand their country’s sphere of control. Many contemporary security analysts in India and government officials publicly assert that they regard China as India’s major external threat and that Pakistan is at most a secondary priority for strategic planning.

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Nehru’s early policies toward China had profound ramifications for Tibet. During the British Raj, China and other potential aggressors were warned that Great Britain would defend Tibet against attack. It was conceived as a buffer zone between Britain’s South Asian empire, Russia, and China, and its leaders’ preference for neutrality and isolationist policies contributed to the sense that Tibet stood apart from other nations. The dGa’ ldan pho brang failed to attract allies internationally, and it also failed to heed the 13th Dalai Lama’s warnings about the threat posed by China. After Britain left the scene, Nehru and his government decided not to exercise the protective function of the Raj, and they meekly accepted the PRC’s invasion and annexation of their neighbor. By the time Nehru realized that China also had designs on much of the northern reaches of his own country and claimed vast swathes of Indian territory, Tibet was firmly under PRC control. Nehru granted asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), and later to the more than 80,000 refugees who joined him in exile. Nehru’s own statements indicated that this decision was partly motivated by a sense of guilt over his role in the invasion and subsequent suffering of Tibet: he had urged the Dalai Lama to return after a sojourn in India and assured him that China’s intentions were benevolent. When the PRC militarily suppressed the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959 and initiated a violent crackdown, India allowed Tibetans fleeing the conflict to cross its borders and provided land for them to establish settlements. The former British hill station of Dharamsala became the headquarters of a government-in-exile, and later tracts in the southern state of Karnataka were provided. Tibetan exiles cleared jungles, endured attacks by wild animals, and reestablished religious institutions that the PRC had destroyed. Many succumbed to the unfamiliar climate or to diseases unknown on the Plateau for which they lacked immunities. Following the initial waves of refugees in the late 1950s and early 1960s, a steady flow of Tibetans continued to make its way to India. Between 1,000 and 4,000 escaped over some of the world’s highest passes every year, leaving their homeland behind for an uncertain future in exile. In recent years China has moved military forces to the border areas where refugees used to cross into Nepal, and as a result few can escape. The resources of the refugee community are always stretched, and it is a constant struggle to maintain services and social cohesion. Many of the new arrivals are greeted with suspicion because they lived under Chinese rule. Chinese neologisms punctuate their speech, and they are unfamiliar with customs and protocols developed in the exile community. Some Tibetans who have settled in India have reportedly been PRC spies, and this notion also contributes to the established refugees’ distrust. Most Tibetans who reside in India refuse to become citizens; this is viewed as a sign of their commitment to the dream of independence (rang btsan)

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for their homeland. They have worked to recreate their culture and religion in exile, and they have also rediscovered the holy sites of the subcontinent. Traditional pilgrimage destinations have been revived, and a thriving industry has developed among Tibetans who tour sites associated with the Buddha and Indian Buddhist luminaries. The Dalai Lama and other leaders frequently proclaim their gratitude for the generosity of the Indian government and the people of the country in welcoming them and providing sanctuary during the harrowing early days of flight and exile. He refers to himself as a “true son of India” and highlights the ancient cultural and religious ties that link Tibet and the subcontinent. This notion has been vehemently denounced by PRC officials, who portray him as a stooge of foreign powers and regard his affection for India and its people as evidence of this. Relations between local Indians and Tibetan refugees have been generally amicable, but a number of violent clashes have occurred, particularly in Dharamsala and the surrounding area. Some locals resent the support ­ Tibetans have received from their government and from foreigners, and some of the exiles have contributed to this resentment with their condescending behavior. Tibetans often hire Indians to perform menial tasks; they have treated some badly, and this fosters a sense of affront. Some local Indians have welcomed the influx of foreign tourists attracted by the mystique of the Dalai Lama and other charismatic religious virtuosi because it bolsters the economy, but others complain that it implicitly places them in a second-class role. The vast majority of Tibetan refugees deeply appreciate India’s ongoing commitment to aiding them. The Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) designated 2009 “Thank You India Year,” which was marked by a number of festivities that honored their special relationship. Ironically, for many Tibetans the experience of their homeland being forcibly incorporated into the PRC and the subsequent importation of Chinese people, ideas, language, and culture has led to greater estrangement from China and a sense of renewed closeness with the “Land of Superiors.” The CTA and the Dalai Lama regularly emphasize the notion that Tibet’s external cultural influences are mainly from the subcontinent and that historically China has been largely peripheral. Chinese attempts to force Tibetans to generate feelings of patriotism toward their “Motherland” and coercive measures to impose the ideology and culture of the PRC’s Han rulers often create alienation in the target audience. Thousands of Tibetan parents have sent their children to India for schooling in CTA-run institutions, risking expulsion from their jobs or imprisonment, in the hope that their children might learn their language, culture, and religion. For many Tibetans, today Tibetan culture is authentically preserved only in India. See also ARUNACHAL PRADESH; BIHĀR; INDIAN BUDDHISM; THUB BSTAN RGYA MTSHO.

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INDIAN BUDDHISM (TIB. RGYA GAR GYI NANG CHOS). For many Tibetans, Buddhism is the core element of their cultural identity, and Tibetan Buddhists regard themselves as the inheritors of traditions that began with Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha, ca. 480–400 BCE), were interpreted in accordance with his intentions by the “openers of the chariot ways” (shing rta) kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna, ca. 150–250 CE) and Thogs med (Skt. Asaṅga, ca. 4th century), and expounded by other luminaries. It was transmitted to Tibet and preserved there in a pure form, and highly realized translators (lo tsā ba) created technically accurate equivalents based on their profound learning and spiritual attainments. Tibetans also commonly claim that their system maintains all the true traditions of Buddhism in complete form and has systematically weeded out all false accretions. Thus the Tibetan form of Buddhism is the best and most accurate, and all others are corrupted to a greater or lesser degree. Buddhism has profoundly influenced Tibetan politics, history, culture, and daily life since the inception of its importation in the 7th century. Although Buddhism originated in India, today the tradition mainly flourishes in other countries. Long-established Buddhist cultures persist at the northern fringes of the subcontinent, in La dwags (Ladakh), Sikkim, Nepal, and Bhutan, and since 1959 several hundred thousand Tibetan refugees have swelled the ranks of Buddhists in India. The tradition began with Śākyamuni Buddha, born into a royal family in what is now southern Nepal. After leaving his father’s kingdom in order to find liberation from cyclic existence (’khor ba; Skt. saṃsāra), he attained awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi), after which he began to teach others the path he had discovered. Early in his teaching career, he instituted a monastic order (dge ’dun; Skt. saṃgha), which in later centuries spread all over the subcontinent and to other countries in Asia. The Buddha traveled throughout northern India, attracting followers wherever he went, and by the end of his 40-year ministry the tradition was well established. Shortly after his death, traditional histories report, a council was convened in rGyal po’i khab (Skt. Rājagṛha), during which a canon was compiled. This included the Buddha’s sermons (mdo sde; Skt. sūtra) and rules for monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya). According to early accounts, the monastic community remained unified during the Buddha’s lifetime, but the beginnings of sectarianism began to manifest soon afterward, and within a century a second council was convened at Yangs pa can (Skt. Vaiśālī) in order to adjudicate a dispute between monks of that area and another monk named Grags pa (Skt. Yaśas), who believed that some of their practices contravened the Vinaya. Whether or not this was a historical event, it points to the fact that fissures were beginning to form within the previously unified community, and probably at least by the time

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of Mya ngan med (Skt. Aśoka Maurya, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE), divergent philosophical and disciplinary traditions had developed. Under the Maurya dynasty (322–185 BCE) Buddhism enjoyed a period of significant growth due to royal patronage, and during the reign of Aśoka it began to spread beyond the subcontinent, initially due to missions sponsored by him. The first persecution of Buddhism was initiated by Shar rgyal bshes gnyen (Skt. Puṣyamitra Śuṅga, r. ca. 187–151 BCE), but the Śuṅga dynasty (185–73 BCE) was also generally a time of prosperity for Buddhism, during which some of its greatest monuments were constructed (including Sāñcī, Bhārhut, and Amarāvatī). The Śuṅga dynasty came to an end as a result of foreign invasions from Central Asia, and this marked the beginning of a long period of foreign military incursions into India. The invaders included Greeks, Parthians, Kushans, and Scythians. Some of the foreign rulers supported Buddhism; for example, the Kushan king Ka ni Shaka (alt. Ka niṣka; Kaniṣka I, third king of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty, ca. 1st–2nd centuries CE) is reported to have been a patron of Buddhism and is also said to have convened the fourth Buddhist council in Gandhāra. Despite continuing political uncertainty, Buddhism flourished for several centuries, which saw significant doctrinal development, most notably the rise of the “Great Vehicle” (Skt. Mahāyāna; Tib. Theg pa chen po), which offered expanded roles for the laity and significantly altered the paradigm of the Buddha. No longer was he viewed as a merely human teacher: he was invested with miraculous powers, as well as such exalted qualities as omniscience (thams cad mkhyen pa; Skt. sarva-jñātā). The movement produced new texts that, like the discourses of the early canons, were called “sūtras,” but were significantly different in form and content from the earlier sermons. Sometime around the 7th century, another significant new movement arose in India, which like the Mahāyāna before it produced new scriptures that it claimed the Buddha had spoken, although he had been dead for more than a millennium. These texts were called tantras (Tib. rgyud), and they contained new paradigms and practices, particularly meditations involving rituals and visualizations. This strand of Buddhism is referred to in Tibet as the “Vajra Vehicle” (rDo rje theg pa; Skt. Vajrayāna). Despite the growth and development of Buddhist thought and literature, records of the first millennium indicate that it was probably never a widespread movement, and by the 7th century its most vital centers were mainly large monastic universities (most notably Nā lendra [Skt. Nālandā], founded by gZhon nu sbas; Skt. Kumāra Gupta I, 414–455). It later grew to be the major center of learning in the Buddhist world. During the 7th century Buddhism enjoyed the patronage of King Rangs pa (Skt. Harṣa, ca. 590–647), and during the Pāla dynasty (ca. 650–950) several of its rulers patronized major ­Buddhist centers of learning, such as rNam gnon ngang tshul (Skt. Vikramaśīla,

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founded ca. 800) and Otantapuri’i gtsug lag khang (Skt. Odantapurī, founded ca. 760) in modern-day Bihār. Vikramaśīla later eclipsed Nālandā as Buddhism’s greatest center of learning, but both were eventually destroyed as a result of Muslim invasions that entered India in waves during the 11th–13th centuries. Before this time, Buddhist philosophy enjoyed a renaissance due to the Madhyamaka philosophers Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) and Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century), both of whom played significant roles in the early propagation of Buddhism in Tibet. Although Buddhism had apparently been in decline for centuries, its final death knell was sounded by the invasions of the Turkic general Mahmud Shabuddin Ghorī (1162–1206), who sacked Nālandā in 1197 and Vikramaśīla in 1203. Despite these attacks, Buddhism survived for some time in isolated pockets, and when the Tibetan pilgrim Chos rje dpal (Skt. Dharmasvāmin, 1197–1263/1264) visited Nālandā in 1235 he encountered a few monks with a small group of students. During his visit, however, another raiding party arrived and they had to flee. Because Buddhism’s strength was concentrated in the large northern monasteries in areas that bore the brunt of the Muslim attacks, once these were destroyed the tradition was unable to survive. Buddhism effectively vanished from the subcontinent and was revived only in the 19th and 20th centuries, as Buddhists from other countries came to India either as pilgrims or as refugees and began to reestablish the tradition in the land of its origin. INNER MONGOLIA (TIB. NANG SOG) (MON. ӨВӨР МОНГОЛ: ÖBÖR MONGΓOL) (CH. NEI MENGGU 内蒙古). A region under the control of the People’s Republic of China, designated as the Mongol Autonomous Region (Ch. Nei Mengu Zizhiqu 内蒙古自治区), located in the northern region of the country. It borders Outer Mongolia (the Republic of Mongolia) and the Russian Federation. Its capital is Hohhot (Mon. Kökeqota; Ch. Huhehaote 呼和浩特), and its largest city is Batou (Mon. Buγutu; Ch. Baotou 包头). Inner Mongolia comprises about 1,200,000 sq. km (463,000 sq. mi.), about 12 percent of China’s land area. In 2004 it had a population of 24 million, the vast majority of them ethnic Han. INTERPRETING TIBETAN BUDDHIST DOCTRINES (ZANGCHUAN FOJIAO JIAOYI CHANSHI 藏传佛教教义阐释). In 2011 the Chinese Communist Party began issuing a series of pamphlets that resulted from seminars sponsored by the Beijing-based China Tibetology Research Center (Zhongguo Zangxue Yanjiu zhongxin 中国藏学研究中心; Tib. Krung go’i bod rig pa zhib ’jug ste gnas). The first of these was titled Interpreting Tibetan Buddhist Doctrines: Trial Lecture Booklet (Zangchuan Fojiao jiaoyi jushi: shijiangben 藏传佛教教义l鞠释: 试讲本). The “Interpreting” program is

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part of a larger government initiative to convince religious believers to alter their beliefs and is connected with “patriotic education” (aiguozhuyi jiaoyu 爱国主义教育). Unlike previous strategies aimed at bringing about a shift in perspective on the part of adherents of religions, this one is less overtly top down, and it includes monastics in seminars. Some of the chapters in Trial Lecture Booklet were composed by monks, which is also true of subsequent pamphlets. This program has mostly been led by the United Front Work Department (Zhong Gong Zhongyang Tongyi Zhanxian Gong suobu 中共中 央统一战线工作部). All monasteries in Tibet are required to have at least one copy of Trial Lecture Booklet and other publications in the series on their premises, and resident monastics are forced to participate in study sessions regarding their contents. Underlying the official justification for this program is a pastiche of mostly bogus historical precedents. At the beginning of Trial Lecture Booklet, readers are informed that Tibetan Buddhism is infinitely adaptable and in the past has modified its doctrines in accordance with the ideologies of “feudal” regimes. Now that Tibet is under the control of a socialist government, Buddhism must again reinvent itself, this time in ways that bring it into conformity with Communist Party principles. The pamphlet is divided into two main parts: (1) the first several chapters appear under the heading “Patriotism”; and (2) the rest are grouped under “Ethics.” The latter sections have little connection with the first several chapters and appear to have mostly been written by monks; they focus on topics such as monastic regulations and are not overtly political in content. The early chapters are the ones that appear in official sources: they argue for the necessity of Tibetan Buddhism adapting itself to socialism and assert that only certain doctrines inherited from the past might be viable in the present ideological environment. Most of the doctrines and practices that Buddhists would view as central to their faith are not even mentioned (e.g., compassion, the four truths, guru yoga, or tantric visualizations). The pamphlet begins by highlighting Buddhist scriptures that it claims are normative for believers. Several are Chinese apocrypha of which most Tibetans would be unaware, such as the Perfection of Wisdom Discourse for Humane Kings Who Protect Their Countries (Renwang huguo banruo boluomi jing 仁王護國般若波羅蜜經; T 246.8.825a–846a), which presents itself as a sermon the Buddha delivered to 16 Indian kings. In it, the Buddha employs Confucian terminology and puts forward a vision of government that reflects ancient Chinese dynasties. The pamphlet (and others that followed it) presumes a Chinese model according to which Buddhist schools rely on particular sūtras, but Tibetan Buddhist thought tends to invoke philosophical treatises (śāstra) and tantric works. The primary message of the “Interpreting” initiative is that Tibetan Buddhism is a deeply patriotic tradition that has always demonstrated “supreme

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social flexibility.” “Tibetan Buddhist doctrines” that receive approval include “ornamenting the nation’s land” (zhuangyan guotu 庄严国土)—which is found in some Chinese translations of Buddhist texts from the 2nd century, where it sometimes refers to personal ornamentation or formal dress. It was later expanded to refer to ornamentation of physical space or embellishment of the heaven realms created by buddhas from their stores of merit. It has also been used in translations and discussions of texts relating to Amitābha Buddha (Emituofo 阿弥陀佛) and his Pure Land of Sukhāvatī, which is an important trope in East Asian Buddhism that plays only a minor role in Tibet. In several pamphlets in this series, the Buddha is extolled as a paragon of patriotic fervor: a section of Trial Lecture Booklet entitled “The Patriotic Buddha” (aiguo de fotuo 爱国的佛陀) contends that he was an intensely nationalistic figure who was involved in state affairs and who worked to “protect the nation.” The authors appear unaware of the details of traditional stories of the Buddha’s life, which portray him as a prince in a region of northern India divided into numerous small kingdoms who renounced his royal heritage in order to engage in meditation and other religious pursuits. He is depicted as having interactions with various rulers, but there are no indications that he felt exclusive loyalty to any particular state, or that he identified himself as a citizen of any polity. Despite the initial positive assessment of Tibetan Buddhism and an indication that it will continue to inspire its adherents to acts of patriotism, the Trial Lecture Booklet echoes the Party’s official position that in the final analysis religion is a remnant of feudalism that will inevitably wither and die as science and rationality become more deeply inculcated in the public psyche. Tibetan Buddhism, like other religions, will gradually become increasingly associated with social ethics and patriotism, and “superstitious” elements will be cast away. Until then, religion will be tolerated, but it is the duty of a socialist state to persistently and firmly control it and work toward its eventual eradication. ISLAM (TIB. KHA CHE). The standard Tibetan term for both the religion of Islam and for its adherents (also referred to as Ching kren). It also refers to Kashmir (Kaśmīr). Muslim communities have been established on the Tibetan Plateau for centuries, many of which continue today. References to Muslim traders from early periods appear in the central provinces, and Muslim merchants established businesses in Lha sa and other cities. Some of these were Chinese Hui 回 Muslims, while others were Kashmiris or Inner Asians. Muslims frequently appear in Tibetan narratives as merchants, traders, and moneylenders, and Muslims often served as butchers and performed other tasks repugnant to Buddhist sensibilities. It was common practice to contract a Muslim butcher to dispatch animals designated for slaughter; the

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butcher would receive a share of the carcass rather than payment (as paying for killing was regarded as a violation of Buddhist norms, while arranging for someone else to dispatch the animal was morally ambiguous but apparently perceived as a pragmatic expedient for an unpleasant but necessary task). Small Muslim communities live in parts of A mdo, as well as in western regions of the Tibetan Plateau, including La dwags and sBal ti yul (Baltistan, now part of Pakistan). In the period up to about the 10th century Tibetans and Muslims traded together fairly easily, but after the importation into Tibet of the Kālacakra ­Tantra (ca. late 11th–early 12th centuries), Tibetans’ perceptions of Islam shifted, and it was seen as a force inimical to the Dharma. The text’s descriptions of Muslims attacking Buddhist strongholds gave a sense of foreboding about the swift expansion of Islam and its future impact on Buddhism. These are largely defensive in tone, with a palpable sense of impending cataclysm. Despite this, Muslims as a group were welcomed as merchants and as religious practitioners in Tibet, and Tibetan Muslims have written several interesting monographs on their life experiences. IVOLGINSKY DATSAN (RUS: ИВОЛГИНСКИЙ ДАЦАН) (“IVOLGINSKY MONASTERY”). A Buddhist temple located in eastern Siberia, near Lake Baikal in Buryatia, constructed in 1946 about 40 km (25 mi.) from Ulan-Ude. It is one of the major Buddhist monasteries in Russia. It is the seat of the Khambo Lama (or Pandido Khambo Lama), one of the most influential reincarnational lineages (Mon. khubilgan; Tib. sprul sku) among Mongols living in Russia. The two main Buddhist Mongol groups in Russia are the Kalmyks and the Buryats, who follow Buddhist traditions imported from Tibet. The monastery houses a collection of Tibetan-language manuscripts, as well as important art treasures. It also has the mummified body of the 12th Khambo Lama, Dashi-Dorzo Itigelov (1852–1927), who, according to local legend, instructed his students before his death to bury his body and then exhume it in 30 years. When they did so, the preserved corpse was sitting in the lotus position and showed no significant signs of decay. The body was reburied and again exhumed in 2002, and later transferred to Ivolginsky Monastery, where it remains today.

J ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA (JAMYANG SHEBA) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA 嘉木样协巴). One of the most influential reincarnational lineages of the dGe lugs order, closely associated with bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil Monastery in A mdo. ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA BLO BZANG YE SHES BSTAN PA’I RGYAL MTSHAN (JAMYANG SHEBA LOSANG JAMYANG YESHÉ DENBÉ GYELTSEN, 1916–1947) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA JIAMUYANG YIXI JIANZANG 嘉木样协巴嘉木样益西监). The fifth ’Jam ­dbyangs bzhad pa, born in Li thang. His father was mGon po don grub, and his mother was Gu ru lha mtsho. His teachers included bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma (the ninth Paṇ chen bla ma, 1883–1937), ’Jam dbyangs mKhyen rab rgya mtsho (the third A mchog Rin po che, 1849–1944), and ’Jigs med ’phrin las rgya mtsho (1866–1948, recognized as the reincarnation of the 50th gDan rabs of bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil, bLa kho bla gsar ’Jam dbyangs rgya mtsho). ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA BSKAL BZANG THUB BSTAN DBANG PHYUG (JAMYANG SHEBA GELSANG TUPDEN WANGCHUK, 1856–1916) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA GASANG TUDENG WANGXIU 嘉木样协巴噶桑土登旺修). The fourth ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. His father was gZhan phan bde legs ’byung gnas, and his mother was gZhan phan chos ’tsho. His birth name was dBang chen stobs rgyas. He was born in Khams ’Bri chu bKra shis lha lung, and as an adult his main seat was bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil. His teachers included Shes rab rgya mtsho (1803–1875), Thu’u bkwan Yongs ’dzin bsTan pa rgya mtsho (1825– 1897), bLo bzang rnam rgyal (b. 19th century), ’Jam dbyangs mKhyen rab rgya mtsho (the third A mchog Rin po che, 1849–1944), and Thub bstan dge legs rgya mtsho (1844–1904). In 1859 he was recognized as the reincarnation of Thub bstan ’jigs med rgya mtsho (1792–1855) and enthroned at bLa brang bkra shis ’khyil. In 1875 he traveled to central Tibet and entered ’Bras spungs sGo mang Monastery. In 1877 he established the Kye’i rdo

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rje Grwa tshang at bLa brang. In 1883 he became the Throne Holder (Khri pa) of Tshogs chen. In 1898 he traveled to Beijing and met the emperor Guangxu 光绪 (Tib. bKwan bshus, 1871–1908). In 1903 he founded dGa’ ldan chos ’phel gling at gSer gzhong. His Collected Works (gSung ’bum) fill four volumes. ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA DKON MCHOG ’JIGS MED DBANG PO (JAMYANG SHEBA GÖNCHOK JIKMÉ WANGBO, 1728–1791) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA GONGQUE JIMEI WANGBO 嘉木样协 巴贡确吉美汪波). The second ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, born in gCan tsho in mDo smad. His birth name was sGo blo. His father was Ngag dbang rnam rgyal, and his mother was gNam skyid. In 1743 he was recognized as the reincarnation of ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje (1648–1721/1722). His teachers included Ngag dbang blo bzang (1719– 1794), Phur bu lcog Ngag dbang byams pa (1682–1762), bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, 1738–1780), bsKal bzang rgya ­mtsho (the seventh Dalai Lama, 1708–1757), Rol pa’i rdo rje (the second lCang skya, 1717–1786), bLo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (the second sTag phu, 1714–1762), and Ngag dbang kun dga’ blo gros (the 32nd Sa skya Khri chen, 1729–1783). He was the 11th Throne Holder (Khri pa) of bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil in A mdo. In 1752 he traveled to central Tibet and enrolled at ’Bras spungs sGo mang Monastery. In 1760 he founded A mchog bde mo thang dGa’ ldan chos ’khor gling. He oversaw the preparation of the first set of woodblock prints of the Tibetan canon at bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil. From 1764 to 1768 he served as the 30th Throne Holder of sKu ’bum Monastery. In 1784 he again traveled to central Tibet, where he collected more than 3,000 volumes of rare manuscripts. He died at Ka mdo gdong dmar dgon bKra shis chos sde. His Collected Works (gSung ’bum) fill 10 volumes. He was the author of an influential doxographical work entitled Precious Garland of Tenets (Grub pa’i mtha’i rnam par bzhag pa rin po che’i phreng ba), Great Essential Exposition of the Middle Way School (dBu ma stong thun chen mo), and a history of dGa’ ldan Monastery, Garland of Jewels: Ecclesiastic History of the dGa’ ldan Lineage (dGa’ ldan chos ’byung nor bu’i phreng ba). ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA ’JAM DBYANGS BLO BZANG ’JIGS MED THUB BSTAN CHOS KYI NYI MA (JAMYANG SHEBA JAMYANG LOSANG JIKMÉ TUPDEN CHÖGI NYIMA, 1948–) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA JIAMUYANG LUOSANG TUDENG QUJI NIMA 嘉木样协巴嘉木样罗桑土登曲吉尼玛). The sixth ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, born in g.Yi dkar ’om lung zhang in rKang tsha gong ma tsho ba. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) he was forced to become

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a layman; he married and currently resides in Lanzhou 兰州, the capital of Gansu Province 甘肃省. ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA THUB BSTAN ’JIGS MED RGYA MTSHO (JAMYANG SHEBA TUPDEN JIKMÉ GYATSO, 1792–1855) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA TUDENG JIMEI JIACUO 嘉木样协巴土登季美 嘉措). The third ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. He was born in Reb gong gnyan thog ’brog in mTsho sngon zheng chen thun ring rdzong. His father was Rin chen rgya mtsho, and his mother was mKhar mo skyid. His teachers included bLo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (the third Thu’u bkwan, 1737–1802), bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma (1781–1854, the seventh Paṇ chen bla ma), dKon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me (the third Gung thang Rin po che, 1762–1823), and Ngag dbang snyan grags (the 66th dGa’ ldan Khri pa, 1746–1807). He was the 27th Throne Holder (Khri pa) of bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil. He was enthroned in 1798, and in 1850 he became the Throne Holder of sKu ’bum Byams pa gling. ’JAM DBYANGS BZHAD PA’I RDO RJE NGAG DBANG BRTSON ’GRUS (JAMYANG SHEBÉ DORJÉ NGAWANG TSÖNDRÜ, 1648– 1721/1722) (CH. JIAMUYANG XIEBA DUOJIE AWANG ZONGZHE 嘉木样协巴多杰阿旺宗哲). The first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa. He was born in Kan su’u in Zha ho sa char in A mdo. In 1668, at the age of 21, he traveled to Lha sa and enrolled at ’Bras spungs sGo mang Monastery. In 1674 he received full monastic ordination (dge slong) from the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). His teachers included Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (the first lCang skya, 1642–1714), bSod nams lhun grub (b. 17th century), Ngag dbang blo gros rgya mtsho (the 44th dGa’ ldan khri pa, 1635–1688), ’Jam dbyangs grags pa (the fifth Dalai Lama’s scribe, b. 17th century), rGyud chen dKon mchog yar ’phel (b. 1602), Li thang mkhan chen bLo bzang chos grags (b. 1626), and sByin pa rgya mtsho (the 46th dGa’ ldan khri pa, 1629–1695). In 1676 he entered rGyud smad Tantric College, and following his graduation he engaged in meditative retreat at Ri bo dge ’phel. In 1690 he was appointed the abbot of ’Bras spungs sGo mang. In that same year he attempted to mediate a dispute between sDe srid Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) and Lhazang Khan (d. 1717). While he was still the abbot of sGo mang, he was invited to teach in A mdo by Ganden Erdene Junang, the Mongol king of Kokonor. Before he left, the dGa’ gdong Oracle reportedly prophesied that during his visit he would establish a monastery named bKra shis ’khyil. In 1709 he founded bKra shis ’khyil Monastery (full name: dGe ldan bshad grub dar rgyas bkra shis kun nas ’khyil ba’i gling) with the financial backing of Ju nang dpon. It is also referred to as bLa brang. He decided

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to adhere to the ’Bras spungs monastic discipline and the sGo mang debating tradition. His reincarnations—who are given the title ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa—have traditionally been the Throne Holders (Khri pa) of the monastery. At the age of 62 he traveled to Lower Phyir mdo. He came into conflict with Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho over his interpretation of Chos kyi grags pa’s (Skt. Dharmakīrti) Commentary on [Dignāga’s] Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇa-vārttika). As a result, he was forced to leave central Tibet. In 1720 he was given the title “Paṇḍi ta er ti no min han” by Emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722). He is one of the most influential figures in the intellectual history of the dGe lugs order, and his Collected Works (gSung ’bum) fill 15 volumes. He is the main textbook (yig cha) writer for ’Bras spungs sGo mang. He is commonly referred to with the epithet “omniscient” (kun mkhyen), and his textbooks are referred to as the “Kun mkhyen yig cha.” They are also used at bLa brang bKra shis ’khyil and ’Bras spungs bDe dbyangs grwa tshang. His most important works include Sun of the Land of Samantabhadra: Explanation of Philosophical Systems (Grub mtha’i rnam bshad kun bzang zhing gi nyi ma), Presentation of Knowledge and Awareness (bLo rig gi rnam gzhag), and Four Interwoven Commentaries on the Stages of the Path (Lam rim mchan bzhi sbrags ma). ’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I CHOS KYI BLO GROS (JAMYANG KHYENTSÉ CHÖGI LODRÖ, 1893–1959) (CH. JIANGYANG QINZHE QUEJI LUOZHOU 蒋揚欽哲却吉洛周). One of the leading figures of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhism in eastern Tibet, recognized by ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899) as the activity reincarnation (phrin las sprul sku) of ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892). He was born in Sa ngam in sDe dge in Khams. His birth name was ’Jam dbyangs chos kyi blo gros. His father was Rig ’dzin ’gyur med Tshe dbang rgyal po, and his mother was Tshul khrims ’tsho. He belonged to the lCag gong clan. His paternal grandfather, gSer pa gter gan, was a lineage holder of the treasures (gter ma) of bDud ’dul rdo rje (1733–1797). Following his recognition, he was taken to rDzong sar Monastery, and at the request of Chos kyi rgya mtsho (the third Kaḥ thog si tu) he was installed at Kaḥ thog Monastery. He received novice (dge tshul) vows there and was given the name gTsug lag lung rigs smra ba’i seng ge. Thar rtse zhabs drung gave him the name ’Jam dbyangs chos kyi blo gros ris med bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan. His education focused on the treasure discoveries of his predecessor and of Kong sprul, as well as the standard curriculum of Indian and Tibetan commentaries of the monastery’s study program. At the age of 15, he traveled to rDzong sar at the request of bsKal bzang rdo rje, mKhyen brtse’i dbang po’s nephew. Chos kyi blo gros

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was appointed abbot of the monastery, and he became known as Dzong sar mkhyen brtse. Like other Nonsectarian scholars, he took an eclectic approach to his studies. He received transmissions of Sa skya “path and result” (lam ’bras) and Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra) from ’Jam dbyangs blo gter dbang po (1847–1914), along with empowerments of the Compendium of the Tantra Class (rGyud sde kun ’dus). Zhabs drung bKra shis rgya mtsho gave him instructions on the Hundred Friends (Mi tra brgya rtsa) lineage of Ngor path and result according to the system of Ngag dbang chos grags (1572–1641), along with the Rwa and Tshar rDo rje ’jigs byed (Skt. Vajrabhairava) transmission. He traveled to sDe dge lhun grub steng and studied with mKhan chen bSam gtan blo gros (fl. early 1900s), who gave him the transmission and empowerment of the Compendium of Means of Achievement (sGrub thabs kun btus), and he received the Bu ston (1290–1364) lineage of Wheel of Time (Dus kyi ’khor lo; Skt. Kālacakra) from Shar bla ma ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen rab mtha’ yas. He received further instructions on the Compendium of the Tantra Class from Thar rtse zhabs drung Byams pa kun bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma. He traveled to dPal spungs and received teachings from Sa skya, bKa’ gdams, and Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud lineages from bLa ma bKra shis chos ’phel; these included the ’Khon tradition of rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya), Jo bo rje’s (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) lineage of Kālacakra, and the teachings of Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud. rGa ston Ngag dbang legs pa gave him further path and result teachings, and Kar sras kong sprul mKhyen brtse’i ’od zer (1904–1953, the recognized reincarnation of Kong sprul) initiated him into Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po’s (1403–1478) cycle of Vajrakīlaya treasures and Kong sprul’s revelations. Karma chos kyi nyin byed (the 10th Zur mang drung pa) taught him the lore of the sMar pa bKa’ brgyud, including the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug). His father, a rNying ma lineage holder, taught him the Collection of the Great Assembly (Tshogs chen ’dus pa) cycle of Kong sprul’s Great Jewel Treasure Repository (Rin chen gter mdzod). At rDzogs chen Monastery he received instructions in treasures associated with its tradition, and Zhe chen rgyal tshab Padma rnam rgyal (1871–1926) taught him Byang gter and sMin grol gling treasure cycles. ’Jigs med bstan pa’i nyi ma (the third rDo grub chen, 1865–1926) and A ’dzom ’brug pa ’Gro dpal rdo rje (1842–1924) gave him Heart Essence of the Great Perfection (rDzogs chen snying thig) teachings. bSod rgyal gter ston Las rab gling pa (1856–1926) initiated him into his own treasure discoveries and others he had received from mKhyen brtse’i dbang po. At Ngor e waṃ chos sde in gTsang he received full monastic ordination (dge slong), and he later founded a monastic college at rDzong sar called Khams byed ma thang with the help of mKhan po gzhan phan Chos kyi snang ba (1871–1927) and dBon stod mkhan po ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen rab

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(1889–1960s). He sponsored the construction of a five-story Byams pa (Skt. Maitreya) statue in the Rig gsum lha khang. He founded a retreat center at Rong me dkar mo stag tshang, a site that ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse and mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870) opened in the 1860s. He also revised the curriculum at the monastic college of Kaḥ thog and founded a Copper Colored Mountain (Zangs mdog dpal ri) temple. When he was 56 he married Tshe ring chos ldan after receiving prophecies to the effect that marriage would further his religious pursuits and extend his life. He spent most of the next two decades in meditative retreat, and he also gathered students and provided oral instructions. In 1952 he and his wife opened a site named Khyung chen dpal rdzong, located on the side of a mountain above rDzong sar. He later wrote a description of it. His physician, Tshe ring phung tshogs, built a retreat center there, and Chos kyi blo gros installed statues of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). It was destroyed in 1958, along with the entire complex of rDzong sar, but it was rebuilt in 1984. In 1955 Chos kyi blo gros recognized the threat posed by Chinese invaders, and after making a pilgrimage trip around Tibet fled into exile in Sikkim. His reincarnation, Thub bstan chos kyi rgya mtsho (also known as mKhyen brtse nor bu), was born in 1961 in Bhutan. Many of the leading Tibetan lamas of the 20th century were Chos kyi blo gros’ students, including Dil mgo mkhyen brtse Rin po che (1910–1991), Ka lu Rin po che (1905– 1989), and bSod nams rgyal mtshan Rin po che (1945–).

rDzogs chen Monastery.

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’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I DBANG PHYUG, GNAS GSAR BA (NESARWA JAMYANG KHYENTSÉ WANGCHUK, 1524– 1568) (CH. NAISA QINZHE WANGQIU 乃薩欽哲旺秋). An influential artistic and literary figure who belonged to the Tshar pa lineage of Sa skya but who had an eclectic approach to learning and figures in bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma lineages. He was born in the Bo dong E Valley. Because of his extensive learning, he is often referred to by the title “omniscient” (thams cad mkhyen pa). His father, Nam mkha’ rdo rje, belonged to the ’A zha clan of rTsis gnas gsar ba. His mother was named Tshe brtan bu ’dren. He was given the name bSod nams mchog ldan by the Jo nang master sGo rum pa Kun dga’ legs pa (1502–1566). He was initiated into the treasure (gter ma) lineage of Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478) by his paternal aunt, ’Khrul zhig kun dga’i zhabs. His father initiated him into the treasure lineage of Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla). He received novice (dge tshul) vows from sGo rum pa when he was eight years old; he was given the name mKhyen brtse’i dbang phyug bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. He subsequently studied Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā), as well as Sanskrit and Tibetan grammar, with Ru thog bla chen Nam mkha’ gzi brjid (b. 16th century). That same year he met Tshar chen bLo gsal rgya mtsho (1502–1566), the founder of ’Dar grang mo che Monastery, who became one of his main teachers. Tshar chen gave him a number of tantric initiations and taught him ritual cycles (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana) for Nine-deity Tshe dpag med (Skt. Amitāyus) (Tshe dpag med lha dgu) and Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra). He studied the Wheel of Time (Dus kyi ’khor lo; Skt. Kālacakra) cycle with sGo rum pa. He was given full monastic ordination (dge slong) at age 20, following which he received instructions from rTa nag Thub bstan rnam rgyal. He traveled to various places and received teachings from more than 30 lamas. He studied at the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud monastery Ra lung and the Sa skya monastery Rin chen sgang. He also held the rNying ma treasure lineage of Byang gter (Northern Treasures) of Rig ’dzin rgod ldem (1337–1408). At the advice of Tshar chen, he traveled to Zhwa lu Monastery and studied with rGyal yum dbang mo. When mKhyen brtse’i dbang phyug was 36 he became the 14th Throne Holder (Khri pa) of the monastery. He subsequently gave “path and result initiate teachings” (lam ’bras slob bshad) and conferred initiations from both bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma lineages. In the Root Seal of the Treasure Discoverers (gTer ston rgya rtsa), ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899) states that mKhyen brtse’i dbang phyug recovered his treasures at Grom pa rgyang, one of the temples Khri Srong btsan sgam po

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(ca. 605–650) built to subdue Tibet’s demons. mKhyen brtse’i dbang phyug was recognized as a reincarnation of the king. According to Kong sprul, mKhyen brtse’i dbang phyug was preordained to receive many more treasures, but he failed to fulfill his destiny because he broke some of his tantric commitments (dam tshig; Skt. samaya) and spent most of his life in monasteries (rather than taking a consort and engaging in sexual yogas). He is sometimes credited with founding the mKhyen ris style of painting, but David Jackson (1996) has argued that Gong dkar mkhyen brtse chen mo should be considered the originator. ’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I DBANG PO (JAMYANG KHYENTSÉ WANGBO, 1820–1892) (CH. JIANGYANG QINZHE WANGBO 蒋揚欽哲旺波). One of the greatest intellectual figures of 19thcentury Tibet, who was at the forefront of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhist traditions that dominated the religious scene in eastern Tibet and continues to influence all orders of Tibetan Buddhism. He was born in the village of Dil mgo in the gTer klung Valley, southeast of sDe dge. His father was Rin chen rnam rgyal, and his mother was bSod nams ’tsho. He belonged to the Shing khams sga clan and the Myos lineage. He received the religious name Rin chen dbang rgyal from a lama named Shar chen rin chen Mi ’gyur rgyal mtshan, and his father named him Tshe ring don grub. When he was three, he met Thar rtse mkhan chen Byams pa kun dga’ bstan ’dzin (1776–1862), who gave him lay vows. When he was eight, he studied with Padma bkra shis and learned about medicine from the sDe dge court physician, Chos grags rgya mtsho. He traveled to Kaḥ thog Monastery, where his uncle, Mog ston sprul sku gSang bdag chen po, gave him the name ’Jigs med mkhyen brtse’i zlos gar. Another reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of that monastery, Padma chos rgyal sprul sku Byang chub chos kyi nyi ma, predicted that the boy would have a long life. When he was 12 he was recognized as the reincarnation of Thar rtse mkhan chen Byams pa nam mkha’ ’chi med (1765–1820); he was given the name ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po kun dga’ bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. From this time, he was often referred to as “Thar rtse sprul sku” or “Zhabs drung.” When he was 20 he traveled to Thar rtse and Ngor monasteries. He received initiations for ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) and Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra), as well as other Sa skya transmissions. Although his reincarnational lineage was in the Sa skya tradition, he received monastic ordination at sMin grol gling Monastery at the age of 21 from sMin gling mkhan chen ’Gyur med rig ’dzin bzang po. While at sMin grol gling, he received the transmission of Yang dag He ru ka in the So lugs yang dag lineage and gTer bdag gling pa’s (1646–1714) treasure cycle Heart Essence of the Knowledge Bearers (Rig ’dzin thugs thig).

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He continued to travel and studied eclectically with many of the leading teachers of his day. From ’Jigs med rgyal ba’i myu gu (1765–1842) he received transmission of the Heart Essence of the Great Expanse (kLong chen snying thig) cycle. When he was 25 he returned to Khams with the 51st Ngor mkhan chen, ’Jam dpal bzang po (1789–1864), and then stayed in the bKra shis lha rtse college of rDzong gsar Monastery. For four years, he engaged in tantric practice, including Hevajra cycles and the three classes of action tantra (bya rgyud; Skt. kriyā-tantra). In 1848 he traveled to central Tibet with Ngor mkhan chen and remained there for two years. During the next decade he worked with two other prominent religious figures; the three would come to be known as “The Triumvirate of mKhyen brtse’i dbang po, Kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), and mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870)” (mKhyen Kong mChog sde gsum). mKhyen brtse’i dbang po met Kong sprul in 1840 at dPal spungs. He received a transmission of Jo nang teachings there, which included the complete works of Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) and Jo nang Dus ’khor (Skt. Kālacakra) teachings. He met mChog gyur gling pa in 1854 and gave him tantric empowerments that enabled him to successfully pursue a career as a “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). mChog gyur gling pa reported experiencing visions in which he saw mKhyen brtse’i dbang po as Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra, fl. 8th century) and as Ral gcig ma (alt. E ka dza ti; Skt. Ekajaṭī). He predicted that the two would discover the Three-Part Great Perfection (rDzogs chen sde gsum) treasure cycle. This occurred two years later. The two lamas then opened up a meditation cave called Padma shel phug. They ritually opened several other meditation caves and discovered additional treasures. After mChog gyur gling pa died in 1870, mKhyen brtse’i dbang po continued to transmit the treasures he had discovered and wrote his biography. He also composed a work that collected Sa skya ritual cycles (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana), entitled Collected Means of Achievement (sGrub thabs kun btus). He gave the empowerments for this cycle to 20 lamas at dPal spungs in 1852. He wrote many influential works, and his combined output is massive. Among his notable achievements is a collection of path and result initiate teachings (lam ’bras slob bshad) in 17 volumes and songs and instructions of the eight practice lineages (sgrub brgyud shing rta brgyud kyi zhang dam gsung mgur) in eight volumes. He also wrote a popular pilgrimage text, Guidebook to Sacred Places in Central Tibet (dBus gtsang gnas yig). His own compositions are contained in a collection (bka’ ’bum) comprising 24 volumes. He also played a role in the politics of eastern Tibet. He was a chaplain at the sDe dge court and regularly performed rituals and empowerments for the royal family. In 1859 he attempted to construct a temple northeast of sDe dge intended to prevent the Nyag rong Troubles, which affected much of eastern

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sDe dge.

Tibet. These were caused by the military adventures of mGon po rnam ­rgyal (1799–1865), who embroiled much of Khams in intermittent warfare for ­almost three decades. During the turmoil, some buildings at rDzong gsar were burned, but it was mostly unharmed. mKhyen brtse’i dbang po was a prolific treasure discoverer and he is said to have been the last of the “Five Royal Treasure Discoverers” (gTer ston rgyal po lnga). His treasure name was mDo sngags gling pa, and his revelations include the Relaxing in the Nature of Mind Itself (Sems nyid ngal gso) cycle of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), the “mind treasure” (dgongs gter) Heart Essence of the Adepts (Grub thob thugs thig), and the “earth treasure” (sa gter) of Brag dmar mgrin bzang (discovered at Brag dmar mgrin bzang, Khri Srong lde btsan’s birthplace). ’Jam mngon kong sprul officiated at his cremation in 1892; he washed the body and then performed a five-day rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya) ritual and then another three weeks of ceremonies. A monument was constructed in rDzong gsar for the relics. ’JAM DBYANGS RIN PO CHE, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR JAMYANG RINPOCHÉ, 1892–1946) (CH. TAXIE JIANGYANG 塔谢蒋扬). The 12th Zhwa dmar rin po che, who was secretly recognized despite a government-imposed ban on the Zhwa dmar lineage. He was the son of the 15th rGyal dbang Karma pa, mKha’ khyab rdo rje (1871–1922).

’JAM DPAL • 303

’JAM DBYANGS SHĀ KYA RGYAL MTSHAN, SDE SRID (DESI JAMYANG SHAGYA GYELTSEN, 1340–1373) (CH. ZHANGYANG SHAJIA JIANZANG 章阳沙加监藏). The second king of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty, who succeeded his uncle Ta’i si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364). He was the eldest son of Byang chub rgyal mtshan’s brother bSod nams bzang po. He received Buddhist novice (dge tshul) vows at the age of nine, and in 1352 became the abbot of the see of rTse thang. When Byang chub rgyal mtshan died in 1364, he succeeded him as ruler (sde srid) of Tibet, but remained a monk. When he came to power, the Mongol Yuan dynasty (Ch. Yuanchao 元朝, 1271–1368) was disintegrating, but its rulers still attempted to exert influence in Tibetan affairs. In 1365 the emperor To­ ghon Temür (Tib. Tho gan the mur; alt. Tho kan thu mur; Mon. Тогоонтөмөр; or Ukhaantu Khan [Cl. Toγon Temür or Uqaγantu qaγan]; Ch. Huizong 惠宗, 1320–1370) gave him the title “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师) and officially declared him the hierarch of the Phag mo gru pa seat of sNe’u gdong (neither of which altered his position or holdings in any way). Toghon Temür was overthrown in 1368, and the Ming dynasty (1368– 1644) seized control of China. The Ming History (Ch. Mingshi 明史) states that the new rulers sent him notification that he was still Imperial Preceptor and presented him with a jade seal and silk (which also did not change anything). His tenure was generally peaceful. In 1373 he convened a council at sNe’u gdong that served to solidify the general consensus that the Phag mo gru pa exerted control over the central provinces of Tibet. Although he did not renounce his monastic vows, he had a son, Grags pa rin chen, who did not succeed him on the throne. His younger brother Sha kya rin chen briefly took power, but following an accident he became insane, and his nephew Grags pa byang chub (1356–1386) became Tibet’s ruler. Phag mo gru pa rule lasted until 1435, when the Rin spungs pa displaced them. ’JAM DPAL (JAMBEL) (SKT. MAÑJUŚRĪ) (CH. WENSHU 文殊) (“SOFT GLORY”). One of the most important figures in the pantheon of Mahāyāna Buddhism, considered the embodiment of wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā) and also associated with “inspired courage” (spobs; Skt. pratibhāna). He is also referred to as “Soft Voice” (’Jam dbyangs; Skt. Mañjughoṣa), “Lord of Speech” (Ngag dbang; Skt. Vāgīśvara), and “Crown Prince” (gZhon nur gyur pa; Skt. Kumāra-bhūta). He is closely associated with the Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) discourses and is often a prominent interlocutor in them, generally asking the Buddha about the ramifications of its doctrines. He is commonly depicted iconographically holding in one hand a flaming “sword of wisdom” (shes rab ral gri; Skt. Skt. prajñā-chūrikā) that cuts through false views and a Perfection of Wisdom text in the other. According to the Lotus Discourse of the True

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Doctrine (Dam pa’i chos padma dkar po’i mdo; Skt. Saddharma-puṇḍarīkasūtra), he presides over a pure land located in the east called Dri med (Skt. Vimalā). A number of Tibetan masters (e.g., Tsong kha pa) are regarded as physical manifestations of Mañjuśrī. He figures in some tantric traditions. His consort is sometimes said to be dByangs can ma (alt. sGra dbyangs lha mo; Skt. Sarasvatī). He also appears in the wrathful form of gShin rje gshed (Skt. Yamāntaka). ’JAM DPAL BSHES GNYEN (JAMBEL SHENYEN, CA. 7TH CENTURY) (SKT. MAÑJUŚRĪMITRA) (CH. WENSHUYOU 文殊友). An Indian master who reportedly received “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) teachings from dGa’ rab rdo rje (Skt. Surativajra or Pramodavajra) and from the bodhisattva ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). His birth name was Siddhigarbha, and his mother’s name was Kuhanā. His father was a brahman. He was born in dBus ’gyur tshal (Skt. Magadha). He studied at Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā) Monastery for 10 years and gained a reputation as an eminent scholar. He was one of the Gatekeepers (Skt. Dvārapāla) of Nālandā and was accorded the title Supreme Patriarch (Skt. Kulapati). He reportedly engaged in debate with Surativajra, a much younger tantric practitioner, and was defeated. This encounter with a yogi who embodied the antithesis of his own practice (Surativajra was an eccentric tantrika who lived with a consort in a cremation ground) convinced him of the futility of scholastic monasticism. He subsequently became Surativajra’s student. After the master’s passing he moved to the cremation ground of So sa gling (Skt. Sosadvīpa) and engaged in tantric practice. The tradition counts Hung mdzad (Skt. Hūṃkara) and Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) among his disciples. He is credited with dividing the great perfection teachings of Surativajra into the three groupings of “mind class” (sems sde), “spatial class” (klong sde), and “secret instruction class” (man ngag sde). His main disciple was Shri Sing ha (Skt. Śrī Siṃha). He gave him a jeweled casket containing the teachings of “Six Meditation Experiences” (sGom nyams drug pa). ’JAM DPAL RGYA MTSHO (JAMBEL GYATSO, 1758–1804) (CH. QIANGBAI JIACUO 強白嘉措). The eighth Dalai Lama, who was born in gTsang. In 1758, the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780), heard of auspicious occurrences associated with the boy and apparently indicated that he was the rebirth of bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). When he was two years old, he was brought to bKra shis lhun po Monastery and was officially recognized. He was later taken to Lha sa and enthroned in the Po ta la in 1762. The ceremony was officiated by the sixth De mo hu thog tu, Ngag dbang ’jam dpal bde legs ye shes (1723–1777), the regent (sde srid). He received novice (dge tshul) vows soon after that and

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was given the name ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho by bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes. He received full ordination (dge slong) in 1777. Regents ruled the country until 1784. The regent traveled to China as an ambassador, and the Dalai Lama ruled by himself until 1790, when the regent returned and assisted him. In 1790 a Gor kha (Gorkha) force invaded southern Tibet and penetrated as far as gZhis ka rtse. The Gorkhas sacked bKra shis lhun po, but a force sent by the Qing emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) drove them back to Nepal in 1791. A peace treaty was signed in 1796. In 1792 Qianlong ordered that a new system be used in the selection of reincarnations (sprul sku): he sent the Golden Urn (gSer bum; Ch. Jinping 金瓶) with instructions that in the future the names of leading candidates were to be inscribed on lots and placed in the urn and that the boy whose name was chosen would succeed to the position of the deceased lama. The Tibetans deeply resented this attempt to interfere in their affairs, and the urn was generally ignored, but the propaganda apparatus of the People’s Republic of China has used it to assert a long-standing tradition of Chinese government oversight of the process of sprul sku selection. Qianlong also ordered that his representatives (am ban) would have a rank equal to that of the Dalai Lama and that they would share power with him. Had these arrangements been fully implemented, they would have effectively made Tibet a protectorate of China, but the Tibetan government resisted them and continued to treat the Dalai Lama as head of state and the am bans as ambassadors. ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho initiated the construction of the Nor bu gling ka, which became the summer residence of the Dalai Lamas, on the outskirts of Lha sa. He had little inclination toward political affairs and spent much of his life in study and meditation, leaving most affairs of state to his regents. He died in 1804, and the next three Dalai Lamas died young. During this period regents ruled Tibet. ’JAM DPAL YE SHES, RWA SGRENG RIN PO CHE (RETING RINPOCHÉ JAMBEL YESHÉ, 1911–1947) (CH. QIANGBAI YIXI 强 白益西). The regent (rgyal tshab) appointed at the beginning of the interregnum period following the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933). He assumed the post in 1934, and quickly proved to be a poor choice as leader. His rule was autocratic and corrupt, and he ruthlessly suppressed potential rivals, including Khri smon, a powerful senior minister in the Cabinet (bKa’ shag). Once in power, Rwa sgreng Rin po che began enriching both himself and Rwa sgreng Monastery. He and his subordinates charged extortionate fees, and his private offices became one of the three largest trading companies in Tibet, with branches in India and China. The surpluses accumulated during the 13th Dalai Lama’s tenure vanished, and

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he continued the deterioration of the country’s army as an effective fighting force. Those who questioned his policies were punished or purged. One example was Khyung ram, who openly protested the extortionate practices of Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s offices. He was exiled to western Tibet, his estate was disestablished, and his wives were forced to return to their families. Rwa sgreng Rin po che played a key role in the recognition of the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–). In accordance with established tradition, in the summer of 1935 Rwa sgreng Rin po che made a pilgrimage to the sacred lake Lha mo’i bla mtsho, believed to be the residence of the life force (bla) of the Dalai Lamas. There he performed rituals designed to elicit portents of the location of the Dalai Lama’s reincarnation, and he reported seeing a three-tiered Chinese-style temple and the Tibetan letters A, Ka, and Ma in the sky overhead. The first was later interpreted as referring to A mdo, an area in the eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau, and Ka was interpreted as the main initial letter of sKu ’bum Monastery, which has a building whose style corresponds to that seen by Rwa sgreng Rin po che. The Dalai Lama believes that Ma referred to his birth name, Lha mo don grub. The young Dalai Lama’s enthronement was delayed by the Chinese warlord Ma Bufang 马步芳 (1903–1975), who demanded a huge sum in exchange for allowing him to travel to Lha sa. Eventually the Tibetan government agreed to pay the ransom, and the boy left for Lha sa in July 1939. Rwa sgreng Rin po che faced a crisis when he arrived: the regent had engaged in numerous affairs with both men and women and had thoroughly violated his monastic vows. This had become public knowledge, so he was generally considered unfit to confer ordination on the young Dalai Lama, which was the traditional duty of a regent. Had he conferred the vows, they would have been invalid due to his own transgressions, which would have created a crisis of legitimacy for the Dalai Lama. Circumstances thus constrained Rwa sgreng Rin po che to resign the regency, and he arranged an understanding with his teacher, the highly respected sTag brag Rin po che (1874–1952), under which the latter would assume the post, perform the ordination, and then return power to his student. sTag brag Rin po che conferred the novice (dge tshul) vows in 1942, but he had no intention of allowing the country to return to Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s misrule. He began purging Rwa sgreng’s supporters from government posts following a violent incident in Lhun grub rdzong, in which monks, including the abbot of Se ra Byes, beat the governor of the region to death for failure to pay money they believed was owed them. The monks at Se ra Byes were well armed (they had recently purchased 2,000 new rifles) and militant. sTrag brag Rin po che had no wish to engage them in an armed confrontation, but he subsequently attempted to reduce the power of the monastery (in which Rwa sgreng Rin po che had studied and with which he had close ties).

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Like his student and predecessor, he often used arbitrary reasons to dismiss officials who posed a threat to his power, and he charged large fees to those who wished to replace them. Rwa sgreng Rin po che realized that sTag brag Rin po che would not willingly allow him to regain power, so he attempted to assassinate him. Evidence indicates that sTag brag Rin po che received warnings of the plot, and he failed to arrive at the public event at which it was to be carried out. This occurred in February 1947. The frustrated conspirators then sent a parcel bomb, but it was not delivered to its target and exploded without harming him. Subsequently the Tibetan government received intelligence that Rwa sgreng Rin po che was plotting with Chiang kai-shek 蒋介石 (alt. Jiang Zhongzheng 蔣 中正, 1887–1975) to engineer a coup. On 14 April the bKa’ shag issued an order for Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s arrest, and sTag brag Rin po che approved it. Rwa sgreng’s residence was sealed, and several of his coconspirators were arrested. One of them, sMyung gnas bla ma, committed suicide. Rwa sgreng Rin po che was also arrested, which prompted an armed uprising by the monks of Se ra Byes. In the battles that followed, between 200 and 300 monks were killed. Government troops eventually suppressed the rebellion. Rwa sgreng Rin po che refused to admit any role in the attempted coup, but correspondence seized at his residence provided evidence of his guilt. On 8 May 1947, he died under mysterious circumstances while being held in the Po ta la. It was widely believed at the time that he was killed by U rgyan—the son of the aristocrat Lung shar rDo rje tshe rgyal (d. 1938), who had been subjected to an excruciatingly painful mutilation (his eyes were gouged out) under Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s authority—but he was probably poisoned by one of sTag brag Rin po che’s servants. Following his death, the government put down a rebellion staged by Rwa sgreng Monastery, and the monastery was looted and razed. Many people from the district where it was located fled into exile in India. These events exposed the corruption and incompetence at the apex of Tibetan politics and further weakened the country during a time when it was increasingly threatened by a resurgent China. ’JAM MGON KONG SPRUL BLO GROS MTHA’ YAS (JAMGÖN GONGTRUL LODRÖ TAYÉ, 1813–1899) (CH. JIANGGON KANGCHU 蒋贡康楚). One of the most influential figures of 19th-century Tibetan Buddhism, an adherent of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach, which was the dominant intellectual trend among non-dGe lugs lineages in eastern Tibet during the 19th and 20th centuries. It involved an eclectic and encyclopedic approach to Buddhist traditions: the Nonsectarian scholars gathered tantric lineages and teachings that were in danger of being lost and combined them into collections of empowerments and instructions. These were then passed on to students, and the gathered lore was recorded in massive encyclopedias.

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Kong sprul was born into a Bon po family in Khams at Rong rgyab in ’Bri zla Zal mo sgang, near Padma lha rtse (one of the eight major sacred places in Khams). As an adult, his main seat was Tsā rin chen brag. Some sources name his father as bSod nams ’phel, but the latter was probably his adoptive father. Kong sprul claims that his biological father was the Khyung po lama g.Yung drung bstan ’dzin. His mother was named bKra shis ’tsho. In 1815 he was given the name bsTan ’dzin g.yung drung by bSod nams blo gros, the 22nd abbot of sMan ri Monastery in gTsang. He was raised by bSod nams ’phel, a Bon po priest who in 1827 was imprisoned following a blood feud. Kong sprul moved near the fortress of Chos sde pho brang where his father was held so that he could bring food to him. There he met the governor, Tshe ’phel, who hired him as his personal secretary. After his father was transferred to ’Dan khog, Kong sprul relocated near there, and he met ’Jam mgon ’Gyur med mthu stobs rnam rgyal, who ordained him as a rNying ma monk in 1832. In 1833 he received novice (dge tshul) vows from the ninth Si tu, Padma nyin byed dbang po (1774–1853), and dBon rgan Karma theg mchog bstan ’phel (d. 1842); he was given the name Karma ngag dbang yon tan rgya mtsho ’phrin las kun khyab dpal bzang po. On this occasion, he was ordained in the Western Transmission (sTod lugs) system of ’Dul ba (Skt. Vinaya). He had previously received full ordination (dge slong) in the Eastern Tradition (sMad lugs) from ’Jam mgon ’gyur med mthu stobs rnam rgyal of Zhe chen (b. 1787) in 1832. He also received the “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) name’Chi med bstan gnyis g.yung drung gling pa from mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870). In order to prevent the sDe dge authorities from forcing him to serve them, he was recognized as the reincarnation of a monk who had served Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1699–1774, the eighth Ta’i si tu). He was given the name rKong po Bam stengs sprul sku because his predecessor had hailed from Bam stengs in rKong po. In recognition of his outstanding learning and scholarship, the epithet ’Jam mgon (Skt. Mañjunātha) was prefixed to his name. He was widely regarded as an emanation of Mañjuśrī, the bodhisattva of wisdom, as well as the great translator Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana, fl. 8th century). Kong sprul subsequently studied with and received initiations from a wide variety of teachers from different traditions. His petition to his gurus, written in 1843, lists more than 60 names. His teachers included: Theg mchog rdo rje (the 14th rGyal dbang Karma pa, 1788/1789–1868/1869), ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), Mi ’gyur dbang rgyal (the ninth ’Brug chen, 1823–1883), and Nges don bsTan pa rab rgyas (1808–1864). In 1846 Kong sprul embarked on a tour of sacred places in eastern Khams. This was a time of wars and conflicts throughout eastern Tibet, and Kong sprul witnessed many of these firsthand. In 1848 a war erupted between

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sPungs ri dgon nang, an affiliate of dPal spungs, and the dGe lugs monastery ’Ba’ chos sde. A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) named lCags mdud sprul sku was killed. Kong sprul attempted to mediate the conflict. In 1857 Kong sprul traveled to central Tibet to retrieve the reincarnation of the recently deceased Si tu of dPal spungs, who had died in 1853. There he met the infant Dalai Lama, ’Phrin las rgya mtsho (1856–1875), and the Rwa sgreng regent (sde srid). bShad grwa dBang phyug rgyal po used his influence to convince the authorities of bKra shis lhun po to allow the young reincarnation’s parents to release the boy (because they were peasants under its authority). Meanwhile, the Nyag rong Troubles erupted in eastern Tibet. The Nyag rong chieftain mGon po rnam rgyal (1799–1865) began a series of military moves against key strategic areas; he captured fortresses belonging to the sDe dge authorities along with the widowed sDe dge queen and her son. The government in Lha sa (dGa’ ldan pho brang) sent a retaliatory force led by Phu lung ba, and war remained constant until 1865, when mGon po rnam rgyal burned to death along with his family in their castle. The victory of the central Tibetan forces was followed by a settling of old scores. dPal spungs was about to be destroyed and its estates seized, but Kong sprul averted this by using his medical skills to cure Gong kam bla ma of Brag g.yab Monastery (a dGe lugs pa institution) of an illness. This led the dGe lugs hierarchs in Khams to spare dPal spungs. The sDe dge queen and her son were released, as was its reincarnation dPal spungs dbon sprul. Despite the ongoing conflicts in the area and the fact that as a leading religious figure he was often called upon to mediate in political and military disputes, Kong sprul and his intellectual partner ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po wrote prodigiously. This was a period of unprecedented intellectual activity in Khams, and the sDe dge region became one of the most important centers of learning on the Tibetan Plateau. Kong sprul retained the Bon po learning of his early years, and he combined this with his later studies in all the lineages of Tibetan Buddhism. His vision of the path was guided by a commitment to the doctrine of “other emptiness” (gzhan stong), which he regarded as the final Buddhist view. Kong sprul was influenced by the thought of Si tu Paṇ chen, who created a synthesis of other emptiness and “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā), which had gained wide acceptance among Karma bKa’ brgyud practitioners in Khams. mKhyen brtse was also an adherent of this view, as was their influential associate bLo gsal bstan skyong (b. 1804), the Zhwa lu Ri sbug sprul sku and a Wheel of Time (Dus kyi ’khor lo; Skt. Kālacakra) master from gTsang. The latter convinced the administrator (skyabs dbyings) of bKra shis lhun po Monastery to give him permission to examine the woodblock prints at dGa’ ldan phun tshogs gling (Tā ra nā tha’s monastery), and Ngam rings, the provincial capital of the La stod byang pa myriarchs. These

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had been sealed by order of the Tibetan government during the tenure of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). bLo gsal bstan skyong arranged to have copies of these texts printed, and their dissemination provided new sources for the “other emptiness” tradition in eastern Tibet. Kong sprul witnessed the negative effects of the prevailing sectarianism of the time and sought to combat it by emphasizing the harmony of different Buddhist traditions. He wrote a number of important works comprising 111 volumes, including the Five Treasuries (mDzod lnga): (1) Great Jewel Treasury of Hidden Treasures (Rin chen gter mdzod); these include hidden treasures from 100 treasure discoverers of the rNying ma tradition, arranged in accordance with their respective initiations and the topics of their practice (63 volumes); (2) Treasury of Secret Instructions (gDams ngag mdzod), containing empowerments, teachings, and practices from eight Buddhist lineages (eight volumes); (3) Treasury of Teaching Lineage Secret Mantra (bKa’ brgyud sngags mdzod), a collection of bKa’ brgyud empowerments, tantric teachings, and practices (eight volumes); (4) Treasury of Knowledge (Shes bya mdzod or Shes bya kun khyab, Encyclopedia of All Knowledge), an encyclopedia of Buddhism and Buddhist culture (three volumes); and (5) Extensive Treasury of Instructions (rGya chen bka’ mdzod; sometimes referred to as Extraordinary Treasury: Thun mong ma yin pa’i mdzod), a collection of his own writings (17 volumes). Following his death, at least five reincarnations were recognized (the 15th rGyal dbang Karma pa, mKha’ khyab rdo rje, reported a vision in which he saw 25 Kong sprul reincarnations): (1) Kar sras kong sprul dPal ldan mkhyen brtse’i ’od zer (1904–1953, the Karma pa’s son), (2) ’Dri sgal (dPal spungs Nang chen) bLo gros rab ’phel (alt. Tshe ring dbang po), (3) Zhe chen Padma dri med legs pa’i blo gros (ca. 1901–1960), (4) rDzogs chen ’Gyur med dkon mchog rgyal mtshan, and (5) ’Gu log G.yi khog (no personal name given). ’JIGS ’BRAL YE SHES RDO RJE, BDUD ’JOMS RIN PO CHE (DUDJOM RINPOCHÉ JIKDREL YESHÉ DORJÉ, 1904–1987). A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of the rNying ma order, born in southern Tibet in the “hidden land” (sbas yul) Padma bkod and recognized as the reincarnation of bDud ’joms gling pa (1835–1904). He was given the title ’Jigs ’bral (“Fearless”) by the 15th rGyal dbang Karma pa, mKa’ khyab rdo rje (1871–1922). His father was also a reincarnate lama, whose name was Kaḥ thog sprul sku Nor bu bstan ’dzin, and his mother was a descendant of Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478) named rNam rgyal sgrol ma. He belonged to the sMin grol gling lineage, but studied with many different teachers. He was renowned both as a rdzogs pa chen po (great perfection) master and as a “treasure-discoverer” (gter ston). In 1959 he fled to exile in

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India. He first settled in Darjeeling, and then established his headquarters in Nepal; later in life he spent much of his time in the United States, where he was one of the most successful missionaries of Tibetan Buddhism in the West. He died at his residence in Dordogne, France, on 17 January 1987. ­Until his death he was the head of the rNying ma order. He is renowned for his massive and comprehensive work that outlines the history and religious views of the rNying ma pa tradition. It is titled gSang ngags snga ’gyur ­rnying ma pa’i bstan pa’i rnam gzhag mdo tsam brjod pa legs bshad snang ba’i dga’ ston; Gyurme Dorje and Matthew Kapstein translated it into English as The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism (1991). ’JIGS MED GLING PA MKHYEN BRTSE ’OD ZER (JIKMÉ LINGBA KHYENTSÉ ÖSER, 1729/1730–1798) (CH. GUNQIN JINMEI LINBA 衮钦晋美林巴). A famed visionary and treasure discoverer (gter ston). He was born in the Yar klungs Valley in central Tibet. When he was six he was brought to dPal ri ’od gsal theg chen gling, a rNying ma monastery in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley. When he was 13 he began his studies with Ngag dbang blo bzang padma, who gave him the name Padma mkhyen brtse ’od zer. He received novice (dge tshul) ordination from gNas gsar ba Ngag dbang kun dga’ legs pa’i ’byung gnas (1704–1760). The latter also provided oral instructions in rNying ma treasure (gter ma) cycles, including Phreng po ’Gro ’dul gling pa’s (1517–1584) Drop of Liberation: Spontaneous Liberation of the Mind (Grol tig dgongs pa rang grol), as well as Condensed Thought of the Gurus (bLa ma dgongs ’dus). He studied with Thugs mchog rdo rje, who gave him instructions in the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) and bsTan gnyis gling pa’s (1480–1535) Liberation through Seeing Wisdom (Ye shes mthong grol). At the age of 28 he entered a meditative retreat at dPal ri that focused on several treasure cycles, including Drop of Liberation. He had numerous visionary experiences, including one in which he stood in front of Bya rung kha shor (the Bodhnāth Stūpa in Nepal) and received the Heart Essence of the Great Expanse (kLong chen snying thig) treasure from a ye shes mkha’ ’gro ma (wisdom ḍākinī). This is classified as a “mind treasure” (dgongs gter). He kept it secret for seven years before he began to disseminate it. When he was 31 he engaged in another three-year retreat in the Upper and Lower Nyang caves at bSam yas mChims phu (Nyang phug gong and Nyang phug ’og). He had visions of kLong chen rab ’byams pa ’Dri med ’od zer (1308–1364), during which he received blessings of body, speech, and mind. kLong chen pa advised him to teach the treasures he had been given, and he also imparted instructions that were later recorded in the Treasury of Good Qualities (Yon tan mdzod, written between 1779 and 1781). In a later vision he felt that his mind merged with kLong chen pa’s. After finishing his retreat he founded a

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hermitage in ’Phyong rgyas. It was named Tshe ring ljongs. There he began transmitting Heart Essence of the Great Expanse. ’Jigs med gling pa lived as a lay tantric practitioner and had several reported consorts, including a woman named g.Yung drung ’khyil ba and a nun named gTsang gyang ru dpal sdings rje btsun ma. He fathered a son named Nyin che ’od zer. He worked to restore gCung bo ri Monastery outside of Lha sa, which Thang stong rgyal po brTson ’grus bzang po (1361–1485) had founded, and bSam yas. Between 1749 and 1798, he oversaw the printing of an edition of the rNying ma canon (rNying ma rgyud ’bum), which brought together the rNying ma tantras in 28 volumes. It was based on the edition prepared earlier by Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478). ’Jigs med gling pa died at his seat of Tshe ring jong. He had a number of influential disciples, including ’Jigs med ’phrin las ’od zer (1745–1821, the first rDo grub chen), ’Jigs med rgyal ba’i myu gu (1765–1842), Nam mkha’ tshe dbang mchog grub (b. 1744, the sixth abbot of Kaḥ thog), and Kaḥ thog sge tse ’Gyur med dbang mchog grub (1761–1829, who edited his collected works). He had three recognized reincarnations: (1) mDo mkhyen brtse’i ye shes rdo rje (1800–1866, the body reincarnation: sku sprul); (2) Dze dpal sprul O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po (1808–1887, the speech reincarnation: gsung sprul); and (3) ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892, the mind reincarnation: thugs sprul). ’JIGS MED PHUN TSHOGS, MKHAN PO (KHENPO JIKMÉ PHÜNTSOK; ALT. MKHAN PO ’JIGS PHUN, 1933–2004) (CH. JINMEI PENGCUO 晋美彭措). A charismatic and influential rNying ma lama who remained in Tibet following the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. He was born into a nomadic family, and his biography reports that he emerged feet first from his mother’s womb and that the placenta was draped over his left shoulder like a monastic robe. He then sat up and recited the mantra of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī: Oṃ a ra pa tsa na dhīḥ; Oṃ Arapacana dhīḥ in Sanskrit). He reportedly recited it more than 13 billion times during the course of his life. He was named bsKal bzang rnam rgyal at birth. He was recognized at age five as the reincarnation of the “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) bSod rgyal Las rab gling pa (1856–1926), who was a tutor of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933). He received novice (dge tshul) vows when he was nine years old from mKhan po bSod nams Rin chen, who gave him the name Thub bstan legs bshad bzang po. He was given full ordination (dge slong) at the age of 22. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) he reportedly escaped persecution on several occasions through the intervention of Ge sar of gLing, the mythical hero of Tibet’s national epic. mKhan po ’jigs phun spent much of his time in remote mountain areas, herding goats and sheep while maintaining

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his religious practice. He attempted to work with the Chinese leadership and avoided political involvements or activities that might provide a pretext for suppression. In 1980, when a wave of relative liberalization opened up new possibilities for religious practice in the People’s Republic of China, mKhan po ’Jigs phun established a monastic center following visions relating to a prophecy by ’Jigs med ’phrin las ’od zer (the first rDo grub chen, 1745–1821). The center was named bLa rung sgar; it was built in gSer rta, a remote valley in the mGo log region of Sichuan (its full name is “Hermitage of Freedom in the Great Esoteric Luminous Body”: gSang chen ’od skur grol ba’i dben khrod). It was one of the few remaining places in Tibet where serious traditional Buddhist practice was possible, and people flocked there from all over the region. In its heyday, it had an estimated 10,000 residents, including around 1,000 Han Chinese. The presence of Chinese converts to Tibetan Buddhism and the growing popularity of the head of the center alarmed Chinese authorities, who in 2001 sent troops to gSer rta. They destroyed most of the buildings and reportedly in the initial assault climbed onto rooftops to listen for people speaking Chinese. These houses were destroyed first, which was obviously intended to send a message to Han regarding the inadvisability of joining minority religious groups. mKhan po ’Jigs phun was placed under house arrest and died in custody. The center he founded—which some apologists for Chinese rule in Tibet lauded as an example of freedom of religion—still functions, but it has endured subsequent incursions by Chinese troops, along with demolition of buildings. JINCHENG (TIB. GYIM SHENG KONG JO. ALT. KIM SHANG KONG JO; KIM SHENG KONG JO, D. 739) (CH. JINCHENG GONGZHU 金成公主). A Chinese princess, a daughter of Tang emperor Zhongzong’s 唐中 (656–710) nephew Li Shouli 李守礼, who traveled to Tibet and married Khri lDe gtsug btsan (712–755). Like her aunt Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684), she is credited in PRC propaganda with importing advanced Chinese culture and technology and forging closer ties between the ruling houses of China and Tibet. A chronicle from Khotan states that she founded a community of Khotanese monks in central Tibet, which if true would be one of the earliest Buddhist monastic centers in the region. Tibetan chronicles report that she was a victim of a smallpox plague that swept Tibet and that anti-Buddhist noble Tibetan families blamed on the foreign monks: their efforts to import the foreign religion of Buddhism were associated with the contagion of smallpox, viewed as something that foreigners had brought to Tibet from outside the region. JING GIR RGYAL PO: See CHINGGIS KHAN.

314 • JO BO RIN PO CHE

JO BO RIN PO CHE (JOWO RINPOCHÉ) (CH. LASA ZHI SHIZUN 拉萨之释尊). Often regarded as the most sacred religious image in Tibet. According to legend, it represents the Buddha as a young prince and was brought to Tibet by Princess Wencheng Gongzhu (d. 683/684). It is housed in the Jo khang in Lha sa. A popular story states that it was moved during the reign of Khri Mang slon mang btsan (c. 643–676; r. 663–676) in order to protect it from an invading Chinese force of 500,000 soldiers who sought to take it to China. In Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) bLa ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375) reports that the image was taken from the Ra mo che and hidden in the southern gateway, Me long can (Adorned with Mirrors). The entrance was then plastered over and an image of ’Jam dbyangs (Skt. Mañjughoṣa) was painted on the wall. dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba’s (1504–1564/1566) Ecclesiastic History: A Feast for Scholars (Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston), written more than a century later (completed 1564), embellishes this story and adds that a general of the mGar clan engaged the invading force and defeated it. He claims that the attempted invasion followed Mang slon’s death and that the Chinese emperor hoped to capitalize on Tibet’s weakness before his successor could assume power. In dPa bo’s narrative the Chinese penetrated as far as Lha sa and destroyed the palace of Khri rtse

Image of Jo bo Rin po che in the Jo khang.

JO BO RJE • 315

dmar po but were unable to steal the Jo bo statue. They learned of its hidden location but could not destroy the painting of Mañjughoṣa, and so decided to steal the statue of Mi bskyod pa (Skt. Akṣobhya) that Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī) had brought to Tibet. In this story, the Chinese were defeated by a phantom army magically conjured by King rMe brtsegs. They fled in terror and left the image on the plain of Ngo ma, east of Lha sa. It was later interred in the Ra mo che, and Jo bo Rin po che remained in the gTsug lag khang, also referred to as Jo khang. This story is clearly fictitious and appears to be based on an attack launched by China that was defeated near Kokonor around 670 and never reached anywhere near central Tibet. The Tibetan general was mGar Khri ’bring. Bu ston’s (1290–1364) Ecclesiastic History (Chos ’byung) also contains a story of Jo bo Rin po che’s concealment, but attributes it to Wencheng: she ordered that it be relocated from the Ra mo che to the gTsug lag khang and hidden. The doorway was plastered over and a painting of Mañjughoṣa was commissioned. Then Srong btsan sgam po, Wencheng, and Bhṛkutī merged into the Jo bo and disappeared. According to the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed), the image was discovered by Wencheng’s niece Jincheng (d. 739), who found the secret room and ordered that the wall be removed and the image placed in the central chapel. JO BO RJE (JOWOJÉ; ALT. A TI SHA, DPAL LDAN MAR ME MDZAD) (SKT. ATIŚA [DĪPAṂKARA ŚRĪJÑĀNA], 982–1054) (CH. ADIXIA 阿底峡). A leading figure in the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism to Tibet. Atiśa was a Bengali scholar resident at rNam gnon ngang tshul (Skt. Vikramaśīla) Monastic University in India. He arrived in Tibet in 1042 in response to an invitation from Byang chub ’od (984–1078) of the ruling house of Gu ge in western Tibet. Later Buddhist histories—particularly those by dGe lugs writers—tend to depict him as almost single-handedly spearheading the revival of Buddhism, but the process had been under way for almost a century before he arrived, and others continued to play prominent roles during his stay. He originally agreed to spend three years in Gu ge, but political turmoil in Nepal prevented him from returning, and he accepted an invitation to travel to central Tibet to preach. He was unable to conduct monastic ordinations because he was ordained in the Phal chen pa (Skt. Mahāsāṃghika) lineage, and the norm in Tibet was the monastic code (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) of the gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda). After his arrival Atiśa worked to reform and revive Buddhist teachings and practices. His disciple ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064) is credited with founding the first Buddhist order in Tibet, the bKa’ gdams, which is based on Atiśa’s vision of the Buddhist path. ’Brom ston founded Rwa sgreng Monastery, which became the seat of the bKa’ gdams order and

316 • JO KHANG

Statue of Atiśa, dKar mdzes Monastery.

later became a dGe lugs institution. Atiśa’s most influential work is Lamp for the Path to Awakening (Byang chub lam gyi sgron ma; Skt. Bodhipathapradīpa), in which he outlined a gradual path to buddhahood. It was reportedly written in response to a request by Byang chub ’od. JO KHANG (JOKHANG; ALT. GTSUG LAG KHANG) (CH. DAZHAO SI 大昭寺). Tibet’s holiest temple, located in Lha sa. According to tradition,

JO KHANG • 317

Khams pa man in the Bar skor, Lha sa.

Roof of the Jo khang.

318 • JO KHANG

Image of Padmasambhava in the Jo khang, Lha sa.

Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) built it in order to house an image of the buddha Mi bskyod pa (Skt. Akṣobhya) brought to Tibet by Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī), the king’s Nepalese wife. It later housed another image, Jo

JOURNALISM • 319

bo Rin po che—a statue of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) as a young prince, brought to Tibet by Wencheng Gongzhu (d. 683/684), Srong btsan sgam po’s Chinese wife. It remains a popular destination for pilgrims from all over the Tibetan Plateau, and the Bar skor—a one-kilometer circumambulation route around its exterior—is the most popular such route in Tibet. It was the final temple built at geomantically potent places on the Tibetan Plateau to subdue the demoness (srin mo) that inhabits the land. The Jo khang was built over her heart; it finalized the process of her subjugation and enabled the importation of Buddhism. It is characterized as the “life pole” (srog shing) of Tibet because it is established in the geomantic heart of the country. JO NANG PA (JONANGBA) (CH. JIAONANGPAI 觉囊派). An order of Tibetan Buddhism that produced a number of influential scholars, but was suppressed by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), in the 17th century. Its most notable figure was Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1296–1361), and the lineage also included ’Ba ra ba rGyal mtshan dpal bzang (1310–1391), Thang stong rgyal po brTson ’grus bzang po (1361–1485), and Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634). It was best known for its positive interpretation of the doctrine of “embryonic buddhahood” (de bzhin gshegs pa’i snying po; Skt. tathāgata-garbha), which conceived of it as a positive essence made manifest through meditative practice. This view is commonly referred to as “other emptiness” (gzhan stong), and it is said to be based on the Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud (Skt. Kālacakra-tantra). The fifth Dalai Lama considered this a thinly disguised version of the brahmanical notion of an unchanging, primordially undefiled “self” (bdag nyid; Skt. ātman), and he issued a decree that Jo nang pa monasteries be destroyed or forced to convert to the dGe lugs order. Jo nang books were ordered burned and the woodblocks sealed. Some contemporary scholars suspect that the reasons behind the suppression had as much to do with politics as doctrine, since the Jo nang pa had been aligned with the Karma bKa’ brgyud hierarchs, who had fought against (and lost to) the Dalai Lama for political control of Tibet during the period of the country’s civil war (1603–1621). Despite this persecution, many of the order’s works survived, and the other emptiness teachings remain influential in Tibetan Buddhism, particularly among Nonsectarian (Ris med) lamas. JOURNALISM (TIB. GSAR ’GOD LAS RIGS). In Tibet, as throughout the People’s Republic of China (PRC), journalists are under the control of the government and are required to write in accordance with its wishes. There is no tradition of independent journalism. Newspapers, television, and magazines receive directives concerning current policy regarding potential stories, and the tone and content are outlined in official statements sent to the directors

320 • JUNG GAR

of “news” organizations. All are under the authority of the Publicity Department (Ch. Zhonggong Zhongyang Xuanchuanbu 中共中央宣传部, the propaganda ministry). If a story is potentially sensitive, editors are expected to consult with its directors to ensure that they follow the current line. In the early 2000s, control was relaxed to some extent, and negative stories could be mentioned. In all Chinese media reports, however, a pro-government slant is required. A 2008 series of reports on rampant inflation was framed in terms of skillful government initiatives to control price rises that assured the populace that their leaders were on top of the problem. Coverage of the 2008 Sichuan earthquake featured images of Premier Wen Jiabao (1942–) personally consoling victims and making concerned facial expressions, along with heroic tales of the efforts of rescuers. Tibet-related news is particularly sensitive, so the strictest controls apply. Those who transgress the often vague guidelines face loss of employment or imprisonment. The government, which refuses to allow independent sources for news, controls all journalism, and during the tenure of Xi Jinping 习近平 (1953–), the level of government oversight and censorship has increased significantly. The Internet is also monitored, and some international search engines have agreed to create censorship software to accord with PRC directives. Those that refuse are blocked. After complying with these directives for several years, in 2011 Google moved its operations to Hong Kong following a public dispute with the PRC government over its use of its software to find and persecute dissidents. JUNG GAR: See ZUNGHAR.

K KA LU RIN PO CHE KARMA RANG ’BYUNG KUN KHYAB ’PHRIN LAS (KALU RINPOCHÉ RANGJUNG GÜNKYAP TRINLÉ, 1905– 1989) (CH. KALU RENBOQIE 卡卢仁波切). A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order, popularly known as Kalu Rinpoche, recognized as an “activity emanation” (’phrin las kyi sprul sku) of ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899). He was born in the Hor region of Khams. He was ordained at age 13 by the 11th Si tu Rin po che, Padma dbang phyug rgyal po (1886–1952), and he entered dPal spungs Monastery. Three years later he began a three-year retreat at Kun bzang ’od gsal gling, a hermitage founded by Kong sprul, and for the next 13 years after that engaged in yogic practice. His fame as a meditator grew, and he was appointed a meditation teacher at dPal spungs. In 1962 he left Tibet and settled in Sonada in West Bengal. From 1971 to 1981 he traveled widely, and he established meditation centers in the United States, Canada, and Europe. He was the first Tibetan teacher to lead a group of Western students in the traditional three-year retreat (in France from 1976 to 1980). Some former students accused him of sexual misconduct. These included June Campbell, author of Traveller in Space: In Search of Female Identity in Tibetan Buddhism (1996). She claimed that Ka lu Rin po che misled her about the nature of their sexual relationship, claiming that it was part of her tantric practice. She characterized the relationship as abusive and publicly accused him of misconduct. KA MA LA SHI LA: See PADMA’I NGANG TSHUL. KA NI SHAKA (ALT. KA NIṢKA; KANIṢKA I, R. 127–151 CE) (CH. JIANISHAIJIA 迦腻色伽). The third ruler of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty, reported to have been a patron of Buddhism, particularly the Thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Sarvāstivāda) school. He also reportedly convened the Council of Gandhāra, which was headed by the monk Vasumitra and attended by 499 monks. One significant outcome of the council was the production of an important scholastic work, the Great Exposition Treatise (Bye brag bshad mdzod chen mo; Skt. Mahāvibhāṣā-śāstra; Ch. Dapiposhalun 大毘婆沙論), considered the standard reference for the doctrines of the Sarvāstivādins. 321

322 • KA TA MAN TU

Kaniṣka ruled an empire that extended from Bactria to northern India. It included southern Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and extended to Mathura in the southeast. His kingdom included Kashmir and, according to the “Rabatak Inscription,” extended to Pāṭaliputra. His main capital was Puruṣapura (modern Peshawar). His family were Yuezhi 月支. He succeeded Vima Kadphises (Kushan: Οοημο Καδφισης; Ch. Yangaozhen 阎膏珍, r. ca. 90–100 CE). KA TA MAN TU: See YAM BU RGYAL SA. KAḤ THOG (GATOK) (CH. GATUO 噶陀). A rNying ma monastery founded in 1159 by a member of the Phag mo gru pa lineage, Kaḥ thog bsTan pa bde gshegs, located about 64 km (40 mi.) southeast of sDe dge. Its name is said to derive from the hill on which it was built, which has marks near its summit thought to resemble the Tibetan letter kaḥ. The original structure was largely abandoned and then was rebuilt by gTer ston bDud ’dul rdo rje (1615–1672). It housed more than 800 monks in its heyday, but the number has been greatly reduced since the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. It was a major center for the study of the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) tradition. It was also the main center for the study of “subsequent yoga” (rjes su rnal ’byor), particularly the Discourse Condensing the Thought (dGongs pa ’dus pa’i mdo). It produced a number of eminent scholars, including Kaḥ thog Rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698–1755), ’Gyur med tshe dbang mchog grub (dGe rtse paṇ chen, 1761–1829), Kaḥ thog Si tu Chos kyi rgya mtsho (1880–1923/1925), and Kaḥ thog si tu Chos kyi nyi ma (1928–1962). KAḤ THOG RIG ’DZIN TSHE DBANG NOR BU: See TSHE DBANG NOR BU. KAILĀŚA: See TI SE. KĀLACAKRA-TANTRA: See DUS KYI ’KHOR LO RGYUD. KAṂ TSHANG: See KARMA BKA’ BRGYUD. KANGXI 康熙 (TIB. KHANG SHIS RGYAL PO, 1654–1722). The third Qing emperor, who gave the title “Banchen E’erdeni” 班禅额尔德尼 to the fifth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737). His reign of 61 years was the longest of any Chinese monarch, but during his early years (he ascended the throne at the age of seven) regents and his grandmother exercised effective power. His reign is generally regarded as one of relative stability and prosperity. He defeated the Three Feudatories Rebellion (Ch. Sanfan Zhiluan 三藩之乱, 1673–1681) and brought the kingdom of Dongning 东宁

KARMA BKA’ BRGYUD • 323

in Taiwan under Qing rule. He also expanded his empire to the northwest. His reign begins “The Prosperous Era of Kangxi and Qianlong.” By the end of his tenure, the Qing controlled all of China, as well as Manchuria, Outer Mongolia, and parts of the Russian Far East, and Joseon Korea became a protectorate. In 1696, he personally led an army of 80,000 soldiers against the Zunghars. In 1688, the Zunghar chieftain Galdan Bushuktu Khan (1644–1697) invaded the territory of the Khalkha Mongols, who were tributaries of the Qing. The royal family and the first rJe btsun dam pa Khutugtu (Mon. Javzandamba Khutagt; Жавзандамба хутагт; Cl. Jabsangdamba Qtuγtu) crossed the Gobi Desert to seek his assistance in exchange for oaths of fealty. In 1690 Zunghar troops fought with a Qing force at the Battle of Ulaan Butun in Inner Mongolia, in which Galdan prevailed. In 1776, however, Galdan and Kangxi fought in the Battle of Zuunmod, and the former was defeated. He died (or was killed) the following year. In 1706 a Zunghar force invaded central Tibet and deposed the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya ­mtsho (1683–1706); their leader Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) placed a pretender on the throne. In 1717 Kangxi dispatched a force of 6,000 soldiers who defeated Lhazang and subsequently issued decrees that if fully implemented would have effectively made Tibet a Qing protectorate. The Tibetans resisted these moves, however, and because of the region’s remoteness and the recalcitrance of its citizens, Qing influence (and interest) gradually waned. KAPILAVASTU: See SER SKYA’I GNAS. KARMA (TIB. LAS; HON. ’PHRIN LAS) (SKT. KARMA; P. KAMMA) (CH. YE 業/业) (“ACTION”). Buddhist ethical theory is primarily concerned with volitional actions—i.e., those actions that result from deliberate choice. Such actions set in motion a series of events that inevitably produce concordant results. These results may be pleasant, unpleasant, or neutral, depending on the original motivation. In some cases the results of actions are experienced immediately, and in others they are manifested only at a later time. Some karmic results do not accrue until a future life. KARMA BKA’ BRGYUD (GARMA GAGYÜ; ALT. KAṂ TSHANG) (CH. GAMA GAJUPAI 噶玛噶举派). One of the “four major orders” of the bKa’ brgyud order, founded by Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193), who was later recognized as the first rGyal dbang Karma pa. They are commonly known as the “Black Hats” because of the ceremonial hat (zhwa nag) the Karma pas wear. The Karma pa places it on his head in certain ceremonies, and it is believed that when the hat is on his head he manifests the essence of the bodhisattva sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara, of whom he

324 • KARMA BSTAN SKYONG DBANG PO

Black Hat (Zhwa dmar) dance, Thim phug, Bhutan.

is considered a manifestation). The main seat of the school was mTshur phu Monastery in sTod lung, but in 1966 the 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981), established a new headquarters at Rum btegs in Sikkim following his flight into exile in the 1950s. In 2000 the 17th Karma pa, O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–), followed his example, citing Chinese repression of religion as his reason. The Karma bKa’ brgyud order has a number of other important incarnational lineages in addition to the Karma pas, including the Zhwa dmar rin po che, rGyal tshab rin po che, and Ta’i si tu rin po che. KARMA BSTAN SKYONG DBANG PO (GARMA DENGYONG WANGBO, 1606–1642; R. 1621–1642) (CH. GAMA DENGJIONG WANGBO 噶玛登窘旺波). The sixth and last hierarch of the gTsang pa

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dynasty that ruled Tibet during the 16th and 17th centuries. His tenure was marked by conflicts with the dGe lugs order, which was becoming increasingly powerful in central Tibet. In 1618, when he was 12, his father, Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1587–1620; r. 1603–1620), invaded central Tibet and extended the domain of the gTsang pa kings (whose previous dominion had been confined to western areas of the Tibetan Plateau). Karma bsTan skyong succeeded him in 1620 or 1623. In his early years much of the power of the gTsang pa dynasty was in the hands of advisors, but when he reached his maturity he took control of most of central Tibet. He instituted a new legal code derived from that of the Phag mo gru pa. He moved against the dGe lugs pas and forced the conversion of some of their monasteries and seized their properties. In 1617 monks from Se ra and ’Bras spungs monasteries, along with 2,000 Khalkha Mongol troops, ­attacked ­gTsang pa armies in central Tibet, but they were badly defeated. This prompted increased repression of the dGe lugs pas; the two monasteries were sacked and their monks were exiled to sTag lung. The gTsang pa kings were closely allied with the Karma bKa’ brgyud hierarchs. In 1618 the 10th rGyal dbang Karma pa, Chos dbyings rdo rje (1604–1674), was named spiritual ruler of Tibet, which linked gTsang pa temporal power with the religious charisma of the Karma pas. In 1621 a Mongol force led by Lhatsun and Khungtaiji invaded dBus and engaged Karma bsTan skyong’s forces. The gTsang pa side was defeated and took refuge on lCags po ri, a hill in Lha sa. A siege ensued, and a retreat was negotiated with the intervention of the Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662), and the abbots of dGa’ ldan and sTag lung monasteries. The gTsang pa forces retreated to gTsang, and the dGe lugs pa and their Mongol allies seized control over central Tibet. They regained most of the estates taken from them and abolished gTsang pa military encampments. One probable reason for the decision not to abolish the gTsang forces was a concern on the part of the victorious central Tibetan hierarchs to retain a standing army of Tibetans in case their Mongol allies should decide to turn against them. The Khoshud Mongol leader Güshri Khan (1582–1655) defeated the Chog thu (Choghthu) Mongol faction in 1637, and then visited the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), in Lha sa. During this time, Karma bsTan skyong was working to undermine the growing dGe lugs pa power in eastern Tibet. He formed an alliance with Don yod rdo rje, the king of Be ri in Khams. A letter from Don yod rdo rje to Karma bsTan skyong was intercepted, and Güshri used it as a pretext to invade Khams. Don yod rdo rje was defeated and executed in 1640; this led to dGe lugs pa supremacy in Khams. Following this victory, Güshri marched against Karma bsTan skyong. The Paṇ chen bla ma, whose seat was in gZhis ka rtse in gTsang, was advised to move to dBus in order to avoid being harmed in the

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immanent invasion, but Karma bsTan skyong heard of this and arrested him. He ordered his troops to build a stockade around his capital, gZhis ka rtse. Karma bsTan skyong’s soldiers resisted the siege for several months, but in 1642 Güshri’s forces defeated them. Karma bsTan skyong and his family were captured, and he was imprisoned. At this point Güshri and his dGe lugs pa allies reigned supreme over most of the Tibetan Plateau. Later in 1642 a Karma pa–led uprising prompted Güshri to issue orders for Karma bsTan skyong’s execution by ko btums, a capital punishment for aristocrats: he was placed in an ox-hide bag that was sewn shut and then he was thrown into a river. This marked the final end of gTsang pa rule. KARMA GLING PA (GARMA LINGBA, 1352–1405) (CH. GAMA LINPA 噶玛林巴). One of the most influential “treasure discoverers” (gter ston). He was born in Khyer grub in Dwags po. His father was Nyi ma sangs rgyas. He was recognized as a reincarnation of the famed translator Cog ro kLu’i rgyal mtshan (ca. 8th century, one of the 25 main disciples of Padma ’byung gnas; Skt. Padmasambhava). He recovered a number of important texts, including Great Liberation through Hearing in the Intermediate State (Bar do thos grol chen mo), which is part of a larger treasure cycle, Profound Doctrine of Self-Liberation of Thought through [Encountering] Peaceful and Wrathful Deities (Zab chos zhi khro dgongs pa rang grol, commonly referred to as Kar gling zhi khro, The Peaceful and Wrathful Deities of Karma gling pa). The location of the discovery was Mt. Gam po gdar, near his birthplace. According to tradition, Padmasambhava secreted the texts in a cave on the mountain in the 7th century. Karma gling pa’s biography reports that he recovered the Peaceful and Wrathful Deities cycle at the age of 15. He entrusted them to his son Nyi zla chos rje and instructed him that they should remain secret for three generations. It also reports that he died young because he failed to marry his preordained tantric consort (gzungs ma) and did not attain the auspicious signs that would have allowed him to remain in the world. Following his advice, his third-generation successor Nam mkha’ chos kyi rgya mtsho began to spread his discoveries in central Tibet and Khams; his main sphere of activity was mDo khams. Liberation through Hearing in the Intermediate State is known all over the Tibetan cultural area and has been translated into several Western languages. It is often read to dying people to help them navigate the intermediate state (bar do) between death and rebirth. KARMA PA: See RGYAL DBANG KARMA PA. KARMA PAKSHI CHOS KYI BLA MA (GARMA BAKSHI CHÖGI LAMA, 1204/1206–1283) (CH. GAMA BAXI 噶玛巴希). The second

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rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Sa stod dkyil le tsag to in sDe dge in Khams. His father was rGya dbang tshur tsha sprang thar, and his mother was Mang skyid. His family claimed descent from Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). He was named Chos ’dzin at birth. He was recognized as the reincarnation of Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193) by rGyal sras sPon brag pa. The latter gave him instructions in the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) according to the systems of Sa ra ha (alt. mDa’ bsnun; Skt. Saraha, ca. 8th century) and sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153). Karma Pakshi studied with him for 11 years. At age 22 Karma Pakshi received monastic ordination from bLa ma Byams pa ’bum, the abbot of Kaḥ thog Monastery. During this time he concentrated on the practice of heat yoga (gtum mo). During his life a great deal of social upheaval occurred in Khams. In accordance with a vision from rDo rje ber nag can (who later became a protector deity of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order), he built a monastery at sPungs ri intended to help quell the causes of the violence. He spent 11 years there. His own practice involved using command of the elements of his environment to pacify negative influences in the area. He is credited with developing the practice of communal chanting of the mantra of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), “Oṃ maṇi padme hūng” (Skt. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ). He spent much of his early life in meditative retreat, and also worked to restore some of the monasteries Dus gsum mkhyen pa had founded. He restored the monastery of Karma dgon and also mTshur phu, which became his main seat. His teachers included bSod nams ’bum pa (b. 12th century) and bSod nams rdo rje (1170–1249). In 1251 Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) invited Karma Pakshi to the palace of ’Ur tu. He arrived in 1254 and reportedly performed several miracles while there. He was given the title “Pakshi,” Mongolian for “Religious Teacher.” He was asked to remain but declined. This proved to be a political blunder, because Khubilai felt insulted and later imprisoned and exiled Karma Pakshi for his effrontery. In 1256 Karma Pakshi traveled to A mdo, and then accepted an invitation to visit Khubilai’s brother Mönkhe Khan (Tib. Mon khe Han, ca. 1208–1259) at his headquarters in Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan, in modern-day Gansu). In honor of his visit, the khan released some prisoners, and Karma Pakshi gave him tantric empowerments and teachings. Karma Pakshi identified Mönke as the reincarnation of a former disciple. He engaged in a famous debate with Daoist (Zin shing) masters and reportedly soundly defeated them. They converted to Buddhism and became his students. He later traveled with Mönke to the capital city of Karakorum. Following the khan’s death, a violent succession battle ensued among the Mongol princes. His son Alapaga was killed, and Khubilai seized power, reportedly with the magical assistance of bLa ma Zhang, a Tsal pa bKa’

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brgyud master. Khubilai ordered Karma Pakshi’s arrest, but he thwarted his assailants with magic; at one point he froze 37,000 soldiers in place with a phyag rgya (Skt. mudrā), but eventually he relented and allowed himself to be captured (this, at least, was the spin his biographers adopted to explain how ordinary soldiers could best such a powerful thaumaturge). He was sent into exile, but later Khubilai changed his mind and he was able to return to Tibet. He ordered the construction of a 16 m (52 ft.) statue of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) at mTshur phu in accordance with a dream vision. It was named Thub chen dzam gling rgyan (Great Sage: Ornament of the Entire World). When it was installed it tilted slightly to one side, and he righted it by sitting in the same posture as the Buddha and then straightening his body. It moved with him, and he fixed it in the correct position with magical spells. He died soon after this, and Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339) was recognized as his reincarnation. His students included O rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229/1230–1308/1309), bKra shis grags pa (1200–1282), Grags pa’i dpal (b. 1260, the first Gangs dkar bla ma), and lDan sgom (b. 13th century, who built the Lha khang chen mo at mTshur phu). KATHMANDU (TIB. YAM BU RGYAL SA; ALT. KA TA MAN TU, KHO BUM, KHO KHOM, YUM BU, YOM BU) (CH. JIADEMANDU 加德满都). The capital of Nepal, located in the Kathmandu Valley. It is a popular pilgrimage destination for Tibetans, and exiled Tibetans have established a number of Buddhist monasteries there. It figures in the Tibetan imaginaire as an outpost of Tibetan Buddhist civilization, and several prominent Tibetan religious figures have gathered funding to restore, improve, or refurbish religious monuments in the city. The Newari residents of the area practice a religion that mingles elements of Hinduism and tantric Buddhism. The Buddhism practiced in the Kathmandu Valley is unique in many respects. Some of its distinctive features are based on 11th-century texts that define the style of Buddhism practiced in this region. The Newaris of the Kathmandu Valley played a role in transmission of tantric lore to Tibet that is still largely unexplored, despite its acknowledgment in Tibetan texts. An example of the perseverance of ancient traditions surviving to this day may be found in the rather obscure Prasannaśīlā temple in Bhaktapur, where local Newars call the central image Dīpaṃkara, but since the 14th century visiting Tibetans have worshipped it as Red Tārā. A Tibetan guide book to Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala) begins in Bhaktapur, an interesting example of the interconnections between parts of the Tibetan Buddhist mythical world. Both groups manage to worship at the same time in apparent harmony. For millennia the Kathmandu Valley has produced outstanding artisans whose statues and paintings adorn monasteries and temples throughout the Tibetan Plateau. See also ART; MCHOD RTEN BYA RUNG KHA SHOR.

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KHA BTAGS (KADA) (CH. HADA 哈达). Ceremonial silk scarves exchanged at auspicious occasions. There are various types, including nang ­mdzod (made from fine silk), a she (coarse silk), and mdzod she (ordinary cloth). Generally white in the Tibetan tradition and sky blue in Mongol tradition, the kha btags represents the donor’s purity of intention and is also a symbol of general auspiciousness. KHA CHE: See ISLAM. KHALKHA (TIB. HAL HA) (MON: ХАЛХ, QALQ-A) (CH. KA’ERKA 喀尔喀). A Mongol tribal group, who (along with the Chahar, Ordos, and Tümed) were ruled by descendants of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) until the 20th century (unlike, for instance, the Oirats, who were ruled by Zunghar nobles). Batumönke Dayan Khan (Tib. Da yan Han, 1464–1517/1543) became the leader of Mongols living in present-day central Mongolia and the northern part of southern Mongolia (now part of China). Their capital was Karakorum, and they inhabited areas around the Khangai Mountains. During the reign of Dayan Khan, the Khalkha were one of the tümen (an army of 10,000 soldiers, a standard administrative division) of the Left Wing of the Mongols. His sons Alchu Bolad and Geresenje inherited the mantle of leadership: the former established the Five Khalkha (Tabun otuy qalq-a) of southern Mongolia, and the latter founded the Seven Khalkha (Doluyan otuy qalq-a) of northern Mongolia. The Manchus designated these groups as Inner Khalkha and Outer Khalkha, respectively. The Khalkhas played significant roles in Tibetan affairs. Abadai Khan (1554–1587), a grandson of Dayan Khan, met the third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), while the latter was en route to Mongolia in 1582, and the latter’s reincarnation was later discovered among the Mongols. This led to Mongol conversion to the dGe lugs order and to the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), becoming ruler of Tibet with the aid of Güshri Khan (1582–1655). Khalkha troops were also involved in conflicts with the previous ruling dynasty of central Tibet, the gTsang pa kings (sde pa). Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642)—the sixth and last hierarch of the gTsang pa ruling house— formed alliances with Choghthu Taiji (Tib. Chog tu Han, 1581–1637), whose dominion was in Kokonor, and Don yod rdo rje, the king of Be ri in Khams. Güshri Khan, the leader of the rival Khoshud Oirat Mongols, defeated Choghthu Taiji’s forces in a battle in 1637 in Kokonor, which began a series of military defeats that led to Karma bsTan skyong’s death. In 1642 the Dalai Lama was installed as the ruler of Tibet, but Güshri gave himself the title “King of Tibet” (Bod kyi rgyal po) and held ultimate power. During the reign of the Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) the

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Khalkhas opted to become his subjects. A large group had fled into Qing territory following conflicts with the Zunghars, and in 1691 a great feast was held at Dolonnor (about 250 km [155 mi.] north of Beijing) to celebrate their decision. Their soldiers became an important addition to the Qing armies. KHAL KHA (“Mongolia”). A Tibetan term for Mongolia, particularly the area around Urga, now Ulaan Baatar. The term Sog yul is used more expansively for Mongol areas. KHAMS (KHAM; ALT. MDO STOD) (CH. KANG 康). A region in the eastern reaches of the Tibetan Plateau that no longer exists as an official geographical entity in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) Its residents, however, still regard it as their homeland and commonly refer to themselves as Khams pa. The areas that constituted Khams are today divided between the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) and the province of Sichuan; smaller areas are divided between Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan. A total of 50 presentday PRC counties were once part of Khams. The largest number (25) have been incorporated into the TAR, followed by Sichuan (16), Qinghai (six), and Yunnan (three). During the period of the Republic of China (Ch. Zhonghua Minguo 中華民國/中华民国, 1911–1949) the Chinese government regarded most of Khams as belonging to Xikang 西康 Province. It had the status of a “special administrative district” until 1939, when it was officially designated as a province. Despite these changes in nominal status, local hegemons controlled most of Khams. Khams is a vast and sparsely inhabited region that is home to a variety of culturally and linguistically distinct groups. Most speak a dialect of the Tibetan language family that has unique pronunciations and vocabulary ­ and can be understood only with difficulty by people from central Tibet. Other Khams pas natively speak Qiangic languages (which are classified, not without some problems, as belonging to the northeastern Tibeto-Burman language family), a group of 12 dialects that share affinities with Khams Tibetan (Khams skad). Most Khams pas are adherents of Tibetan rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) Buddhism, and Bon communities also live in the region. Prior to its division among adjacent PRC provinces, Khams was a vaguely defined region. One attempt to demarcate its boundary was the erection in 1727 by Qing dynasty officials of a stone stele on a mountain pass between ’Ba’ thang (Ch. Batang 巴塘) and sMar khams (Ch. Mangkang 芒康) on the southern “officials’ road” (guandao 官道) that indicated the limit of the dGa’ ldan pho drang’s hegemony and the beginning of Qing dominion. Much of Khams is dominated by high mountain ranges, and some of the major rivers of Asia—including the rDza chu (Ch. Meigong He 湄公河, Mekong), ’Bri chu (Chang Jiang 长江, Yangtze), and rGyal mo rngul chu (Ch. Sa’erwen

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Jiang 萨尔温江 or Nu Jiang 怒江: Salween)—flow through the region. Its residents traditionally refer to their land as “Four Rivers, Six Ranges” (Chu bzhi sgang drug), and they have resisted any attempt to incorporate it into other countries. The central Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) claimed Khams, but it was able to exercise only sporadic and limited control. Khams has never had a single ruler, but there have been various kingdoms and principalities. Many Khams pas felt some allegiance to the Dalai Lamas and had religious and cultural exchanges with central Tibet, and many Khams pa religious figures spent some time studying or making pilgrimages in the central regions. During the imperial period (7th–9th centuries) the Tibetan government was able to exercise some control over the region, but following its collapse Khams reverted to local rule and tribal affiliations. In 1717 Zunghar armies invaded central Tibet, Khams, and Mongolia, which began a period of protracted civil war in Khams. The Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) sent an army to quell the disturbances, and for the next 20 years many of the hegemons of Khams were forced to pledge oaths of allegiance to the Qing (while remaining largely independent in their dayto-day activities). In 1724 Khams and A mdo were officially merged, and eastern areas of Khams were annexed to neighboring provinces. In the early 19th century Khams was again plunged into protracted civil war as a result of the military adventures of mGon po rnam rgyal (1799– 1865), a chieftain from Nyag rong. For almost three decades, he led military campaigns, and by 1863 he controlled most of Khams, including sDe dge. His conquests put him at odds with both the Qing government and the dGa’ ldan pho brang. Chieftains of sDe dge and the five Hor states (Hor dpon khag lnga) requested assistance in opposing him. The Qing government, beset with its own problems and militarily weak, was unable to help, but in 1863 the central Tibetan government dispatched troops. The government of Sichuan provided support by attacking mGon po rnam rgyal’s eastern flanks, while the Tibetan army attacked from the west. mGon po rnam rgyal was defeated in 1865. This brought the “Nyag rong Troubles” to an end, but factional fighting and tribal wars continued to split Khams apart. For the next several decades, the dGa’ ldan pho brang was able to exercise greater authority in Khams, but it too was militarily weak, and the factionalism of the region, its remoteness from central Tibet, and its endemic internecine battles made it effectively ungovernable. The Younghusband Expedition of 1903–1904 led to fears on the part of the Qing rulers that the machinations of foreign powers threatened their proclaimed (fictitious) sovereignty over Tibet. An emissary was dispatched to Khams to secure oaths of allegiance from its tribal leaders, but he was murdered. The warlord Zhao Erfeng 趙爾豐/赵尔丰 (1845–1911), then governor of Xining, was given the title “Army Commander of Tibet”

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and tasked with fully integrating Tibet into China. In 1905–1906 he led a military expedition through eastern Tibet, during which he razed many monasteries in Khams and A mdo and slaughtered thousands of people. He earned the epithet “Zhao the Butcher” (Zhao Tufu 趙屠夫/赵屠夫), but he was unable to achieve his primary goal of subjugating eastern Tibet and bringing it under his rule. The Qing government sent its own troops in 1910 and issued an official edict that stripped the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), of his titles, including that of Dalai Lama. Tibetans ignored the edict, but the Dalai Lama was forced to flee to India. The Qing government was nearing its end, however, and with its fall in 1911 Zhao’s troops mutinied and beheaded him. In 1932 a negotiated agreement between the Republic of China and the Tibetan government divided Khams into two regions: Chinese forces administered eastern Khams, and the Lha sa government held authority over western Khams. Eastern Khams was later incorporated into Xikang Province. The ’Bri chu River formed the border between them. In 1950, following the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) defeat of the Guomindang, Chinese troops began an invasion of eastern Tibet. They initially massed on the eastern side of the ’Bri chu, and the PRC declared that all of Tibet was an inalienable part of China. When PLA troops crossed into areas claimed by the central Tibetan government, they encountered poorly armed and untrained local militias under the command of aristocrats with no military training and no stomach for battle. The commander of the border forces in Chab mdo, Nga phod Ngag dbang ’jigs med (1910–2009), surrendered without a fight and later became a collaborator. He urged the central government to surrender and accept Chinese overlordship. The Tibetans were forced to sign the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,” which declared that Tibet was an integral part of Chinese territory. During the subsequent invasion, troops poured through Khams and moved toward central Tibet. A key plank of Chinese strategy was to exploit the traditional independence of Khams pas and their suspicion of the Lha sa government. Chinese military commanders declared that they had come only to “liberate” them from the oppression of Lha sa and that they had no intention of remaining. They would free them from any vestiges of central Tibetan control and then leave them independent. Many Khams pas responded favorably to this message and initially viewed the Chinese advance as an opportunity for greater autonomy and freedom from taxation and imposition of military conscription by the central government. Of course, China never intended to follow through on these promises, and as PLA troops began destroying monasteries, killing monks and nuns, and forcing the people into communes, the Khams pas belatedly realized that the true intention of the Chinese was to rule and comprehensively reshape their society.

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Prayer wheels and prayer flags, Brag dkar, Khams.

This sparked a rebellion. The main resistance group was named “Four Rivers, Six Ranges.” It was led by a skillful guerilla commander, A ’brug mGon po bkra shis (1905–1964), and it initially inflicted significant losses on Chinese forces. The group was outmanned, outgunned, and poorly armed despite its courage and fighting prowess, and the superiority of Chinese military resources and numbers slowly reversed the gains it had made. A recorded message sent in 1974 by the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), asked the members of the group to cease their violent activities and lay down their arms. The beleaguered resistance fighters acceded to his request, and subsequently Chinese and Nepali troops massacred many of them. Some escaped, and the group maintains a headquarters in Majnu-ka-tilla, Delhi. With the disbanding and massacre of the last remnants of the resistance, Khams was incorporated into the PRC, and Deng Xiaoping 邓小平 (1904–1997) later traveled to the region to oversee this process. Today Khams pas still regard themselves as a separate people and most conceive their primary ethnic identity in these terms, even though Khams has ceased to exist as an official territorial entity. Among exiled Tibetans in India, people from Khams often live in contiguous settlements, and many retain their traditional dialect. KHANG SHIS RGYAL PO: See KANGXI. ’KHON (KHÖN) (CH. KUN 昆; KUAN 款). The aristocratic family whose male hierarchs are the heads of the Sa skya order. According to traditional

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histories, the ’Khon maintained tantric lineages from the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism introduced during the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). One day ’Khon rog witnessed a public display of tantric rituals whose performance should be secret, and he decided that it was no longer possible to attain awakening through these corrupted practices. He advised his younger brother dKon mchog rgyal po (1034–1102) to renounce them and adopt the new tantric lineages arriving from India, which maintained the vows of secrecy. He took the advice and became a disciple of the translator ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072). In 1071 he established a temple at Sa skya, which later grew into one of the major monastic centers of Tibet and the seat of the Sa skya order. The ’Khon masters maintained traditions from the imperial period, including the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) rituals of rNying ma, as well as tantric and scholastic lineages of the “New Orders” (gSar ma) based on the newer translation materials. They became rulers of Tibet during the Mongol dynasty for almost a century (ca. 1261–1358). According to the clan’s origin myths, three celestial deities (gnam lha) named sPyi ring, g.Yu ring, and dBu se descended to the human realm and were asked to rule. dBu se accepted, and the others declined the offer. dBu se had four sons, the Se byi li brothers, who fought against members of the lDong tribe. g.Yu ring lent his support and they defeated the 18 lDong families. g.Yu ring later married dMu Za dem bu and they had seven sons, the Ma sangs brothers. Six of them left the earth and returned to heaven using the dmu rope. The seventh, Ma sangs sPyi rje, remained in the human realm. His grandson kLu tsha stag po ’od chen married Mon bza’ mTsho mo rgyal, and they had a son named g.Ya’ spang skyes (because he was born at a mountain later named g.Ya’ spang ri). He killed a demon named sKya rengs khrag med and married his demon widow. Because he was born as a result of a battle between a god and a demon, their son was named g.Ya’ spang ’Khon Bar skyes (“Born at a Grassy Slate [Mountain] in the Midst of Hostility between g.Ya’ spang [and the Demon”] [sring po]). ’Khon Bar skyes descended from the intermediate realm (bar snang, where his ancestors had lived) to Mount Shel tsha rgyal mo. A descendant named dKon pa rJe gung stag settled in La stod and established a fiefdom at gNyen rtse thar. This land was granted by Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), who appointed him Minister of the Interior (Nang rje kha). He was referred to by the epithet ’Khon dPal po che (“Great Magnificent ’Khon”). He married the wife of the translator (lo tsā ba) bLang Khams pa, and they had several sons, including ’Khon kLu’i dbang po bsrung ba, who became one of the first seven ordinands (sad mi bdun) at bSam yas. Later generations of the ’Khon clan produced a number of influential scholars, including the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga): (1) Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158), dKon mchog rgyal po’s son, (2) bSod nams

’KHOR RE, BTSAN PO • 335

rtse mo (1142–1182), (3) Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), (4) Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), and (5) Chos rgyal ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280). ’KHON KLU’I DBANG PO BSRUNG BA (KHÖN LÜWANGBO SÜNGWA; ALT. ’KHON NĀGENDRARAKṢITA, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. KUAN LUYI WANGBO 款鲁益旺波). A member of the aristocratic ’Khon family who became one of the first seven Tibetan monastic ordinands (sad mi bdun) at bSam yas Monastery shortly after its founding. However, Davidson (2005) points out that in the earliest records he is not mentioned in the group, which has only six members. He was one of the first translators of Sanskrit works into Tibetan and held the post of “Junior Translator” (lo kyi chung). ’KHOR BA (KHORA) (SKT. SAṂSĀRA) (CH. SHENGSI 生死; LUNHUI 輪廻/轮廻). The Buddhist concept of cyclic existence, which holds that ordinary beings (so so’i skye bo; Skt. pṛthag-jana) are born, die, and then are reborn in a beginningless cycle. According to Buddhism, the universe is beginningless and endless, and the beings who dwell within it transmigrate from life to life in dependence upon their volitional actions (las; Skt. karma). Due to ignorance (ma rig pa; Skt. avidyā) of the true nature of reality, they are generally predisposed toward actions and attitudes that lead to negative consequences. This process inevitably results in repeated suffering (sdug bsngal; Skt. duḥkha), disappointment, and death, so the main goal of Buddhism is to extricate oneself from the cycle, which can be done only through religious practice that enables one to transform one’s negative attitudes and proclivities and develop direct intuitive understanding of the nature of reality. This serves to break the cycle and can lead to full liberation (mya ngan las ’das pa; Skt. nirvāṇa; or thar pa; Skt. mokṣa). ’KHOR LO BDE MCHOG (KHORLO DECHOK) (SKT. CAKRASAṂVARA) (CH. SHENGLE JINGANG 胜乐金刚) (“WHEEL OF SUPREME BLISS”). The main deity of the Wheel of Supreme Bliss ­Tantra (’Khor lo bde mchog rgyud; Skt. Cakrasaṃvara-tantra), which is classed as a mother tantra (ma rgyud) of the highest yoga tantra class (rnal ’byor bla na med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). Iconographically he is generally depicted with blue skin, four faces, and 12 arms in sexual embrace (yab yum) with his consort rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajravārāhī). ’KHOR RE, BTSAN PO (TSENBO KHORÉ; ALT. ’KHOR LO LDE; KHRI DPAL ’KHOR RE, CA. 967–1040) (CH. KERI 柯日). The brother of Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036) and the son of bKra shis mgon, who ruled the

336 • KHOSHUD

kingdom of Gu ge in western Tibet. He abdicated in 996 and was succeeded by his youngest son, Lha lde (r. 996–1024). Some traditional histories say he was Ye shes ’od, but this appears to be a mistake. KHOSHUD (TIB. HO SHOD) (CH. HESHUOTE 和硕特). One of the four major tribes of the Oirat branch of the Mongols. They were originally one of the Khorchin tribes that lived in southeastern Mongolia, but in the 15th century they migrated to the area of modern Urumqi in Xinjiang. They became the most powerful Oirat tribe in the early 17th century and expanded their territory into modern Qinghai and the Tibetan Plateau. In 1636 the Khoshud chieftain Güshri Khan (1582–1655) defeated troops of Choghthu Taiji (Tib. Chog tu Han, 1581–1637) in a battle near Kokonor. In 1642 he defeated the last gTsang pa king, Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642), and installed the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), as the ruler of Tibet, under his ultimate authority. Khoshud power was diminished when Güshri’s brother Ubashi moved to the Volga region and joined forces with the Kalmyks, but others remained in the Oirat homeland of Zungharia under the leadership of Ochirtu Setsen. He was killed by the Zunghar chieftain Galdan Bushuktu Khan (1644–1697), following which the Khoshud leader Khoroli surrendered to the Qing in 1686 and moved to Alashan. The Qing exterminated the Zunghar Khoshuds in 1755, and in 1771 the Volga Khoshuds moved back to Zungharia and the Qing later forcibly resettled them to the area of Bosten Lake. Some remnants of the tribe remained in Kalmykia, and another banner was formed in modern Bulgan Province. KHOTAN (TIB. LI YUL; ALT. RDO RTSUB) (SKT. KAṂSADEŚA, KHARĀŚMAN) (CH. HUOTIAN 和闐/和阗; YUTIAN 于窴). One of the city-states of the Silk Road. It had reliable water supplies because the Karakash River (Ch. Heiyu He 黑玉河) and the Yurungkash River (Ch. Baiyu He 白玉河) flowed to it. Khotan is located southeast of Yarkhand in the Tarim Basin, north of the Khu nu ri bo (Ch. Kunlun Shan 昆仑山). It is mainly populated by Uyghurs. As of 2006 it had a population of 114,000. It came under Tibetan domination between 665 and 666, which weakened the Tang dynasty (618–907) and disrupted communications between the eastern and western parts of its empire. The kingdom of Khotan was established around 300 BCE. The early rulers patronized Zoroastrianism, but their successors converted to Buddhism. According to traditional chronicles, Buddhism was introduced around 84 BCE. Most of Khotan’s inhabitants were Buddhists until the 11th century. Yarkhand conquered Khotan in 56 CE and annexed it to its territory, but

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Khotan defeated Yarkhand in 61 and later conquered another 13 small kingdoms. The Chinese general Ban Chao 班超 (32–103) defeated Khotan’s army and added it to the Chinese empire, but following a rebellion in the “Western Regions” in 195 it regained its independence. It again came under Chinese control following an invasion by General Ban Yong 班勇 (d. ca. 128). It remained a vassal state of China until Tibetan forces seized it. In 692 Empress Wu Zetian 武则天 (624–705) reconquered Khotan and returned it to protectorate status. In 725 the Chinese beheaded its king, Vijaya Dharma III, for conspiring with Turks and installed Vijaya Sambhava II on the throne. In 790 Tibetans again mounted a series of offensives against cities and routes along the Silk Road, and they are said to have held Khotan again at various times up to the 9th century. In the early 9th century artisans from Khotan were invited to Tibet to assist in the construction of ’U shang rdo temple. In 1006 Yūsuf Qadr Khān invaded Khotan and forcibly converted it to Islam. It became part of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 when the East Turkestan Republic was annexed and renamed the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Ch. Xinjiang Weiwu’er Zizhiqu 新疆维吾尔自治区). After the Tang regained possession of Khotan in 692, it mainly appears in the Tibetan historical record in the form of a narrative tale that serves to glorify Tibet’s culture. The story recounts that two novice monks from Khotan were told in a vision that their tutelary deity sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) had manifested in Tibet in the form of a “religious king” (chos rgyal) named Khri Srong btsan sgam po. The monks traveled to Tibet, but after seeing that he exercised his power by executing wrongdoers they became afraid and tried to return to Khotan. Srong btsan sgam po summoned them to his palace and revealed his true nature as the bodhisattva of compassion. He taught them the cycle of the Great Compassionate One (sNying rje chen po; Skt. Mahākāruṇika) and other texts related to the cult of Avalokiteśvara and then instantly transported them back to their home. This narrative trope is a Tibetan rewriting of history; it is well documented that by the 5th–6th centuries Khotan was a major Buddhist center with large libraries and scholars who were famed throughout the Buddhist world. It was also a major nexus for the transmission of Buddhism in Asia, whereas the religion had not yet exerted any significant impact in Tibet. In light of our current knowledge of this period, it is highly unlikely that Srong btsan po would have—or could have—taught them much about the Dharma. This notion first appears in historical works from the 14th century when Tibet was under Mongol control, when its intellectuals felt a need to assert national superiority and pride. During this period new narratives began to emerge, in which Tibet of the imperial period is portrayed as far more sophisticated and intellectually advanced than is likely, particularly in terms of the importation of Buddhism.

338 • KHRA ’BRUG

KHRA ’BRUG (TRANDRUK; ALT. KHRO ’BRUG GI BKRA SHIS LHA YUL GTSUG LAG KHANG; [G.YO RU] KHRA ’BRUG BKRA SHIS BYAMS SNYOMS; BYAMS PA MI ’GYUR GYI GLING) (CH. TUKU LAKAN 吐库拉勘) (“THUNDERING FALCON”). Tibet’s first Buddhist temple and the first of the shrines built to subdue the demoness (srin mo) that inhabits the land of Tibet. It was constructed in the lower Yar klungs Valley in central Tibet. It was the foremost of the “border pacifying temples” (ru bzhi mtha’ ’dul yang ’dul) that were part of the country’s magical defenses. Sørensen (2005) reports that the name derives from a legend that the site on which it was built was controlled by a powerful klu (Skt. nāga) that was subdued by a bya khyung (Skt. garuḍa) in the shape of a falcon. Its main protector deity is Tshangs pa dung thod can. During the Phag mo gru pa hegemony it was part of the jurisdiction of sNe’u gdong. It was expanded in the mid-14th century, its first major expansion since the imperial period. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), designated it as one of the most important religious sites in the country and ordered that a daily offering of 1,000 butter lamps be made at the temple. He stayed in the temple twice every year and funded a further expansion. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), undertook another major renovation. KHRI ’DUS SRONG MANG PO RJE (TRI DÜSONG MANGBOJÉ, B. 676/677) (CH. QI DUSONG 弃都松; DUSONG MANGBUJIE 都松芒布 结). The 37th Yar klungs monarch, son of Khri Mang slon mang btsan (c. 643–676; r. 663–676). In the early years of his reign, his power was limited by the influence of the mGar clan, one of whose scions acted as ’Dus srong’s regent. The mGar held many of the important offices of government. Following the defeat of Tibetan armies under the command of mGar brTsan nyen, the king was able to reduce the influence of the mGar and establish his own rule in about his 22nd year. He knew the dangers posed by allowing rule to fall into the hands of others and issued an edict to that effect. He is said to have married princesses from neighboring regions, including a Central Asian princess of Turkish origin. He expanded the Tibetan empire through military conquest and died during an expedition against the kingdom of ’Jang (Nanzhao) in Yunnan in 704. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Lha bal po, but the latter was deposed after a few months, and his mother seized control of the government. She placed Lha bal po’s one-year-old brother rGyal gtsug ru (712–755) on the throne, and she ruled in his stead until he was enthroned and given the coronation name Khri lDe gtsug btsan. KHRI GLANG DAR MA (TRI LANG DARMA; ALT. U’I DUM BRTAN, R. 838–842) (CH. LANG DAMA 郎达玛; DAMO 达磨) (“DAR MA THE OX”). The 43rd king of the Yar klungs dynasty, who came to

KHRI LDE SRONG BTSAN • 339

power following the assassination of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836). He worked to eliminate all opposition to his ascent to the throne. His elder brother gTsang ma (reportedly a devout Buddhist; his name means “Pure One”) was banished, and the monk minister Bran ka dPal gyi yon tan was slandered by rumors that he had an affair with a queen named Cog ro bza’. She killed herself, and the minister and Ral pa can were murdered. In traditional Tibetan histories gLang dar ma is said to have orchestrated a persecution of Buddhism, but records of the period suggest that his anti-Buddhist activities may have been mainly confined to such measures as closing monasteries and nunneries, forcing monks and nuns to return to lay life, and cutting off government subsidies for Buddhism, rather than active persecution. His assassination by the Buddhist monk dPal gyi rdo rje (born ca. 750) is still regularly reenacted today in the “Black Hat” dance. Following his death, the Yar klungs dynasty began to disintegrate. His son ’Od srung ascended the throne as an infant, but rebellions occurred in various parts of the empire. The northeastern province rebelled, and China regained control over the Gansu Corridor. Around 869, several major rebellions erupted, and powerful clans, some claiming descent from the Yar klungs kings, began to rule sections of the former empire. One major contributing factor behind this large empire’s rapid collapse was probably the economy: it was built on a conquest model, but with the treaty of 821/822 expansion halted, and the costs of supporting large-scale monasticism and various Buddhist projects sapped the regime’s funds. KHRI GTSUG LDE BTSAN: See KHRI RAL PA CAN. KHRI LDE GTSUG BTSAN (TRI DETSUKTSEN; ALT. MES AG TSHOMS, 712–755) (CH. QI LISUOZAN 弃隶蹜赞; CHI DEZUZAN 赤 德祖赞). The 38th monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty (birth name: rGyal gTsug ru). He enjoyed a longer reign than many other Yar klungs rulers, and his tenure appears to have been a time of relative peace and stability. While still a child of six, he was married to the Chinese princess Jincheng 金成 (d. 739). He was assassinated in a royal coup in 755. KHRI LDE SRONG BTSAN (TRI DESONGTSEN; ALT. SAD NA LEGS, R. CA. 799–815) (CH. CHIDE SONGZAN 赤德松赞; SAINALEI 赛那累). The 41st monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty. He was the youngest son of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). He came to power after a period of internecine struggles in which his brother Mu ne btsan po was poisoned by his own mother, and another brother, Mu rug btsan po, was assassinated by members of the sNa nam clan. When he was enthroned, he was still quite young, and he had two Buddhist monk advisors. According to

340 • KHRI MA LOD

traditional histories, he married four Tibetan women from aristocratic families. He reportedly continued his family’s support of Buddhism, and he is credited with sponsoring the construction of the sKar cung Temple near Lha sa. The king convened a meeting of politically and religiously influential figures from various parts of his domain; the meeting was memorialized in a document signed by the delegates and inscribed on a stone pillar at sKar cung. It indicates that the princes of the dynasty had monks as tutors and describes the Yar klungs kings as enthusiastic supporters of the three jewels (Buddha, Dharma, and Monastic Community). In spite of his religious commitments, his armies continued military actions against Chinese forces in Yanzhou, Linzhou, Weizhou, and Suizhou, but diplomatic missions also took place between the Chinese and Tibetan ruling houses. Tibetan armies attacked Turkish forces and besieged Samarkand. The Tibetan governor of Turkestan sent a gold statue to the Arab caliph alMa’mum (r. 813–833), which was later transported to Mecca (Dunlop [1973] indicates that Arabic sources corroborate this). According to the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po), Khri lDe srong btsan had five sons; the first became a monk, and the last two died while still children. Another of his sons, Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), was passed over because he opposed Buddhism, and Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836) succeeded to the throne. KHRI MA LOD (TRIMALÖ, D. 712). The queen of Khri Mang slon mang btsan (c. 643–676; r. 663–676), who became one of the most powerful figures in the politics of the Imperium following his death. She belonged to the ’Bro clan, one of the leading families of the Imperium. After her son Khri ’Dus srong btsan (b. 676/677) eliminated the mGar clan—which had seized power and reduced the kings to figureheads—in 698, her influence was even stronger. Her prominence in the politics of the time is attested by the fact that she is mentioned in the Old Tibetan Annals found at Dunhuang every year from 698 until her death in 712. The Annals indicate that after ’Dus srong’s death he was succeeded by his eldest son, Lha Bal po (whom Beckwith [1987] thinks is a figure mentioned in later histories named lJang tsha Lha dbon and is also the Sras Lhas bon who died in 739; Kapstein [2000] has pointed out a number of problems with this, however), but she deposed him and installed a younger son named rGyal rTsug ru (later Khri lDe gtsug btsan [alt. Mes ag tshoms], 712–755). She is credited with arranging for a Chinese princess to marry her grandson Khri lDe gtsug btsan. The Old Tang Annals (Ch. Jiu Tang Shu 舊唐書/旧唐书, presented to Emperor Chudi in 945) states that the request for a Chinese bride was first made in 702/703, prior to rGyal gTsug ru’s birth, and that she repeated her request in 705. Jincheng 金成 (d. 739), a daughter of the Tang emperor Zhongzong’s 唐中 (656–710) nephew Li Shouli 李守禮/李守礼), was dispatched to Tibet to marry the king.

KHRI MU NE BTSAN PO • 341

KHRI MANG SLON MANG BTSAN (TRI MANGLÖN MANGTSEN; ALT. MANG SRONG MANG BTSAN, C. 643–676; R. 663–676) (CH. MANGSONG MANGZAN 芒松芒赞). The 35th monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty, according to traditional accounts. He was the grandson of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), and he continued the former’s program of military conquest. Mang slon expanded the Tibetan empire into Chinese territory, something Srong btsan sgam po was unable to accomplish. He continued the campaign against the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷浑) and extended Tibetan control into the Tarim Basin in modern-day Xinjiang Province. The westernmost extent of his conquests was the narrow neck of modern-day Afghanistan at its northwest frontier, the Wakhan Valley, which extends in an arch above Pakistan. Remains of several Tibetan forts survive in the Badakshan and Wakhan areas. The oasis cities of the Silk Road were a major conduit for trade between South Asia and China, and this was also the communications nexus for the eastern and western parts of the Chinese empire. The Tang monarchs realized the importance of this region and devoted significant military resources to halting Tibetan expansionism, but by 670 Tibetan armies had secured the submission of the Western Turks and controlled several important trade centers, including Kashgar and Khotan. Ruins of Tibetan forts at Miran survive from this period. The king (btsan po) was the nominal head of the government, but during Mang slon’s time the mGar clan was the real power, and its members held most of the important positions in government. The chief minister, mGar sTong btsan (d. 667), usurped much of the king’s authority, and he is credited with revising the legal code instituted by Srong btsan sgam po along with other accomplishments. KHRI MU NE BTSAN PO (TRI MUNÉ TSENPO, 786–803; R. 802–803) (CH. MOUNI ZANPU 牟尼赞普). The 40th monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty, eldest son of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). Later histories depict him as a devout Buddhist who instituted a cycle of religious festivals that monasteries hold up to the present day. These include a service devoted to the code of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya), held in Lha sa; one for higher doctrine (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma), held at Khra ’brug; and one for the discourses (mdo; Skt. sūtra), held at bSam yas. According to one legend, he attempted an early experiment with fiscal egalitarianism: he was distressed by the inequality between rich and poor, so he decided to redistribute the wealth of the rich. Within a year, the rich had become even wealthier and the poor were again destitute. He attempted the redistribution two more times, with the same result. He was poisoned by his mother, Tshe spong bza’—who, according to traditional histories was an adherent of Bon—when he was 17 years old. Many

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Tibetan histories do not mention her Bon allegiance but indicate that her murderous rage was caused by his decision to marry his father’s youngest wife. In contrast to later Buddhist histories that depict him as an ardent follower of the Dharma, the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed) indicates that initially he had no interest in Buddhism but insisted that Buddhist rites be performed at his father’s funeral, rather than Bon po ones. KHRI RAL PA CAN (TRI RELBACHEN; ALT. KHRI GTSUG LDE BTSAN, BORN CA. 806; R. 815–836) (CH. REBAJIN 热巴巾; CHIZU DEZAN 赤祖德赞). The 42nd monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty, and the third and last of the “Religious Kings” (Chos rgyal), who Tibetan Buddhist tradition holds to have been an emanation of the buddha Phyag na rdo rje (Skt. Vajrapāṇi). Despite his religious sensibilities, he continued the program of conquest initiated by his predecessors, and during his reign the Tibetan Empire reached its greatest extent. Tibetan armies annexed parts of China, India, Nepal, Khotan, Baltistan, Gilgit, and Zhang zhung, as well as most of Turkestan and Gansu. In 810 the Chinese emperor sent him a letter requesting the return of three conquered provinces. In response, General Zhang ’Bro stag was ordered to wage war on Chinese territories. In 816 his troops penetrated Turkestan and were within a two-day march of the Uyghur capital, Ordu Baliq. In 819 he attacked Yanzhou兖州 in the southern Ordos (Ch. E’erduosi 鄂尔多斯), which is near the Great Wall. In 821 he led another attack on China as peace negotiations were ongoing, which convinced the Chinese to agree to Tibetan terms. The treaty was concluded in 821–822, and after this hostilities between Tibet and China largely ceased for two decades. The treaty was inscribed in Tibetan and Chinese on a stone pillar outside the Jo khang in Lha sa. During his reign royal patronage of Buddhism reached its apogee. He sponsored a wide range of Buddhist activities and made groups of seven households responsible for the support of a monk. He funded the development of bilingual Sanskrit-Tibetan standardized glossaries and subsidized the activities of translators. He built a huge temple named ’U shang rdo at the confluence of the gTsang po and sKyid chu Rivers, nine stories in height, with a magnificent golden roof. Buddhist scholars and translators used the middle floors, and the bottom floors housed state officials. He is also credited with introducing a standardized system of weights and measures based on that of China. He was reportedly so devoted to Buddhism that during state ceremonies he would tie ribbons to his long hair and monks would sit on them. His activities led to widespread resentment, and two of his ministers assassinated him in 836. According to some sources from the time, however, his death may have been due to illness rather than violence. A recent line of historical interpretation suggests that his assassination could equally have

KHRI SRONG BTSAN SGAM PO • 343

been a reaction against his allowing the sacral kingship to be demeaned by permitting his hair extensions to be used as cushions and that the financial cost of his efforts to promulgate Buddhism were bringing the exchequer into bankruptcy. In either case, his demise is said in traditional histories to have marked the end of the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism in Tibet, as his successor Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842) withdrew royal support and reportedly persecuted Buddhism. KHRI SDE (TRIDÉ) (“MYRIARCHY”). A grouping of 10,000 houses. This was the basic taxation unit of Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. These were administered by appointed officials whose title was khri sde dpon. KHRI SRONG BTSAN SGAM PO (TRI SONGTSEN GAMBO, CA. 605–650) (CH. SONGZAN GANBU 松赞干布). The 33rd Yar klungs monarch, who began a program of military expansion that led to the creation of an empire. His father was gNam ri srong btsan, and his mother was Tshe spong bza’ ’Bri ma thod dkar. This ruling lineage traced itself back to the mythical king gNyag khri btsan po, whose power base was in the Yar klungs Valley of central Tibet, and consolidated power through forging alliances with other tribal groups. This involved exchanges of brides and swearing of oaths. Srong btsan sgam po became the most powerful hegemon in central Tibet after his conquest of the Zhang zhung king Lig myi rhya (alt. Lig myi rgya), who was married to Srong btsan’s sister Sad mar kar. The marriage was an unhappy one, and she secretly plotted against her husband and urged Srong btsan to attack him. Srong btsan’s armies destroyed Lig myi rhya’s stronghold and killed him. This allowed Srong btsan to gain control over a large area in the west of the Tibetan Plateau, and further military adventures consolidated his rule in central Tibet. During his reign the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷浑) were weakened by Chinese armies, which allowed Srong btsan to launch an attack on them in 638. After defeating them, his armies marched on Chinese territory. The Tang emperor Taizong唐太 (599–649) placated him by agreeing to a marriage alliance. The Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu was dispatched to Tibet to marry Srong btsan’s son Gung srong gung btsan, but he died before she arrived and Srong btsan took her as his second foreign bride. He had previously married a Nepalese princess, Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī). The Tang Annals (Ch. Tang Shu 唐書/唐书) report that Wencheng convinced the king to ban the Tibetan practice of painting their faces with red ochre, which she considered repugnant, and she also imported Chinese technology and learning. During his reign, Tibetan armies penetrated into Nepal, and it became a vassal state of the expanding empire.

344 • KHRI SRONG LDE BTSAN

Images of Srong btsan sgam po and his two foreign wives in the Bang so dmar po, Phyong rgyas.

Srong btsan sgam po is also credited with important cultural achievements. Later histories (that is, accounts written after the collapse of the empire) report that he created a legal code that continued to be used, with modifications, in later centuries, referred to as the “great supreme legal code” (gtsug lag bka’ khrims chen po). He is also credited with initiating the development of a written script for the Tibetan language and for beginning the importation of Buddhism. Tibetan histories written after Buddhism became the dominant religious tradition depict Srong btsan as the first of three “religious kings” (chos rgyal, the others being Khri Srong lde btsan and Khri Ral pa can). He is depicted as a physical manifestation of the bodhisattva sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). Despite the fact that he devoted a great deal of time and energy to war and conquest, the later tradition regards him as an ardent promoter of the Dharma who firmly established it in Tibet. KHRI SRONG LDE BTSAN (TRI SONGDETSEN, R. 754–CA. 799) (CH. CHISONG DEZAN 赤松德赞). The 39th monarch of the Yar klungs dynasty, who ascended the throne at the age of 13 following the ministerial rebellion of 755, in which his father, Khri lDe gtsug btsan (alt. Mes ag tshoms, 712–755), was assassinated. During his reign, Tibetan troops conquered and briefly occupied the Chinese capital of Chang’an长安 (modern-day Xi’an)

KHRO PHU BKA’ RGYUD • 345

and installed a puppet ruler (the uncle of Princess Jincheng [d. 739]). During his reign, Tibetan armies conquered Dunhuang, one of the most strategically important oasis cities of the Silk Road and the terminus of the southern and northern trade routes. This occurred around 786, and Tibet remained in control of Dunhuang until 848. Tibetan Buddhist tradition regards Khri Srong lde btsan as the second of the three “religious kings” (chos rgyal) of the Yar klungs dynasty who worked to establish Buddhism in Tibet. He is said to have been a physical emanation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī) and is credited with inviting the Indian scholarmonk Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, fl. 8th century) and the tantric master Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) to Tibet. The three established bSam yas, the first monastery in Tibet. Khri Srong lde btsan is also credited with sponsoring the “Council of bSam yas,” which pitted Śāntarakṣita’s student Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century) against the Chinese meditation master Hwa shang Ma ha ya na Ch. Heshang Moheyan 和尚摩诃衍). Kamalaśīla argued for a traditional Indian gradualist version of the Buddhist path, while Moheyan represented a Chinese subitist perspective, in which awakening is attained all at once in a flash of insight. According to Tibetan chronicles, the king ruled in favor of the Indian side, and Chinese Buddhism was banned as heretical. Some contemporary scholars have cast doubt on the veracity of the accounts, and Luis Gómez (1983a, 1983b) has argued persuasively that the “debate” may be a later fabrication, but from this point Tibetan Buddhists generally accepted that Indian Buddhism is normative and Chinese Buddhism is not the true Dharma. Evidence from Khri Srong lde btsan’s lifetime indicates that he actively supported Buddhism. The edict (bka’ tshigs) attributed to him that accompanies the bSam yas Inscription, dated to ca. 779, pledges his commitment to Buddhism. More than 30 years later, his son Khri lDe srong btsan (r. ca. 799–815) cited his father’s religious commitments and vowed to maintain them in his sKar cung Inscription, promulgated ca. 812. KHRO GNYER CAN MA: See BAL BZA’. KHRO PHU BKA’ RGYUD (TROPU GAGYÜ). One of the “eight lesser lineages” (chung brgyad) of the bKa’ brgyud order. It is derived from Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170) and Kun ldan ras pa (1148–1217) and their student rGyal tsha (1118–1195). It was systematized by their nephew, Khro phu lo tsā ba Byams pa dpal (1173–1225), the founder of Khro phu dgon pa, who hosted Kha che paṇ chen’s visit to Tibet. The main figure in this lineage was scholar Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364), whose teachers included Khro phu ba bSod nams seng ge and Khro phu mkhan chen Rin chen seng ge. It ceased to exist as a separate sect by the 17th century.

346 • KHUBILAI KHAN

KHUBILAI KHAN (TIB. HU BI LE HAN; ALT. KUB LA’I KH’AN; SE CHEN RGYAL PO; GO PE LA, 1215–1294) (MON. KHUBILAI; ALT. QUBILAI; KUBLAI; KUBLA; SETSEN KHAN; ХУБИЛАЙ ХААН; CL QUBILAI SEČEN QAΓAN) (CH. HUBILIE KEHAN 忽必烈可汗). The fifth Great Khan (Их хаан: Ih haan; Cl. qaγan) of the Mongol Empire, who ruled from 1260 to 1294 and founded the Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). He was the second son of Tolui and Sorghaghtani Beki (ca. 1198–1252) and a grandson of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227). Based on his lineage, in 1260 he claimed the title of Khagan of the Ikh Mongol Uls (Mongol Empire; Cl. Yeke Mongγol Ulus) following the death of his elder brother Möngke (his younger brother Ariq Böke was also given this title in the Mongolian capital at Karakorum). In 1264 he emerged as Khagan over Ariq Böke. He greatly extended the Mongol Empire, and by the end of his reign it stretched from the Pacific to the Urals, from Siberia to Afghanistan. In 1271 he established the Yuan dynasty, which at that time controlled Mongolia, East Turkestan, northern China, areas of western China, and bordering regions. By 1279 his troops had defeated the army of the Southern Song Dynasty (Sung rgyal rabs; Ch. Song chao 宋朝), and thus he became the first non-Chinese emperor to rule all of China. He established an arrangement with the Sa skya hierarch ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) commonly referred to as “patron-recipient” (mchod yon). ’Phags pa became regent of Tibet under ultimate Mongol authority, and his successors inherited the position. Khubilai supported the Sa skya order and recognized ’Phags pa as his spiritual mentor. ’Phags pa was appointed “Religious Preceptor” (Ti shri; Ch. Dishi 帝师) and was later named “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师). Sa skya pa hegemony lasted until Mongol power waned in the 14th century. KHYUNG PO RNAL ’BYOR, MKHAS GRUB (KEDRUP KYÜNGBO NENJOR; ALT. GRUB THOB KHYUNG PO RNAL ’BYOR, CA. 10TH–11TH CENTURIES) (CH. QIONGBO NAJUE 琼波那爵). The founder of the Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud order. Some discrepancies exist regarding his dates: some sources place his birth in 978 or 990 (a tiger year) and his death in 1127. Others have 1002–1064. According to one source, he lived from 978 to 1127. He founded the Zhang zhong dgon pa (alt. Zhong zhong; Zhang zhang; Shangs zhong zhong; Shangs zhang zhang) in Shangs, and this is the origin of the name Shangs pa. He was born into the Khyung po clan in sNye mo ra mangs in gTsang. His father was Khyung rgyal stag skye (alt. sTag la skye), and his mother was mGo bza’ bKra shis skyid. He received monastic ordination from the bKa’ gdams pa master gLang ri thang pa rDo rje seng ge, who founded gLang thang Monastery. At age 13 he received Bon teachings from g.Yung drung rgyal ba, and later ’Byung gnas seng ge gave him instructions on “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po).

KLU • 347

He traveled to Nepal and became an attendant of rDo rje gdan pa (alt. Don yod rdo rje; Skt. Amoghavajra), and he also studied with Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana). He briefly returned to Tibet and then again made his way to Nepal and later to India, where he studied with sByin pa tshul khrims (Skt. Dānaśīla), a student of Nā ro pa (Nāropa, 1016–1100). Mai tri pa (Skt. Maitripa, ca. 1002–1077) gave him initiations in the mGon dkar (White Mahākāla) cycle. Khyung po rnal ’byor reportedly brought copious amounts of gold, which Indian tantric masters commonly demanded. He then traveled to meet Ni gu ma (Niguma, b. 10th century), the sister (or consort) of Nāropa, who was living in the So sa gling (Skt. Sosadvīpa) cremation ground. She initially greeted him by declaring: “I am a flesh-eating mkha’ ’gro ma!” and then demanded a large amount of gold in exchange for her teachings. After receiving it, she threw it away and then created a dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) and gave him the initiations of illusory body (sgyu lus) and dream yoga (rmi lam) in accordance with her system, the “six dharmas of Niguma” (ni gu chos drug). She then magically took him to a golden mountain, where she gave him the complete transmission, along with the Vajra Verses (rDo rje tshig rkang) and the Stages of the Path of Illusion (sGyu ma lam rim). She stated that this lore should remain secret for five generations. Khyung po rnal ’byor returned to Tibet to collect more gold, and then journeyed to India for further teachings. He reportedly met Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) on his way back to Tibet; the latter suggested that the texts Khyung po rnal ’byor had received could be translated by Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) and Dharma blo gros. This story is almost certainly apocryphal, because Atiśa died in 1054. Khyung po rnal ’byor’s main disciples were g.Yor po rgya mo che, rNgul ston rin dbang, La stod pa dKon mchog mkhar, Zhang sgom Chos seng, and rMog lcog pa Rin chen brtson ’grus. Only the latter received the full transmission of the six dharmas of Niguma. Khyung po rnal ’byor’s works include Eight Chapters on Mahākāla Tantra (Nag po chen po’i rgyud le’u brgyad pa) and Commentary on the Stages of the Path of Illusion (sGyu ma lam gyi rim pa’i ’grel pa). KIM SHANG KHONG JO: See JINCHENG. KLONG CHEN RAB ’BYAMS PA: See DRI MED ’OD ZER. KLU (LU) (SKT. NĀGA) (CH. NAQIE 那伽; LONGZU 龙族). Beings with bodies of snakes and human heads, who inhabit the waters or the city of Longs spyod can (Skt. Bhogavatī) under the water. Their king is named Mig mi bzang (Skt. Virūpākṣa). They are endowed with miraculous powers and have capricious natures. They can shift their outer appearance and are often portrayed

348 • KLU DGA’, GSHEN CHEN

as malevolent, but in Indian stories of the Buddha’s life they are sometimes adherents of Buddhism. One famous story in the Monastic Discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya) recounts how a nāga received monastic ordination but was later expelled when his nonhuman nature was revealed. This prompted the Buddha to promulgate a rule that only humans could be ordained. According to Mahāyāna mythology, nāgas played a key role in the transmission of the “Perfection of Wisdom” (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) texts. Fearing that these teachings would be misunderstood, the Buddha gave them to the nāgas for safekeeping until the birth of someone who could interpret them correctly. This was kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna, ca. 150–250 CE), who magically flew to the nāga city and retrieved the hidden books. The story is apparently intended to explain the chronological discrepancy between the death of the Buddha and the appearance of these texts, but it is doubtful that it actually convinced anyone except for the faithful. KLU DGA’, GSHEN CHEN (SHENCHEN LUGA; ALT. GSHEN SGOM CHEN; GSHEN SGUR; GTER CHEN GSHEN CHEN KLU DGA’, 996– 1035) (CH. XINQIN LUGA 辛钦鲁噶). A Bon “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) credited with recovering a group of texts in 1017 in ’Bring ’tshams; these became part of the Bon canon. He was an influential figure in the later spread of Bon and is one of the people responsible for its development into an organized religious tradition. He was born in ’Bring ’tshams in gTsang. His father’s name was dPal mgon gsas. His father belonged to the sGa clan, and his mother was a Bon po. After his major discovery, he founded his main seat at Dar lding, near dGe lding. Bon histories divide the tradition into three periods: (1) “Initial Bon” (rDol bon), dating to the founder, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che; (2) “Corrupted Bon” (’Khyar ba’i bon); and (3) “Reformed Bon” (bsGyur bon). gShen chen kLu dga’ is the major figure of the beginning of the third of these. The most influential source for his life is Lamp that Illuminates the Expansion of the Teachings (bsTan pa’i rnam bshad dar rgyas gsal ba’i sgron me, probably written around 1477) by sPa ston bsTan rgyal bzang po. It contains some biographical details as well as material attributed directly to him. It discusses his revelations and the founding of Dar lding Monastery (though some contemporary scholars believe this may be apocryphal). His main teacher was dPon gsas ra zhags, and his main disciple was Zhu yas legs po, who maintained the transmission of his works. He was reportedly poisoned by a Buddhist monk named Lo ston rDo rje dbang phyug. KLU SGRUB (LUDRUP) (SKT. NĀGĀRJUNA, CA. 150–250 CE) (CH. LONGSHU 龍樹/龙树; NAJIA’ELASHUNA 那伽閼剌樹那/那伽阏剌树 那). An influential Indian Buddhist philosopher, credited with founding the

KLU SGRUB • 349

Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) school. In Tibetan doxography, he is said to be the “opener of the chariot way” (shing rta) of Madhyamaka, who Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) prophesied as the person who would recover the hidden texts of the Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; see klu entry) and correctly interpret them. In traditional Tibetan histories, Nāgārjuna’s philosophical tradition has been normative since the 8th century, when Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754– ca. 799) declared: “Everyone should follow the teachings of Nāgārjuna and engage assiduously in the practice of morality and the perfections.” All four orders of Tibetan Buddhism officially adhere to Nāgārjuna’s interpretation of the Middle Way as the supreme Buddhist philosophical system. Although Buddhist tradition attributes a plethora of works to Nāgārjuna, contemporary scholars think he composed only a handful. The most important of these is Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way (dBu ma rtsa ba’i tshig le’ur byas pa shes rab ces bya ba; Skt. Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā), in which he extends the logic of the doctrine of emptiness (stong pa nyid; Skt. śūnyatā) to an analysis of phenomena and to a critical evaluation of the positions of opponents. He was renowned as a skillful debater and dialectician, and he used a combination of logic and grammatical analysis to undermine the positions of opponents without recognizing any obligation to put forward alternatives. He analyzed widely accepted notions such as causality and time, demonstrating that other philosophers adhered to positions that contained internal contradictions when the conceptual ramifications of their tenets were drawn out. His reductio ad absurdum (thal ’gyur; Skt. prasaṅga) method is designed to demonstrate the ultimate falsity of views (lta ba; Skt. dṛṣṭi). The most pernicious of these is the assumption of “own-being” (rang bzhin; Skt. svabhāva): the view that persons and phenomena have an essence that is not subject to change. In response, Nāgārjuna applies the logic of emptiness and dependent arising (rten cing ’brel bar ’byung ba; Skt. pratītya-samutpāda) and points out that all things are produced by causes and conditions, change from moment to moment, and pass away. He uses this idea to critique the “higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma) concept of discrete real phenomena (chos; Skt. dharma) that are the building blocks of complex entities. The Abhidharmists accepted the idea that composite phenomena are impermanent and momentary, but claimed that dharmas are permanent. Nāgārjuna provided a critique of Abhidharma and particularly of popular dharma theories. Nāgārjuna is closely associated with the “four cornered negation” (mtha’ bzhi; Skt. catuṣkoṭi: rejecting A, not-A, both A and not-A, and neither A nor not-A), but this idea does not feature prominently in works that can be assigned to him with some confidence. His best-known works generally rely on sophistic arguments, which, as Hayes (1994) has pointed out, often refute

350 • KOKONOR

positions that no known opponent actually held (and so Hayes speculates that this is the probable reason why he generated little interest among his purported Indian rivals). He generally relies on three moves: arguing that the opponent’s position leads to infinite regress, tautology, or mutual exclusion. His admirers often claim that this process is part of a meditative program and that the destruction of false views leads to enhanced insight and ultimately to liberation from cyclic existence, but Nāgārjuna himself does not appear to have made this connection; nor do any of his known works contain any substantial discussion of meditative practice. Accounts of his life are replete with hagiographical details, and all were written long after his death. His birth is said to have been in southern India, in modern Andhra Pradesh (Āndhra Pradēś) in the region now known as Nāgārjunakoṇḍa. Walser (2005) believes that in his early life he was a monk in a Mahāsāṃghika or Saṃmitīya monastery near Mathurā and later settled in the Andhra region. He was a brahman by birth. A popular legend reports that he engaged in dalliances with women of a king’s harem and that this led to his execution, and he is also associated with sorcery and alchemy. Buddhist tradition credits him with being a master of medical lore and with compiling (or redacting) the Suśruta-saṃhitā, one of the classics of Āyurveda. Tibetan hagiographies generally assume that he lived for more than 900 years, and he is presented as both the 2nd-century Madhyamaka philosopher Nāgārjuna and a tantric master of the same name who lived centuries later. Because of his name (“Snake Protected” or “Snake Master”), he is iconographically associated with nāgas, and representations of him in Tibet commonly depict snakes entwining their bodies around him and facing the viewer. Often a giant nāga looms behind him, with its hood framing his head. KOKONOR: See A MDO MTSHO SNGON. KONG JO: See WENCHENG. KONG TSE (GONGTSÉ) (CH. KONGZI 孔子 OR KONG FUZI 孔夫 子, 551–479 BCE). The great Chinese philosopher and educator, referred to in the West as Confucius, the Latinate form of his name. The earliest mention of him in Tibet occurs in the Discourse Collection (mDo ’dus), the oldest known hagiography of sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the founder of Bon. It was purportedly “discovered” in the 11th century, but is more likely a 14th–15th century work written with the intention of “authenticating” Bon claims. In early hagiographies of gShen rab, Kong tse is often a king who becomes gShen rab’s father-in-law. Eighteenth-century historian Thu’u bkwan bLo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (1737–1802) clearly identifies Kong tse with the Chinese sage; he affirms that Kong tse is a Tibetan rendering of the Chinese Kongzi.

KONG TSE • 351

In two hagiographical works on gShen rab, the Discourse Collection and the Piercing Eye (gZer mig), Kong tse (referred to in the latter work with the epithet ’phrul rgyal, “magical king”) is described as a Chinese-born king who later became a patron and disciple of gShen rab. In these and other works, the figure of Kong tse appears to be a pastiche of elements from Chinese, Indian, Central Asian, and Tibetan sources designed to link an ancient Chinese sage with Bon’s ancient sage gShen rab and thus provide “evidence” of his antiquity and the notion that he predated the Buddha by millennia. This antiquity is a core trope in Bon narratives and is part of the claim that the tradition is more ancient—and thus more true—than Buddhism. Piercing Eye states that Kong tse’s body was adorned with unusual features, including 30 magical letters on his palms (called kong rtse; or gab tse in another version of the Piercing Eye). This is why he was named Kong tse ’phrul gyi rgyal po (The Magical King, Kong Tse). When he was nine, he prayed to four thus gone ones (bde bar gshegs pa; Skt. sugata); he asked them to grant him four wishes: (1) to marry dKar mo ’od ma gsal (White Clear Light), (2) to have three sons and two daughters, (3) to reap 500 sacks of rice from his fields, and (4) to own thousands of heads of livestock before the age of 25. As a result of his petition, all these goals were fulfilled. His greedy mother tried to convince him to ask for more wealth, progeny, etc., but he replied that material possessions are merely transitory and lead to suffering. He resolved to perform virtuous activities in order to generate merit for other beings. An important part of Kong tse’s hagiography is the story of his construction of a castle in the middle of the ocean, which was later an object of veneration for Bon pos. Some contemporary Bon pos link this with the Sikh Golden Temple in Amritsar, India. As Bon scholar Khyung sprul ’Jigs med nam mkha’i rdo rje (1897–1956), who went on pilgrimage to India in the 1930s, noted, the Golden Temple is regarded as one of the most important Bon holy sites. In his book Secrets of Tibet (1935), Giuseppe Tucci (1894– 1984) states that he encountered many Tibetan Bon po pilgrims there when he visited in 1934. The Discourse Collection (Chapter 11) states that in a previous life Kong tse was a prince whose father was named Sa’i snying po (Essence of the Earth). The king had three sons, one of whom was named gSal mchog (Supreme Radiance), who had outstanding personal qualities. He would become Kong tse in his next life. Kong tse was born in a palace named Khri sgo rtse brgya (Ten Thousand Doors, One Hundred Peaks), located in the city of ’­Phrul bsgyur bkod pa on the island of rGyal lag ’od ma, west of ’Ol mo gling. His father was named Ka ’da ma gser ’od, and his mother was Mu tri gsas ’od ma. Kong tse decided to build a wondrous castle in the sea named Mu khyud bdal pa (Expanding Circumference). The castle was named dKar nag bkra gsal (Black-White Vividly Clear). The first half was built with the help

352 • KÖRÖSI, CSOMA SÁNDOR

of a klu and a demon, and the second with help from a god named An tse (Keng tse in Piercing Eye), who descended from Phya. The Discourse Collection asserts that the klu and demon were Kong tse’s brothers in his previous life who had committed heinous crimes (one cut off his father’s head and the other severed his mother’s breasts). But because in their previous incarnations they had taken vows to help their younger brother they were able to aid Kong tse in his building project. When the construction was half finished, a set of circumstances halted the progress, and Kong tse became so disappointed that he decided to wander aimlessly through his kingdom. During his travels he met An tse, who helped him finish the construction, along with various gods, klu, a son of gods, and some demons. When it was finished, gShen rab was invited to perform a consecration ritual. When they met, Kong tse requested that gShen rab teach him five great miracles (cho phrul), which refer to esoteric lore for pacifying evil and helping others. In return, Kong tse offered his royal authority (rgyal srid) and his daughter, the princess ’Phrul bsgyur (Magical Transformation), to be gShen rab’s wife. They produced a son named ’Phrul bu chung, who became a master of astrology (gtsug lag rtsis). In some later Bon sources Kong tse becomes a divinized figure and an object of prayer and worship. Accomplishment of Victory (rNam rgyal sgrub pa) describes him as a gshen gsas (a class of deity) surrounded by a retinue of awakened beings. In other texts he is said to live in a pure land and is described as a bodhisattva. In some sources Kong tse is designated as the lord of humans and mentioned along with the king of gods and the king of klu. KÖRÖSI, CSOMA SÁNDOR (ALT. ALEXANDER CSOMA DE KŐRÖS, 1784–1842). A Hungarian scholar born in Kőrös in Transylvania who traveled to La dwags in search of the origins of the Magyar ethnic group. He believed that these origins lay in Central Asia among the Uyghurs (and thought that their language was related to Hungarian). In order to trace Magyar origins, in 1820 he went to Asia; he conducted research throughout Central Asia and the Himalayan region, and he spent almost two years in Leh. Although he never found records relating to Magyars, during his studies he produced a seminal Tibetan-English dictionary and grammar. He also brought a wealth of information about Tibetan culture to Europe, and is widely regarded as the father of Tibetan studies in the West. While living in a monastery in Zangs dkar, he compiled his dictionary in 1823 with the help of a local lama, Sangs rgyas phun tshogs. It was published the next year. In 1831 he settled in Calcutta, where he wrote his Tibetan Grammar and Dictionary. He also wrote a catalogue of the Tibetan works in the Asiatic Society’s library. He died in Darjeeling.

KUB LA’I HAN • 353

Panorama of Leh, La dwags.

Although he is primarily renowned as a pioneer Tibetan linguist, from the references found in both his dictionary and his grammar Csoma shows an admirable awareness of an extremely broad range of Tibetan historical works. In his Enumeration of Historical and Grammatical Works to Be Met with in Tibet (1838), he lists 17 major texts ranging between the 11th and 18th centuries, and he used ideas, dates, etc. from these works to flesh out his chronological table. The earliest source he cites is more than likely the bKa’ chems ka bkol ma, written in 1048 and attributed to Khri Srong bstan sgam po; the most recent was the 1775 Grub pa’i gnas chen sham bha la’i rnam bshad ’phags yul gyi rtogs brjod, commonly known as Sham bha la’i lam yig (“Route to Shambhala”), composed by the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780). Csoma’s citation of the rare 13th-century historical work Flower Garland of Early Historical Sources (sNgon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba) by Ne’u/Nel pa Paṇḍita Grags pa smon lam blo gros is possibly the first reference to this text in a Western language. The fact that Csoma’s teacher Sangs rgyas phun tshogs was aware of it and had a copy suggests that Zangs dkar was hardly the isolated backwater it has often been portrayed as. KU SHA’I GRONG KHYER: See RTSWA MCHOG GRONG. KUB LA’I HAN: See KHUBILAI KHAN.

354 • KUN DGA’ BZANG PO, NGOR CHEN

KUN DGA’ BZANG PO, NGOR CHEN (NGORCHEN GÜNGA SANGBO, 1382–1456) (CH. E’ERQIN GONGGA SANGBO 鄂尔钦贡噶 桑波). The founder of the Ngor pa tradition of the Sa skya order. He was born at Sa skya Monastery. His biographer Mus chen dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1388–1469) names his father as Grub pa yon tan. His family descended from nomads who had moved to the area from ’Bring mtshams. Other sources list Ta dben Kun dga’ rin chen (1339–1399), the abbot of gZhi thog bla brang, as his real father. When he was six Kun dga’ bzang po began his studies, and at nine received lay and monastic vows from Ye shes rgyal mtshan (d. 1406). He later conferred full ordination and bodhisattva vows, as well as tantric initiation. Following Ye shes rgyal mtshan’s death, Kun dga’ bzang po traveled to Shangs chos ’khor sgang and received teachings from sKyabs mchog dpal bzang. He later was given “path and result” (lam ’bras) instructions by Sangs rgyas dpal (alt. Bu ddha shrī, 1339–1420) at Zhe dgon. He then returned to Sa skya. At age 29 he became a teacher at Sa bzang dgon, and in 1430 he founded Ngor E waṃ chos ldan, which became the main seat of the Ngor pa tradition. As his reputation spread, he received invitations to teach. He made three visits to Mustang (gLo bo smon thang) at the behest of its king. The first was in 1427. During his trips, he established sTeng chen ’dul grwa sDom gsum gling, Brag dkar gyi chos sde (Theg chen) dar rgyas gling, and Byams pa lha khang. He also initiated a printing of the bKa’ ’gyur in golden letters. His students included Sha kya mchog ldan (1428–1507), Paṇ chen ’Bum phrag gsum pa (1432/1433–1504), Kun dga’ dpal ’byor, Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489), and dKon mchog rgyal mtshan (1388–1469), who succeeded him as the second Ngor abbot. He was an influential and prolific author. His collected works comprise nearly 200 texts. KUN DGA’ DGE LEGS YE SHES, DAR THANG SPRUL SKU (TARTHANG TULKU GÜNGA GELEK YESHÉ, 1934/1935–). A reincarnate lama (sprul sku) born in the mGo log region of A mdo and educated at Dar thang dgon pa, a monastery affiliated with dPal yul dgon pa. At age 17, he traveled to Zhe chen dgon pa to study with Zhe chen kong sprul Padma dri med legs pa’i blo gros (ca. 1901–1960), the reincarnation of ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899). Beginning in 1953 Dar thang sprul sku spent two years at rDzong gsar dgon pa, where he studied with his main teacher, ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i chos kyi blo gros (1893– 1959). Following his teacher’s instructions, in 1955 he went to the area of Li thang and studied with A ’dzom rgyal sras ’Gyur med rdo rje (1895–1969). Dar thang sprul sku traveled to Sikkim in 1958, and the 14th Dalai Lama appointed him as a teacher of rNying ma studies at the Central Institute of Higher Tibetan Studies in Sārnāth in 1962. He traveled to America in 1968 after giving up his monastic ordination, and subsequently established the

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Nyingma Meditation Center, the Nyingma Institute, and Dharma Publishing, all located in Berkeley, California. KUN DGA’ LEGS PA (GÜNGA LEKBA, 1433–1483; R. 1448–1481) (CH. GONGGA LEIBA 贡噶雷巴). The seventh ruler of the Phag mo gru pa ­dynasty. His father was Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan. His uncle Grags pa ­rgyal mtshan (1374–1432; r. 1385–1432) preceded him as ruler. Grags pa r­gyal mtshan’s son Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445) was his immediate predecessor. During Grags pa ’byung gnas’ tenure (1432–1445), the Rin spungs pa chieftain Nor bu bzang po (alt. Nor bzang, 1403–1466; r. 1435–1466) supplanted the Phag mo gru pa and established the gTsang pa ruling dynasty. Following Grags pa ’byung gnas’ death, internal squabbles between rival candidates prevented the naming of a successor. In 1446 Kun dga’ legs pa was appointed abbot of rTse thang Monastery, and in 1448 the Phag mo gru pa hierarchs named him king (gong ma). He was enthroned in the Phag mo gru pa seat of sNe’u gdong and appointed dKon mchog rin chen as his chief minister. Phag mo gru pa power was further eroded when Nor bzang’s grandson Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512; r. 1479–1512) invaded dBus in 1480 and captured estates that had formerly belonged to them. He also forced dKon mchog rin chen from office. Another attack the next year further weakened Kun dga’ legs pa, and in 1481 a council of ministers was convened at sNe’u gdong, which ordered his abdication. He was given an estate and spent the rest of his life there. He was succeeded by his nephew Ngag gi dbang po (alt. sPyan snga tshe gnyis pa, 1439–1491; r. 1481–1491). KUN DGA’ RGYAL MTSHAN DPAL BZANG PO, SA SKYA PAṆḌITA (SAGYA PANDITA GÜNGA GYELTSEN BEL SANGBO, 1182–1251) (MON. ЛОДОЙЖАЛЦАН: LODOI ǰALTSAN) (CH. SAJIA BANZHIDA GONGA JIANZAN 萨迦班智达贡噶坚赞). The fourth of the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga) of the Sa skya order, renowned both for his scholarship and his political acumen. The tradition views him as an incarnation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). His father was dPal chen ’Od po (1150–1203), the son of Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158). His mother was named Ma gcig nyi thri cham. His first influential teacher was his uncle Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), and he also studied with Shu ston rDo rje skyabs of gSang phu Monastery and Tshur ston gZhon nu seng ge. He became one of the great scholars of his day, so he was given the title “Sa skya Paṇḍita” (Scholar of Sa skya). He received instructions in the “path and result” (lam ’bras) system, as well as bKa’ gdams teachings and “great perfection” (­rdzogs pa chen po). In 1204 he traveled to Chu mig ring mo Monastery and received instructions from the Kashmiri scholar Śākyaśrībhadra (1140–1225). He also studied

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with other Indian masters, including Saṃghaśrī, Dānaśīla, and Sugataśrī. He received full ordination (dge slong) vows from Śākyaśrībhadra in 1208; the Kashmiri master also instructed him in monastic discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya), Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā), the Middle Way School (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy, Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa), grammar, and poetics. Sa skya Paṇḍita was regarded as one of the greatest debaters of his time, and in 1240 he traveled to sKyid grong and debated the Indian brahmanical scholar ’Phrog byed dga’ bo (Skt. Harinanda). He also composed treatises that refuted the doctrines of rival schools, including the Jo nang pa, bKa’ brgyud pa, and rNying ma pa. He wrote more than 100 original works, including Treasury of the Knowledge of Epistemology (Tshad ma rigs pa’i gter), which systematizes the thought of Phyogs kyi glang po (Skt. Dignāga, ca. 480–540) and Chos kyi grags pa (Skt. Dharmakīrti, ca. 7th century); Thorough Differentiation of the Three Vows (sDom gsum rab dbye, a discussion of the three main types of Buddhist vows in the Tibetan tradition: (1) the individual liberation vows of monks and nuns; (2) bodhisattva vows, and (3) the vows of tantric practitioners); Thorough Clarification of the Sage’s Thought (Thub pa dgongs pa rab gsal, a discussion of Buddhist philosophy that refutes what he considers to be mistaken views); Treasury of Aphoristic Jewels (Legs par bshad pa rin po che’i gter; Skt. Subhāṣitaratnanidhi, a collection of 457 verses containing pithy and often poetic religious and moral instructions); and Entrance Gate for the Wise (mKhas pa rnam ’jug pa’i sgo, a popular collection of religious and moral instructions). Sa skya Paṇḍita played a decisive role in Tibetan history when in 1244 he accepted a command to travel to Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan, in modern-day Gansu) to the court of Godan Khan (1206–1251). He brought his two nephews, ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) and Phyag na rdo rje (1239–1267), both sons of his brother bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1184–1239). They arrived in 1246 and met with Godan the following year. The mission was intended as a formal surrender of Tibet to the Mongols, but according to traditional sources Sa skya Paṇḍita cured Godan of a skin disease and impressed him with his saintly demeanor. The khan converted to Buddhism and made him his religious preceptor. Following this other members of the Mongol royal house joined him in embracing the new faith. Their religious bond is sometimes portrayed as the model for the later “patronrecipient” (mchod yon) relationship, under which the Mongol khans vowed to protect Tibet and Buddhism and the Sa skya hierarchs served as chaplains to the Mongol court. In 1249 Godan appointed Sa skya Paṇḍita temporal ruler of Tibet, but at this time it is doubtful that he exercised much real power. Traditional histories portray this visit as decisive and trace Mongol hegemony to the meeting between the khan and the lama, but the Mongols did not fully

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incorporate Tibet into their empire for another decade. Mönkhe Khan’s (Tib. Mon khe Han, ca. 1208–1259) invasion in 1252 more properly marks the beginning of Mongol rule. Sa skya Paṇḍita died in Liangzhou in 1251. His successor ’Phags pa inherited the role of preceptor to the Mongol court and ruler of Tibet, but Sa skya hegemony later waned along with Mongol power in the 14th century. KUN DGA’ SNYING PO, SA CHEN (SACHEN GÜNGA NYINGBO, 1092–1158) (CH. SAQIN GONGGA NINGBO 萨钦贡噶宁波). The first of the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga) of the Sa skya order, who all belonged to the aristocratic ’Khon family. He was the son of ’Khon dKon mchog ­rgyal po (1034–1102), the founder of Sa skya Monastery and its first Throne Holder (Khri ’dzin). Sa chen became the third Throne Holder. The tradition regards him as an emanation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). His mother was Ma gcig zhang mo. His father died when he was 11, and other members of the family’s religious lineage instructed him in the tradition of the translator ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072), his father’s teacher. His father gave him instructions on the Kye rdo rje rgyud (Skt. Hevajra-tantra), and Ba ri Lo tsā ba Rin chen grags pa (1040–1111), the second Throne Holder, was his main teacher following his father’s death. In accordance with Ba ri’s instructions, Sa chen entered his first meditative retreat at age 12. During this six-month period he had a vision of Mañjuśrī, in which he received Parting from the Four Attachments (Zhen pa bzhi bral), one of the most important teachings of the Sa skya system. In that same year, Sa chen traveled to Rong ngur smig and studied with Dar ma snying po (b. 11th century). While there he contracted smallpox, but he recovered. He then returned to Sa skya and studied with Ba ri until the latter’s death in 1111. At age 20 he succeeded him as the Throne Holder. He received “path and result” (lam ’bras) teachings from Zhang ston Chos ’bar. This yogi initially protested that he knew nothing of this lore, but later relented; Kun dga’ s­ nying po spent eight years studying with him. Zhang ston made him promise to refrain from passing on these teachings for 18 years. When he was 46 he had a vision of the great adept (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) Bi rū pa (Skt. Virūpa, fl. 9th century), who gave him instructions on path and result. Kun dga’ snying po is credited with being the first person to write down Virūpa’s Vajra Verses (rDo rje tshig rkang). He composed 12 commentaries on this work, each written for a particular student. He began instructing disciples in path and result in 1141. His first s­ tudent was Khams pa A seng (ca. 12th century). According to his hagiography, during a visit to Gung thang Sa chen was poisoned and fell into a coma. When he recovered, he suffered a complete loss of memory. He visited several lamas, who were able to partially restore his transmissions, but there were no living lineage

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Statue of Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po, dKar mdzes Monastery.

holders for path and result. This lore was only restored to him during a retreat, when Zhang ston appeared before him and repeated his former instructions. At this point Sa chen was able to recover his memories. Sa chen married Ma gcig ’od sgron, and they had four sons; two of them, bSod nams rtse mo (1142–1182) and Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216),

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became the second and third of the five superiors. He also had four sons with his other consort, a younger sister of Ma gcig ’od sgron. He had several prominent students, including Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). bSod nams rtse mo and Grags pa rgyal mtshan succeeded him as Throne Holder. Another son, dPal chen ’Od po (1150–1203), was the father of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan dPal bzang po (1182–1251). KUN ’PHEL LAGS (GÜNPELA, 1905–1963). A favorite of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), who rose to a position of prominence in the Tibetan government due to his patronage. He was appointed to head the development of an elite military unit, the “Municipal Force” (Grong drag), which was well trained and professional but was disbanded due to opposition from conservative elements in the ruling elite, particularly the monasteries. When the Dalai Lama died, it was widely rumored that Kun ’phel lags would use the regiment to become regent (sde srid), but he did not. During the shake-up that followed, he was accused of negligence that contributed to Thub bstan rgya mtsho’s death. His troops mutinied, and with the loss of his power base he was unable to resist the enemies he had made due to his rapid rise to power outside the normal channels and across the generally impenetrable barriers of Tibet’s rigid class structure. He was exiled to rKong po, and from there he fled to India in 1937. KUN TU BZANG PO (GÜNDU SANGBO; ALT. KUN BZANG, R. 1466–1479) (CH. GONGSANGPA 贡桑帕). The second Rin spungs hierarch. He was the second son of Nor bu bzang po (alt. Nor bzang, 1403–1466; r. 1435–1466). He was named governor (rdzong dpon) of Rin spungs by the titular ruler of central Tibet, Kun dga’ legs pa (1433–1483; r. 1448–1481) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty, following his father’s death. He patronized some of the leading Sa skya hierarchs of his day, including Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge (1429–1489). During his tenure, the fortunes of the Rin spungs pa remained largely unchanged, but his son Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512; r. 1479–1512) vigorously pursued military expansion after his ascension to power, sometime before 1479. KUN TU BZANG PO (GÜNDU SANGBO) (SKT. SAMANTABHADRA) (MON. ГҮНДЭСАМБУУ, САМАНДAБАДРАА, ХАМГААР САЙН) (CH. PUXIAN PUSA 普賢菩薩/普贤菩萨). A buddha in the Mahāyāna pantheon, often conceived as the primordial buddha (dang po’i sangs rgyas; Skt. ādibuddha), associated with the truth body (chos sku; Skt. dharma-kāya). As such, he has never experienced delusion and has always been awakened. Iconographically he is generally represented as blue in color, which symbolizes the unobstructed and natural state of the sky, and naked (i.e., free

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from all conceptualizations), seated in a meditation posture, and surrounded by other buddhas. He often embraces his consort Kun tu bzang mo (Skt. Samantabhadrī); the two symbolize the unity of awareness and emptiness. KUŚINAGARA: See GRONG KHYER RTSA CAN. KYE RDO RJE (KYEDORJÉ) (SKT. HEVAJRA) (CH. HUANXI JINGANG 欢喜金刚). The main buddha of the Kye rdo rje rgyud (skt. Hevajratantra). Hevajra is described as having eight faces, four legs, and 16 arms. He tramples four demons (bdud; Skt. māra) with his feet. His skin is dark blue and smeared with ashes from cremation grounds. His outward appearance is wrathful, but his inner nature is tranquil. His retinue includes four female buddhas: Kas ma ri (Skt. Ghasmarī), Pus ka si (alt. sPos ma; Skt. Pukkasī), Dom bhi ni (Skt. Ḍombiṇī), Be ta li (alt. Dud sol ma; Ro lang ma; Skt. Vetālī), Ke’u ri ma (alt. Ko’u ri; dKa’ zlog ma; Skt. Gaurī), Tsan dha li (Skt. Caṇḍālī), Sha ba ri (Skt. Śavarī), and Tso’u ri (alt. Chom rkun ma; Skt. Caurī). The main interlocutor of the tantra is rDo rje snying po (Skt. Vajragarbha), who poses questions to the Buddha. The Buddha describes the wondrous qualities and attainments of Hevajra. Among other things, Hevajra is declared to be the essence of rDo rje sems dpa’ (Skt. Vajrasattva) and other buddhas. The Hevajra-tantra was originally composed in a hybrid Sanskrit and today exists in Sanskrit, Tibetan, and Chinese versions. It is classified in Tibet as belonging to the rnal ’byor ma’i rgyud (Skt. yoginī-tantra) class of “highest yoga tantra” (rnal ’byor bla ma med gyi rgyud; Skt. anuttarayoga-tantra). It is classed as a “mother tantra” (ma rgyud), which means that it is mainly concerned with the wisdom aspect of practice. It was probably composed in India sometime around the late 8th or early 9th century, possibly in Bengal. Tibetan tradition holds that the text as it exists today is only a fraction of the original, which comprised 500,000 verses. This is a common attribution for influential texts, but no evidence survives of a longer version, and there are no commentaries on or references to a longer version. It is particularly important in the Sa skya order, in which it is the basis of its “path and result” (lam ’bras) system of meditative training. The central teaching of the tantra is the “inseparability of cyclic existence and nirvāṇa” (’khor ’das dbyer med; Skt. saṃsāra-nirvāṇa-abheda). Its practices are said to provide a rapid path to buddhahood, and it also promises magical powers. The Hevajra contains a plethora of spells and magical lore, including spells for making rain, destroying enemy armies, gaining mastery over young women, and altering the course of the sun and moon. Its ideal is an adept (grub thob; Skt. siddha) who transcends ordinary reality and whose actions are unbounded by conventions. Such a person has “passed beyond oblations, renunciations, and austerities and is liberated from mantra and meditation.” It

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adds: “There is nothing that he may not do, and nothing that he may not eat. There is nothing that he may not think or say, nothing that is either pleasant or unpleasant.” (I.7.24) The historian Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) lists mTsho skye rdo rje (Skt. Saroruhavajra) and La ba pa (alt. Lwa ba pa; Skt. Kaṃbalapāda) as the transmitters of the text. The most important Indic commentary on the text is the Jewel Garland of Yoga (rNal ’byor rin po che’i phreng ba; Skt. Yogaratna-mālā), composed by Nag po pa (Kṛṣṇa or Kāṇha). He taught bZang skyong (Skt. Bhadrapala), who passed it on to Ti lo pa (Tilopa, 988–2069), the teacher of Nā ro pa (1016–1100). The translator Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097) brought it to Tibet. In the 11th century ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072) traveled to Nepal and India. At rNam gnon ngang tshul (Skt. Vikramaśīla), Shan ti pa (Skt. Ratnākaraśānti) gave him instructions on the Hevajra-tantra, and he later traveled to Nepal and studied with Shes rab dbang po mdzes pa (Skt. Prajñedraruci or Vīravajra), who introduced him to the path and result teachings. After 12 years ’Brog mi returned to Tibet and began marketing the teachings he had received. Like many Indian masters, he charged high fees because he effectively held the Tibetan franchise on this new lore. His students included dKon mchog r­ gyal po (1034–1102), who founded Sa skya Monastery in 1073. Through this transmission it became part of the Sa skya tradition.

L LA DWAGS (LADAKH) (CH. LADAKE 拉达克). An area of the western Himalayas now controlled by India that became a Union Territory in 2019; previously it was part of the state of Jammu and Kashmir. In the past it was an independent kingdom. A number of difficulties are involved in discussing La dwags and its history. One of these is the fact that the name “La dwags” refers to different geographical regions (often with significant overlap) in historical sources, and the borders of the territory referred to were fluid in the past. La dwags as it exists today is an arid region that lies in a rain shadow created by the Himalayas. The main source of water is winter snowfall in the mountains, which melts and flows into rivers during spring and summer. La dwags extends from the Khu nu ri bo (Ch. Kunlun Shan 昆仑山) in the north and the main range of the Himalayas in the south. It borders Tibet to the east and Gar zha (alt. Lha yul; Lho yul; La yul; dKar cha; Lahaul) and sPi ti (alt. sPyi ti; Spiti) to the south, the Vale of Kashmir to the west, and Xinjiang in its far north. In the past La dwags sometimes included sBal ti yul (Baltistan), Zangs dkar, Lahaul, sPi ti, the Aksai Chin (Hin. Aksā’ī cina; Ch. Akesai Qin 阿克赛钦), and mNga’ ris. Its capital and largest city is Leh, situated in an alluvial valley at an altitude of 3,500 m (11,500 ft.). The 2011 census reported that La dwags had a population of 274,829. Several thousand Tibetan refugees have settled in La dwags; most of them live in the Leh Valley. The Central Tibetan Administration created the Tibetan Children’s Village near Leh to educate young refugees and Ladakhis. The main language in the Leh District is Ladakhi (La dwags skad), a dialect of the Tibetan language family (see language entry). Most of the inhabitants of the Leh District are Tibetan Buddhists, and there is also a substantial Kashmiri population, most of whom are Muslims. Residents of the Kargil District are mainly Shi’a Muslims. The 2001 census indicated that 47.4 percent of Jammu and Kashmir’s population are Buddhists, 45.9 percent are Muslims, 6.2 percent are Hindus, and 0.5 percent are “others.” The Leh District is 77 percent Buddhist, and the Kargil District is 80 percent Muslim. Bon po communities and groups of Ladakhi Christians

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also live in La dwags; the latter are descended from people who converted in the 19th century as a result of European missionizing in the area. Some of these missionaries became scholars and made notable contributions to the field of Himalayan studies, for example the German Moravians Heinrich August Jäeschke (1817–1883) and August Hermann Francke (1870–1930). Jäeschke made notable contributions to botany through his collection and classification of plant species, and he also created a Tibetan-English dictionary that scholars used as a basic reference work. Francke worked as a missionary in La dwags from 1896 to 1909 and later became Professor of Tibetan Languages at Berlin University. He was involved in a Tibetan version of the Bible and published several groundbreaking studies, including Antiquities of Indian Tibet (1914), A History of Western Tibet (1907), and a masterful study of the epic of gLing Ge sar, A Lower Ladakhi Version of the Kesar Saga (1905–1941). Communities of Dards live in Hem babs (Dras) and Ha nu. The Dards of Ha nu are referred to as ’Brog pa and are predominantly Tibetan Buddhists, while those of Dras are mainly Muslims. The lower valleys of La dwags have been inhabited since Neolithic times. Ancient inscriptions in Kharoṣṭhī and Brāhmī scripts provide evidence of early outside influences in the region, including Baltistan and Gilgit. As Devers (2018, 104) notes, rock inscriptions in La dwags also point to “links with Northern Central Asia,” and archeological finds in Dras “show influence from Kashmir.” In the 1st century CE some of present-day La dwags may have been part of the Kuṣāṇa Empire. Buddhism entered the region from Kashmir around the 2nd century. During Tibet’s imperial period (7th–9th centuries) La dwags came under the control of the Yar klungs kings. At this time, trade routes through La dwags were part of a complex of such networks that led into and out of the central parts of Tibet. As Devers notes, historical sources evince considerable confusion regarding areas that comprise modern La dwags. Past scholarship often assumed, for example, that Mar yul and La dwags were synonymous, but Devers argues that these descriptors designate differentiable territories. He contends that when Tibetan armies first entered the region, no sources from the time referred to an area called “La dwags,” which suggests that it did not exist as a name for a discernible entity. With the breakup of the Tibetan empire, various groups took control of parts of the territory. sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon (r. ca. 900–930) ruled a region referred to as Mar yul. This marks the beginning of the mNga’ ris dynasty. His son dPal gyi mgon (r. ca. 930–960) succeeded him. The proximity of Kha chul (Kashmir) to La dwags meant that there was much artistic influence from the former to the latter. Many bronze images from the 11th–12th centuries made in western Tibet, including La dwags, show strong influence from Kashmir, either through Tibetans who studied in Kashmir or through ateliers

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Kashmiri masters set up in western Tibet. In the latter part of the 11th century, ’Od lde, the king of Purang, sent an army into the region. It succeeded in conquering areas of the lower Indus Valley and may have penetrated as far as Baltistan and Gilgit. In the late 13th–early 14th centuries, the power of the mNga’ ris kings waned, and much of their territory was lost. ’Bhag dar skyabs gained control over a large area that included parts of modern La dwags, and other kings created fiefdoms in other areas comprised by modern La dwags. As Devers notes, this was a period of fragmentation and chaos, and much of the history of this time remains unclear. In 1470 King Lha chen Bha gan (r. ca. 1470– 1500) conquered the king of Leh and established the rNam rgyal dynasty. His successors repelled invasions by Central Asian Muslims (referred to as Hor pa) and expanded their territory. At one point they conquered as far as Nepal. This lineage originated in lower Mar yul and eventually established control over all of Mar yul. Devers (p. 113) notes that at this time La dwags was “only a subdivision of Maryul” and did not include Leh or Zangs dkar. La dwags designated the area around A lci and was part of Lower Mar yul. During the 11th–13th centuries waves of Muslim invaders came into South Asia and conquered much of the subcontinent. Buddhism was largely eradicated in India by the 13th century, but La dwags remained Buddhist and maintained cultural contacts with Tibet. Muslim invaders from Central Asia and Kashmir also attacked La dwags from the 12th to the 16th centuries. One of these was Mirza Haidar (1499–1551), a military commander from Kashgar, who led a campaign into the region from 1532 to 1535 (Devers 2018: 111). bKra shis rnam rgyal (ca. mid-16th century) is credited with expelling the Hor pa from the region, and he also established control over parts of western Tibet. His son Tshe dbang rnam rgyal (ca. 1575–1600) annexed much of western Tibet; by the 17th century the rNam rgyal kings also controlled Zangs dkar and sPi ti. This eastward movement became an important part of Tibet’s 17th-century history when in 1619 King Seng ge rnam rgyal’s eastward push to establish the limits of La dwag’s rule became a threat to the sDe pa of gTsang, Karma bstan skyong dbang po. In the late 17th century King (Lha chen) bDe legs rnam rgyal (r. ca. 1645– 1680) sided with Bhutan in a dispute with Tibet, which led to the Tibet-La dwags-Mughal War. The dispute was over bDe legs rnam rgyal’s harassment of dGe lugs monasteries in La dwags, apparently buffered from Mongol and central Tibetan interference by the position of gTsang, whose rulers were supporters of the Karma bKa’ brgyud pa. The fifth Dalai Lama asked a Mongolian monk named dGa’ ldan tshe dbang to lead an army against La dwags. He agreed, first renouncing his vows and then marching to Bab sgo, where he besieged the La dwags king’s castle, gTing mo sgang. According to the Chronicles of the kingdom of Bashahr, the battle was fought in 1650, but

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other sources give the more plausible date of 1670. bDe legs rnam rgyal secured military aid from Kashmir, but in exchange its ruler (nawāb) demanded that he convert to Islam and that a mosque be built in Leh. He was required to take the name Akabet Mahmūd Khān, and one of his sons went to Kashmir as a hostage. In the Battle of Bya rgal, the Tibetan force was defeated, and during their retreat they left behind a trove of armor, bows, and other weapons. Tshe dbang and his remaining forces built a fort at bKra shis sgang. The minister ’Brug pa Mi pham dbang po was dispatched by the Tibetan government to negotiate a settlement. A treaty was signed at gTing mo sgang that stipulated that La dwags should remain Buddhist and that it had a natural affinity with Buddhist Tibet. Kashmir, which was Muslim, was declared antithetical to the true Dharma. Disputes regarding the wool trade were settled on terms favorable to La dwags. La dwags was also granted sole franchise rights for the importation of blocks of black tea. The king of La dwags agreed to send annual presents to Tibet, which were to include gold, saffron, and cotton cloth. La dwags ceded mNga’ ris to Tibet. In exchange, La dwags received three estates. The La dwags king was also obliged to send a triennial tribute to the king of Kashmir, which included 18 horses, musk, and yak tails. La dwags would receive 300 bags of rice per year from Kashmir. The border between Tibet and La dwags was fixed as the Lha ri River at bDe mchog. In 1841 the Shin pa (Dogra) leader Gu lab Sing (Gulāb Siṅgh, 1792–1857), the founder and first ruler of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, launched an invasion of La dwags led by Zo ra war (General Zorāwar Siṅgh, 1786–1841). A force led by rDo rje rnam rgyal, the minister of sTog, battled them at dKar rtse in the Su ru Valley. rDo rje rnam rgyal was killed and his army was routed. In May 1841 5,000 Dogra troops led by Zorāwar Siṅgh, supplemented by an additional 2,000 Kishtwaris, Ladakhis, and Baltis, marched on western Tibet in three divisions. They established an encampment near Lake Ma pham g.yu mtsho (Manasarovar) in September 1841. They had crushed all Tibetan forces along the way, but the Tibetan winter ultimately defeated them and ended the invasion. On 12 December 1841, a Tibetan army routed them and the invaders were slaughtered. Zorāwar Siṅgh was decapitated and his head was taken as a trophy. The Tibetans retaliated by invading La dwags but were defeated at the Battle of Chu shul. The subsequent Treaty of Chu shul settled the boundaries between the kingdoms of Tibet and La dwags, but China repudiated its terms in the 1950s and does not accept it as a valid demarcation. The invasion marked the end of La dwags as an independent kingdom. A rebellion in 1842 was crushed and La dwags was annexed to Jammu and Kashmir. The rNam rgyal family was given authority over the district (  jagir) of Stog. They remained the official jagirdars until La dwags became part of the Republic of India in 1947.

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In 1947 the last ruler of independent Kashmir, Mahārāja Harī Siṅgh (1895–1961), signed the Instrument of Accession with India, ceding Kashmir and its holdings to the new nation. Pakistan refused to accept this and sent an invading force, which reached La dwags and was repelled by Indian forces. Engineers created a road from Sonamarg to Zoji la, which allowed tanks and other military equipment to reach remote parts of the region. The invading force was chased from Dras, dKar dkyil (Kargil), and Leh. In 1949 the People’s Republic of China (PRC) closed the border between lDum ra (Nubra) and Xinjiang, which blocked ancient trade routes. In 1955 China began building roads through areas that belonged to India, which linked Tibet and Xinjiang. India built a highway from Srinagar to Leh, which allowed easier movement of troops and supplies, and following the Chinese invasion of India in 1962 Indian military forces were able to regain control of territories up to the Line of Control. The region is the focus of disputes between India, China, and Pakistan. During the Kargil War of 1999, Pakistani troops infiltrated parts of western La dwags, including Kargil and Dras, some of which were near the Srinagar-Leh Highway. The Indian army moved heavy artillery and troops into the region and succeeded in defeating the invaders. The Siachen Glacier, located in the northeast corner of La dwags, is the highest battleground in the world, on which commandos from India and China fight and maneuver for advantage. The Simla Convention fixed the border at a point referred to as NJ9842, but China does not recognize the validity of the compact. In 1979 La dwags was divided into the Kargil and Leh Districts. In 1989 violent riots raged between Buddhists and Muslims, largely due to the former’s fears of economic encroachment by migrants from Kashmir. The spark for the violence was a series of speeches by former Pakistani prime minister Benazir Bhutto (1953–2007), in which she called for Muslims in Kashmir and La dwags to attack Hindus and Buddhists and drive them from the region. Much of the commerce of Leh and its surrounding environs has come under Kashmiri control, and many Buddhist Ladakhis feel increasingly marginalized. The Ladakh Buddhist Association called for an economic ban on Muslim businesses, which lasted from 1989 to 1992. In 1993 the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council was formed to push for autonomy for Buddhist-majority areas. In 1995 the Indian government issued the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council Act, and in August the first elections for its governing council were held. The PRC claims La dwags as part of its territory. Chinese soldiers regularly encroach into Indian territory along the border, which is heavily militarized. At sPang gong mtsho (alt. mTsho mo ngang lha ring po), a long lake divided between India and China, the highest naval conflict in the world is taking place. Both countries have naval bases on the lake, and Chinese ships often cross the border to test Indian resolve. A number of incidents have heightened

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Gran mkhar (Dhankar) Monastery, sPyi ti.

Young monks at Phyang dgon pa, La dwags.

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sPang gong mtsho, La dwags.

tensions, particularly when Chinese military helicopters fly into Indian territory. On several occasions, Chinese soldiers have spray painted “This is Chinese territory!” on rocks on the Indian side and then returned to their bases before Indian troops arrived to forcibly repel them. The Indian military bases are supplied both by air and via the world’s highest motorable road, which rises to nearly 6,000 m (19,685 ft.). A military base is located at the summit of the pass, and several smaller bases sit near the lake. India remains in control of La dwags, and its inhabitants overwhelmingly reject Chinese claims, but PRC leaders continue to proclaim sovereignty over the region and press the issue in international forums. LAM ’BRAS (LAMDRÉ) (SKT. MĀRGA-PHALA) (CH. DAOGUOFA 道果法) (“PATH AND RESULT”). A meditative system that forms the basis of the training of the Sa skya order. It is a comprehensive vision of Buddhist practice based on the Kye rdo rje rgyud (Skt. Hevajra-tantra). In this system path and result are viewed as inseparably linked: the result subsumes the path—since the latter leads to the former—and the path subsumes the result, since it is the means by which it is attained. The practice is traced back to the Indian master Bi rū pa (Skt. Virūpa, fl. 9th century), whose Vajra Verses (rDo rje tshig rkang; Skt. Vajra-gāthā) is considered one of its seminal texts. Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158) developed the main outlines of the system. LAM RIM (SKT. MĀRGA-KRAMA) (CH. DAOCI 道次) (“STAGES OF THE PATH”). A genre of literature found in all orders of Tibetan Buddhism, the oldest example of which is sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen’s (1079–1153) Jewel Ornament of Liberation (Thar pa rin po che’i rgyan). Lam rim is also central to the meditative system of the dGe lugs order. The lam rim tradition conceives of the path to buddhahood in hierarchically ordered stages, and trainees are expected to master each stage before moving on. The meditative training involves progressively eliminating negative mental states and tendencies while simultaneously

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e­ ngaging in virtuous actions and cultivating concordant attitudes. Tsong kha pa (bLo bzang grags pa, 1357–1419), the founder of dGe lugs, wrote several works in this genre, the most comprehensive being his Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path (Lam rim chen mo). LAMA (TIB. BLA MA; SKT. GURU) (CH. LAMA 喇嘛) (“RELIGIOUS TEACHER”). The Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit term guru, which in its original language means “weighty,” “heavy,” or “profound.” The Tibetan rendering may be related to associations with the term bla, which connotes spiritual excellence and power. bLa ma is one of the Indic terms that Tibetans rendered with interpretive equivalents (e.g., gtsug lag or bsangs, which are commonly rendered as “temple” and “incense,” respectively) and whose original derivation is now somewhat obscure. It indicates that a person has been recognized as a spiritual guide. Some orders of Tibetan Buddhism have formal requirements that one must meet before one can receive this designation. In the bKa’ brgyud order, for example, one must have successfully completed a three-year meditation retreat and be certified by a recognized master. In most orders formal recognition is normally required, but there are numerous examples of people adopting this title without receiving such recognition. The lama plays a crucial role in Tibetan Buddhism, particularly in terms of transmitting teachings and ritual practices to students. The main role of the lama is to instruct students on the doctrines and practices that constitute the Buddhist path to awakening. For this reason, it is desirable that the lama be one who has attained a high level of realization. Tibetan Buddhists believe that religious masters possess supernatural powers, so they perform a range of functions, including healing rituals, exorcisms, divinations, astrological calculations, or prognostications regarding auspicious times and places, and they can help in thwarting black magic. LAMAISM (CH. LAMAJIAO 喇嘛教, LIT. “LAMA TEACHINGS”). A term Western scholars coined to describe the prevalent form of Buddhism in Tibet and the Himalayan region. It echoes a Chinese designation that distinguishes Tibetan Buddhism from normative Buddhism (Ch. Fojiao 佛教; “Buddha Teachings”). This was accepted as appropriate by British Orientalists, many of whom had a bias toward Theravāda, which they regarded as having preserved the “original” teachings of the Buddha, while Tibetan Buddhism had deviated from them to the point that it had little or nothing in common with their conception of normative Dharma (which in their view shared much in common with contemporary British Protestantism). Practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism generally reject this designation because a common implication of the term is the notion that

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it is not “true Buddhism,” but rather a debased aberration in which human clerics (lama) are worshipped and idolatry, superstition, and magic have replaced the austere meditative practices of early Buddhism. It is rarely seen in contemporary Western publications on Tibetan Buddhism except as a remnant of Orientalism, but is still found in Chinese publications. It has appeared in some Tibetan exile publications—but often in a tonguein-cheek manner—but the first Tibetan-style monastery in North America, founded by the Kalmyk Mongolian dGe bshes dBang rgyal, was named “Lamaist Buddhist Monastery of North America.” LAMAIST BUDDHIST MONASTERY OF NORTH AMERICA. The first Tibetan Buddhist monastery in North America, founded by the Kalmyk Mongolian missionary dGe bshes dBang rgyal (1901–1983) in Freewood Acres, New Jersey. See also LAMA; LAMAISM.

Men spinning prayer wheels at Lamayuru Monastery.

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Lamayuru Monastery.

LAMAYURU (ALT. G.YUNG DRUNG DGON PA) (CH. YONGZHONG SI 雍仲寺). The oldest Buddhist monastery in the La dwags and Zangs dkar region. According to legend, Nā ro pa (ca. 1016–1100) selected the site and magically drained a lake that filled the valley. It is a ’Bri gung establishment that houses several hundred monks. LANGUAGE. The Tibetan Plateau is characterized by a linguistically diverse population. Known commonly across the Plateau as bod skad yig (“Tibetan language”; Ch. zangyu 藏语), the Tibetan language family encompasses spoken languages (bod skad), as well as a signed (lag brda) and a literary language (bod yig). Inhabitants of the Tibetan Plateau generally recognize three major varieties of Tibetan, corresponding to the cultural areas of dBus gtsang, A mdo, and Khams. However, each of these regional languages exhibits extensive internal diversity. Linguists estimate that the Tibetan language family currently includes at least 54 languages. In addition to these spoken Tibetan languages, a standardized Tibetan Sign Language (bod kyi lag brda; TSL) has recently emerged in Lha sa but is still developing. It is likely that deaf Tibetans who

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have not encountered the standardized variety of TSL employ other sign languages (or home sign systems), commonly known as “spontaneous signs” (rang byung lag brda). In addition to spoken and signed Tibetan languages, inhabitants of the Tibetan Plateau also speak a number of other languages that are not, linguistically speaking, closely related to the Tibetan language family. Khams, in particular, is a linguistic diversity hotspot. In this region, rGyal rong and Mi nyag Tibetans speak a number of distinct languages, and recent fieldwork in Chab mdo has described several new languages. Tibetans in A mdo speak Sinitic and Mongolic languages (in addition to Tibetan). Linguists currently estimate that Tibetans in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) speak approximately 30 such unrecognized languages. Additionally, a number of other minoritized ethnic groups who neither identify as Tibetan nor speak Tibetan inhabit parts of the Tibetan Plateau, including the Naxi 纳西, Mon pa (Ch. Menba 门巴), Lho pa (Ch. Luoba 珞巴), Mongol, and Yi 彝. Language policy in the PRC does not recognize non-Tibetic languages or any signed languages (including the standardized TSL). Without representation in policy, these languages are excluded from public institutions such as education and media. Literary Tibetan has historically played an important role in integrating and connecting the diverse languages of Tibet. Today, the literary language (chos skad) is employed in education and media across greater Tibet and in diaspora. While the literary language also features some regional diversity, these variations are for the most part mutually intelligible. One specialized variety of the literary language is employed for religious discourses, for treatises on Buddhism, and for translations of Sanskrit works. Modern Literary Tibetan also differs significantly from the classical written language. Among Tibetans in exile, a common language (spyi skad) has developed as the general lingua franca because of the population’s diverse regional origins. The common language shares many grammatical features with Lha sa Tibetan, but it has also been influenced by languages spoken in A mdo and Khams. Meanwhile, in the PRC, regional and subregional standard languages have emerged in dBus gtsang, A mdo, and Khams. The prominence of Mandarin Chinese (guanhua 官话) throughout greater China, spurred on by language policy, has meant that many Tibetans within the PRC also use Mandarin rather than a regional standard of Tibetan as a lingua franca. Language has been a divisive issue since the beginning of the PRC’s occupation of Tibet in the 1950s. Despite facile claims of Chinese guidance of Tibet’s cultural development, Tibetan scholars, religious leaders, and laypeople developed and maintained a unique tradition of languages and linguistics. The study of Tibetan language and linguistics was generally under the purview of

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monastic scholars and formed a branch of religious knowledge. Therefore, Tibet’s own traditions of linguistics are an important form of cultural knowledge. From the beginning of the occupation, the Chinese state has asserted that it respects Tibetan culture and is preserving the spoken and written languages. However, many Tibetans feel that actual language policy is making their languages increasingly marginal. For example, in areas of A mdo including Chab cha (Ch. Gonghe共和) and Reb gong (Ch. Tongren同仁), local Tibetans have protested the increasing use of Mandarin in schools and places of employment. While Tibetan migration to India has decreased in the past two decades, Tibetans in exile frequently report that access to the ­Tibetan-medium schools established by the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) motivated them to leave Tibet at great risk. Some parents arranged for their children to be smuggled out of Tibet in order to ensure that they would be cared for and educated in the CTA’s boarding schools. Official PRC language policy mandates Tibetan as the official language of the Tibet Autonomous Region and the 10 Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures located across Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu, and Yunnan. In these territories the law mandates primary education in literary Tibetan. Despite the designation of Tibetan as an official language in these territories, it is rare for Chinese officials (who hold the real power) to acquire working knowledge of Tibetan. Also, immigrants to Tibet from the rest of the PRC may conduct business, government, and most other institutional activities in Mandarin. Since 2008 language activism for Tibetan, which has a long history in Lha sa, has noticeably expanded. In the eastern Tibetan areas of A mdo and Khams, protests, grassroots activism around language issues, and public consciousness of language policy have grown. For example, a decision in 2010 to use standard Mandarin (Putonghua普通话) as the sole language of instruction in A mdo’s schools sparked large-scale demonstrations among students, parents, and community members. These protests began after Qiang Wei 强卫 (b. 1953), the Qinghai head of the Chinese Communist Party, publicly announced his intention to transition the province’s schools to Mandarin-­ medium instruction. Also, many Tibetan self-immolators have drawn attention to language rights in their testimonies. Meanwhile, religious leaders, scholars, and community members have intensified a widespread effort to promote a “pure” Tibetan language (pha skad gtsang ma/bod skad gtsang ma), free of Chinese loanwords. In turn, ideologies that link Tibetan identity with a single Tibetan language have grown. See also SELF-IMMOLATION. Shannon Ward, University of British Columbia, Gerald Roche, La Trobe University LANGUAGE POLICY. Language policy refers to the development and institutionalization of norms surrounding language use. Language policy

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is generally carried out by governments or corporate bodies, and frequently aims to produce and promote a standard language. This standard language is usually recognized as an official language of the state. However, language policy in the Tibetan context is more complex due to linguistic diversity, competing standard languages, and a lack of centralized planning authority for Tibetans spread across the boundaries of provinces within the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In addition to shaping public institutions, language policy has the capacity to impact individual perceptions and group attitudes toward language. In the case of Tibetans in the PRC, language policy developed by multiple state and non-state actors asserts that diverse languages are united through literary standards. Language policy by PRC state actors has sought to standardize a single national language, as well as single official languages for each of its minoritized ethnic groups (Ch. shaoshu minzu少数民族), including Tibetans (Ch. zangzu 藏族). In the context of both the official national language and official languages for minoritized ethnic groups, the top-down language policy by the Chinese state has promoted three areas of reform: (1) standardization of a single spoken language, (2) development of a written language closer to the spoken standard, and (3) script reform. Significantly, efforts to promote only a single standard language for each of the PRC’s 56 ethnic groups means that state language policy excludes most of the country’s 300 languages from formal planning mechanisms. For the national, official language, Mandarin Chinese (guanhua 官话), the three areas of reform have corresponded to: (1) the formulation and promotion of standard Mandarin (Putonghua普通话; “common speech”) as a lingua franca, (2) amendments to writing form and style, and (3) the development of a new script of standardized, simplified Chinese characters (jianhuazi 简 化字) intended to expand literacy. Meanwhile, the focus on promoting Putonghua has meant that other languages spoken by the majority Han Chinese ethnic group are excluded from formal planning mechanisms. These excluded languages represent regional varieties of Mandarin as well as distinct languages in the Sinitic language family. For minoritized languages, including Tibetan, these three areas of reform have corresponded to: (1) government-led initiatives to standardize a single language for each minoritized ethnic group, (2) promotion of a single written language for each minoritized ethnic group and the territorialization of the single written language within designated “autonomous” (zizhi 自治) regions, and (3) the development of scripts for previously unwritten languages. Language policy thus explicitly focuses on standardization, especially through literary languages. Tibetan, along with Mongolian and Uyghur, is one of only several languages whose literary tradition was recognized by the PRC before the

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official designation of the nation’s “56 ethnic groups.” Tibetan language is thus considerably more represented in language policy than the languages of other minoritized ethnic groups. The explicit goals of the state language policy are to foster national unity across the PRC; they are articulated in the “National Common Language Law” of 2001 (Guojia tongyong yuyan wenzifa 国家通用语言文字法). Meanwhile, the Chinese constitution mandates that territories designated as minority autonomous regions, prefectures, and counties employ the language of the dominant ethnic group. How this mandate is actually enacted forms an ongoing source of debate and varies across regions. Language policy is undertaken not only by the state but also by a variety of actors through both formal and informal activities. In the case of Tibetan language, individuals working outside state bureaucracy but within formal institutions (both secular and religious) have made substantial contributions to language policy. Most frequently, these non-state forms of language policy also share the government’s interest in ethnic and cultural unification through language standardization. Recent examples include the promotion of modernized Tibetan grammars that rationalize Tibetan language in terms of language typology and the compilation of Tibetan neologisms for words that might otherwise be spoken in a different lingua franca. Even these non-state language policies can challenge linguistic autonomy, since efforts to promote a single Tibetan language exacerbate the state’s marginalization of unrecognized languages. In contemporary Tibet language policy, undertaken by both state and nonstate actors, takes place in a variety of domains. Two of the most important contexts are education and media. While an emphasis on unification through a spoken and written standard persists across regions, language policy for media and education is also specific to the administrative territories in which they are enacted. Within the domain of education, the PRC employs a central track for Han Chinese students that promotes Putonghua and a satellite track for Tibetans that promotes bilingual education in Putonghua and Tibetan (Tib. bod skad yig, Ch. zangyu 藏语). The state excludes unrecognized languages from schools. Thus, although language policy asserts a bilingual model, for many Tibetans this is a trilingual model because their native language is not represented in a particular school. At the primary and secondary levels, the extent of instruction in Putonghua and Tibetan varies. In many regions, especially within the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), standard Mandarin is used for textbooks and instruction in all classes except for a single Tibetan language class. In other regions, Tibetan is used for textbooks and instruction in all classes except for Chinese language classes. Some counties have successfully retained and expanded the use of Tibetan as the primary medium of

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i­ nstruction in bilingual schools. However, given the state’s promotion of standard Mandarin and increasing concern among Tibetan parents for their children’s employment prospects, it has become common for bilingual schools to use standard Mandarin as the main medium of instruction. Deaf and blind Tibetan children face additional challenges in accessing their mandated right to education in Tibetan. Since the mid-1990s Tibetan school textbooks have been made available in Tibetan Braille for the education of blind Tibetans. First established in Lha sa, Tibetan Braille employs the standard six Braille dots to phonetically represent, in tactile format, the sounds of the 30 Tibetan consonants and the four vowels. A standard Tibetan Sign Language (TSL) (bod kyi lag brda) is also emerging in Lha sa. Despite opportunities to further develop Tibetan Braille and TSL, most resources for deaf and blind children’s education tend to promote the use of standard Mandarin, the reading and writing of simplified Chinese, and the use of Chinese Sign Language. An example is the National Action Plan for Chinese General Sign Language and Braille (Guojia shouyuhu mangwen guifanhua xingdonghua 国家手语和盲文规范化行动计划, 2015–2020), which aimed to incorporate Chinese Sign Language into education for deaf children throughout China, but had no provisions for deaf children from minoritized ethnic groups. Tibetan-medium university programs are available, especially in A mdo and Khams. These Tibetan-track programs employ Tibetan as the medium of instruction and include advanced study in grammar and literature. However, graduates from these programs often face difficulties in obtaining employment. The TAR currently offers only a single Tibetan-track program in ­Tibetan medicine, while programs in Tibetan literature and history are taught in Chinese. Due to the territorialization of language policy, Tibetan children have unequal access to bilingual education depending on their place of birth. Only children inhabiting predominantly rural or semi-urban autonomous regions can access bilingual education. In Tibetan autonomous regions, the PRC has sought to simultaneously expand local preschools and, from the primary level on, consolidate rural schools into larger, more centralized facilities. This decentralization of rural schooling has accompanied the expansion of nineyear compulsory education, which officially became national law in 1986, but has only recently been enforced across greater Tibet. The intersection of education policy and language policy means that Tibetan children from autonomous regions generally must attend boarding schools away from their families, and Tibetan children from urban areas can only access formal education in standard Mandarin. Apart from formal education policy, community-based initiatives promote the study of written Tibetan, especially among young children. Most families

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engage in some sort of informal instruction in the home, such as teaching children the Tibetan alphabet with songs, toys, and games. More organized initiatives are particularly common among urban Tibetan families, and school-aged children may attend day schools rather than boarding schools. Within the home, urban families often read children’s books in literary Tibetan and sometimes organize small reading groups. Some urban families also help their children host instructional spelling broadcasts through the social media platform WeChat, which children and families can access from a distance. Other community-based language initiatives seek to expand rural families’ access to literacy materials for children. For example, some organizations print and distribute children’s picture books in literary Tibetan to rural households and seek to encourage rural caregivers to read with their children. Media exemplify the complex realities of Tibetan language policy. Although the state promotes the idea of a single Tibetan language, the need to communicate with Tibetans in languages they actually understand has produced some compromise with regard to broadcast media. State media (television and radio) therefore broadcast in the three major spoken languages of A mdo, Khams, and dBus gtsang. All of Tibet’s unrecognized languages, including TSL, are excluded from state media. Media produced beyond the state tend to reflect more diversity, and the market for movies in unrecognized languages seems to be growing. Social media are currently emerging as a platform for the use of unrecognized languages, driven by communities. Shannon Ward, University of British Columbia, Gerald Roche, La Trobe University LAS: See KARMA. LCAG PO RI (CHAKBORI) (“IRON MOUNTAIN”). A hill in Lha sa that was the site of Tibet’s main medical college, established by Sangs rgyas rGya mtsho (1653–1705). It was destroyed in 1959 by the Chinese and was rebuilt in 1992 in Darjeeling. The original site now houses a radio communications facility built by the PRC government. LCANG SKYA HU THOG TU (JANGGYA HUTOKDU; LCANG SKYA KHUTUGTU) (MON. ЗАНГИА ХУТАГТ, JANGIA HUTAGT) (CH. ZHANGJIA HUTUKETU 章嘉呼图克图). The major reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of Inner Mongolia. The first was Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (1642–1714). His recognized reincarnation, Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786), studied in Tibet and became one of the most influential dGe

378 • LCANG SKYA ROL PA’I RDO RJE

lugs scholars of his time. Rol pa’i rdo rje was succeeded by Ye shes bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1787–1846). Smith (2001) provides a list of the members of this reincarnational lineage: Tsun da (possibly Cundaka, the smith who gave the Buddha his last meal) Grub dbang Shā kya bshes gnyen (Śākyamitra) Dar pa na A tsā rya Lo chen sKa ba dPal brtsegs Rig ’dzin sGro phug pa (b. 1074–1134) ’Gro mgon Si si ri pa (alt. Gung thang se ston ri pa) gLang ri thang pa ’Dul ’dzin rDo rje seng ge (1054–1123) ’Gro mgon ’Phags pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) bLa ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375) Byams chen Chos rje Sha kya ye shes (1354–1435) Se ra rje btsun Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/1546) mKhas grub ’khon ston dPal ’byor lhun grub (1561–1637) mKhyen rab Grags pa ’od zer (d. 1641) Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (1642–1714) Ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me (Rol pa’i rdo rje, 1717–1786) Ye shes bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan (1787–1846) Ye shes bstan pa’i nyi ma (ca. 1849–1859) bLo bzang ye shes bstan pa’i rgya mtsho (ca. 1860–1870) bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan pa’i sgron me (ca. 1871–1890) Chos dbyings ye shes rdo rje (1891–1957). LCANG SKYA ROL PA’I RDO RJE: See ROL PA’I RDO RJE. LCE BTSUN SHES RAB ’BYUNG GNAS: See SHES RAB ’BYUNG GNAS. LDE GTSUG MGON (DETSUKGÖN) (CH. DEZUGUN 德祖衮). One of the three sons of sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon. The latter divided the remains of the Yar klungs empire among them. lDe gtsug mgon, the youngest, was given control of Mang yul, near modern-day western Nepal, as well as Zhang zhung (the portion he won was called “Lower Zhang zhung”), although the fifth Dalai Lama’s history contains no mention of his obtaining any fiefdoms. He established the ruling line of Gung thang, which continued until the 17th century near modern-day western Nepal. LDUNG MA RNAM RGYAL (DÜNGMA NAMGYEL, BORN CA. 1000). A member of the transmission lineage of rNying ma “innermost yoga” (shin tu rnal ’byor; Skt. atiyoga) teachings, particularly those of the Heart Essence of Vimalamitra (Bi ma snying thig), which, according to

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tradition, were taught by the Indian great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) master Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra, fl. 8th century). lDung ma rnam rgyal is regarded as the reincarnation of Myang Ting nge ’dzin, who hid the 17 tantras of atiyoga near the hermitage of bSam yas mChims phu. lDang ma rnam rgyal was the son of dBu ru gzhol ma dge mchog and was a caretaker monk at Zhwa’i lha khang near Lha sa. He transmitted the sNying thig lore to his student lCe btsun Seng ge dbang phyug and to Kha rag sgom chung. LEGAL SYSTEM (TIB. KHRIMS LUGS). The legal system of the pre1950s Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) was a product of numerous influences that contributed to a cumbersome and pervasively corrupt system. The first reported legal code was promulgated by Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), and this served as a basis for subsequent systems. The Phag mo gru pa rulers (1322–1618) and the Rin spungs pa (1416–1565) based their legal system on Srong btsan sgam po’s code and, following the ascent of Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599), the lineage of gTsang pa rulers (sde pa) added to them through almost every reign until 1642. The gTsang pa rulers worked to develop a system of laws that would have led to a unique type of secular governance, something Tibet had never experienced until recently. Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747) further reformed the legal system in the 18th century. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), the regent (sde srid) of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), issued a set of revisions, Crystal Mirror of Obligations and Prohibitions (bLang dor dwangs shel me long), which mainly contained rules and guidelines for government officials. Tibet had no uniform code of laws and regulations as is the norm in modern societies; rather, Tibetan law relied on precedents and customs, which were often ambiguous and were applied arbitrarily. Bribery and corruption were the norm, and the application of laws depended on the social status of those involved in legal disputes. The judiciary was not independent, and outside of Lha sa local governors (rdzong dpon) often served as the sole legal authorities. Monk officials also served in this capacity. Lha sa had a high court comprised of two judges, a layman and a monk. The use of legal precedents or punishments had no real standardization, and the outcomes tended to be highly arbitrary. The idiosyncrasies of individual judges often determined the outcomes, rather than application of fixed laws and precedents. Moreover, the privileged classes—the aristocracy and the monastic establishment—received special consideration and bribes influenced the outcomes of many cases. Bribes were not illegal; they were part of the process and litigants were expected to provide the judges with gifts that reflected their social status and the gravity of the case.

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The main purpose of most legal proceedings was to determine punishment. It was assumed that people accused of a crime before a court were in fact guilty, so criminal investigation in the modern sense was unknown. The outcome was generally predetermined, so the main concern was with determining a suitable punishment. In cases of crimes against persons—such as theft, murder, assault, bodily injury, etc.—the penalties included imprisonment, payment of compensation, or physical torture (including mutilations). The scale of compensation or punishment varied depending on the relative social status of the litigants. Crimes against commoners by aristocrats were less severely punished than transgressions against the ruling elite by peasants. A complex system of compensation, referred to as stong (value), was based on class relations, which recognized nine classes. Often monetary compensation was sufficient, but in many cases floggings or a sentence of a period in legirons were meted out. For some major crimes, mutilations were prescribed; these were particularly used for offenses against the government or religious institutions. Parricide, theft of monastic properties, sedition, sorcery, or treason were the most common offenses thought to merit mutilation. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), issued a decree that outlawed all such punishments, but it appears that they were practiced in some areas until the abolishment of the dGa’ ldan pho brang in 1959. In areas of the Tibetan Plateau outside the direct control of the central government, justice was generally a local affair. Governors commonly settled major disputes, but chieftains and headmen handled local quarrels. In many cases, a council of headmen would meet and discuss the matter, and a general consensus would be reached, often involving monetary compensation. Tribal councils meted out justice and there was no system for appeal to a higher authority. Since the abolition of the dGa’ ldan pho brang, the legal system of the People’s Republic of China has been operative in areas of the Plateau under its control. Like the former system, this has a number of defects and tends to be arbitrary. The judiciary is under the control of the Chinese Communist Party and decisions are generally made in advance of the conclusion of a trial. The legal code is not binding on Party hierarchs, who can abrogate it in cases involving Party interests. Legal experts commonly describe the Chinese system as “rule through law” as opposed to “rule by law”: it is rare that a decision goes against Party interests, and the legal system is an instrument of government control. No independent judiciary exists, and judges are subject to the dictates of Party officials, who predetermine the outcome of important cases. Another similarity between the two systems is the disparity between social ranks: the PRC legal apparatus favors Han litigants over Tibetans, and Party officials receive preferential treatment.

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As with the old Tibetan system, punishment is often harsh and no viable system of appeals exists. Guilt is presumed and a verdict of innocence is rare. Lawyers are often not allowed to meet with their clients, charges are commonly kept secret from defendants, and the verdict is sometimes issued before the conclusion of the “trial.” The death penalty is applied to a wide range of crimes, some of which are merely misdemeanors (or actions protected by constitutional rights, as in the case of public demonstrations) in most countries. Crimes of sedition—which may include participating in a demonstration, shouting anti-government slogans, or being suspected of harboring “splittist” sentiments—may be treated as capital crimes; the sentence is carried out soon after the verdict and the accused is killed by a single bullet to the spine at the base of the neck. Less severe crimes of sedition may be punished by periods of incarceration and hard labor. Torture is endemic in Chinese prisons, particularly in Tibet, and human rights groups estimate that more than 90 percent of inmates suffer some form of physical torture. Despite the rapturous proclamations of the “liberation” of Tibet and the abolition of the old system, “the cruelest system of feudal serfdom in the history of the world,” many of its worst excesses continue, though under a different leadership that espouses a different ideology. LEGS SBYAR SKAD: See SANSKRIT. LHA (HLA) (CH. TIAN 天; TIPO 提婆) (“KING,” “GOD,” “DEITY”). A term used in different contexts to indicate power, excellence, and majesty. It was a posthumous epithet of the kings of the Yar klungs dynasty. Their descendants referred to them as “lha,” which indicated an ongoing relationship in which the former king passed his power to his successor, who venerated him as a still-potent ancestral spiritual being with a continued interest in and influence over the fate of the kingdom. It was also a part of the official names of some imperial figures and indicated their royal status. In some documents of the imperial period it can refer to the nobility collectively. Some documents appear to indicate that commoners might become lha in recognition of extraordinary valor in battle. This designation would later be inherited by their descendants, who would be raised to aristocratic status. Walter (2009) suggests that during the Imperium there may have been a belief in a class of supernatural beings that interceded between the lha of the deceased ruler and the present one, whose job was to convey the will and strategic wishes of the ancestor. In later times the term lha came to be used for various sorts of spiritual beings, ranging from powerful gods with dominion over large areas to minor local deities. In tantric contexts it can refer to buddhas who are the objects of visualization and ritual in deity yoga (lha’i rnal ’byor; Skt. devata-yoga).

382 • LHA ’BRUM

LHA ’BRUM: See SMALLPOX. LHA BZANG HAN: See LHAZANG KHAN. LHA KHANG (HLAKHANG) (CH. LAKANG 拉康) (“SHRINE”; LIT. “GOD HOUSE”). A standard name for a room or shrine that houses images of buddhas, bodhisattvas, protectors, or luminaries of a particular tradition. These are often images representing the spiritual beings worshipped in the precincts. During the imperial period the lha were probably royal ancestors worshipped as protectors of the king and the empire. At this time the designation may have indicated that the structure was built by a ruler, who was often designated as a lha while alive. In modern terminology, the term lha khang has a variety of meanings, including “central temple,” “subsidiary shrine in a monastery,” or “room containing the household altar.” LHA MO’I BLA MTSHO (HLAMÖ LATSO). A sacred lake in central Tibet believed to yield visions. It is located in modern rGya tsha rdzong in Lho kha sa khul, southeast of Lha sa at an altitude of 5,300 m (17,388 ft.). Its surface is about 2 sq. km (0.77 sq. mi.). During the search for reincarnations of Dalai Lamas religious leaders travel to this lake hoping for a vision in the water to guide them. It is inhabited by dPal ldan lha mo, a protector deity. Her manifestation in the lake is referred to as rGyal mo dMag zor ma. She promised dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474), the first Dalai Lama, that she would protect him and his reincarnations. Beginning with his successor, dGe ’dun rgya mtsho (1476–1542), Tibet’s regents and other religious leaders have traveled to this lake in order to seek visions to guide their search. LHA RGYA RI (HLAGYARI). A prominent aristocratic family whose members often held high positions in the Tibetan government. It claims descent from the kings of the Yar klungs dynasty, directly from ’Od srung. The family held large personal estates as well as many that it managed on behalf of the government. Until the middle of the 18th century, the Lha rgya ri estates were independent of the dGa’ ldan pho brang government, and its hierarchs managed their own affairs. The estates were located in E yul, between the ancient Yar klungs Valley and the southern region of Dwags po. Much of the income of the estates derived from nomadic produce and gold, which was plentiful in the local river and over which the family had sole rights. The family were supporters of rNying ma but had links with the Bon tradition as well. Bon priests were the sole ritualists permitted to officiate at the funeral rites of the lord of Lha rgya ri, the Khri

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chen. The traditional garb of the Khri chen was of ancient style, especially the headdress made of white linen with a small image of the buddha ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha) in its uppermost fold, similar to that worn by Khri Srong btsan sgam po. At one point the family held the high rank of sDe dpon, but after they sided with the rulers of gTsang against the fifth Dalai Lama they were forbidden to serve in any official capacity during the reign of the dGa’ ldan pho brang, which began in 1642. LHA SA (HLASA) (CH. LASA 拉萨). The capital of Tibet and its largest city, situated in a valley at an altitude of 3,490 m (11,450 ft.) above sea level. Prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s, it was the seat of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). Today it is the administrative center of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Under Chinese rule, Lha sa is a prefectural-level city that comprises one district and seven counties. The Lha sa Prefecture encompasses an area of around 30,000 sq. km (12,000 sq. mi.). The central urban area is around 544 sq. km (210 sq. mi.). Lha sa Prefecture has a current population of around 500,000, of whom 250,000 live in the urban area. These are only estimates, because large-scale immigration by Chinese has become a heated issue between the PRC and the Central Tibetan Administration, each of which issues sharply conflicting numbers. The main river is the sKyid chu, which runs through the southern part of the city. Its source is in the gNyan chen thang lha mountains; it runs for about 315 km. (196 mi.) before emptying into the Yar klungs gtsang po River. The city of Lha sa is surrounded by snow-covered mountains and large marshlands sit to the north. The mountains form a cloud barrier, and as a result the city has an average of 3,000 hours of sunlight per year. The air is thin (68 percent of the oxygen of sea-level regions), and the sun is intense, particularly in summer months. Temperatures range from −16.5 °C (2.3 °F) to 23.2 °C (73.8 °F). The annual mean temperature is 8.0 °C (46.4 °F). Average annual precipitation is 426 mm (16.8 in.). Lha sa means “Place of the Gods.” Its old name was Ra sa, “Place of Goats.” In 637 Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) built a palace on dMar po ri in Ra sa, and in 641 he sponsored the construction of the Ra sa gTsug lag khang or Jo khang. He also sponsored the construction of the Ra mo che temple. Traditional histories report that he built Buddhist temples in geomantically potent places (mTha’ ’dul yang ’dul lha khang) on the Tibetan Plateau in order to subdue a demoness (srin mo) who inhabited the land. Her final subjugation was accomplished when the Jo khang was built over her heart. These temples pinned her and thus prevented her from creating earthquakes and other geological disasters. Following the demise of the Yar klungs empire, the center of power shifted to western Tibet, but Lha sa

384 • LHA SA

was still an important cultural, religious, and commercial hub. The major monasteries of the dGe lugs order—Se ra, ’Bras spungs, and dGa’ ldan— were built near Lha sa in the 15th century, and as the order grew in influence monks traveled from all over the Tibetan cultural area to study in Lha sa and its environs. When the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617– 1682), rose to power, he established his government in Lha sa. His regent (sde srid) Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) began the construction of the Po ta la on dMar po ri. This became the seat of the Tibetan government until the PRC abolished it in 1959. It was also the winter residence of the Dalai Lamas. The Nor bu gling ka, the summer residence, was built at the outskirts of the city by the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). Prior to the 17th century, Lha sa was a small town with a small population. The census of 1854 concluded that the city’s population was 42,000, but this probably included monks who resided in the monasteries in the area. Hugh Richardson (1905–2000), the British trade envoy stationed in Tibet prior to the invasion, estimated that the population was between 25,000 and 30,000 (1962, 4). If the residents of the major monasteries were included, the population would be between 45,000 and 50,000. A charming account of the first English traveler to enter and then reside in Lha sa was provided by Clements Markham (Narratives of the Missions of George Bogle to Tibet and the Journey of Thomas Manning to Lhasa [1876]) (Markham 1971). Manning spent four months in Lha sa between mid-December 1811 and mid-April 1812. He was fluent in Chinese and used several Chinese soldiers, servants, and officials to translate for him. He provides a detailed and insightful picture of Lha sa during this time. Since the 1950s Lha sa has expanded rapidly in terms of both buildings and population. The majority of Chinese immigrants move into the cities of Tibet, while the rural countryside remains largely Tibetan. The Chinese presence has fundamentally transformed Lha sa. Old Tibetan neighborhoods are being razed and replaced by the concrete structures beloved by Chinese city planners. The traditional winding streets and alleys have given way to wide, straight roads. Even the Bar skor, the popular pilgrimage circuit around the Jo khang, has been reconstructed: the old narrow alleys that enabled protestors to avoid gunfire and surveillance cameras have been eliminated, and now People’s Liberation Army soldiers have clear lines of fire in the area. During the early days of the invasion “backward” Tibetan names were replaced by “progressive” Chinese ones, and since that time the new masters of the region have worked to remake the city into a place that replicates capitals in China’s interior provinces. Religious structures have been turned into museums and now tourist visitors must pay standard fees. Monks are required to perform debates and Buddhist rituals for busloads of Chinese who arrive

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at times set by government officials. The Po ta la and other destinations on the tourist itinerary have guides leading groups through precincts that were once sacred places for Tibetan Buddhists, and monks are told that they are curators of the vestiges of their “feudal” past. Lha sa now has numerous ­hotels—including some modern luxury hotels—restaurants, banks, and government offices. In Zhol, the village below the Po ta la, Chinese can now visit brothels staffed entirely by Chinese prostitutes and relax in karaoke bars. Tibetan pilgrims still flock to the city, but pilgrimage areas like the Bar skor are heavily policed and surveillance is pervasive throughout the city. Lha sa has the largest concentration of military personnel in the TAR and the city has several large bases in and around it. Tibetans are now a minority in Lha sa and comprise probably about one quarter of the combined resident and transient population. LHA SKYONG RGYAL PO: See QIANLONG. LHA THO THO RI GNYAN BTSAN (HLA TOTORI NYENTSEN, CA. 4TH CENTURY) (CH. TUOTUDUO 佗土度). The 28th Yar klungs king who, according to traditional histories, witnessed the first importation of Buddhist artifacts to Tibet. He appears in early Tibetan histories under the name of Lha Tho tho ri snyan shal. The Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed, dating to the 12th century but based on materials from the 9th century and later) reports that the holy doctrine first appeared during his reign when the six-syllable mantra Oṃ ma ṇi padme hūṃ—written in golden letters and placed in a casket—fell at his feet while he was on the roof of his palace, the Yun (alt. Yum) bu gla sgang. (The palace had an earlier name, ’Um bu glang mkhar, which has been altered over time so that it is now known as Yum bu lha khang in some sources.) No one could tell whether the casket was related to Buddhism or Bon, so it was referred to as the “Secret Sacred Object” (gNyan po gsang ba) and became the focus of continuous offerings. The king retained his youthful appearance even in advanced age due to these offerings, and his descendants gained deeper awareness of the meaning of the mantra and facilitated Buddhism’s later importations in Tibet. The 14th-century history Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) adds to the earlier sBa bzhed version by stating that the casket descended on a rainbow and that the Buddha had prophesied it. LHAN CIG (HLENCHIK) (SKT. SAHAJA; ALT. SAHAJIYĀ) (“INNATE,” “SPONTANEOUS”). An Indian tantric system whose main exponents were iconoclastic lay adepts (grub thob; Skt. siddha) who functioned outside of the monastic establishment and whose lifestyles and practices challenged it. Although its exponents claimed great antiquity for the tradition, its

386 • LHAZANG KHAN

l­iterature indicates that it was in fact a relatively late phenomenon, which probably originated sometime between the 8th and 10th centuries. Many of its central texts were written in Apabhrāṃśā (e.g., Treasury of Poems (Dohākośa) or in other northern Indian languages, such as Bengali (e.g., Songs of Practice: Caryāgīti). The main emphasis of Sahaja is on spontaneous understanding and manifestation of awakening, which is said to be innate (sahaja) in all beings. The structures and rules of the monastic life are characterized as hindrances—rather than aids—to meditative progress. There is a strong emphasis on the sexual yogas of highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med pa’i rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra), and the ideal of Sahaja is the wandering iconoclastic ascetic with his female consort (or less commonly the female master with her male consort). This tradition was influential in Tibet among the imported siddha lineages. LHAZANG KHAN (TIB. LHA BZANG HAN, D. 1717) (CH. LAZANG HAN 拉藏汗). A Mongol leader who seized power among the Khoshud tribe and then attempted to conquer central Tibet. Lhazang Khan was the last of the Mongol chieftains who gave themselves the title “King of Tibet” (Bod gyi rgyal po); this began when his grandfather Güshri Khan (1582– 1655) installed the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), as Tibet’s ruler under his ultimate authority in 1642. When Lhazang Khan came to power in 1700 he claimed a number of precedents, including that of Güshri’s overlordship of Tibet. Lhazang faced two main problems in Tibet: (1) the regent, Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), had a relationship with Lhazang’s enemies, the Zunghar Mongols; and (2) the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), had not accepted full monastic ordination or the constraints incumbent on a Dalai Lama. Lhazang considered him unsuited to the position. The regent was forced to share power with Lhazang, but the two reportedly despised each other and relations soon deteriorated. During the Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo) of 1703, Lhazang’s soldiers murdered some of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s troops. Several battles were fought in the ’Dam gzhung region northwest of Lha sa. A ceasefire was brokered by several religious leaders, including the first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, Ngag dbang brtson ’grus (1648–1721/1722), Lhazang’s religious advisor. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was forced to resign as regent and moved to Gong dkar. He appointed his son Ngag dbang rin chen to take his place but remained the power behind the throne. Armed conflict occurred again in 1705 and an armistice was brokered by religious leaders, including the Dalai Lama. The competing parties swore an oath in front of the fifth Dalai Lama’s mausoleum. Lhazang, however, soon broke the truce and dispatched his troops to central Tibet. They defeated the

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Tibetan forces; Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was captured and beheaded. His son fled to China and attempted to convince the Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) to come to his aid. The emperor refused, but Ngag dbang rin chen was granted sanctuary in the Qing court. Lhazang arranged the troublesome Dalai Lama’s removal to a place closer to his own homeland of Mongolia, but the young prelate died en route in 1706. Lhazang announced that his son Ye shes rgya mtsho was the true Dalai Lama and he was displeased to hear that a successor had already been discovered in Khams. The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), was forced to move from place to place, while Lhazang sent his agents to find him. The “true” Dalai Lama was officially recognized in 1714 in sDe dge, which was a safe area outside the Mongol leader’s power base. A force of Zunghar Mongols invaded Lha sa in 1717 and were initially welcomed by the inhabitants as potentially better masters than Lhazang, but they engaged in widespread looting and acts of violence. Lhazang sent a message to Kangxi requesting military aid, but it arrived too late to save his life. He was killed by a force led by Tshe dbang rab brtan in 1717. The ensuing struggle between Chinese troops and the Zunghar Mongols marks the commencement of a new and extremely complicated period in Tibetan history. The Qing government issued a series of decrees that would have converted Tibet into a protectorate if they had been fully implemented, but the Tibetans resisted and continued to run their own affairs while allowing China to publicly proclaim its sovereignty and refrained from contradicting the reports of its representatives, who sent messages asserting that the emperor’s orders were being followed. The emperor declared the representatives (am ban) stationed in Lha sa to be the supreme rulers of the region under his ultimate authority, and the Dalai Lama and his government were to report to them, but within a short time their role was reduced to insignificance and the Qing government’s interest waned as it was beset with more pressing internal problems. LHO SMON THANG: See GLO BO SMON THANG. LHUN GRUB BZOD PA, DGE BSHES (GESHÉ LHÜNDRUP SÖBA, 1923–2014). A dGe lugs pa scholar born in gTsang. He joined Se ra monastery at age 18 and in 1961 earned the dge bshes degree with highest distinction (lha ram pa). In 1967 he accepted an offer from Professor Richard Robinson to join the faculty of University of Wisconsin–Madison, which had the first Ph.D. program in Buddhist studies in North America. During his career there he trained a number of students, many of whom became prominent scholars. He also founded the Deer Park Buddhist Center, one of the first institutions in the United States designed to provide teaching and meditation training for Western Buddhists.

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LI THANG (LITANG) (CH. LITANG 理塘; GAOCHENG ZHEN 高城 镇). A town in eastern Tibet where the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), was born. Today it is the administrative center of Li thang County (Ch. Litang Xian 理塘县) in dKar mdzes bod rigs rang skyong khrul (Ch. Ganzi Zangzu Zizhizhou 甘孜藏族自治州). In 2001 it had a population of 47,500. During the 1950s the Li thang region was one of the main areas of operation of the resistance movement against Chinese rule. Chu bzhi sgang drug fighters attacked Chinese military personnel and installations (an event recorded graphically in line drawings in Tharchin Babu’s Tibet Mirror newspaper, vol. 22, no. 11), and in retaliation the People’s Liberation Army bombed Li thang Monastery in 1956. The town is located at an altitude of 4,014 m (13,202 ft.). It is about 400 m (1,312 ft.) higher than Lha sa and is one of the highest inhabited towns in the world. During the 2008 demonstrations against Chinese rule Li thang was one of the main centers of resistance and as a consequence large numbers of local people were imprisoned and monasteries were forced to expel thousands of monks. LI YUL: See KHOTAN. LITERATURE (TIB. BSTAN BCOS; RTSOM YIG). Tibetan literature came into being after the adaptation of a north Indian or Central Asian script to represent the spoken Tibetan language in the 6th or 7th century. During this period, the translation of Buddhist texts and the governance of the Tibetan empire—which both required significant but different literary skills—contributed to the development of Tibetan literature as a distinct cultural force. It is difficult to overstate the impact of Indian language, literature, and literary forms on Tibetan literature. As a result of both early and later IndoTibetan Buddhist translation projects, translators needed to develop a suitable Tibetan lexicon and to study and reproduce an array of Indic literary forms. Tibetan familiarity with these forms led not only to literary translation but also to hybrid literature that incorporated Indic formats and imagery into Tibetan schemas, and there is even evidence that lettered Tibetans adapted non-Buddhist Indic literary forms. One fragment from Dunhuang, for example, contains sections of a Tibetan Rāmāyaṇa, the existence of which stands in contradiction to the perception created by later Buddhists—who preserved literary skills after the empire’s fall—that the literary endeavors of the Imperium were solely Buddhist. A few centuries later a renewed interest in Indic literary forms and skills arose within the Buddhist community, thanks largely to the influence of one man, Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251). Sa paṇ

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a­ dvocated a classical Indian education focused on grammar, dialectics, metrics, poetics, and synonymics as a prerequisite for studying Buddhist philosophical treatises. His influence led to the adaptation and study of a modified Sanskrit poetics (kāvya) that incorporated these literary skills. Called “melodious praise” (snyan bsngag) in Tibetan, this system of poetics became and remains the standard subject of literature in Tibetan cultural areas. Around the same time, several Sanskrit poetic manuals were also translated into Tibetan, most notably Daṇḍin’s (6th–7th century) Mirror of Poetry (sNyan bsngag gi me long; Skt. Kāvyādarśa), which is still used as a textbook for poetics today. While the influence of Indian culture on Tibetan literature has been widely explored, indigenous, originally oral, forms of literature have received less attention. Yet, according to some Dunhuang documents, it seems that long before the introduction of writing the composition and performance of folk songs/poems and other preliterary forms played a pivotal role not only as entertainment but also in the running of Tibetan states, and were therefore transformed into literary forms with the coming of writing. The songs/poems (glu; hon. mgur) were composed for reasons as varied as mnemonic aids for court edicts, as celebration of victories in battle and marriages, and even as derisive catalysts for war (a subgenre called mchid). Tibetans also composed literary epics (sgrung) and riddles (lde’u). The epics included fabled stories of royal ancestors (rgyal rabs), which provided a master narrative for the emperor’s continuing rule, while the creation and performance of riddles gave him and his ministers an opportunity to display their intellectual skills. These two genres also provided a literary precedent for two more literary forms: opera (lha mo) and life stories (rnam thar). Tibetan opera—which tradition holds Thang stong rgyal po brTson ’grus bzang po (1361–1485) created—incorporated many of the early epics into its stories and also contains songs and riddles. Many of the most popular life stories also follow the pattern of an epic, and some—in particular the popular tale of Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135)—were performed as such. Later, however, the combined rise in political influence and the role of lineage meant that this genre came to focus on the genealogical aspects of its protagonists’ lives, rather than their popular adventures. The final form of Mi la ras pa’s life story—combining as it does a prose narrative with his poems/songs (mgur)—also represents an interesting study in the interaction between indigenous song types and Indic forms. Following the precedent of his Indian lineal predecessors, the grub thob chen po (Skt. mahāsiddha), Mi la taught Buddhism through songs. But instead of adapting the Indic form of the mahāsiddhas’ songs, he sang Tibetan folk songs that addressed tantric topics. Then, when his life story was told, the songs attributed to him were framed by an epic-style narrative easily accessible to the general populace. Yet by the time gTsang smyon he ru ka Rus pa’i

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gnyan can (1452–1507) composed the definitive version of this story, the influence of Sanskrit poetics was so widespread that he began this work with an extravagant 21-syllable “melodious praise.” Indeed, as other commentators have noted, after Thang stong rgyal po’s introduction of opera in the 15th century the role of Sanskrit-style poetics was pervasive in Tibetan literature, and these established genres remained relatively stable until the 20th century. Yet even during this particularly staid period of Tibetan literary history there were still a few interesting developments. The sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706)—who became famous for his love songs that combined folk formats with Buddhist imagery—is probably the best known, but he was not a lone innovator. Following a push by Si tu Paṇ chen (Chos kyi ’byung gnas, 1699–1774) for a reinvestment in Sanskrit learning and poetics, for example, Tshe ring dbang rgyal (1697–1763) composed the first Tibetan “novel,” Tale of the Incomparable Prince (gZhon nu zla med kyi gtam rgyud) in the style of epic poetry (snyan ngag chen po; Skt. mahākāvya). A century later, in Khams and A mdo, teachers like dPal sprul Rin po che (1808–1887) began combining folk stories with Buddhist teachings to create hybrid forms that could be and were read for entertainment as well as edification. The next period of intensive innovation began in the early part of the 20th century when modernist authors such as dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903/1905– 1951) began to incorporate influences from other sources, notably in his case both the Indian anti-colonial and English-language media. The influence of other literature traditions was even more pervasive after Tibet’s incorporation into the People’s Republic of China (PRC), when Tibetan writers were exposed to Chinese, Russian, French, and later South American literatures. Although the creative output that these new stimuli encouraged was stifled during the first three decades of PRC rule—and completely stopped during the Cultural Revolution—the period of reform after 1976 saw a proliferation of Tibetan-language literary publications, the development of many new styles and genres, and even the self-conscious use of the Tibetan term rtsom yig to refer to literature in Tibetan. This new self-consciousness concept of Tibetan literature led to debates regarding its nature: could “Tibetan literature” be written in Chinese or English, for example, and could the new genres of short stories written in the style of Chinese realism or the innovative “free verse poetry” (rang mos snyan ngag) still be included? The longest-running debate, however, concerned the influence of kāvya and Indian literature in Tibet. Some cultural commentators welcomed its reemergence in Tibet, but after studying the Dunhuang manuscripts others saw an opportunity to reexamine and rework Tibet’s indigenous literary genres. The argument continues today, and as Tibetan literature sites proliferate on the Internet and Tibetan authors and poets find avenues for their

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work in contemporary film and music, there is no doubt it will become more complex. See also ’DAS LOG; GE SAR OF GLING; GSANG BA’I RANG RNAM; ’JAM MGON KONG SPRUL; LAM RIM; LO TSĀ BA; QIANLONG; RNAM THAR; SMITH, ELLIS GENE; YIG CHA. Ruth Gamble, La Trobe University LIVING BUDDHA (CH. HUOFO 活佛). The English equivalent that most commonly translates the Chinese term for adult reincarnate Tibetan lamas (sprul sku). When they are children they are referred to as “soul boys” (Ch. lingtong 靈童/灵童). This peculiarly Chinese understanding of the term misses the point of the institution for Tibetans and ignores how the tradition understands it. It implies that those whom it designates regard themselves as buddhas or that others regard them as such, but this is rarely the case. Most sprul sku are viewed as reincarnations of deceased religious figures and not of a particular buddha. Most would be regarded as bodhisattvas—buddhas in training whose activities are designed to aid sentient beings as part of their path to buddhahood—rather than fully actualized buddhas. They are often said to embody certain aspects of their incarnational predecessors, but only rarely does this memory impinge on their perceptions of their current lifetimes or identities. By contrast, the term living buddha suggests that the person has fully actualized the attributes of a buddha and is thus more of an archetype than a person involved in daily affairs and in concrete religious activities. The term has a long history in China and is applied to Chinese reincarnations as well as Tibetan ones. This is one of many core Tibetan cultural and religious institutions that the region’s Chinsese rulers attempt to appropriate as part of their efforts to win the hearts and minds of the populace. The government of the People’s Republic of China claims sole right to recognize “living buddhas,” regardless of where they were born (including in other countries), and its leaders proclaim that the Chinese Communist Party is the “true Living Buddha” for Tibetans. This was a recurrent theme in public speeches by Tibet’s former Party boss Zhang Qingli (Ch. 张庆黎, 1951–), but it has failed to engender an enthusiastic response from its target audience. See also BUDDHISM; CHINESE BUDDHISM; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. LO GSAR (LOSAR) (CH. LUOSA 洛萨). The Tibetan New Year, celebrated for 15 days from the beginning of the first lunar month of the Tibetan calendar. LO RNGAM RTA RDZI (LO-NGAM DADZI) (“LO NGAM THE HORSEHERDER”). The keeper of the royal horses who, according to

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accounts of the Tibetan Imperium, killed Gri gum btsan po (alt. Dri gum btsan po, “King Killed by a Knife”). During the battle the “sky rope” (dmu thag) that allowed the Yar klungs monarchs to return to the heavenly realm (gnam) from which they originated was severed. Lo ngam then became the ruler of Gri gum’s kingdom. dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba’s (1504–1564/1566) history, written between 1545 and 1564, contains the most expanded version of the events surrounding the death of Gri gum ­btsan po. It says that to avenge the killing Ru las skyes, the unnatural son of the deceased ruler’s wife, drew close to Lo ngam’s entourage, put poison on two dogs’ fur, and sent them to Lo ngam. When he patted the dogs, the poison penetrated his skin and he died. LO TSĀ BA (LOTSAWA) (CH. YISHI 译师) (“TRANSLATOR”). The common epithet for translators of Sanskrit texts into Tibetan. It is said to translate Sanskrit locchava or locchāva. Many of the early translators traveled to India and studied with scholars there. They returned to Tibet, often following decades of training, and translated the voluminous literature Tibet imported from India and other countries. This involved creating bilingual (and later multilingual) glossaries and developing a new literary style that could render the complexities of Sanskrit grammar in Tibetan. The literary language they developed reflects Sanskrit case endings, compounds, and technical terms. The influential figures who received this epithet include Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana, fl. 8th century), Rin chen bzang po (958–1055), and Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097). LUMB’I TSHAL (LUMBITSEL) (SKT. LUMBINĪ) (CH. LANPINI 嵐 毘尼/岚毘尼; LOUPINI 樓毘尼/楼毘尼). A grove located between Ser skya’i gnas (Skt. Kapilavastu) and Lha yis bstan (Skt. Devadaha), about 24 km (15 mi.) east of Kapilavastu, where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) was born. According to legend, his mother, sGyu ma chen mo (alt. sGyu ma lha mdzes; Skt. Mahāmāyā), decided to travel to her parents’ house to give birth to her son, but when she arrived at Lumbinī she went into labor. In hagiographical accounts of the Buddha’s life, it is said that she gave birth standing up, with her arm against a tree, and he stepped out of her side. Today Lumbinī is an important Buddhist pilgrimage site. LUNG RTOGS RGYA MTSHO (LUNGDOK GYATSO, 1806–1815) (CH. LONGDUO JIACUO 隆朵嘉措). The ninth Dalai Lama, who lived for only nine years and never assumed temporal power. He was born in Khams. In 1807 he was recognized as the reincarnation of ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804) and brought to Lha sa. The Qing representative (am

LUNG SHAR RDO RJE TSHE RGYAL • 393

ban) tried to pressure the search committee to use the Golden Urn (gSer bum; Ch. Jinping 金瓶) that Qianlong (1711–1799) had sent to Tibet with instructions that henceforth reincarnations were to be selected by drawing lots placed in it, but they followed the traditional protocol and ignored the urn. The am ban was one of a number of officials allowed to examine the boy, but he made no comment on the final selection. In 1810 Lung rtogs rgya mtsho was enthroned in the Po ta la on the Golden Throne of dGa’ ldan pho brang and received his novice (dge tshul) vows from the seventh Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma (1781–1854), who gave him the name Lung rtogs rgya mtsho. The regent (sde srid), Ngag dbang dgon po, died that same year and was replaced by the seventh De mo Hu thog tu, Ngag dbang blo bzang thub bstan ’jigs med rgya mtsho (1778–1819). British explorer Thomas Manning (1772–1840) arrived in Lha sa in 1812 and met Lung rtogs rgya mtsho when he was seven years old. He provided a description of the audience and indicated that the boy exerted a powerful effect on him. His successor, Tshul khrims rgya mtsho (1816–1837), also died young. See also GSER BUM SKRUG PA. LUNG SHAR RDO RJE TSHE RGYAL (LUNGSHAR DORJÉ TSEGYEL, D. 1938). A Tibetan aristocrat and close favorite of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), who became embroiled in the complex politics of the interregnum period following his death. Lung shar’s family had served as government officials since 1642 during the reign of the fifth Dalai Lama. Lung shar was a Tibetan medical doctor and maintained his practice even after his appointment as rTsi dpon (financial comptroller) in 1915. He chaperoned a group of sons of the Tibetan aristocracy who traveled to Britain to study in 1912, during which time he studied English and European history. While still in India he was approached by both Chinese and Japanese representatives. The latter tried to convince him to send the boys to Japan instead of England, much to the annoyance of the British, who felt he should not have even entertained such a meeting. While in England he was under constant suspicion of making overtures to leaders of other nations so as to assist Tibet’s efforts to rid itself of the Chinese presence on its eastern borders. Before he returned home, Lung shar traveled extensively in Europe on behalf of the Dalai Lama. His overseas experiences led him to conclude that Tibet needed to modernize and reform its archaic system of government. He favored the British model of gradual transition to constitutional monarchy but did not like the manner in which some Tibetan aristocrats—such as Tsha rong—had become myopically pro-British, favoring closer relations with the British in India rather than developing Tibet along democratic lines.

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In 1917 he became drawn into the dispute over the Dalai Lama’s proposal to require bKra shis lhun po to pay one quarter of the costs of the Tibetan army. Lung shar suggested that the Paṇ chen la ma could afford to pay, and this helped precipitate the latter’s flight from Tibet in 1923. Lung shar was sent to bring him back but was unsuccessful. In 1929 Lung shar was appointed chief of the army, a post he held at the same time as that of financial comptroller, placing him in an extremely influential position. In 1929 his hasty actions resulted in the death of a Nepalese citizen in Lha sa, and war with Nepal was averted only by British intervention. He became engaged in an effort to remove Kun ’phel lags (1905–1963), another of the Dalai Lama’s favorites, after the latter’s death. He attempted to increase the powers of the National Assembly (Tshogs ’du chen mo) and place it above the Cabinet (bKa’ shag). The former had traditionally been a consultative body. Under his proposed changes, members of the Cabinet would serve four-year terms (instead of lifetime appointments). They would be appointed by the National Assembly. Lung shar’s attempts at reform placed him at odds with Tibet’s conservative establishment, which suspected him of being a communist. Other rumors speculated that he was plotting to assassinate Khri smon, the senior member of the Cabinet, and seize power. Lung shar was arrested at the Po ta la in May 1934 and found guilty of practicing sorcery against Khri smon. Other members of his reformist faction were also arrested. He was quickly found guilty and sentenced to have his eyes gouged out as punishment. Because the 13th Dalai Lama had outlawed such cruel physical punishments, no one was available with the expertise to properly perform the operation, so Lung shar was subjected to horrible agony. His torturers further increased his pain by falsely informing him that his sons had been mutilated by the same procedure. He was released from prison in 1938, but never recovered from his injuries. He died the next year, and his punishment served as a warning to others who might contemplate attempting to reform Tibet’s medieval system.

M MA GCIG LAB KYI SGRON MA (MACHIK LAPGI DRÖNMA, 1055– 1149) (CH. MAJI LAZUN 玛姬拉尊). An influential tantric practitioner best known for developing the practice of “cutting off” (gcod). This is based on the doctrines of the Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) discourses and involves meditations designed to destroy attachment to the notion of “self.” Central to the system of gcod are visualizations in which one imagines one’s body being cut up and devoured by demons, which graphically illustrate the body’s impermanence and lead to an attitude of detachment from physical things. There are four aspects: (1) white gift (dkar ’gyed): one’s body is visualized as light-colored ambrosia, which is offered to the Buddha, Dharma, and Monastic Community; (2) multicolored gift (khra ’gyed): visualizing one’s body as desirable objects; (3) red gift (dmar ’gyed): one visualizes one’s flesh and blood being divided and devoured by demons; and (4) black gift (nag ’gyed): a practice in which the faults of oneself and others are offered to demons as a means of expiation. Traditional biographies contain considerable variation regarding the details of her life. One popular theme states that in her previous life Ma gcig was born an Indian brahman male named sMon lam grub, who lived near Vārāṇasī. He converted to Buddhism, but after a debate with other brahmans he was urged to flee the country by a mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) so that he could escape their planned revenge. He separated his consciousness from his body and traveled to Tibet, where he entered the womb of a woman who had just conceived. The child was born in mTsho mer in Tam shod in the Labs phyi region (or in Gye’i labs) in Khe’u gang, in the eastern area of the Yar klungs Valley. Her father was Chos kyi zla ba, a local chieftain. Her mother was kLungs mu ’Bum lcam. She had two siblings: a brother, Lo tsā ba Khe’u gang ’khor lo grags, and a sister, referred to as Bu med. She became a student of Grwa pa mgon shes (1012–1090); he advised her to seek instruction from sKyo ston bSod nams bla ma, who gave her the initiation for the “Outer Cycle of the Path of Illusion” (Phyir ’khor ba’i lam du sgyu ’phrul). She met a wandering yogi named Thod pa ’ba’ re and became his consort. They had three sons and two daughters. She later became an ascetic and practiced meditation in a cave at Zangs ri khang dmar, where she began 395

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to attract students. Her closest disciple was rGyal ba don grub. His grandson Thod smyon bSam grub, popularly known as Sham po gangs pa’i gangs pa (“Snowman of Sham po gangs”), is credited with initiating the tradition of gcod practitioners who wear black hats and are referred to as gangs pa. gCod adepts are widely regarded as possessing magical abilities because of their familiarity with demons; these allow them to operate in environments that would terrify ordinary people. Historically gcod pa have been called upon to work in areas affected by plague because they can keep the demons associated with contagion at bay. According to some accounts, Ma gcig was a student of Indian yogi Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas (d. 1105/1108), who is associated with “pacification” (zhi byed), a practice that works to alleviate suffering. It is sometimes assumed that he invented gcod and taught it to her, but his known teachings offer little evidence for this. Other sources suggest that Pha dam pa gave gcod teachings to bSod nams bla ma, who then taught Ma gcig, but this is also problematic. Tibetan tradition credits her with initiating the tradition, which some Tibetans claim is the only practice lineage developed in Tibet and transmitted to India. She reportedly died at the age of 95. She is credited with several works, including Great Anthology of Precepts: Instructions on Secret Lore of the Profound Cutting Off Practice of the Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa zab mo gcod kyi man ngag gi gzhung bka’ tshoms chen mo). The gcod teachings were systematized by the third rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339). He composed several works on gcodrelated topics, including Instruction Manual for Cutting Off (gCod kyi khrid yig), Topic Outline of the Great Anthology of Precepts for Cutting Off (gCod bka’ tshoms chen mo’i sa bcad), Precious Garland: Aid for the Feasts of Cutting Off (gCod kyi tshogs las rin po che’i phreng ba), and Practice of Cutting Off (gCod kyi nyams len). MA PHAM G.YU MTSHO (MAPAM YUTSO; ALT. MTSHO MA DROS PA; MTSHO MA PHAM; PADMA LHA MTSHO) (SKT. MANASA-SAMOVARA) (CH. MAPANG YONGCUO 玛旁雍措) (“MANASAROVAR”). A lake located near Mt. Ti se in the western region of mNga’ ris, associated with the tantric buddha ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara). It has a long and complex mythic history that links it to legendary Indian bodhisattva-kings. Early Bon annals refer to it as the border between Zhang zhung territory conquered by the Bon kings and the region controlled by the Yar klungs monarchs to its east. Some of India’s major rivers have their origins in waters emanating from this lake (or its neighboring lake, Lag ngar mtsho), including the gLang chen kha ’bab (Skt. Śutudrī; Sutlej), sKyid rong gtsang chu (Karṇālī, a tributary of the Ganges),

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and Yar klungs gtsang po (Brahmaputra). It is also referred to as g.Yu mtsho (“Turquoise Lake”) because of its distinctive color. It has a surface area of roughly 330 sq. km (127 sq. mi.). It lies at an altitude of 4,558 m (14,954 ft.) above sea level, making it the highest freshwater lake in the world. MADHYAMAKA: See DBU MA PA’I LUGS. MAHĀKĀLA: See NAG PO CHEN PO. MAHĀMUDRĀ: See PHYAG RGYA CHEN PO. MAHĀSIDDHA: See GRUB THOB CHEN PO. MAHĀYĀNA (TIB. THEG PA CHEN PO) (CH. DASHENG 大乘) (“GREATER VEHICLE”). One of the two main strands of Indian Buddhism (the other being Nikāya or Mainstream Buddhism, referred to by Mahāyānists as “Hīnayāna” or “Lesser Vehicle”; Tib. Theg pa dman pa). It emphasizes the ideal of the bodhisattva (Tib. byang chub sems dpa’), which it contrasts with the dgra bcom (Skt. arhat, “worthy one”), the ideal of the “Hīnayāna.” It characterizes the arhat as selfish because the arhat path leads to nirvana for oneself alone, while the bodhisattva strives to bring other sentient beings to salvation. The Mahāyāna movement began some time during the 1st century in India; it appears to have been a reaction against scholastic traditions, which it perceived as being overly concerned with texts and philosophical disputation, while ignoring meditation and concern for others. Japanese scholars commonly characterize it as a lay movement that arose as a reaction against excessive emphasis on monasticism, but Gregory Schopen (2005) has demonstrated a number of problems with this notion. Schopen emphasizes the role of stūpa (Tib. mchod rten) worship in early Mahāyāna as well as a cult of the book. Mahāyāna emphasized the two interrelated virtues of compassion (snying rje; Skt. karuṇā) and wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā), in which the bodhisattva trains on the path to buddhahood. The Perfection of Wisdom Discourses (Pha rol tu phyin pa’i mdo; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra) were the seminal early textual sources for Mahāyāna. The two main early philosophical schools of Indian Mahāyāna were Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) and Yogic Practice (rNal ’byor spyod pa; alt. Sems tsam; Skt. Yogācāra), and sometime around the 7th century another significant movement, the rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna), or tantric tradition, developed. MAITREYA: See BYAMS PA.

398 • MANASAROVAR

MANASAROVAR: See MA PHAM G.YU MTSHO. MANCHU (TIB. MAN JU) (CH. MANZU 满族). The ethnic inhabitants of Manchuria (Tib. Man ju yul; Sum pa mkhan po refers to this region as Man ju’i sa). In the 17th century Manchus overthrew the remnants of the Ming dynasty (Ch. Mingchao 明朝, 1368–1644) and established the last imperial dynasty of China, the Qing (Ch. Qingchao 清朝, 1644–1911). Today the Manchus have largely assimilated with Chinese populations and are a minority in Manchuria, vastly outnumbered by Han. The Manchu language is almost extinct, spoken by a only small number of elderly people in rural areas of northeastern China. More than 10 million ethnic Manchus live in China, making them the third largest minority group in the country after the Han and Zhuang. The Manchu emperors exerted a powerful influence on Tibetan affairs, and following the Zunghar invasion of 1717—which was defeated by troops dispatched by the Qing emperor Qianlong乾隆 (1711–1799)—issued decrees that would have made Tibet a protectorate of the Qing, and China interfered directly in Tibetan affairs in ways that represented a new aspect of relations between the two countries. MAṆḌALA: See DKYIL ’KHOR. MANG SLON MANG BTSAN: See KHRI MANG SLGON MANG BTSAN. MAṆI CHOS ’KHOR: See CHOS ’KHOR. MAÑJUŚRĪ: See ’JAM DPAL. MAÑJUŚRĪMITRA: See ’JAM DPAL BSHES GNYEN. MANTRA (TIB. SNGAGS) (CH. ZHENYAN 眞言; ZHOUYU 咒语/ 咒語) (“PRAYER,” “SPELL”). A spell or prayer, commonly a syllable or phrase, believed to have magical powers. According to traditional etymologies, it is derived from the Sanskrit root √man, “to think.” Mantras are designed as tools for focusing the mind through repetition. They are widely used in rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) traditions. They commonly invoke the power of a particular buddha and are used both as a meditative aid (to concentrate the mind on the qualities of a buddha that is the focus of one’s visualization practice) and as magical spells believed to provide protection and worldly benefits. MAO ZEDONG 毛泽东 (1893–1976) (TIB. MA’O TSE TUNG). A Chinese revolutionary and political theorist who led the Communist Revolution

MARRIAGE • 399

that overthrew the Guomindang and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949. In 1950 he ordered troops of the People’s Liberation Army to invade Tibet, and then forced Tibetan delegates to sign the “Seventeen-­Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” He initiated disastrous policies during the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) that led to the deaths of between 50 million and 70 million people, both in Tibet and throughout China, but he is still regarded as a great leader and a visionary in official circles. He is credited with laying the foundations of China’s transformation from a rural, agrarian society to an economic and military superpower, even though this happened only long after his death and after his distinctive policies had been scrapped. Despite the official admission that “mistakes were made” during his tenure, he remains an important symbol of the PRC, and his image is found on Chinese currency and looms over Tiananmen Square. Following the initial invasion of Tibet, Mao followed a “gradualist” policy, but following the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959 this was abandoned and a regime of repression was instituted. During his tenure thousands of religious structures were destroyed, Buddhist monks and nuns were killed or forced to return to lay life, and Tibet’s traditional culture was devastated. The repression continued until his death in 1976, and his successors maintained his authoritarian approach to Tibet’s citizens. See also COMMUNISM; COMMUNE; COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY. MAR PA: See CHOS KYI BLO GROS. MAR YUL (MAYUUL). A term for a region first attested in a 12th–13thcentury inscription in A lci to refer to an area that included La dwags. The domain of Mar yul comprised the westernmost part of Tibet around the town of sKyid grong to the eastern borders of La dwags. Because of the similarity in written Tibetan between the letters “r” and “ng,” the name of this region is often written incorrectly as “Mang yul,” which has led to a great deal of difficulty in interpretation. MARRIAGE (TIB. CHANG SA; HON. ’KHRUNGS SA). Traditional Tibet had a variety of marital arrangements. Polygyny (several wives married to one man) was common, and polyandry (several men married to one woman) was also practiced. In some areas polyandrygyny (group marriage) was allowed, and many Tibetans entered into monogamous relationships. Specific arrangements varied and could be adapted to changing circumstances. Marriage was linked with economic considerations. Polyandrous marriages were often arranged in order to avoid dividing family fields or estates; typically one woman would marry several

400 • MARRIAGE

b­ rothers. Children, regardless of their genetic father, would be viewed as the offspring of the eldest male. Maintaining family property and keeping the household intact were overriding considerations. Marriages were generally arranged, and prospective in-laws would seek financial advantage whenever possible. Matches were generally made between men and women of roughly equal social status, and family ties often played a role. Marriage across the boundaries of Tibet’s rigid class structure were rare. Aristocrats almost always married within their level of society, and commoners were seldom able to marry into an aristocratic lineage. Landless commoners were generally monogamous because they had no concerns about division of land and lacked the funds to support several spouses. With nomadic pastoralists, the chief concern in arranging a marriage was preserving a family’s pasturage and ensuring that it would remain intact for future generations. Since this was held in common by clans or the residents of a particular region, nomadic families also generally entered into monogamous marriages. Farmers had an imperative to maintain traditional landholdings. In the central provinces long-standing regulations forbade subdivision of agricultural land, so it made sense for families to devise group arrangements in which several adults and their children formed an economic unit, worked the land together, and shared in the output. Families held usufruct rights that passed from generation to generation, but they could not sell the land, which belonged to the government and was administered by landlords or monastic estates. In these circumstances, fraternal polyandry—in which one woman married two or more brothers who shared the family’s usufruct land rights— was common throughout the Tibetan Plateau. Sometimes widowed fathers would join a marital grouping. Marriages involving unrelated men were comparatively rare, although this was also practiced. In families with daughters and no sons a landless male could be invited to join the household as a “bridegroom” (mag pa) who would inherit the estate, as well as its name and titles. In such cases, sororal polygyny was a popular arrangement and the male would marry two or more sisters. This was an option for aristocratic families that enabled them to maintain their estates and traditional privileges. In some cases wealthy men might take several wives, but this was relatively rare. This sort of arrangement was popularly viewed as potentially messy, with rival claimants of various parents squabbling over issues of inheritance. Given the variety of marital configurations, it is not surprising that the lines between siblings and cousins were often blurred. The term spun mched or spun kyag could denote both, and could refer to all blood relations. The term pha gcig ma gcig (“one father, one mother”) singled out siblings from among an often confusing group of consanguineous relatives.

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In Tibet marriage was a secular affair. Buddhism has no canonical marriage ceremonies and Buddhist monks have traditionally avoided participation in the process of marriage, which is not surprising in light of the fact that the Buddha’s emphasis was on a monastic community whose members were expected to dissociate themselves from worldly life and its concerns, particularly sexuality and procreation. Buddhism views marriage as part of a process that leads to birth, aging, and death, and household life is characterized in Buddhist texts as involving people in a web of entanglements that inevitably lead to suffering. Moreover, the code of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) specifically prohibits monks from bringing a man and woman together for purposes of sexual congress, regardless of whether this is a single event or marriage. Laypeople perform marriage rituals; monks often bless unions, but do not officiate in marriage ceremonies. They may be engaged to conduct merit-generating activities for the participants in a wedding, but they should play no role in the actual proceedings. Most Tibetans would consider the very presence of a monk or nun at a wedding ceremony inauspicious because those sworn to celibacy and world renunciation are inimical to the very concept of marriage, which aims to produce progeny and leads to productive worldly activity. The participation of monks in any capacity appears to be a modern phenomenon and traditionally Buddhist monks have avoided marriage ceremonies, perceiving them as affairs of the lay community.

Villagers in Zangs dkar celebrating the birth of a child.

402 • MCHOD RTEN

In modern times there are at least two examples of Tibetan Buddhist wedding rituals, one developed by ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899) and another by bDud ’joms Rin po che ’Jigs ’bral ye shes rdo rje (1904–1987), but these have not enjoyed widespread popularity. Anecdotal evidence indicates that fuller participation of monks or other religious figures in wedding ceremonies began to increase in the 1970s and coincided with increasing numbers of Western Dharma students who came to identify themselves as Tibetan Buddhists and subsequently sought involvement in their nuptials by their lamas. Tibetans in Tibet are now bound by the laws and regulations of the People’s Republic of China, in which monogamy is the norm. Tibetan exiles still sometimes practice traditional group arrangements, but increasingly enter into monogamous relationships, in accordance with the traditions of the countries in which they live. MCHOD RTEN (CHÖDEN) (SKT. STŪPA; P. THŪPA) (CH. GUTA 骨 塔) (“RELIC SHRINE”). Monuments that often house the relics (ring bsrel; Skt. śarīra) of a deceased teacher or sacred objects such as texts or statues. The stūpa was probably the earliest distinctively Buddhist structure and the first ones were reportedly built to house the relics of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). As Gregory Schopen (2005) has pointed out, they were the focus of a number of early Buddhist cults and today they are focal points for veneration throughout the Buddhist world. They are associated with numerous merit-making activities, the most common of which is circumambulation (skor ba; Skt. pradakṣiṇa, parikrama). In Tibet from at least the 11th century mchod rten were constructed as repositories for old, broken, or disused clay images, written or printed texts too worn to be used, paintings that had become fragile or had developed holes, as well as a range of other religious objects. Once a mchod rten is consecrated, it is imbued with a sacred charisma. The construction of a mchod rten serves to sanctify the spot on which it is erected and effectively designates the area as a Buddhist site. In Tibetan cultural areas these structures are a pervasive aspect of the landscape and often are found in liminal areas such as the entrances to towns or sacred precincts. MCHOD RTEN BYA RUNG KHA SHOR (CHÖDEN JARUNG KHASHOR) (CH. BUDANA FOTA 布达那佛塔) (“BODHNĀTH STŪPA”). The Bodhnāth Stūpa in Nepal, referred to as Khāsti Caitya (Dewdrop Stūpa) by Newāris. It is located about 11 km (7 mi.) from the center of Kathmandu. It is 38 m (125 ft.) in height and 100 m (328 ft.) in circumference. The Chronicle of King Gopāla (Gopālarāja-vaṃśāvalī) reports that King Mānadeva I (464–505) constructed it as expiation for inadvertently killing his father. Other Nepali chronicles credit the construction to King Śivadeva (ca. 590–604).

MCHOD RTEN BYA RUNG KHA SHOR • 403

This stūpa is traditionally connected with the construction of Tibet’s first temple, bSam yas. According to Tibetan legends, while bSam yas was being built Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) reminded Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) that both of them, together with Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), were involved in the construction of a stūpa on the same site in a previous life. The two men were sons of a woman named bDe mchog ma who sold poultry. She wished to build a stūpa to house the remains of the past buddha ’Od srungs (Skt. Kāśyapa), but encountered opposition from jealous people who opposed the notion of such a lowly person building a large and impressive structure, which would generate vast amounts of merit. She eventually received royal permission to proceed, so it was named “Permission to Perform What Is Proper” (Bya rung kha shor). The mother was later reborn as Padmasambhava and her two sons became Śāntarakṣita and Khri Srong lde btsan. Another person who worked on the original project was reborn as sNgags ’chang Shā kya bzang po in the early 16th century. He presided over Bya rung kha shor’s most impressive development before the 18th century. He was the first Yol mo ba sprul sku, a prominent lineage in the cultural history of the Tibeto-Nepalese borderlands. The stūpa fell into disrepair and was restored by Rig ’dzin Sha kya bzang po (late 15th–early 16th centuries), who traveled to the site and discovered that it had become buried. He excavated and renovated it (some sources imply that this was in fact the first construction). Following the Tibetan conflicts of 1717–1728 subsequent to the death of Lhazang Khan and the establishment of a Qing dynasty protectorate over Tibet, an extensive renovation was undertaken, beginning in 1728, by Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin Tshe dbang nor bu (1698–1755) at the behest of the Tibetan king Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747). Kaḥ thog Rig ’dzin returned for another period of renovation work from 1751 to 1758. The consecration (rab gnas) was performed in 1758. His activities are an important aspect of his religious biography, composed by Brag dkar rta so sprul sku Chos kyi dbang phyug and completed in 1819. The renovation is memorialized in a bilingual Newāri-Tibetan stone inscription near the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud dgon pa. The Chinese delegate to the peace treaty was appointed the abbot of the stūpa. His successors are referred to as rGya bla ma or Chini Lama. Since 1859 they have been the official custodians of the stūpa. The stūpa plays an important role in Tibetans’ conceptions of their land and culture. A number of religious leaders have traveled there and those who restore it gain significant prestige. Rang rig ras pa, a 17th-century yogi, placed a ga dznyi ra (Skt. gajira) on top of it. A project to regild it was undertaken by Zhabs dkar Tshogs drug rang grol byams pa chos dar (1781–1851) in the 19th century, and his biographer cites this as an indication of the vast scope of his religious activities. Zhabs dkar commissioned a gold-plated ­copper

404 • MCHOD RTEN DKAR PO

Bodhnāth Stūpa, Kathmandu, Nepal.

spire intended to make it the equal of the perhaps more famous stūpa of Svayaṃbhūnāth. Another extensive renovation project was initiated by rTogs ldan Shā kya srī (1853–1919) and carried to completion by his disciples; these activities at one of the major outposts of Tibetan Buddhism beyond the Tibetan Plateau helped to establish him as someone whose influence extended across the Tibetan cultural area. It is a popular destination for Tibetan pilgrims, and today there are 53 monasteries and teaching centers headed by refugee lamas within a 4 km radius of it. A well-known guidebook to the stūpa recounts the legends of its founding and various miraculous events associated with it, entitled History of the Great Stūpa at Bodhnāth That Brings Liberation through Viewing It (mChod rten chen po bya rung kha shor gyi lo rgyus thos pa grol pa). The stūpa was very badly damaged in the earthquake of April 2015. The top of the edifice fell to the ground and major cracking appeared on the dome (aṇḍa) and the harmīka (the bulbous section). As a result of effective fundraising (largely on the part of Yolmo people in Nepal), the entire edifice was completely repaired by late 2017. MCHOD RTEN DKAR PO (CHÖDEN GARBO) (CH. BAITA 白塔) (“WHITE MCHOD RTEN”). A landmark erected between mDo smad and Chinese territories, which demarcated the border between Tibet and China. The People’s Republic of China does not recognize this as a valid border

MCHOD YON • 405

and claims that Tibet has been a part of China since ancient times. This is one of many historical artifacts that undermine China’s claim to sovereignty, because it was erected as a monument to the cessation of hostilities between the two countries, which had recently negotiated a peace treaty as plenipotentiary states. According to historical sources, the first stūpa was built during the reign of Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815). It appears in a number of travel accounts, where it figures as a demarcation of the frontier of Tibet and the beginning of lands in which Chinese culture predominated. When André Guibaut (1903–1966) visited the area in the 1940s, his photograph shows a stūpa in a 19th century style (Guibaut 1947), apparently erected to replace the earlier one. MCHOD YON (CHÖYÖN; ALT. YON MCHOD) (CH. SHANGSHI 上师) (“PATRON-RECIPIENT”). A relationship established between ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) and Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) that became a model for later Tibetan relationships with Mongol and Qing rulers. In 1244 Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) was summoned to the court of Godan Khan (1206–1251). He brought two nephews, ’Phags pa and Phyag na rdo rje (1239–1267), who would later be left there as hostages. Traditional sources report that Sa skya Paṇḍita cured Godan of a skin disease and that the two developed a close relationship. The lama became the khan’s spiritual preceptor. Godan died soon after this and Khubilai succeeded him. He received tantric initiations from ’Phags pa, and the latter became a court chaplain. The two created a new institution, the “patron-recipient” relationship, in which the khan became the sponsor and military protector of the lama. ’Phags pa provided religious instruction and empowerments that conferred an aura of magical charisma, and their relationship paved the way for Tibetan Buddhists to missionize among the Mongols. Until Mongol power waned in the 14th century, the Sa skya hierarchs were the effective rulers of Tibet and the country was an autonomous region within the Mongol Empire. When the Ming overthrew the Yuan dynasty, the new rulers had no interest in continuing the patron-recipient relationship, nor did they try to exert any significant control over Tibetan affairs. The concept of the patron-recipient arrangement was revived in the 17th century when the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), became the ruler of Tibet through the military efforts of Güshri Khan (1582–1655). The two invoked the earlier patron-recipient precedent, and the Dalai Lama conferred religious titles on Güshri that served to enhance his status among the Mongols. When the Manchu Qing emperors became the rulers of China, they also patronized Tibetan Buddhist prelates and both sides exchanged titles. Each received something of practical importance: the Tibetans were able to call on Qing military

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aid in times of trouble, while Mongol and Manchu hegemons received legitimating empowerments and initiations that enhanced their status and linked them with past precedents. The arrangement continued, at least as a convenient shared fiction, until the overthrow of the last Qing emperor by the secular Nationalists in 1911. There was no longer any possibility of maintaining a relationship based on shared religious sentiments, and the Guomindang were too militarily weak to be of much assistance (and were in any event disinclined to use their limited resources to defend the autonomy of a region they wished to annex to their territory). The patronage of Tibetan lamas by Mongol and Manchu rulers brought significant wealth to the former, and it allowed the Buddhist monks who ruled Tibet to let others do their fighting for them. The Dalai Lamas were uncomfortable with directing their forces to fight and kill, but had few apparent qualms with requesting that others do so and conferring laudatory titles on their protectors. The relationship served Tibetan needs through most of the country’s history, but it fostered a culture of dependence and military weakness that ultimately contributed to China’s conquest in the 1950s. Tibet had for centuries relied on other countries to fight its battles, and when one of its longtime protectors became an invader it was unprepared to defend itself. Part of the problem is that Tibetans failed to understand—or simply ignored—the perspective of their patrons. Tibetan sources depict the patron-recipient relationship as one in which a devotee freely provides donations to his lama and gratefully thanks him for the initiations and empowerments he receives. The patron may have greater temporal power, but the lama holds the dominant position. Donations and military assistance are freely given with no strings attached and with no expectation of further benefits beyond the intangible spiritual gifts the lama provides. For Mongol khans and Manchu emperors, however, the perspective was very different: they were happy to receive tantric empowerments that enhanced their status and helped them to link themselves with powerful kings of the past. The Manchus also used the relationship to portray themselves as protectors of the Dharma to the Mongols, who remained dangerous long after their empire collapsed. Furthermore, the Qing rulers viewed Tibet as a dependency and probably saw their financial aid and occasional military assistance as a small price to pay for maintaining influence in a border region that was of little financial interest but served as a buffer between their territory and potentially hostile foreign powers. The culture of dependence that continued throughout the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang ultimately played a significant role in Tibet’s defeat, because for centuries the country had assumed that it could always count on foreign powers to save it in times of danger. Despite the harsh realities of Tibet’s defeat and the ways in which

MCHOG GYUR GLING PA • 407

this culture of dependence contributed to it, the myopia remains evident in publications of the Central Tibetan Administration. MCHOG GYUR GLING PA (CHOGYUR LINGBA; ALT. O RGYAN MCHOG GYUR BDE CHEN ZHIG PO GLING PA, 1829–1870) (CH. QIUJIU DEQIN LINBA 秋久德钦林巴). One of the great “treasure discoverers” (gter ston), born near the base of the sacred mountain Nam mkha’ mdzod in Nang chen in eastern Tibet. His father was a tantric practitioner named Padma dbang phyug, and his mother was Tshe ring g.yang mtsho. The father’s clan name was sKya su. Kun bzang mchog sprul (the reincarnation of Mi ’gyur rdo rje, 1645–1667) gave him the name dKon mchog bstan ’dzin (alt. Nor bu bstan ’dzin). The boy became a novice monk at dPal me theg chen E waṃ dga’ tshal gling in Nang chen, a sTag lung bKa’ brgyud monastery. The eighth dPa’ bo, gTsug lag ’phreng ba Chos kyi rgyal po (born ca. 1782), gave him novice (dge tshul) vows. Around age 13 he had a vision of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), who indicated that he was destined to discover hidden treasures (gter ma). Despite an injunction by one of his teachers, gNas ’dzin pu si ri, against doing so, in October 1848 he recovered the treasure Dispeller of Obstacles (Bar chad kun sel) at Zla nyin kha la rung sgo. Accounts of his life report that his claims to be a treasure discoverer met with derision from his fellow monks and he struggled to be accepted. He traveled to sDe sge in hopes of finding financial support and recognition after being expelled from the monastery. The expulsion may have been connected with his taking a consort, bDe skyid chos sgron, a relationship that probably began before he was expelled in 1863 (probably by 1855 based on the ages of their children). bDe skyid chos sgron was the sister of mChog gyur gling pa’s disciple ’Bar ba’i rdo rje, also a treasure discoverer, and she gave birth to three children. mChog gyur gling pa traveled to dPal spungs Monastery and was able to secure an audience with the ninth Ta’i si tu, Padma nyin byed dbang po (1774–1853), in 1853. He did so by claiming that the meeting had been predicted in a prophecy. He also stated that he was the reincarnation of Khri Srong lde btsan’s second son, Lha sras Mu rub btsan po, which later became a standard aspect of his religious biography. Padma nyin byed dbang po apparently refused to endorse the authenticity of mChog gyur gling pa’s claims, but he introduced him to ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899) and Zla bzang sprul sku Karma nges don (1808– 1867), both important figures in eastern Tibetan religious circles. Zla bzang sprul sku gave him bodhisattva vows, and Kong sprul conferred tantric initiations, but neither was prepared to certify him as a treasure discoverer. Frustrated in his efforts to enhance his position, he left sDe dge in 1854. He wandered throughout the region and met with ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), who gave him the empowerment of I­nnermost

408 • MCHOG GYUR GLING PA

Vajrakīlaya Razor (Phur ba yang gsang spu gri). This meeting was facilitated by a letter from Kong sprul in which he wrote that mChog gyur gling pa claimed to have received treasure revelations, but Kong sprul was somewhat skeptical and indicated that mKhyen brtse should decide for himself. In 1855 mKhyen brtse conferred further empowerments, during which mChog gyur gling pa reported experiencing visions of E ka dza ti (alt. Ral gcig ma; Skt. Ekajaṭī), who predicted that the two men would later discover treasures together. These were the Three Sections of Great Perfection (rDzogs chen sde gsum). A third set of empowerments was given in late 1855, which served to eliminate obstructions in mChog gyur gling pa’s subtle body (sgyu lus); he received the treasure name O rgyan ’gro ’dul mChog gyur bde chen zhig po gling pa. In 1856 he again visited Kong sprul at dPal spungs. He cured Kong sprul of an eye disease he claimed was the result of residual karma from his earlier incarnation as the translator Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra). In contrast to his earlier skeptical reception, this time Kong sprul clearly regarded him as authentic and this confirmation served to firmly establish his reputation. He then went to Karma dgon, where he met the 14th rGyal dbang Karma pa, Theg mchog rdo rje (1788/1789–1868/1869). He then traveled to three sites and recovered treasures, including Seven Profound Cycles (Zab pa skor bdun). Together with mKhyen brtse, he composed liturgies for the treasure cycles the two had found, and in 1857 they ritually opened a new cave site named Padma shel phug, which later became mKhyen brtse’s hermitage. This was the place of his first “public revelation” (khrom gter), in which witnesses were allowed to watch the proceedings and certify the authenticity of his claims. He uncovered a number of other treasures, including a list of treasure sites in Khams, medical texts, and relics. Together with Kong sprul and mKhyen brtse (the three would later be referred to collectively as “the triumvirate of mKhyen brtse, Kong sprul, and mChog gyur”: mKhyen Kong mChog sde gsum), they discovered, deciphered, and recorded treasures, composed liturgies for them, and conferred empowerments on their disciples. mChog gyur gling pa served as a chaplain to the sDe dge royal family and proposed that they should protect themselves from the threat posed by the warlord mGon po rnam rgyal (1799–1865) by constructing a temple for the queen, Chos dbyings bzang mo (the widow of Dam tshig rdo rje, 1811–1852). Monks of Lhun grub theng and the sDe dge minister bKra shis rgya mtsho vetoed this plan. Following this rebuff, mChog gyur gling pa spent three years in meditative retreat, but continued to recover treasures. In 1867 he traveled to central Tibet, where he visited several major bKa’ brgyud monasteries, including

MDO SDE PA • 409

mTshur phu and ’Bri gung. He later visited bSam yas, rDo rje brag, and sMin grol gling, following which he returned to Khams. He founded gNas brtan, which became the seat of his reincarnational lineage. He died in 1870 before a planned trip to Bhutan. His relics were placed in a mchod rten, but this was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution. MCMAHON LINE (CH. MAIKE MAHONG XIAN 麦克马洪线; TIB. MA KE MA HUNG SA THIG). A border demarcation agreed upon by representatives of the governments of Great Britain and Tibet as part of the Simla Convention signed in 1914. The Chinese representative, Ivan Chen, initialed it but later refused to affix his official seal. It was drawn by Sir Arthur Henry McMahon (1862–1949), the foreign secretary of British India and its chief negotiator at the conference. The line extends 890 km (550 mi.) from Bhutan in the west to 260 km (160 mi.) west of the great bend of the Yar klungs gtsang po (Brahmaputra) River in the east. It mainly follows the crest of the Himalayas. It was largely forgotten following a decision by Britain that the Simla Convention violated the terms of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention. After the 1907 treaty was jointly repudiated in 1921, the McMahon Line again became the official border. In 1935 the British government decided to publish the Simla Convention and to use the Line on official maps. It remained the border between India and Tibet following India’s independence in 1947, and the Tibetan government continued to accept it until its overthrow in 1959. The Central Tibetan Administration also accepts it, but the People’s Republic of China (PRC) does not. China claims that the dGa’ ldan pho brang was not a sovereign government and so had no standing to negotiate with foreign powers. Chinese maps show more than 150,000 sq. km (56,000 sq. mi.) of land south of the Line as part of the Tibet Autonomous Region. Chinese troops invaded and briefly occupied the region—which PRC publications refer to as “South Tibet” (Zangnan 藏南)—during the Sino-Indian War of 1962–1963. China continues to reject the McMahon Line, but it remains the de facto border between it and India. MDA’ DPON BKRA SHIS GLING PA: See BKRA SHIS GLING PA. MDO SDE PA (DODEBA) (SKT. SAUTRĀNTIKA) (CH. JINGLIANGBU 經量部/经量部) (“FOLLOWERS OF SCRIPTURE”). One of the four main tenet systems of Indian Buddhist philosophy according to Tibetan doxographers. It is one of the two Hīnayāna (Tib. Theg pa dman pa) systems (the other being Bye brag smra ba; Skt. Vaibhāṣika). Some scholars regard it as a branch of the Everything Exists School (Thams cad yod par smra ba; Skt. Sarvāstivāda) that split from the Sarvāstivādins

410 • MDO SMAD

sometime before 200 CE, while others are skeptical of this identification. The Sautrāntikas rejected the Sarvāstivāda theory of dharmas, which construed them as permanent, real entities that exist in past, future, and present. The Sautrāntikas asserted that only a present dharma exists; the past dharma did exist for a moment, and a future one will exist provided that the necessary contributing conditions are present. Existence is linked with activity: the only real phenomena are those able to perform a function (don byed nus pa; Skt. artha-kriyā-śakti). Dharmas exist only in the moment in which they perform a function and then cease to exist. The Sautrāntikas also had a theory of momentariness according to which arising, dwelling, and cessation are not distinct from phenomena, but rather are aspects of them; they may be distinguished by thought. The Sautrāntikas posited a theory of perception according to which perception is based on an “aspect” (rnam pa; Skt. ākāra) cast by the object. Objects are hidden, and only aspects are actually perceived. A sense consciousness arises due to the coming together of an object, a sense faculty, and consciousness in the previous moment before perception occurs. The main figures of the Sautrāntika school, according to Tibetan doxographers, were Phyogs kyi glang po (Skt. Dignāga, ca. 480–540) and Chos kyi grags pa (Skt. Dharmakīrti, ca. 7th century), who are classified as “Sautrāntikas who follow reasoning” (rig pa’i rjes su ’brang pa’i mdo sde pa); the other branch is “Sautrāntikas who follow scripture” (lung gi rjes su ’brang pa’i mdo sde pa). MDO SMAD: See A MDO. MDO STOD: See KHAMS. MEDICINE (TIB. GSO BA RIG PA). The traditional Tibetan medical system incorporated elements of medical lore from India, China, and Central Asia. The major source for the system was the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra). Another important text is the Four Tantras (rGyud bzhi), an encyclopedic treatise that was reportedly lost and then recovered by 11th-century treasure discoverer (gter ston) Grwa pa mngon shes. Two members of the g.Yu thog family, both named Yon tan mgon po, are traditionally held to be important figures in the transmission of medical lore. The first lived during the 8th century and may have been legendary, but the second, who lived during the 13th century, played an important role in transmitting the Four Tantras. Another important component of Tibetan medical lore is the Indian Āyurveda literature translated by Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) and others who traveled to India for study. Disease is believed to result from disorders of the three humors: (1) vital energy (rlung; lit. “wind”), (2) bile (mkhris pa), and (3) phlegm (bad kan).

MGAR • 411

When they are in equilibrium, a person enjoys good health and long life, but when there is imbalance, physicians attempt to restore healthy functioning by adjusting one or more of these elements. Doctors devote considerable time to ascertaining patients’ histories, and information about family relationships, occupation, and lifestyle are keys to diagnosis. The person’s appearance, demeanor, body odor, skin color, and general affect are clues to internal disorders. Diagnosis often involves monitoring the pulse and tasting urine, both of which provide indications of humoral imbalances. The color, odor, and other subtle aspects of a patient’s urine are regarded as key indicators of the underlying causes of disorders. In cases of minor afflictions, changes of diet or lifestyle may be recommended. For more serious problems, Tibetan medicine has developed a vast pharmacopeia. Generally the treating physician prepares concoctions adapted to a particular patient’s symptoms. The patient’s depth of religious conviction and devotion to practice are regarded as significant aspects of the diagnosis, and the prescription often involves engaging in religious activities as a propaedeutic that promotes physical and mental health. Many Tibetan doctors can also perform surgery, and a highly developed lore has developed regarding human anatomy. Antibiotics, however, were not part of the traditional system, so infection was a significant problem. Tibetan doctors did develop a number of infection controls, including specific religious practices that slow down metabolic rates and combinations of mineral and animal products that act as analgesics. See also DBYAR RTSWA DGUN ’BU. MGAR (GAR; ALT. ’GAR; SGAR) (CH. GA’ER 噶尔). A clan that exerted considerable power during the imperial period until they were overthrown and largely exterminated in 698/699. The name mGar literally means “blacksmith,” which may imply that they were of humble origins (blacksmiths are traditionally one of the most despised groups in Tibetan society). Sir Harold Bailey believes that they were descendants of the Yuezhi 月支 people who lived north of Kokonor and were defeated and driven from their homeland by the Xiongnu 匈奴 around 190 BCE (see Richardson 1977, 14). Some settled in Central Asia, while others migrated to Tibet. The mGar dominated Tibetan politics for almost half a century, during which several chief ministers (blon che) were members of that clan, and several outstanding generals also belonged to the mGar. Their prominence created enmity among the other powerful families, and their downfall appears to have been orchestrated by Khri ’Dus srong btsan’s (b. 676/677) mother, Khri ma lod (d. 712), who belonged to the rival ’Bro clan. Recent research suggests that the mGar were not merely advisors to the btsan pos and military commanders but also ambitious rivals for political power whom the Yar klungs monarchs viewed as a threat.

412 • MGAR

The best known mGar chief minister was mGar sTong btsan yul zung (d. 667), who is credited with negotiating the marriage of the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu文成公主 (d. 683/684) to Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). He was succeeded by mGar bTsan snya ldom bu, and dBa’ Sum snang was named as his assistant. It appears that some wrangling was involved in his appointment because there is a five-year gap in the Old ­Tibetan Annals in which no one is referred to as chief minister; bTsan snya is not referred to as blon che until the 680 entry. After dBa’ Sum snang’s death bTsan snya was the sole senior minister. mGar influence increased following the decisive military victory of General mGar Khri ’bring, who defeated a large Chinese force in a battle about 200 km (125 mi.) to the south of Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁). This allowed the Tibetans to move on the ’A zha, who were annihilated. Khri ’bring became chief minister in 685 following the death of bTsan snya ldom bu. ’Dus srong, the presumed successor to the throne, was named btsan po the same year. The mGar suffered a setback in 694 when Chinese forces recaptured territory. The defeat was blamed on mGar Gung rton, who was dismissed from his command and executed. Another mGar military commander was captured by Sogdian forces near Nob (Ch. Luobubo 罗布泊; Lop nor). mGar Khri ’bring, however, was an effective general; his greatest victory was against a much larger Chinese force under the command of the famous general Wang Xiaojie 王孝傑/王孝杰 (d. 697) in the Battle of sTag la rgya dur (Chinese Graveyard at Tiger Pass). He continued his military campaigns, including an incursion into Tsong kha. While he was engaged in this, ’Dus srong made a move against the mGar. He captured more than 2,000 mGar and their supporters and ordered them executed. He then moved against mGar Khri ’bring. The king commanded that he return to face him, but mGar refused. ’Dus srong marched against him with an army and mGar’s troops deserted him. Some surviving mGar committed suicide and another group fled to China, where they were granted asylum. Some were given official titles and posts and became advisors to the court in its efforts to repel Tibetan military aggression. Their leader, a son of Khri ’bring, died in 723, following which a memorial tablet commemorating his service was erected. Mentions of members of the mGar family appear in Chinese records in 798 and as late as 929, but Tibetan records contain only one mention of a member of the family, mGar brTan kong, who was a minor official (bka’i yi ge pa). From the 11th century, however, a number of religious figures claimed descent from the mGar (also spelled ’Gar) of the Imperium, and some aristocratic families—including the Tshal pa, rLangs, and the sDe dge princes—all traced their lineages back to the mGar.

MGAR STONG BTSAN YUL ZUNG • 413

MGAR STONG BTSAN YUL ZUNG (GAR DONGTSEN YULSÜNG, D. 667) (CH. GA’ER DONGZAN YUSONG 噶尔东赞域松). A chief minister (blon che) during the reign of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), who is credited with traveling to China in 641–642 and securing an agreement from the Tang emperor Taizong (599–649) to send the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu (d. 683/684) to Tibet to marry Srong btsan sgam po’s son Gung srong gung btsan. The latter died before she arrived, however, so Srong btsan sgam po again ascended the throne and married her. While in China, according to traditional accounts, mGar impressed the court with his cleverness and adroit diplomacy. Some traditional sources suggest that during the long journey from China to Tibet sTong btsan and Wencheng had an affair and that she gave birth to a son, but no real evidence survives to support this. mGar was required to solve a series of riddles and pass tests set by the emperor and his tribulations are depicted in the popular A lce lha mo drama Chinese Bride, Nepalese Bride (rGya bza’ Bal bza’). This has been made into a Tibetan-language movie that is popular among Tibetan exiles. A considerable mythology has developed over the past 1,000 years of Tibetan historical writing that depicts mGar sTong btsan as a shrewd and sagacious minister. As his name suggests, he was the “Master of 1000” and in some manner also the protector or master of the land of Tibet (yul zung). sTong btsan succeeded Khyung po sPung sad sgam po as chief minister, and he reportedly helped engineer the downfall of his predecessor. In 652–653, according to the Old Tibetan Annals, he defeated gLo bo and rTsang rhya, which Brandon Dotson (2009) suggests may refer to gLo bo smon thang (Mustang) and gTsang. Dotson notes that during this period he also convened council meetings, organized yak and stag hunts, composed legal texts, assumed the administration of Zhang zhung, and traveled to the land of ’A zha. He is barely mentioned in the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed), but by the 14th century his role in early Tibetan affairs is magnified and embellished and he becomes a figure representing wise and wily Tibetans and their emerging empire. He is the counterpart of the emperor Srong btsan sgam po, an apotheosis of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara): the king employs his magical power and military might to subdue the enemies of Buddhism, both human and divine, and mGar skillfully bests his rivals with his wit and diplomacy. This counterposing of the “wild” and the “holy” is a frequently encountered literary trope in Tibetan historical writing. It occurs, for example, in accounts of the “wild” demoness and the gentle and compassionate monkey who were the primogenitors of the Tibetan people and continues with good princes opposed to bad princes. It appears to be predicated upon the depth of belief in religion held by each party. mGar is credited with defeating several minor princes who ruled lands adjoining Srong btsan’s territory, and he also

414 • MGO LOG

outmaneuvered the Chinese emperor and demonstrated that Tibetans were a force to be reckoned with. He resigned his post in 649 following the death of Srong btsan sgam po (or he may have been dismissed under the pretext of age), but the Old Tibetan Chronicle reports that he regained his position in 661 after his successor ’O ma lde lod btsan was executed for disloyalty. sTong btsan remained chief minister until his death. Among his notable achievements, in some sources he is credited with drafting a legal code (bka’ khrims gyi ye ge). MGO LOG (GOLOK) (CH. GUOLUO 果洛). A region that roughly stretches from the source of the rMa chu River at the base of dGe la bstan stong pass in the west through mountain grasslands that merge with farming villages in forested regions of southern Pad ma County. The region where the rMa chu begins is part of the Three Rivers Area (rMa ’Bri Dzu gsum) in mGo log and Yul shul Prefectures. mGo log also contains the central part of the A myes rma chen mountain range. The name mGo log may be understood as referring to two things. Translated as “with head turned around,” it can refer to the rebellious nature of the mGo log tribe. The reference to looking rearward might also refer to the mGo log belief that their ancestral origins lay in the kingdom of Zhang zhung, far to the west. The region has always been at the periphery of Tibetan culture and often lay beyond central government influence. It has been under local rule for much of its history, and during times when the central government exercised jurisdiction the independent nature of the mGo log pa always challenged this. The mGo log rebellion of 1807 was suppressed by a combined Tibetan and Chinese force. Throughout the latter part of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) the mGo log pa acted for the most part independently of either Tibetan or Chinese authority. mGo log pa harried their neighbors and sometimes extended their raids deep into other areas such as Nang chen, sDe dge, and rGya bde. During the Republican period (1911–1949), the Hui Chinese warlord Ma Bufang 马步芳 (1903–1975) tried to forcibly integrate the mGo log tribes into Qinghai Province, but most remained de facto independent. His efforts included mass killings and brutal persecution, but he was ultimately unsuccessful. In 1954 the region was designated the Golok Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Ch. Guoluo Zangzu Zizhizhou 果洛藏族自治州), one of six autonomous prefectures in Qinghai. MGON PO RNAM RGYAL (GÖNBO NAMGYEL, 1799–1865) (CH. GONGBO NANJIA 贡波南嘉). A chieftain from Nyag rong in Khams who instigated the “Nyag rong Troubles.” For almost three decades he led military campaigns, and by 1863 he controlled most of Khams, including sDe dge, Ling tshang, Lha thog, Li thang, Hor rdza khog, lCags la, and ’Ba’. Yudru

MI BSKYOD RDO RJE • 415

Tsomo (2006, 223) attributes his spectacular rise from a local chieftain in a poor region to the most powerful warlord in eastern Tibet to a combination of factors. Nyag rong lacked access to the sorts of economic and trade opportunities that helped to enrich other wealthy states in eastern Tibet like sDe dge, which led to its becoming a “predatory polity” whose only avenue for economic survival lay in banditry, raiding, and ultimately military conquest of neighboring areas. At one point mGon po rnam rgyal threatened to march with his army to Lha sa and worship at the gTsug lag khang; the central government took this very seriously. Either mGon po rnam rgyal or one of his subordinates wrote several letters threatening to carry off the two most sacred images housed in the gTsug lag khang to Nyag rong. His conquests put him at odds with both the Qing government and the dGa’ ldan pho brang. The latter was concerned that if he could unite the states of Khams under a single leadership he could amass the power to overthrow the central Tibetan government. Furthermore, Tibet’s economy depended to a large extent on free trade between Tibet and China via Khams; without safe passage, taxation and state income would suffer. The Chinese had similar concerns, so the two governments worked together to defeat him: troops from Sichuan attacked his eastern flanks and central Tibetan forces attacked from the west in 1863. mGon po rnam rgyal was defeated in 1865. Tashi Tsering (1985) writes that despite his perceived threat he may have served as a buffer between Tibet and China and that if he had prevailed this might have created a powerful force in the border region that could have been far more effective in repelling Chinese aggression than the local militias that attempted to fight against the invading force. MI BSKYOD PA (MIGYÖBA) (SKT. AKṢOBHYA) CH. (BUDONG FO 不動佛/不动佛; ACHUPO 阿閦婆) (“IMMOVABLE”). One of the five celestial buddhas, who presides over the eastern pure land of mNgon par dga’ ba (Skt. Abhirati). His consort is Ma ma ki (Skt. Māmakī), and he is generally accompanied by two elephants. His standard color is blue, but in East Asian esoteric Buddhist traditions he is often depicted with gold skin. According to the Lotus Discourse of the True Doctrine (Dam pa’i chos padma dkar po’i mdo; Skt. Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra), he was the bodhisattva Jñānākara prior to his attainment of buddhahood. He is commonly represented sitting on a lotus throne with feet crossed, soles upward, his closed left hand holding his robe, and his right hand with fingers extended pointing toward the ground. MI BSKYOD RDO RJE (MIGYÖ DORJÉ, 1507–1554) (CH. MIJUE DUOJIE 弥觉多杰). The eighth rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Ngom chu g.yas lung and named Chos kyi grags pa dpal bzang po. His father is referred to as A byams, and his mother as bLa ma sgron. In 1511 he

416 • MI BSKYOD RDO RJE

was recognized by the second rGyal tshab Rin po che, bKra shis rnam rgyal (1490–1518), and Lho rong go shri. According to tradition, his predecessor left behind a letter predicting the circumstances of his rebirth, and Ta’i si tu Rin po che bKra shis dpal ’byor (1498–1541) followed its instructions to locate the child-successor. Ta’i si tu Rin po che visited his parents and advised them to keep this secret for three months. Shortly thereafter, the boy declared: “E ma ho! Have no doubts: I am the Karma pa!” While still an infant, he was brought to Karma dgon. After testing a rival candidate, rGyal tshab Rin po che determined that Mi bskyod rdo rje was the authentic reincarnation and he was enthroned at Tse lha khang. After this he traveled to Khams, where he had a vision of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) and his two closest disciples, Sha ri’i bu (Skt. Śāriputra) and Mo’u ’gal gyi bu (Skt. Maudgalyāyana), who gave him teachings. A mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) visited him and declared: “You are the activity aspect of the buddhas of the three times!” He later returned to the area of his birth and experienced a vision of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), who told him that he was the reincarnation of his student rGyal ba chos yang. Following in the footsteps of his predecessor Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193), he made a pilgrimage to Kam po gangs ra, where he left impressions of his feet in the stone floors of meditation caves. In 1517 he began to receive instructions in the lore of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order from Sangs rgyas snyen pa. This lasted for three years until his teacher’s death. He continued his education, which was wide-ranging: he had a strong interest in Sanskrit grammar and poetics, and also learned the arts of painting and metal sculpture. He made another trip through Khams, during which he recognized the third rGyal tshab, Grags pa dpal ’byor (1519–1549), and the fifth Zhwa dmar, dKon mchog yan lag (1525–1583). He then proceeded to central Tibet, where he discovered that mTshur phu had been neglected, and he oversaw its restoration. He traveled to Rwa sgreng Monastery and then visited a meditation cave associated with kLong chen rab ’byams pa Dri med ’od zer (1308–1364) at Gangs ri thod dkar, where he left impressions of his feet and his horse’s hooves in the stone. He next visited Karma ’phrin las (1456–1539), who gave him empowerments of Rig byed ma (alt. Ku ru ku le; Skt. Kurukullā), Nag po chen po (Skt. Mahākāla), and rNam mang thos sras (alt. Nor bdag; Skt. Vaiśravaṇa), and he later taught him the “six dharmas of Nā ro pa” (nā ro chos drug). The Karma pa received full monastic ordination (dge slong) at age 21 from Chos grub seng ge and Karma ’phrin las. Chos grub seng ge gave him instructions on the view of “other emptiness” (gzhan stong). He received teachings on the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) from Sha ba ra dbang phyug (Śavaripa) in a vision. The great adept then showed him the nature of his own mind.

MI DMANGS TSHOGS ’DU • 417

Mi bskyod rdo rje composed a number of commentaries on works that were important in the dGe lugs scholastic system, and in his commentary on Zla ba grags pa’s (Skt. Candrakīrti) dBu ma la ’jug pa (Skt. Madhyamākavatāra), entitled Opener of the Chariot Way Establishing the Dwags po bKa’ brgyud (Dwags brgyud grub pa’i shing rta), he was highly critical of Tsong kha pa (1357–1419) and other dGe lugs pas. He engaged in a famous debate with dGe lugs pa scholar Se ra rje btsun Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/1546). At the age of 23, Mi bskyod rdo rje composed a commentary on the Ornament for Clear Realizations (mNgon rtogs rgyan; Skt. Abhisamayālaṃkāra) entitled Restoring the Sages (rJe btsun ngal gso), in which he accused Tsong kha pa of deviating from tradition based on a mistaken belief that he had received a revelation (zhal lung) from ’Jam dbyangs (Skt. Mañjughoṣa). This prompted a written response from Chos kyi rgyal mtshan, then 61. Mi bskyod rdo rje’s health began to decline in 1546, but he continued to travel and teach. He composed a number of poems that incorporated aspects of the places he visited and linked them with visionary experiences. In 1554 he traveled to southern Tibet in order to use his magical resources to combat an outbreak of leprosy. He ordered that a black mchod rten surrounded by four smaller ones be built in the center of the region. The central mchod rten represented the klu believed to cause leprosy, and the four ancillary ones served to pin down their limbs. His hagiography reports that he entered a meditative state that countered the negative energy that fueled the outbreak, and this quickly ended it. Soon after this, however, he contracted leprosy himself. He composed a letter predicting the circumstances of his rebirth and gave it to his student Zhwa dmar Rin po che. He died at the age of 47 and was cremated at mTshur phu. His relics were enshrined in a silver mchod rten. He was one of the outstanding intellectual and artistic figures of his day and was noted for his thang kas and statues, which inspired later artists. He was also a prolific author; his Collected Works (gSung ’bum) reportedly comprised 28 volumes, but current versions preserve only 13. MI DMANGS TSHOGS ’DU (MIMANG TSONGDU) (“PEOPLE’S REPRESENTATIVES”). The Mi dmangs tshogs ’du formed during the 1950s as a loose confederation of Tibetans who resented the Chinese presence and began agitating for the Chinese to fulfill their promise and return home. When the People’s Republic of China (PRC) first entered Tibet, its leaders assured residents that Chinese troops were there only to rid the region of foreign imperialists and to provide aid and economic development; they would remain only as long as “the people” wished. Soon after large numbers of foreign soldiers arrived, prices skyrocketed, tensions increased, and Tibetans began to call for the Chinese to make good on their promises and leave

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the country. The situation was exacerbated by growing numbers of refugees from eastern Tibet who fled Chinese oppression. The policy in central Tibet followed Mao Zedong’s 毛泽东 (1893–1976) gradualist strategy, which was designed to assuage Tibetan fears and allow China to solidify its military position and increase troop numbers before embarking on large-scale social changes. In eastern Tibet, however, monasteries were destroyed, much of the population was forced onto communes, and the level of oppression sparked a resistance movement and an almost universal hatred of the foreign occupation force. The Mi dmangs tshogs ’du formed in 1952, and the Chinese forcibly suppressed it. It was revived in 1954 before the Dalai Lama’s visit to China, with the stated aim of dissuading him from leaving. During the 1956 Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo) members distributed posters and pamphlets in Lha sa denouncing Chinese rule and calling for Han to leave the country. The name “Mi dmangs tshogs ’du” was deliberately provocative: “mi dmangs” was the translation PRC authorities chose for the Chinese term renmin 人民, “the people.” It connotes popular support and is used as part of the official name of modern China, Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo 中华人民 共和国, “People’s Republic of China.” The official mythology of the PRC is that the Communist Party of China (Ch. Zhongguo Gongchandang 中国共 产党; CCP) represents the true will of the people and acts in their interests. There is no need for other parties because the CCP is led by revolutionaries whose socialist philosophy inspires them to work selflessly for the common good. The Party’s policies are always described as “correct,” even though in retrospect earlier “correct” policies led to the disasters of the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960) and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), during which tens of millions died. The Mi dmangs tshogs ’du, or “People’s Representatives,” directly challenged the claims of the new overlords of Tibet that they represented the will of “the people” and enjoyed support from the “broad masses.” The group claimed to represent the masses and asserted that the Chinese were foreigners who did not speak the language or understand the culture and who were out of touch with Tibetans. It drafted a petition to the Chinese commander in Lha sa, Zhang Guohua 张国华 (1914–1972), which criticized the new leadership for marginalizing the Dalai Lama and called for the restoration of his full political powers. The primary organizers of the group were traders and government officials, but they enjoyed wide popular support across all social classes. The main leader was a trader from Li thang named A lo Chos mdzad tshe ring rdo rje. He had amassed a fortune through trade between Tibet and India and was famous for introducing Tibetans to the use of iron supports for building construction. This revolutionized construction techniques because it eliminated the need for large wooden supporting pillars. Other leaders

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included two low-ranking government officials, Lha phyug Grags pa ’phrin las and ’Bum thang rGyal mtshan blo bzang. Another of its activists, A ’brug mGon po bkra shis (1905–1964), later became the leader of the Chu bzhi sgang drug (Four Rivers, Six Ranges) resistance movement. Mi dmangs tshogs ’du’s activities included putting up posters calling for the end of Chinese rule, and the group also sponsored long-life rituals for the Dalai Lama and propitiations of wrathful deities in the hope that they would protect him and drive the Chinese from their land. The group sent petitions to the Chinese authorities and to the bKa’ shag requesting that Tibet continue to issue its own currency and maintain an independent army. It initiated welfare activities that demonstrated the ineffectiveness of the new overlords, who had promised greater prosperity but had created rampant inflation and a refugee crisis of displaced people from eastern Tibet. By 1956 Mi dmangs tshogs ’du was operating an organization called “Welfare for the Poor” that set up food distribution networks and provided aid for refugees. Its members wrote petitions demanding that the poor be allowed access to water mills so that they could grind barley. The themes and symbols the group invoked resonated with the populace in a way that the odd-sounding revolutionary slogans and neologisms of the Chinese could not. It began to extend its operations beyond Lha sa; it established branch offices in other major cities, including rGyal rtse and gZhis ka rtse. It gained support from high-ranking officials like Pha lha Thub bstan ’od ldan (b. 1911) and bKa’ blon Zur khang dBang chen dge legs (b. 1910), a bKa’ shag member. The latter helped finance its activities. A number of prominent religious leaders also threw their support behind the People’s Representatives, including Tsha sprul Rin po che, who helped write some of their petitions. The support of government officials was at least partly self-serving: they were being progressively marginalized as the Chinese supplanted the dGa’ ldan pho brang and its ministries, and they hoped that a popular movement would put pressure on the new rulers and allow them to retain power. Mi dmangs tshogs ’du reflected popular sentiment and it was able to embarrass the Chinese, but it never received overt support or encouragement from either the Dalai Lama or the bKa’ shag. Had this occurred, it could well have become a significant popular opposition. The fact that it existed, however, was a source of annoyance to the Chinese, who demanded that the bKa’ shag suppress it. Government officials were warned that if they failed to do so People’s Liberation Army troops would be used, and a further ominous subtext was a statement that if the bKa’ shag was unable to force Mi dmangs tshogs ’du to disband it would be assumed that the bKa’ shag was actively in league with the group. In late 1956 A lo Chos mdzad was summoned to the Nor bu gling ka by the bKa’ shag, along with Lha phyug and ’Bum thang. They were informed that their activities were damaging Chinese-Tibetan

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r­elations and that they should desist or risk arrest and imprisonment. A lo Chos mdzad was arrested soon after, along with ’Bum thang and Lha phyug. They were accused of being stooges of the Guomindang and the United States, charges that were ridiculous. Despite the lack of evidence to support the accusations, they were imprisoned for several months, and Lha phyug died while incarcerated. When word of the arrest spread, demands for their release were issued. The abbots of the three great dGe lugs pa monasteries (Se ra, ’Bras spungs, and dGa’ ldan) wrote appeals, and popular sentiment was significantly in their favor. On 25 August 1956, A lo Chos mdzad and ’Bum thang were released on condition that they refrain from further political activities. They soon fled into exile and settled in Kalimpong, where ’Bum thang died in the late 1950s. A lo Chos mdzad continued to agitate against Chinese rule. The Chinese authorities assumed that by eliminating the leaders of the group it would quickly wither away, but Mi dmangs tshogs ’du was merely one constellation of opposition to the foreign presence. It captured a popular sentiment and appropriated symbols that resonated with Tibetans. Its members were staunchly loyal to the Dalai Lama and sought to preserve Tibet’s traditional culture and religion, notions that most of their compatriots shared. Anti-Chinese agitation continued, and members of the group remained active. The popular mood culminated in the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, in which tens of thousands of Tibetans took to the streets shouting: “Han go home!” This embarrassed the Chinese because it demonstrated that they were not regarded as liberators as their leaders has promised: they were an occupying force and they acted as such. The protests were violently suppressed and hundreds—perhaps thousands—of Tibetans were killed. The Dalai Lama fled into exile, martial law was imposed, the dGa’ ldan pho brang was abolished, and anyone associated with Mi dmangs tshogs ’du was either killed or imprisoned. MI DRAG (MIDRAK) (“GENTRY”). A term for one of the four main hierarchical groupings of the Tibetan aristocracy during the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang (1642–1959). At the top were four sde dpon, families that claimed descent from the Yar klungs kings. Below them were the six yab gzhis, the families of the previous six Dalai Lamas, who had been raised to aristocratic status. The mi drag were generally wealthy and influential landholders, and they ranked above the lowest level, the minor landholders (sger pa). MI LA RAS PA (MILAREBA, 1040/1052–1123/1135) (CH. MILERIBA 米勒日巴) (“COTTON-CLAD MI LA”). One of the most renowned figures of Tibetan Buddhism, particularly revered as an example of an ordinary person who attained awakening in one human lifetime, despite being burdened

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by negative karma. He is one of the main luminaries of the bKa’ brgyud order. Mi la ras pa’s best-known biography was composed by gTsang smyon He ru ka Dur khrod myul ba’i Rus pa’i gnyan can (1452–1507). gTsang smyon reports that Mi la ras pa’s father was named Mi la Shes rab rgyal mtshan, and his mother was named Myang rtsa dkar rgyan. Mi la was named Thos pa dga’ ba at birth. He was betrothed at a young age, but later decided against marriage. His father died when he was seven, and before he passed away entrusted the family estate to Mi la’s paternal uncle and aunt. They seized the property for themselves and reduced Mi la’s family to abject poverty. Mi la studied black magic with gNubs chung Yon tan rgya mtsho; he used his powers to kill 35 people at a wedding reception at his uncle and aunt’s house. When angry relatives of those Mi la had murdered came to kill him, he used weather-influencing magic to create a hailstorm that destroyed the village’s barley crop. Mi la sought a religious teacher who could help him ameliorate his negative karma and avoid the retribution that awaited him. He first studied “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) with Rang ston lha dga’ in Myang stod ri nang, but with little tangible result. He then traveled to Lho brag and became a disciple of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097). Mar pa, following in the tradition of his teacher ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072), demanded gold as payment, but Mi la was destitute, so Mar pa ordered him to build four stone towers. The construction was painful, and the work was made more difficult by Mar pa’s physical and verbal abuse. This is presented as a skillful program designed to eradicate Mi la’s negative karma and prepare him to receive the teachings. After he completed his tasks and cleansed his sins, Mi la first received lay and bodhisattva vows, and Mar pa gave him the name rDo rje rgyal mtshan. Mi la then received tantric instructions, including heat yoga (gtum mo), which allowed him to survive in caves in remote regions during the winter. Mar pa also gave him instructions in the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) and the “six dharmas of Nā ro pa” (nā ro chos drug). Mar pa advised him to go into retreat in caves. One of the most famous of these is Brag dkar rta so, where he lived for a number of years. He survived on wild nettles and whatever he could forage. His skin turned green from his diet and he became severely emaciated, but he persisted in his practice. His biography reports that he later traveled widely in the Himalayan region, and numerous sacred places are associated with his meditative and teaching activities. gTsang smyon depicts the main locations as “fortresses” (rdzong) of meditation and describes an elaborate sacred geography consisting of six outer fortresses, six hidden inner fortresses, and six secret fortresses, along with numerous other places that became religiously important because of their purported association with Mi la ras pa.

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Mi la spent most of his life in solitary retreat, but also taught a number of outstanding students who continued his lineage. The most influential disciples were Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa (1084–1161), who continued Mi la’s tradition of solitary meditation, and sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153), who created an institutional monastic base for what had previously been a lineage of lay tantrikas. Mi la ras pa died at the age of 84 after eating poisoned curds given to him by the evil dge bshes rTsag phu ba. His body was cremated, and mkha’ ’gro mas (Skt. ḍākinī) carried away the relics and left only a piece of his clothing, a lump of sugar, a knife, and some flint. His religious biographies (rnam thar) and ecstatic songs (mgur) are among the pieces of Buddhist literature most widely known throughout the Himalayan region. One of his enduring cultural legacies is his poetry, collected in The Hundred Thousand Songs of Mi la ras pa (Mi la ras pa’i mgur ’bum), one of the most popular Tibetan religious works; its poems are still sung today, particularly in annual celebrations of Mi la’s birth and death. MI NYAG (MINYAK) (CH. XIXIA 西夏). The Tibetan name for the Western Xia (or Tangut) kingdom, located to the northeast of Tibet, whose capital city was in modern-day Ningxia 宁夏 Province. Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) conquered it in 1227, but during the 10th and 11th centuries it was an intermediary between the cultures of Tibet and China. A number of Tibetan missionaries traveled there, and several bKa’ brgyud orders gained followings. A number of religious sites retain outstanding examples of ­Tibetan Buddhist art from this period, and Tibetan printed works have also been discovered there. The Western Xia kingdom existed from 1038 to 1227 and covered parts of the modern provinces of Ningxia, Gansu 甘肃, eastern Qinghai 青海, northern Shaanxi 陕西, northeastern Xinjiang 新疆, southwest Inner Mongolia 内蒙古, and southern parts of Outer Mongolia 外蒙 古. It controlled an important trade route that connected northern China with Central Asia, the Hexi Corridor (Hexi Zoulang 河西走廊). A tribal grouping in Khams includes members who refer to themselves as Mi nyag, but it is unclear what relationship they have with the Xixia. They may be a remnant of the greater Xixia kingdom, but they ascribe a different origin for themselves. MI PHAM BSOD NAMS DBANG PHYUG GRAGS PA RNAM RGYAL DPAL BZANG (MIPAM SÖNAM WANGCHUK DRAKBA NAMGYEL BELSANG, FL. 17TH CENTURY). The 13th and last of the Phag mo gru pa rulers (sde srid). He was the eldest son of the 12th Phag mo gru pa hierarch, bKa’ brgyud rnam par rgyal ba (fl. late 16th century). He took power around 1600. In 1601 he dispatched a delegation of dignitaries that included dGe lugs pa monks to Mongolia, which brought the fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), to Tibet. The Dalai Lama was born into a

MI PHAM RNAM RGYAL RGYA MTSHO • 423

Mongol family descended from Altan Khan (1507–1583). By this time Phag mo gru pa rule was a thing of the past, and Mi pham exercised authority only in his immediate estates. In 1610 Phag mo gru pa troops carried out a raid in the Lha sa Valley, which was punished by an attack by the gTsang pa king Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1587–1620; r. 1603–1621). In 1616 the Phag mo gru pa were defeated, as a result of which the gTsang pa controlled most of dBus and gTsang. In 1618 a gTsang pa force invaded Lha sa and the dGe lugs pa lost their most important monasteries in dBus and gTsang. Mi pham continued to hold office, but he was driven from Lha sa as a result of the military conflicts between the dGe lugs pa and bKa’ brgyud pa in 1635. This ended any vestige of Phag mo gru power, but in his history (1643) the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), still speaks of him as a living person. MI PHAM CHOS KYI BLO GROS, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR MIPAM CHÖGI LODRÖ, 1952–2014) (CH. MIPANG QUEJI LUOZUO 米庞确 吉罗佐). The 14th Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was born in sDe dge and was recognized by his uncle, the 16th rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981). The Karma pa had to appeal to the Tibetan government to allow the recognition because of an official ban issued after the 10th Zhwa dmar, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), was found guilty of plotting with a Gor kha (Gorkha) army that invaded Tibet and sacked bKra shis lhun po Monastery. As punishment, the Tibetan government took over the Zhwa dmar’s seat, Yangs pa can, converted it into a dGe lugs pa establishment, and renamed it Kun bde gling. In 1792 an official edict banned recognition of future Zhwa dmar pas. Like his predecessor, the 14th Zhwa dmar was at odds with Tibetan authorities: he was at the forefront of the controversy over the recognition of the 17th Karma pa. He designated ’Phrin las mtha’ yas rdo rje (1983–) as the Karma pa, but other hierarchs of his lineage, including Ta’i Si tu Rin po che Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–), recognized O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–). The Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), supports the latter’s candidature. MI PHAM RNAM RGYAL RGYA MTSHO (MIPAM NAMGYEL GYATSO; ALT. ’JAM MNGON ’JU MI PHAM RNAM RGYAL RGYA MTSHO, 1846–1912) (CH. JU MIPANG JIANGYANGNAN JIACUO 居 弥庞蒋扬南嘉措). One of the most influential rNying ma intellectual figures of the 19th–20th centuries and a leading exponent of the Nonsectarian (Ris med) approach in eastern Tibet. He was born in the area of the Ding chu, a tributary of the Ya chu. His father was mGon po dar rgyas, a descendant of the royal Lha clan, and his mother was Sring chung, who descended from the sMug po gdong. His clan name was ’Ju. Unlike many other influential

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Tibetan Buddhist masters, he was not recognized as a reincarnate lama (sprul sku) and he did not write an autobiography, nor has his life been the subject of an extensive biography, as with many far less influential figures. Unlike many of the rNying ma luminaries of his time, he was not a “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) and did not claim that his works were revelations from the past. He did not found any monasteries, and he avoided the sort of public activities that drew other Buddhist leaders into political intrigues and involvement with major monastic establishments. At age seven he composed his first major work, Torch of Certainty (Nges shes sgron me), a “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) treatise. When he was 12 he began his studies at Me hor gsang sngags chos gling Monastery, an affiliate of Zhe chen and sMin grol gling. When he was 15 he engaged in an 18-month retreat at the hermitage of ’Ju nyung ri khrod, during which he had a visionary experience after offering a prayer to ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī) while reading a book on astrology, numerology, and rain-making (dbyangs ’char). From this point he was given the epithet “omniscient” (kun mkhyen) and is also referred to as ’Jam mgon ’Ju Mi pham rgya mtsho. He reportedly obtained full comprehension of all intellectual topics. In 1862 he was forced to flee the devastation in eastern Tibet due to the “Nyag rong Troubles” (1861–1865) caused by the military adventures of the Nyag rong chieftain mGon po rnam rgyal (1799–1865). When he was 19 Mi pham went on pilgrimage to central Tibet with his uncle. He stayed in dGa’ ldan Monastery for several months. When he was 22 he traveled to ­rDzogs chen Monastery and received instructions from some of the leading masters of his day. His teachers included ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), and O rgyan ’Jigs med chos kyi dbang po (1808–1887). Mi pham wrote prolifically on a range of topics. Many of his treatises discussed Indic texts and were influenced by the scholastic methods of the dGe lugs pa monastic universities of central Tibet. Others focused on divination, including one of his favorite topics, the practice of knot sortilege (ju thig). He also had a particular fascination with the epic of gLing Ge sar; he wrote down several oral accounts and he is associated with the cult of worshipping him as a war god (dgra lha). Mi pham had a strong interest in medical lore, and his treatises on this subject remain influential today. He wrote an important treatise on poetics that focused on Daṇḍin’s (6th–7th century) Mirror of Poetry (sNyan bsngag gi me long; Skt. Kāvyādarśa), and he also compiled a Tibetan-Sanskrit lexicon. His Sun’s Illumination: Responses to Opponents (brGal lan nyin byed snang ba), a commentary on the ninth chapter of Zhi ba lha’s (Skt. Śāntideva, ca. 8th century) Entry into the Bodhisattva Deeds (Byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa; Skt. Bodhicāryāvatāra), prompted a response by dPa’ ris bLo

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bzang rab gsal (1840–1910?). The two had a spirited debate that is notable for its cordial tone and the mutual respect they demonstrated. A number of others joined the controversy initiated by Mi pham’s original take on the text, including Brag dkar bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan ’dzin snyan grags of Tre hor dKar mdzes (1866–1928), whose response was considerably less restrained (the title of his work is Rebuttal to Mi pham rnam rgyal’s Reply: A Purgative to Induce Him to Expel the Bloody Vomit of False Views), and lDan ma bLo bzang chos dbyings (b. 19th century), who wrote a treatise entitled Reply to a Dispute with Mi pham (Mi pham brtsod lan). Mi pham had a number of influential students, including rTogs ldan Shā kya srī (1853–1919); Padma rnam rgyal (1871–1926), the fourth Zhen chen rgyal tshab; and ’Jigs med bstan pa’i nyi ma (1865–1926), the third rDo grub. His collected works (gsung ’bum) fill 18 volumes. Because he traveled a great deal and lived during a time of political turmoil, the task of gathering them was difficult. His writings were scattered all over eastern Tibet, but were eventually brought together and carved onto woodblocks at sDe dge. MI SER (MISÉ) (CH. NONGNU 农奴) (“PEASANT”). A common term used to designate peasants. The term literally means “yellow person.” Chinese propaganda treats it as an entirely negative state characterized by brutal exploitation and unrelenting misery, but in pre-1950 Tibet it simply referred to commoners as opposed to members of the aristocracy. MING DYNASTY (TIB. MING RGYAL RABS; ALT. TA MING; MING CHAO) (CH. MINGCHAO 明朝, 1368–1644). One of the ruling dynasties of China, which seized power following the collapse of the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty (1271–1368). The Ming was one of the high points of Chinese culture and the arts, and it was the last Chinese dynasty ruled by ethnic Han. Its capital was Beijing, but it fell during the rebellion of Li Zicheng 李自成 (1606–1645) in 1644, which led to the establishment of the Shun dynasty (Shunchao 顺朝, 1644–1655), which was displaced by the Manchu Qing dynasty (1644–1912). During the height of Ming power, China had a large navy and an army of 1 million troops. The Ming rulers sponsored several major construction projects, including the Grand Canal and the Great Wall. They also built the Forbidden City in Beijing in the 15th century. During the Ming period, relations with Tibet were distant and formal. The Ming developed an elaborate system of tributes in which “barbarians” would come to the Chinese court bearing “tribute”—often local items of little value. In exchange, they would receive Chinese porcelain, silks, and other goods of great commercial worth. This served to pacify potentially dangerous groups on China’s borders. The Ming had no interest in attempting to rule the ­Tibetan Plateau, but they wanted this border region to remain stable, and

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they also wanted the Tibetans to use their influence over the still-dangerous Mongols to keep them from attacking China. Contemporary Chinese histories claim that during the Ming Tibet remained firmly under Chinese rule, but records of the time show that Tibetan governments had little contact with the Ming aside from diplomatic missions and that the central government operated independently of Ming control. MKHA’ ’GRO MA (KENDROMA) (SKT. ḌĀKINĪ) (CH. TUJINI 荼吉 尼; ZHAJINI 吒吉尼; KONGXINGMU 空行母) (“SKY-GOER”). Female spirits who are particularly important in Indian and Tibetan rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) traditions. They are said to frequent cremation grounds, cemeteries, and other fearsome places and are the keepers of the secret lore of tantra, which they pass on to adepts. They can adopt a variety of different forms, ranging from terrifying manifestations to seductive females with beautiful bodies, and they use this ability to test the insight and sincerity of those who aspire to the wisdom they guard. In a number of stories, they provide guidance or encouragement to faltering tantric practitioners. They are particularly associated with “hidden treasures” (gter ma) and are the protectors of this lore. They ensure that only the preordained discoverer of a particular treasure can access it. Treasure texts are often written in an esoteric format termed “ḍākinī language” (mka’ ’gro’i skad), and ḍākinīs aid in deciphering the meaning of the treasures. Their importance in Tibetan tantric traditions is evidenced by the fact that some initiations require that those receiving them regularly repeat a vow of reverence for ḍākinīs. In this context they are one of the “three fundamentals” (rtsa ba gsum) of Vajrayāna, along with the guru and tutelary deity (yi dam; Skt. iṣṭa-devatā). Ḍākinīs appear in Indian literature at least as early as the 4th–5th centuries BCE in works by the grammarian Pāṇini. Ancient Persian sources describe female semi-malicious spirits known as pairika (from which the English word “fairy” is derived). They possessed many of the characteristics of the ḍākinī. These beings could adopt a variety of forms ranging from hag to maiden and acted as guardians of the extremely narrow Chinvat bridge over which the spirit of a deceased person had to pass. The pairika were able to attract the spirit onto the bridge and terrify it so that it tumbled into hell realms depending on which form they adopted and the merit of the deceased person. In medieval Indian legends ḍākinīs are generally demonic figures that cause harm to humans and other beings and that feed on human flesh and drink blood. In a number of texts they belong to the retinue of the fierce goddess Kālī. In India they are generally minor figures in legends, not primary characters, but in tantric literature they assume more prominent roles. In some texts they appear to be human women, generally depicted as low

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caste, who work as prostitutes or in other low-status occupations. In such contexts they are often consorts of male adepts, but later a number of ḍākinī figures, such as rDo rje rnal ’byor ma (Skt. Vajrayoginī), Ral gcig ma/E ka dza ti (Skt. Ekajātī), and rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajravārāhī), are portrayed as awakened beings. According to Janet Gyatso (1998), Indic sources distinguish between mundane (laukika) malevolent ḍākinīs and transcendent (lokottara) ones. This reflects a Tibetan division between flesh-eating (sha za) and wisdom (ye shes) ḍākinīs. This is not, however, a hard-and-fast classification, because characteristics of various ḍākinīs tend to blur in Indian depictions. In Tibetan tantra, they are generally portrayed in a positive light, although their outward manifestations may be wrathful or even horrific (rather like the pairika). For example, in the biography of the late 10th–11th-century Indian Buddhist adept (mahāsiddha) Kṛṣṇācārya by Kun dga’ grol mchog (1507–1566), the attendants of the ḍākinī chief of the maṇḍala of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) are described as having very old bodies and masses of white hair decorated with nits, like salt sprinklings. But they also assume extremely beautiful forms with supple and pliant bodies, while retaining an element of threat in the tridents they wield, on the prongs of which were dessicated human heads that moved around slowly and stared intently. See also GTER STON; RGYUD; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. MKHA’ KHYAB RDO RJE (KHAKHYAB DORJÉ, 1871–1922) (CH. KAQIA DUOJIE 喀恰多杰). The 15th rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in rGyal rtse khul in gTsang. His father was sNyan grags dbang po, and his mother was bsKal bzang sgrol ma. His hagiography reports that shortly after his birth he spoke the mantra of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara): “Oṃ maṇi padme hūng” (Skt. Oṃ maṇi padme hūṃ). He was born with a small tuft of white hair between his eyebrows, which is one of the 32 major “physical characteristics of a great man” (skyes bu chen po’i mtshan; Skt. mahāpuruṣa-lakṣaṇa) that, according to Indian Buddhist tradition, adorn the bodies of buddhas. The tuft (mdzod spu; Skt. ūrṇā) is a popular motif in plastic representations of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). At age five mKha’ khyab rdo rje could read advanced Buddhist scriptures. He was recognized and enthroned at mTshur phu at age six by the ninth ’Brug chen, Mi ’gyur dbang rgyal (1823–1883), who also conferred novice (dge tshul) vows. He was an outstanding student and reportedly had mastered a range of difficult fields of learning by age 16. He received instructions from ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), and mKhan chen bKra shis ’od zer (1836–1910).

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Yi lhun Lake, Khams.

In 1881 mKha’ khyab rdo rje traveled to Lha sa and met the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), who paid him special honors. In 1886 he went to Khams, which had become a center for the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhist studies. Kong sprul gave him instructions and empowerments for his Five Treasuries (mDzod lnga). Kong sprul also conferred bodhisattva vows and provided instructions on Wheel of Time (Dus kyi ’khor lo; Skt. Kālacakra) tantric practices. In 1890 mKha’ khyab rdo rje recognized and enthroned the 11th Ta’i si tu Rin po che, Padma dbang mchog rgyal po (1886–1952). He visited Bhutan in 1898, and then took several consorts upon his return to Tibet. One was Dā ki dbang mo, with whom he had two sons, mKhyen brtse ’od zer (1904–1954/1955), later recognized as the second ’Jam mgon kong sprul, and ’Jam dbyangs rin po che (1892–1946), recognized as the 12th Zhwa dmar. He was regarded as a master of the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). He was a prolific author whose collected works (gsung ’bum) fill 10 volumes. Before he passed away he entrusted a letter predicting the details of his reincarnation to his attendant ’Jam dpal tshul khrims. MKHA’ SPYOD DBANG PO DRI MED DPAL YE SHES, ZHWA DMAR (SHAMAR KAJÖ WANGBO DRIMEBEL YESHÉ, 1350–1405) (CH. KAQUE WANGBO 卡却旺波). The second Zhwa dmar rin po che. He was born in a nomadic family in Tibet’s northern regions in gNam zhung bye ma lung. His biography refers to his father as Lha rgyal and his mother as ’Brog mo. He was recognized in 1355 by mKhas grub Dar ma rgyal m ­ tshan.

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When he was seven, the fourth rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rol pa’i rdo rje (1340–1383), conferred layman’s (dge bsnyen) vows. He later received renunciant (rab byung) ordination and was given the name Ye shes dpal by mKhan chen Don grub dpal and Rol pa’i rdo rje. At age 18 Don grub dpal gave him full ordination (dge slong). His hagiography reports that from early childhood he was able to recall details of his previous lives. When he was 14 months old, he gave Buddhist teachings and his fame spread. The servants and disciples of the previous Zhwa dmar incarnation heard of this precocious child, and when he was three they took him to gNas nang monastery. In 1357 he met Rol pa’i rdo rje, with whom he studied the basics of bKa’ brgyud lore. In his youth he undertook the arduous pilgrimage to Tsā ri in eastern Tibet. He recognized the next Karma pa, De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415), and having enthroned him also taught him. He founded sNye mo rdzong, also known as mKha’ spyod dgon. From his 37th year he engaged in the most secret teachings of the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) and spent most of the last 20 years of his life in meditation in the company of yogis and other practitioners who had gathered around him. He was a noted polymath and a prolific author who left behind a huge corpus of works. MKHAN PO (KHENPO) (CH. KANBU 堪布) (“ABBOT”). The most common term for the abbot of a Buddhist monastery. It can also function as an honorific term that recognizes someone as a great scholar and master of a tradition. MKHAS GRUB RGYA MTSHO (KEDRUP GYATSO, 1838–1856) (CH. KAIZHU JIACUO 凯珠嘉措). The 11th Dalai Lama. He was born in Khams during the period of the “Nyag rong Troubles” when mGon po rnam rgyal (1799–1865) engaged in military adventures that created chaos and significant loss of life in eastern Tibet. mKhas grub rgya mtsho was recognized in 1840, and in 1841 the seventh Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma (1781–1854), conferred novice (dge tshul) ordination and gave him the name mKhas grub rgya mtsho. His recognition involved the use of the Golden Urn (gSer bum; Ch. Jinping 金瓶) sent to Tibet by Qianlong 乾 隆 (1711–1799); this was one of only a handful of times when this procedure was used, contrary to the claims of the propaganda apparatus of the People’s Republic of China. mKhas grub rgya mtsho ascended the Golden Throne of dGa’ ldan pho brang in the Po ta la in 1842, was ordained in 1846, and assumed temporal power in 1855. He died within a year in the Po ta la on 31 January 1856. During his lifetime wars with La dwags weakened the Tibetan government, and scandals involving his regent fostered a lack of confidence among the Tibetan people. At the same time, the Opium Wars (Ch. Yapian

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Zhanzheng 鸦片战争, 1839–1842 and 1856–1860) between Great Britain and China and the Taiping 太平 Rebellion (December 1850–August 1864) undermined the Qing government and forced it to face its internal problems while allowing Tibet to manage its own affairs. See also GSER BUM ­SKRUG PA. MKHAS GRUB RJE DGE LEGS DPAL BZANG: See DGE LEGS DPAL BZANG. MNGA’ BDAG CHEN PO GSUM (NGADAK CHENBO SUM) (“THREE GREAT LANDLORDS”). A traditional designation for the three groups that held most of the land in pre-1950 Tibet: (1) aristocrats, (2) monasteries, or (3) the state. All land was legally owned by the central government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) and given by grant. The aristocracy generally passed on estates through hereditary succession. In the areas under the jurisdiction of the central government monasteries held nearly 40 percent of the land. The aristocracy controlled about 20 percent of the land, and the government administered the rest. MNGA’ RIS (NGARI) (CH. ALI 阿里). A region in western Tibet, often referred to by Tibetans as mNga’ ris skor gsum, that ranges from the Himalayas to the Khu nu ri bo (Ch. Kunlun Shan 昆仑山). Different opinions have emerged regarding exactly what areas comprised mNga’ ris in the past and a border was never fixed. The “Three Districts” (sKor gsum) are the Upper, Lower, and Central regions. During the period of Sa skya hegemony (1264–1350) mNga’ ris skor gsum was one of the six myriarchies (khri skor) of gTsang (the others being La stod byang, La stod lho, Chu mig, Zhwa lu, and sBra ’bre khyung). Following the demise of the kingdom of Gu ge in the late 16th and early 17th centuries, mNga’ ris became isolated and was known mostly for its ancient temples and its history. Even in more recent times it was still so isolated from the mainstream Tibetan consciousness that the zeal of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) is said to have burned there for six or more years after it had waned throughout the rest of China and Tibet. The Chinese-controlled areas of mNga’ ris have been designated “mNga’ ris Prefecture” (Ch. Ali Diqu阿里地区; Tib. mNga’ ris sa khul). mNga’ ris is divided into seven districts: sGar, Ru thog, rTsa mda’a, sPu hrang (alt. sPu hreng(s); sPu hrangs), dGe rgyas, sGer rtse, and mTsho chen. MO (“DIVINATION”). A term for various types of prognostication, including astrological calculations, augurs, and predictions by mediums. Divination plays an important role in Tibetan life, and Tibetans often use it as a guide

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Wild ass (kyang) in mNga’ ris.

for important decisions. Many Tibetans, for example, consult astrologers for auspicious times to travel or for performance of rituals. Marriages, funerals, decisions regarding where and when to construct buildings, agricultural work, medical procedures, and many other aspects of life are believed to be influenced by supernatural forces, and divination is commonly used to forestall negative forces and choose the best time for such activities. The most common forms of augury and sortilege rely on special ways of counting rosary beads, details in books that outline auspicious days and times for specific actions, position of birth constellations, and reading of auspicious and inauspicious omens. In many daily situations Tibetans perform their own auguries using a rosary. Astrologers are consulted for more detailed requirements. One of the most common types of mo involves casting dice in order to determine the best course of action. This is associated with ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī), the bodhisattva of wisdom. The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), used another form of mo when he was deciding between Paṇ chen bla ma candidates: he wrote the names of several boys who had impressed the search committee on slips of paper, inserted them into balls of dough, and put the balls in a metal plate. He rolled the balls around while chanting a mantra, and he reported that three times in a row the ball

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­containing dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma’s name seemed to jump out on its own. See also ASTROLOGY. MONASTERY: See DGON PA. MONGOL EMPIRE (MON. МОНГОЛЫН ЭЗЭНТ ГҮРЭН: MONGOLYN EZENT GÜREN; ИХ MОНГОЛ УЛС: IKH MONGOL ULS; CL. YEKE MONGΓOL ULUS, 1206–1368) (CH. MENGU DIGUO 蒙古帝 国). One of the great empires of world history, which at its height stretched from Poland to the Pacific. Mongol armies emerged from Central Asia, quickly conquered much of Asia, and then moved on to Eastern Europe. At its greatest extent the empire ranged from the Korean Peninsula and included much of Southeast Asia and the Middle East. Mongol forces took Poland and Lithuania, and their expansion in Europe went as far as the gates of Vienna. If not for the death of Ögödei Khan (1189–1241), it is probable that they could have continued on through Western Europe. It is commonly regarded as the largest contiguous empire in the history of the world. At its height it was 9,700 km (6,000 mi.) from end to end and covered an area of 33,000,000 sq. km (12,741,370 sq. mi.) and ruled a population of 100,000,000. Mongol expansion began with Chinggis Khan (1162–1227), who was proclaimed the supreme leader of the Mongol tribes in 1206. He and his descendants waged war in all directions and quickly gained a reputation for utter ruthlessness and invincibility. The Mongols commonly slaughtered entire populations that resisted them. The Mongol Empire grew rapidly, but also fragmented quickly due to internecine battles among Chinggis’ descendants. Different tribal councils would name different great khans, and the tribal rivalries that Chinggis suppressed continued to influence internal politics. Tibet was incorporated into the empire in the mid-13th century, when Tibetan rulers and religious hierarchs submitted to the Mongols in order to preserve their various fiefdoms and territories. This strategy did not work for other states—which suffered utter annihilation for the most part—but, according to legend, Godan Khan (1206–1251) was so impressed by the wonder-working powers of Tibetan lamas that he was wary of invasion. Instead, in 1249 he appointed Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) viceroy of Tibet following their meeting in 1247, during which the lama reportedly cured the khan of a skin disease and demonstrated other miracles. Tibet was included as part of the Mongol census, in which households were counted according to the number of “smokes” (the plumes from houses and nomads’ tents) in an area, each “smoke” representing a household subject to taxation. Mongol titles, dress, and honors also became a part of Tibetan military and aristocratic life. This special relationship between Mongols and Tibetans remained in place until the end of the 13th century. Mongol forces

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did little damage, and in fact left Tibet entirely to its own devices and under indigenous administration. Despite this generally laissez-faire approach, the Mongol khans demanded an administrative restructuring of Tibet and a formal census. Mongol rule changed little for most Tibetans in their daily lives, but Mongol culture and administrative procedures brought changes that many people, mainly those in government and religious institutions, noticed. Mongol overlordship during the time of empire was less intrusive than the second period of Mongol intervention in the 17th century, which brought the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), to power under the ultimate authority of Güshri Khan (1582–1655). See also MONGOLIA. MONGOLIA. The Republic of Mongolia (Mon. Монгол улс: Mongol uls; Cl. Mongγol Ulus), referred to by Chinese as “Outer Mongolia” (Mon. Ар Монгол: Ar Mongol; Cl. Aru Mongγol; Tib. Phyi sog Ch. Wai Menggu 外 蒙古), is a landlocked country in Central Asia. It shares borders with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Russia, and at one point its western border is 38 km (24 mi.) from Kazakhstan. Its capital and largest city is Ulaan Baatar (Mon. Улаанбаатар; Ulaγanbaγatur; formerly Urga). It is a parliamentary republic. It encompasses 1,564,116 sq. km (603,909 sq. mi.). It has a population of 3,076,000 people (2017 census), making it the most sparsely populated independent country in the world. Approximately 30 percent of the population is nomadic or seminomadic. Much of its territory is comprised of steppes and grasslands. Mountain ranges loom in the north and west, and the Gobi Desert lies to the south. The majority of the population consists of ethnic Mongols, but Kazakhs, Tuvans, and other minorities also live in Mongolia. The predominant religion is Tibetan Buddhism, but other faiths, including Christianity, have made significant inroads in recent years. For Tibetans, Mongolia (Sog yul) encompasses regions with vaguely defined borders that lie beyond the Tibetan periphery and have majority Mongol populations. These include Inner Mongolia (Tib. Nang sog; Mon. Өвөр Монгол: Öbör mongγol; Ch. Nei Menggu 内蒙古), now an autonomous region of the PRC. These were the lands from which armies led by Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) emerged in the 13th century and forged a vast empire. At its greatest extent, the Mongol Empire incorporated much of Asia, the Middle East, and eastern parts of Europe. It is generally regarded as the largest contiguous land empire in history, but it began to fragment in the 14th century. In the mid-13th century Tibet was incorporated into its domain as an autonomous region under the administrative control of Sa skya hierarchs. As Mongol power declined, conquered countries regained their independence. After the breakup of the empire, the Mongols were still a potent military force, and various factions played significant roles in Tibetan history.

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Before the Mongols emerged from the steppes of Central Asia and began their spectacular conquests, earlier empires appeared in the region. In 209 BCE Modu Shanyu冒顿单于 (ca. 234–174 BCE; r. 209–174 BCE) forged a confederation that became the Xiongnu 匈奴 empire, which lasted until around 469 CE. Regarded as barbarians by the settled, agriculture-based Han, the Xiongnu posed a constant threat to the borders of the Qin dynasty (Qinchao 秦朝, 221–206 BCE). Their military incursions prompted the construction of the Great Wall (Changcheng 长城), which was intended to keep them at bay. The Xiongnu were supplanted by the Xianbei 鲜卑 empire (93–234), which encompassed the territory of modern-day Mongolia and substantial areas beyond its borders. The Rouran 柔然 khanate, descended from the Xianbei, conquered a large domain but was defeated by the Göktürks (Tujue 突厥), who reigned from 555 to 745 and whose armies reached as far as Panticapaeum in modern-day Kerch in 576. Their dominion ended with the foundation of the Uyghur khanate (Huihu 回鹘, 745–840), which in turn was defeated by the Kyrgyz. These Uyghurs exerted considerable influence on the forms of Buddhism that flourished in the area of modern Xinjiang. In the 12th century a Mongol group called Khitans (Qidan 契 丹) established the Liao dynasty (Liaochao 辽朝), which ruled Mongolia, Manchuria, and areas of northern China. From 1125 to 1206, the Khamag Mongols arose as the dominant faction in the region following the demise of the Liao dynasty. The Mongol Yuan dynasty (1271–1368), founded by Chinggis’ grandson Khubilai Khan (1215–1294), conquered China and added it to his already substantial domain. It was supplanted by the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), and Ming armies chased the Mongol court back to their Central Asian heartland. The Mongol capital, Karakorum, was sacked and destroyed. Most of Mongolia (during this period sometimes designated the Northern Yuan; Mon. Умард Юань, 1368–1635) remained under the control of Mongol hegemons, whose regions were divided among the various groupings known as “banners” that demarcated tribes and military confederations. This time is also termed “Forty and the Four” (Mon. Дөчин дөрвөн хоёр), referring to 40 tümen (military groupings of 10,000 soldiers) of eastern Mongols and four tümen of western Mongols. During the next few centuries internecine conflict between leaders descended from Chinggis and non-Chinggisid Oirat factions accelerated the decline of Mongol power. In the early 15th century the Oirat chieftain Esen Tayisi (d. 1455) rose to power and established control over the four main Oirat tribes. He ruled both Inner and Outer Mongolia and launched raids into Chinese territory. He conquered Gansu and then defeated the Urianghai Mongols, who lived on China’s northwest frontier under Ming authority. He

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adroitly exploited the Ming tribute system to finance his military expansion, sending thousands of missions to the court to pay lip service to imperial overlordship while acquiring substantial funds from the regime he intended to attack. After the Ming rulers requested that he reduce the number of tribute missions, Esen cited the pretext of failure to uphold their imperial obligations and dispatched his troops against Ming interests. The young and inexperienced Emperor Zhengtong 正统 (1427–1464), following the advice of his eunuch generals, joined a massive force dispatched to remove the threat Esen posed. They failed to make adequate provisions for feeding the soldiers, and tactical blunders resulted in the decimation of the Chinese army. Zhengtong was captured and held as a hostage and his bumbling generals were executed. Esen subsequently conquered the eastern Mongols and their leader, Toqtobuqa Khan, near Turfan in 1451, and he then moved on the Urianghai and Jurchen regions to the east of the Hami oasis in the west. His own generals overthrew him in 1453 following an ill-advised decision to give himself the title khagan in contravention of Mongol tradition. By accepted precedent, only descendants of Chinggis could become khagan. He was killed in 1455, and Oirat power declined. From the 14th to the 18th centuries they intermittently fought with the eastern Mongols. In 1623 the Oirats conquered the territory of the Khalkha in Outer Mongolia, but they never regained their former dominant position. In the early 16th century Batumönke Dayan Khan (Tib. Da yan Han, 1464–1517/1543) succeeded in bringing many Mongol factions under his control. His grandson Altan Khan (1507–1583) established a capital at Hohhot in 1557 and became the most powerful Mongol leader of the time. The third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), visited Altan’s palace in Köke Khota in 1578, which led to a second wave of Tibetan Buddhist missionizing in Mongolia (the first began during the Sa skya regency in the 13th century). This firmly established the dGe lugs pa order as the most influential religious tradition among most of the Mongol tribes. The Khalkha chieftain Abadai Khan (1554–1587) converted to Buddhism, which paved the way for rapid expansion of the religion among the Mongols. He founded Erdeni ǰuu Monastery in 1585, which became the leading Buddhist center in Mongolia. His grandson Zanabazar (born Ödür Gegen, 1635–1723) was recognized as the first rJe btsun dam pa Hu thog tu (Mon. Javzandamba Khutagt; Жавзандамба хутагт; Cl. Jabsangdamba Qtuγtu) in 1640. The Khalkha and Oirat banners supported the dGe lugs pa and provided backing for the dGa’ ldan pho brang. The last Mongol khan was Ligdan Khan (Ligdan Qutuɣtu Qan, 1588– 1634; r. 1603–1634). He sent armed incursions into Manchu territory, which led to military reprisals. He also ran afoul of other Mongol tribes and was

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forced to flee. He died while traveling to Tibet in 1634. The Manchu Qing dynasty (1644–1912) launched attacks into Mongolia. By 1636 Inner Mongolia was under Qing control, and the Khalkha submitted to them in 1691. This gave the Qing sovereignty over most of the traditional Mongol territory. The Zunghars continued to resist, but after several wars were annihilated in 1757–1758. Outer Mongolia retained indigenous rule under Qing authority. With the Qing’s collapse in 1912, Outer Mongolia broke away and declared independence. The Republic of Mongolia signed a treaty with Tibet in 1912 in which each recognized the other’s independent status. The Bogd Khaan (Mon. Богд хаан; 1869–1924) became the ruler of Mongolia on 29 December 1911, but in 1919, following the Russian October Revolution, Chinese general Xu Shuzheng 徐树铮 (1880–1925) seized control of the country. The Chinese were defeated in 1921 by Russian military commander Baron Nikolai Maximilian von Ungern-Sternberg (1885–1921). The last Jetsundampa issued a graphic warning of the looming catastrophe, predicting that blood would flow in the streets (see illustration in the rJe btsun dam pa entry). The Bolsheviks responded by establishing a communist Mongolian state. Its forces drove out the remaining Chinese military. Mongolian independence was again declared on 11 July 1921, and for the next 70 years the country remained within the Russian sphere of influence. During the Soviet Union era developments in Mongolia were strongly influenced by Russia. The Mongolian People’s Republic, established in 1924 following the death of the Bodg Khan, adhered to the social and governmental models of the communist states of Eastern Europe. In 1928 Khorloogiin Choibalsan (1895–1952) came to power with Russian backing. He followed the Soviet model of forced collectivization and launched a comprehensive persecution of Buddhism. Monasteries were destroyed and thousands of monks and Buddhist leaders were executed. During this period, Japan conquered neighboring Manchuria and moved toward Mongolia, but the Soviet Union halted the Japanese expansion. In August 1945 Mongolian troops joined the Soviet military in the Manchurian Strategic Offensive Operation in Inner Mongolia, which put pressure on already weakened Nationalist defenses. To avoid further encroachment, the Nationalist government reluctantly agreed to renounce its territorial claims to Outer Mongolia. The Nationalists stipulated one condition: a referendum would be held among the Mongolian populace. The result was reportedly a 100 percent vote in favor of independence. After the PRC was established in 1947, both countries recognized the other’s sovereign status on 6 October 1949. Following the breakup of the Soviet Bloc in 1989, a democratic revolution cast off the moribund socialist system. A multiparty democracy evolved and Mongolia embraced capitalism and a market economy. In 1992 a new

MONGOLIAN AND TIBETAN AFFAIRS COMMISSION • 437

constitution was promulgated and the establishment of a stock exchange actively encouraged foreign investment. In recent decades, many Mongols have reverted to earlier shamanic practices and to Tibetan forms of Buddhism. A number of Tibetan lamas have successfully missionized in Mongolia, as have evangelical Christian groups. The most influential Buddhist organization is the Foundation for the Preservation of Mahayana Tradition, which has established several centers in the country. See also GALDAN BUSHUKTU KHAN; KHOSHUD; LHAZANG KHAN; MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM; NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RGYA MTSHO. MONGOLIAN AND TIBETAN AFFAIRS COMMISSION (CH. MENGZANG WEIYUANHUI 蒙藏委員會/蒙藏委员会). One of two ministrylevel bureaus of the Executive Yuan (Xingzheng Yuan 行政院) of the ­Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo 中华民国), established in 1912. It was originally created during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912); it was part of the Board of National Minority Affairs (Lifan Yuan 理藩院). Its purview was relations between the Qing court and Tibet and Mongolia, which it regarded as dependencies. It was maintained as a government agency during the Republican period (1911–1947), even though Tibet and Mongolia declared their independence and functioned as de facto independent states. China continued to claim sovereignty over both countries, but neither recognized this. Following the Guomindang’s 国民党 defeat in 1947, its leaders fled to Taiwan. They continued to claim that they were the sole legitimate government of China. In 1949 Tibet expelled the Commission’s representative along with all other Chinese nationals. The Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission was also reborn in the Republic of China (ROC), but it was an anachronism that lacked any real authority and had no contact with Tibetans or Mongolians, aside from a few exiles who saw some benefit in doing business with the Taiwanese government. In 1994 it was involved in negotiations with members of the Tibetan resistance group Chu bzhi sgang drug, which sought and received tacit agreement from the Taiwanese for Tibetan independence in the event of Taiwan reclaiming China from the current Communist government. This negotiation—­ carried out covertly with the Commission and independently of the Tibetan government-in-exile’s own strategy—caused serious problems for the latter, which removed the negotiators from the mainstream of Tibetan society by curtailing their further involvement in any aspect of Tibetan affairs, including voting. The Chu bzhi gang drug officials who had opposed those negotiations were thereafter recognized as the “true” representatives of that organization. The Commission was abolished on 15 September 2017.

438 • MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM

MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM (TIB. SOG PO’I NANG CHOS). The earliest Mongolian contacts with Buddhism probably occurred during the 4th century CE, when Chinese monks began missionizing in border areas. By the 7th century Buddhist influence had spread as far as the Yenisei region, and the Mongols encountered Buddhism through cultural intercourse with oasis states along the Silk Route. These early connections seem to have had no lasting impact, however, and the first substantial influx of Buddhism among the Mongols was initiated by the visit of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) to the court of Godan Khan (1206–1251) in 1247. This was intended as a formal accession of Tibet to Mongol hegemony, but, according to traditional chronicles, the khan was so impressed by Sa skya Paṇḍita that he converted to Buddhism and appointed him as court chaplain. The reality, however, was probably somewhat different, and records of the time indicate that Sa skya Paṇḍita’s appointment as regent (Mon. darugachi) of Tibet, along with the khan’s request that he remain at the court, may have really been intended to keep him as a hostage in order to prevent rebellion in Tibet. Sa skya pa rule over Tibet was passed to his nephew and successor ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280), who played a major role in converting the Mongols to Buddhism. He is considered to have converted Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) and his consort Chamui, and together with the khan he developed the “patron-recipient” (Tib. mchod yon) relationship. This involved the Sa skya pa hierarchs serving as spiritual preceptors to the Mongol court, and the khan in turn pledged to protect Tibet and the Sa skya pa. In 1269 ’Phags pa devised a block script (Mon. Dörbeljin) that was the beginning of a translation of a large number of Buddhist texts into Mongolian, mostly from existing Uyghur translations. Despite these efforts, it appears that at this time Buddhism was mainly confined to the aristocracy, and when Mongol rule over China ended in 1369 the Mongols returned to indigenous shamanism. In the 16th century a second phase of Buddhism’s dissemination to Mongolia began as a consequence of military conquests in eastern border regions of Tibet by Altan Khan (1507–1583), which again led to interactions with Tibetan Buddhists. The third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), visited Altan Khan’s palace in Köke Khota in 1578, and after this a number of Buddhist missionaries traveled to Mongolia. Among these were Neyichi Toyin (1557–1653), who converted the eastern Mongols, and Zaya Paṇḍita (fl. 17th century), who converted the western and northern Mongols. With the help of royal patronage, Tibetan Buddhism quickly spread among the Mongolian masses. The process continued among the northern Mongols as a result of the efforts of Abadai Khan (1554–1587) of the Khalkha, who also visited the third Dalai Lama during his stay in Mongolia and in 1586 built the Erdeni ǰuu monastery to house images that bSod nams rgya mtsho gave

MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM • 439

him. As a sign of their commitment to Buddhism, Mongol rulers promulgated a number of Buddhist laws, including banning live sacrifices and hunting. In addition, many shamanic practices were proscribed, talismans were outlawed, and every yurt was required to have an image of Nag po chen po (Mon. Yeke gara; Skt. Mahākāla). The process of translation was also restarted, and within a few decades a substantial corpus of Tibetan Buddhist works had been rendered into Mongolian. Tibetan became the lingua franca of Buddhist monks and scholars. A decisive event in the propagation of Buddhism among the Mongols was a congress (quriltai) convened in 1640 by Qinwang Baatur Khungtaiji (Tib. Ching wang Bā dur tā’i ji, r. 1635–1653) and attended by leaders of Mongol and Oirat tribes, including the Khalkha, Khoshud from Qinghai, Torghut from the Volga, and some Tibetan lamas. One result was that the dGe lugs pa system was declared the religion of the Mongols, and a legal code based on Buddhist principles was promulgated. Several marriages were arranged that linked Baatur with the Torghut and Khoshud rulers. Baatur’s son Galdan Bushuktu Khan (1644–1697) subsequently traveled to Lha sa and received novice (dge tshul) ordination. He returned to Zungharia in 1640 and assumed the role of successor to Baatur. He conquered the Tarim and Turfan Basins in 1678–1680 (with the approval of the Dalai Lama). The latter gave him the title “Bushukhthu Khan” (Divinely Ordained Khan), which implicitly recognized him as the supreme Mongol leader, despite the fact that he was not a descendant of Chinggis. During the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) several Manchu rulers patronized Tibetan Buddhism, and with the financial support of Kangxi 康熙 (1654– 1722) a revised edition of the Mongolian bKa’ ’gyur was printed from 1718 to 1720. A translation of the bsTan ’gyur was initiated by Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) and finished in 1749. Copies of the complete canon were then printed in Beijing and distributed throughout Mongolia. In the 18th and 19th centuries Buddhism spread rapidly, and during the 19th century more than 1,200 monasteries and temples operated in Inner Mongolia and more than 700 in Outer Mongolia. In addition, 243 reincarnate lamas (Mon. khubilgan; Tib. sprul sku) lived among the Mongols. Even more significantly, a reported one-third of the adult male population were monks. In modern times Mongolia has been split into two parts. Inner Mongolia (Tib. Nang sog) is a part of the People’s Republic of China, and Buddhism there has suffered much the same fate as in Tibet. Outer Mongolia (Tib. Phyi sog, the area of the present-day Republic of Mongolia) established itself as an independent republic in the 1920s with Russian help, and although the socialist government was initially hostile to Buddhism, in recent decades religious tolerance has increased. Signs of religious revival have emerged in Mongolia, and when the Dalai Lama performed the gShin rje gshed (Mon. Эрлэгийн

440 • MONK

Жаргагчи: Erlig-jin Jarghagchi; Skt. Yamāntaka) initiation ceremony there in 1982 for 140 lamas, a crowd of 200,000 reportedly gathered outside. With the recent relaxing of government restrictions in Outer Mongolia, the number of monks is increasing and some reincarnate lamas have returned to their monastic seats. See also DGA’ LDAN THEG CHEN GLING; LCANG SKYA HU THOG TU; RJE BTSUN DAM PA KHUTUGTU. MONK (TIB. DGE SLONG) (SKT. BHIKṢU; P. BHIKKHU) (CH. ­BIQIU 比丘) (“MENDICANT,” “FULLY ORDAINED MONK”). The standard term for a Buddhist monk who has received full monastic ordination. To qualify, a male must have first received the novice (dge tshul; Skt. śrāmaṇera) ordination. The term bhikṣu literally means “beggar,” indicating that monks are expected to subsist on alms given to them by the lay community. This was the norm for the monastic community instituted by Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama), according to Indic sources, but following his death this became increasingly rare as monks and nuns settled in fixed monastic residences. In Tibet the alms begging practiced in early India was never adopted as a norm and most monks reside in monasteries (dgon pa). Tibetan translators

A mdo monks in assembly.

MTHONG BA DON LDAN • 441

prefixed slong (“beggar”) with the particle dge (“virtuous,” “pure,” “excellent”), apparently to distinguish them from common mendicants. Those who take full ordination in Tibet are expected to observe the rules regarding monastic behavior set out in the Monastic Code of the Fundamental Everything Exists School (gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba’i ’dul ba; Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya), which has 253 vows for fully ordained monks and 364 for fully ordained nuns. Prior to the Chinese invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, an estimated 15 percent of the population were monastics, but only a small percentage committed themselves to serious study or meditation practice. Many were administrators or performed necessary tasks such as cooking or maintenance of buildings. Others were disciplinarians or monks who performed policing functions such as the ldop ldop, the notorious “fighting monks” who kept rough order in monasteries and sometimes engaged in battles with monks from rival establishments. See also BUDDHISM; ’DUL BA; GRWA PA; GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. MTHONG BA DON LDAN (TONGWA DÖNDEN, 1416–1452/1453) (CH. TONGWA DUNDAN 通哇顿丹). The sixth rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Ngom stod (alt. Ngam stod) near Lho Karma dgon in Khams. His father was bSam ’grub rdo rje, and his mother was Padma mtsho. During her pregnancy, she experienced many auspicious dreams, and shortly after she gave birth the child was brought to bLa ma Ngom pa bya bral (1370–1433), a student of the fifth Karma pa, De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415). When asked his name, the infant responded: “I am unborn and free from all names and places. I am the glory of all that lives. I will lead many beings to liberation!” The third Zhwa dmar rin po che, Chos dpal ye shes (1406–1452), recognized and enthroned him. During his childhood he demonstrated detailed knowledge of his past lives. When he met the first Drung pa sprul sku, Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan, he surprised him by asking if he still possessed a protection cord given by De bzhin gshegs pa. Drung pa Rin po che showed him the cord and bowed before him. mThong ba don ldan received novice (dge tshul) vows in 1424 at age eight from bSod nams bzang po, who also gave him bodhisattva vows. His teachers included Rong ston Shes bya kun rig (1367–1449), Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478), and Chos dpal ye shes. During his teens he worked to create a liturgical corpus for the Karma kaṃ tshang tradition. Much of what was currently in use had been borrowed from other lineages, and he crafted visualization liturgies (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana) based on texts and oral instructions specific to the Karma bKa’ brgyud. He developed ritual and visualization practices for the two main meditational deities (yi dam) of the tradition, ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) and rDo rje rnal ’byor ma (Skt. Vajrayoginī). He also produced an extended version of the preliminary practices (sngon ’gro).

442 • MTSHO SKYES RDO RJE, SA SKYONG

During this period he experienced numerous visions and reported receiving teachings directly from Ti lo pa, Nā ro pa, Mi la ras pa, kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna), and sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā). He commissioned the creation of a special edition of the Tibetan canon in golden letters in Lho rong, referred to as the Dza landha ra bKa’ ’gyur. He was involved in a number of political affairs. He mediated a conflict in Mi nyag and Rong po and also mediated during the sGo sdong War. In 1452 he announced that his death was immanent and went into meditative retreat at rKong po. He gave his books and other belongings to his disciple Sangs rgyas seng ge, along with a letter predicting the details of his rebirth. He then declared that Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala) was at war with Ma kha (Mecca), apparently a reference to Muslim invasions of the Indian subcontinent. He declared that he intended to help defend Sham bha la. He passed away soon after that while in meditative equipoise. His students included bKra shis rnam rgyal (1450–1497) and dPal ’byor lhun grub (1427–1514). His reincarnation was Chos grags rgya mtsho (1454–1506). MTSHO SKYES RDO RJE, SA SKYONG (SAGYONG TSOGYÉ DORJÉ, 1442–1510; R. 1491–1499) (CH. CUOJIE DUOJIE 措杰多杰). The ninth hierarch of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. He was the fourth son of the Rin spungs leader Nor bu bzang po (alt. Nor bzang, 1403–1466; r. 1435–1466), who captured the ancient castle of Yar klungs mkhar and who is regarded as the first of the Rin spungs pa kings. mTsho skyes rdo rje rose to power at a time when the Phag mo gru pa power was nearly gone. As a youth he was given control over the fortress of sNe’u gdong. He conquered wide areas of land and subjugated several noble houses that had risen under Mongol rule over two centuries previously. In 1485 he launched an attack on Upper gTsang but was defeated and was forced to return much of the territory he had won over the previous 15 years. From 1491 and for the next nine years he ruled through his possession of official seals and on behalf of the Phag mo gru pa in a sort of shared power arrangement. While in this role he became increasingly powerful, and he effectively subjugated dBus and gTsang. The Rin spungs pa dynasty, while aggressive and expansionist, was no match for the wily and ambitious Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599), who in 1565 dealt the final blow to Rin spungs power and established gTsang sDe pa rule, which lasted until 1642. MTSHO SNGON PO: See A MDO MTSHO SNGON. MTSHUR PHU DGON PA (TSURPU GOMBA; ALT. STOD LUNG MTSHUR PHU) (CH. CHUBU SI 楚布寺). The traditional seat of the rGyal dbang Karma pas, in the upper Stod lung Valley northwest of Lha sa. It is located in the town of rGu rum at an altitude of 4,300 m (14,000 ft.).

MYA NGAN MED, CHOS RGYAL • 443

It was founded by the first Karma pa, Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193), in 1159. He returned in 1189 and established the monastery as his main seat. At its height it housed more than 1,000 monks and was the major center of learning for the Karma bKa’ brgyud pa, but it was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). In 1980 the 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981), began reconstruction. The 17th Karma pa, O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–), was recognized by Ta’i si tu Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–) in cooperation with the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and he was enthroned at mTshur phu. PRC authorities have cited this as an example of religious freedom in Tibet, but in 2000 O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje escaped to India. He stated that he was unable to receive religious instruction or practice effectively under Chinese-imposed restrictions, and he now lives in Germany (as of 2020). As punishment, the PRC expelled most of mTshur phu’s residents and it is no longer a functioning monastery. MU NE BTSAN PO: See KHRI MU NE BTSAN PO. MU RUG BTSAN PO (MURUK TSENBO, 775–?) (CH. MURU ZANPU 牟如赞普). A prince of the ruling house of the Yar klungs dynasty who may have briefly succeeded Khri Mu ne btsan po (786–803; r. 802–803). Buddhist sources assert that Mu rug btsan po was banished to Lho brag near the border with Bhutan after murdering a nobleman’s son, but Bon histories record that he was exiled because his accession to the throne was regarded as inauspicious because he was an adherent of Bon. In the Buddhist account, members of his victim’s family (the sNa nam clan) assassinated him before he could officially be crowned. Records of this period are often contradictory, and it is not clear that he actually became king. It may be that Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815) was really king during this period. MŪLASARVĀSTIVĀDA: See GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA. MUS CHEN SEMS DPA’ CHEN PO: See DKON MCHOG RGYAL ­MTSHAN. MYA NGAN MED, CHOS RGYAL (CHÖGYEL NYANGANMÉ) (SKT. AŚOKA, CA. 304–236 BCE; R. 272–236 BCE) (CH. AYU WANG 阿育王). The third king of the Indian Mauryan dynasty, widely portrayed in Buddhist tradition as the paradigm of the “religious king” (chos rgyal; Skt. dharmarāja). He was the grandson of Zla ba sbas pa (Skt. Candragupta Maurya, ca. 340–298 BCE; r. ca. 320–298 BCE) and the son of gZugs can snying po (Skt. Bindusāra, born ca. 320 BCE; r. ca. 298–272 BCE). He is famous for the

444 • MYANG PO RJE ZHANG SNANG

“rock edicts” he had erected in various locations in his empire, which outlined his ruling philosophy and commitment to protecting Dharma. According to traditional histories, he was a ruthless tyrant in his early years but experienced a change of heart during a bloody war of conquest against the neighboring state of Ka ling ka (Skt. Kaliṅga). He was converted to Buddhism by a monk (as described in Rock Edict XIII). From this point he foreswore the use of his military in conquest. According to Buddhist tradition, he convened the “Third Buddhist Council” in his capital city of sKya nar gyi bu (alt. Grong khyer me tog; Skt. Pāṭaliputra) under the direction of the monk Moggaliputta Tissa. His other major contribution to the development of Buddhism was his decision to sponsor a mission to Sri Lanka, led by his son Mahinda, a Buddhist monk. This led to the conversion of the island’s king and the establishment of Buddhism as the state religion. MYANG PO RJE ZHANG SNANG (MYANGBOJÉ SHANGNANG; ALT. MNYANG PO RJE ZHANG SNANG, d. 636). A powerful chief minister (blon che) in the early days of Khri Srong btsan sgam po’s (ca. 605–650) reign, who fell from grace and was executed. The Myang clan was a powerful force in the early days of the Imperium. Zhang snang’s father was one of the main supporters of sTag bu gnya’ gzigs (ca. 7th century). Zhang snang became minister during the tenure of gNam ri srong btsan (d. 629) and led military campaigns that extended the domain of the Yar klungs kings. Following gNam ri’s murder, Zhang snang served as regent until Srong btsan sgam po was old enough to assume power. Another minister, Khyung po sPung sad zu tse, plotted against him. He was ousted from power and killed. MYANG TING NGE ’DZIN BZANG PO (NYANG DINGNGÉ DZIN SANGBO; ALT. MNYANG TING NGE ’DZIN, CA. 8TH–9TH CENTURIES). An influential monk minister during the Imperium. He is counted as an important figure in the rNying ma order, where he is a lineage holder of the Heart Essence (sNying thig) instructions and “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po). Two stone inscriptions at his temple Zhwa’i lha khang commissioned by Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815) commend his exemplary service and humility. The king lauds his work as secretary of state and reports that he was offered lavish endowments but turned them down on the grounds that monks should live simply and eschew material possessions. The first inscription states that ban de Ting nge ’dzin served as guardian during Khri lDe srong btsan’s childhood and indicates the king’s deep affection. The second inscription praises the minister’s continuing service to the state and asserts that he was given an increased land grant, which he also humbly declined. According to some sources, he was killed during the persecution of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), but the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po) states that he dissolved his body, leaving no physical remains, at the age of 55.

N NĀ LENDRA (SKT. NĀLANDĀ) (CH. NALANTUO 那澜陀). One of the greatest seats of Buddhist learning in India, founded sometime around the 2nd century. It was originally a small institution, but beginning with Kumāragupta I (414–455) it began to receive royal support from the Gupta rulers of north India. Prajñāvarman and the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang 玄奘 (596–664) credit Kumāragupta with founding Nālandā, as does a seal discovered on the site. The campus of Nālandā is located in modern-day Bihār, about 88 km (55 mi.) southeast of Patna. It occupies about 14 hectares. It was a major center of Buddhist learning from 427 to 1197 and drew students and scholars from all over the world, including Southeast Asia, China, Greece, and Persia. In its heyday it attracted some of the greatest scholars of Mahāyāna Buddhism in India, both as teachers and as students. The Chinese pilgrims Yijing 義淨/义净 (635–713) and Xuanzang studied there during their visits to India, and it later became one of the principal sources for the transmission of Buddhism to Tibet. At its height it reportedly housed 10,000 students and 2,000 teachers. Xuanzang stated that, according to one legend, it was named after a klu (Skt. nāga) that lived in a water tank in the middle of its mango grove. He rejected this attribution, however, and believed that the name derived from a tradition that Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) once had a capital at the site and “gave alms unceasingly” (a popular etymology of Nālandā). The Buddha reportedly visited the site that would later become the great university on several occasions. He would reside at Pāvārika’s mango grove, and while there he had discussions with Upāli-Gahapati, Dīghatapassī, Kevatta, and Asibandhakaputta. He visited it during his last journey through Magadha, and it was where Sha ri’i bu (Skt. Śāriputra; P. Sāriputta) was born and died. Chos rgyal Mya ngan med (Skt. Aśoka, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE) reportedly built a mchod rten (Skt. stūpa) there in Śāriputra’s honor. Muslim invaders led by Ikhtiyar Uddin Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji (alt. Malik Ghazi Ikhtiyaru ’l-Din Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khilji) sacked the monastery in 1193. In his chronicle Tabaquati-i-Nasiri, historian Minhaj-i-Siraj (ca. 1193–1259) revels in details of slaughter and destruction:

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446 • NAˉ RO CHOS DRUG

he claims that thousands of monks were burned alive and thousands more beheaded. Nālandā’s library was so large that it reportedly burned for three months after the Muslim invaders set it alight. The last Throne Holder, Śākyaśrībhadra (1140–1225), fled to Tibet in 1204 at the invitation of Khro phu Lo tsā ba Byams pa dpal (1173–1225); he established a new gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba ordination lineage (Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya; there were already lineages from this school in Tibet). Chag Lo tsā ba Chos rje dpal (1197–1263/1264) was one of the last Tibetans to visit Nālandā. He traveled to the site in 1235 when it had been almost completely destroyed but still sheltered a small coterie of elderly monks and a few students. He noted a 90-year-old teacher named Rāhula Śrībhadra teaching a class of about 70 monks, but all had to flee when a Muslim raiding party arrived. In several Tibetan monasteries clay pressings inscribed with text stating that they originated at Nālandā have been discovered that date to the 10th century, which indicates that Tibetans visited there in the centuries prior to Chag lo tsā ba. The Turkic invaders were so intent on destroying non-Muslim establishments that they dismantled most of Nālandā and even hurled the foundation stones into the nearby river. Despite this destruction, some sources indicate that it continued to function into the early 15th century and the Bengali king Chagalarāja (ca. 1347–1447) partially restored it. In Tibetan religious histories, many Indian masters who were teachers of Tibetan acolytes are claimed to have been scholars, paṇḍits, gatekeepers, or abbots of Nālandā. The monastery’s importance for Tibet is attested by the fact that many Buddhist leaders, including the present Dalai Lama, claim that their teachings and practices derive from Nālandā and continue its traditions. NĀ RO CHOS DRUG (NARO CHÖDRUK) (CH. NALUO LIU FA 那洛 六法) (“SIX DHARMAS OF NĀROPA”). Tantric practices taught to Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097) by Nā ro pa (Nāropadā or Naḍapāda, 1016–1100, or perhaps his students) and brought to Tibet. They are particularly important in the bKa’ brgyud order. The six yogas are: (1) heat (gtum mo; Skt. caṇḍālī), (2) illusory body (sgyu lus; Skt. māyā-deha), (3) dream (rmi lam; Skt. svapna), (4) clear light (’od gsal; Skt. prabhāsvara), (5) intermediate state (bar do; Skt. antarābhava), and (6) transference of consciousness (’pho ba; Skt. saṃkrama). The first involves increasing and channeling inner heat through visualizing fire and the sun in various places of the meditator’s body. Illusory body is a practice in which one mentally generates an image of a subtle body composed of subtle energies and endowed with the ideal qualities of a buddha, such as the six perfections (pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. pāramitā). This is eventually transformed into the “vajra body” (rdo rje’i sku; Skt. vajra-kāya), symbolizing the state of buddhahood. Dream yoga

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trains the meditator to take control of and manipulate the process of dreams. This involves populating them with buddhas, bodhisattvas, and luminaries of one’s tradition and engaging in religious activities. The yoga of clear light is based on the tantric notion that the mind is of the nature of clear light; this practice involves learning to perceive all appearances as manifestations of the mind and as representing the interplay of luminosity and emptiness. Intermediate state yoga trains the meditator for the state between birth and death, in which one has a subtle body that is subjected to disorienting and frightening sights, sounds, and other sensory phenomena. A person adept in this yoga can understand that these are all creations of the mind. This realization enables one to take control of the process, which presents opportunities for meditative progress if properly understood and handled. Transference of consciousness yoga develops the ability to project one’s consciousness into another body or to a buddha-land (sangs rgyas kyi shing; Skt. buddha-kṣetra) at the time of death. One who fully masters the technique can transmute the pure light of the mind into the body of a buddha at the time of death. NĀ RO PA (NĀROPA, 1016–1100) (NĀROPADĀ OR NAḌAPĀDA) (CH. NALUOBA 那洛巴). One of the most influential Indian tantric yogis, teacher of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097); according to some sources, Mar pa actually studied with his disciples, and not the master himself. Nāropa’s teacher was Ti lo pa (alt. Ti li pa; Tilopa; Telopa; Tilopāda, ca. 988–1069). Nāropa is particularly renowned for the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug), tantric practices associated with the completion stage (rdzogs rim; Skt. sampanna-krama) of highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med pa’i rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). According to some sources, he was born into a brahman family, but ’Jigs pa sbyin pa dpal’s (Skt. Abhayadattaśrī, 12th century) Lives of the Eighty-Four Adepts (Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus; Skt. Caturaśīti-siddha-pravṛtti) states that his family were low-caste liquor sellers (Skt. śauṇḍika). According to rGyal thang pa bDe chen rdo rje’s (fl. 13th century) verse homage and prose commentary, Nāropa was born in Bengal in the Shā kya (Śākya) clan. His father was a king. He was forced into an arranged marriage that ended by mutual consent. According to several accounts, at age 28 he entered Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā) Monastic University, where he mastered all spheres of learning. He was regarded as one of the greatest scholars and debaters of that famed institution and became one of its gatekeepers. One day a mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) appeared in his study and challenged him to explain the true meaning of the Dharma, and he found that he could not. He realized that his learning had made him arrogant and had clouded his mind, so he followed her advice to seek out the great adept (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) Tilopa. The sound of Tilopa’s name sparked

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an intense experience of devotion, and Nāropa left the university to seek the elusive tantric master. He was required to pass a series of arduous tests before he was granted the esoteric teachings. He spent 12 years with Tilopa, which resulted in his full penetration of the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). He then moved to Phullahari, where he spent most of the rest of his life. He was visited there by the Tibetan translator Nag tsho Lo tsā ba (alt. Tshul khrims rgyal ba, 1011–1064), who provided an unflattering description of a corpulent man carried on a palanquin with white hair stained red with henna wearing a vermillion turban, chewing betel nut. NAG PO CHEN PO (NAKBO CHENBO) (SKT. MAHĀKĀLA) (CH. DAHEI TIAN 大黒天/大黑天; MON. YEKE GARA) (“GREAT BLACK ONE”). A wrathful aspect of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). ­Mongolians consider him the country’s patron buddha, and Tibetans view him as a Dharma protector (chos skyong; Skt. dharma-pāla) and as a tutelary deity (yi dam; Skt. iṣṭa-devatā). Iconographically, in Tibetan and Mongolian representations he is shown with black skin, a monstrously wrathful head, and two, four, or six arms, and is often surrounded by fire. Mahākāla has a long history in Tibet and is among the earliest wrathful deities imported from India. Scholars are uncertain about the extent to which Nepalese forms of ’Jigs byed (Skt. Bhairava) might have influenced the iconographic form that he finally adopted in Tibet. Certainly his retinue of black ravens, wild yak, and theriomorphic minor deities suggest much Tibetan influence upon his final form. In Mongolia by imperial decree every household and tent was expected to display an image of Yeke gara from at least the 18th century. It was common to combine the most popular forms—the two-armed, fourarmed, and six-armed—on one painted surface. NĀGA: See KLU. NĀLANDĀ: See NĀ LENDRA. NANG BLON (NANGLÖN) (“INTERIOR MINISTER”). A government title: minister for interior affairs. NANG SOG: See INNER MONGOLIA. NĀROPA: See NĀ RO PA. NATIONALIST REVOLUTION (CH. XINHAI GEMING 辛亥革命). In 1911 the Chinese Revolutionary Alliance (Zhongguo Tongmenghui 中国同 盟会) overthrew the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) and forced the last emperor,

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Puyi 溥仪 (1906–1967), to abdicate. The revolution began with the Wuchang Uprising (Wuchang Qiyi 武昌起义) on 10 October 1911, and ended with Puyi’s abdication on 12 February 1912. The revolutionaries represented a range of constituencies and political persuasions, all united by anger over the corruption and weakness of the Qing government, and particularly with its inability to halt the depredations of foreign powers, who were viewed as a living insult to China’s national pride. Much of the anger related to chauvinism on the part of the majority Han, who blamed the country’s problems on the ethnic minority Manchus, who dominated the Qing government. Following the revolution, a weak provisional government was established, and on 12 February 1912, the Republic of China (Zhonghua Minguo 中华民国) was formally created. This was also a weak and divided government beset with corruption and ineptitude, as well as internal rebellions and natural disasters. Its vicissitudes included a failed Second Revolution (July–October 1913), the so-called Warlord Era (1916–1928), and the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949), the culmination of which was the overthrow of the Nationalists and the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo 中华人民共和国) on 1 October 1949. The Nationalist Revolution prompted a diplomatic and political break between Tibet and China. During the Qing dynasty the emperors patronized Tibetan Buddhism. In 1717 the Qing established a nominal protectorate in Tibet, but later lost interest (and the power to meddle) in the country’s affairs. As China’s problems mounted, its rulers had increasingly limited resources to devote to a remote border region, but Tibet’s leaders were content to retain the fiction of the “patron-recipient” (mchod yon) relationship, according to which China’s emperors provided military and financial assistance to Tibet on the basis of shared religious convictions. The secular Nationalists were not able to fulfill the role of the emperor of China (popularly conceived in Tibet as an emanation of the bodhisattva ’Jam dpal), and they further worried the dGa’ ldan pho brang with claims of overlordship over Tibet. Following the revolution, Chinese nationals were expelled from Tibet and official exchanges were cancelled (though some low-level or unofficial exchanges continued). Tibet declared its independence and it remained de facto independent until China invaded and forcibly annexed it in the 1950s. NEHRU, JAWAHARLAL (1889–1964). The first prime minister of the Republic of India, who served from 1947 to 1964. His father was Motilal Nehru, a wealthy barrister and politician. Jawaharlal Nehru was one of the leaders of the Indian National Congress, which was formed by a British official as a forum in which patriotic Indians could voice their opinions to British administrators, but it grew to become the main indigenous body agitating for independence. The movement was successful, and Britain officially declared India independent in

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1947. Nehru contested the first general election as head of the Congress Party, and he was first elected in 1952. He was one of the leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement, a loose grouping of countries that claimed to reject the bilateral associations of the United States and Soviet Union. This group attempted to create a third power center, but it fell short of its stated goals. He was born into a family of Kashmiri Paṇḍits, and so is often referred to as “Paṇḍit Nehru.” He developed a policy toward China he referred to as “Hindi-Chini bhai-bhai” (Mutual Brotherhood between India and China) and declared that their friendly relationship would become a model for other states sharing borders. He convinced himself that China reciprocated his idealistic perspective, and realized that he had been, in his own words, “living in a fool’s paradise” only in 1962 when China launched an invasion. This led to a state of tension that continues today, and the current situation in Tibet is a legacy of Nehru’s failed policies. He attempted to placate China by allowing its invasion and annexation of Tibet, hoping that by doing so he would win concessions in other areas of their relationship. He granted asylum to the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), following the latter’s escape from Tibet. The Dalai Lama was followed by tens of thousands of other ­Tibetans who fled Chinese oppression, and Nehru decreed that they could settle in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, and in several areas in the south of India. NEPAL (TIB. BAL YUL) (CH. NIBO’ER 尼泊尔). A Himalayan nation in South Asia that encompasses an area of 147,181 sq. km (56,827 sq. mi.). It shares borders with the People’s Republic of China and India and has a population of 29.3 million (2017 census). Its capital and largest city is Kathmandu. It is the only country in the world in which Hinduism is the state religion. The northern areas are largely culturally Tibetan. The majority of people in these regions practice various forms of rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) Buddhism, and for centuries significant cultural interchange has occurred between the Tibetan Plateau, the northern regions of Nepal, and the Kathmandu Valley. Following the Chinese invasion and annexation of ­Tibet in the 1950s, tens of thousands of Tibetans fled into exile in Nepal, and a number of Buddhist institutions that the Chinese destroyed have been rebuilt there. The Nepal border was the main escape point for Tibetan refugees fleeing Chinese persecution, but in recent years China has moved troops to the border, so currently few refugees are able to evade them. NGA PHOD NGAG DBANG ’JIGS MED (NGAPÖ NGAWANG JIKMÉ, 1910–2009) (CH. APEI AWANG JINMEI 阿沛阿旺晋美). A Tibetan aristocrat who as a young man demonstrated ability in literature and history. He traveled to England for study and returned to Tibet in 1932, where he began a military career. He served in Chab mdo from 1936. In 1946 he was

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one of a group of military officers who put down armed disturbances at Se ra Byes Monastery. In 1950 the Tibetan government approved his suggestion to expel the last few Nationalist Chinese officials still in the country, and in the same year he was appointed military commander of Chab mdo. During his first few months in that position China began to make aggressive moves in eastern Tibet; Nga phod told his junior officers that he believed any resistance to an invasion would be futile. In October 1950 Chinese forces launched an attack, which moved on Chab mdo. He sent a request for reinforcements to the bKa’ shag, but no one responded because its senior officials were at a picnic and had left instructions not to be disturbed. Several days later he received an order to retreat, which he followed, and after this decided not to resist the Chinese military advance. This capitulation was the subject of a number of satirical street songs in Lha sa that characterized him as a weak aristocrat with no stomach for a real battle who only showed courage fighting against monks. Nga phod told the government in Lha sa that in his opinion the Chinese were sincere in their statement of 10 November that they only intended to free Tibet from foreign imperialists and provide economic aid, and he indicated that China would be a force for good. He actively encouraged the government to negotiate on Chinese terms, and in 1951 he and two other senior government officials were dispatched to China to enter into formal negotiations. The result was the signing of the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” The Chinese pressured the Tibetan delegates to sign the agreement, even though they were not given plenipotentiary authority by their government and did not have official seals. The Chinese manufactured seals for them and ordered that they be affixed to the document; if they failed to do so, they were told, their country would be invaded and many lives would be lost. Despite the fact that they had no authority to negotiate this compact, the People’s Republic of China regards it as legal validation of its claim to overlordship of Tibet. Recent historical studies have suggested that Nga phod was so impressed by the opportunities China offered that he was blind to the coercion he encountered in Beijing and the heavy-handed tactics the Chinese delegates used. Evidence suggests that because Nga phod and the other delegates were not given permission to negotiate such an agreement and were not allowed to bring their official seals the agreement is not legally binding. The Dalai Lama and the bKa’ shag were the only ones with the legal authority to conclude such an agreement, and neither was even consulted about its terms; they were informed only after it had been signed and an announcement was made on Chinese national radio. Furthermore, the clear evidence of coercion and the threat of invasion render it a highly problematic treaty. The fact that this was the only such compact concluded between China and other regions that

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had become independent further problematizes China’s claim that Tibet had always been under its control. Upon the delegation’s return to Tibet, the Tibetan government initially repudiated the treaty, but under pressure the Dalai Lama decided to accept it. He later officially repudiated it following his escape into exile in 1959. When China took control of Tibet, Nga phod became a collaborator and served in the Chinese bureaucracy. Until 1959 he was the head of the Chab mdo Prefecture Liberation Committee, and between 1952 and 1977 he was the deputy commander of the Tibet Military Region (a nominal position without real power that was a reward for his service). He was also the secretary general of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) from 1956 and he rose to the position of president of the TAR in 1965. This was also a largely ceremonial office, as the real power lay with Han Chinese Communist Party leaders. Nga phod took on other roles in the PRC, many associated with the struggles of minorities. In the PRC his legacy is viewed as an example of loyal service by a patriotic minority man. Some Tibetans in exile regard him as an intelligent and well-intentioned person who was ultimately weak and unable to stand up to China. Many consider him a symbol of traitorous collaboration, and the Dalai Lama’s statement following Nga phod’s death in 2009 that he was a “patriot” prompted derisive responses from some critical members of the community. Jamyang Norbu incredulously asked what criteria His Holiness might have for considering someone a traitor. Some more generous Tibetan exiles recalled his 1991 plea for China to honor the provisions of the Seventeen-Point Agreement that guaranteed preservation of traditional culture and religion and agreed that the political status quo would remain. This required some courage from a government official, because China has violated every such provision. NGAG DBANG BKRA SHIS GRAGS PA (NGAWANG TASHI DRAKBA, 1488–1564; R. 1499–1564) (CH. AWANG ZHASHI ZHABA 阿汪札失札巴). The 10th ruler (sde srid) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. He was the only son of Ngag gi dbang po (alt. sPyan snga tshe gnyis pa, 1439–1491; r. 1481–1491). During his minority mTsho skyes rdo rje (1442–1510; r. 1491–1499) of the upcoming and rival Rin spungs pa was regent. Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa acceded to the throne of sNe’u gdong as ruler (gong ma) in 1499. As with many of the later Phag mo gru pa, Ngag dbang bkra shis married into the Rin spungs pa family in 1504. His wife gave birth to two sons, ’Gro ba’i mgon po (1508–1548) and Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445). He took a second wife, Sangs rgyas dpal ’dzoms ma (ca. 1485–1550/1560), some years later, and the resulting tensions between the Rin spungs wife and the new one were so severe that—possibly

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under pressure from her Rin spungs family connections—Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa retired to his estates, leaving the title gong ma to the elder son of the Rin spungs wife. NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RDO RJE, MTSHAN ZHABS (TSENSHAP NGAWANG LOSANG DORJÉ; AGVAN DORJIEV, 1854– 1938) (CH. EGEWANG DUOJIE 阿格旺多杰). A Russian Buddhist who traveled to Tibet in 1873 and studied at sGo mang grwa tshang of ’Bras spungs Monastery. He was an ethnic Buryat Mongol, born in the village of Khara-Shibir near Ulan-Ude, east of Lake Baikal. He distinguished himself in the study of philosophy (mtshan nyid) and debate (rtsod pa) and was awarded the dge bshes degree. He is often referred to by the title “Master of Philosophy” (mTshan nyid mkhan po). He was later appointed as a tutor of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), and became one of his main political advisors. Dorjiev also gathered information about Tibet for the Russian government, and in 1898 Czar Nicholas II (Nikolay Alexandrovich Romanov, r. 1894–1917) gave him a monogrammed watch in recognition of his contribution to intelligence gathering for the “Great Game,” a contest between Great Britain, Russia, and China for control over the Tibetan Plateau. Dorjiev told Tibetans that Russia was the mythical land of Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala), probably based on the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, dPal ldan ye shes’ (1738–1780), guide to Sham bha la, which could be interpreted to make that connection. Dorjiev also claimed that Russia was turning toward ­Buddhism under the tutelage of the czar, whom he described as an emanation of sGrol ma dkar po (White Tārā). In 1900 Dorjiev returned to Russia, accompanied by six representatives of the Dalai Lama. They met with the czar at Livadia Palace in Crimea and returned with Russian arms and ammunition, along with a set of Russian Orthodox ceremonial robes for the Dalai Lama. In 1901 Dorjiev traveled to bKra shis lhun po and received teachings from the Paṇ chen bla ma, Thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma (1883–1937), including instructions about Sham bha la and Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra). Dorjiev’s activities in Tibet and his close relationship with the Dalai Lama angered and alarmed the British government in India, which was desperately trying to improve trade relations with Tibet. British overtures were repeatedly rebuffed or ignored, and Lord George Nathaniel Curzon (1859–1925), the Viceroy of India (from 1899–1905), feared that this was because the Tibetan government had secretly entered into treaties with Russia. Russian interest in Tibet was minimal, and British fears were wildly exaggerated, but in 1903 Lieutenant Col. Francis Younghusband (later Sir Francis Younghusband, 1863–1942) was dispatched to Tibet with a mission to secure a trade agreement and establish friendly relations. He ended up fighting poorly

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armed local militias, and his troops slaughtered hundreds of Tibetans. In 1904 the Dalai Lama fled to Urga in Mongolia with Dorjiev, but Younghusband managed to coerce members of the Tibetan government to sign a treaty that contained terms highly favorable to Britain. In 1912 Dorjiev met the Dalai Lama at Phag ri rdzong in Gro mo (Ch. Yadong 亚东), near the border with Bhutan. He returned with him to Lha sa. Because of his Russian connections, the Dalai Lama sent Dorjiev on a number of diplomatic missions in an attempt to enlist Russian help against British and Chinese designs on Tibet. After 1898 Dorjiev settled in R ­ ussia and was a leader in a Buddhist revival among Buryats and Kalmyks. He founded a Buddhist monastery (Datsang) in St. Petersburg, which was consecrated in 1915 and given the name Gunzechoinei. In 1913 he signed the Tibet-Mongolia Treaty as a representative of the rJe btsun dam pa Khutugtu (Mon. Javzandamba Khutagt; Жавзандамба хутагт; Cl. Jabsangdamba Qtuγtu), which declared the independence of both countries and which the Central Tibetan Administration uses as evidence that Tibet functioned as an sovereign state and entered into international agreements without any Chinese involvement. Dorjiev was arrested in the late 1930s in Russia during Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin’s (1878–1953) reign and charged with treason and planning an armed uprising, but he died before the sentence could be carried out. He was rehabilitated in 1990, when his case was formally dismissed for lack of evidence of any conspiracy. NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RGYA MTSHO (NGAWANG LOSANG GYATSO, 1617–1682) (CH. AWANG LUOSANG JIACUO 阿旺罗桑嘉 措). The fifth Dalai Lama, referred to by Tibetans as the “Great Fifth” (lNga pa chen po) because of his accomplishments as a scholar, meditator, and ruler. He was born into a family in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley in central Tibet with close ties to the rNying ma order. His family claimed descent from the kings of the imperial period (7th–9th centuries). His father, Mi dbang bDud ’dul rab brtan, was the governor of ’Phyong rgyas; his mother was named Kun dga’ lha mdzes. According to an early version of his autobiography, he claimed that his mother was the tantric consort of Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) and that the latter was his biological father, but this is difficult to corroborate. In 1622 he was recognized as the reincarnation of Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616) by the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662), who had been the fourth Dalai Lama’s tutor. He officiated at his enthronement at ’Bras spungs Monastery. His recognition was controversial: he had been considered for recognition as the successor to the bKa’ brgyud hierarch mTshur phu rGyal tshab Grags pa don grub, and there was a rival candidate for the position of Dalai Lama, Grags pa rgyal mtshan

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(1617–1654), later recognized as the fourth reincarnational successor to Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa [1478–1554], the 15th dGa’ ldan khri pa). After the controversy was resolved in his favor, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho began his studies; his chief tutors were gLing smad zhabs drung dKon mchog chos ’phel and bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan. He studied Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā), Monastic Discipline (’Dul ba; Skt. Vinaya), Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy, and Epistemology (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa). From sMon ’gro Paṇḍita he learned grammar, poetics, astrology, and divination. In 1638 he received his full monastic ordination (dge slong) from bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan; he was given the name Ngag gi dbang phyug. He was an eclectic scholar and studied with many of the leading teachers of his day. The record of the teachings he received (gsan yig) comprises four volumes. He studied with masters of the Northern Treasure (Byang gter) and Teaching Lineage of Zur (Zur bka’ ma) lineages of rNying ma, as well as lineage holders of dGe lugs and Sa skya traditions. He also had good relations with sections of the bKa’ brgyud; his cousin dPag bsam dbang po (1593–1653), the successor to Padma dkar po (ca. 1527–1592), was the fifth rGyal dbang ’brug pa. The dGe lugs pa in central Tibet were involved in violent and acrimonious military battles with the gTsang pa kings and with their allies, the Karma bKa’ brgyud hierarchs, and Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho was eager to enlist the support of a powerful Mongol chieftain. Following his recognition, his enthronement was delayed for several years due to the opposition of the gTsang pa hierarchs. The gTsang pa king (sde pa) Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642) had been ill with a disease he believed was caused by a curse sent by the fourth Dalai Lama. After bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan cured him, he allowed his investiture, but he was still forbidden to assume his monastic seat at ’Bras spungs. Karma bstan skyong arranged an alliance with the Khalkha Mongol chieftain Choghthu Taiji (Tib. Chog tu Han, 1581–1637), whose dominion was in Kokonor. They were joined by Don yod rdo rje, the king of Be ri in Khams, who patronized the Bon religion. This powerful military alliance threatened the very existence of the dGe lugs pa order, so they sought patrons among other Mongol factions. Güshri Khan (1582–1655), the leader of the powerful Khoshud branch of the Oirat, agreed to come to their aid. In 1635 Choghthu Taiji’s son Arslang (Tib. Ar slan) marched to Tibet with a force of 10,000 soldiers, intending to continue his father’s alliance with Karma bsTan skyong. Güshri Khan convinced him to change sides, however, and his father was so angry that he plotted to assassinate him. Arslang met with the fifth Dalai Lama in 1636 and reportedly experienced a religious conversion (which may have been aided

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by practical considerations relating to Güshri’s powerful army). In 1637 Choghthu Taiji’s army was defeated by the Khoshuds in Kokonor. That same year, Güshri traveled to Tibet, purportedly on pilgrimage, but the fact that he was accompanied by a force of 800 soldiers indicates that he had secular goals as well. The fourth Dalai Lama’s treasurer, bSod nams chos ’phel (1595–1657), secretly invited him to travel to central Tibet and meet with the fifth Dalai Lama. The latter gave Güshri the title “bsTan ’dzin chos rgyal” (Religious King, Upholder of the Teaching). The two reportedly experienced visions in which they worked together to vanquish the enemies of the dGe lugs pa and spread the teachings of the order. In 1639, Güshri launched an invasion of Be ri. The pretext was an intercepted letter from Don yod rdo rje to Karma bsTan skyong. Don yod rdo rje was defeated during a battle at sMar khams and executed in 1640. Following this victory, Güshri marched against Karma bsTan skyong. The Paṇ chen bla ma, whose seat was in gZhis ka rtse in gTsang, was advised to move to dBus in order to avoid being harmed in the immanent invasion, but Karma bsTan skyong heard of this and arrested him. He ordered his troops to build a stockade around gZhis ka rtse, but Güshri’s forces defeated the gTsang pa troops. Karma bsTan skyong’s soldiers resisted the siege for several months, but in 1642 they were defeated. Karma bsTan skyong and his family were captured, and he was imprisoned. Later in 1642 a Karma pa–led uprising prompted Güshri to issue orders that Karma bsTan skyong be executed. He was sentenced to die by ko btums, a capital punishment for aristocrats: he was sewn into an ox-hide bag and thrown into a river. This marked the final demise of gTsang pa rule and the ascension of the dGe lugs pa. dGe lugs pa histories claim that Güshri gave control over Tibet to the Dalai Lama, but the reality is somewhat different: he declared himself “King of Tibet” (Bod gyi rgyal po) and a throne was constructed for him. His descendants continued to claim this title until the death of Lhazang Khan in 1717. In 1642 the Dalai Lama became the ruler of most of the Tibetan Plateau; he and his regent (sde srid) bSod nams chos ’phel worked to consolidate his power. Güshri named the former religious overlord of Tibet, and bSod nams chos ’phel was given political dominion under Güshri’s ultimate authority. During his reign, the Dalai Lama developed the system of government that would be the guiding pattern of successive administrations, referred to as “religion and politics intertwined” (chos srid gnyis ldan). The officialdom included both monks and lay administrators, all under the ultimate authority of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho and his successors (at least in theory). Part of the Dalai Lama’s program to install himself at the forefront of Tibetan politics involved staking a claim that he (and his predecessors) was an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), Tibet’s national palladium. The Dalai Lama also invoked associations

NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RGYA MTSHO • 457

with the Imperium (7th–9th centuries) and claimed connections with the “religious kings” (chos rgyal: Khri Srong btsan sgam po, Khri Srong lde btsan, and Khri Ral pa can). In 1645 he initiated construction of a new palace, the Po ta la, on dMar po ri in Lha sa. The name Po ta la was significant: it referred to Potalaka (Gru ’dzin), the mythical residence of Avalokiteśvara. dMar po ri had been the site of Srong btsan sgam po’s palace in Lha sa. In his biographies of his predecessors, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho claimed that the previous Dalai Lamas were emanations of Avalokiteśvara, as well as Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) and ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064). In 1651 the Dalai Lama accepted an invitation from the Qing emperor Shunzhi 顺治 (1638–1661) to visit Beijing. As he was en route, arguments developed in the Qing court regarding the protocol of the visit. The emperor initially proposed to ride out and meet his visitor, but his advisors decided that this would undermine imperial dignity. Had the emperor met him outside the imperial see, it would have been acknowledgment that Tibet was an independent country, but imperial mythology dictated that the Son of Heaven had dominion over the entire world. The Dalai Lama’s account of the meeting claims that it occurred outside of Beijing, but Chinese sources state (probably correctly) that it took place within the city’s borders. The Dalai Lama admits that he sat on a (slightly) lower seat than the emperor. The emperor’s retainers were at pains to portray Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho as a vassal, and throughout his visit they designed subtle ways of placing him in an inferior position. This apparently angered the Dalai Lama, who conceived of his trip as a state visit between rulers of equal standing. He left Beijing after six months. While he was on his way back to Tibet, Shunzhi sent him an official seal and conferred an imperial title, and the accompanying message indicated that he understood the Dalai Lama to have submitted Tibet to Chinese rule. In 1657 he received a letter from the Chinese court asking for clarification regarding who was the ruler of Tibet. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho responded that he was Tibet’s king. After his return, the Dalai Lama made further moves to marginalize his opponents. As punishment for Tā ra nā tha’s support of the gTsang pa kings, he decided to suppress the Jo nang order. In 1650 he ordered that all Jo nang and other emptiness (gzhan stong) texts be sealed, and in 1658 the main Jo nang monastery, sTag brtan phun tshogs gling, was forcibly converted into a dGe lugs pa establishment. The fifth mTshur phu rgyal tshab, Grags pa mchog dbyangs (1617–1658), intervened to dissuade him from moving against the Karma bKa’ brgyud pa, who had also fought against the dGe lugs pa during the period of their persecution by the Karma pa hierarchs and the kings of gTsang. In the end, they were only forced to return monasteries they had seized from the dGe lugs pa.

458 • NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG RGYA MTSHO

The fifth Dalai Lama was at odds with several non–dGe lugs orders, but remained a supporter of the rNying ma pa. He dispatched rDzogs chen Padma rig ’dzin (1625–1697) to Khams to establish rDzogs chen Monastery (1680), and he maintained rNying ma tantric lineages. He was also a “treasure discoverer” (gter ston), and his revelations comprise two volumes of his collected works. As ruler of Tibet, he reorganized the government and the taxation system, and he effectively consolidated his control over most of the Tibetan Plateau. He was a prolific writer and renowned meditator and visionary. His collected works fill 30 volumes. His death created significant controversy. His regent (and according to widespread rumors, his son) Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) concealed his passing for almost 15 years. Requests to see the Dalai Lama were met with responses that he was in extended retreat and could not be disturbed. During this time the regent ruled in his name, while also working to extend the power of the dGe lugs pa. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’s remains were mummified and placed in a tomb. The regent identified his reincarnation, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), in the same year that he finally announced the death of the fifth Dalai Lama. He officiated at his enthronement. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya

Statue of the 5th Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, in the Po ta la, Lha sa.

NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG

 • 459

mtsho’s ­successors continued to rule Tibet until the 1950s, when the People’s­ Republic of China invaded and annexed the country and abolished the dGa’ ldan pho brang. NGAG DBANG BLO BZANG THUB BSTAN MCHOG NOR, SKU SHOG BA KU LA RIN PO CHE (GUSHOK BAKULA RINPOCHÉ NGAWANG LOSANG TUPDEN CHOKNOR, 1917–2003). The 19th Ba ku la Rin po che and the abbot of sPe thub Monastery in La dwags, who served as the Minister of State in the government of Jammu and Kashmir from 1953 to 1967. He was a Member of the Indian Parliament in the fourth and fifth Lok Sabha from 1967 to 1977 and served as India’s ambassador to Mongolia from 1990 to 2000. In 1988 his work was recognized with the bestowal of the Padma Bhushan, the third-highest civilian award in the Republic of India. During his time in Mongolia he helped establish a new monastery in the capital, Ulaan Baatar, named sPe thub bstan rgyas chos ’khor gling, and he is widely credited with playing a decisive role in the revival of Buddhism. Ba ku la Rin po che was the youngest child of Ngag dbang mtha’ yas, of the Mang spro royal lineage of La dwags, and his wife, Princess Ye shes dbang mo of the bZang la royal house (who was also the niece of his predecessor, the 18th Ba ku la, bLo bzang ye shes bstan pa rgyal mtshan, 1860–1917). The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), recognized him as a reincarnation of Bakula, one of the 16 arhats depicted in Indian Buddhist legends as prominent disciples of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). The members of this reincarnational lineage are regarded as emanations of the buddha ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha). Ba ku la Rin po che was the great-great-great grandson of the last king to rule La dwags, Tshe dpal don grub rnam rgyal (r. 1802–1837, 1839–1840). He entered the monastic order in 1924, following which he began his studies at bSam dkar Monastery. His main teacher was bLo bzang tshul khrims chos ’phel (1860–1926). At age 14 he received novice (dge tshul) ordination from the Dalai Lama, following which he was admitted to the bLo gsal gling College of ’Bras spungs Monastery in Lha sa. At the completion of his studies, he was awarded the dge bshes lha ram(s) pa (the highest dGe lugs ecclesiastical degree). Following his return to La dwags, Ba ku la Rin po che began to play an active role in politics. From 1949 to 1953 he was the president of the National Conference in Leh, and from 1953 to 1967 he served in the Jammu and Kashmir government, which included terms as Deputy Minister, Minister of State, and Minister of Ladakh Affairs. In 1967 he was elected to the Union Parliament, where he served on the Minorities Commission. He is revered in La dwags as one of its greatest modern religious and secular leaders.

460 • NGAG DBANG GRAGS PA RGYAL MTSHAN

NGAG DBANG GRAGS PA RGYAL MTSHAN (NGAWANG DRAKBA GYELTSEN, R. 1564–1579?) (CH. AWANG ZHABA JIANZAN 阿旺札 巴坚赞). The 11th ruler (sde srid) of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. His reign was marked by internal squabbles that sapped the power of the regime. He was the son of ’Gro ba’i mgon po (1508–1548), who ruled in Gong ri dkar po, southwest of Lha sa. His grandfather was Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa (1488–1564; r. 1499–1564), the last powerful king of the Phag mo gru pa. In 1553–1554 Ngag dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan briefly ascended the throne of sNe’u gdong after his grandfather was forced to temporarily abdicate. He later attempted to permanently supplant the 75-year-old hierarch. In 1564 Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa died, and fighting broke out between the sNe’u gdong and Gong ri dkar po branches of the Phag mo gru pa. The third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), mediated the conflict, and Ngag dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan eventually emerged as the victor and was named king (gong ma). It proved to be a hollow victory, because the fighting had virtually eliminated the power of the Phag mo gru pa. Although he was a supporter of the bKa’ brgyud order, he agreed to a mission by bSod nams rgya mtsho to Mongolia. In 1577 emissaries of Altan Khan (1507–1583) invited the latter to visit him in Kokonor; Ngag dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan helped sponsor the trip and sent some of his own representatives with the delegation. This led to improved relations between the dGe lugs pa and a powerful Mongol khan. During the visit bSod nams rgya mtsho was given the Mongolian title “Ghaikhamsigh vcir-a dar-a say-in cogh-tu buyan-tu dalai” (Wondrous Vajradhara, Good, Brilliant, Admirable Ocean). This was shortened to “Dalai bla ma” (Ocean Lama). The Tibetan version of this designation, “Tā la’i bla ma,” became one of the epithets by which this reincarnational lineage is known. NGAG DBANG ’JIGS MED GRAGS PA (NGAWANG JIKMÉ DRAKBA; ALT. NGAG DBANG ’JIG RTEN DBANG PHYUG GRAGS PA, 1482–1565) (CH. AWANG ZHAXI ZHABA 阿旺札西札巴). The sixth and last Rin spungs ruler. He was the youngest of three sons of Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (r. 1512–ca. 1550). The eldest, Padma dkar po, was murdered in 1565, and the middle brother, Don grub tshe brtan rdo rje, was appointed master of Pa rnam fortress. The middle brother was a confidante of the rGyal dbang Karma pa, Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507–1554), and numbered among his religious preceptors ’Brug chen Padma dkar po (1527–1592). The youngest brother, Ngag dbang ’jigs med grags pa, was a literary figure as well as a dynastic hierarch. Among his most renowned works is his 1519 biography of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), Auspicious Path of the Fortunate Eon (bsKal bzang legs lam). In 1563 he led an army in support of Sa skya (by then an almost moribund power) and showed his military and strategic skills.

NGAG DBANG RNAM RGYAL, ZHABS DRUNG • 461

Toward the end of his rule, the energy and loyalty that the Rin spungs had previously possessed was at a low point. In 1565 Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599)—up to then master of the fortress of gZhis ka rtse and a loyal and trusted Rin spungs advisor—seized control by murdering the eldest brother, Padma dkar po, and he then took the fortress of sNe’u gdong. He accomplished this through a simple yet clever stratagem: he sent a letter to the senior Rin spungs military commander requesting 500 needles. After the request was approved, Zhing shag pa emended khab (needle) to khrab (suit of armor). The order was duly fulfilled, and as a result Zhing shag pa (who up to this point had had little in the way of military hardware) defeated his former overlords. Various alliances and agreements were made between Zhing shag pa and the remnants of the Rin spungs pa, who employed ’Brug chen Padma dkar po as a mediator on several occasions. By gaining complete control of the Pa rnam fortress, Zhing shag pa was well positioned to embark on his rule as the master of gTsang; the dynasty he founded lasted until 1642. In its heyday it was the richest and best connected of all Tibetan dynasties of the period. NGAG DBANG RNAM RGYAL (NGAWANG NAMGYEL, R. 1512–CA. 1550) (CH. AWANG NANJIA 阿旺南嘉). The fifth Rin spungs ruler. He was the son of Sa skyong mTsho skyes rdo rje (1442–1510; r. 1491–1499). He ruled during the rise of Rin spungs power and lived long enough to see its utter downfall. During the reign of Ngag gi dbang po (1439–1491; r. 1481–1491), the eighth Phag mo gru pa ruler, Ngag dbang grags pa engaged in raids and attacks on smaller and weaker kingdoms. In the first decade of the 16th century Ngag dbang rnam rgyal attained a senior position in the royal household. He proved to be a good military commander. In 1510 he took his army to E gnyal in Bya yul, east of Lho brag, but although the raid was successful he lost control of sNe’u gdong in his home territory. From this point he fades out of the histories of the period, but is still mentioned as the Rin spungs sde srid at the time when Zhing shag pa Tshe brtan rdo rje overthrew Rin spungs rule in 1565. NGAG DBANG RNAM RGYAL, ZHABS DRUNG (SHAPDRÜNG NGAWANG NAMGYEL, 1594–CA. 1651) (CH. XIAZHONG AWANG NANJIA 夏仲阿旺南嘉). A Tibetan lama who traveled to Bhutan and established an ecclesiastical state. He was born in Rwa lung and was the son of ’Brug pa Mi pham bstan pa’i nyi ma (1567–1619) and bSod nams dpal gyi bu khrid, the daughter of the ruler (sde srid) of sKyid shod. His father was a descendant of the founder of the ’Brug pa lineage, ’Gro mgon gTsang pa rGya ras ye shes rdo rje (1161–1211). Ngag dbang rnam rgyal was enthroned as the 18th ’Brug pa throne holder, and thus became the hereditary

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heir of the ’Brug pa seat and estate of Rwa lung. He was recognized as the reincarnation of the fourth rGyal dbang ’brug chen, Padma dkar po (1527–1592), but this was contested by Lha rtse ba Ngag dbang bzang po, a disciple of Padma dkar po, who supported the candidature of dPag bsam dbang po (1593–1653). The latter’s faction successfully enlisted the support of the king of gTsang, Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal (1587–1620; r. 1603–1621), a patron of the bKa’ brgyud order. Ngag dbang rnam rgyal retained his seat at Rwa lung, but following a dispute with other religious leaders he fled in order to avoid arrest. He entered Bhutan in 1616. He founded lCags ri rdo rje gdan Monastery in the Thim phug Valley and began to establish control over western Bhutan. In 1634, his forces defeated his rivals in the “Battle of the Five Lamas.” This allowed him to unite the various regions of Bhutan into a single country under his leadership. He established a system of fortresses (rdzong) that is still in place today. They served as the administrative centers for the divisions of the country’s territory. He also developed a system of governance in which power was shared between two leaders, a spiritual hierarch (the rJe mkhan po) and a political ruler (’Brug sde srid). In 1644, the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), launched a military invasion of Bhutan with the aid of Mongol forces, which was repelled. A fort popularly referred to as “Bhutan Victory Fort” (’Brug rgyal rdzong) was erected in sPa gro, and it still stands today (though in a state of disrepair). His death was kept secret for almost 50 years, until around 1705, and a succession of regents ruled the country. NGAG GI DBANG PO (NGAGI WANGBO; ALT. SPYAN SNGA TSHE GNYIS PA, 1439–1491; R. 1481–1491) (CH. AGE WANGBU 阿格旺布). The eighth ruler of the Phag mo gru pa dynasty. He was the only son of Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445). He was still a minor when his father died. He was appointed abbot (spyan snga, lit. “The Presence,” a high royal title) of gDan sa mThil (alt. gDan sa ’Thil, gDan sa Thel) in 1454. In 1458 he was unexpectedly supplanted by his uncle Kun dga’ legs pa (1433–1483; r. 1448–1481), who originally gave him the title spyan snga. Kun dga’ legs pa took the title for himself, and Ngag gi dbang po was exiled to Brag dkar and rGyal bzang fortresses for the next 16 years. During this time Phag mo gru pa power was waning and its domain consisted of territories in dBus. The Rin spungs pa had gained control of gTsang and were threatening Phag mo gru pa hegemony. Ngag gi dbang po’s position was restored in 1480. In 1480 he joined an army led by the Rin spungs chieftain Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512; r. 1479–1512), which seized control of Yar klungs and sKyid shod. He was invited to Lho kha later that year and was granted title to the fortress and land.

NGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB • 463

In 1481 a council of Phag mo gru hierarchs removed Kun dga’ legs pa from power because of his failure to repel the invasion. Ngag gi dbang po was appointed king (gong ma). In 1485 he led an army against rGyal rtse and was victorious. His tenure was marked by intrigues and infighting, but he devoted much of his attention to Buddhist teachings and sponsored many rituals and feasts for monks, and he helped Thang stong rgyal po’s son bsTan ’dzin nyi ma bzang po (b. 1436) build the iron bridge of Nya mgo in 1485. A son was born in 1491 when he was 50, but his wife died the next year. Ngag gi dbang po died soon after. The son, Ngag dbang bkra shis, was too young to rule, so the Rin spungs hierarch mTsho skyes rdo rje (1442–1510; r. 1491–1499) administered the dynasty’s domain. NGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB (NGOK LODEN SHERAP; ALT.­ RNGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB, 1059–1110) (CH. E LUODUN ­ XIRAO 俄罗敦喜饶). A nephew of Ngog Legs pa’i shes rab (1059–1109) who became a leading intellectual figure of the 11th–12th centuries. bLo ldan shes rab was particularly renowned for his study of logic and debate. His uncle provided instructions on a range of Buddhist topics from a young age and established him on an academic path. In 1071 (dates of this event are uncertain, and a commencement date of 1076 has been suggested), bLo ldan shes rab was summoned by Zhi ba ’od (d. 1111)—along with 120 other Tibetan, Indian, and Kashmiri Buddhist masters—to the royal court, and as a result Buddhism prospered in Gu ge and Mar(d) yul for the next three years. Tibetan historical literature sometimes refers to this assembly as the “Council of Tho ling” (Tho ling chos ’khor). bLo ldan shes rab reportedly spent a total of 17 years in India, and returned to sTod yul in western Tibet in 1092 (though as Vitali [1996] notes, these reported dates do not tally well). If, as tradition reports, he departed for India after the Council of Tho ling when he was 17, his return should have been in 1095/1096. bLo ldan shes rab was a noted translator and scholar whose works include Detailed Exegesis of the Difficult Points of Epistemology: A Definitive Treatment (Tshad ma rnam nges kyi dka’ gnas rnam bshad), which he completed in Kashmir. None of his own writings appear to have survived, and the major source for his life and activities is the biography written by his disciple Gro lung pa bLo gros ’byung gnas (b. 11th century). Jackson (1994, 372) refers to him as “the father of Tibetan scholasticism” and credits him with introducing scholastic lore that became central to the dGe lugs system, but Jackson adds that many contemporary dge bshes might not recognize the role Ngog played in the importation of Indian learning to Tibet.

464 • NGOG LEGS PA’I SHES RAB

NGOG LEGS PA’I SHES RAB (NGOK LEKBÉ SHERAP; ALT. RNGOG LEGS PA’I SHES RAB, FL. 11TH CENTURY) (CH. E LEIBEI XIRAO 俄勒贝喜饶). One of the main disciples of Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054). He founded gSang phu ne’u thog in 1071/1073. This became an important center of Buddhist learning. He was one of the most influential translators of the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet. He is also credited with being a leading exponent of the Middle Way Autonomy School (dBu ma rang rgyud pa; Skt. Svātantrika-madhyamaka) in Tibet. NGOR CHEN DKON MCHOG LHUN GRUB: See DKON MCHOG LHUN GRUB. NGOR CHEN KUN DGA’ BZANG PO: See KUN DGA’ BZANG PO. NGOR E WAṂ CHOS LDAN (NGOR EWAM CHÖDEN) (CH. E AIWANG QUDENG SI 鄂艾旺曲登寺). One of the two most important monasteries of the Sa skya order, founded in gTsang in 1429 by Ngor chen Kun dga’ bzang po (1382–1456). It was the seat of the Ngor pa tradition of Sa skya, one of its two main lineages (the other being Tshar pa). Ngor was the main center for study of path and result (lam ’bras), and it had a large library with a substantial collection of Sanskrit manuscripts. At its height, it had 18 colleges, but it was mostly destroyed following the Chinese invasion of the 1950s. Only one building, the Lam ’bras lha khang, has been restored. Below the Lha khang is a row of 60 mchod rten, but the magnificent artwork they once contained was also destroyed or looted and sold. A collection of dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) paintings was fortunately moved to Japan and preserved; these have been published in color with detailed analysis (Bsod-nams-rgya-mtsho, Musashi Tachikawa, and Yonesuko Higashi 1983). The monastery once housed 400 monks, but recent waves of expulsion by Chinese authorities have reduced their number to a handful. It is no longer a functioning monastery. Ngor Monastery has been reestablished in Manduwalla, India. NI GU MA (NIGUMA; ALT. NI GU PTA, B. 10TH CENTURY) (CH. NIGUMA 尼古玛). The sister (or consort: lcam mo) of Nā ro pa (ca. 1016– 1100). She is often referred to as Ye shes mkha’ ’gro ma (Wisdom Ḍākinī). Her personal name was Nges par sbas ma. According to tradition, she was born in Kashmir. She reportedly received instructions directly from the buddha rDo rje chang (Skt. Vajradhara). She is best known for developing a set of tantric practices referred to as the “six dharmas of Ni gu ma” (ni gu chos drug). These have the same names and the same general outlines as the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug), but her explanations differ on a number of points. She is regarded as one of the seminal figures of the Shangs

NOMADS • 465

pa bKa’ brgyud lineage. Her main student was Khyung po rnal ’byor (ca. 10th–11th centuries). See also TANTRA; WOMEN. NOMADS (’BROG PA) (CH. ZANGZU YOUMU 藏族游牧) (“PEOPLES OF THE PASTURES”). Nomadic pastoralists, or nomads, have lived on the Tibetan Plateau for thousands of years, with some estimates going beyond 3250 BCE (5.2 thousand years cal. BP) (Meyer et al. 2018). The regions where they live span from the western Byang thang region to the eastern frontier regions of A mdo and Khams. They identify as nomads and live primarily “on the hoof” (Ekvall 1968), having no single dwelling or fields, instead moving with their animals from pasture to fresher pasture. While there are practical variations in dwelling and ways of life both across places and through time, Tibetan nomads typically live in black yak-hair tents (sbra), which they put up and take down as they move with the seasons. Changes in practices have occurred in recent times, with Tibetan nomads choosing convenient, easily portable white canvas tents (gur) in the summer instead of traditional black tents. Adaptations have also occurred in movements and domestic arrangements as a result of Chinese government policies. Nonetheless, Tibetan nomads continue—in a variety of ways—to live primarily through the practice of animal husbandry and from the products of their animals, including yaks and sheep. Tibetan nomads breed, care for, and use herd animals to sustain life. As a mode of production, pastoralism is often viewed as production for subsistence because it does not give naturally high yields. Instead, it emphasizes unimproved activities, mainly of renewable products, to secure food and items for the maintenance of daily life. Tibetan nomads rely mainly on the milk of their animals to produce butter, yogurt, and cheeses that are typically sold or exchanged for highland barley (nas), which is roasted and stoneground into flour. Combined with tea and butter, this produces rtsam pa, a traditional staple of the Tibetan diet. Meat is consumed to varying degrees and is acquired through purchase in markets, intentional slaughter of one’s own animals, and unintentional death in the herd (accidents, for example). As a nonrenewable product, meat has not typically been the focus of sustainable activity for Tibetan nomads. Other animal products, such as hair, wool, fur, and hides, are converted into everyday products including yarn, cloth, ropes, and felt that support a nomadic way of life. Because it occurs in unimproved conditions, without the addition of fodder, pastoralism on the Tibetan Plateau requires movement both to guarantee grazing yields and for ecologically driven motivations, such as avoiding disease, alleviating ecological pressures on pastures, and reducing competition. For Tibetan nomads, pastoral production is never the only mode of sustaining livelihood. From the pastoral estates of the western regions of the Tibetan

466 • NOMADS

Nomadic tents in A mdo.

Plateau to the nomadic tribes of eastern Tibet (mGo log), other activities such as gathering medicinal plants, hunting, migrant jobbing, trading, and raiding have always supplemented a nomadic way of life. In this regard, pure pastoralism as an ideal-type mode of production is a conceptual category; in practice, Tibetan nomadic pastoralism is more accurately understood as a degree of specialization because it combines with other productive activities to sustain a way of life. This way of understanding Tibetan nomads focuses on mode of production and resource extraction, rather than the relational interaction between nomads and their environment. Even though nomadic pastoralism is symbolized in the pastoral animal, it is equally located in the pastures, and nomadic pastoralism entails a sense of changing places in a routine pattern of movements. The physicality of these moves and the corresponding attitudes this engenders are important: Tibetan nomadic pastoralism extends beyond an economic and political mode of production and includes a way of life that is dependent on “expressive and interactive” animals, with whom “people form relationships and share their lives.” (Galaty and Johnson 1990). In this way, ’brog pa is a self-identifying term and one that immediately places one community apart from others that might also practice a form of pastoralism, such as the semipastoralists (rong ma ’brog) or agriculturalists (rong pa) who maintain their primary orientation toward their fields and practice animal husbandry either as transhumance or as an activity that is supplemental to farming.

NOR BU BZANG PO • 467

The identification as ’brog pa is also significant considering the argument of environmental determinism. While movement may be explained in terms of ecological determinants in some parts of the western and central Tibetan Plateau, physical conditions do not always require movement. Nomadism is also undertaken when ’brog pa live in physical conditions that can support agriculture. This is especially relevant in southeastern Tibet, where the influence of a lower latitude makes agriculture possible at a higher altitude than in other parts of the region. In these cases, ’brog pa choose to continue moving with their animals because of self-identification and not because of environmental factors (Tan 2018). Such choices are presently complicated by Chinese government policies that restrict movements across pastures through fences and designations of environmentally degraded grasslands. Additional policies to permanently settle Tibetan nomads away from pastures in newly developed towns also impact the ability of pastoralists to continue their way of life. Market opportunities afforded by the highly lucrative caterpillar fungus (dbyar rtswa dgun ’bu) also increasingly detract from pastoralism, resulting in a lesser degree of specialization than in the past. See also GRASSLAND LAW OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA. Gillian Tan, Deakin University NONGS (“FAULT,” “DEATH”). A term found in records of the imperial period of uncertain meaning. It seems to imply that a ruler committed a serious error, which was subsequently attested by visible signs on his body. Scrutiny of the physical persons of the Yar klungs monarchs seems to have been a way of discerning whether they were ruling correctly, and physical signs portended the future fate of the Imperium. In later works nongs often means “to die,” so a continuity exists between the notion of a fatal flaw in the king’s behavior and the later notion that someone associated with nongs was about to die. Such “fatal flaws” might include breaking an oath or repudiating tradition. An example of the latter might be Khri Ral pa can’s supposed debasement of the sacred position of the monarch (btsan po) in his practice of allowing monks to sit on his long hair as a sign of his submission to the Buddhist teachings. NOR BU BZANG PO (NORBU SANGBO; ALT. NOR BZANG, 1403– 1466; R. 1435–1466) (CH. NUOSANG 诺桑). The first Rin spungs hierarch. His father was Nam mkha’ rgyal po, a high official under the Phag mo gru pa kings Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432; r. 1385–1432) and

468 • NOR BU GLING KA

Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445), who was in charge of the Rin spungs fief in gTsang. Nor bu bzang po assumed leadership of sNe’u gdong at age 12 on the recommendation of the abbot (spyan snga) of gDan sa mThil just before his death. In 1434 Phag mo gru pa power declined significantly as a result of the internecine feud between Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan and his son Grags pa ’byung gnas. The latter had been designated king, but Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan attempted to usurp him. Nor bu bzang po took advantage of the chaos and began to move against Phag mo gru pa interests. By 1435 he was so successful at unifying the smaller rulers in the sTag lung and Yag sde areas that he was given control of bSam grub rtse (later named gZhis ka rtse) fortress. He continued to pay nominal allegiance to the Phag mo gru pa hierarchs Grags pa ’byung gnas and Kun dga’ legs pa. Through his four surviving sons the power and might of the Rin spungs family grew, and they remained a major force in dBus and gTsang until 1565. NOR BU GLING KA (NORBULINGKA) (CH. LUOBULINKA 罗布林 卡) (“JEWEL PARK”). The summer residence of the Dalai Lamas prior to the People’s Republic of China’s invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s. It was built in the 18th century and is located on the outskirts of Lha sa. It was constructed during the reign of the eighth Dalai Lama, ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804). NOR LHA KHUTUGTU ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO: See ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO. NUB BOD LEGS BCOS SKYID SDUG (NUPÖ LEKJÖ KYIDU) (“TIBET IMPROVEMENT PARTY”; LIT. “WESTERN TIBET REFORM PARTY”). A reformist organization established by Tibetan expatriates in Ka lon sbug (Kalimpong) in 1946, although its roots go back to 1939. It was founded by (alt. sPamg mda’ ’tshang) Rab dga’ (1902–1974), a Khams pa nationalist and wealthy businessman. Its broad aim was to introduce a modern democratic movement to what was at the time, in the opinion of Rab dga’, a feudal and backward Tibet. Its members included the ousted favorite of the 13th Dalai Lama, Kun ’phel lags (1905–1963), and writer, artist, and historian dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903/1905–1951). The organization had little credibility with the people of Tibet: several of its members had fled the country after running afoul of the central government, and it was rumored to have been funded by the Guomindang. sPom mda’ moved easily between his various business interests in China, India, and Tibet. He was noted as a “person of interest” by the British, who regarded him as a potentially destabilizing influence on a Tibetan governmental system that the British had groomed and therefore as a threat to British India.

NYAG RONG • 469

Much of the British misconception about the nature of the party was due to the mistranslation of “legs bcos” as “revolutionary,” whereas it is more accurately translated as “reforming” or “improving.” Because of the translation “revolutionary,” the British assumed that the party was connected with the aims of Sun Yat-sen, which in the British opinion was far too close to socialism for their comfort. sPom mda’ had links with the Guomindang through its M ­ ongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, and this added to British concerns regarding the organization’s aims. The notable members mentioned earlier in this entry were all closely associated with Kalimpong, which the British characterized as a “nest of spies.” As a result of these suspicions, Kun ’phel lags encountered difficulties in his trading ventures on behalf of Tibet’s regent, Rwa sgreng Rin po che. The British, probably unjustly, believed sPom mda’ was involved with forging Indian and Tibetan currency notes and denied him further residence in India. After his return to Tibet, the party managed to retain some of its fervor, but the imprisonment of one of its early members, dGe ’dun chos ’phel, was effectively its death knell. Phun tshogs bkra shis stag lha regarded it as a “branch office” of the Guomindang, a notion that many other Tibetans shared. Tibetan historians are divided as to whether the party was a plaything of Chinese ambitions or—as its members viewed it—a Tibetan nationalist organization. NUN (A NI). The full monastic ordination for women (dge slong ma; Skt. bhikṣuṇī) was never transmitted to Tibet, so women can receive only the novice (dge tshul ma; Skt. śrāmaṇerī) vows. Despite this limitation, there are substantial numbers of Buddhist nuns, and they play important social roles. Nuns have been at the forefront of demonstrations against Chinese rule and have gained increased social status for the courage displayed by activists who have been tortured and imprisoned yet continue to resist and adhere to their nonviolent beliefs. Traditionally nuns’ religious activities were limited to performance of rituals and chanting prayers, but in recent decades some convents established in exile have developed programs in dialectical debate and scriptural study. See also A NI; DGE SLONG; ’DUL BA; MONK. NYAG KHRI BTSAN PO: See GNYAG KHRI BTSAN PO. NYAG RONG (NYARONG) (CH. XINLONG 新龙). A region that lies almost in the center of Khams, midway between dKar mdzes to the north and Li thang to the south. Along with Phyag phreng, dKar mdzes, Dra ’ur, and Mi nyag, it is generally said to be in eastern Khams. Due to its relative isolation, Nyag rong was removed from major trade routes, and it was economically poor because of its lack of flat agricultural land. As a consequence of these factors, the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), Chinese

470 • NYAG RONG

governments, and neighboring provincial governments, largely left it to its own devices. According to a local historical source cited by Yudru Tsomo (2006), the proper name of this valley is Nya A dzi rong, which combines the Tibetan terms nya (“ridged”) and rong (“valley”) with the Sanskrit term adzi(ta), meaning “undefeated.” Historical accounts from Nyag rong record that troops from the area were part of the btsan po’s army during the Imperium between 762 and 775 and that they accompanied Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) on a punitive raid into northern areas of the Indian subcontinent. Between that early period and the 18th century, the main sources for the history of Nyag rong are Chinese. Chinese local rulers came into contact with Nyag rong people and their leaders, and their interpretation of events is likely to be partisan and to reflect Chinese attitudes and assumptions. Yudru Tsomo reports that the accounts of the region are so patchy that it is difficult to determine whether the ruling families of Nyag rong in the 18th–19th centuries were the same ones that had ruled in previous centuries when its unique sociopolitical identity was being formed. She goes on to note that Qing sources assert that seven indigenous hegemons had ruled Nyag rong since the early 18th century until mGon po rnam rgyal (1799–1865) unified it in the mid-19th century. By the early 18th century Nyag rong was effectively ruled by three branches of the most powerful local family, referred to as the “Three Iron Knots” (lCags mdud gsum). They patronized various religious traditions— mainly rNying ma and Bon—and this enabled them to prevent any one religious group from challenging lCags mdud control. During the mid- to late 18th century, the Qing dynasty attempted to assert control over Nyag rong through a combination of patronage and military force, but the local population was so adept at brigandry and fighting that they managed to strengthen themselves by looting Qing military supply convoys. The more powerful the reactions of the Qing during this period, the more the Nyag rong pa resisted, and this served to establish a view of the world in which Nyag rong was an entity distinct from its neighbors, one that survived and prospered by raiding them. During the mid-19th century Nyag rong briefly became the most powerful entity in Khams; this is described in the mGon po rnam rgyal entry. More recently, Nyag rong again became important as one of the first places in Tibet to actively rebel against the encroachments of the People’s Republic of China in the mid-1950s. As Chinese troops made increasingly ambitious forays into Tibetan territory to test the mettle of its defenders, the Nyag rong chieftain and his wives coordinated the resistance. Nyag rong became the first center of what Tibetan exiles refer to as the “Voluntary Army Defending Religion” (bsTan srung dang blangs dmag). This was a loosely knit but effective guerilla movement that fought against overwhelming odds and won several clear victories against People’s Liberation Army troops. In spite of their

NYI MA ’OD ZER, NYANG RAL • 471

Nyag rong Town.

spirited resistance, China eventually defeated and annexed Nyag rong. Today it is referred to as Xinlong Xian新龙县 (Tib. Nyag rong rdzong), a county of Garze Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (Ch. Ganzi Zangzu Zizhizhou 甘孜藏 族自治州; Tib. dKar mdzes bod rigs rang skyong khul). NYI MA ’OD ZER, NYANG RAL (NYANGREL NYIMA ÖSER, 1124–1196) (CH. NIANGRE NIMA WOSE 釀熱尼玛沃瑟). An influential “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). He was born in Lho brag gTam shul at ’Jed sa ser dgon. His father was Chos kyi ’khor lo, and his mother was Padma bde ba rtsal. He is regarded as the first of the “Five Treasure Discoverer Kings”

472 • NYI MA ’OD ZER, NYANG RAL

(gTer ston rgyal po; the others are: Chos kyi dbang phyug, rDo rje gling pa, Padma gling pa, and ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po). He is also regarded as a reincarnation of Khri Srong lde btsan. His hagiography reports that his body was marked with auspicious signs, including three moles shaped like the syllables oṃ, aḥ, and hūng on his forehead. From age 12 to age 25 he studied rNying ma tantric lore, and he received instructions and empowerments directly from Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and Ye shes mtsho rgyal. dBang phyug rdo rje—a yogi described in his hagiography as an emanation of Padmasambhava—provided him with a list of locations of hidden treasures (gter ma). He recovered prodigious amounts of treasures, including religious objects and texts. After finding his first major cache of treasures, he went into meditative retreat in Mu tig shel gyi spa gong, where he had a vision of Ye shes mtsho rgyal. She gave him the Hundred Ḍākinī Questions and Answers (mKha’ ’gro’i zhus lan brgya). They traveled to the bSil ba tshal (Skt. Śītavana) cremation ground, where Padmasambhava was residing. The guru provided advanced instructions relating to the treasures he had received. Nyang ral later married Jo ’bum ma, a manifestation of Ye shes mtsho ­rgyal, and they had two sons, ’Gro mgon Nam mkha’ ’od zer and Nam mkha’ dpal ba. He met another treasure discoverer named dNgos grub, who had received revelations that coincided with his own. They realized that their combined lore was complementary and shared their insights. When he was 68, a glowing letter hrī appeared at his heart. His consciousness departed to dGa’ ldan (Skt. Sukhāvatī) while his body became inert. Chag Lo tsā ba Chos rje dpal (1197–1263/1264) attempted to cremate the corpse, but the fire could not touch it. Eventually it immolated itself and many relics remained. Nyang ral is credited with a number of influential works, including Eight Commands: Collection of the Well Gone Ones (bKa’ brgyad bde gshegs ’dus pa). He also produced a biography of Padmasambhava entitled Chronicle of Copper Island (bKa’ thang zangs gling ma).

O O RGYAN (ALT. U RGYAN) (SKT. OḌḌIYĀNA) (CH. WUDIYANA 乌 地亚那). An area in northern India, often associated with the Swāt Valley, that is the traditional birthplace of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). Since the writings of O rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229/1230–1308/1309)— who is said to have traveled there in 1261—Tibetans have maintained that it lies in the area of Swāt to the north of Peshāwar in modern Pakistan. There are, however, some problems with this identification. Sangs rgyas sbas pa’i mngon po (Buddhaguptanātha, 16th–17th centuries), for example, unequivocally states that Oḍḍiyāna is located to the west of Swāt, in the vicinity of Ghazni, about 80 km (50 mi.) south of Kabul in modern Afghanistan. His account of the geography of the area appears detailed enough to be considered seriously. The most prominent Tibetan who visited Oḍḍiyāna was O rgyan Rin chen dpal, but other later accounts exist, including that of sTag tshang ras pa in the early 17th century. The Tibetan obsession with the land of Oḍḍiyāna has produced a wealth of material both about the land itself and about its location that has served as a literary template for travel accounts of journeys there. O rgyan pa visited the major sites referred to in the Supreme Happiness Tantra (bDe mchog rgyud; Skt. Saṃvara-tantra) series of practices, which at the time were still relatively newly popular in Tibet. His account of his travels is richly detailed and replete with vignettes of life in Oḍḍiyāna. His recorded impressions of this land noted a strange mixture of belief systems that were current at the time. O rgyan pa refers to incidents that suggest that even at that relatively early stage of Tibetan pilgrimages to Oḍḍiyāna local worship of autochthonous deities had begun to eclipse Buddhism. It is possible that O rgyan pa confused the local cult of pairika (or peri), the “fairy witches” of Swāt, with the mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) cult he had expected to find. Encounters with such figures are described in earlier travelogues, including that of Xuanzang 玄奘 (596–664), who visited there in the 7th century. According to his biographer Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634), when Buddhaguptanātha journeyed to the region in approximately 1545, “there was not even the slightest vestige of an order of monks. There were, however, groups of fully renunciate (Buddhist) yogis, laypeople, and heretics (i.e., Hindus), as well as barbarians (i.e., Muslims) there.” By the time of sTag tshang pa—who traveled there in about 473

474 • O RGYAN GTER BDAG GLING PA

1613—“absolutely no trace of Buddhism remained in the region.” sTag tshang pa observed that the renunciate yogis were no longer Buddhist and that they appeared to belong to the Nāth tradition. O RGYAN GTER BDAG GLING PA: See ’GYUR MED RDO RJE. O RGYAN ’JIGS MED CHOS KYI DBANG PO, DPAL SPRUL RIN PO CHE (BATRUL RINPOCHÉ ORGYEN JIKMÉ CHÖGI WANGBO, 1808–1887) (CH. BACHU RENBOQIE 巴初仁波切). An influential reincarnate lama (sprul sku) of the rNying ma order. He was born in the rGyal thog family in dGe rtse rdza chu kha in Khams. His father, rGyal thog lha bang, belonged to the sMug po gdong clan. His mother was named sGrol ma. rDo bla ’Jigs med bskal bzang recognized him as the reincarnation of the first dPal dge bla ma, bSam gtan phun tshogs (d. 1807). The recognition was confirmed by the first rDo grub chen, ’Jigs med ’phrin las ’od zer (1745–1821), who gave him the religious name O rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po. He is also associated with other reincarnational traditions. Some believe him to be the speech emanation (gsung gi sprul sku) of ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/1730– 1798), and ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892) appears to cast him as a reincarnation of Zhi ba lha (Skt. Śāntideva, ca. 8th century). At the age of 21 he decided to close his residence, the dPal dge bla brang, and became a wandering student and yogi. He received monastic ordination from mKhan po Seng phrug padma bkra shis of rDzogs chen Monastery, and studied Buddhist philosophy and tantra with some of the leading rNying ma scholars of Khams. He received the Heart Essence (sNying thig) instructions from rDzogs chen Mi ’gyur nam mkha’i rdo rje (1793–1787). Zhe chen dbon sprul mThu stobs rnam rgyal (b. 1787) gave him the oral transmission of the bKa’ ’gyur and taught him grammar. The “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870) designated dPal sprul rin po che as the custodian (chos bdag) of his revelation Unity of the Supreme Bliss of Buddhas (bDe mchog sangs rgyas mnyam sbyor), for which he also received the full repertoire of oral instructions and empowerments. dPal sprul rin po che’s main teacher was ’Jigs med rgyal ba’i myu gu (1765–1842), one of the two main lineage holders of ’Jigs med gling pa’s Heart Essence of the Great Expanse (kLong chen snying thig). He gave dPal sprul rin po che oral instructions on the preliminary practices (sngon ’gro) for this cycle of teaching, which he gathered into a book during a retreat in a gShin rje gshed (Skt. Yamāntaka) cave above rDzogs chen Monastery. This has been translated as Words of My Perfect Teacher. He experienced a meditative breakthrough referred to “unobstructed awareness” (zang thal gyi rig pa) while following the instructions of mDo mKhyen brtse ’Jigs med ye shes rdo rje (1800–1866). His religious biography recounts that this insight occurred

’OD DPAG MED • 475

rDzogs chen Monastery assembly hall.

one day when mDo mKhyen brtse grabbed him by the hair and threw him to the ground. dPal sprul Rin po che smelled alcohol on his breath and thought that his violent actions were the result of drunkenness. mDo mKhyen brtse called him an “old dog” (khyi rgan) and spat on him, stuck out his pinky finger (a Tibetan gesture of contempt), and walked away. dPal sprul Rin po che instantly realized that the master was only appearing to be inebriated in order to provide him a lesson about conventional thoughts, and he immediately experienced the fundamental nature of mind. Following this event, he often referred to himself as “Old Dog.” He spent many years in meditative retreat and also gave oral teachings and tantric empowerments in various places in eastern Tibet. He spent most of his later years at rGyal ba’i myu gu’s monastery, rDza rgyal dgon. ’O ROD: See OIRAT. ’OD DPAG MED (ÖBAKMÉ) (SKT. AMITĀBHA) (CH. AMITUOFO 阿弥陀佛) (“LIMITLESS LIGHT”). A popular buddha commonly regarded as a form of Tshe dpag med (Skt. Amitāyus). He presides over the western paradise of dGa’ ldan (Skt. Sukhāvatī), a realm in which beings born there are assured of attaining buddhahood in that lifetime. The c­ onditions of the paradise are optimal for the practice of Buddhism, in accordance with

476 • ’OD SRUNG

A being born into bDe ba can, emerging from a lotus with the body of a buddha.

Amitābha’s former vows (in a lifetime during which he was a monk named Dharmākara), in which he declared his intention to create a realm that would be the ideal training ground for beings aspiring to buddhahood. The mythology of this buddha is primarily derived from three Sanskrit texts: (1) the Larger Sukhāvatī-vyūha-sūtra, (2) the Smaller Sukhāvatī-vyūha-sūtra, and (3) the Amitāyur-dhyāna-sūtra. The first of these is the main source for a famous series of vows, the 18th of which states that anyone who invokes Amitābha’s name 10 times (or desires rebirth in Sukhāvatī 10 times) will surely be reborn there. East Asian traditions refer to this as an “easy practice” because it is based on faith and mechanical repetition of his mantra, rather than on difficult meditational training. ’OD SRUNG (ÖSÜNG, 843–905 OR 847–885) (CH. ESONG 俄松). A Yar klungs prince, the son of Khri Glang dar ma (r. 838–842). His name derives from the story that after the murder of Glang dar ma his junior wife was already pregnant with the child who would become known as ’Od srung. To protect the baby from the schemes of the elder wife, who feigned her own pregnancy, he was protected by guards during the day, and they were augmented by burning lamps at night. Hence his name means “Protected by Light.” The senior wife put forward a child she had adopted but claimed as her own (according to legend, the son of a beggar). He was referred to as Yum brtan, which means “Upheld by His Mother.” Richardson (1998) has provided compelling evidence against the historicity of Yum brtan, but later

ÖGÖDEI KHAN • 477

histories generally recount the narrative of his succession battle with ’Od srung. In the standard story, both appeared to be genuine claimants, and ’Od srung was given the district of g.Yo ru, while Yum brtan was ceded dBu ru. Their feud sparked a rebellion among the lower classes, which reached its peak around 865–870. The breakdown of the dynasty and its internecine squabbles led to widespread dissatisfaction, as evidenced by the destruction and looting of imperial tombs in the Yar klungs Valley. As the dynasty collapsed, various factions carved out spheres of influence and ruled parts of the old empire. Some of the descendants of the Yar klungs kings migrated west to mNga’ ris, where they founded a new royal dynasty. ÖGÖDEI KHAN (TIB. U GE TA HAN) (MON. ӨГЭДЭЙ ХААН, ÖGEDEI HAAN; CL. ÖGÖDEI QAΓAN, 1186–1241) (CH. WOKUOTAI 窝阔台). The third son of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) and Börte Ujin. He succeeded his father and became the second Great Khan (Их хаан: Ih haan; Cl. qaγan: kagan) of the Mongol Empire. Ögödei shared his father’s love of conquest and expanded the empire into China, Persia, and Central Asia. At the age of seven, he was badly wounded in the defeat of Chinggis’s forces at Khalakhaljid Sands. He was rescued by his father’s adopted brother Borokhula. He inherited part of his father’s empire, and began expanding his dominion in 1211 in a campaign against the Jin dynasty (Ch. Jinchao 金朝, 1115–1234). His army cut a swath of destruction through modern Hebei and then proceeded north through Shaanxi in 1213. During a five-month siege of Otrar, he and Chagatai massacred the inhabitants in 1219–1220. Following this victory, he subdued a rebellion in eastern Persia and Afghanistan and also subdued Ghazni. Chinggis died in 1227, and in 1229 Ögödei was enthroned as Great Khan at Kodoe Aral on the Kherlen River. He embarked on a campaign of conquest, and in February 1234 defeated the Jin forces. He also conquered the Eastern Xia (Ch. Xixia 西夏; Tib. Mi nyag) in 1233, which gave him control over southern Manchuria. He later launched invasions of Georgia, Azerbaijan, and Armenia. After this the Mongol general Chormaqan took Tiflis, and in 1238 he conquered Lorhe and then Hohanaberd. The Georgian nobles surrendered following a siege. In 1224 Korea ceased paying a yearly tribute after the assassination of a Mongol, and Ögödei sent his general Saritai (Sartaq) against the Koreans. The king of Koryŏ surrendered and agreed to Mongol overlordship, but when the Mongol troops withdrew he reneged and moved his capital to Ganhwa Island in hopes that it would provide a better defense against Mongol attacks. During a campaign against the Koreans, Saritai was killed by an arrow. Ögödei continued the assault on the Koreans, and also attacked the Southern Song and the Kipchaks. Danqu was appointed commander of his armies, and the defeated Korean general Bog Wong became regent of 40 cities under

478 • OIRAT

Mongol overlordship. In 1238 Koryŏ surrendered, and Ögödei ordered its king to travel to his capital, but instead he sent a relative and 10 sons of the Koryŏ nobility, who became hostages of the Mongols and whose presence in the Mongol capital was designed to ensure compliance on the part of their families in Korea. Under the command of Batu Khan, Mongol armies conquered the Russian­ steppe and much of Eastern Europe. They subdued most of Russia, as well as Hungary and Poland. They then took Volga-Bulgaria, Albania, and Transylvania. Ögödei indicated to his generals that he wished the empire to be extended to the “Great Sea” (the Atlantic), but his death spared Austria, Germany, and France from Mongol invasions. His forces were engaged in a siege of Vienna when he died. Ögödei’s sons continued the expansion of the empire into Song territory. They conquered Chengdu and Xiangyang and went as far as the Yangtze River. His son Khochu died during this campaign, and in 1240 another son, Khuden, launched an attack on Tibet. This was a precursor to Tibet’s incorporation into the Mongol Empire. See also DOR RTA NAG PO; KUN DGA’ RGYAL MTSHAN; SA SKYA. OIRAT (TIB. ’O ROD) (MON. OЙРАД) (CH. WACI 瓦刺; WELATE 卫拉特). The so-called western Mongols, whose homeland was situated between Lakes Baikal and Balkash in the area of Zungharia, north of the Then hran ri bo (alt. Then han ri bo; Ch. Tian Shan 天山) range and to the west of the Altai range (Ch. A’ertai Shanmai 阿尔泰山脉; Mon. Алтай or Алтайн нуруу). The name Oirat is thought to derive from Mongolian oi (“forest”), referring to their main territory in the upper reaches of the Yenisei­ River near Lake Baikal. The name Oirat may be a corruption of Dörben Öörd (Fourfold Alliance). The Oirats were a grouping of four main tribes: (1) Khoshud (Mon. Хошууд: Hošuud), (2) Ööld (Mon. Өөлд), the (3) Torguud (Mon. Торгууд), and (4) Dörvöd (Mon. Дөрвөд). Sometimes other tribes­—­ including the Bargut, Buzav, Khoid, and Naiman—are included among the Dörben Öörd. Their Western Turkic neighbors labeled them “Kalmyk” or “Remainers,” referring to Mongols who stayed behind in the Altai region when Turkic peoples migrated westward. It may also refer to the fact that the Kalmyks remained Buddhist while the Turks converted to Islam. The Republic of Kalmykia, which is part of the Russian Federation, is the main region in which modern Kalmyks reside. Among the Kalmyks Tibetan Buddhism is the dominant religion. The earliest mention of Oirats is in Rashid ad-Din’s account of the rise of Chinggis Khan (1162–1227). In 1201 the Oirat chieftain Khudukha-beki joined a military alliance with the Merkid and Naiman tribes that fought against Chinggis but was defeated. Khudukha’s force was beaten and he fled back to the forests of his homeland. Chinggis’ troops pursued him, and he was

OIRAT • 479

forced to surrender. He and his 4,000 troops became part of Chinggis’ growing alliance. In 1207 Oirats joined Chinggis’ eldest son, Jöchi (1185–1226), in an expedition to subdue other forest Mongols, and as a reward Khudukha was allowed to marry women of his tribe to members of Chinggis’ family. When Chinggis developed the tümen system of organization (units of 10,000 soldiers), he allowed the Oirats and Ongguts to maintain their tribal affiliations within these groupings. During the succession war of 1260–1264 between Ariq Böke and K ­ hubilai Khan (1215–1294) the Oirats supported the former and lent troops to him. Khubilai emerged victorious, and the Oirats switched sides. In 1388 the Oirats fought against Toghon Temür (Ukhaantu Khan; Tib. Tho gan the mur; Ch. Yuan Huizong 元惠宗, 1320–1370), the last Yuan emperor, a descendant of Khubilai. In 1399 an Oirat commander killed the successor to the Mongol khan, which led to the ascendancy of the Oirats over the eastern Mongols. From their main center of power in the remote Altai Mountains, they spread eastward and took control over areas that had been the domain of eastern Mongol tribes. The Ming emperor Yongle 永乐 (1360–1424) fought a number of battles against Mongol tribes, and following his death the Oirats seized the opportunity to increase their power. The Oirat chieftain Toghon forged alliances and killed his two main opponents, and Toghto-buqa (1416–1452) was named khan. Toghon defeated his rival Arughtai in 1431 and killed him in 1434. His son Esen (d. 1455) continued his program of conquest. In 1443 he took his father’s title of Tayisi, and he ruled the Four Oirats from 1454 to 1455. He was able to unify both Inner and Outer Mongolia under his rule. Toghtobuqa preferred amicable relations with China, but Esen began aggressive campaigns against Chinese interests. He launched raids against the prince of Hami, a Mongol who had sworn loyalty to the Ming. The latter declined to aid him, and in 1448 he submitted to Esen. Esen then conquered Gansu. Esen had consolidated his rear flank, and then he moved against the Urianghai Mongols on China’s northwest frontier. He also sent “tribute” missions to China, which supplied him with funding for further campaigns. During the 1440s he sent more than 2,000 missions, and in 1448 he dispatched 3,000. The Chinese government complained about the huge cost of feeding these groups and providing them with valuable goods in exchange for nominal avowals of vassalship. Imperial reluctance to continue enriching a barbarian ruler who clearly had designs on its territory and accusations that the missions engaged in raiding along the way provided a pretext for an invasion in 1449. The young emperor Zhengtong 正统 (1427–1464) was unprepared for the attack and foolishly followed the advice of his eunuch tutor Wang Zhen 王振 and personally led an army, purportedly of 500,000 troops, to confront Esen, who had moved

480 • OIRAT

against Datong 大同. This was a strategic point on the Great Wall in Shaanxi. Esen crushed the defenses at the Great Wall, but the ultimate defeat of the Ming forces was due to incompetence on the part of the inexperienced emperor and his eunuch generals. The latter failed to arrange for adequate provisions for the huge force, which began to run out of supplies shortly after it set out. By the time he reached Datong, Wang Zhen belatedly realized the danger he faced and decided to retreat. Esen launched guerilla attacks on his rear flanks, and the starving troops were forced to flee to Tumu 土木. Wang was advised to march to the better-defended walled city of Huailai (怀来), but did not want to leave behind his baggage train. The exhausted and hungry soldiers were defeated and Zhengtong was captured. Wang and the other eunuch generals were executed. Esen launched an attack on Beijing soon after this, but it was repulsed. A new emperor named Jingtai 景泰 (1428–1457) was installed on the throne, and he was apparently not particularly eager to secure his brother’s return. During negotiations with Esen, Chinese envoys never even mentioned this as a desideratum from their perspective. Since Zhengtong was now useless to him, Esen released him; he was allowed to return on condition that he agree not to attempt to recapture the throne. Following his victory against China, Esen moved against the eastern Mongols and Toqtobuqa Khan near Turfan in 1451. Toqtobuqa was killed in 1452, and Esen eventually extended his territory from the Urianghai and Jurchen areas in the east to the Hami oasis in the west. His undoing came when he declared himself Khan in 1453. According to well-established Mongol tradition, this title could be held only by descendants of Chinggis. His generals rebelled. He was forced to flee, and he was killed in 1455. The power of the Oirats declined after this, and from the 14th to the 18th century they were often at war with eastern Mongols. They conquered the territory of the Khalkha in modern Outer Mongolia in 1623 but never managed to regain the power they had enjoyed under Esen’s rule. The Oirats were one of several Mongol groupings that played a role in Tibetan history. Tibetans viewed Mongols as a group as a potential mission field, and religious forays in the 13th century were notably successful. By the 16th century, however, Mongol enthusiasm for Buddhism waned, although the 15th–16th century movement of Mongol tribes into closer proximity with northeastern areas of the Tibetan Plateau again brought them into the sphere of Tibet’s religious influence. dGe lugs pa lamas proselytized among the Mongols from the mid- to late 16th century, with considerable success. Prior to this there had been comparatively little missionizing among the Oirat and their allies the Zunghar, while the Khalkha and Tümed (Tib. Thu med) had been converted by dGe lugs pa lamas. Following the defeat of the Zunghar invasion in the 18th century, the influence of the Oirats and other Mongol

OLD TIBETAN ANNALS • 481

tribes in Tibetan politics declined, but Mongolian monks continued to travel to Tibet and study at its monasteries until 1959. Some of them became eminent scholars and were part of the intellectual mix in both central and eastern Tibet. See also DGA’ LDAN PO SHOG TU HAN; LHAZANG KHAN; MONGOL EMPIRE; MONGOLIA; MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM. ’OL MO LUNG RING (ÖLMO LÜNGRING) (CH. WOMO LONGREN 沃莫隆仁). According to Bon tradition, ’Ol mo lung ring is a place of ultimate perfection, accessible only to those with fully awakened minds. It is given a general location in Bon cosmology and is said to be the most perfect place for meditators to perform their practice, but Bon texts provide few concrete details regarding where ’Ol mo lung ring is situated in relation to this world. For a believer, the actual location is of little importance, and trying to ascertain it is regarded as a futile exercise and an impediment to religious goals. Martin (1994) suggests that hints in Bon texts indicate that it might be an area between the eastern limits of the Sasanian empire and the westernmost extent of Tibet. This locates it somewhere between the region bounded by modern La dwags in the south and east, the Wakhan Corridor to the northeast, and the central area of Badakshan near Ghazni to the west. It may have had a northern limit near the area of the ancient city of Balkh. OLD SOCIETY (TIB. SPYI TSHOGS RNYING PA). A term used in People’s Republic of China propaganda to refer to Tibet prior to the invasion and annexation of the 1950s. Chinese sources characterize it as “the darkest feudal system in history” and “hell on earth,” but Tibetans living at the time report that it was a generally pleasant place, though poor and technologically backward. OLD TIBETAN ANNALS. An untitled pair of works that Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943) and Paul Pelliot (1878–1945) found among the cache of pre-11th-century documents in a sealed cave in Dunhuang, which are the earliest extant written records of the history of the Tibetan empire of the 7th–8th centuries. They are also the oldest extant Tibetan historical works written in a year-by-year annalistic style (as opposed to a narrative or sequential historical overview). As Dotson (2009) notes, they are not works of history, but rather a “bureaucratic register of events.” They were compiled as events unfolded. The Annals cover the years between 641 and 764, with a slight overlap between the two versions. Takeuchi Tsuguhito (1985) identified a passage that borrows a narrative plot from the Chinese historical work Record of the Great Historian (Ch. Shiji 史記, written between 109 and 91 BCE by Sima Qian 司马迁 (ca. 145–86 BCE). This indicates that such narratives from surrounding civilizations were known to and adapted by Tibetan

482 • OṂ MAṆI PADME HŪNG

chroniclers and demonstrates a high level of literacy and cultural contact that must have preceded the writing of the texts. Historians of Tibet regard these as seminal works. Their translation into French in 1940 (Bacot, Thomas, and Toussaint 1940–1946) provided scholars with an unprecedented window into the workings of the Tibetan court during the Imperium and helped them to locate its mobile and ritual-based nature in a wider Central Asian perspective. OṂ MAṆI PADME HŪNG (SKT. OṂ MAṆI PADME HŪṂ) (CH. WENG MA NI BA MI HONG 嗡嘛呢叭咪哄; AN MA NI BA MI MOU 庵嘛呢叭弥哞) (“OṂ JEWEL LOTUS HŪṂ”). The mantra of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), who in Mahāyāna is said to be the embodiment of compassion (snying rje; Skt. karuṇā). It is the most commonly chanted mantra in Tibetan Buddhism, probably due to the fact that Avalokiteśvara is particularly closely associated with Tibet and its history. Several of the most prominent lineages of reincarnating lamas (sprul sku)—including the Dalai Lamas and the rGyal dbang Karma pas—are believed to be physical manifestations of Avalokiteśvara. Tibetan histories written after the mid-11th century—beginning with the Testament of the Royal Dharma Protector Srong btsan sgam po (Chos skyong ba’i rgyal Srong btsan sgam po’i bka’ chems bka’ khol ma, written in 1048)—often are at pains to draw a connection between Avalokiteśvara and Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), the paradigmatic first “religious king” (chos rgyal). Contemporary scholars have debated the meaning of the mantra. Some read “padme” (lotus) as a Sanskrit locative, in which case it would be translated as “Oṃ Jewel in the Lotus Hūṃ.” Others interpret padme as a vocative feminine, and thus translate it as “Oṃ Jewel-Lotus Hūṃ.” Both readings are, however, problematic: in the first interpretation the mantra would be ungrammatical (which is not uncommon with Buddhist Sanskrit mantras); the second interpretation faces the problem of why a male bodhisattva would be referred to with a feminine vocative. OTANTAPURI’I GTSUG LAG KHANG (OTANTAPURI TSUKLAKHANG) (SKT. ODANTAPURĪ) (CH. AODANDUOBULI 奥丹多 补梨). One of the major north Indian monastic universities during the period of Buddhism’s flourishing on the subcontinent. It was one of the important sources for the transmission of Indian Buddhism to Tibet. It was founded in the 8th century by Chos skyong (Skt. Dharmapāla), and it was the model for the construction of bSam yas. According to Tibetan histories, it was the second oldest of the major monastic universities after Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā). It was located in dBus ’gyur tshal (Skt. Magadha), about 10 km (6 mi.) from Nālandā. King Gopala (660–705) was the royal patron who sponsored its

OTANTAPURI’I GTSUG LAG KHANG • 483

Rock on the circumambulation path around the Dalai Lama’s residence (Pho brang) in Dharamsala with “Om . man. i padme huˉ ng” carved on it.

484 • OUTER MONGOLIA

i­nitial construction. Tibetan histories report that it housed about 12,000 students in its heyday, but Muslim invaders destroyed it. OUTER MONGOLIA (TIB. PHYI SOG) (MON. АР МОНГОЛ: AR MONGOL; CL. ARU MONGΓOL) (CH. WAI MENGGU 外蒙古). An administrative division created during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), which was distinguished from “Inner Mongolia” (Tib. Nang sog; Mon. Өвөр Монгол: Öbör mongγol; Ch. Nei Menggu 内蒙古, which is now an autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China). It roughly corresponds to the modern Republic of Mongolia (Mon. Монгол улс: Mongol uls; Cl. Mongγol Ulus).

P PA GOR BE RO TSA NA: See BE RO TSA NA. PADMA BKOD (BEMAKÖ; ALT. GNAS PADMA BKOD) (CH. 白玛科, BAIMAKE 白玛科). One of the most famous “hidden lands” (sbas yul), and one of the hardest to reach. It is located in Tibet’s southeast in wild and largely inaccessible territory. Traditionally it is believed that only tantric adepts can open the mystical doors that protect these places. Padma bkod is associated with the region at the great bend of the Yar klungs gtsang po River (Brahmaputra), where it plunges through deep gorges on its path toward the plains of India. It is densely forested and surrounded by steep mountains. Its remoteness and inaccessibility have made it a refuge for people fleeing conflicts, and it is also associated with intrepid yogis who journey there to test their resolve and experience visions. The rNying ma pa treasure discoverer (gter ston) Rig ’dzin ’Ja’ tshon snying po (1585–1656) produced a guidebook to the region based on his revelations, Record of sKu tshab Padma bshes gnyen ’gro ’dul and His Seven Rebirths: Guidebook to the Hidden Land of Padma bkod (sBas yul padma bkod kyi lam yig dang sku tshab padma bshes gnyen ’gro ’dul dang skye bdun dkar chags). He portrayed it as a refuge from the dark age of the Dharma and claimed that those who practiced there would attain the rainbow body (’ja’ lus) at the time of death. bDud ’dul rdo rje (1615–1672) traveled to the kingdom of sPo bo, which lies near the entrance to the Brahmaputra Gorge, and he mapped a circumambulation route around Padma bkod, referred to as Padma shri. He transmitted his knowledge of the area to sTag sham pa Nus ldan rdo rje (1655–1708), who traveled to sPo bo and recovered treasures (gter ma) there. His ­Assemblage of Realizations of the Three Root Meditational Deities (rTsa gsum yi dam dgongs ’dus) describes a grouping of eight hidden lands that form a lotus, with Padma bkod in the center. He divides Padma bkod into 12 outer regions, 40 inner ravines, and 16 secret places. He associates the region with the tantric buddha rDo rje rnal ’byor ma (Skt. Vajrayoginī), and the notion that the various geographical features of the region are parts of her mystical physiology became popular among Tibetans. The river is associated with her central channel (rtsa dbu ma; Skt. avadhūti). 485

486 • PADMA BKOD

An example of the notion of Padma bkod as a refuge is Chos rje gling pa’s (alt. ’Dzam gling rdo rje tshal, b. 1682) decision to flee there following the Zunghar invasion of Tibet in 1717. He believed that the turmoil and destruction associated with the Mongols’ killing and looting presaged the final days of Buddhism. He and his followers journeyed to sPo bo and then entered Padma bkod. He contracted a respiratory disease, however, and died soon after. His reincarnation, Kun bzang ’od zer Gar bang ’chi med rdo rje (b. 1763), was born in Padma bkod to a Mon pa family, and he worked to spread Buddhism among the tribal inhabitants of the region. He also contributed to the lore of Padma bkod’s sacred geography, and he is credited with opening the head and throat centers (rtsa ’khor; Skt. cakra) of the valley. In the late 18th century Padma bkod was again associated with events in central Tibet. During the war between Tibet and a Gor kha (Gorkha) army, the fifth sGam po pa, O rgyan ’Gro ’dul gling pa (b. 1757), decided that an invasion could be prevented if he could open the door to the hidden land. He traveled to sPo bo and enlisted the support of the local king, Nyi ma rgyal po, and he ritually opened hidden sites in the region along with Kun bzang ’od zer and Rig ’dzin rDo rje thogs med (1746–1797), the author of Seven Profound Precepts of the Luminous Web for Opening the Gate of the Hidden Land (Tshe ’grub ’od gyi ’dra ba zab chos bdun pa sbas yul gnas sgo byed). Following rDo rje thog med’s death, ’Gro ’dul gling pa explored remote regions of Padma bkod that he identified as Vajrayoginī’s heart cakra. ’Gro ’dul gling pa’s son rGyal sras Bde chen gling pa continued the spread of Buddhism among the local tribes. Padma bkod was also of interest to the British rulers of India. They hired Tibetan-speaking locals as agents (referred to as “pundits”) to secretly explore and map the hidden land. The pundits traveled in disguise, carrying empty prayer wheels in which they hid their notes and tools. Their task was to determine whether the gTsang po was in fact the source of the Brahmaputra, but because of the difficulties of the terrain and attacks by the local kLo pa tribes they were unable to follow the entire course of the river. One of these pundits was a Sikkimese named Kinthub, who explored the region with a Mongol companion in 1880. He hid surveying tools in his prayer wheel and used his prayer beads to record his steps. He placed the information he gathered in hollow logs and sent them downstream to be collected. These were never found, however, because no one bothered to look for them. Unfortunately for him, his companion sold him into slavery. He escaped and returned to Sikkim by way of Tibet. In 1913 Captain Henry Morshead (1882–1931) and Lieutenant Frederick M. Bailey (1882–1967) were the first known Westerners to enter Padma bkod. They encountered some Tibetan pilgrims near Mipi, who had been injured by Mishmi tribesmen. The British explorers reported that the Tibetans

PADMA BKOD • 487

had confused ideas regarding the geography of the hidden land and had failed to locate the places they intended to visit. They were among hundreds of refugees from eastern Tibet who sought sanctuary in Padma bkod during the reign of terror of the Chinese general Zhao Erfeng 趙爾豐/赵尔丰 (1845–1911). Beginning around 1902, many Tibetans moved to the region because it was regarded as a safe haven in times of war and upheaval. Thousands fled conflicts in eastern Tibet and settled there. The rNying ma treasure discoverer rJe drung ’Jam pa ’byung gnas led some of them. He settled in the northern region of Padma bkod and built a temple named dKar mo gling. Following an attack on sPo bo by Chinese forces, he returned to Khams, leaving his followers behind. He was arrested for sedition and imprisoned, and he died soon after this. The Tibetans who remained in Padma bkod became embroiled in conflicts with the kLo pa tribes, who accused them of raiding their grain stores. The kLo pa killed many Tibetans with poisoned arrows and set traps in the jungles. They destroyed the Tibetans’ crops and burned their houses. Morshead and Bailey departed the region soon after this after failing to discover the giant waterfalls they believed existed there. In 1924 a British botanist named Francis Kingdon Ward (1885–1958) also attempted to locate the waterfalls, but was similarly unsuccessful. He noted that many Tibetans from Khams were still arriving in Padma bkod. He stated that it was infested with snakes, wild animals, stinging insects, and leeches, and was perpetually wet and inhospitable, but the Tibetans believed it to be a promised land of abundance and easy living. Tibetans did not universally share this idyllic view of the hidden land, however: rJe btsun Shes rab rgya mtsho (1884–1968) characterized the guidebooks as fraudulent and claimed that they had been written by unscrupulous rNying ma pas and bKa’ brgyud pas, who had caused great harm and led gullible people to their deaths. He described Padma bkod as a region inhabited by vicious savages and ridiculed the popular belief that anyone who dies in Padma bkod will be reborn there. He regarded this as a highly undesirable fate. In his Le Tibet Révolté: Vers Népémakö. La Terre Promise des Tibétains (1912), Jacques Bacot describes the results of misguided leaders who relied on dubious texts. One result was a large number of corpses of Tibetan pilgrims whose lama-guide had failed to bring them to Padma bkod. Despite such negative comments and harrowing accounts by people who journeyed there, Padma bkod continues to exert a powerful fascination among Tibetans. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), sent a team there, perhaps intending to find a potential safe haven. Following the escape into exile of the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), in 1959, thousands of Tibetans fled to the region in hopes of placing themselves beyond the reach of Chinese oppression. After encountering the perils of its jungles, many of the survivors sought refuge in India. Several modern

488 • PADMA ’BYUNG GNAS

yogis have spent time there and reported on their visionary experiences. In 1956 bKa’ ’gyur Rin po che kLong chen ye shes rdo rje (1898–1975) claimed to have discovered an “extremely secret place” (yang gsang gnas) after passing through a waterfall and finding a hidden valley. In 1957 Lha brdong sprul sku led a group of Tibetans that settled in an uninhabited valley near Mt. Kun ’dus rdor sems pho brang, but an Indian military helicopter spotted them and they were forcibly relocated. Padma bkod remains largely unexplored and is a focus of tension between India and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), both of which claim it as part of their territory. Padma bkod is currently under threat from plans by the PRC to build massive dams in this geologically unstable region. This will create a huge lake that will be used to generate hydroelectric power. Civil engineers and geologists warn that this could lead to massive destruction and loss of life if the tectonic plates under the proposed site shift and cause the dam walls to rupture, but PRC authorities have so far ignored such warnings and plan to move ahead with the project. PADMA ’BYUNG GNAS (BEMA JUNGNÉ; ALT. GU RU RIN PO CHE, CA. 8TH CENTURY) (SKT. PADMASAMBHAVA) (CH. LIANHUASHENG 蓮華生/莲华生) (“LOTUS BORN”). A tantric master from O rgyan (Skt. Oḍḍiyāna) who, according to later Tibetan chronicles, traveled to Tibet at the behest of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). Upon his arrival he encountered fierce opposition from the demons of Tibet and from adherents of Bon, but through his magical powers defeated them all. Following this, Padmasambhava, Khri Srong lde btsan, and Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) established bSam yas, the first Buddhist monastery in Tibet, in 775. The rNying ma order considers him its founder and the tradition reveres him as a physical emanation of Sangs rgyas ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha Buddha). Along with his disciple and consort, Ye shes mtsho rgyal (ca. 757–817), he is credited with composing and concealing a huge corpus of “hidden treasures” (gter ma). The concealment was safeguarded by magical spells that ensure that only their respective ordained “treasure-discoverers” (gter ston) can locate and reveal them. In light of the importance assigned to Padmasambhava by later Tibetan tradition, it is interesting to note that not a single mention of him appears in any sources composed during his purported lifetime, a fact that has led some contemporary scholars to question his historicity. In the earliest known mention of him, in the Statement of sBa (sBa bzhed), he is only referred to as an Indian water diviner and magician. PADMA DBANG PHYUG RGYAL PO, TĀ’I SI TU (TAISIDU BEMA WANGCHUK GYELBO, 1886–1952) (CH. BEIMA WANGQU 贝玛旺曲). The 11th Tā’i si tu Rin po che. He was born in Li thang. He was recognized

PADMA GLING PA DON GRUB RGYAL PO • 489

Statue of Padmasambhava over Rewalsar, Himachal Pradesh.

and enthroned by the 15th rGyal dbang Karma pa, mKha’ khyab rdo rje (1871–1922). He was regarded as a great scholar and teacher, and he recognized the 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981). PADMA DON YOD NYIN BYED, TĀ’I SI TU (TAISIDU BEMA NYINJÉ, 1954–) (CH. BEIMA DUNYUE NINGJIE 贝玛敦悦宁杰). The 12th Tā’i si tu Rin po che. He was born into a farming family in dPal yul near sDe dge. He was recognized and enthroned when he was 18 months old by the 16th rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981). When he was five he was brought to mTshur phu. That same year he traveled to Bhutan at the invitation of King ’Jigs med rdo rje dbang phyug (1928–1972), who had been a disciple of the 11th Ta’i si tu. He later moved to Rum btegs Monastery in Sikkim, where he received religious instructions. In 1986 he founded a new seat named dPal spungs shes rab gling in Himachal Pradesh, India. He was the main bKa’ brgyud hierarch involved in the recognition of O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–) as the 17th Karma pa. He is an influential teacher and has attracted disciples from all over the world. He made his first trip to the West in 1961; he visited Samye Ling Monastery in Scotland and then traveled to the United States. PADMA GLING PA DON GRUB RGYAL PO (BEMA LINGBA TÖNDRÜP GYELBO, 1450–1521) (CH. BEIMA LINBA 贝玛林巴). The fourth of the “Five Treasure Discoverer Kings” (gTer ston rgyal po; the others

490 • PADMA GLING PA DON GRUB RGYAL PO

are: Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer, Chos kyi dbang phyug, rDo rje gling pa, and ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po). He is regarded as a mind emanation (thugs kyi sprul sku) of the translator Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana, fl. 8th century) and a reincarnation of kLong chen rab ’byams pa Dri med ’od zer (1308–1364). He was born in Chal in the Bum thang region of Bhutan. His father was Don grub bzang po, and his mother was Padma sgrol ma. He had no formal religious training and was born into a family of blacksmiths (among the most despised occupations in Tibetan societies), which were significant limiting factors in his efforts to establish himself as a prominent religious figure. Early in his career he encountered difficulties convincing skeptics that he was a genuine treasure discoverer (gter ston). One famous story recounts how he faced a crowd at the Flaming Lake (Me ’bar mtsho), a narrow gorge in Bum thang. Holding a butter lamp in his hand, he declared that if his claims were true the flame would still burn after he emerged from the ­water. After disappearing from view for a long time (leading many to think he had drowned), he climbed onto the rock bank holding a small statue and a treasure casket, and his other hand held the still-burning lamp. Aris (1989) sparked outrage in Bhutan by suggesting that Padma gling pa (regarded as a national palladium) passed off his own works as hidden treasures (gter ma). One reason for his importance in Bhutan is the fact that much of his activity took place in and around Bum thang, and he later extended the scope of his activities to other regions of the country, then to the Tibetan borderlands, and eventually to the central regions of Tibet. Thus his life story is connected with Bhutanese national pride. He is an example of a local boy from a humble Bhutanese family whose revelations circulated throughout the Tibetan cultural area and are core aspects of bKa’ brgyud lineages. He is the ultimate source of religious authority in many Bhutanese Buddhist lineages, so aspersions on his good name (particularly if they originate with foreigners) have raised hackles in Bhutan. In 1475 he received several visions, including one in which Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) appeared before him and presented him with a list of treasure locations. His first discovery was made at sNa ring brag (“Long Nose Boulder”), a large rock that stands above the sTang River. This was a casket containing a text in “ḍākinī script” (mkha’ ’gro’i brda yig), Quintessence of the Secrets of the Clear Expanse (kLong gsal gsang ba snying bcud). He translated it into Tibetan and began offering initiations and empowerments for this cycle. His next major discovery was the one at Me ’bar mtsho, which appears to have been publicly staged in hopes of winning acceptance and patrons. Many of his revelations were ritual texts, some of which are central aspects of the ritual practice of the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud order. He also recovered many statues and other

PADMA GLING PA DON GRUB RGYAL PO • 491

Me ’bar mtsho, Bum thang, Bhutan.

religious objects, which he often gave to potential patrons. One reason why his revelations were doubted is the fact that a number of his texts contain passages (purportedly prophetically spoken by Padmasambhava in the 8th

492 • PADMA NOR BU RIN PO CHE THUB BSTAN LEGS BSHAD

century) that praise local hegemons, government officials, and other potential patrons. There are also defensive statements that denounce those who doubt Padma gling pa’s authenticity. Another basis for skepticism during his early life was the fact that there was often a temporal gap between the discovery of texts and their public revelation. Some critics also implied that he used his metalworking skills to artfully conceal his treasures and make the sites look authentic. He recovered treasures near his birthplace, as well as Ri mo can. One of the principal sites for his work was the Chos ’khor Valley at sKu rjes. He also made discoveries in places outside Bum thang, including the Ku re lung Valley and mKha’ ri, near the border with Tibet. Some of his notable recoveries were made at bSam yas mchims phu, which linked him with the earliest dissemination of Buddhism in Tibet and the activities of Padmasambhava. He had several consorts and numerous children. Most of the royalty of Bhutan claim descent from him, which is one of the reasons why Aris’ accusations of fraud sparked such anger. PADMA NOR BU RIN PO CHE THUB BSTAN LEGS BSHAD: See THUB BSTAN LEGS BSHAD. PADMA ’OD GSAL MDO SNGAGS GLING PA: See ’JAM DBYANGS MKHYEN BRTSE’I DBANG PO. PADMA’I NGANG TSHUL (BEMÉ NGANGTSUL; ALT. KA MA LA SHI LA) (SKT. KAMALAŚĪLA, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. LIANHUAJIE 蓮華戒/莲华戒). One of the great Indian Buddhist masters of the 8th–9th centuries, author of an influential meditation text entitled Stages of Meditative Practice (sGom pa’i rim pa; Skt. Bhāvanākrama), which, according to Tibetan tradition, was written as a response to the subitist and antinomian teachings of Hwa shang Ma ha ya na (Ch. Heshang Moheyan 和尚摩訶衍/和尚摩诃衍). Bu ston (1290–1364) reports that the two met in a formal debate, during which Kamalaśīla championed Indian gradualist paradigms of meditation, while Moheyan advocated a form of Chan practice. Kamalaśīla was declared victorious, but the defeated Moheyan sent Chinese assassins to Tibet, who killed Kamalaśīla by squeezing his kidneys. The historicity of the “debate” has been questioned by several scholars, but the story is widely accepted among Tibetans, for whom the moral is that Chinese Buddhism is heretical and Indian Buddhism is normative. See also COUNCIL OF BSAM YAS. PADMASAMBHAVA: See PADMA ’BYUNG GNAS.

PAṆ CHEN BLA MA • 493

PAṆ CHEN BLA MA (BENCHEN LAMA) (CH. BANCHAN LAMA 班禅 喇嘛; BANCHAN E’ERDENI 班禅额尔德尼). An influential reincarnation lineage of the dGe lugs order, whose members are believed to be physical manifestations of Sangs rgyas ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha Buddha). The traditional seat of the Paṇ chen bla mas is bKra shis lhun po Monastery, located in gZhis ka rtse. The title “Paṇ chen” (Great Scholar) was first given to dGe ’dun grub pa (1391–1474), the founder and first abbot of bKra shis lhun po. It was later inherited by successive abbots of the monastery. In the 17th century, the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), conferred the title “Paṇ chen bla ma” on his teacher, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662). He further announced that bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan would reincarnate in the form of a recognizable childsuccessor. The title “Paṇ chen bla ma” was retroactively conferred on his two previous incarnations. There has often been a certain tension between the Paṇ chen bla mas and the Dalai Lamas, but there is also a history of cooperation. Paṇ chen bla mas have been involved in the searches for some Dalai Lamas, and the Dalai ­Lamas almost always play a role in the final recognition of a Paṇ chen bla ma. At the same time, there is sometimes a chilly relationship between the two prelates, each of whom has a primary power base (gTsang in the case of the Paṇ chens, dBus for the Dalai Lamas). A significant falling out occurred in 1923 between the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), and the ninth Paṇ chen, bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma, 1883–1937), when the former proposed that the latter contribute a substantial amount of money to the modernization of Tibet’s army. The Paṇ chen’s estates had traditionally operated autonomously and were exempt from taxation, and he objected to the proposed plan, which he feared would reduce his wealth significantly and also negatively affect his status vis-á-vis the Dalai Lama, as it would effectively place his estates under the authority of the dGa’ ldan pho brang and would be a recognition of the Paṇ chen’s subordinate status. He fled to China, hoping to secure military aid against the Tibetan government, but was unsuccessful. He died near the Tibetan border and was never able to return to his estates. There is an ongoing dispute between the Dalai Lama and the People’s ­Republic of China (PRC) regarding the identity of the 11th Paṇ chen bla ma. In 1995 the Dalai Lama officially recognized a Tibetan boy named dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) as the reincarnation of the 10th Paṇ chen, but the PRC has rejected both the Dalai Lama’s choice and his authority to recognize reincarnations (despite the fact that he is the spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhism and official PRC doctrine denounces the institution of reincarnation as a “feudal superstition”). Characterizing his action as “illegal and invalid,”

494 • PAṆ CHEN BLA MA

PRC officials designated another boy, rGyal mtshan nor bu (1990–), as the Paṇ chen. The absurdity of non-Buddhist Communist Party officials choosing reincarnations has made it necessary for the PRC to use force and imprisonment to coerce Tibetans to accept its choice. On 21 April 1997, the abbot of bKra shis lhun po, Bya bral Rin po che (1940–), was arrested and imprisoned for “attempting to split the country” and “leaking state secrets.” He led the search team for the 11th Paṇ chen and sought advice from the Dalai Lama. Bya bral sent information to him containing names and details of the leading candidates, and this was used in the final determination. He was given a sentence of six years in prison. He was released in 2002 but remains under house arrest. rGyal mtshan nor bu is kept under constant guard and is only occasionally allowed in public, always under close supervision. His statements are carefully scripted propaganda, and he has no credibility among Tibetan Buddhists. Despite this, the PRC has made it clear that it intends to use him to select the successor to the present Dalai Lama. The following is a list of Paṇ chen bla ma incarnations, including the retroactive incarnations, numbers 1–3: 1. mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) 2. bSod nams phyogs kyi glang po (1439–1505) 3. dBen sa pa bLo bzang don grub (1505–1566) 4. bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662)

Picture of dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma in his residence in bKra shis lhun po Monastery, Bylakuppe, India.

PATRIOTIC EDUCATION • 495

5. bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737) 6. bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780) 7. bLo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma phyogs las rnam rgyal (1781–1854) 8. bLo bzang bstan pa’i dbang phyug dpal ldan chos kyi grags pa (1855–1882) 9. bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma dge legs rnam rgyal (1883–1937) 10. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan ’phrin las lhun grub (1938–1989) 11. dGe ‘dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) PATRIOTIC EDUCATION (CH. AIGUOZHUYI JIAOYU 爱国主义教 育; TIB. RGYAL GCES CHOS GCES SLOB GSO). A program instituted by the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that has different emphases in different regions of the country. In the central provinces, the program seeks to foster patriotism and to link it with loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The Chinese term, 爱国主义教育, means “education” (教育) in “patriotism” (爱国主义). In minority areas such as Tibet, the focus is on creating feelings of patriotism and convincing recalcitrant people to adopt an identity of loyal citizens of China who regard its past and present as aspects of their identity. The main targets are monks and nuns, but other Tibetans—most of whom still identify themselves as Buddhists—are also subjected to this propaganda. In Tibet it is referred to as “re-education” (slob gso) for “love of country, love of religion” (rgyal gces chos gces). There are two main features: (1) a litany of oppression, particularly relating to the “Century of Humiliation,” which is accompanied by a sense that China deserves to be recompensed for the sufferings it endured at the hands of rapacious foreigners; and (2) portrayals of China as the world’s greatest civilization, which claim that the country has a glorious “5,000-year history” and has always been strong and at the forefront of developments of culture, science, and technology except when the depredations of evil foreigners have temporarily undermined it. In this historical sleight of hand, they ignore the foreign origins of various non-Han dynasties including, most recently, the Manchus, whose descendants have been reduced to a tiny minority in their homeland and are constructed as one of the contented minorities of the multicultural Chinese “Motherland.” The CCP is extolled as the instrument for China’s return to its rightful position as a great power, but there is a concurrent warning that further progress and continued security require that it remain the sole governing body and that all of its policies are correct and must be accepted by the people. In the central provinces, places associated with the valiant struggles of revolutionary heroes are singled out and citizens are urged to visit them. Those who maintain these sites are ordered to develop visual materials to foster patriotic feelings and associations with the CCP. Places that are symbolic of China’s past greatness

496 • PATRIOTIC EDUCATION

are also important aspects of patriotic education: the government actively encourages people to visit these sites and instructs them on what they should do, what they should think and feel, and the lessons they should learn from the experience. It is also creating new and improved infrastructure for sites targeted by the program, including hotels, transportation, and propaganda materials in and around these areas. The term patriotic education has a long pedigree in the PRC. It was first used during the 1950s as part of the massive propaganda campaign launched by the Communists following their victory over the Guomindang. It was featured in the 1954 “United Declaration of the Delegates of the Chinese Christian Churches,” which purported to be the uncoerced and unified statement of Chinese Christians, who called for religion to conform with socialist ideals and for the state to educate religious believers in patriotism. One of the unacknowledged ironies of patriotic education manuals aimed at religious believers is that they simultaneously assert that religion is a remnant of the country’s “feudal” past that interferes with progress and that socialism will eventually eradicate it; at the same time, believers are told that if they wish to continue their religious practices they must work toward the goal of strengthening socialism and destroying religion. Patriotic education was first brought to the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) in 1996, and in 1997 and 1998 it was introduced to culturally Tibetan areas outside the TAR. In eastern Tibet, dGe bshes Shes rab rgya mtsho (1884–1968) is featured prominently as a paradigmatic “patriotic” Tibetan and a model for others to emulate, but he is rarely mentioned in manuals used in central Tibet. All patriotic education materials in Tibet focus on the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), and vilify him as a “splittist,” a “wolf in monk’s clothing,” and as the head of an international cabal, the “Dalai Clique,” which continually plots against China. Course materials contrast “model patriots” (many of whom appear to be fictitious) with the Dalai Lama and the handful of malcontents who support him. Monks and nuns forced to submit to this program report that the only real requirement for passing the course is a willingness to denounce the Dalai Lama. All monastics in Tibet are forced to sign documents to this effect, and official regulations dictate that they carry them at all times. The Dalai Lama has publicly encouraged compliance on the grounds that refusal can lead to expulsion, imprisonment, or torture. He adds that because the statements are coerced those who sign the documents cannot legitimately be accused of wrongdoing. On 28 December 1998 (and several times since then), he stated: “if the Chinese authorities ever force you into denouncing me, do so without any hesitation. […] If you were to denounce me, the act would be seen by any sensible man as having been committed under duress, at gunpoint.” Despite this, many Tibetans find it extremely painful to malign the Dalai Lama, who

PATRIOTIC EDUCATION • 497

symbolizes their religion and cultural identity. Some have done so but feel tremendous guilt, while tens of thousands have refused. Some have committed suicide, many have been expelled from their monasteries or convents, and many others have escaped into exile. Other core aspects of patriotic education are lessons on Tibetan history that purport to demonstrate that Tibet has always been an inalienable part of China, denunciations of the notion of Tibetan independence, memorization of PRC laws relating to religious practice, and material that describes how “patriotic” religious people think and behave. The patriotic education program in Tibet is linked with a government initiative to depopulate the monasteries, which are viewed as hotbeds of dissent. Since 2000, tens of thousands of monks and nuns have been forced from their residences, and many monasteries have ceased to function as religious establishments. The other aspect of this program is a campaign Clare Harris (2012) has termed “museumification,” in which an establishment that once trained monks or nuns and supported a range of religious activities is transformed into a cultural artifact. The few remaining residents are told that they are curators and should act the part. Religious art and cultic objects are put on display and tourists are charged entrance fees. Explanations of the cultural significance of the site and museum-type materials educate the public about these remnants of the “feudal” past; they extol the cultural accomplishments of those who created these objects, and they also indicate that they are only of antiquarian interest. They demonstrate the greatness of China, but they are contrasted with its current technological and cultural achievements. The patriotic education program was greatly increased in 2006, and now virtually all monks and nuns in Tibetan cultural areas are required to participate in courses. Typically teams of instructors arrive unannounced at a monastery or convent and order its residents to stop their regular activities and submit to several hours of daily instruction. Those who have attended these sessions report that they begin with assertions that the cadres are there to “make you better Buddhists,” but they know nothing about the religion. Instructors are non-Buddhist communists who are ignorant of even the most basic tenets of Buddhism. Monks trained in dialectical debate report that their information about the region’s history is derived from propaganda materials, and they are unable to defend their beliefs when challenged. Those with the temerity to question their instructors are generally punished; monks who take the lead are expelled, and often imprisoned and tortured. Those who fail to demonstrate sufficient enthusiasm for the repetitious and formulaic propaganda are also expelled or otherwise punished. Many of the monastics who participated in the Tibetan Uprising of 2008—the largest and most widespread in the history of the Tibetan Plateau—cited the progam as the single most offensive aspect of Chinese rule. After massive numbers of

498 • PE CING

heavily armed troops were moved to the area and the rebellion was violently crushed, a meeting of CCP leaders was convened to discuss the causes of the insurrection and how best to prevent a recurrence. Their decision was to devote more energy and resources to patriotic education and to require that monastics spend even more time being reeducated. PE CING (BECHING; ALT. PE CIN) (CH. BEIJING 北京). The capital of the People’s Republic of China. PE HAR RGYAL PO (BEHAR GYELBO) (CH. BAIHA’ER SHENWANG 白哈尔神王). A deity indigenous to Tibet who, according to legend, was subdued by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and converted to the task of protecting the Dharma. He became the resident protector of bSam yas, Tibet’s first temple, following his subjugation and installation there in the 7th or 8th century. In the 17th century, after he came to power in 1642, the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617– 1682), arranged for Pe har to be relocated to ’Bras spungs Monastery near Lha sa, where he became the protector deity of the newly established Tibetan state. The Dalai Lama’s early life in a rNying ma family and his program of linking himself with Tibet’s past imperial glories were the basis of his choice. Pe har is a powerful protector in his own right, and he also associated the new state with the Imperium (7th–9th centuries) and the reigns of the “religious kings” (chos rgyal). Pe har is classed as the chief of the “worldly protectors” (’jig rten pa’i srung ma)—that is, superhuman guardians of the Dharma who are still enmeshed in cyclic existence. He is commonly depicted as a sixarmed warrior, white in color, holding a variety of weapons and sitting astride a turquoise-maned snow lion, the mythical emblem of Tibet. See also GNAS CHUNG CHOS RJE. PEACEFUL LIBERATION (CH. HEPING JIEFANG 和平解放; TIB. ZHI BAS BCINGS BGROL). The standard People’s Republic of China (PRC) euphemism for its invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s. The term encodes a number of Chinese propaganda points. It implies that Tibet was always a part of China and that its inhabitants identified themselves as Chinese citizens, but the region became temporarily estranged from the “Motherland” due to a combination of weakness and ineptitude on the part of the minority Manchu rulers of the Qing dynasty, whose bumbling led to the horrors of the “Century of Humiliation,” during which greedy foreigners bullied China and forced it to sign “unequal treaties.” “Liberation” implies that Tibet was under the thrall of foreign “imperialists,” and they maliciously deceived the “local government” into distancing itself from China. When People’s Liberation Army (PLA) troops invaded the coun-

PELLIOT, PAUL • 499

try, they fully expected to encounter hordes of foreigners scheming in the centers of power and operating within the government, but only a handful of Europeans ever managed to make their way to Lha sa, and none had any significant influence. In the period immediately prior to the invasion, two Austrian mountaineers who escaped from a British prisoner-of-war camp—Heinrich Harrer (1912– 2006) and Peter Aufschnaiter (1899–1973)—lived in Lha sa for several decades, and Hugh Richardson (1905–2000) was stationed there to oversee British (and later Indian) trade interests, but all left before the invasion, so there was considerable surprise on the part of PLA troops when they found that there were no imperialists from whom the country required liberation. The “peaceful” aspect of the term is also a misnomer, because thousands died in the initial phase of the invasion of eastern Tibet. Some areas were depopulated so thoroughly that the details of the scope of the killings have only recently come to light. Recent studies suggest that between 50,000 and 60,000 Tibetans were killed in the initial phases of the invasion. In the eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau, there was significant loss of life during the 1950s, along with widespread destruction of religious structures and historical buildings. Following the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, the central regions were subjected to a violent crackdown, during which hundreds—perhaps thousands—were killed. And during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) hundreds of thousands of Tibetans were killed, tortured, or starved to death, so this period was anything but “peaceful.” PELLIOT, PAUL (1878–1945). A pioneering French Sinologist and explorer. He studied Chinese and other Asian languages with the great Orientalists Sylvain Lévi (1863–1935) and Édouard Chavannes (1865–1918) and then worked at the École française d’Extrême–Orient in Hanoi. In 1900 he embarked on a mission to search for rare manuscripts for the institution’s library. His plans were thwarted by the Boxer Rebellion (1899–1901), and he was awarded the Légion d’honneur for his bravery during a siege of foreign legations by the rebels. At age 22 he returned to Hanoi and was appointed Professor of Chinese at the École. He later became a professor at the Collège de France. In 1906 Pelliot set out for Central Asia with army medical officer Dr. Louis Vaillant and photographer Charles Nouette. In Samarkand he met Baron Gustaf Emil Mannerheim (1867–1951), who was on a secret intelligence-gathering mission for Czar Nicholas II (1868–1918), and Pelliot allowed him to join the expedition in exchange for rail transport and cash. They traveled from Moscow to Tashkent and Andijan, where they bought horses and rode to Osh. They traveled across the Alai Mountains over the Taldyk Pass and Irkeshtam Pass. Pelliot and Mannerheim fell out and parted company. Pelliot arrived in Kashgar, where he purchased supplies, and then

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proceeded to Tumchuq and Kucha. He obtained a number of documents in ancient Kuchean, which were brought back to Paris. Pelliot then traveled to Urumchi, where he heard rumors of a manuscript cache at Dunhuang, the ancient terminus of the northern and southern Silk Routes. He was shown a manuscript from the site and realized its importance. He traveled to Dunhuang and arrived three months after Sir Marc Aurel Stein (1862–1943). He met Wang Yuanlu 王圆箓 (ca. 1849–1931), who lived at the caves, and he negotiated with him to purchase documents and artworks. Wang agreed to sell whatever Pelliot wanted for 500 tael (Ch. liang 两, about US$150). He returned to Paris with a trove of ancient manuscripts, but had to defend himself against charges that he had wasted government funds on a failed expedition and that the texts were forgeries. The December 1910 issue of La Revue Indigène carried an article by M. Fernand Farjenel that denounced Pelliot as a fraud and his manuscripts as bogus. The accusations were not fully countered until 1912, when Stein published his book Ruins of Desert Cathay, in which he described his own journey to Dunhuang and the manuscripts he saw there. Pelliot’s finds were later stored in Paris and proved to be some of the most important discoveries from Dunhuang. They included a work now referred to as the Old Tibetan Annals, the earliest extant source on the history of the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). Pelliot catalogued the manuscripts and spent much of the rest of his life studying them. During World War I he served as a French military attaché in Beijing. He died of cancer in 1945. He is rightly regarded as one of the greatest figures of modern Sinology and a scholar whose contributions to the history of China and Tibet continue to provide material for contemporary historians. PEOPLE’S ARMED POLICE (PAP) (CH. WUJING BUDUI 武警部 队). A paramilitary force of the People’s Republic of China, used to quell civil disturbances. It is a separate entity from the People’s Liberation Army (PLA); the PAP is designed for policing functions and subduing minor incidents of unrest, while the PLA is designed to deal with more serious threats to the supremacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and for projecting power in the Asian region. The PAP is under the dual leadership of the Central Military Commission and the Ministry of Public Security. See also HU JINTAO; TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008. PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY (PLA) (CH. RENMIN JIEFANGJUN 人民解放军; TIB. MI DMANGS BCINGS BGROL DMAG MI). The combined military commands of all land, sea, air, and strategic missile forces of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). It was established on 1 August 1927, when the Communists created a military force to oppose the Nationalists. This event is celebrated annually as “PLA Day.” The PLA is the military

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arm of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and is under the command of its leaders. The PLA insignia is a roundel with a red star with Chinese characters “Fight One” (八一), which refers to the Nanchang Uprising on 1 August 1927. It is the world’s largest military force, with an estimated 3 million members and 2.25 million active duty troops. It is divided into five main service branches: (1) PLA Ground Force, (2) PLA Navy (PLAN), (3) PLA Air Force (PLAAF), (4) Second Artillery Corps (the strategic nuclear or missile force), and (5) PLA Reserve Force. Its command is divided into seven military regions and more than 20 military districts. In the PRC, military service is theoretically compulsory for all men who reach the age of 18. Women (as young as 14) can serve in medical, veterinary, or other technical services, but are not allowed to join combat units. China has never enforced a draft because it is able to maintain desired numbers through voluntary enlistment from its huge population. The PLA is under the command of the Central Military Commission of the CCP. The Ministry of National Defense, which is a body of the State Council, does not exercise any direct control over the PLA. The main functions of the PLA are suppressing civilian dissent and responding to potential threats to CCP hegemony. Secondary goals include projecting Chinese power in the region and liaison with foreign militaries. In recent years, more of the PRC’s budget has been devoted to creating a military force capable of exerting power in the Asian region; this includes investment in advanced technology, an improved navy, and a modernizing air force. The PLA conducted the invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s. Beginning in 1949, Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) and his senior military commanders planned the invasion, and in 1949 national radio announced that one of the PLA’s main goals for the coming year would be the “p­eaceful ­liberation” (Ch. heping jiefang 和平解放; Tib. zhi bas bcings bgrol) of Tibet, which China claimed had been infiltrated by “foreign imperialists.” In 1950 advance units of the PLA massed at the traditional border at the ’Bri chu River, and the Tibetan government was warned that invasion was immanent unless it surrendered. Despite the Chinese characterization of the incursion as a “peaceful liberation,” recent studies have argued that an estimated 50,000– 60,000 Tibetans perished in the initial waves of invasion. The destruction in some remote areas of eastern Tibet was so thorough that few survived to recount the events. The military commander of Chab mdo, Nga phod Ngag dbang ’jigs med (1910–2009), surrendered without a fight and later became a collaborator. Other militias did engage PLA forces, and the resistance group Chu bzhi sgang drug (“Four Rivers, Six Ranges”) conducted guerilla activities against the PLA until 1958–1959. Due to limited Tibetan resistance to the initial military push, PLA forces marched largely unopposed to Lha sa, and in 1951 they began military

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o­ ccupation of the capital. A provisional military command was established, and this functioned along with the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) until 1959. Following the anti-China uprising that began on 10 March 1959, the PLA brutally suppressed opposition, killed hundreds (perhaps thousands) of Tibetans, and abolished the Tibetan government. The PLA remains firmly in control in Tibet; tens of thousands of troops (and many more during times of unrest) are stationed throughout the region, and following the Tibetan Uprising of 2008 (the largest and most widespread to date in the history of Tibet), the number of PLA and People’s Armed Police personnel has increased dramatically. See also TIBETAN UPRISING OF 10 MARCH 1959. PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA (PRC) (CH. ZHONGHUA RENMIN GONGHEGUO 中华人民共和国; TIB. KRUNG HWA MI ­DMANGS SPYI MTHUN RGYAL KHAB). The standard designation for China, which is ruled by a single entity, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The country is divided into 22 provinces, five autonomous regions, four directly administered municipalities (Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, and Chongjing), and two special administrative regions that once enjoyed a high level of autonomy (Hong Kong and Macau). The capital of the country is Beijing. China is the world’s second largest country in terms of land area, comprising approximately 9.6 million sq. km (3.7 million sq. mi.). It has the world’s largest population: the 2019 estimate was 1,435,906,921. When the People’s Republic of China was established in 1949, its new leaders claimed territories held (or claimed) by previous Chinese regimes, including Tibet. In addition, regions such as Arunachal Pradesh and La dwags—which were never controlled by any Chinese regime, some of which were probably never even visited by any Chinese people but parts of which were temporarily under at least nominal Tibetan overlordship sometime in the past—were also described as “inalienable parts of Chinese territory.” The PRC’s claims to Tibet are based on the fact that it was annexed to the Mongol Empire during the 13th century. Several decades later, the Mongols conquered China and added it to an empire that covered most of Asia and Eastern Europe. When the empire fell apart, Tibet regained its independence, as did China. Thus Chinese claims to overlordship would be like Australia claiming India because both were parts of the British Empire (though in this case Britain ruled both for far longer and exercised direct control). China briefly established an ostensible protectorate over Tibet in the early 18th century, but this eroded after a few decades. Despite this, the PRC claims a “historical right” to Tibet, as well as large areas of northern India, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal, and other neighboring states. These areas are often shown on PRC-issued maps as parts of China. The expansionist government of the PRC actively works to make these territorial ambitions reality, despite the general

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reluctance of the populations of the claimed regions to become part of the “Motherland.” The areas of the Tibetan Plateau over which the PRC can enforce its territorial claims have been divided among several Chinese provinces. The central regions and part of Khams became the Tibet Autonomous Region, while most of Khams and A mdo were divided among Sichuan, Yunnan, and Gansu. See also COMMUNE; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; DENG XIAOPING; FOREIGN RELATIONS; GREAT LEAP FORWARD; GREAT OPENING OF THE WEST; LANGUAGE; MAO ZEDONG; PEOPLE’S ARMED POLICE; PEOPLE’S LIBERATION ARMY; TIBETAN UPRISING OF 10 MARCH 1959; TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008; TRADE. PHA BONG KHA RIN PO CHE: See BYAMS PA ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO. PHA DAM PA SANGS RGYAS (PADAMBA SANGGYÉ; ALT. DAM PA RGYA GAR, D. 1105/1108) (CH. DANGBASANGJIE 当巴桑杰). An Indian tantric master who transmitted the “Pacification” (Zhi byed) lineage to Tibet, which is traditionally thought to be conceptually connected with “cutting off” (gcod). His Indic name is sometimes rendered as Paramabuddha. Some Tibetan traditions regard him as a reincarnation of Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century), while others depict him as a very long-lived (570 years) Kamalaśīla. ’Gos gZhon nu dpal (1392–1481) gives his name as Kamalaśrī. Ornament for Liberation: Precious Garland, an Ecclesiastic History of the Systems of Pacification and Cutting Off (Zhi byed dang gcod yul gyi chos ’byung rin po che’i phreng ba thar pa’i rgyan) states that when asked his name, he replied: “In India I am known as the scholar (paṇḍita) Kamalaśīla, and in Tibet I am known as the ‘Great Indian’ (Dam pa rgya gar).” The epithet Pha dam pa (“Excellent Father”) is derived from a tradition that Ma gcig Lab gyi sgron ma’s (1055–1149) grandson and lineage holder Thod smyon bSam grub referred to him as his “Great Father” and her as his “One Mother” (Ma gcig). Traditional stories of his activities state that he was an iconoclast: he smashed images of deities and advised his followers that these were sources of attachment and delusion. He was born into a family of ocean traders and traveled widely in many lands, in particular places along the Indian coast. He journeyed to Tibet on at least three (and perhaps as many as five) occasions. He is renowned in oral and textual traditions for his earthy and utilitarian approach to spiritual practice, and he insisted that his Tibetan disciples emulate his example. One of his famous criticisms of Tibetan Buddhists was that unlike his Indian disciples—who tended to blend into the general society and did not appear to be yogis—Tibetans delighted in copying what they believed to be the outer symbols of religious virtuosi. He appears to have spent most of

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his time in Tibet in the Ding ri region. His best-known Tibetan disciple was Ma gcig. After his last visit to Tibet, he traveled to China, where he spent 12 years; one tradition holds that he became known as Bodhidharma, the semimythical founder of Chan. PHA ROL TU PHYIN PA (PAROLDUCHINBA) (SKT. PĀRAMITĀ) (CH. BOLUOMIDUO 波罗密多) (“PERFECTION”). The six qualities in which the bodhisattva (Tib. byang chub sems dpa’) trains in preparation for the attainment of buddhahood. They are: (1) generosity (sbyin pa; Skt. dāna), (2) ethics (tshul khrims; Skt. śīla), (3) patience (bzod pa; Skt. kṣānti), (4) effort (brtson ’grus; Skt. vīrya), (5) concentration (bsam gtan; Skt. dhyāna), and (6) wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā). When fully developed, they become the core elements of buddhahood. In gradualist paradigms derived from India, these are said to be newly acquired: ordinary beings are mired in ignorance and transmigrate from lifetime to lifetime as a result of their actions, and they lack the wisdom and skillful activities that would allow them to break free from this vicious cycle. Bodhisattvas, however, progress toward liberation (thar pa; Skt. mokṣa) from cyclic existence and also work to help others overcome their sufferings. In gradualist systems, training in the perfections begins from the inception of the “mind of awakening” (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhicitta), a profound existential transformation in which one resolves to attain buddhahood for the benefit of others. From this point, bodhisattvas progressively cultivate the qualities characteristic of buddhas. When all of the perfections have been fully actualized, a bodhisattva becomes a buddha. In subitist models of the path, buddhahood is described as innate. The qualities of buddhahood are not newly developed, but rather are made manifest through recognizing the true nature of the mind. When this occurs, one quickly attains buddhahood. This can occur all at once, or in other models very rapidly. In the gradualist paradigm, the process of cultivating the perfections and attaining buddhahood requires at minimum three “countless eons” (bskal pa grangs med pa; Skt. asaṃkhyeya-kalpa) from the dawning of bodhicitta. PHAG MO GRU PA (PAKMODRUBA) (CH. PAMUZHUBA 帕木竹巴). The dynasty that ruled Tibet following the demise of Sa skya power in 1350. Its hierarchs claimed descent from the ancient rLangs clan of the Imperium’s monarchs (btsan po). Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364) was placed in charge of the Phag mo gru estates. These were owned by Sa skya, but were in a state of insolvency when he was appointed. He was an outstanding administrator and returned them to profitability, but later fought against his former superiors. He attempted to reclaim territories annexed by the myriarchs of Tshal pa and g.Ya’ bzang. His enemies successfully lobbied the Sa skya court against him, and a decision was made to replace Byang chub

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rgyal mtshan with bSod nams rgyal mtshan. This led to war between Byang chub rgyal mtshan’s forces and those of Sa skya, which the Phag mo gru pa side initially lost. Byang chub rgyal mtshan was imprisoned, but in an act of defiance burned his official seal, which prevented his opponents from taking control of his estates. He persevered, and in 1350 he displaced the Sa skya hierarchs and became the ruler of Tibet. In 1354 the Mongol emperor Toghon Temür (Ukhaantu Khan; Tib. Tho gan the mur; Ch. Yuan Huizong 元惠宗, 1320–1370) accepted the coup and gave him the title “Ta’i si tu” (Chief Minister). This implied that he ruled as regent for the Yuan emperor, but the Mongols’ power was waning, and they had little interest in playing anything beyond a nominal role in Tibetan affairs. Byang chub rgyal mtshan instituted a reorganization of the bureaucracy and the legal code. He also created a system of administrative districts based on newly constructed forts (rdzong) whose governors (rdzong dpon) were appointed to three-year terms. His reforms led to improved administration, and the Phag mo gru pa period was one of generally good governance. It was also a time of increased distance from China. The Yuan dynasty fell in 1368 and was replaced by the Ming. The Mongol rulers had established close relations with the Sa skya pa, and other Mongol factions patronized various Tibetan sects, but the Han rulers of the Ming had little interest in Tibet. Changes of government were followed by official recognition by the Ming court, but the court generally left the Tibetans alone to run their own affairs. The reign of Mi dbang Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432; r. 1385–1432) is portrayed in histories of the time as particularly peaceful and prosperous: it is reported that an old woman carrying gold could travel anywhere in the kingdom in complete safety. He was a patron of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa and is credited with supporting his efforts to initiate the first “Great Aspiration Festival” (sMon lam chen mo) and the founding of dGa’ ldan Monastery, built on the site of one of Tsong kha pa’s hermitages. Byang chub rgyal mtshan was succeeded by his nephew ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan (1340–1373). Following Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s reign, however, a succession battle developed: his nephew Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448) tried to take the throne based on established precedents of succession, but his father, Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan, attempted to seize power for himself. Each gathered factions of allies and armed conflicts broke out in 1434; Tibetan histories describe this as the “great tiger year turmoil” (stag lo sde gzar chen po). Grags pa ’byung gnas eventually ascended the throne, but to placate the other side Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan received additional estates. Phag mo gru pa rule lasted until 1435, when they were displaced by the Rin spungs pa. The Phag mo gru pa continued to exercise authority, sometimes in concert with the Rin spungs pa and sometimes on their own. By 1435, however, their decline was obvious, and they never regained their former

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prominence. In 1618 Phag mo gru pa power came to a comprehensive end when Karma bsTan skyong dbang po (1606–1642; r. 1621–1642, the son of Karma Phun tshogs rnam rgyal [1587–1620; r. 1603–1621], the ruler of gTsang and a descendant of the Zhing shags pa lineage that ruled in western Tibet following their defeat of the Rin spungs in 1565) consolidated gTsang pa control over central Tibet. His hegemony was short-lived, however: in 1621 Mongol forces fighting on behalf of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), defeated his army, and he was forced to retreat following a negotiated surrender. The kings of Phag mo gru pa dynasty were: 1. Byang chub rgyal mtshan 2. ’Jam dbyangs shā kya rgyal mtshan 3. Grags pa byang chub (1356–1386) 4. bSod nams grags pa (1359–1408) 5. Mi dbang Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432) 6. Grags pa ’byung gnas (1414–1448; r. 1432–1445) 7. Kun dga’ legs pa (1433–1483; r. 1448–1481) 8. Ngag gi dbang po (alt. sPyan snga tshe gnyis pa, 1439–1491; r. 1481–1491) 9. mTsho skyes rdo rje (d. 1510; r. 1491–1499) 10. Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa (1488–1564; r. 1499–1564) 11. Ngag dbang grags pa rgyal mtshan (died ca. 1579; r. 1564–ca. 1579) 12. bKa’ brgyud Nam par rgyal ba (late 16th century) 13. Mi pham bSod nams dbang phyug grags pa rnam rgyal dpal bzang (fl. early 17th century) PHAG MO GRU PA BKA’ BRGYUD (PAKMO DRUBA GAGYÜ) (CH. PAMU ZHUBA BAIJIAO 帕木竹巴白教). One of the “eight lesser suborders” of the bKa’ brgyud order, founded by Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). rDo rje rgyal po built a hermitage at Phag mo gru in sNe’u gdong, and he attracted a number of disciples. After he died many left, but sPyan snga Grags pa ’byung gnas (1175–1225) of the rLangs family built a monastery there and revived the tradition. In 1253 the Sa skya hierarchs appointed his brother rDo rje dpal Throne Holder (Khri dpon) of sNe’u gdong. From that time gDan sa mThil Monastery became the hereditary seat of successive generations of the rLangs. Monks served as the abbots of mThil, and several subsequently became Throne Holders. Some renounced their monastic vows and married (and some apparently produced heirs without renouncing their vows). Other members of the rLangs family remained laymen, married, and produced future rulers and abbots. This linked the hierarchs of sNe’u gdong with the monastery and the bKa’ brgyud order. When the Phag

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mo gru pa became rulers of Tibet, they patronized bKa’ rgyud institutions and religious figures. The Phag mo gru pa bKa’ brgyud order maintained the traditions developed by sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153), but as the power of the Phag mo gru pa hierarchs increased their attention was increasingly on secular affairs rather than religious pursuits. The order was later absorbed into other branches of the bKa’ brgyud pa and no longer exists as a separate entity. PHAG MO GRU PA RDO RJE RGYAL PO: See RDO RJE RGYAL PO. ’PHAGS PA BLO GROS RGYAL MTSHAN: See BLO GROS RGYAL MTSHAN. PHAL CHEN PA (PELCHENBA) (SKT. MAHĀSĀṂGIKA) (CH. DAZHONG BU SENGQI BU 大衆部/大众部; 僧祇部). One of the traditional 18 schools of Indian Nikāya Buddhism and one of the four branches of Bye brag smra ba (Skt. Vaibhāṣika). It reportedly formed after the Second Buddhist Council in opposition to the gNas brtan sde pa (Skt. Sthaviravādins). The name Mahāsāṃgika means “Great Assembly” and may imply that its doctrines were expansive. It is believed to have been a relatively liberal Buddhist sect, and its conflict with the Sthaviravādins may have related to the ­latter’s stricter interpretations of monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya). The Mahāsāṃgikas reportedly advocated making adjustments and allowances for local customs, but other orders wanted to follow the strict letter of the law. Its Vinaya is no longer extant in any Indic language but is preserved in Chinese texts. This is the monastic code in which Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) received ordination, and because the gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda) code was normative in Tibet, he was not allowed to perform ordinations. See also HĪNAYĀNA; INDIAN BUDDHISM. PHO BRANG (PODRANG) (“COURT,” “PALACE”). A term used in early Tibetan documents that refers to a royal court or seat of power. References from the imperial period indicate that it was not a fixed location or building, but rather a mobile court that moved among areas under the authority of the king (btsan po). The king’s power was based on recognition by other hegemons, who were bound by oaths of fealty. One reason for the relocation of the court appears to have been renewal and repetition of these oaths by all parties. One of the most common usages of the term occurs in the description of the Po ta la as “Pho brang Po ta la” because of its dual function as the seat of government and repository of spiritual power. The term was later adopted as a designation of the Tibetan government, referred to as the dGa’ ldan pho brang. In contemporary usage it often refers to a palace or

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the seat of a prominent religious or temporal hierarch. Its etymology suggests interesting aspects of Tibetan governance: it combines the prefix for male (pho) with a word that means “core” or “central building” (brang). Hence it implies a “core building for male activity.” PHO LHA NAS BSOD NAMS STOBS RGYAS (POHLANÉ SÖNAM DOPGYÉ; ALT. PHO LHA NAS BSOD NAMS STOBS RGYAL, 1689– 1747) (CH. POLUONAI 颇罗鼐). A Tibetan aristocrat who seized power following the assassination of his ally, the irascible Khang chen nas bSod nams rgyal po, in 1727. Both had opposed the occupation of Lha sa by the Zunghar Mongols, who had regularly interfered in Tibetan affairs since the mid-16th century and invaded in 1717. Pho lha nas amassed an army in western Tibet and outmaneuvered a much larger pro-Zunghar force from central Tibet. He took gZhis ka rtse and then occupied Lha sa. His army was then bolstered by Manchu soldiers and he took control of the central provinces. The Qing forces exacted revenge on officials who had collaborated with the Zunghars: many were either executed or exiled. This left Pho lha nas the sole effective leader; his ascension to power was accepted by the Qing court, which sent representatives (am ban) to look after its interests in Tibet. Theoretically Pho lha nas was to govern in tandem with them, but observers stated that he was effectively the “king of Tibet” (bod kyi rgyal po). The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), was forced into exile, along with his father, bSod nams dar rgyas, who had a penchant for meddling in political affairs. bsKal bzang rgya mtsho was allowed to return in 1735, but Pho lha nas stipulated that neither he nor his family would play a role in Tibetan politics. Pho lha nas’ rule was a time of relative stability in the chaotic affairs of the time, and his death in 1747 initiated a new period of turmoil. He was succeeded by his son ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (r. 1747–1750), who was assassinated in 1750 by the Manchu am bans. ’PHRENG PO GTER STON: See SHES RAB ’OD ZER. ’PHRIN LAS CHOS SGRON (TRINLÉ CHÖDRÖN, 1938–1970) (CH. CHENGLIE QUZHEN 成烈曲珍). A Tibetan Buddhist nun born in sNye mo (see entry) who was one of the leaders of an armed insurrection during the “sNye mo Incident” in the late 1960s. She was born into a farming family and was the oldest of seven siblings. At around age 12 she became a nun in the bKa’ brgyud nunnery of Thar ser. She had no formal education but could read some Buddhist prayers. In 1959, following the imposition of “democratic reforms,” she was expelled from her nunnery and sent back to her village, but at night returned to her former residence, which she shared with her teacher. Her family was assigned a “bad class background” and subjected

’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO • 509

to attacks. She became depressed and showed signs of mental illness. She began experiencing hallucinations and believed she received messages from the Dalai Lama and from deities. In 1968 she visited a local lama named Byams pa bstan ’dzin (d. 1969). He informed her that she had become a medium and urged her to use her new powers to fight enemies of Buddhism. Following this meeting, she began going into trances and uttering prophetic messages. She first claimed to be possessed by the Jo bo Rin po che image, and later said that A ne Gong ma’i rgyal po—the aunt of the mythical hero gLing Ge sar—was speaking through her. Melvyn Goldstein, Ben Jiao, and Tanzen Lhundrup (2009) report that she claimed that Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976) was an emanation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī) and that he would not harm Buddhism. Despite the ban on religious activities imposed during the Cultural Revolution, she was allowed to continue acting as a medium because she was widely regarded as insane. A number of local people who consulted her, however, reported that she delivered accurate prophecies and cured illnesses. As word of her trances spread, a wave of similar possessions swept Tibet, and others claimed to have become mediums for characters in the Ge sar epic. They joined her and formed a fanatical army. In 1968 she went into trance and ordered an attack on the county headquarters and later another on an army barracks. In both cases the mob was victorious and suffered no casualties (although during the latter attack all the unarmed soldiers were brutally murdered). In the following weeks she directed her followers to mutilate or murder scores of Tibetans, including people who had mocked her religious claims and others who were local cadres. A People’s Liberation Army regiment of 1,000 soldiers was dispatched to sNye mo to quell the uprising. ­’Phrin las chos sgron and her followers were routed, and she fled. As she hid in a cave, a contingent of troops surrounded it, and she was captured along with a group of followers. They were taken to Lha sa. Before a crowd of thousands of people, ’Phrin las chos sgron and 32 others were executed. Others were imprisoned or placed under surveillance, and some were required to attend “study sessions” to correct their misguided beliefs. ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO (TRINLÉ GYATSO, 1856–1875) (CH. CHENGLIE JIACUO 成烈嘉措). The 12th Dalai Lama. He was born in Lho kha in dBus. He was recognized in 1858 and enthroned in 1860. He assumed his temporal office on 11 March 1873 but died soon after on 25 April 1875. It was widely rumored that he was poisoned. His successor, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), became one of the most influential Dalai Lamas and ruled Tibet during a period of transition and conflict. During ­’Phrin las rgya mtsho’s life the Qing dynasty continued to decline, which meant that it was unable to counter British expansion in South Asia. Great Britain was

510 • ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO, NOR LHA HU THOG TU

involved in wars against the kingdoms of Sikkim and Bhutan, both of which were culturally Tibetan and had long-standing political and religious ties with central Tibet. European missionaries were also traveling to the region and attempting to convert people to Christianity (particularly in the western Himalayan regions, Sikkim, Tibet’s border with modern Arunachal Pradesh, and in Khams in eastern Tibet). As a response to these events, the Tibetan government issued a proclamation forbidding foreigners to travel in Tibetan territory and threatening punishment to anyone who aided them. During the reign of Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799), China had interfered with Tibetan affairs to a previously unprecedented degree, and its government issued decrees that if fully implemented would have made Tibet a protectorate. After a brief period of intervention, China only sporadically meddled in Tibetan affairs, and Tibet’s rulers recognized the value of maintaining good relations with its neighbor. As Qing power waned and it lost the ability to come to Tibet’s aid in times of trouble, the government increasingly distanced itself and managed its own affairs, with only perfunctory exchanges of official missives. For its part, China continued to assert its (increasingly fictional) overlordship over Tibet. ’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO, NOR LHA HU THOG TU (NORHLA KHUTUGTU TRINLÉ GYATSO, 1865–1936) (CH. NUONA HUOFO 诺那活佛). The seventh Nor lha Hu thog tu, a reincarnate lama (sprul sku; Mon. khutugtu) who was a popular figure among Chinese Buddhists in the early 20th century. He was the abbot of Ri bo che Monastery in Khams and the religious and secular chieftain of a small region near Chab mdo. He had close relations with Qing interests in eastern Tibet, and in 1909 he worked with Qing authorities to suppress a rebellion of Mongol princes in Inner Mongolia. Following the defeat of the Qing in 1911, he switched sides and threw in his lot with the Nationalists. He hoped to enlist military aid to expand his territory and establish a separate state under his own control. This ran counter to the efforts of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), who was working to extend his hegemony over areas of eastern Tibet that the central government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) had formerly administered but had reverted to local rule. When the Lha sa government seized control of his fiefdom in 1919, he was arrested and taken to central Tibet. In 1923 he was transferred to a jail in southern Tibet, but he managed to escape (according to rumors of the time, the government allowed him to escape in order to avoid the embarrassment of imprisoning a prominent reincarnate lama). He fled to Nepal and then to China, where the Nationalist authorities welcomed him. He traveled to Beijing in 1924. He then spent three years in Sichuan, mainly in Chongqing, and attracted a large following. He moved to Nanjing, where he became

’PHRIN LAS RGYA MTSHO, NOR LHA HU THOG TU • 511

a member of the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission. He was later appointed to the Legislative Yuan (Ch. Lifa Yuan 立法院). He lived in Nanjing for six years and made a number of trips in China during this time: he visited Shanghai, Suzhou, Hangzhou, Lushan, Guangdong, and Hebei, among other places. In 1935 he was appointed pacification commissioner for Xikang (Ch. Xikang Xuanweshi 西康宣慰使), a post created as part of the Chinese government’s claims to sovereignty over Tibet. His stated task was to “pacify” the recalcitrant Khams Buddhists with his teachings and convince them to voluntarily submit to Republican rule. He also sought to displace the Chinese warlord Liu Wenhui 刘文辉 (1895–1976), who had seized control of parts of Khams. In late 1935 the Nanjing government provided him with a force of 300 soldiers, and he traveled to the Sichuan-Xikang border with the ostensible intention of visiting monasteries and giving teachings in Khams. His force was augmented by Khams pas. Because he was a prominent local lama who had been given an official position by the government, Liu was placed in an awkward position: it was obvious that Nor lha had political and territorial ambitions—and he was backed by a substantial military force—but he was on a mission supported by the government to which Liu paid verbal allegiance. Nor lha visited a number of monasteries, gave public teachings, performed ceremonies, and drew large crowds, but he also worked surreptitiously to undermine Liu. He provided generous gifts, supplied by the Nanjing hierarchs, to the non-Han elite. In secret he lobbied them to provide intelligence that could help him to overthrow Liu’s regime. He also sought embarrassing information that could be disclosed to the Chinese media. In 1936 Liu reached a breaking point after Nor lha managed to convince several regiments of his 24th Army to desert and join his militia. The two forces fought battles in sDe dge and dKar mdzes, and each side blamed the other for initiating the conflict. Nor lha’s troops defeated Liu’s on several occasions, which allowed him to seize control over a large part of Khams. He invited officials from the Nanjing government to take control over administrative affairs. He also worked with the Nanjing government in its efforts to thwart the expansion of the Communists. In February 1936, as the Long March passed through Xikang, Nor lha’s army followed instructions from Nanjing to encircle the Communists. Liu was also asked to fight on Nanjing’s behalf, but declined. Thus Nor lha’s militia became the Communists’ main military opposition in the region. Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi 蒋介 石, 1887–1975) supplied him with military support and funding, but at the same time he realized that the lama was a poor choice to advance Republican interests in eastern Tibet and the borderlands of Sichuan. The Communists captured Nor lha on the Khams-Tibetan border in the spring of 1936 and took him to mKar mdzes. He died in May, and his d­ emise

512 • PHUN TSHOGS DBANG RGYAL, ’BA’ PA

was a serious blow to Nationalist plans. Although he devoted much of his time and energy to political maneuvering and military intrigues, he also taught widely and attracted a number of followers. His disciples founded the Society of Nuona’s Students (Ch. Nuona Tongxuehui 诺那同学会), which raised funds for his trips and publication of his written works. The Nanjing government gave him the title “Vastly Blessed Meditation Master” (Ch. Puyou Chanshi 普佑禅师). Following his death, Gangs dkar (1893/1903– 1956) oversaw the cremation of his corpse and arranged for the construction of a mchod rten (Sk. stūpa) for his ashes and relics. PHUN TSHOGS DBANG RGYAL, ’BA’ PA (PABA PÜNTSOK WANGGYEL; ALT. PHUN DBANG, 1922–2014). The founder of the Tibetan Communist Party, established by Khams pa students in 1939. It presented itself as a nationalist organization that aimed to reform the corrupt and archaic system of government and create an independent, revolutionary Tibet, but it never attracted wide support. From his student days in the 1930s, Phun dbang’s agenda seems to have been broader than wholesale reform of a governmental system he believed was no longer viable. His most important goal was to unify Tibet, which was divided into regions, each of which saw itself as autonomous and whose citizens did not consider themselves part of a national narrative. He was a member of both the Tibetan Communist Party and later of the Chinese Communist Party (after 1951). He was arrested in 1960 and served nine years in jail because the new rulers believed he held anti-Chinese views. He was released and rehabilitated, and he became an influential government official. He met with representatives of the Dalai Lama’s fact-finding delegation in 1979 during their time in Tibet. Phun dbang served as deputy director of the Nationalities Committee of the National People’s Congress from 1985 to 1993. He published books on Marxist doctrine as well as dialectical examinations of a range of scientific subjects. PHUR PA (PURBA) (SKT. KĪLA) (CH. PUBA 普巴). A ritual dagger with three blades used in tantric rites that involve subjugating hostile forces and exorcisms. It can also refer to a peg or spike used to fix things to the ground, such as tent ropes. The ritual implement phur pa is associated with the tantric buddha rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīla or Vajrakīlaya). Phur pas are often made of metal, but can be constructed from bone, wood, crystal, clay, or other materials. A phur pa generally has three components: pommel, handle, and blade. The pommel commonly has three faces of Vajrakīlaya: wrathful, peaceful, and joyful. These often surmount a rdo rje (Skt. vajra). The blade is made up of three elongated triangles that culminate at the point. In exorcism rituals, it is generally inserted point downward through a casket or effigy

PHYAG RGYA CHEN PO • 513

r­ epresenting hostile forces; it pins them and allows the ritualist to chant mantras that subdue them, chase them from the area, or destroy them altogether. PHYAG NA RDO RJE (CHAKNA DORJÉ). (1) PHYAG NA RDO RJE (1239–1267), one of the two nephews of Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) who in 1244 accompanied him to Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan) to meet Godan Khan (1206–1251). He and his older brother ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) were required to remain at the Mongol court as hostages to ensure Tibetan compliance. He was a popular figure in the Mongol court: he married a Mongol princess, a daughter of Khubilai Khan (1215–1294). He died at age 28 and left behind an infant son, Dharma pā la rakshi ta (1268–1287), who became known as the “Master” (dPon chen) of the court at Sa skya, and who was also appointed “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师) in Beijing in 1282. (2) The wrathful tantric buddha Vajrapāṇi (Ch. Jingangshou Pusa 金剛手 菩薩/金刚手菩萨, “Vajra Hand”), classified as a “knowledge-bearer” (rig ’dzin; Skt. vidyā-dhara). He is also referred to as “Master of Secret Teachings” (gSang ba’i bdag po) because he guards the tantric lore that must be kept from public view. Iconographically, he is often depicted wearing a tiger skin around his waist and with long hair, and sometimes with snakes as garlands. He generally has blue skin and either two or four arms. In the four-armed version, two of his hands make a threatening gesture (phyag rgya; Skt. mudrā) that overcomes obstacles, and the other two hold a rdo rje (Skt. vajra) and a lasso, respectively. Some texts—for example, the Discourse of Golden Light (gSer ʼod dam pa mdo sdeʼi dbang poʼi rgyal po; Skt. Suvarṇaprabhāsottama-sūtra)—describe him as merely a demon (gnod sbyin; Skt. yakṣa) or as lord of demons, and in the Lotus Discourse of the True Doctrine (Dam pa’i chos padma dkar po’i mdo; Skt. Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra) he is said to be an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs (Avalokiteśvara), but in Tibetan Buddhism he becomes one of the most important wrathful buddhas. He played a crucial role in the establishment of Buddhism in Tibet when Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), after being attacked by the country’s demons upon his arrival, grew angry and subsequently retreated to a cave and meditated on Vajrapāṇi, which caused the demons to become frightened and submit to him. In Tibetan Buddhism, Vajrapāṇi personifies the power of all the buddhas and overcomes obstacles. Some traditions teach that he will become the final buddha of the present era. PHYAG RGYA CHEN PO (CHAGYA CHENBO) (SKT. MAHĀMUDRĀ) (CH. DASHOUYIN 大手印) (“GREAT SEAL”). A meditation system practiced by all orders of Tibetan Buddhism, but particularly associated with the bKa’ brgyud order, in which it is considered the quintessence of all Buddhist

514 • PHYI BLON

teachings and practices. It is not found in books or words, but rather in direct, personal realization of truth—although hundreds of books exist in Tibetan and English describing the ways in which it is beyond words and the ineffable experiences of adepts. Its central focus is direct apprehension of the luminous and empty nature of mind, which leads to the realization that all phenomena are creations of mind. In the language of the system, one recognizes the undifferentiability of appearance (snang ba; Skt. ābhāsa) and emptiness (stong pa nyid; Skt. śūnyatā). This realization clears away obstacles to realization. Its adherents claim this practice is a rapid path to buddhahood, suited for beings with keen compassion and exceptional intelligence. See also TANTRA. PHYI BLON (CHILÖN) (“EXTERNAL MINISTER”). A title of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) prior to the invasion by the People’s Republic of China of the 1950s: Minister for External Affairs. PHYI DAR (CHIDAR) (CH. HOUHONGQI 后弘期) (“LATER PROPAGATION”). Traditional Tibetan histories—most of which were written by Buddhist prelates from the 12th century onward—generally follow a periodization according to which there was a vaguely defined time prior to the introduction of Buddhism, during which buddhas and bodhisattvas (mainly sPyan ras gzigs; Skt. Avalokiteśvara) worked to prepare the country for the Dharma. This was followed by the “early propagation” (snga dar), beginning in the reign of the first “religious king” (chos rgyal), Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). Subsequent to the assassination of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), the country entered the period of the “interim propagation of the teaching” (bstan pa bar dar). The descendants of the dynastic line moved to Gu ge in western Tibet, possibly in order to remove themselves from the disruptions in Yar klungs. The interim period ended in the 11th century when Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) returned to Tibet after studying in India and initiated the decisive “later propagation.” He was joined by other translators, including Ngog Legs pa’i shes rab (1059–1109) and the Bengali scholar Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054). The latter traveled to Tibet in 1042 at the invitation of hierarchs of the ruling house of Gu ge, particularly Byang chub ’od (984–1078). Histories written by dGe lugs historians commonly portray Atiśa as singlehandedly masterminding the later propagation, but records from the time indicate that his actual influence was limited by a number of factors. He arrived well after the Buddhist renaissance was under way, and he was unable to perform monastic ordinations because he was ordained in the monastic code (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) of the Phal chen pa (Skt. Mahāsāṃghika) lineage. From the 9th century, the gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba (Skt. Mūlasarvāstivāda) monastic code had become normative in Tibet. Moreover, as Davidson (2005)

PHYI ’GYUR • 515

has pointed out, one of the important early aspects of the Buddhist renaissance was the efforts of monks from eastern Tibet who had maintained their vows during the period of turmoil following the disintegration of the empire and who traveled to central Tibet and reintroduced ­monastic ordination. Three monks who were ordained in the Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya, together with two Chinese monks who held Chos srung sde (Skt. Dharmaguptaka) ordination, ordained dGongs pa rab gsal (ca. 832–915) in eastern Tibet. This lineage was later brought to central Tibet and became known as the “Lower Tibet Discipline” (sMad ’dul). The Mūlasarvāstivāda-vinaya lineage was brought to western Tibet by Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036) around the end of the 10th century; he invited the Indian scholar Chos skyong (Dharmapāla) to travel to Gu ge with several other monks and reestablish the tradition. During the later propagation there was a coordinated effort to translate the Indian Buddhist canon. To this end groups of translators (lo tsā ba) were formed and standard lexicons were developed. The “New Orders” (gSar ma) of Tibetan Buddhism—Sa skya, bKa’ brgyud, and dGe lugs—all rely on translations of tantric texts prepared during this period, while the rNying ma order favors the translations of the “early propagation.” This period also saw the “internationalization of Tibet” as Tibetan lamas moved into parts of Central Asia and borderland areas that had not previously been Buddhist mission fields. This process gave Tibet an international political dimension as well as expanded religious influence because these lamas served as envoys, negotiators, and representatives of rulers, and they also spread Buddhist teachings and practices. New artistic styles were developed, some of which can still be seen on stuccos, bronzes, and wall paintings in the temples of Tho ling (alt. (m)Tho lding) and rTsa pa rang, as well as many museum collections. These new forms helped establish Tibet on the international art register as Tibetan artisans moved into Central Asia, bringing their distinctive styles with them and forming new atéliers. See also BYE BRAG TU RTOGS PAR BYED PA CHEN PO; GSAR ’GYUR; HISTORIOGRAPHY; INDIAN BUDDHISM; TANTRA. PHYI ’GYUR (CHIGYÜR) (CH. JIUYI 旧译) (“NEW TRANSLATIONS”). Translations of Buddhist texts created during the “later propagation” (phyi dar). These are the bases of the textual systems of the “New Orders” (gSar ma): bKa’ brgyud, Sa skya, and dGe lugs. The rNying ma order relies on translations, particularly those of tantric texts, prepared during the period of the “early propagation” (snga dar). The new translations used standardized glossaries and were commonly prepared by teams that included Indian masters and bilingual Tibetans. These are characterized by their proponents as more linguistically and stylistically faithful to Indic originals, in contrast to the translations of the early period (snga ’gyur), which

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the New Orders regard as hybrids of Indic and Tibetan elements. This notion (obviously a polemical trope designed to advance the New Schools) is only partially accurate, as evidence suggests that many of the earlier translations were based upon substantial Indic material. See also BYE BRAG TU RTOGS PAR BYED PA CHEN PO; GSAR ’GYUR; HISTORIOGRAPHY; INDIAN BUDDHISM; PHYI ’GYUR; TANTRA PHYI SOG: See OUTER MONGOLIA. PHYOGS KYI GLANG PO (CHOGI LANGBO) (SKT. DIGNĀGA, CA. 480–540) (CH. YULONG 域龍/域龙). An Indian philosopher whom Tibetan doxographers regard as the founder of the Epistemological (Tshad ma; Skt. Pramāṇa) school. His Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma kun las btus pa; Skt. Pramāṇa-samuccaya) is one of the seminal works of the tradition; it formed the basis of a commentary by Chos kyi grags pa (Skt. Dharmakīrti, ca. 7th century), Commentary on [Dignāga’s] Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇa-vārttika). Dignāga focused primarily on issues of epistemology and logic, and this approach marked a new direction in Indian Buddhist philosophy. See also DBU MA; INDIAN BUDDHISM; MAHĀYĀNA. ’PHYONG RGYAS (CHONG GYÉ) (CH. QIONGJIE 琼结). A valley in central Tibet near the capital of the Yar klungs dynasty, where the burial tumuli of the later kings were constructed. It is located about 27 km (16 mi.) from rTse thang. According to tradition, before the time of the eighth king, Gri gum btsan po, all the monarchs ascended to their heavenly realm (gnam) following their deaths, but after he was killed his body remained on earth and was interred in a tumulus. His successors also had tumuli constructed for them after they died. Subsequent to the fall of the Imperium, the tombs were pillaged by local people, but recent scholarship has shown that tomb building for local rulers continued well into the 10th century; some were erected for potentates whose domains lay outside the Yar klungs territories. These newly discovered and identified tombs lie in eastern rKong po (Dotson 2009). Today there are eight large mounds dating from the Imperium in ’Phyongs rgyas, and other sites in the area may be associated with the mortuary cult of the Yar klungs monarchs. The largest is the Bang so dmar po, purportedly the tomb of Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), which was damaged during the Cultural Revolution but restored in 1983; a chamber in the upper part has been opened to the public. PILGRIMAGE (TIB. GNAS SKOR). Pilgrimage to sacred places is one of the most universally popular religious activities among Tibetans, both

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­Buddhists and Bon pos. No records of pilgrimages survive from the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). During the period of the “early propagation” (snga dar) Tibetans traveled to India for study. Presumably some visited holy places, but no writings regarding this have been preserved. The earliest pilgrimage texts date to the beginning of the 13th century. Chag Lo tsā ba Chos rje dpal (1197–1263/1264) journeyed to India and wrote an account of the places he visited, as did O rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229/1230–1308/1309), who went to Swāt in the late 13th century. In Tibet the central practice of pilgrimage is circumambulation, as is indicated by the common term for pilgrimage, gnas skor (circuit of a place). Accounts of Tibetans traveling to sacred places on the Tibetan Plateau are found in the 12th century. gLing ras pa Padma rdo rje (1128–1188) and ’Jig rten mgon po (1143–1217) promoted travel to Ti se, Tsā ri, and La phyi as meritorious activities. rGod tshang ba is credited with ritually “opening” Ti se as a sacred place (gnas sgo phyed ba). One common theme in these and many other pilgrimage sites is their liminality: they are situated at the margins of the Tibetan world and require time and effort to reach. The difficulties involved in these journeys contribute to the merit payoff. Mountains, lakes, and other physically imposing aspects of the geography of Tibet are viewed as the abodes of powerful forces—including buddhas, bodhisattvas, and worldly deities—who can provide material and religious benefits. “Hidden lands” (sbas yul) are also power places, and those who are sufficiently resolute and who possess the magical ability to find and enter their hidden gateways can test their mettle and acquire supernatural powers. The accounts of adepts add to the mystique of such places and establish them as spiritually potent. The same is true of caves and remote hermitages associated with culture heroes such as Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), Nā ro pa (1016–1100), and Ti lo pa (988–1069). These become imbued with the charisma of the saints who engaged in religious practice at these sites, and subsequent visitors frequently report visions of the deceased masters. Caves and hermitages reportedly visited by adepts abound throughout the Himalayan region, although many are of doubtful provenance. The charisma of the masters persists long after they have left; large numbers of pilgrims continue to circumambulate the Po ta la in Lha sa, the winter palace of the Dalai Lamas prior to 1959, even though it has been transformed into a propaganda museum by the People’s Republic of China and exorbitant fees are charged for entry. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) the Chinese banned pilgrimages and other religious activities, but local sites were often appropriated as substitutes for pan-Tibetan pilgrimage destinations. With the relaxation of religious repression in the 1980s, large numbers of Buddhists and Bon pos returned to these traditional practices. For Tibetan exiles, India has been rediscovered as a source of religious merit through pilgrimage. Most cannot

518 • PO TA LA

Pilgrims from Khams circumambulating the Bar skor in Lha sa.

return to their homeland, so places associated with the Buddha or Indian saints, as well as locations associated with Tibetan luminaries, have become popular destinations. PO TA LA (ALT. RTSE PHO BRANG) (CH. BUDALA GONG 布达拉 宫). The winter residence of the Dalai Lamas in Lha sa, the construction of which was begun during the life of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), and completed after his death by his regent (sde srid), Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705). The name is derived from an island named Potalaka in the Indian Ocean, believed by tradition to be an abode of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). The palace was given this name in order to bolster the association of the Dalai Lamas and Avalokiteśvara. It was situated on dMar po ri, a hill that was the site of a palace built by Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650), the first “religious king” (chos rgyal). This linked the new regime of the dGa’ ldan pho brang with the glories of the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). Prior to the invasion and annexation of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the 1950s, it was the seat of the Tibetan government and housed the Dalai Lama’s personal monastery, rNam rgyal. After the flight of the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin

POSTAGE STAMPS • 519

The Po ta la.

rgya mtsho (1935–), into exile in 1959, the PRC turned it into a propaganda museum and tourist attraction. POSTAGE STAMPS (SBRAG RTAGS). The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho, spent more than two years in India following his flight from a Chinese military incursion. While there, he saw numerous examples of his country’s backwardness in relation to its neighbors. He realized that Tibet needed to develop a postal system, and he commissioned the construction of dies made in India. Following his return to Tibet in 1913, he instituted a system of postage stamps and letter delivery. Using traditional Tibetan paper sheets made from the bark of the daphne shrub and inks of enamel paint, the stamps were printed by hand, were unperforated, and had no adhesive. Stamps were cut by scissors and glued by the sender with whatever adhesive they had. Tibet had approximately 14–16 post offices, located mostly in dBus and gTsang. Many of the genuine Tibetan stamps that have appeared on the market and that possess envelopes show that they were recognized as legitimate at least within British India and Burma. Whether other countries accepted them as legitimate postage stamps is unknown. The last strike of Tibetan postage stamps was made in 1958. As with Tibetan coins and banknotes, there are far more forgeries than genuine pieces on today’s market.

520 • POSTAGE STAMPS

Letters with Tibetan postage stamps affixed, postmarked in foreign countries.

Q QIANLONG 乾隆 (TIB. LHA SKYONG RGYAL PO; ALT. CHAN LUNG, 1711–1799). The fifth emperor of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). He was born Prince Hongli 弘历, the fourth son of Yongzheng 雍正 (Tib. Gong ma Yung ting, 1678–1735). During his early years he oversaw territorial expansion and cultural development, but later in life he grew increasingly authoritarian and conservative. He conquered East Turkestan, which was renamed Xinjiang 新疆; this was accomplished by his defeat of the Zunghar Mongols. Between 1755 and 1758 he embarked on a program of genocide that resulted in the extermination of an estimated 80 percent of the Zunghar population. He patronized Tibetan Buddhism, and during his reign Manchuria became a mission field. He also interfered directly in Tibetan affairs to an extent that his predecessors had not. The defeat of the Zunghar invasion of 1717 led to the promulgation of decrees that would have made Tibet a protectorate if they had been fully implemented, and in 1727 Qianlong dispatched two Manchu representatives (am ban) to Lha sa with instructions that they were to rule in tandem with the Dalai Lama. They were accompanied by a garrison of several hundred soldiers. Its size later decreased along with the actual power of the am bans as growing internal problems forced later Qing rulers to concentrate on China and ignore Tibet. He sent military campaigns into Gor kha (Gorkha) territory and forced Nepal to become a tributary. From 1765 to 1770 he staged an invasion of Burma, which became bogged down in tropical jungles. Disease and heavy fighting killed large numbers of troops, along with several commanding generals. He suffered a further setback during an incursion into Vietnam in 1787. Although his empire expanded significantly, it incorporated restive populations and was so large as to be ungovernable. Government resources were largely devoted to taking territory and then holding it. The fighting abilities of the army were highlighted by border wars that put down rebellions but lost many lives and the hard-fought campaign against the Zunghars, which produced large casualties on both sides. The White Lotus Society (Bailianjiao 白莲教) rebellion was suppressed only during the reign of Qianlong’s successor, Jiaqing 嘉庆 (1760–1820). Toward the end of his reign, he became increasingly dictatorial and repressive. He sponsored the compilation of the 521

522 • QING DYNASTY

Complete Library of Literature in Four Branches (Siku Quanshu 四庫全書/ 四库全书), the largest literary collection in Chinese history, but the main intention was not preservation and dissemination of important literature: 3,400 works were included in the collection, but the project was aimed at identifying and suppressing material that was anti-Qing or that adopted a satirical tone toward its rulers or policies. More than 2,300 works were completely banned and another 350 were partially suppressed. An estimated 150,000 texts were burned or banned, and many others were edited in order to conform to his propaganda requirements. Fifty-three authors whose works were deemed subversive were persecuted. A common punishment was beheading followed by slow dissection of the corpse. Qianlong himself was a noted literary figure; his collected writings, published in 10 volumes between 1749 and 1800, contain more than 40,000 poems and 1,300 prose works. His later reign was marked by corruption, symbolized by Yu Minzhong 于敏中 and Heshen 和珅 (1746–1799). The latter amassed a personal fortune through his machinations that exceeded the combined wealth of the imperial treasury, but he was executed in 1799. Qianlong abdicated in favor of his son on 8 February 1795, but he remained the real power until his death. Despite the territorial expansion of his reign and the plunder it generated, Qianlong’s reign sowed the seeds of the Qing’s future decline. He spent massive amounts of money on lavish construction projects, and in his later years devoted much of his time to literary and artistic activities, leaving daily administration in the hands of officials. This allowed the development of a culture of pervasive corruption. The expense and effort required to maintain such a huge empire left little in reserve for needed modernizations of the military or infrastructure, so when European navies arrived in the mid-18th century China was no match for their advanced technology. China’s position as the dominant military and cultural force in Asia led to complacency, and Qianlong’s successors struggled to cope with the changed world situation while also confronting internal rebellions, famines, and other natural disasters. See also LHAZANG KHAN. QING DYNASTY (TIB. CHING RGYAL RABS) (CH. QING CHAO 清朝, 1644–1912). The last imperial dynasty of China. It was founded by the Manchu (Tib. Man ju) clan Aisin Gioro (Ch. Aixin Jueluo 爱新觉罗). The hierarchs of the clan came to power in Manchuria (Tib. Man ju yul; Ch. Dongbei 东北) in the northeast of China. The Manchus are descended from the Jurchens (Nüzhen 女真), a Tungusic people. The Manchu state was founded by Nurhaci (Nu’erhachi 努尔哈赤 (1559–1626), chieftain of a Jurchen clan in Jianzhou 建州. He was a vassal of the Ming dynasty (Tib. Ming rgyal rabs; Ch. Mingchao 明朝, 1368–1644), but in 1582 began to expand his power among the Jurchen tribes, and by 1616 he controlled much

QING DYNASTY • 523

of Jianzhou and gave himself the title Khan of the “Great Jin.” This dynasty is generally designated the “Later Jin” (Hou Jin 后金) to distinguish it from the “Former Jin” (Jinchao 金朝, 1115–1234). Two years later, he declared Jurchen independence from the Ming. He established his court in Liaodong 辽东 (later renamed Shengjing 盛京; Mukden), which bordered on traditional Mongol domains. The Ming dynasty fell in 1644. A rebellion led by Li Zicheng 李自成 (1606–1645), formerly an official of the Ming government, sacked Beijing, and the last Ming emperor, Chongzhen 崇祯 (1611–1644), committed suicide. The Manchus then allied themselves with a former Ming general, Wu Sangui 吳三桂 (1612–1678), and took control of Beijing. They overthrew Li’s short-lived Shun dynasty (顺朝, 8 February–5 June 1644). In 1644 their troops moved into China and completely conquered the country during the reign of Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722). Nurhaci was defeated by the Chinese general Yuan Chonghuan 袁崇焕 (1584–1630) during a siege of Ningyuan 宁远, and he died soon after. He was succeeded by his son Hong Taiji 洪太极 (1592–1626), who created a new bureaucracy that included a number of former Ming officials. During his reign, the official designation of “Manchu” (Ch. Manzhou 满州; Man. Manju) was created for the Jurchen people. In 1636 he changed his own title from khan to emperor (di 帝), and in 1636 he changed the name of his state to Qing (“Clear,” “Lucid”). A succession battle followed Hong Taiji’s death, and his five-year-old son, Fulin 福临, was enthroned and became the Shunzhi emperor (顺治帝, 1638–1661). Early in his reign Manchu troops took ­Beijing and it became the Qing capital. During his minority, his brother Dorgon (Duo’ergun 多尔衮, 1612–1650) acted as regent. In 1645 Dorgon issued a directive that henceforth all adult male Han would be required to shave the front of their heads and wear the rest in a ponytail as a sign of their submission. This was regarded as humiliating and led to widespread resentment against Qing rule. Kangxi had the longest reign of any Qing monarch. He suppressed the Revolt of the Three Feudatories (Sanfan Zhiluan 三藩之乱) and conquered the kingdom of Dongning 东宁 on Taiwan. He also extended the empire to the northwest and blocked Russian expansion. In 1717 a Zunghar force led by Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) invaded Tibet and took control of Lha sa. They were repulsed by Qing troops dispatched by Kangxi, who issued a set of decrees that if fully implemented would have effectively made Tibet a protectorate. In 1727, two ethnic Manchu representatives (am ban) were stationed in Lha sa, and the emperor declared that they would rule in tandem with the Dalai Lama. Tibetans resisted these moves, however, and the am bans were gradually marginalized. After a brief period of direct involvement in Tibetan affairs, the Qing rulers lost interest once the region became politically stable. Kangxi was succeeded by his son Yong 雍, the Yongzheng emperor (雍正帝,

524 • QING DYNASTY

1678–1735; Tib. Gong ma Yung ting/g.Yung ting), who further expanded Qing territory. Following his death, his son Prince Bao 宝亲王 became emperor and took the name Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799). He continued Qing expansion and led incursions into Xinjiang and Mongolia. He put down revolts in Sichuan and southern China and took an active role in Tibetan affairs. He patronized Buddhist prelates and declared that the am bans would rule the country and that the Dalai Lama would be in an inferior position. He also sponsored notable cultural projects, including the compilation of the Complete Library of Literature in Four Branches (Siku Quanshu 四庫全書/四库全书), the largest collection of books in Chinese history, comprising more than 3,400 texts. Toward the end of his reign, the White Lotus Society (Bailianjiao 白莲 教) rebellion erupted, and it lasted for eight years before it was suppressed in 1804 during the reign of his son Yongyan 永琰, the Jiaqing emperor (嘉 庆帝, 1760–1820). The Qing were territorially ambitious and during the 17th–18th centuries conquered a huge empire, but their power declined during the 19th century as a result of internal rebellions and military defeats. The decline coincided with the expansion of European colonialism and the development of global trade cabals. During the 18th and 19th centuries the dynasty was further weakened by rebellions and natural disasters. From 1839 to 1842, Great Britain and China fought the First Opium War following a decision by the Qing government to ban the opium trade. This conflict highlighted the weakness of the Qing military, which the foreigners easily bested. The Treaty of Nanjing (Nanjing Tiaoyue 南京条约), signed in 1842, was viewed as a national humiliation. China was required to pay reparations, Europeans were granted extrajudicial status, and Hong Kong was ceded to Great Britain. The Taiping 太平 Rebellion of 1850–1864 dealt a severe blow to the dynasty. From 1856 to 1860 China and Britain fought the Second Opium War, which resulted in another crushing defeat. During this time, China’s internal problems prevented it from playing any significant role in Tibetan affairs, and Tibet became increasingly distant. Official communications were exchanged, but the power of the am bans was reduced to insignificance. Visitors to Tibet remarked that they had no influence and the Tibetan government ignored them. The Qing were overthrown following the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 (Ch. Xinhai Geming 辛亥革命). Empress Dowager Xiao Dingjing 孝定景 (1868– 1913) abdicated in favor of Puyi 溥仪 (1906–1967), who was forced to abdicate on 12 February 1912. With the final defeat of the Qing in 1911, Tibet declared its independence and expelled Chinese nationals. The Republicans, unable to force Tibet to become part of their territory, sent several requests to “rejoin the Motherland,” but these were ignored. Tibet remained de facto

QINGHAI-TIBETAN RAILWAY • 525

independent until 1950, when the People’s Liberation Army invaded and conquered the country. QINGHAI 青海. A province of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) that borders the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), the Xinjiang Autonomous Region, and Gansu. Its capital and largest city is Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁). For much of its history it was outside the control of China’s dynasties. About 2,000 years ago much of the region was controlled by the Han kingdom, and the Ming also exerted authority there, but internal rebellions undermined this. Local warlords effectively ruled much of the region. From the late Ming period until 1724, much of modern Qinghai was under Khoshud Mongol control. Qing armies conquered the region, but as the regime weakened it reverted to local chieftains. In 1928 the Northern Expedition (Beifa 北伐) of the Republic of China seized much of Qinghai. Muslim warlord Ma Bufang 马步芳 (1903–1975) subsequently took control and initiated a campaign of oppression that resulted in many deaths and widespread destruction. Following the Chinese Civil War (1946–1949), the PRC sent troops to the area and defeated local chieftains and forces of the central Tibetan government. Qinghai was expanded to incorporate areas of Khams, and western regions of Khams became part of the TAR. This region has played a significant role in Tibetan history. Several aristocratic families claim to have originated there prior to the formalization of the Tibetan Imperium. Some trace themselves to ancient Qinghai tribes, including the Mi nyag, Sum pa, and Qiang. This may be linked with early (and inaccurate) Chinese notions that the origins of the Tibetans can be found among the Qiang people (Qiangzu 羌族), as well as misunderstandings about the location of Yar klungs. QINGHAI-TIBET PLATEAU (Ch. Qingzang Gaoyuan 青藏高原). The Chinese name for the Tibetan Plateau. The name implies that “Tibet” comprises only the central regions, now the “Tibet Autonomous Region,” while the eastern areas have always been culturally closer to interior China and under the direct control of Chinese central governments. The central regions were administered by the “local government” in Lha sa, under ultimate Chinese sovereignty. This is not historically accurate, however, as local chieftains have ruled much of Qinghai for centuries, and Tibet was de facto independent after the waning of the nominal Qing protectorate of the early 18th century; it officially declared its independence in 1911, but China did not accept this. QINGHAI-TIBETAN RAILWAY (CH. QINGZANG TIELU 青藏铁路; TIB. MTSHO BOD LCAGS LAM). One of the most ambitious and technologically challenging rail projects in history, which links Beijing with Lha sa.

526 • QOSHOT

Its total length is 1,956 km (1,215 mi.). Branches are being built to the Nepal border and to gZhis ka rtse. The 815 km (506 mi.) section from Xining 西宁 (Tib. Zi ling) to Golmud (Ge’ermu 格尔木; Tib. Na gor mo) was completed in 1984. President Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 (1942–) officially opened the 1,142 km (710 mi.) portion from Golmud to Lha sa on 1 July 2006. More than 960 km (597 mi.) of the Golmud-Lha sa section is above 4,000 m (13.123 ft.). The line has 675 bridges with a total length of 160 km (100 mi.), and 550 km (342 mi.) lies on top of permafrost. Construction faced unprecedented engineering challenges, including high passes and frozen tundra. Chinese propaganda proudly asserts that these were brilliantly overcome by indigenous technological expertise and innovation, which included sinking hollow concrete pipes into soft tundra to keep it frozen and innovative bridges across chasms in the mountains. Portions are artificially cooled using ammonia-based heat exchangers. The railway crosses the Tanggula Pass (Tanggula Shankou 唐古 拉山口) at 5,072 m (16,072 ft.), which makes this the highest-altitude railway in the world. The Fenghuoshan Tunnel (Fenghuoshan Suidao 风火山隧道) is the highest-altitude rail tunnel in the world at 4,905 m (16,093 ft.). The project has proven to be a propaganda bonanza for the Chinese Communist Party. Details of the engineering feats of its planners and the selfless efforts of workers stirred patriotic feelings among Han, though many Tibetans viewed the railway as an instrument to further deepen ­Chinese control. Before it was built, the main route for transport of goods and military personnel was National Highway 109 (also known as the Qingzang Highway), which connects Qinghai with central Tibet. Despite the enormous costs involved in designing, building, and maintaining the railway, it provides cheaper transport, and the growing numbers of tourists and migrants have further increased the Han population on the Tibetan Plateau. This influx has also meant that more tourists are making more demands on Tibetans to entertain them and enact the roles that Chinese visitors envisage. Tibetans are expected to behave as grateful recipients of Han largesse and liberation, and Chinese popular culture portrays them as backward, simple people who spend most of their time singing and dancing. The pressures such stereotypes place on Tibetan-Han interactions are increasingly depicted in poetry and literature emanating from Tibet, as well as on Internet blogs. Critics of the railway also point to the negative effects of forest clearing and building rail infrastructure on fragile permafrost, as well as the potential dangers for wildlife populations. Much of the railway traverses geologically unstable regions, and earthquakes, landslides, or other natural disasters pose potential dangers. QOSHOT: See KHOSHUD. QUBILAI KHAN: See HU BI LE HAN.

R RA MO CHE GTSUG LAG KHANG (RAMOCHÉ TSUKLAKANG) (CH. XIAOZHAO SI 小昭寺; XIEMOQIE SI 叶莫切寺). A temple situated in the northwest of Lha sa, which, according to tradition, was first constructed by Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) to house the Jo bo Rin po che image Wencheng Gongzhu had brought to Tibet. The traditional story of its construction reports that Jo bo Rin po che was transported to Tibet in a wooden cart, which became stuck in sand due to geomantic forces. Wencheng decided that a temple to house the image should be built on that spot. A temporary building was constructed; this was later replaced by a larger temple. The Jo khang originally housed an image of Mi bskyod pa (Skt. Akṣobhya) brought by Bal bza’ (Skt. Bhṛkutī), Srong btsan sgam po’s Nepalese wife, but the locations of the two images were later switched. As noted in other entries, these legends present numerous difficulties, particularly the explanation that Jo bo Rin po che was moved and sealed behind a wall in the Jo khang to prevent an invading Chinese force from stealing it. A popular legend holds that during the reign of Khri Mang slon mang btsan (c. 643–676; r. 663–676) a huge army invaded Tibet with the intention of carrying off Jo bo Rin po che to China. Their plans were thwarted when the image was moved to the Jo khang and sealed behind a wall. The invaders instead carried off the Jo bo Mi bskyod image, but it fought them and they abandoned it on a plain outside the city. Records document a Chinese force that was defeated near Kokonor around 670, but it never reached anywhere near Lha sa. Moreover, the historicity of Bhṛkutī is highly doubtful, which raises questions about the notion that she brought the Jo bo Mi bskyod image to Tibet. The original Ra mo che was damaged during Mongol invasions, and its present three-story version was reconstructed in 1474. Prior to 1959, it served as the assembly hall for rGyud stod Tantric College. It was damaged during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), during which it was used as a stable, but it has been restored. Its famous statue disappeared; reportedly the lower half was found in 1983 in a rubbish dump, and the upper half was in Beijing.

527

528 • RA SA

The two were rejoined and the image was returned to the Ra mo che, which was partially restored in 1986. RA SA: See LHA SA. RA SA ’PHRUL SNANG (RASA TRÜLNANG) (“MAGICALLY MANIFEST”). An older name for the shrine that has since at least the 15th century been most commonly known as “Jo khang,” which, according to tradition, was built in the 7th century in Lha sa (“Place of Gods”). The old name for Lha sa was Ra sa (“Place of Goats”). RAB BRTAN KUN BZANG ’PHAGS (RAPDEN GÜNSANGPAK, 1389– 1442). A local ruler (si tu) in rGyal rtse who sponsored the construction of the dPal ’khor mchod rten (alt. sKu ’bum, popularly referred to as the “Great Stūpa of rGyal rtse”) between 1418 and 1425. This is one of the architectural wonders of premodern Tibet. He is also credited with sponsoring a number of other temples and Buddhist monuments. Bo dong Paṇ chen ’Jigs bral phyogs las rnam rgyal (1376–1451) composed a poem in praise of his activities, which credited him with 18 major contributions to his people. He was the chamberlain to the local ruler and one of the most vigorous opponents of Phag mo gru pa expansionism. His sponsorship of the architectonic maṇḍala of the Great Stūpa reflects both his wealth and the sense of confidence and security he engendered in his rule. He overcame the rising power of the Rin spungs hierarchs by defeating Nam mkha’ rgyal po, and he prospered as a result of this victory. Few Tibetan rulers of the time possessed his wealth or vision, and his largesse toward Nepalese craftsmen had a significant impact on the economy of Kathmandu. Rab brtan kun bzang ’phags ultimately became a casualty of the Rin spungs pa’s rise to power as they marginalized him rather than attempting to conquer him. RAGS RGYAB PA (RAGYABA) (“CORPSE DISPOSERS”). One of the most despised occupations in traditional Tibetan society (and one artificially elevated under the Chinese occupation). These were the people responsible for cutting up corpses for “sky burial” (bya gtor, lit. “scattering [flesh] to birds”). In this ritual, a lama chanted mortuary mantras, and the corpse disposers cut the flesh into bite-sized chunks for the vultures that came to feast. Bones were pulverized and mixed with grains, and ideally every part of the deceased was consumed by the vultures and other scavengers. The practice reflected Buddhist notions regarding embodiment and death: once the consciousness departs the body, it is simply inert matter, and making a final offering of it resonates with the ideal of compassion. It also serves to remind observers of the ever-present possibility of death; this is a motivation

RAMPA, TUESDAY LOBSANG • 529

The Great Stūpa of rGyal rtse.

for religious practice. Practical considerations relate to the scarcity of wood for cremation and the rocky soil of Tibet, which is frozen for much of the year, thus making burial difficult. RAL PA CAN: See KHRI RAL PA CAN. RAMPA, TUESDAY LOBSANG (CYRIL HENRY HOSKIN, 1910–1981). A British writer born in Plympton in Devon who claimed to be a Tibetan lama who had possessed the body of Cyril Hoskin (with his permission), the son of a plumber. In an introduction to his most famous book, The Third Eye, his wife reported that this possession occurred in 1949 when Hoskin fell from a tree and suffered a concussion. The publishers, fearing that this detail would harm sales, recalled that edition and published another without his wife’s memoir. Hoskin claimed that the possession transformed him into a Tibetan at a molecular level. He said that Tibetans named children according to the day of the week on which they were born, and that was the reason his first name was “Tuesday.” There is no evidence that Rampa/Hoskin ever visited Tibet, and his background knowledge appears to have been gleaned from the fantasies of European spiritualists and accounts of adventurers who visited the region. The Third Eye, published in 1956, was a bestseller and remains popular today. Tibetologists have dismissed Rampa/Hoskin’s writings as a bizarre hoax, and numerous analyses have pointed out errors and strange

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ideas that have no relation to any known permutations of Tibetan religion or culture. Errors in Sir Charles Bell’s books, including locations of several aristocratic family estates, are repeated uncritically in The Third Eye. The Third Eye purported to recount his experiences growing up in Tibet. The title comes from an operation he claimed to have undergone, in which a hole was drilled in his forehead in order to awaken his “third eye” and induce clairvoyance. Rampa/Hoskin spoke no Tibetan, which he explained was the result of a curse. He wrote another 18 books on religious and occult subjects. He claimed that one of these, Living with the Lama, was telepathically dictated to him by his pet Siamese cat, Mrs. Fifi Greywhiskers. A number of investigators concluded that he was a charlatan and that his works were fraudulent, and in order to escape the criticism he moved to Canada in the 1960s. He became a Canadian citizen in 1973 and died in Calgary on 25 ­September 1981. To the end of his life he continued to claim that his works were authentic and that he was indeed a Tibetan lama. RANG BTSAN (RANGZEN) (CH. DULI 独立) (“INDEPENDENCE”). The rallying cry of exiled Tibetan nationalists, who believe that their country was fully independent prior to the Chinese invasion and annexation of the 1950s. This is a cornerstone of Tibetan exile historiography, much of which is devoted to providing evidence for this belief. It is firmly rejected by People’s Republic of China (PRC) propaganda, which places the term in scare quotes and prefaces it with “so-called.” Tibetans in exile point to a number of factors that support their claim that the country was an independent state prior to the Chinese invasion, including the fact that it had a sovereign government that issued its own laws and decrees without consulting Chinese governments, entered into dozens of treaties with foreign powers, created its own military, judicial system, postal service, and financial system, and issued currency and passports. Since 1959 Tibetans have called for international recognition of their claims of independence and China’s violations of international law, but a combination of China’s power and Tibet’s friendlessness has prevented this. The Dalai Lama’s 1987 “Five Point Peace Plan” and 1988 “Strasbourg Declaration” outlined a “middle way” approach in which Tibet was acknowledged as a part of the PRC but would be granted a high level of autonomy. Many Tibetans recognize this as a realistic compromise, but others see it as a betrayal of the independence cause and argue for maintaining this as the core Tibetan position. See also DGA’ LDAN PHO BRANG; FOREIGN RELATIONS; TRADE; PEACEFUL LIBERATION; DEMOCRATIC REFORMS; TIBETAN UPRISING OF 10 MARCH 1959. RANG ’BYUNG RDO RJE (RANGJÜNG DORJÉ, 1284–1339) (CH. RANGQIONG DUOJIE 让琼多杰). The third rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in Gangs zhur mo in the sKyid rong Valley (or, according to

RANG ’BYUNG RDO RJE • 531

other sources, in Ding ri). His father was Ngags ston Chos dpal, a tantric practitioner, and his mother was Jo mo g.Yang ’dren (alt. bKra shis g.yu chung ma). According to gTsug lag ’phreng ba (1504–1564/1566, in Ecclesiastic History: A Feast for Scholars; Tib. Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston), when he was three he told his playmates to build him a throne. When it was completed he sat on it, put a black hat on his head, and delivered a verse encapsulating the view of the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). The second Zhwa dmar, mKha’ spyod dbang po (1350–1405, in Religious Biography of the Omniscient Dharma Lord Rang ’byung rdo rje in Verse; Tib. Chos rje thams cad mkhyen pa rang ’byung rdo rje’i rnam thar tshigs bcad ma), asserts that for the first five years of his life Rang ’byung rdo rje lived “exactly like a child,” manifesting the ideal outward behavior of a young boy for the benefit of others, but he was really an awakened being, able to speak and write, and aware of his past lives and present identity as the reincarnation of Karma Pakshi (1204/1206–1283). Other accounts credit him with various prodigious deeds, including calculating the time of his own birth immediately after he was delivered by examining the position of the moon. Shortly after he was born, his parents relocated to Ding ri glang ’khor, near the base of Jo mo gangs dkar (Mt. Everest). Around age five he met O rgyan pa Rin chen dpal (1229/1230–1308/1309), who had been a student of Karma Pakshi. Several sources report that O rgyan pa received visions (or dreams) indicating that Karma Pakshi was coming to visit him in order to receive teachings. This perplexed him because the institution of reincarnating lamas had not yet been established, and he could not understand why the great master would require instructions from him. mKha’ spyod dbang po states that O rgyan pa built a large throne and was shocked when a young boy walked into his residence, ascended the steps, and sat down. The boy informed him that he had been Karma Pakshi, but he needed O rgyan pa’s help to fully recover the teachings and empowerments of his past life. The details he provided of his memories convinced O rgyan pa that the boy was in fact his deceased teacher. As Gamble (2018) argues, his decision to make his conclusion public constituted a significant innovation. The main outlines of the reincarnation system were already in place: Mahāyāna Buddhism asserts that bodhisattvas transmigrate from life to life, and at advanced levels they choose situations suited to their efforts to benefit sentient beings. In addition, at the higher levels of accomplishment masters acquire the ability to directly perceive the mindstreams of others, and they can recognize fellow adepts. There were instances in Tibet of people being regarded as reincarnations of past luminaries (generally after they died, but in some cases during their lives; e.g., Dri med ’od zer and kLong chen rab ’byams pa), so the main innovation of the institution of the Karma pa lineage was making this a public event and

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c­ reating a system in which incumbents predicted details of their subsequent births and children were sought and officially recognized. The successors inherited both the charisma and the material resources of their predecessors, including estates, titles, and wealth. Rang ’byung rdo rje’s recognition marks the inception of Tibet’s first official reincarnational lineage, but it was not accepted by everyone. When he first traveled to mTshur phu Monastery, some of its residents were skeptical about O rgyan pa’s claims on his behalf and his own assertions regarding his credentials. The eventual decision to invest him with the official charisma of Karma Pakshi was a significant gamble for the order, because if he had turned out to be a fool or a reprobate, it would have reflected badly on the entire lineage and its leaders. At age seven, he received novice (dge tshul) ordination from gZhon nu byang chub and dGe ’dun Rin chen pa. They instructed him in monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya). After this he visited O rgyan pa at sPu tra Monastery in La stod. While there he reported a vision in which the protectors sNyags bdag (a form of Ral gcig ma; Skt. Ekajaṭī) and ’Ber nag can (a form of Mahākāla who is a protector of mTshur phu) appeared to him and urged him to travel to mTshur phu. When he arrived, he was thoroughly examined by its monks, some of whom remained unconvinced that he was really the reincarnation of Karma Pakshi. The matter was reportedly settled after Ekajaṭī created a spring and he planted a dried tree, which began to grow. He spent 10 years studying at mTshur phu. When he was 18 he traveled to the bKa’ gdams monastery gSang phu, where he received full monastic ordination (dge slong) from gZhon nu rgyal po (1266–1343). He studied a range of philosophical traditions and became renowned for his extensive learning. He visited Sa skya Monastery, where several sources report he impressed his audience with his erudition and comprehension of Buddhist topics. He later journeyed to Khams, where he restored Karma Pakshi’s monastery, Karma dgon. He also established a retreat hermitage at nearby Lha steng(s). He remained there for three years, during which he reported visionary experiences and composed a number of songs (mgur). He also mediated a major conflict (dmag chen) at Kol ti by manifesting as the tantric buddha gShin rje gshed (alt. gShin rje drag; Skt. Yamāntaka). After this he moved to an even more remote hermitage, which he referred to as Rong btsan kha ba dkar po, located at the border of Yunnan and the present-day Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR). He subsequently studied Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) lore with Kun dga’ don grub in sNye mo in southeastern Tibet, and also received instructions on great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) from Rig ’dzin Kumārāja and on medicine from sBa ras. He spent three years in the vicinity of mTshur phu, where he studied a range of subjects, including poetics. He then returned to isolated meditative retreat, mainly in Tsā ri, at the border of present-day Arunachal Pradesh

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and the TAR. When he was 30, on his way back to mTshur phu, he discovered a “hidden treasure” (gter ma) in Lho brag (the area where Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros had lived). This was a set of yellow scrolls hidden in a rock, which is referred to as the Karma pa’s Heart Essence (Karma snying thig); it became an influential text in the Karma bKa’ brgyud tradition. He spent the next several years mainly at mTshur phu, where he oversaw the construction of new buildings. During this time he developed a new calendrical paradigm based on the Kālacakra system and his own visionary experiences, referred to as “mTshur phu Astrology” (mTshur rtsis; as detailed in his Compendium of Astrology; Tib. rTsis kun ’dus). He established a retreat center near ­mTshur phu named bDe chen (Great Bliss), where he composed a number of treatises, including his most influential work, Profound Inner Meaning (Zab mo nang don), a discussion of tantric theory and practice. Later advocates of “other emptiness” (gzhan stong) regard this as an early example of this view, though his formulations differ from the developed other emptiness tradition in a number of respects. In 1324, at age 40, Rang ’byung rdo rje again journeyed to Sa skya and then to Tsā ri, where he composed a commentary to Profound Inner Meaning, and then he entered meditative retreat in rKong po. He stayed there for two years, and then returned to central Tibet, first to the Yar klungs Valley, then to Lha sa, and finally to mTshur phu, following which he spent time at Karma dgon. In 1331 he received a summons to visit the court of the Yuan emperor Tugh Temür (Tib. Thog the mur; Mon. Заяат хаан; Zayaat haan; Cl. Jayaγatu qaγan; Ch. Wenzong 文宗, 1304–1332), which he was reportedly reluctant to accept. A vision of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) convinced him to undertake the journey. He set out, but only got as far as the Nag chu plain north of Lha sa, where he witnessed an eclipse and heard loud thunder, which he interpreted as signs that the emperor had died. He performed mortuary rites and returned to mTshur phu for the winter. After the snows melted, he journeyed to the Yuan winter capital Daidu (Ch. Dadu 大都). Upon his arrival, he learned that Tugh Temür had passed away on the day he received the portents. His son Rinchinbal (Tib. Rin chen dpal; Mon. Ринчинбал; Cl. Rinčinbal; Ch. Ningzong 宁宗, 1326–1332) had assumed the throne, but Rang ’byung rdo rje ascertained that his death was imminent. He performed long-life rituals, but Rinchinbal passed away soon after. A number of chronological discrepancies appear between the Tibetan account and the Yuan History (Ch. Yuan Shi 元史, composed in 1370 by the Ming dynasty’s History Bureau under the direction of Song Lian 宋濂, 1310–1381), which asserts that Tugh died on 2 September 1332 (a year after Rang ’byung rdo rje’s arrival). The Tibetans may have been a year ahead of the Chinese in their calculations, but there is still a problem with his successor’s dates, because Rinchinbal died on 14 December 1332, three months after Tugh (and before

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Rang ’byung rdo rje even set out). The Karma pa’s meeting with Rinchinbal may have been a later invention, as the Red Annals’ (Deb ther dmar po) account suggests. Rang ’byung rdo rje met Rinchinbal’s successor Toghon Temür (Ukhaantu Khan; Tib. Tho gan the mur; Ch. Yuan Huizong 元惠宗, 1320–1370), who reportedly had developed a preternatural fear of his own mortality. Rang ’byung rdo rje indicated that he could procure a long-life elixir (tshe chu) from mChims phu near bSam yas that had been hidden by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). He was granted permission to leave the capital, but he was apparently in no hurry to fulfill his task: he visited Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai shan 五台山) and Mi nyag and stayed at several places during his leisurely journey. He was apparently loathe to return to the Mongol capital, and after he reached mChims phu, despite repeated orders to this effect, he informed the emperor’s messengers that he was engaged in meditative retreat to secure the elixir. After a period of resistance, he was effectively forced to travel to the Mongol court, but the elixir was not notably effective: Toghon died at the age of 50 (a long life span by the standards of Yuan emperors, but hardly a testament to its potency). Rang ’byung rdo rje indicated to Toghon his annoyance at being forced to reside in the Mongol capital and threatened to die if necessary in order to return to Tibet. In 1339 Rang ’byung rdo rje informed his student Gu shri dkon mchog that he would soon pass away; he entered a ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) shrine containing an architectonic maṇḍala that Toghon had presented to him and died while in meditation. The next day, guards at the Mongol palace at Shangdu 上都 reported seeing Rang ’byung rdo rje’s image in the moon. This became an important element in his later hagiography. Upon being informed that the Karma pa had passed away, Toghon reportedly remarked: “He did say he really wanted to return to Tibet.” Rang ’byung rdo rje was one of the most influential intellectual figures of his time. He composed a number of important works and is famed for his poetry. He played a leading role in developing the theory and practice of “cutting off” (gcod) and wrote several of the seminal works of the tradition. See also MA GCIG LAB KYI SGRON MA. RANG ’BYUNG RIG PA’I RDO RJE (RANGJÜNG RIKBÉ DORJÉ, 1924–1981) (CH. RANGQIONG LIPEI DUOJIE 让琼利佩多杰). The 16th rGyal dbang Karma pa, who was one of the most influential Tibetan masters of the 20th century. He was born in ’Dan khog near sDe dge. His father was Tshe dbang phun tshogs, and his mother was bsKal bzang sgrol ma. His hagiography reports that he disappeared from his mother’s womb for a day and then returned shortly before she delivered. Ta’i si tu Padma dbang phyug rgyal po (1886–1952) recognized him as the Karma pa on the

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basis of a letter written by his predecessor predicting the circumstances of his rebirth. At age seven he received ordination from T’ai si tu Rin po che and ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899), and one year later he was officially enthroned at mTshur phu Monastery, formerly the seat of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order in Tibet. In 1937 he traveled to Khams to visit Ta’i si tu Rin po che. Along the way he reportedly performed several miracles, including leaving his footprints in a lake and ending a drought. In 1940 he returned to mTshur phu and oversaw refurbishments to its buildings. In 1944 he made a pilgrimage to bSam yas and Lho brag. In the same year he accepted an invitation to visit Bhutan from King ’Jigs med dbang phyug (1905–1952). In the following year, he received full ordination (dge slong) from Ta’i si tu Rin po che. In 1947 he made a pilgrimage to India and Nepal, and then returned to Tibet, where he quelled an outbreak of smallpox with a rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya) ritual. In 1954 he was invited to Beijing, along with other leading Buddhist prelates. He returned to Tibet and attempted to mediate armed conflicts between Chinese soldiers and Khams pa militias. In 1957 he traveled to Sikkim and then to Buddhist sites in India. As Chinese troops moved further into eastern Tibet, religious sites were destroyed and thousands of refugees fled to central Tibet. A resistance movement formed, and the fighting increased. In February 1959, dressed in layman’s clothes, the Karma pa fled into exile with a party of about 160 people, including his closest students. After 21 days of difficult travel, they arrived in the Bum thang region of Bhutan and the royal family welcomed the Karma pa. He subsequently accepted an invitation to settle in Sikkim. He moved to Rum btegs Monastery, built during the life of the ninth Karma pa, dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603). In late 1959– 1960 he traveled to India, where he met with the Dalai Lama and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964). In 1974 he made a world tour that attracted many followers. He helped to found a number of Buddhist centers in the West and was widely recognized as one of the most charismatic lamas of his time. He died of cancer in Illinois, leaving behind a worldwide organization and a charitable trust worth an estimated US$1.5 billion. The question of his successor has led to violence and acrimony among some of his followers. T’ai si tu Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–) recognized O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–), but Zhwa dmar Mi pham chos kyi blo gros (1952–2014) accused him of fraud and put forward another candidate, ’Phrin las mtha’ yas rdo rje (1983–). The former was enthroned in 1992 at mTshur phu, and the latter resides at the Karmapa International Buddhist Institute in New Delhi. RANG STONG (RANGDONG) (CH. ZIKONG 自空) (“SELF-EMPTINESS”). The understanding of emptiness (stong pa nyid; Skt. śūnyatā) upheld by the dGe lugs and Sa skya orders. It follows the dBu ma (Skt.

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Madhyamaka) tradition in interpreting emptiness as a “non-affirming negative” (med dgag), meaning that it is a radical denial of any substantial entity or essence of phenomena (or persons), which does not imply anything in its place. Rather, all phenomena are collections of parts that are influenced by causes and conditions, constantly changing, and thus empty of inherent existence (rang bzhin; Skt. svabhāva). This notion is opposed to the doctrine of “other-emptiness” (gzhan stong) held by other lineages, particularly those associated with the Ris med (Nonsectarian) approach. The focus of the debate is whether “embryonic buddhahood” (de bzhin gshegs pa’i snying po; Skt. tathāgata-garbha) should be understood as a positive reality or as a mere absence. The self-emptiness tradition interprets it in the second way and holds that it refers to the emptiness of inherent existence of the psychophysical continuum, which is constantly changing. Because there is no fixed essence or entity, beings have the option of cultivating the qualities of buddhahood and gradually transforming themselves into buddhas. The other-emptiness position, by contrast, conceives of tathāgata-garbha as a positive, self-existent essence made manifest through meditative practice. RAS CHUNG PA: See RDO RJE GRAGS PA. RATNA GLING PA RIN CHEN DPAL BZANG PO (RATNA LINGBA RINCHEN BELSANGBO; ALT. ZHIG PO GLING PA; ’GRO ’DUL GLING PA, 1403–1478) (CH. RENA LINBA 惹那林巴). An influential “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). He was born into a wealthy family in Lho brag gru tshul. His father was mDo sde dar, and his mother was Sri thar sman. He was recognized as the reincarnation of Lang gro dKon mchog ’byung gnas (fl. 8th century), one of the 25 disciples of Padma ’byung gnas ­(Padmasambhava). At age 27 he had a vision of Padmasambhava, who was wearing yellow robes and holding three scrolls: one red, one white, and one blue. He asked Ratna gling pa to choose one, but he requested all three. Because of this choice, he was able to reveal in one lifetime treasures (gter ma) that would have taken three lives to find. When he was 30 he recovered treasures in southern Tibet at Khyung chen brag, ’Bri than ko ro brag, and mKhar chu dpal gyi phug. These included texts on great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) practice, a long-life ritual cycle, Secret Assembly Long-Life Sādhana (Tshe sgrub gsang ’dus), and the Supreme Extremely Secret Phur pa (Phur pa yang gsang bla med). When Bu ston (1290–1364) compiled the bKa’ ’gyur, he excluded the main rNying ma tantras because he regarded them as inauthentic, and Ratna gling pa decided to collect them so that they would be preserved. This collection, reportedly in 42 volumes, is no longer extant, but it was a basis for the rNying ma Collected Works (rNying ma rgyud ’bum) that

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’Jigs med gling pa (1729/1730–1798) compiled in the 1770s. Ratna gling pa’s disciples included his son, Rig ’dzin Tshe dbang grags pa, mKhar drung bSod nams bkra shis, Kun dga’ dpal ’byor (the second ’Brug chen, 1428–1476), and mThong ba don ldan (the sixth rGyal dbang Karma pa, 1416–1452/1453). RDA RAM SA LA: See DHARAMSALA. RDO RJE (DORJÉ) (SKT. VAJRA) (CH. JINGANG 金剛/金刚). An important symbol in tantric Buddhism (commonly referred to as rDo rje theg pa; Skt. Vajrayāna, “Vajra Vehicle”). The most common form of vajra is a five-pronged scepter, the two ends of which represent wisdom and compassion, the two primary qualities that characterize buddhas. The vajra symbolizes an indissoluble union of wisdom and compassion, which is indestructible (and so one meaning of vajra is “adamantine”). RDO RJE GDAN (DORJEDEN) (SKT. VAJRĀSANA) (CH. JINGANG ZUO 金剛座/金刚座) (“VAJRA SEAT”). The place in the Indian town of Bodhgayā where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) attained final awakening. It is located in the state of Bihār. According to legend, the Buddha sat on the “Place of Awakening” (Byang chub snying po; Skt. Bodhi-maṇḍa) and entered into progressively more profound meditative states until he reached the highest level of realization. RDO RJE GLING PA (DORJÉ LINGBA, 1346–1405) (CH. DUOJIE LINBA 多杰林巴). One of the five “Treasure Discoverer Kings” (gTer ston rgyal po; the others are: Nyang ral Nyi ma ’od zer, Chos kyi dbang phyug, Padma gling pa, and ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po). He was born in Grwa snang dben rtsa in a family of yogis. He was named O rgyan bzang po. His father was Khu ston bSod nams rgyal mtshan, and his mother was Karma rgyan. His biography reports that he considered himself a reincarnation of 8th-century translator Be ro tsa na. He was orphaned at an early age and his aunt raised him. He received novice (dge tshul) vows at age eight at Lha ri kha. He discovered his first “hidden treasure” (gter ma) when he was 13 at Khra ’brug lha khang. This included Locating the Direction (Byang bu), a guide to other treasures. At age 15 he found a cache of treasures at gNam lcags brag, which included a great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) cycle, Vast Expanse of the View (lTa ba klong yangs), the Compendium of the Guru’s Teachings (bLa ma bka’ ’dus), and Compendium of the Meditation Deities’ Teachings (Yi dam bka’ ’dus). As with many other treasure revealers, doubts were raised about the authenticity of his discoveries. Sog zlog pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1552–1624) questioned his sanity. By age 20 he had produced a massive output of

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t­reasures, including works on astrology, medicine, Bon, and ritual. While at Cho bo ri in the Yar klungs Valley he discovered another guide to treasures, and in a vision a monk he believed to be Be ro tsa na instructed him to travel to the south. In 1370 he discovered more treasures, mainly in dPa’ bo in modern Bhutan. He made more treasure discoveries at gNam thang glang brag. In response to skepticism regarding the authenticity of his revelations, he began staging public discoveries (khrom gter) in which audiences were invited to witness his activities. In 1371, 300 people gathered at O rgyan yib lung bde skyi gling and at sPungs thang, where he discovered a number of texts and objects. He spent the next three years in Bum thang, where he continued his prodigious activities. He gathered students and initiated them into the treasure cycles he had recovered. Stories of his life depict him as an eccentric yogi with unconventional habits. When he returned to Tibet in 1376, he was accompanied by a coterie of women wearing leopard and tiger masks, and he sang an ecstatic song to a group of traditional monks who had come to greet him. His songs are an important part of his literary legacy; they depict the spontaneity of an awakened tantric adept who is unconcerned with conventional appearances, who acts as he pleases, and whose activities subtly encode his inner realization. When he died, his corpse reportedly remained intact for three years. His lineage was continued by his son Chos dbyings rang grol (b. 14th century) and Bya btang sngon po (b. 14th century). See also TANTRA. RDO RJE GRAGS PA, RAS CHUNG PA (RECHÜNGBA DORJÉ DRAKBA, 1084–1161) (CH. REQIONGBA ZUNZHE 惹琼巴尊者). One of the main disciples of Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), who emulated his example and lived as a hermit and cotton-clad yogi (ras pa). He was born in Ra la, northeast of rDzong dkar in Gung thang. His family belonged to the gNyan (alt. gNyen; sNyan) clan. His father was gNyan Dar ma grags, and his mother was Ra lo gTsug tor sgron. According to several accounts, his parents died while he was young and Mi la ras pa adopted him. One popular story recounts that when he was 11 he met Mi la ras pa while herding cattle. He later contracted a skin disease (btsan ’dze) caused by a malevolent klu. Following Mi la ras pa’s advice, he journeyed to Nepal and studied with Zla ba bzang po (Varacandra), who cured him. He then returned to Tibet and rejoined Mi la ras pa, who was meditating in a cave named Brod phug in sNya nam. Ras chung pa later traveled to India and studied with Tipupa, a lineage holder of Ti lo pa’s tradition. From him he received the “ninefold bodyless ḍākinī doctrinal cycle” (lus med mkha’ ’gro ma chos skor dgu). Ti lo pa had transmitted five of these practices to Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), but four had been withheld. Mi la ras pa instructed Ras chung pa to find a lineage holder who could give him the rest. This first required that he obtain

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a large amount of gold, because Indian tantric masters commonly charged exorbitant rates for their most secret lore. Ras chung pa went to India, met Tipupa’s price, received the teachings, and returned to Tibet, where he recounted what he had learned to Mi la ras pa. Mi la ras pa taught the new doctrines to Ngan dzong ras pa Byang chub rgyal po (12th century). These oral instructions became part of bKa’ brgyud lore, known as the “hearing lineage of Ras chung pa” (Ras chung snyan brgyud). Some sources refer to Ras chung pa as Mi la’s “heart son” (thugs sras) and main disciple, while other bKa’ brgyud literature relegates him to a position inferior to that of sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153). Ras chung pa’s students included Khyung tshang pa Ye shes bla ma (1115–1175) and Sum pa ras pa (b. 12th century). Mi la ras pa is portrayed as a wandering hermit, and Mar pa as a householder and local hegemon, while as Roberts (2007) notes, the 33 versions of his life simply portray Ras chung pa as a renunciate. In several versions he is said to have suffered from the same sorts of problems with hostile relatives as Mi la, including an evil uncle. Ras chung pa, like Mi la ras pa, is said in several sources to have been burdened by a malevolent mother. This literary modeling—found in many other Tibetan hagiographies—raises significant questions regarding how to use them as historical sources. Ras chung pa’s status and place within the bKa’ brgyud tradition have been deliberately minimized because he was not a celibate monk, and the tradition deriving from sGam po pa has presented sGam po pa as Mi la’s main disciple. This is despite the fact that several of Ras chung pa’s hagiographies describe him as Mi la’s closest disciple and indicate that he gave sGam po pa instructions that Mi la provided only to him. RDO RJE PHAG MO (DORJÉ PAKMO) (SKT. VAJRAVĀRĀHĪ) (CH. DUOJIE PAMO 多杰帕嫫; JINGANG HAIMU 金刚亥母) (“VAJRA SOW”). A tantric buddha, the consort of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara). She is commonly depicted with red skin and with a sow’s head; sometimes this is her main head, and in other representations her main head is human and a sow’s head protrudes above her left ear. She is mostly naked, indicating her lack of concern with convention and attachments, and she wears an assortment of ornaments. Tibetan tradition reports that she takes physical form and has assumed 12 births in human form. The first was in the 15th century as the princess of Gung thang, Chos kyi sgron ma (1422–1455). The 12th and current reincarnation is bDe chen Chos kyi sgron ma (1938–). This was the only female reincarnational lineage in Tibet until 1959. The life story of Chos kyi sgron ma contains several elements also found in the Buddha’s biography, including encounters with sick people and corpses, a forced marriage that she abandoned, and a life of contemplation. She was the major editor of the works of Bo dong Paṇ chen ’Jigs bral phyogs las rnam

540 • RDO RJE RGYAL PO, PHAG MO GRU PA

rgyal (1376–1451), and she studied with one of the great yogis of the time, Thang stong rgyal po brTson ’grus bzang po (1361–1485). The seat of her reincarnations is bSam ldings nunnery, located near Yar ’brog g.yu mtsho in southern Tibet. See also WOMEN. RDO RJE RGYAL PO, PHAG MO GRU PA (PAKMODRUBA DORJÉ GYELBO, 1110–1170) (CH. PAMUZHUBA DUOJI JIABAO 帕木竹巴 多吉嘉保). A hermit monk whose disciples established the Phag mo gru pa bKa’ brgyud lineage. He was born into a poor family in southern Khams. His father was dBas We na a thar, and his mother was bTsun ne. He was orphaned around age seven and an uncle raised him. As a boy he demonstrated a talent for calligraphy and quickly mastered whatever he was taught. When he was 22, he traveled to central Tibet, and he received full monastic ordination (dge slong) at age 25. He studied with a number of teachers, the most influential of whom was Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158). He spent 12 years with him. He mastered the path and result (lam ’bras) teachings and composed a text on them, The Library (dPe mdzod ma). In 1151 he traveled to Dwags lha sgam po to meet sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153), but the master rebuffed his request to provide teachings. rDo rje rgyal po spent four days carrying stones to build a mchod rten. After three years, sGam po pa relented and revealed the essence of the great seal (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā), which sparked a profound realization. rDo rje rgyal po studied with him until the end of his life. In 1158 rDo rje rgyal po traveled to Phag mo gru (“Sow’s Ferry”) near rTse thang and built a meditation hut from juniper branches. Other yogis joined him and constructed more huts, and a small community formed. This would later become the site of the great monastery gDan sa mthil. He lived a simple life devoted to meditation and teaching. He required strict adherence to the monastic code (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) from his students. After he died, the community that had gathered around him disbanded, but a group of his disciples later convened and established a monastery on the place where his hut had stood. It was a hereditary seat of monastic members of the aristocratic rLangs family, who became rulers of Tibet after supplanting their former masters, the Sa skya hierarchs. The Phag mo gru pa dynasty ruled from 1350 to 1435. After he passed away, his corpse was cremated, and a mchod rten was built for the ashes. RDO RJE RNAL ’BYOR MA (DORJÉ NENJORMA) (SKT. VAJRAYOGINĪ) (CH. JINGANG YUJIA MU 金刚瑜伽母). A tantric buddha who embodies the essence of awakening. She is particularly important for the bKa’ brgyud, Sa skya, and dGe lugs orders. The origins of her cult appear to lie in India, where the earliest extant texts describing her

RDO RJE SHUGS LDAN • 541

date to the 11th century. She is associated with practices to prevent untimely death and also figures in meditations relating to the intermediate state (bar do; Skt. antarābhava). She is the tantric consort of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara). She is commonly depicted as a 16-year-old with red skin and wearing a necklace of skulls. She is also generally naked, symbolizing her nonattachment to material things. She holds a flaying knife with a rdo rje (Skt. vajra) handle in her right hand, and a skull cup filled with blood and human brains is held aloft in her left. The flaying knife symbolizes her function of severing appearance from reality, and the skull cup represents the pure gnosis she continually imbibes. She wears a crown of five human skulls and a necklace of 50 skulls. Meditation practice associated with her aims to transform ordinary appearances into the pure perception of a buddha. See also WOMEN. RDO RJE SEMS DPA’ (DORJÉ SEMBA) (SKT. VAJRASATTVA) (CH. JINGANG SADUO 金刚萨埵). A tantric buddha whose practice figures in all traditions of Tibetan Buddhism. His name means “Adamantine Being”; he represents the final nature of reality, the essence of all buddhas throughout time. In this role, he spans all eons in which a buddha has appeared. A common iconographic representation of this notion portrays him opening his chest to reveal a cosmic maṇḍala in which various realms and buddhas are contained. One of the preliminary practices (sngon ’gro) involves chanting his 100-syllable mantra 100,000 times. His pure white presence cleanses the mind and prepares trainees for more advanced ritual and meditative techniques. Iconographically, he is generally represented with white skin (though there are light blue versions), seated cross-legged (some earlier versions show him standing), dressed in princely ornaments, crowned, and holding a rdo rje scepter in his right hand at chest height and a ritual bell (dril bu) in his left hand at waist level. See also BUDDHISM; INDIAN BUDDHISM; TANTRA. RDO RJE SHUGS LDAN (DORJÉ SHUKDEN) (CH. DUOJIE ­XIONGDENG 多杰雄登) (“POWERFUL VAJRA”). A dGe lugs protector deity, said to be the reincarnation of Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1618–1655; see this entry for details). It is commonly referred to as Dol rgyal shugs ldan. Grags pa rgyal mtshan was recognized as the third rebirth of Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554). According to the mythos of this deity, Grags pa rgyal mtshan was a rival of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682) for the position of Dalai Lama, and the latter’s supporters tried to assassinate Grags pa rgyal mtshan and spread malicious rumors about him. He eventually grew tired of this and decided to take his own life by stuffing a ceremonial scarf (kha btags) into his mouth and suffocating (or in other versions his

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enemies murdered him with it). The scarf had been given to bSod nams grags pa by the fifth Dalai Lama following a debate between the two in recognition of the former’s victory. Before he died he told a disciple that if the rumors were false a black cloud in the shape of a hand would rise from his funeral pyre. This reportedly occurred, and shortly thereafter his unquiet spirit (rgyal po) began terrorizing people, including the Dalai Lama. He was later convinced, however, to become a “dharma protector” (chos skyong), and his particular mission is protecting the dGe lugs pa order against its enemies. Georges Dreyfus (1998) has convincingly argued that the story of Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s transformation into a vengeful spirit was probably originally a slander initiated by his enemies, but in recent times it has become part of the mythology of rDo rje shugs ldan among his devotees. For several hundred years following Grags pa rgyal mtshan’s death, rDo rje shugs ldan was only a minor spirit within the dGe lugs pa pantheon, but he was elevated to the position of chief dharma protector by Pha bong ka Rin po che (1878–1941) and his student Khri byang Rin po che (1901–1983). rDo rje shugs ldan is generally depicted in a fearsome aspect, with a necklace of skulls and other terrifying ornaments, surrounded by flames. He is associated with dGe lugs pa sectarianism, and following a dream in which he saw rDo rje shugs ldan in combat with Pe har (the main dharma-protector of the Tibetan government) the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), issued a public statement urging Tibetans to cease propitiation of this deity. In subsequent discussion of the issue, he has stated that his dislike of rDo rje shugs ldan practice is based on dPal ldan lha mo’s condemnation of the sectarianism it generates. rDo rje shugs ldan became widely popular among dGe lugs pa lamas during the 20th century, but following the Dalai Lama’s proclamation most dGe lugs pa publicly renounced its worship. The most vocal exception was dGe bshes bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1931–), the founder of the New Kadampa Tradition. He has publicly rejected the Dalai Lama’s decision, and he and his followers have accused the Dalai Lama of violating their religious freedom. The dispute has precipitated a great deal of animosity and violence, and one of the Dalai Lama’s most prominent supporters, dGe bshes bLo bzang rgya mtsho (1928–1997), former director of the Institute of Buddhist Dialectics in Dharamsala, was brutally murdered in his residence, along with two of his students. Although supporters of rDo rje shugs ldan have publicly claimed that they had nothing to do with the killings, the leading suspects are devotees of the deity. The (avowedly anti-religious) People’s Republic of China actively supports its cult in Tibet and has built rDo rje shugs ldan statues in various locations. Monks and nuns have been ordered to publicly worship it as part of a campaign to undermine the Dalai Lama’s popularity.

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RDO RJE THEG PA (DORJÉ TEKBA) (SKT. VAJRAYĀNA) (CH. JINGANG SHENG 金刚乘; MIJIAO 密教) (“VAJRA VEHICLE”). One of the terms used to designate tantric Buddhism. The scriptural basis for the tradition is a disparate collection of texts called rgyud (Skt. tantra), probably composed in India sometime between the 7th and 11th centuries, but purportedly spoken by Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha; and sometimes by other buddhas). Vajrayāna followed the basic bodhisattva path of Mahāyāna (Tib. Theg pa chen po), but taught new techniques that it claimed could greatly shorten the time required to attain buddhahood, including rituals and the use of hand symbols (phyag rgya; Skt. mudrā), dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala), and visualizations. A central practice is “deity yoga” (lha’i rnal ’byor; Skt. devatā-yoga), in which the meditator visualizes himself or herself as a buddha, possessing all the perfected qualities of a buddha, and engaging in compassionate activities. The tradition emphasizes the secrecy and efficacy of its practices and requires that one receive initiation from a qualified lama before one enters the tantric path. Those who wish to begin practice are required to perform “preliminary practices” (sngon ’gro), and each cycle of practice requires initiation and oral instructions. Vajrayāna became the dominant meditative tradition in Tibet and Mongolia, and is also found in East Asia in the schools of Esoteric Buddhism. See also INDIAN BUDDHISM; MANTRA; RDO RJE. RDZA CHU (DZACHU) (CH. MEIGONG HE 湄公河) “MEKONG”). One of the major rivers of Asia, which has its origin in eastern Tibet. It is the 10th longest river in the world, with an estimated length of 4,909 km (3,050 mi.). It originates in Qinghai in an area designated the “Sanjiangyuan National Nature Preserve” (Ch. Sanjiangyuan Guojiaji Ziranbaohuqu 三江源国 家级自然保护区; Tib. gTsang gsum ’bung khungs rang byung srung skyob khul). The watershed is at the ’Bum la Pass, southwest of ’Ba’ thang. After it leaves Tibet, it flows through Yunnan, Burma, Laos, Thailand, and Vietnam. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has announced plans to build a series of dams and barrages in the upper reaches of the river in order to generate hydroelectric power. This has raised concerns for countries downstream, who fear that the PRC intends to use these to restrict water flow. RDZOGS PA CHEN PO (DZOKBA CHENBO; ALT. RDZOGS CHEN) (CH. DAYUANMAN 大园满) (“GREAT PERFECTION”). A system of meditation that is particularly important in the rNying ma order, but that is also practiced in other orders. According to lineage histories, it originated with Kun tu bzang po (Skt. Samantabhadra), who passed it on to rDo rje sems dpa’ (Skt. Vajrasattva). He taught it to dGa’ rab rdo rje (Skt. Surativajra). It was later transmitted to Tibet by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt.

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Padmasambhava) and Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra) in the 8th century. Its practices aim at understanding that phenomena and emptiness interpenetrate and are inseparable. The phenomena of experience are viewed as creations of mind and as empty of inherent existence. Great perfection practice dispenses with tantric visualizations, and instead focuses on direct apprehension of the clear light nature of mind. Meditators are taught to cultivate a union of essential purity (ka dag) and spontaneity (lhun grub). Essential purity refers to the mode of being (gnas lugs), which is emptiness. Spontaneity is based on the notion that all positive qualities are already spontaneously established in the basis-of-all (kun gzhi), so when meditators realize the innate purity of the basis-of-all, the manifold attributes of a buddha become manifest. The basic text of great perfection is the Fourfold Heart Essence (sNying thig ya bzhi) by kLong chen rab ’byams pa Dri med ’od zer (1308–1364), who is also the author of another important text, the Seven Treasuries (mDzod bdun). See also TANTRA. RDZONG (DZONG) (“FORT”). Structures generally built of stone at strategic locations, often along trade routes. They served to establish control of an area for local hegemons. Under the Tibetan government that ruled from 1642 to 1959 (dGa’ ldan pho brang), rdzong were administrative districts under the leadership of governors (rdzong dpon), who were appointed for three-year terms. RDZONG DPON (DZONGBÖN) (“COMMANDER,” “GOVERNOR”; LIT. “FORT MASTER”). The title given to district governors by the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). rDzong dpon were appointed to three-year terms and were charged with the administration of their districts on behalf of the government. Their responsibilities included tax collection, administration of local affairs, overseeing disputes, and supplying reports to the central government. Some rdzong were considered more prestigious than others; Yar klungs, for example, was a prime posting, while remote rdzong such as rDza yul in the southeast among tribal peoples ranked near the bottom in terms of desirability. REACTIONARY (CH. FANDONG 反动; TIB. LOG SPYOD PA). A common term in People’s Republic of China (PRC) propaganda from the 1950s to 1970s that is seldom seen today. It refers to people who oppose the Communist revolution—and who by implication resist the inevitable tide of history—which progresses through “scientifically” predetermined stages toward socialism. Reactionaries are members of the exploiting classes who seek to retain their positions of privilege at the expense of the working masses. They think as they do because of their economic circumstances, but they can be

RED GUARD • 545

Fort (rdzong) in Bum thang, Bhutan.

rehabilitated. Many Tibetans labeled “reactionaries” were killed or tortured, but others served terms in prison, often in labor camps, and if they showed sufficient remorse (generally attested by a written “self-criticism”) they might be allowed to return to society. See also BACKWARD; COMMUNE; COMMUNISM; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; GREAT LEAP FORWARD. RED GUARD (CH. HONGWEIBING 红卫兵; TIB. SRUNG DMAG DMAR PO). A disparate movement of revolutionaries inspired by Mao Zedong’s 毛泽东 (1893–1976) vision of a transformed China, who traveled throughout the country working to further the Revolution. Many were young and idealistic, and they fervently believed they were at the vanguard of history. Their actions would transform China from a backward, “feudal” society into the leader of the inevitable, “scientifically determined” socialist future. The first Red Guards were students at Tsinghua University Middle School who signed two big-character posters on 25 May and 2 June 1966. They engaged in political criticism of the administrations of their university and of Peking University, which they accused of holding “bourgeois” attitudes. Their targets denounced them as “counterrevolutionaries,” but Mao ordered that their manifesto be broadcast on national radio and published in the People’s Daily. With Mao’s backing, the movement began to spread, but it quickly became factionalized. The Propaganda Department (later renamed Central Publicity Department: Zhonggong Zhongyang Xuanchuanbu 中共中央宣传部)

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wanted to keep the Red Guards under its control, but groups were formed by various members of the power elite who used them as private militias that could deflect criticism from them and attack their rivals. Many of the leaders were sons or daughters of ranking cadres. They moved against various groups, including intellectuals, landlords, and religious leaders. They also used their power to undermine rivals who could be labeled as belonging to “bad class backgrounds.” In July 1966 Mao issued a decree that effectively removed Chinese Communist Party control over the Red Guards, which allowed new factions to form and to operate outside state, police, or military controls. On 16 August, Mao addressed a gathering of more than 1 million Red Guards at Tiananmen Square (天安门广场) during which he praised their ideals and commitment to the revolution. He charged them with spearheading the Cultural Revolution he planned, which would fundamentally transform Chinese society. The main goal was destruction of the “four olds” (sijiu 四 旧: customs, culture, habits, and ideas), which would be replaced by the “four news.” Books were burned, museums were ransacked, religious and historical sites were razed, and people who represented the past (such as religious leaders) were publicly humiliated, tortured, and often killed. In Tibet more than 7,000 religious institutions and historical buildings were destroyed. By 1976 only a handful remained intact. Monks and nuns were forced to return to lay life. As part of a campaign to undermine the people’s reverence for religion, public gatherings were staged in which monks and nuns were forced to copulate in public; if they refused others were tortured or killed. Many people in prominent positions were attacked and forced to perform menial tasks such as cleaning latrines. Those identified as “class enemies” were required to write “self-criticisms” detailing their “crimes” and expressing remorse and changed political views. Party leaders, including Deng Xiaoping 邓小平 (1904–1997), were purged and dispatched to remote areas. This allowed Mao to remove potential rivals and to create a climate of fear among the Party elite. The Red Guards operated outside legal restrictions and had no real command structure. The heyday of the movement was short-lived: they fomented chaos, wantonly destroyed valuable and historically significant sites, killed large numbers of people, and created a climate of terror. In February 1967 the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was ordered to forcibly suppress the Red Guards in Sichuan, Anhui, Hunan, Fujian, and Hubei Provinces. Students were ordered to return to school, and their radicalism was denounced as “counterrevolutionary.” Many resisted, however, and fights broke out between PLA troops and armed Red Guards. During the following year, the PLA violently suppressed the movement, first killing leaders and then moving against powerful factions. In Guangxi the PLA staged mass executions

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of Red Guards. The last major Red Guard groups were defeated in Beijing in the summer of 1968, but many continued to operate (and rampage) in more remote areas of the country. Their depredations were particularly severe in minority areas like Tibet: the leaders were mainly Han, and they shared a general contempt for the country’s “backward” minorities, who were in need of guidance and education by their “Han big brothers and sisters.” The recipients of their largesse were expected to respond with deference and gratitude. A common misunderstanding holds that all Red Guards in Tibet were Chinese; much of the destruction of cultural monuments and religious structures was carried out by Tibetan cadres. Some of them were undoubtedly acting under coercion; people suspected of harboring “reactionary” sentiments or being counterrevolutionaries were subjected to torture, imprisonment, or death, so it was unwise to show anything less than total, fervent commitment to the Revolution. Other Tibetan Red Guards were true believers; many of these had been at the lower echelons of society and were suddenly promoted to positions of leadership over their former overlords. Some came to believe the propaganda that bombarded China during the Cultural Revolution, and for those who had newly risen to positions of power and influence their continued success depended on proving themselves loyal revolutionaries. Today many former Red Guards express severe disillusionment and resentment. Millions gave up their most productive years to travel to remote regions and engage in labor that in many cases was unnecessary and arduous. Following Mao’s death in 1976, his successors moved to counteract the massive devastation his misguided policies had caused. The Red Guards became an unacknowledged embarrassment, a generation of former revolutionaries who sought to transform the world, whose main legacy was massive destruction, social chaos, and brutality. See also COMMUNE; COMMUNISM; GREAT LEAP FORWARD. RED MDA’ BA: See GZHON NU BLO GROS. RELIGION. No single Tibetan term encompasses the range of associations of the English word religion. Buddhism, the dominant faith among Tibetans, is referred to expansively as “chos,” the Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit word dharma, which can refer to teachings and practices associated with the Buddha, as well as a range of other connotations including duty or law, truth, good qualities, righteousness, or the subtle qualia that in aggregation comprise complex phenomena. Tibetan Buddhism is commonly designated “nang chos” (insiders’ dharma), which distinguishes it from other systems of doctrine and practice that fall under the general rubric of Buddhism. By implication, the “insiders’ dharma” is superior to other strata of the tradition,

548 • RELIGION

and Tibetans commonly assert that their system faithfully preserves all the essential aspects of the Buddha’s message as well as the complete range of lineages and philosophies developed by Indian masters. Many Indic traditions survive in Tibet only as scholastic topics of study, however, and despite the conceit of unswerving preservation of Indian Buddhism there has been considerable adaptation and innovation in Tibet from the earliest contacts during the imperial period (7th–9th centuries). In contemporary usage, the term chos lugs (dharma system) often denominates non-Buddhist religions. This term has a range of associations and implies a coherent framework of doctrine and practice. Christianity, for example, is generally translated as “Yi shu’i chos lugs” (Jesus dharma system). A chos lugs implies a standard creed and can designate a sect or order within a larger religious grouping. The four main Tibetan Buddhist orders (rNying ma, bKa’ brgyud, Sa skya, and dGe lugs) are collectively referred to as “chos lugs che khag bzhi” (the four great divisions of doctrinal systems). Since the imposition of rule by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the 1950s, chos lugs has come to be adopted as the most common Tibetan term for religion. The PRC is officially committed to atheism and asserts that as science and rational thinking change people’s minds, religion and superstition will wither and die. Religion is a remnant of the “feudal” past that lingers in the minds of “backward” people, but according to official policy, until they (or at least their descendants) come to see the error of their beliefs they will be allowed to engage in religious practices as long as they accept the policies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). “Normal” religious activities (zhengchang de zongjiao huodong 正常的宗教活动; Tib. rgyun ldan gyi chos lugs) are accorded protection in the PRC’s constitution, but this is not a blanket statement of religious freedom. Normal religious activities are defined as doctrines and practices that promote patriotism and that serve to advance the power and interests of the CCP. Groups that are deemed insufficiently patriotic or that assert the primacy of received tradition over the dictates of the Party are not protected. Those that are regarded as threats to Party hegemony or that openly question its dogmas or policies may be designated “evil cults” and suppressed. CCP authorities in Tibet use the term chos lugs rmongs dad (lit. deluded adherence to a doctrinal system) to designate beliefs and practices it considers superstitious; these include much of what Tibetan Buddhists have traditionally regarded as aspects of normative religion, including mediums, geomancy, fortune-telling, astrology, and divination. Such activities are officially proscribed in PRC laws and do not enjoy protection. The term chos lugs dad pa’i rang mos (lit. individual commitment to a religious system) is commonly used in PRC materials on religion to designate the sort of things that are allowed. Religion is conceived as an entirely private affair (and a rather shameful one because it involves clinging to false beliefs

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that cannot withstand the scrutiny of “scientific” Marxism); it should not affect Party interests or plans for developments in the society and economy. Since religion will inevitably fade away and disappear, it does not figure in PRC conceptions for the future of the country. It is regarded as a divisive factor that motivates people to act in antisocial ways and to rebel against the state. Thus it must be controlled and restricted and its malevolent tendencies suppressed. The educational system has been tasked with training people in atheism and “scientific” thinking in order to hasten religion’s demise. Religious organizations hoping to be accorded “normal” status must also work to promote CCP ideology that is designed to destroy religion and weaken people’s adherence to it. Historically Tibet has been a nexus of trade and cultural communication with its neighbors, and this has led to the importation of a range of religious traditions. One of these was Manichaeism, which traders from the Iranian world introduced to Tibet. Their rock bruisings can still be seen in areas of Tibet’s northwest. Other Manichaeans came into contact with Tibetan populations as a result of their conquests in Central Asia in the 7th–8th centuries, which coincided with the territorial expansion of the Yar klungs empire. Manichaeans (followers of the sage Mani, 216–276 CE) conceive of the world as composed of constantly competing dualities. The primary one is between Light and Darkness; these were one in primordial (and paradisiacal) times, entirely separated and pure entities. In our degenerate world age they have become thoroughly mixed, so that qualities such as Light and Darkness, or Good and Evil, are barely distinguishable. Mani’s teachings instruct people on how to negotiate this situation and restore the world’s primordial purity. These teachings are well attested in Gandhāra and Baluchistan from the 3rd century CE. Both of these regions were once part of the eastern Iranian empire, which had long-standing contacts with Tibet dating from before the Imperium. During the period of Tibetan conquest in Central Asia, the armies of the Yar klungs kings annexed areas in which Manichaeism flourished. Manichaean doctrines and symbols were imported into Tibet by way of the Uyghur kingdom during the 7th–8th centuries, and Tibetan Buddhist motifs influenced the type of Buddhism practiced by their Uyghur neighbors. An example is a prayer written in Parthian from that period that invokes Mani as “Great Maitreya” (Klimkeit 1993, 163). According to Géza Uray (1983), Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) investigated Manichaean teachings and concluded that they were false. From that point, the doctrines of Mani had little influence in central Tibetan regions, but still attracted significant followings in regions on its periphery. Manichaeism was only one aspect of the cultural influences that came to Tibet from the Iranian world. According to Rolf Stein (2010) and David Templeman (2003), Iranian cosmogony was incorporated into Tibetan ­notions of

550 • RELIGION

the world, and some terminology for bureaucratic functions appears to have been imported from the Sassanian empire. An example is the Tibetan term deb ther (annals), which derives from the Turkish defter and came to Tibet via the Iranian world. This is frequently used in the titles of Tibetan historical works. Iran also possessed a highly developed mortuary tradition that may have been imported to Tibet during the early period of the Yar klungs dynasty. Traditional histories report that the early kings (btsan po) returned to their heavenly realm (gnam) after death, but the legendary monarch Gri gum btsan po (alt. Dri gum btsan po, the eighth ruler in traditional chronologies) was killed in a knife fight and was thus the first to leave a corpse. There were no established procedures for dealing with the danger of an imperial cadaver, which was still a repository of potent (and potentially dangerous) power. Iranian mortuary lore offered rituals of expiation of malevolent forces and purification of sites associated with death, and some scholars have suggested that this lore came to Tibet during the later Sassanian period (ca. 224–642 CE). Later Tibetan records (dating from the mid-13th century) report that foreign ritual specialists were summoned from the lands of the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷浑) and Tajik (in the western reaches of the Sassanian empire) to conduct ceremonies to remove the baleful influences deriving from Gri gum btsan po’s corpse, and these became part of the mortuary cult of the Yar klungs kings. Nestorian Christianity also came to Tibet via the Iranian world, but it is not clear what influence it may have had. A considerable number of rock bruisings that survive in northwestern Tibet depict Nestorian crosses, as well as many smaller talismanic Nestorian crosses, and nomads and farmers have found small images of the Nestorian “Dove of the Holy Spirit” in the soil of Tibet. Sam van Schaik (2011) notes that the Nestorian patriarch Timothy I (patriarch between 780 and 823) referred to Tibet as one of the lands where the Trisaigion, an old Christian prayer, should be recited. In the 790s, Nestorian Christian Archbishop Timothy I of Baghdad appointed a Metropolitan bishop for the Turkic peoples of Central Asia (including the Uyghurs) and intended to appoint another for Tibet. This apparently was never done, and no further evidence survives for the existence of a Metropolitan in Tibetan areas. European Christians began to travel to Tibet in the 17th century, but they found few converts. The first was Jesuit Antonio d’Andrade (1580–1634), who journeyed to rTsa pa rang in western Tibet in 1624. Two more Jesuits, Father Estêvão Cacella (1585–1630) and Father Joao Cabral (1599–1669), arrived in 1627. The first missionaries believed that Tibetans had converted to Christianity in earlier times but that their practice had degenerated. They assumed that conversion would be easily accomplished once they explained the deviations of Tibetan religion and reintroduced them to orthodox dogmas

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and rites. Few of these early missionaries learned Tibetan well enough to communicate effectively, however, and they generally made dogmatic assertions without providing persuasive arguments or evidence for their beliefs. As a result, they were viewed as uncouth and simple-minded, and few Tibetans showed any interest in their message. An exception was Jesuit Ippolito Desideri (1684–1733), who lived in Lha sa from 1716 to 1721 and who became fluent in Tibetan. He engaged Buddhist scholar-monks in debate and impressed many of his opponents with his erudition and reasoning skills, but he also failed to convince many Tibetans to embrace his faith. Other Christian missionaries arrived in Tibet and surrounding regions during the 18th and 19th centuries, but as the country became increasingly isolated most were unable to penetrate beyond the border regions. The few Tibetans who converted during the early period of missionizing did not establish an ongoing community, and Christianity faded away. Islam, however, was able to put down lasting roots in the Land of Snows. Even before written records were produced during the Imperium, Muslim traders from the Arabian Peninsula and the Iranian world did business in Tibet, and later they were joined by Muslims from other areas of Central Asia and Afghanistan. Others came from Kashmir, and the standard Tibetan referent for Muslims is “Kha che,” which can designate the religion of Islam, people from Kashmir, or Muslims in general. Tibetan Muslim communities are mostly descended from Kashmiris and peoples of Persian, Arabic, or Turkic origins. Early Arabic historical records contain references to Tibet, and during the reign of the Umayyad caliph Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz (ca. 682–720) a Tibetan delegation traveled to his capital and requested that he dispatch missionaries to their country. The Abbasid caliphate (750–1258) maintained diplomatic relations with Tibet, but their representatives do not appear to have been particularly interested in conversion. Some remained in Tibet and married Tibetan women, and their children often identified themselves as Muslims. In 710–720, during the reign of Khri lDe gtsug btsan (alt. Mes ag tshoms, 712–755), Arab diplomats came to Tibet and forged an alliance that included the eastern Turks, which fought against China. Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815) fought a bloody war against Arab potentates in Tibet’s west; Arab troops were captured and incorporated into the Tibetan army. They served in Tibetan frontier garrisons in the early 9th century, and some may have later made their way into the central regions. Tibetan armies also occupied Kabul during the late 8th century but were driven out by Arab forces. Around 812–815 the Tibetan governor of Kabul was defeated by the Arabs and converted to Islam. Although early contacts with Muslims on Tibet’s periphery were punctuated by violence, most of the Muslims who eventually settled in the country were traders who integrated peaceably with the overwhelmingly Buddhist

552 • RGYA GAR

majority. Relations between Tibetan Muslims and Buddhists appear to be generally amicable, and the former coexisted for centuries as a minority population. Muslims often performed necessary tasks that Buddhists shunned, such as slaughtering animals. The standard arrangement involved Muslim butchers dispatching an animal and keeping part of the carcass. Killing violates one of the core Buddhist precepts, but apparently arranging for someone else to do it was considered morally ambiguous. From the Imperium up to the present, the major religious tradition on the Tibetan Plateau has been Buddhism. Another important faith is Bon, which has suffered Buddhist-led persecutions but has been able to withstand them and maintain long-standing communities all over the region. Today religion is under sustained attack from Tibet’s Chinese overlords. An influx of immigrants from other parts of the country has brought adherents of various Chinese religions as well as popular practices that PRC authorities regard as “superstitious.” The immigrants have had little effect on the religious mix among Tibetans, however, because Chinese generally remain separate from the indigenous populace. Millions of Han and Muslim Hui have settled in Tibet (mainly in the cities), but they never come to regard themselves as “Tibetans,” even after generations of residence. These attitudes are bolstered by PRC social policies, which divide people into official ethnic classifications. These are fixed and cannot be altered by change of locale. Many immigrants maintain their religious traditions and have constructed buildings for their activities, but few Tibetans visit them. The two groups remain largely separated by differences in language, culture, religion, and ideology, as well as the historical legacy of Chinese invasion and the subsequent sufferings endured by the residents of the Tibetan Plateau. See also COMMUNE; COMMUNISM; CULTURAL REVOLUTION; ’DUL BA; MAO ZEDONG; MONK; NUN; PATRIOTIC EDUCATION; PHYI DAR; SNGA DAR; SOUL BOY; SPRUL SKU; TANTRA. RGYA GAR (GYAGAR; ALT. RGYA DKAR; ’PHAGS PA’I YUL). The traditional Tibetan name for India. The traditional derivation of rGya dkar is said to be based on the belief that its inhabitants generally wear white-colored clothing. Another etymology construes rGya gar as meaning “vast encampment.” When they first arrived in India, many Tibetans referred to it as “Land of Superiors” (’Phags pa’i yul) because it was the region in which the Buddha and most early luminaries of the tradition were born. This term still appears in some publications, but is seldom heard in colloquial speech. RGYA MO BZA’ ’UN SHING KONG JO: See WENCHENG. RGYA NAG (GYANAK). The traditional Tibetan name for China. The standard etymology holds that it refers to a Tibetan belief that the people of

RGYAL BA’I ’BYUNG GNAS, ’BROM STON PA • 553

China wear black-colored clothing. Hence the popular etymology for China is “Vast Black.” Rolf Stein (1972) notes that in ancient texts the “darkness” of China was related to the shady side of a mountain, while Tibet was dry and bright. This designation for China is proscribed by the People’s Republic of China because it implies that Tibetans viewed Chinese as foreign people with foreign customs and did not regard themselves as a minority population within the Chinese “Motherland.” RGYAL BA’I ’BYUNG GNAS, ’BROM STON PA (DROMDÖNBA ­GYELWÉ JÜNGNÉ, 1008–1064) (CH. DUNZHONGBA 敦仲巴). The main Tibetan disciple of Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) and founder of

Statue of ’Brom ston, dKar mdzes Monastery.

554 • RGYAL DBANG KARMA PA

bKa’ gdams, the first Tibetan Buddhist order. His hagiography reports that he was born in sTod lung in western Tibet in the ’Brom clan. His father was sKu gshen Yag gsher ’phen, and his mother was Khu ’od bza’ Lan gcig ma. They gave him the name Chos ’phel. He studied with dGe shes g.Yung chos mgon and was given lay vows by sNa nam rDo rje dbang phyug (976–1060), who assigned him the religious name rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas. When he was 19, he studied dBu ma (Skt. Madhyamaka) and rNying ma tantra with Grum gyi mkhan bu chen po Se btsun, and he learned Sanskrit grammar from Paṇḍita smri ti. In 1042, at the age of 38, he traveled to sPu hrang(s), where he met Atiśa. According to the Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po), ’Brom ston was responsible for enforcing Atiśa’s prohibition of tantric practitioners from attending his lectures, even though he was a tantric practitioner himself. ’Brom ston founded Rwa sgreng Monastery in 1057; this became the seat of bKa’ gdams, and later was a major dGe lugs establishment. ’Brom ston died there in 1064 at the age of 60. His main disciples were the “Three Noble ­Brothers” (sKu mched rnam gsum): Po to ba Rin chen gsal phyogs las rnam rgyal (1031–1105), Phu chung ba gZhon nu rgyal mtshan (1031–1106), and sPyan snga ba Tshul khrims ’bar (1038–1103). RGYAL DBANG KARMA PA (GYELWANG GARMABA) (CH. GEMABA 葛玛巴). The oldest lineage of reincarnate lamas (sprul sku) in Tibetan Buddhism (see Rang ’byung rdo rje entry). The Karma pas are believed to be physical emanations of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). They are often referred to as the “Black Hat” (Zhwa nag) lamas because of the hat they wear on ceremonial occasions. This was given to the fifth Karma pa, De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415), by the Chinese emperor Yongle 永 乐 (Tib. Yong lo; alt. Ta’i ming chen, 1360–1424) and is said to have been based on a dream in which the emperor saw a black hat woven from the hair of 100,000 mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) floating over De bzhin gshegs pa’s head. After the reincarnational succession was established, Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193) was retroactively designated the first Karma pa. An important aspect of the mythology of the Karma pas is the notion that they are miracle workers. The hagiographies of members of this lineage abound with stories of precocious infants who speak shortly after birth, who engage in advanced religious activities as children, and who are visited by various supernatural beings that proclaim their wondrous attainments. Karma pas are credited with the ability to control weather, leave footprints in solid rock, and defeat plagues and other disasters. The 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981), was one of the most influential Tibetan masters of the 20th century. He traveled widely and established a number of centers around the world, including Rum btegs Monastery in Sikkim, which became his main seat after he fled into exile in

RGYAL MO RONG • 555

1959. Following his death, a bitter succession dispute arose among members of the bKa’ brgyud lineage. Zhwa dmar rin po che Mi pham chos kyi blo gros (1952–2014) proclaimed that ’Phrin las mtha’ yas rdo rje (1983–) is the true reincarnation, while Ta’i si tu Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–) and his supporters back O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–). The second claimant was officially enthroned at mTshur phu in 1992 and has been validated by the Dalai Lama, but the faction led by Zhwa mar Rin po che continues to reject his designation. The rGyal dbang Karma pas are: 1. Dus gsum mkhyen pa Chos kyi grags pa 2. Karma pakshi (1204/1206–1283) 3. Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339) 4. Rol pa’i rdo rje (1340–1383) 5. De bzhin gshegs pa (1384–1415) 6. mThong ba don ldan (1416–1452/1453) 7. Chos grags rgya mtsho (1454–1506) 8. Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507–1554) 9. dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603) 10. Chos dbyings rdo rje (1604–1674) 11. Ye shes rdo rje (1676–1702) 12. Byang chub rdo rje (1703–1732) 13. bDud tshogs ’dul ba’i rdo rje (1733–1787) 14. Theg mchog rdo rje (1788/1789–1868/1869) 15. mKha’ khyab rdo rje (1871–1922) 16. Rang byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981) 17. O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–)/’Phrin las mtha’ yas rdo rje (1983–). RGYAL MO RONG (GYELMORONG; ALT. RGYA RONG) (CH. ­JIARONG 嘉绒). A region in southeastern Khams marked by deep, trenchlike valleys. At least until 1959, its inhabitants regarded themselves as distinct from other peoples of Khams. This was reported by missionaries such as James Huston Edgar (1872–1936), who spent more than 30 years in this region. The indigenous inhabitants of rGyal mo rong belong to the Qiang ethnic group (Ch. Qiangzu 羌族), which Geoffrey Samuels (1993, 85) describes as “Tibetanized” and incorporated into “Tibetan-style polities.” This process probably began during the 16th–17th centuries. The languages spoken in rGyal mo rong (and those of neighboring Mi nyag) are generally regarded as having ancient origins, predating even the version of Tibetan found in the earliest written texts dating to the 8th–11th centuries. This antiquity is corroborated by the sample pages of Edgar’s translation of the New Testament into the rGya rong dialect and recent research by Mariëlle Prins. The Tibetan ethnographer, linguist, and historian dMu dge bsam gtan (d. 1993), based on

556 • RGYAL MTSHAN NOR BU

research into their language, culture, and other factors, concluded that the people of rGyal mo rong are of Tibetan stock. RGYAL MTSHAN NOR BU (GYELTSEN NORBU, 1990–) (CH. JIANZAN NUOBU 坚赞诺布). The 11th Paṇ chen bla ma designated by the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), selected another candidate, dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–), as the successor to the 10th Paṇ chen bla ma, but the PRC government (which officially denounces religion and reincarnation as “feudal superstition”) declared his choice “illegal and invalid.” PRC officials claim sole authority to oversee the selection of reincarnate lamas (sprul sku), and after arresting dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma and his family (at the time of this writing in 2020 they have not been seen since), China began a program of public vilification of the boy. rGyal mtshan nor bu was selected by a process of drawing lots from the Golden Urn (gSer bum skrug pa; Ch. Jinping cheqian 金瓶掣签). The urn was sent to Tibet by Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799). The PRC claims that the urn lottery is the sole legitimate method of choosing reincarnations, even though historically it has rarely been employed. The traditional method involves consultation with oracles and portents, as well as divination, and final determination is made by senior reincarnate lamas. Despite PRC claims, historically Chinese officials have not played any significant role. rGyal mtshan nor bu was born in Lha ri County in the Tibet Autonomous Region. His parents are both members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). He spent his early years in Beijing and was educated in Chinese schools. He returned for a brief visit to Tibet in 1995 for his enthronement at bKra shis lhun po; he developed altitude sickness when he arrived. Since his investiture, he has begun to study Buddhist subjects, but his knowledge of the tradition appears to be limited. In recent years the PRC has been attempting to raise his public profile. In 2010 he was appointed vice president of the Chinese Buddhist Association, a government-sanctioned body that works to promote CCP policies. Later that year he was appointed to the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a rubber-stamp organization that endorses policies that senior Party members have already decided. In 2006 he delivered a speech at the World Buddhist Forum sponsored by the PRC, in which he praised Party policies regarding religion and urged all ethnicities in China to work toward national unity. The PRC has made clear that it intends to use him to select a Dalai Lama after bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho dies, but he has no real credibility as Paṇ chen bla ma, so most Tibetans will reject his choice. The Dalai Lama has worked to further undermine any possible questions about the legitimacy of this process by publicly declaring that his reincarnation will not be born in ­Chinese-occupied

RGYAL RABS GSAL BA’I ME LONG • 557

Tibet. Traditionally reincarnate lamas have had complete authority to make such declarations, and they are respected by those who search for their successors. RGYAL PO’I KHAB (GYELBÖKHAP) (SKT. RĀJAGṚHA; P. RĀJAGAHA) (CH. WANGSHECHENG 王捨城/王舍城). Once the capital of dBus ’gyur tshal (Skt. Magadha), until the end of the Haryanka dynasty (546–414 BCE). It is located near modern-day Rājgīr in Bihār. Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) reportedly delivered a number of sermons there. rGyal po gZugs can snying po (Skt. Bimbisāra, ca. 465–413 BCE), the founder of the Haryanka dynasty, established his capital there. He was overthrown and imprisoned by his son Ma skyes dgra (alt. mThong ldan; Skt. Ajātaśatru). After sKya nar gyi bu (alt. Grong khyer me tog; Skt. Pāṭaliputra) became the capital, Rājagṛha declined in importance. Bimbisāra donated the Venuvana Park (’Od ma’i tshal) to the Buddhist order, and the Buddha stayed there on a number of occasions. Rājagṛha was reportedly the site of the “First Buddhist Council” convened shortly after the Buddha’s death to settle the question of what should be considered the “word of the Buddha.” Rājagṛha is surrounded by seven hills, the most famous of which is “Vulture Peak” (Bya rgod phung po ri; Skt. Gṛdhrakūṭa). When Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang 玄奘 (596–664) visited Rājagṛha in the 7th century, he reported that it was mostly ruins. RGYAL RABS (GYELRAP) (CH. WANGTONG 王统) (“DYNASTY”). A term used in documents from the imperial period to refer to a succession of rulers who derived their right to the position due to their descent from a celestial realm (gnam) and their special qualities, which set them apart from other men. It is commonly used in Tibetan historical works to express the concept of dynastic succession and is also used as a generic name for historical works that deal with dynastic and regnal matters as their major topic. See also HISTORIOGRAPHY; RGYAL RABS GSAL BA’I ME LONG. RGYAL RABS GSAL BA’I ME LONG (GYELRAP SELWÉ MELONG) (CH. WANGTONG SHIXI MINGJIAN 王统世系明鉴) (CLEAR MIRROR OF ROYAL GENEALOGIES). A highly influential historical work by Sa skya pa scholar bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375), probably completed in 1368. It is a comprehensive history that begins with the creation of the universe, through the imperial period (7th–9th centuries), up to the political situation of the author’s own time. In the author’s words, it aims to “delight those with faith and those who desire a history of the propagation of the Buddha’s teachings.” It is a blend of history, legend, and myth, based on

558 • RGYAL RIGS

a number of early texts that are no longer extant. The first woodblock edition was printed at the gTsug lag khang in 1478; a second edition was printed at sDe dge during the 18th century. It was written during a time when Tibetans sought to revive both the knowledge and values of the Imperium and to assert the country’s unique nature in the face of foreign rule, which many believed had exerted a deleterious influence. The underlying theme is the importance of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) in the formation and development of Tibetan history and culture and the process through which he became the national palladium. The opening sections deal with the cosmological origins of the universe and of humans, gods, and other beings, the life of the Buddha and his teachings, and some basic details regarding Tibet’s neighbors. After this the work moves into a description of the birth and career of sPyan ras gzigs, leading directly to his incarnation as Khri Srong btsan sgam po. Details of the king’s life are recounted, followed by the lineage of rulers who succeeded him, up to the arrival in Tibet of the Bengali scholar-monk Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa) in the 11th century. See also HISTORIOGRAPHY. RGYAL RIGS (GYELRIK) (“RULING CLASS”). The traditional designation for members of the aristocratic elite of Tibet during the hegemony of the dGa’ ldan pho brang. This was the highest stratum of Tibetan society, which was rigidly hierarchical. The members of the ruling class included the Dalai Lamas and the regents (sde srid). Below them were members of the traditional aristocracy (rje rigs). RGYAL RTSE (GYANTSÉ) (CH. JIANGZI 江孜). A historically important city located in modern Gyanze County (Ch. Jianzi Xian 江孜县) of Xigaze Prefecture (Ch. Rikaze Diqu 日喀则地区). It has a population of approximately 8,000. It is 3,977 m (13,050 ft.) above sea level, about 254 km (158 mi.) southwest of Lha sa in a plain of the Nyang River Valley. It was the scene of fierce battles between Tibetan militias and British soldiers under the command of Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942) in 1903. It is referred to as the “Hero City” in People’s Republic of China (PRC) propaganda, which portrays the Tibetans as Chinese patriots motivated by love of the “Motherland” who fought and died to prevent the foreign imperialists from splitting Tibet from it. rGyal rtse rdzong, the focal point of the conflict, was badly damaged but the PRC has rebuilt it, and it is now a propaganda site. It contains the “Anti-British Museum,” a room with displays lauding the heroism of the patriotic defenders and a life-sized sculpture showing angrylooking Tibetans hurling boulders down on the invaders. rGyal rtse is also the site of the sKu ’bum mchod rten, a massive structure built by Rab brtan kun bzang ’phags (1389–1442) in 1427. It is one of the

RGYUD GSUM • 559

Life-sized image in the “Anti-British Museum” at rGyal rtse Fort depicting patriotic Tibetans throwing rocks on British invaders.

finest intact examples of traditional Tibetan architecture. During the Cultural Revolution, Zhou Enlai issued an order that it not be harmed, which is the probable reason that it mostly escaped the devastation of the period. It contains painted representations of the complete theophany of deities on its walls; by ascending and descending the structure one passes them all, thereby obtaining their blessings. The paintings, gilded bronze images, and lacquered wooden images were mostly completed by Newari artists. The city was almost destroyed by a flood in 1954. During the Cultural Revolution more than 400 monks and laypeople were imprisoned in dPal ’khor chos sde Monastery. The fort and monastery were looted by Red Guards, but the mchod rten was only slightly damaged. RGYAL TSHAB DAR MA RIN CHEN: See DAR MA RIN CHEN. RGYUD: See TANTRA. RGYUD GSUM (GYÜSÜM) (SKT. TRITANTRA) (CH. SANXU 三续) (“TRIPLE CONTINUUM”). A fundamental doctrine of the Sa skya tantric system. The three components are: (1) basis (gzhi; Skt. ādhāra), (2) path (lam; Skt. mārga), and (3) result (’bras bu; Skt. phala). They are fundamentally

560 • RGYUD SMAD GRWA TSHANG

undifferentiable, as all discriminations are merely creations of mind. They are only divided for the purpose of making Buddhist practice conceptually graspable for ordinary beings. The basis is the two truths (bden pa gnyis; Skt. dvaya-satya, viz., conventional truths and ultimate truths). The path consists of the cultivation of method (thabs; Skt. upāya), which involves training in compassion (snying rje; Skt. karuṇā) and wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā). The result is attainment of the pure vision (dag snang), which is the way in which buddhas perceive reality. See also SNANG GSUM; TANTRA. RGYUD SMAD GRWA TSHANG (GYÜMÉ TRATSANG) (CH. XIAMIYUAN 下密院; JUMAI 举麦) (“LOWER TANTRIC COLLEGE”). A dGe lugs college devoted to tantric training. It was established in 1433 by rGyud Shes rab seng ge (1383–1445), who was entrusted by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) with preserving his tantric teachings. The traditional story of its founding recounts that in a past life the Buddha gave Tsong kha pa a conch shell, a skull-cup, and a mask of a dharma protector (chos skyong). They were secreted in Tibet (near the hill on which dGa’ ldan Monastery was built) by Mo’u ’gal gyi bu (Skt. Maudgalyāyana), and then recovered by Tsong kha pa. In recognition of his student’s mission to take charge of the tantric lore he had developed, Tsong kha pa gave these objects to Shes rab seng ge, along with his skull-cup offering bowl, seven thang kas, and an image of gSang ba ’dus pa (Skt. Guhyasamāja). In 1426 Shes rab seng ge traveled to Gyag shi lung in gTsang and gave tantric teachings to ’Dul nag pa dPal ldan bzang po (1402–1473). A wellknown tradition holds that ’Dul nag pa founded Srad rgyud grwa tshang on the site where he received these instructions. It was also known as the Tantric College of Upper Central Tibet (gTsang stod rgyud). It was probably really founded by Shes rab seng ge, who appointed ’Dul nag pa abbot. Shes rab seng ge traveled to dBus in 1433 and founded rGyud smad Grwa tshang (alt. sMad rgyud Grwa tshang, the Tantric College of Lower Central Tibet). It was built in Nor ’dzin rgyal mtshan in southern Lha sa. It was moved to lCang lo can in northern Lha sa during the tenure of the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). Admission to rGyud smad and rGyud stod is based on past academic performance and is restricted to monks who have received the two highest levels of the dge bshes degree, lha ram(s) pa and tshogs ram pa, from dGa’ ldan, Se ra, or ’Bras spungs. Those admitted to higher tantric study are assigned to one of the two tantric colleges on the basis of their places of origin. Both tantric colleges have similar curricula. The main lineages are gSang ’dus Mi bskyod pa (Skt. Akṣobhya-Guhyasamāja), bDe mchog Lu’i pa (Lu’i pa’s tradition of Cakrasaṃvara), and ’Jigs byed lha bcu gsum (Thirteen Cycle Vajrabhairava). Tsong kha pa combined these in his tantric teachings.

RGYUD STOD GRWA TSANG • 561

rGyud smad and Srad rgyud follow rGyud Shes rab seng ge’s textbooks (yig cha). The program of study relies on dialectical debate based on tantric commentaries. The degree of dge bshes sngags ram(s) pa is awarded upon successful completion of an oral debate. Some monks enter the tantric colleges without first earning the dge bshes degree but do not participate in debate on tantric topics. Those who pass an examination receive the degree of bskyed rim pa. rGyud smad’s original protector deity was dPal ldan lha mo (Skt. Śrīdevī), but later rDo rje legs pa (Skt. Vajrasādhu) assumed this position. Tsong kha pa used two styles of chanting, both of which produce low monotone sounds: one is “rolling ocean voice” (chu gter ’khrog pa’i skad), and the other is “cracking mountain voice” (ri bo ral ba’i skad). rGyud smad employs the latter style, while rGyud stod employs the former. rGyud smad has been reestablished in exile in Hunsur, in India’s Karnataka state. Srad rgyud has been rebuilt in Darjeeling, West Bengal. See also EDUCATION; TANTRA; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. RGYUD STOD GRWA TSANG (GYÜDÖ TRADZANG) (CH. SHANGMIYUAN 上密院; JUDUI 举堆) (“UPPER TANTRIC COLLEGE”). In 1475, rGyud chen Kun dga’ don grub (1419–1486), a disciple of Shes rab seng ge (see previous entry), built dBu stod ’Jam dpal grwa tshang; this is the monastery that is now most commonly referred to as rGyud stod Grwa tshang. Kun dga’ don grub built this monastery after being passed over for succession as the abbot of rGyud smad. A few years after it was established, it moved to the Ra mo che in Lha sa, where it remained until the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), during which it was first desecrated and then used as stables. It is a training center for advanced tantric practice. Outstanding students who have completed their dge bshes degree may be invited to enroll. Its curriculum follows the textbooks (yig cha) of Kun dga’ don grub. Its main protector deity is dGon po phyag drug (Six-Armed Mahākāla). The monks of rGyud stod have attracted attention all over the world with their chanting style, “rolling ocean voice” (chu gter ’khrog pa’i skad). This is a low monotone in which two distinct tones (and sometimes an overtone) are produced simultaneously. The other chanting style attributed to Tsong kha pa, the “cracking mountain voice” (ri bo ral ba’i skad), was also taught, but during the time of Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa (1478–1554, the 15th dGa’ ldan khri pa) the rolling ocean voice became the standard. Prior to the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China in the 1950s, rGyud stod housed more than 1,000 monks, but most fled into exile. Gyuto Tantric Monastic University has been reestablished in Sidhbara, Himachal Pradesh, and Gyuto Monastic University was built in Bomdilla, Arunachal Pradesh.

562 • RI BO RTSE LNGA

RI BO RTSE LNGA (RIWOTSÉ NGA) (CH. WUTAI SHAN 五台山) (“FIVE TERRACE MOUNTAIN”). A mountain in Shanxi Province in China, one of the country’s most important Buddhist pilgrimage sites. In the 6th century it had more than 200 monasteries (only around 55 are preserved today). It is one of the “Four Sacred Mountains” (Sida Fojiao Mingshan 四 大佛教名山) of Chinese Buddhism (the others are: Emei Shan 峨眉山 in Sichuan, Jiuhua Shan 九华山 in Anhui, and Putuo Shan 普陀山 in Zhejiang). Each of these is considered a “place of practice” (daochang 道场) of a particular buddha or bodhisattva. Wutai Shan is the abode of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī; Ch. Wenshu 文殊). This association is based on a passage in the Flower Garland Discourse (Phal po che shin tu rgyas pa chen po’i mdo; Skt. Avataṃsaka-sūtra; Ch. Huayan jing 華嚴經/华严经) that describes Mañjuśrī’s residence as a “clear, cold mountain” located in the northeast (Wutai Shan is also known as “Clear Cool Mountain”: Qingliang Shan 清涼 山). Its name derives from its five rounded peaks (north, south, east, west, and central). According to legend, Mañjuśrī frequently manifests himself on the mountain in the guise of pilgrims, monks, or five-colored clouds. It is a popular pilgrimage destination for Tibetan Buddhists, though in recent years travel restrictions imposed by the People’s Republic of China have greatly diminished their numbers. Several Tibetan Buddhist monasteries operate on Wutai Shan, and it has one of the two Buddhist establishments in China (the other is in Chengdu) in which Chinese and Tibetan monks live, study, and practice in the same monastery, using a single curriculum and following the same protocols for practice and prayer. The mountain also has two monasteries in which Chinese monks follow a Tibetan Buddhist lineage. A number of prominent lamas have traveled to the mountain and reported significant visions, including rGyal dbang Karma pa Rang ’byung rdo

Wutai Shan.

RICHARDSON, HUGH EDWARD • 563

rje in 1334 and his successor Rol pa’i rdo rje in 1361. It has also been a suitably “neutral” place for Dalai Lamas to meet foreign emissaries who might have found it difficult to travel to Lha sa. An example of this is the 13th Dalai Lama’s meeting with American diplomat William Rockhill (1854–1914) in 1908. RI DWAGS KYI TSHAL (RIDAGGITSEL; ALT. RI DWAGS KYI GNAS) (SKT. MṚGADĀVA) (CH. LUYEYUAN 鹿野苑; LUYUAN 鹿 苑) (“DEER PARK”). A park in the Indian town of Drang srong lhung pa (Sārnāth) in modern Uttar Pradesh where, according to Buddhist tradition, Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) preached his first sermon shortly after becoming awakened. The spot is marked with the Dhamek Stūpa, said to have been built sometime in the 4th–6th centuries around a smaller mchod rten (Skt. stūpa) erected during the time of Chos ­rgyal Mya ngan med (Skt. Aśoka, ca. 304–236 BCE; r. 272–236 BCE). Nearby is a modern sculpture depicting the Buddha surrounded by the five ascetics (lnga sde bzang po: Kauṇḍinya, Aśvajit, Bhadrika, Vaśpa, and Mahānaman) who constituted the audience of the sermon. Today it is a popular pilgrimage destination for Buddhists from all over the world. RI RAB LHUN PO (RIRAP HLÜNBO; ALT. LHUN PO) (SKT. MERU; P. SINERU) (CH. XUMI SHAN 須彌山/须弥山) (“MT. MERU”). Also called Sumeru, this is the axis mundi of traditional Buddhist cosmology, said to be an enormous mountain in the center of the world surrounded by four continents oriented toward the cardinal directions and eight subcontinents. RICHARDSON, HUGH EDWARD (1905–2000). A British diplomat who became a leading scholar of Tibetan history and culture. He made significant contributions to the study of early Tibetan history, particularly in the field of imperial epigraphy. He was born in St Andrews and studied classics at Keble College, Oxford. He joined the civil service in 1930 and was the British trade representative in Lha sa from 1936 to 1947. After India’s independence in 1947, he served as its government’s representative in Tibet until 1950. He retired from the public service following the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and he returned to St Andrews, where he spent the remainder of his life. He was an accomplished linguist and was fluent in Tibetan and Bengali. His now declassified missives on the inner workings of the Tibetan government and Tibetan-British relations from the earliest British contacts up to 1944 (Tibetan Précis 1945) is an invaluable source for scholars. He strongly advocated the right of Tibetans to an independent polity, a

564 • RIG ’DZIN RGOD LDEM DNGOS GRUB RGYAL MTSHAN

case he made in two influential books, Tibet and Its History (1962) and A Cultural History of Tibet (1968). He was scathing in his assessment of Chinese oppression and brutality in Tibet and characterized Chinese leaders as inveterate liars. In Tibet and Its History he staunchly defended the actions of the British empire during the “Great Game,” when Great Britain, China, and Russia vied for influence in Tibet. Later in his life, however, he reassessed Britain’s role and concluded that it had reneged on a moral obligation to help Tibet, which substantially contributed to China’s ability to invade it and oppress its people. He declared himself “profoundly ashamed” as a British citizen for his country’s refusal to shoulder responsibility for Tibet or stand up for the rights of Tibetans in international forums like the United Nations. Richardson has become a particular target of PRC vitriol toward “imperialists.” Part of the justification for invading Tibet was the notion that it had been overrun by foreign imperialists, who had maliciously duped its leaders into becoming temporarily estranged from the Chinese “Motherland.” Soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army fully expected to encounter many such imperialists, but only a handful of foreigners managed to make their way to Tibet, and none had any significant influence with the government. As the sole foreign trade representative in Tibet for almost two decades, Richardson was one of the few outsiders with any contacts among the higher echelons of the Tibetan administration. An example of Chinese characterizations of Richardson is Ya Hanzhang’s (1993) statement: “Richardson was an ‘old Tibet hand’ and a vicious aggressor; he masterminded the ‘Hans, go home’ and all other incidents. That explains why the British imperialists and the Indian authorities decided to prolong his stay in Tibet.” Tibetans who met him provide a very different portrait: he was widely respected and viewed as an erudite and diplomatic man who served Britain and India with distinction. RIG ’DZIN RGOD LDEM DNGOS GRUB RGYAL MTSHAN (RIKDZIN GÖDEM NGÖDRUP GYELTSEN; ALT. RIG ’DZIN RGOD KYI LDEM PHRU CAN, 1337–1408). A treasure discoverer (gter ston) who initiated the “Northern Treasures” (Byang gter) tradition, based on discoveries he made at Zang lha brag, a mountain in the northern plains (Byang thang). He was born in Ri bo bkra bzang in Tho gyor nag po. His father was sLob dpon bdud ’dul, a rDo rje phur pa (Vajrakīlaya) practitioner. His revelations include Self-Existent and Self-Arisen Primordial Purity (Ka dag rang ’byung rang shar) and Unimpeded Thought (dGongs pa zang thal). He received the epithet Rig ’dzin rgod ldem (Vulture Feathers Knowledge Bearer) because three vulture feathers grew from his head when he was 12, and when he

RIN CHEN BZANG PO, LO CHEN • 565

was 24 another five feathers appeared. This served to link him with legends that reported Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) wore a headdress adorned with vulture feathers. He entrusted his treasures to his son rNam rgyal mgon po. RIN CHEN BZANG PO, LO CHEN (LOCHEN RINCHEN SANGBO, 958–1055) (CH. RENQIN SANGBU 仁钦桑布). One of the great translators (lo tsā ba), whose work marked the beginning of the translations of the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism in Tibet. He was born in Rad ni in mNga’ ris. His father was gZhon nu dbang phyug, and his mother was Cog ro bza’ Kun bzang rab brtan. He received novice (dge tshul) ordination from Ye shes bzang po at age 13. According to some accounts, he was one of 21 young men sent to Kashmir (Tib. Kha che yul) to study by Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036), king of Gu ge sPu hrang(s) in western Tibet, and after 17 years there he returned to Tibet, where he began translating Indian Buddhist works. This is most likely a later invention; in all probability, he traveled to Kashmir on his own initiative and was later recognized as a promising scholar and then received royal support. He studied with a number of eminent teachers, including Shrā dha ka ra war ma (Skt. Śrāddhākaravarma), Ye shes tshul khrims (alt. Dznyā na shi la; Skt. Jñānaśīla), Yon tan bshes gnyen (Skt. Guṇamitra), Shi lendra bo dhi (Skt. Śīlendrabodhi), and Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa). According to tradition, Rin chen bzang po first met Atiśa while the latter visited mNga’ ris in 1042 (which would be when Rin chen bzang po was 80 years old). Atiśa was impressed by his knowledge but faulted him for lacking a comprehensive understanding of the Dharma. Atiśa then gave him instructions, particularly on ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara). Rin chen bzang po was instrumental in reestablishing Buddhist monastic discipline (’dul ba; Skt. vinaya) in Tibet. He translated a number of important works, particularly yoga tantras (rnal ’byor rgyud). He was a prolific author, and is credited with more than 178 translations of Indic works, including the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhyasamājatantra) and Reciting the Names of Mañjuśrī (’Jam dpal mtshan brjod; Skt. Mañjuśrī-nāma-saṃgīti). He also translated Indian medical works and facilitated the importation of Kashmiri styles of painting and sculpture. In addition, he is said to have founded several monasteries, including Tho ling in Gu ge and Ta pho in Spiti (ca. 996). His best-known individual work is entitled Refutation of False Tantric Teachings (sNgags log sun ’byin), in which he attacks tantric practices involving sexual union (sbyor) and “ritual slaying” (sgrol). He trained a number of influential disciples, including Ngog lo chung Legs pa’i shes rab, Nyi ma shes rab, Brag steng pa Yon tan tshul khrims, and Lo chung Grags ’byor shes rab.

566 • RIN PO CHE

Ta pho Monastery, Himachal Pradesh.

RIN PO CHE (RINPOCHÉ) (CH. RENBOQIE 仁波切; HUOFO 活 佛) (“PRECIOUS JEWEL”). An honorific title given to Tibetan lamas in recognition of their status as teachers and exemplars of the tradition. This is most commonly used for reincarnate lamas (sprul sku), but can also be used to designate any religious master. RIN SPUNGS (RINBÜNG) (CH. RENBENGBA 仁蚌巴). A dynasty of kings who ruled Tibet from 1440 to 1565. They supplanted the Phag mo gru pa kings, who reigned from 1354 to 1435. They were feudatories of the Phag mo gru pa, but came into military conflict with them during a time of unrest in central Tibet. The founder of the lineage, Nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan (fl. 15th century), was a member of the sGer clan, which traced its antecedents back to the Yar klungs dynasty (7th–9th centuries) and claimed descent from the legendary king Gri gum btsan po. Early in the 15th century Nam mkha’ ­rgyal mtshan was appointed overlord of the estates of Rin spungs, and his son Nam mkha’ rgyal po received imperial confirmation of this position from the Ming emperor Yongle 永乐 (1360–1424) in 1416. Rin spungs pa power increased rapidly, and they challenged their titular masters, the Phag mo gru pa. In 1435 they took bSam grub rtse (later renamed gZhis ka rtse). At this point they were the most powerful faction in gTsang. Like the Phag mo gru pa rulers, the Rin spungs princes took the title sde srid (“ruler,” “regent”). The Phag mo gru pa attempted to diminish the threat posed by the Rin spungs pa through a series of marriage alliances, but by the

RIS MED • 567

1400s the two groups were effectively sharing power. The Rin spungs pa supplanted the Phag mo gru pa during the reign of Ngag dbang bkra shis grags pa (1488–1564; r. 1499–1564). The Rin spungs rulers were closely linked with the hierarchs of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order; they supported their religious activities and also provided military assistance in conflicts against rival sects. The Rin spungs hierarchs were: 1. Nor bu bzang po (alt. Nor bzang, 1403–1466; r. 1435–1466) 2. Kun tu bzang po (alt. Kun bzang, r. 1466–1479) 3. Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512; r. 1479–1512) 4. Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (r. 1512–ca. 1550) 5. Don grub Tshe brtan rdo rje (1510?–1599) 6. Ngag dbang ’jigs med grags pa (1482–1565) RIS MED (RIMÉ) (CH. WUPAIBIE YUNDONG 无派别运动) (“NONSECTARIAN”). An approach to the study and practice of Buddhism that eschews sectarianism and emphasizes broad examination of various traditions in a nonbiased way. It has a range of connotations, including “impartial,” “unbiased,” “encyclopedic,” or “eclectic.” This approach exerted a strong influence in eastern Tibet during the 19th–20th centuries, and most contemporary lamas from non–dGe lugs lineages identify themselves with it. The Nonsectarian approach involves practicing meditations and rituals derived from a wide variety of rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) traditions and studying, collecting, and preserving Buddhist teachings without regard to sectarian affiliation. It was led by three important figures: ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), and mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870). No single definitive Nonsectarian text exists, but Kong sprul’s Five Great Treasuries (mDzod chen lnga) are widely regarded as paradigmatic works for this approach to the Dharma. Nonsectarianism is often referred to as a “movement” and viewed as a trend that began in the 19th century in eastern Tibet, but it represents a paradigm with much earlier antecedents. Since the earliest period of Buddhism’s introduction to Tibet, eclectic students of the Dharma have studied with masters of various traditions and incorporated several practice lineages into their visions of the path. The Nonsectarian trend in the 19th century arose as a reaction to pervasive squabbling and armed conflict within Tibetan Buddhism, which was associated with institutional paralysis and dogmatic adherence to tradition, as well as internecine violence. Adherents of this approach attempted to find common ground between the various traditions of Tibetan Buddhism and rejected the prevalent tendency to focus on memorization and repetition of scholastic treatises and textbooks that extrapolated from Indian

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sources. Ris med teachers, by contrast, required their students to study the Indian sources of Tibetan Buddhism. ’Phreng po gter ston Shes rab ’od zer (1518–1584) is often cited as a progenitor of this approach; he advocated a model termed “eight great chariots that are lineages of attainment” (sgrub brgyud shing rta chen po brgyad), which mainly referred to the central esoteric transmissions (gdams ngag) of eight lineages: rNying ma, bKa’ gdams, Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud, Lam ’bras, sMar pa bKa’ brgyud, Zhi byed, sByor drug, and rDo rje gsum gyi bsnyen sgrub. The Nonsectarians also worked to preserve folkloric and literary materials, and several had a particular interest in the epic of gLing Ge sar. In addition, Ris med teachers developed popular religious rituals, such as conferring “transference of consciousness” (’pho ba) initiations on groups of laypeople. Ris med has played a pivotally important role in the modern development of the Sa skya, bKa’ brgyud, and rNying ma orders. RJE BTSUN DAM PA HU THOG TU (JETSÜNDAMBA HUTOKDU) (MON. JAVZANDAMBA KHUTAGT; ЖАВЗАНДАМБА ХУТАГТ; CL. JABSANGDAMBA QTUΓTU) (CH. ZHEBUZUN DANBA HUTUKETU 哲布尊丹巴呼图克图). The major reincarnate lama (sprul sku; Mon. khubilgan) of Mongolian Buddhism. The first recognized member of this lineage was Zanabazar (born Ödür Gegen; Tib. Dznyā na ba dzra, 1635–1723), a grandson of Abadai Khan (1554–1587). His monastic seat was Erdeni ǰuu in Kharakhorum. Mongolian hagiography traces his predecessors through 15 generations to a disciple of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). The 15th was the Tibetan historian and philosopher Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634). The recognition of Ödür Gegen as his reincarnation was made by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), but Ödür Gegen’s biographer reports that he himself rejected it. Situating his reincarnation in Mongolia was a way of exiling Tāranātha’s troublesome presence far away from gTsang, where he had supported the sDe pa in their opposition to the fifth Dalai Lama’s policies. His discovery among the Dalai Lama’s Mongol allies was clearly a political strategy to neutralize his legacy. Ödür Gegen established the dGe lugs system as the state religion of Mongolia, and his successors ruled Mongolia for several generations. The eighth rJe btsun dam pa, who was born in Tibet, died in 1924 after serving as the leader of an independent Mongolia, but after the Communist takeover recognition of a successor was banned. He was a controversial figure; some accounts portray him as a despot surrounded by wicked friends, while others suggest that he simply lost his way while attempting to work for his people and dealing with Russia and China during a time of turbulence. Despite the ban on his reincarnation, followers continued to recognize rJe btsun dam pas in secret, and in 1991 the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho

RJE RIGS • 569

Prayer flag (pre-1919) containing a prophecy by the eighth rJe btsun dam pa, Ngag dbang blo bzang chos rje nyi ma bstan ’dzin dbang phyug (1870–1924), also known as Bogd Gegen, who foresaw Communist incursion and bloodshed. It also contains references to religious activities to avert this disaster.

(1935–), publicly announced that ’Jam dpal rnam grol chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1933–2014) was the ninth member of the lineage. He was born in Lha sa and studied with teachers from all four of the main orders of Tibetan Buddhism before fleeing into exile in 1959 following the Chinese crackdown in response to the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959. RJE BTSUN PA CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN: See CHOS KYI RGYAL MTSHAN. RJE DRUNG (JEDRÜNG) (“ARISTOCRATIC MONK”). A class of monks from prominent aristocratic families who tended to occupy the senior positions of the rtse drung, the branch of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) comprising monk officials. The other branch of government, drung ’khor, was made up of lay members of aristocratic families. RJE RIGS (JERIK) (“NOBILITY”). The standard designation for members of the aristocracy during the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang. Tibetan society was rigidly hierarchical. There was little prospect for social mobility,

570 • RJE RIN PO CHE

and aristocrats were born into their positions and continued to hold them except in cases of demotion due to incompetence, disloyalty, or treason. Aristocrats who were demoted were sometimes exiled, and sometimes they were forced to endure a humiliating public ceremony in which the symbols of their status, including clothing and insignia, were taken from them and their misdeeds were recounted. Some were subjected to physical punishment or imprisoned, but these punishments seem to have been rather rare. In extreme cases, such as treason, an aristocrat might be physically mutilated, but the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), outlawed such practices, and from the time of his rule they appear to have almost disappeared, except for a few prominent cases (e.g., that of Lung shar rDo rje tshe rgyal, d. 1938). Clans belonging to the aristocratic class owned estates, and members from each estate were expected to serve in the government at some level and in some capacity. Above the nobility was the ruling class (rgyal rigs); its members were positioned above commoners, such as farmers, artisans, shopkeepers, etc. The very lowest level of the society comprised people who pursued socially despised occupations, such as blacksmiths, beggars, and fishermen, and people who disposed of corpses (rags rgyab pa). RJE RIN PO CHE (JÉ RINPOCHÉ) (“PRECIOUS LORD”). A common epithet for Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), the founder of the dGe lugs order. RJE YAB SRAS GSUM (JÉ YAPSÉ SUM) (“THE LORDLY TRIO OF THE FATHER [AND HIS] SPIRITUAL SONS”). A term used in the dGe lugs order to designate the founder of the tradition, Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), and his two main disciples, mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438) and rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen (1364–1432). The notion of their close association in terms of doctrine and philosophical view is seen in the title of their combined literary output, The Collected Works of the Lordly Trio of the Father [and His] Spiritual Sons (rJe yab sras gsung ’bum). The notion that mKhas grub was one of Tsong kha pa’s two main disciples is not found in the earliest dGe lugs pa historical work, Lamp Illuminating the Ecclesiastic History of the Precept and Instruction Order (bKa’ gdams chos ’byung gsal ba’i sgron me) by Las chen Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1432–1506), or in ’Gos gZhon nu dpal’s (1392–1481) Blue Annals (Deb ther sngon po). Elijah Ary (2009) argues that this identification first appears around the 15th–16th centuries in Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa’s (1478–1554) Ornament for the Mind: A History of the Old and New Precept and Instruction Orders (bKa’ gdams gsar rnying gi chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan).

RNAM GNON NGANG TSHUL • 571

RMA CHU (MACHU). One of the great rivers of the Tibetan Plateau, which originates in the northeast, at the base of dGe la bstan stong Pass in the Ba yan ka la ri rgyud Mountains (Ch. Bayankala Shanmai 巴颜喀拉山脉). It flows through mountain grasslands that merge with farming villages in forested regions of southern Pad ma County. The region where the rMa chu begins is part of the Three Rivers Area (rMa ’Bri Dza gsum) in mGo log and Yul shul Prefectures. It forms the traditional boundary of A mdo. In China it becomes the Yellow River (Huang He 黄河); it is the second longest river in China after the Yangtze. It has an estimated total length of 5,464 km (3,395 mi.). RMA RIN CHEN MCHOG (MA RINCHEN CHOK; ALT. RMA THOG RIN CHEN, FL. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. MA RENQINQIAO 玛仁钦乔). One of the “seven ordinands” (sad mi bdun) who became the first Tibetan monks at bSam yas. He was born in Phan yul in dBus in the aristocratic rMa clan. He was a member of the delegation that traveled to India to invite Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra) to Tibet and became his disciple. Vimalamitra gave rMa teachings in tantras of the great yoga (rnal ’byor chen po; Skt. mahāyoga) class, as well as Secret Womb (gSang ba’i snying po; Skt. Guhyagarbha) and Magical Net (sGyu ’phrul dra ba; Skt. Māyā-jāla). The two produced Tibetan translations of these texts. rMa is credited with writing more than 200 commentaries on works by Vimalamitra, Sangs rgyas gsang ba (Skt. Buddhaguhya), and Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), but only a few of his works are extant. He traveled to Khams and taught great yoga to Rin chen gzhon nu and Kye re mchog skyong. They passed it on to Dar rje dPal gyi grags pa and Shang rGyal ba’i yon tan, who taught gNubs Sangs rgyas ye shes (ca. 830–962); this tradition became known as the Khams Magical Net (Khams sGyu ’phrul dra ba). rMa is also associated with the “hidden treasure” (gter ma) tradition: he helped Padmasambhava conceal treasures. He was a member of the faction led by Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century), who championed Indian gradualist paradigms against the Chinese master Hwa shang Ma ha ya na (Ch. Heshang Moheyan 和尚摩诃衍) in the “Debate of bSam yas.” He was also a tantric adept who spent years in solitary retreat, mainly at mChims phu. He is credited with various magical powers (dngos grub; Skt. siddhi): he could mold rock with his hands and eat it as food, and he could pull rock apart like dough. Some traditions hold that he was murdered by members of Khri gLang dar ma’s (r. 838–842) faction to avenge his assassination, but other sources report that he spent his final years in meditative retreat. RNAM GNON NGANG TSHUL (NAMNÖNNGANGTSÜL) (SKT. VIKRAMAŚĪLA) (CH. PIJIE LUOMO SHILUO SI 批羯啰摩尸啰寺; XINGJIAN LIAOCHAOJIE SI 批羯罗摩尸罗寺). One of the two great

572 • RNAM PAR SNANG MDZAD

ancient Buddhist monastic universities of north India, founded in the late 8th–early 9th centuries. The other was Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā), which Vikramaśīla eclipsed in the 11th century as the major center of Buddhist learning in India. Vikramaśīla was supported by the rulers of the Pāla dynasty. It was established by King Chos rgyal (Skt. Dharmapāla, 783–820) in order to promote high-level scholarship and teaching. One of its major luminaries was Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054), who traveled to Tibet and played a prominent role in the revival of Buddhism in the 11th century. The site of the monastery is in present-day Bhagalpur District in Bihār. It was one of the largest Indian Buddhist monastic universities, with an estimated 100 teachers and more than 1,000 monks in its heyday. The army of Ikhtiyar Uddin Muhammad bin Bakhtiyar Khilji (alt. Malik Ghazi Ikhtiyaru ’l-Din Muhammad Bakhtiyar Khilji) destroyed it, along with other major Buddhist centers, around 1200. The head of its administrative structure was the abbot (adhyakṣa). There were six gatekeepers (dvārapāla or dvārapaṇḍita) who were prominent scholars, one for the eastern, western, first central, second central, northern, and southern gates. Another important office was that of the “great scholars” (mahāpaṇḍita), the most senior scholars. Below them were around 108 scholars (paṇḍita). There were also about 160 instructors (upādhyāya or ācārya), some of whom were also designated scholars. The Tibetan historian Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) reports that the institution’s heyday was during the reign of King Tsa na ka rGyal po (alt. Tsa na kya rGyal po; Skt. Canaka, 955–983). A number of eminent figures were reportedly in residence at that time, including Rin chen ’byung gnas zhi ba (Skt. Ratnākaraśānti: eastern gate), Ngag gi dbang phyug grags pa (Skt. Vāgīśvarakīrti: western gate), Rin chen rdo rje (Skt. Ratnavajra: first central gate), ’Phags pa shes rab (Skt. Jñānaśrīmitra: second central gate), Nā ro pa (northern gate), and Shes rab ’byung gnas blo gros (Skt. Prajñākaramati: southern gate). RNAM PAR SNANG MDZAD (NAMBAR NANGDZÉ; ALT. BE RO TSA NA, BI RO TSA NA) (SKT. VAIROCANA) (CH. BIANZHAOHU 遍照護/遍照护; BAIRUOZANNA 白若咱那; DARI RULAI 大日如來). A Mahāyāna buddha, said to be the complete enjoyment body (long spyod sku; Skt. saṃbhoga-kāya) of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). He is also sometimes identified as the truth body (chos sku; Skt. dharma-kāya) buddha. In Tibetan traditions his consort is sGrol ma dkar po (White Tārā). Iconographically, he is most frequently depicted sitting crosslegged, white in color (sometimes yellow or gold), dressed in princely robes and ornaments with his two hands making the “wisdom fist” gesture, which represents his consummate wisdom. The cult of Vairocana in Tibet appears to have reached its peak between the 12th and 15th centuries. After this there

RNAM THAR • 573

are fewer representations of him, either paintings or bronze sculptures. He is the central focus of many important temples in western Tibet and the adjacent areas of India, including Khu nu, La dwags, Zangs dkar, and sPi ti. See also ART; TIBETAN BUDDHISM. RNAM RGYAL GRWA TSHANG (NAMGYEL TRATSANG; ALT. RNAM RGYAL CHOS SDE) (CH. ZUNSHENG ZHACANG 尊胜扎 仓; PUSHENG XUEYUAN 普胜学院). The monastery of the Dalai Lamas. It was founded in 1575 by the third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588). Prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s, it was located within the Po ta la (in the red section). It has been rebuilt in exile in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, next to the Dalai Lama’s residence (Pho brang). Its main practices are Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra), gShin rje gshed (Skt. Yamāntaka), ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara), and rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya). It also maintains the lineage of a treasure revelation of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), Bearing the Seal of Secrecy (gSang ba rgya can). It was during his tenure that rNam rgyal was relocated to the Po ta la. RNAM THAR (NAMTAR) (SKT. VIMOKṢA) (CH. ZHUANJI 传记; CHUANSONG 传颂) (“RECORD OF LIBERATION”). Spiritual biographies, a genre of Tibetan Buddhist literature. Often written by the disciples of a Buddhist master, these texts focus on the events of a person’s life considered particularly religiously significant, such as auspicious circumstances surrounding his or her birth, initiations, meetings with spiritual preceptors (lama), visions, religious activities (such as building retreat centers, temples, etc.), writings, and meditative attainments. Generally hagiographical in tone, they are not critical biographies in the Western sense, but tend rather to focus on how the subject personifies core religious paradigms of Tibetan Buddhism. rNam thars may be written in various forms for various purposes. The “open” genre (either biography or autobiography) is intended as a record of the subject’s birth, life, and death, significant teachers, initiations received, ­pilgrimages and places visited, temples erected, and political activities. None of this material—usually referred to as “rang rnam” (record of my/ one’s life)—has any restrictions placed on it regarding its public dissemination and it may be read by anyone who might be inspired by the subject’s exploits. Such “open” material contrasts with the restricted aspects of “secret autobiography” (gsang ba’i rnam thar), which are almost always written by the subject and are mainly intended to be read by his (sometimes her) closest disciples before his death. These contain details of visions, dreams, portents, signs of progress in tantric rituals, secret rites performed, and intimations of the imminence (or otherwise) of full realization. Sometimes they also contain

574 • RNGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB

political commentary that could be dangerous if made public. There is also a third category, the “extremely secret autobiography” (yang gsang ba’i rnam thar), of which only a few examples are known to exist. These works contain details of secret tantric rituals performed throughout the subject’s previous incarnations and are never intended to be read at all. They are interred with the preserved corpse of the lama. RNGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB: See NGOG BLO LDAN SHES RAB. RNGOG LEGS PA’I SHES RAB: See NGOG LEGS PA’I SHES RAB. RNYING MA (NYINGMA) (CH. NINGMAPAI 宁玛派) (“OLD SCHOOL”). One of the four main orders of Tibetan Buddhism. It traces itself back to the period of the Tibetan Imperium (7th–9th centuries) and the Indian tantric master Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava, ca. 8th century). Its name is based upon the fact that its adherents rely on the “old translations” (snga ’gyur), made during the period of the “early propagation” (snga dar). Its highest meditative practice is “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po), and it is the order most closely associated with the “hidden treasure” (gter ma) tradition. Treasures (gter) are believed by rNying ma pas to have been hidden by Padmasambhava and his disciples, who placed spells on them to ensure that they would only be discovered at the proper time and by the proper “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). The other main source of rNying ma pa doctrines and practices is the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) lineage, believed to represent an unbroken line of transmission of the Dharma from the Buddha. Unlike the other orders of Tibetan Buddhism, it never developed a centralized leadership or organized hierarchy, and generally avoided political involvements. In modern times, the hierarchs of the school in Tibetan exile communities have responded to a request from the Central Tibetan Administration and have begun electing a prominent lama to serve as head of the order. The rNying ma tradition considers translations of tantric texts prepared during the early propagation to be superior to later ones. It claims that the translators were advanced masters whose work reflected their own attainments and captured the essence of the teachings. The translators Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana) and the tantric master Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra) are also important figures for the developed rNying ma tradition. Its teachings are divided into nine sequential vehicles (theg pa rim pa dgu); the last three, which contain the esoteric teachings of rNying ma’s highest tantric systems, are the apex of the tradition. The supreme vehicle is great perfection, which claims to transcend ordinary tantric lore and to point directly to the nature of mind. It dispenses with visualizations and rituals and provides a direct path to realization.

ROL PA’I RDO RJE • 575

Throughout Tibetan history, the rNying ma order has tended to be the least organized and institutionally coherent of the major traditions. Much of the lineage was concentrated in village-based communities that centered on a single teacher or a small group of adepts. Distinctively rNying ma monasteries were founded as early as the 12th century, but large-scale, organized monasticism only began around the 17th century during the tenure of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), who was born into a rNying ma family and maintained rNying ma lineages. The first major rNying ma monastery was sMin grol gling, constructed in the late 17th century; it served as a central locus for the tradition in central Tibet. ROL PA’I RDO RJE (ROLBÉ DORJÉ, 1340–1383) (CH. RUOPEI DUOJIE 若佩多杰). The fourth rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in rKong po. His father was bSod nams don grub, and his mother was brTson ’grus rgyan. His hagiography reports that shortly after his birth he began reciting the six-syllable mantra of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara). When he was three years old, he declared: “I am Karma Pakshi!” He reportedly demonstrated detailed knowledge of Mongol court etiquette as a child, which was a significant factor in his recognition. In 1345 he was brought to Brag dkyil lha khang, where he correctly identified objects belonging to his predecessor. He later reported that he vividly remembered his lives as Dus gsum mkhyen pa (1110–1193) and Karma Pakshi (1204/1206–1283), but recalled only a few details of his life as Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339). At age 13 he traveled to central Tibet. Along the way he passed Dwags lha sgam po, sGam po pa’s monastery; he had a vision in which it appeared as a jeweled mchod rten surrounded by buddhas, bodhisattvas, and awakened masters. He composed a poem about this experience. At Phag mo gru Monastery he met Ta’i si tu Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364), and then he traveled to mTshur phu. Along the way he had more visionary experiences, including one of rDo rje rnal ’byor ma (Skt. Vajrayoginī). At age 14 he received novice (dge tshul) ordination from Don grub dpal Rin po che. He subsequently entered meditative retreat, in which he experienced the essence of the lore of Sangs rgyas ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha Buddha). When he was 18 Don grub dpal conferred full monastic ordination (dge slong). Rol pa’i rdo rje was renowned for his far-flung travels. He instituted the tradition of Karma pas journeying with a large encampment (gar chen). Another notable feature of his biography is that he was a strict vegetarian, a regimen he maintained even in places in which meat eating was the norm. In 1360 Rol pa’i rdo rje accepted an invitation from Toghon Temür (Ukhaantu Khan; Tib. Tho gan the mur; Ch. Yuan Huizong 元惠宗, 1320–1370) to travel to China. Along the way he composed a number of poems that integrated visionary experiences with his impressions of the places he visited. One of

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these was Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山). He made a pilgrimage to each of its five peaks, and he composed several poems to ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī), the main buddha of the region. He then continued on, and he ended a locust plague in one area and restored peace in several others. He was received with special honors by the emperor and his queen and he performed initiation ceremonies for them. The queen gave birth to a son shortly after his arrival, which was viewed as an auspicious connection. Rol pa’i rdo rje convinced the emperor to declare an amnesty for prisoners. A statement attributed to him in Moon Garland: Golden Garland of bKa’ brgyud Biographies (bKa’ brgyud gser phreng rnam thar zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba), composed by Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1699–1774), the eighth Ta’i si tu Rin po che, appears to presage the demise of the Mongol Empire and indicates that nothing the Karma pa could do might prevent it. Toghon asked him to reverse the degeneration of his empire, and Rol pa’i rdo rje responded that as a monk he had no allegiance to any particular country and that his mission was to benefit sentient beings whenever possible. He remained at the court for three years; following a vision that the emperor would soon die, he decided to return to Tibet. He traveled by way of Mi nyag and Byang ngos. In Kong jo in northeastern Tibet he ended a smallpox epidemic by mentally generating a nam mka’ lding (Skt. garuḍa) that eliminated the harmful forces causing it. While there he had a dream in which dByangs can ma (Skt. Sarasvatī) gave him yogurt, which improved his poetic abilities. He rested at Kokonor, where he composed Removing Erroneous Views (lTa ba ngan sel). In 1365 he met Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) and conferred lay ordination; he gave the boy the name Kun dga’ snying po. In 1383 Rol pa’i rdo rje traveled to Karma dgon, where he gave teachings. He journeyed to Nag chu, and died soon after this in the Byang thang. He was cremated and his ashes were brought to mTshur phu. ROL PA’I RDO RJE YE SHES BSTAN PA’I SGRON ME, LCANG SKYA (JANGGYA ROLBÉ DORJÉ YESHÉ DENBÉ DRÖNMÉ, 1717– 1786) (CH. ZHANGJIA RUOBEI DUOJIE 章嘉若贝多杰). The second lCang skya Hu thog tu, who was an influential figure in the Qing court. He was born in Lang gru’u in A mdo. His father was Chi kya tshangs pa Gu ru bstan ’dzin, and his mother is referred to as Bu skyid. His family were Tibetanized Mongols. He was recognized by the second ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa, dKon mchog ’jigs med dbang po (1728–1791), as the reincarnation of Ngag dbang chos ldan (1642–1714) and installed at dGon lung byams pa gling, a dGe lugs monastery in A mdo. He received lay (dge bsnyen) vows from Chu bzang bLo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan, who gave him the name Ngag dbang chos kyi grags pa bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan. In 1723 a prince from Kokonor named bLo bzang bstan ’dzin initiated a revolt against Qing rule.

ROL PA’I RDO RJE YE SHES BSTAN PA’I SGRON ME, LCANG SKYA • 577

A retaliatory force was sent to the region, which destroyed several monasteries and killed a number of monks. In 1724 dGon lung was razed, but the young lCang skya was taken to safety before the attack. The emperor Yongzhengdi 雍正帝 (Tib. Gong ma Yung ting, 1676–1735) ordered that he not be harmed, and instead that he should be escorted to Beijing as his “guest.” A decree was issued that if the seven-year-old was not surrendered the local population would be attacked, so he was brought to the tent of General Yo’u Cang jun. lCang skya arrived at the Qing court during the reign of the Yongzheng emperor and grew up with his son Prince Hongli 弘历, who became the Qianlong emperor (Ch. Qianlongdi 乾隆帝, 1711–1799; Tib. Lha skyong rgyal po or Chan lung). Although lCang skya was taken to Beijing as a hostage, once there he was able to pursue his studies. His teachers included Shes rab dar rgyas (alt. Ngag dbang chos ldan), Ngag dbang chos kyi rgya mtsho (1680– 1736), and Ngag dbang byams pa (1682–1762). In 1725 lCang skya traveled to Lha sa for the enthronement of the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). In 1741 he oversaw the translation of the Tibetan canon (bsTan ’gyur) into Manchu in accordance with the wishes of Qianlong. When Qianlong assumed the throne, lCang skya interceded with him on behalf of the Dalai Lama. Following the execution of ’Gyur med rnam rgyal (r. 1747–1750), who succeeded his father Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747) as ruler of Tibet, Qianlong named the Dalai Lama the political and religious leader of Tibet. Thu’u bkwan bLo bzang chos kyi nyi ma (1737–1802, lCang skya’s biographer) claims that this was mainly due to lCang skya’s lobbying. During Pho lha nas’ reign, the Dalai Lama had been exiled to mGar thar Monastery in the far east of Khams, where he spent eight years. He was not allowed to return to Lha sa until 1735. A contingent of 500 religious, political, and military dignitaries accompanied him. lCang skya, who was 18 at the time, was the leading religious figure and was given this role by the emperor. lCang skya became a close disciple of bsKal bzang rgya mtsho, and after his death was his official biographer. In 1735 he traveled to bKra shis lhun po and received full monastic ordination (dge slong) from the fifth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737), who gave him the name Ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me. He mediated a dispute among government officials regarding the distribution of power during the interregnum period following the Dalai Lama’s death: the cabinet ministers (bka’ blon) wanted to assume temporal authority and restrict the next Dalai Lama’s role to religious matters, but following lCang skya’s advice Qianlong decided to invest the regent (sde srid) with both political and religious authority and to reduce the power of the Cabinet (bKa’ shag). In 1736 lCang skya returned to China. By the time he arrived, his childhood friend had become the Qianlong emperor. He conferred the title of “Seal Lama” (Tham ka bla ma) on him; this was the highest position for a Tibetan Buddhist prelate in the Qing

578 • ROL PA’I RDO RJE YE SHES BSTAN PA’I SGRON ME, LCANG SKYA

court. It was previously held by Thu’u bkwan, who passed it on to Khri chen bLo bzang bstan pa’i nyi ma. In 1745 lCang skya conferred the tantric initiation of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) on the emperor, who observed the traditional protocol of placing the lama on a higher throne and kneeling before him during the ceremony. Thu’u bkwan mentions that a similar dynamic was enacted when ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) gave Khubilai Khan (1215–1294) Kye rdo rje (Skt. Hevajra) initiation; he also asserts that Qianlong was the reincarnation of Khubilai and that both were emanations of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). At the command of Qianlong, in 1741 lCang skya oversaw the compilation of a multilingual dictionary of terms in Mongolian, Tibetan, Manchu, and Chinese, entitled Source Dictionary for Scholars (Dag yig mkhas pa’i ’byung gnas). It was completed in 1742 and carved onto wood blocks. In 1748 lCang skya was given permission to travel to dGon lung. He oversaw its reconstruction, and he met the young Thu’u bkwan, then 12 years old. He conferred monastic vows on ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa and gave him the name dKon mchog ’jigs med dbang po. In 1757 lCang skya returned to Lha sa and was involved in the search for the eighth Dalai Lama, ’Jam dpal rgya mtsho (1758–1804). He traveled from Dar rtse mdo with rDo ring gung rNam rgyal tshe brtan (d. 1739) and rTse mgron gnyer Yon tan legs grub. ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa and Thu’u bkwan joined them at Mal gro ru thog. They met the regent, De mo Ngag dbang ’jam dpal bde legs rgya mtsho, in 1758. The five state oracles (gNas chung, dGa’ gdong, bSam yas, La mo, and Khra ’brug) attended a ceremony in Lha sa, where lCang skya, the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780), the De mo Khutugtu, and the two Manchu am bans were also present. There were conflicts between the oracles, and lCang skya asked the Paṇ chen bla ma to make the final determination. lCang skya returned to China in 1760. In 1763 his father died, and he returned to A mdo and dGon lung. ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa had recently retired as abbot, and lCang skya accepted an invitation to replace him. He soon named Dza sag bla ma bsKal bzang lha dbang as abbot and returned to China. In 1764 he met the emperor at Jehol. During the early 1770s he oversaw a project to translate the Buddhist canon into Manchu, and he also served as a mediator in several conflicts. In 1779 he arranged for a visit to Beijing by the Paṇ chen bla ma to participate in the celebrations for Qianlong’s birthday. A monastery that resembled bKra shis lhun po was built in Jehol for his visit. The Paṇ chen bla ma was terrified by the smallpox epidemic in China and traveled with an entourage of 300 monks who had survived the disease (and so were immune), and he took every possible precaution to avoid contact with people who had contracted it. His plans were thwarted by the magnitude of his reception in China, where huge crowds converged everywhere he went.

RTA MGRIN • 579

lCang skya provided instructions on Qing court etiquette. The Paṇ chen bla ma contracted smallpox during the visit, and he died. lCang skya oversaw the funeral arrangements. He also performed rituals for the pacification of the guardian spirit of the rMa chu River, rMa chen spom ra, in conjunction with a civil engineering project initiated by the emperor that involved construction of a series of dikes for flood control. In 1785, during a meditative retreat at Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山), lCang skya had a vision of Mañjuśrī, during which the latter taught him the Stages of the Path of Epistemology (Tshad ma’i lam rim). lCang skya died at Wutai Shan in 1786. Qianlong sent his personal physician to attend him in his last days and supervised the funeral arrangements. lCang skya was an influential author, and his Collected Works (gSung ’bum) contain 189 titles in seven volumes. His most important work is Beautiful Ornament for the Buddha’s Teaching Clarifying the Presentation of Philosophical Systems (Grub mtha’i rnam par bzhag pa gsal bar bshad pa thub bstan lhun po’i mdzes rgyan). RTA DBANG (DAWANG) (CH. DAWANG 达旺). A town in the northern area of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. It lies on the Indian side of the “McMahon Line,” designated by Sir Henry McMahon (1862–1949) to demarcate areas of British India from China and ratified during the 1913– 1914 Simla Conference. The McMahon Line and its implications are not recognized by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), which claims Arunachal Pradesh as its territory. It refers to the region as “Southern Tibet” (Ch. Zangnan 藏南). Today rTa dbang has a population of around 11,000 (2011 census), the majority of whom are Mon pa. Its most famous landmark is rTa dbang dgon pa, founded by Me rag bla ma bLo gros rgya mtsho in 1680–1681. The sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706), was born in rTa dbang, and this is the main basis for the PRC’s claim to the region. RTA MGRIN (DANDRIN) (SKT. HAYAGRĪVA) (CH. MATOU 马头) (“HORSE NECK”). A wrathful meditation deity (yi dam; Skt. iṣṭa-devatā), generally red in color and with a horse’s head. He is an important figure in the rNying ma tantric system, in which he is considered a wrathful manifestation of ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha). He is a protector of Se ra Byes and is also found alongside Mi g.yo ba (Skt. Acala) as a protector in Tibetan temples. According to art historians, the iconography of Hayagrīva has gone through at least three phases in which his form has changed somewhat. Some of these are rarely seen today, for example, a six-armed form known as “Liberator from All Dregs Demonic Forces” has been dated to the 12th century. The most common form of Hayagrīva is the two-armed, red-colored one in which the right arm holds aloft a sword and the left hand manifests a threatening gesture. All forms of Hayagrīva have a small horse head lodged in the crown

580 • RTAG GZIGS

as a sign of his majestic nature. In the rNying ma tradition, its neighing is said to subjugate klu (Skt. nāga). This sound reverberates throughout the triple world, of which he is the master. The use of horse imagery might suggest a link with the ancient Indian horse sacrifice (aśvamedha), through which a king demonstrated dominion over his kingdom. RTAG GZIGS: See STAG GZIGS. RTSAM PA (TSAMBA) (CH. ZANBA 糌粑). Flour made from roasted barley (nas). This is the staple of the Tibetan diet. It is often mixed with Tibetan buttered tea and eaten as a paste. It is generally roasted on hot sand; the sand is filtered away and the barley is ground. The Tibetan government-in-exile lists eating rtsam pa as one of the three characteristics of Tibetan identity, along with black hair and wearing felt boots. These three qualities do, interestingly, define the residents of territories claimed as “traditional Tibet” by the Central Tibetan Administration. RTSE DRUNG (TSEDRUNG) (“MONK OFFICIAL”). One of the two branches of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), consisting of monks who held administrative posts. The other branch was lay officials (drung ’khor). The latter branch was comprised almost entirely of members of the traditional Tibetan aristocracy, while monk officials could come from all strata of society. RTSE THANG (TSEDANG; ALT. RTSES THANG; RTSED THANG) (CH. ZEDANG 泽当). A city in central Tibet in Naidong Xian 乃东县 (Tib.

Harvested barley in dBus.

RTSIS KHANG • 581

Wall mural depicting the origin story of the Tibetan race.

sNe’u gdong rdzong) in Shannan Prefecture (Ch. Shannan Diqu 山南地区; Tib. Lho kha sa khul). rTse thang is located in the Yar klungs Valley 183 km (114 mi.) southeast of Lha sa. It is the second largest town in central Tibet after Lha sa, with a population of around 52,000. It lies at an elevation of 3,100 m (10,170 ft.). This region was the cradle of early Tibetan civilization. There are three caves on a mountainside east of the town, one of which, according to Tibetan mythology, was the residence of an ogress (an emanation of sGrol ma; Skt. Tārā) who mated with a manifestation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) and gave birth to children who became the progenitors of the Tibetan race. rTse thang is also renowned in Tibetan mythical history as the first place where grain crops were cultivated. In later times it was the headquarters of the Yar klungs dynasty that ruled Tibet from the 7th to the 9th centuries. It contains a number of historically important sites and ruins. bSam yas, the first monastery in Tibet, is located 30 km (19 mi.) from modern rTse thang. The main monastery, rTse thang dgon pa, was originally a bKa’ brgyud establishment founded in 1351, but was seized by the dGe lugs pa in the 18th century. It was destroyed following the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China in the 1950s but has been restored. RTSIS KHANG (TSIKHANG) (“FINANCE OFFICE”). One of the main branches of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang), which was concerned with the country’s economy and government finances.

582 • RTSWA MCHOG GRONG

RTSWA MCHOG GRONG (TSACHOKDRONG; ALT. KU SHA’I GRONG KHYER; GRONG KHYER RTSA CAN) (SKT. KUŚINAGARA; P. KUSINĀRĀ) (CH. JUSHINAJIELUO 拘尸那揭罗). According to Buddhist tradition, this is the town in northern India where Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) died. Today it is one of the major Buddhist pilgrimage sites. It was the capital of the kingdom of Magadha, near Kasia, about 290 km (180 mi.) north of modern-day Patna. According to traditional biographies, the Buddha died in the Śāla Grove in Kuśinagara. RU (“HORN”). The administrative divisions first devised during the imperial period. The earliest textual reference to this administrative structure is in the Old Tibetan Annals. There were three original horns: (1) the middle horn (dbu ru), an area centered on Lha sa; (2) the left horn (g.yo ru), which included areas to the east extending to rKong po; and (3) the right horn (g.yas ru), the gTsang po Valley and lands to the west. With the expansion of the empire, a fourth horn, the “additional horn” (ru lag), was added; this comprised areas in western gTsang, including Lha rtse. Sometimes Sum pa, which was added to the empire later, is regarded as a fifth horn. Each horn was further subdivided into groupings of 1,000 households (stong sde); these were the units used for levying taxes that contributed to further military expansion. Research into this administrative model tentatively suggests that it may have been influenced by an organizational structure developed in what Beckwith (2009) calls “Central Eurasia,” especially in the Turk empire. RUM BTEGS KARMA CHOS SGAR (RUMTEK GARMA CHÖGAR). A monastery in Sikkim, located about an hour’s drive from sGang thog (Gangtok) on the other side of the valley from it. It was founded by the ninth rGyal dbang Karma pa, dBang phyug rdo rje nam mkha’ rgyal po (1556–1603), while he visited the former kingdom to settle a dispute involving its king. In 1966 the 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rig pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981), established his seat in exile at Rum btegs following his flight from Tibet. In 1993 it was occupied by Indian troops following violent clashes between groups of monks fighting over his succession and the US$1.5 billion charitable trust he left. The 14th Zhwa dmar rin po che, Mi pham chos kyi blo gros (1954–2014), recognized ’Phrin las rdo rje (1983–) as the 17th Karma pa, but other members of his order, including Ta’i si tu Rin po che Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–), recognized O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–). The Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), supports the latter’s candidature. Lawsuits regarding the succession are making their way through the Indian courts, and neither faction has been allowed to settle in the monastery, which now exists in a state of limbo.

RUSSIA • 583

RUS PA’I RGYAN CAN, GTSANG SMYON HE RU KA DUR KHROD MYUL BA’I (TSANGNYÖN HERUKA TURTRÖ NYULWÉ RUBÉ GYENCHEN, 1452–1507) (CH. ZANGFENGSENG HAIRUJIA 藏疯僧 亥如伽). (“Madman of gTsang, Ornamented with Bones and Wandering in Graveyards”). The author of the most popular religious biography of Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), the Mi la’i rnam thar. His ordination name was Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan, and his personal name was Mi bskyod rdo rje. His secret initiation name was Khrag ’thung rgyal po. He received his initial vows with mKhan chen Kun dga’ sangs rgyas in 1458, and in 1469 studied with Sha ra rab ’byams pa Sangs rgyas seng ge at Tsā ri. He was one of the eccentric saints of Tibetan Buddhism called “madmen” (smyon pa), lay tantric practitioners who live outside of the monastic establishment and often engage in socially unacceptable behavior. The tradition of holy madmen (and less commonly madwomen) has a long history in Tibet. In some ways they reflect the utter disdain for normal life and values felt by certain figures in all religious traditions, and the Tibetan smyon pa became icons of religious insight and high-level meditative attainment, even though their life stories often contain details of antisocial, boorish, or even foolish behavior. At age 18 he left his monastery and went on pilgrimage. He met Sha ra rab ’byams pa sangs rgyas, a lineage holder of Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa’s (1084–1161) teachings. He soon became a master of heat yoga (gtum mo) and could survive cold winters wearing only a cotton robe. gTsang smyon considered the monastic lifestyle stultifying and an obstacle to meditative practice, and he spent most of his life wandering and meditating in remote places. His biography contains numerous stories of outrageous actions, including wearing a garment of human skin and a necklace of fingers taken from corpses. He reportedly exposed himself to women and proposed that they have sex with him, and he also propositioned men. His mother convinced him to tone down his public persona, which she said was offensive and counterproductive in terms of his religious goals. He traced his lineage back to Ras chung pa, Mi la ras pa’s lay yogi disciple, rather than sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153), who founded a monastic order within the bKa’ brgyud order. gTsang smyon claimed to adhere to the oral instruction lineage (snyan rgyud) of Mi la ras pa. He died at Ras chung phug. Later tradition regards him as a reincarnation of Mi la ras pa, but no evidence survives that he supported this identification. RUSSIA (TIB. U RU SU). Russia lies at the periphery of the Tibetan perspective on the world. Pockets of Tibetan Buddhist culture exist in parts of Russia, particularly among the Kalmyks and Buryats, and several republics of the Russian Federation have Buddhist populations. Although Tibetans were only vaguely aware of Russia, Indian mercantile travelers from at least as

584 • RUSSIA

early as the first decades of the 17th century traveled to Moscow and established a number of Hindu temples along their route. Their accounts probably found their way into Tibet through the medium of Indian trader-merchants (gosain) and Nāths, who often journeyed there in later centuries. Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) discusses a trader from the northern land of Rug ma, a foreigner (’phreng/phreng, for ferengi, European), possibly a Russian, who traded goods in Nepal in about 1602. For centuries Russians—mainly Mongolians—went to Tibet to study and on pilgrimage, but few Tibetans ever visited Russia. The best-known pilgrim-student from Russia was mTshan zhabs Ngag dbang blo bzang rdo rje (Agvan Dorjiev, 1854–1938), a Buryat Mongol who studied at ’Bras spungs Monastery near Lha sa. He became a confidant of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), and was widely respected for his erudition and debating skills. Dorjiev tried to convince Tibetans that Russia was the mythical land of Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala) and that the country was turning toward Buddhism under the tutelage of Czar Nicholas II—whom he described as an emanation of sGrol ma dkar po (White Tārā)—but few expressed significant interest in this notion. After his return to Russia in 1898, Dorjiev became one of the leaders of a Buddhist revival among Buryats and Kalmyks. He founded a Buddhist monastery (Datsang) in St. Petersburg, which was consecrated in 1915 and given the name Gunzechoinei. A number of recently established Tibetan Buddhist centers operate in Moscow and St. Petersburg, as well as older institutions among Mongol populations in other parts of the country. These include ­Ivolginsky Datsan in East Siberia, near Lake Baikal in Buryatia, constructed in 1946. It is the seat of the Khambo Lama (or Pandido Khambo Lama), one of the most influential reincarnational lineages (Mon. khubilgan; Tib. sprul sku) among Mongols living in Russia. In the mid-19th century a Buryat Russian doctor named Tshul khrims Padma (later known as Alexander Badmaev, 1811–1831), who had trained in Tibetan medicine in Buryatia, cured the wife of Nikolai Nokolaievich Muravyev, the governor general of East Siberia, when Western doctors had given her no hope. Later, with imperial patronage, Badmaev set up practice in St. Petersburg, and Czar Alexander II (1818–1881) commanded the translation into Russian of the Four Tantras (rGyud bzhi), the foundational Tibetan medicinal texts. Badmaev’s clinic became very popular among the Russian aristocracy, and after his death in 1882 his brother Pyotr Badmaev maintained his practice. The last czar of the Russias, Nicholas II (Nikolay Alexandrovich Romanov, r. 1894–1917), was particularly interested in Tibetan medicine and through Pyotr was far more instrumental than the monk Rasputin in curing the young prince Alexey of the worst effects of his hemophilia. Not only

RUSSIA • 585

was the court fascinated by Tibetan medicine, but some of Badmaev’s disciples who took over his practice treated, among others, Leo Tolstoy, Nikolai Bukharin, and Joseph Stalin. During the period of the “Great Game” of the mid- to late 19th century, the British rulers of India feared that Russia had designs on their territory, but the threat was vastly overestimated. The Dalai Lama sent messages to Czar Nicholas hoping to enlist military and financial aid, but the czar was facing problems at home and had little interest in a region with few known resources, little strategic value to Russia, and few opportunities for trade. A military incursion into Tibet in 1903–1904 led by Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942) was motivated by fears of Russian expansionism. The leaders of the expedition fully expected to find Russian merchants doing business in Tibet and spies scheming in a region they regarded as part of the sphere of influence of British India, but they provided no reports of Russian sightings during their march to Lha sa, during which they slaughtered hundreds of Tibetans. Nonetheless, subsequent assessments by leaders of the invasion and their superiors in the colonial administration expressed a general satisfaction that it was a prudent and effective preemptive strike that succeeded in thwarting Russian designs and forging enhanced trade relationships between Great Britain and Tibet. Later the British Parliament repudiated the treaty and chastised Younghusband for exceeding his mandate and for the brutality of his battles with Tibetans. With the demise of the Great Game at the beginning of World War II, Tibet became more isolated. The Tibetan government declared itself neutral in the global conflict and refused to allow its territory to be used for military purposes. A few Russian traders continued to make their way into the region, but there were enhanced restrictions on the movement of foreigners into areas under the authority of the dGa’ ldan pho brang and penalties for those who aided them. These increased in the late 1940s and early 1950s as the newly inaugurated People’s Republic of China (PRC) made increasingly aggressive moves into eastern regions of the Tibetan Plateau and issued public statements to the effect that it intended to “liberate” it from foreign imperialists and force it to rejoin the “great family” of the Chinese Motherland. In 1950 militias guarding Tibet’s borders were given standing orders to shoot foreigners attempting to cross into the frontier regions. The conclusion of World War II ushered in a new phase in geopolitical intrigues in Tibet and its neighborhood. The United States was concerned about the spread of global communism; the Soviet Union and the PRC were key focal points of this interest. Spies were dispatched to China and Tibet in hopes of gathering useful intelligence. In 1949–1950 two undercover agents, Frank Bessac (1922–2010) of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS)

586 • RUSSIA

and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) operative Douglas Mackiernan (1913–1950), trekked on foot and by camel from Urumchi (then Tihwa, in modern-day X ­ injiang) to Tibet and became embroiled in the complex politics of the region. Mackiernan was a former Air Force cryptographer dispatched by the CIA to the border area between the Soviet Union and the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic near where the former carried out its first nuclear bomb test in ­August 1949 (in Semipalatinsk). Bessac was an anthropologist who specialized in Mongolia as well as an undercover agent. While conducting field research in the Gobi Desert in Inner Mongolia in 1950, the advance of Chinese Communist troops forced him to flee to Tibet. He was joined by Mackiernan and several others; the group traveled more than 3,200 km (2,000 mi.) across Central Asia. They made their way to the Tibetan border disguised as Kazakhs. This was a mistake: Tibetans have a traditional distrust of Kazakhs, and border guards fired on the group. Three of its members, including Mackiernan, were killed. He was the first CIA operative to die in action, and the star memorializing his sacrifice, placed on a wall in the Agency’s headquarters in Langley, Virginia, was the first example of what has become the official method of commemorating deaths in action. After three of his companions were shot, Bessac ran toward the Tibetan militia waving a white flag and yelling that they were really Americans. After the incident was reported to the Tibetan government in Lha sa, the border guards were convicted of criminal negligence and sentenced to punishment by physical mutilation (they were to have their noses and ears amputated). Bessac argued for leniency and the sentence was commuted to 200 lashes for the unit’s commander and lesser numbers of lashes for his subordinates. Some historians have suggested that their presence was a precipitating factor in the PRC’s decision (and timing) to invade Tibet. Following the PRC’s invasion and annexation of Tibet in the 1950s, the borders were closed by the People’s Liberation Army and paramilitary forces. The main reason why Russians had traveled there was for study at Buddhist monastic universities, pilgrimage, or trade. All but a handful of Buddhist institutions were closed and ransacked during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), and most senior teachers fled into exile. Many of those who remained were killed or imprisoned. Pilgrimage and other types of religious observance were banned, so Russian Buddhists had little reason to visit Tibet. The PRC-led devastation of Tibet’s economy removed commercial incentives, so this period effectively severed the long-standing cultural, trade, and religious contacts between Tibetans and Russians.

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RWA SGRENG RGYAL BA’I DBEN GNAS (RETING GYELWÉ WENÉ) (CH. REZHEN SI 热振寺). A monastery founded by ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064) in 1057 in the Rwa sgreng gtsang po Valley in Lhun grub rdzong north of Lha sa. It became the seat of the bKa’ gdams order. In 1239 it was sacked by a Mongol force led by Dor rta nag po, but was rebuilt. During the tenure of Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes (1911–1947) as regent (sde srid), the monastery became one of the wealthiest institutions in the country as a result of his corruption and that of his coterie. He and his subordinates charged extortionate fees, and his private offices became one of the three largest trading companies in Tibet. He died on 8 May 1947 while imprisoned in the Po ta la, under mysterious circumstances. His death prompted an armed insurrection by the monks of his monastery and Se ra, which government troops put down. The monastery was looted and razed. It was later restored but was largely demolished by Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). RWA SGRENG RIN PO CHE ’JAM DPAL YE SHES: See ’JAM DPAL YE SHES.

S SA BDAG (SADAK) (CH. SADA GONGMA 萨达贡玛) (“LORDS OF THE SOIL”). Beings that mainly reside in the earth and have particular domains. They are disturbed by human actions, such as building construction, agriculture, digging, or pollution of the earth. People who wish to build houses or other structures must first propitiate these beings or risk their wrath, which may take the form of illness or various types of misfortune. Their maliciousness may be expressed in a number of ways, including headaches, skin eruptions, general misfortune, or widespread epidemics, pestilence, and damage to herds, flocks, or crops. Fear of sa bdag was one of the most common concerns in traditional Tibet. SA CHEN KUN DGA’ SNYING PO: See KUN DGA’ SNYING PO. SA DPYAD (SAPJÉ) (CH. DIXIANGXUE 地相学) (“GEOMANCY”). Lore relating to features of the earth, including “lords of the soil” (sa bdag) and how they affect human endeavors as well as how geological features impact human endeavors. This is particularly related to construction of buildings and other activities that involve disturbing the earth. There are auspicious times for taking control of a site, performing the necessary consecrations, counteracting negative forces, and timing the various aspects of the project. Spirits are related to days, months, and years of geological events, and these are calculated in accordance with astrology. Geological features also indicate whether a particular place is auspicious. When building a monastery, for example, two rivers crossing in front of the site are considered auspicious, but two sharp peaks on either side behind it (symbolic of fangs of the Lord of Death) are a negative feature. Negative aspects can often be counteracted with the proper rituals or offerings to local spirits. The Tibetan geomantic system combines elements from various cultures. The founding of bSam yas, for example, employed Indian geomantic techniques, and Chinese geomancy has also influenced Tibet. According to tradition, the site for the Jo khang was determined by Wencheng Gongzhu (d. 683/684) after the cart in which the Jo bo Rin po che image was carried

588

SA RA HA • 589

became stuck in sand. She performed geomantic calculations and determined that it would be an auspicious site on which to build a temple. Much of the indigenous system appears to derive from autochthonous practices, and many of these are specific to a particular locale and relate to the supernatural forces of that region. An early text, The Superior Mañjuśrī’s Key that Clarifies Geomancy (’Phags pa ’jam dpal gyi sa dpyad kyi lde mig gsal byed), identifies a wide range of geomantic features. In a section defining sites that are suitable for tombs for males and females, it demonstrates how roads, fields, streams, land shape, and rocks might suggest the shape of an animal, military helmet, banner, or other phenomena, and the auspicious places on such sites are then demarcated. The Tibetan geomantic tradition is also connected with scapulimancy (sog pa’i mo), the practice of reading scapulae of animals for portents (see Scapulimancy entry). SA ’DZIN: See GANDHĀRA. SA RA HA (SARAHA; ALT. MDA’ BSNUN; SGRA GCAN ’DZIN) (SKT. RĀHULA; ALT. RĀHULAGUPTA, RĀHULABHADRA, OR RĀHULAGUHYAVAJRA) (CH. SAREHA 萨惹哈). One of the 84 “great adepts” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) and a master of the “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). As Schaeffer (2005) points out, there are a number of traditions regarding his life and deeds that include oral and written sources, and many of the details are confused or contradictory. He is best known as a paradigmatic tantrika whose ecstatic songs (do hā) celebrate the spontaneous freedom of liberation. ’Jigs pa sbyin pa dpal’s (Skt. Abhayadattaśrī, 12th century) Lives of the Eighty-Four Adepts (Grub thob brgyad cu rtsa bzhi’i lo rgyus; Skt. Caturaśīti-siddha-pravṛtti) describes him as an arrow smith (mda’ mkhan). dPa’ bo gTsug lag ’phreng ba’s (1504–1564/1566) Ecclesiastic History: A Feast for Scholars (Chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, completed in 1564) reports that he lived 600 years after the Buddha’s final nirvana. He was born in Be ta (alt. Be da rba; Skt. Vidarbha) in southern India in a brahman family, and he was the youngest of five brothers. One day while walking in a forest he saw four brahman girls, who offered him skull cups filled with alcohol. After drinking the liquid he experienced four types of bliss, and they revealed themselves as mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī). He then had a vision of Rin chen blo gros (Skt. Ratnamati) and rTa mgrin (Skt. Hayagrīva) in the sky; he received the transmission of the great seal and directly perceived the nature of mind. According to another account, his moment of realization occurred in a marketplace when he saw a woman making arrows: he perceived all appearances as symbolizing the true nature of real-

590 • SA SKYA

ity. Another story reports that he had a breakthrough following 12 years of meditation. Before he began meditating, he asked his servant girl to cook him some radish stew. As soon as he emerged from meditation he asked for his meal, not realizing that it had been more than a decade since he made the request. She mocked his attachment to food, which immediately manifested after a long period of meditative absorption, and this caused him to overcome worldly concerns. His poems are collected in the Treasury of Dohā Verses (Do hā mdzod pa’i glu; Skt. Dohā-kośa-nāma-caryā-gīti). SA SKYA (SAGYA) (CH. SAJIA 萨迦) (“GREY EARTH”). One of the three “new orders” (gsar ma) of Tibetan Buddhism. It traces itself back to the Indian “great adept” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) Bi rū pa (Skt. Virūpa, fl. 9th century), whom it considers the first human to transmit its distinctive “path and result” (lam ’bras) teachings. The school takes its name from the place where its first monastery was established, an area called Sa skya in the province of gTsang. It was founded in 1073 by ’Khon dKon mchog rgyal po (1034–1102), and in later centuries grew to be one of the major monastic complexes in Tibet. The Sa skya hierarchs are male members of the aristocratic ’Khon clan. Many of the order’s leading figures belonged to the ’Khon, including the “five superiors” (gong ma lnga) of Sa skya: (1) Sa chen Kun dga’ snying po (1092–1158), (2) bSod nams rtse mo (1142– 1182), (3) Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1147–1216), (4) Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251), and (5)’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280). The ’Khon maintained tantric lineages from the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism during the Imperium (7th–9th centuries). One day ’Khon rog Shes rab tshul khrims (fl. 11th century) witnessed a public display of tantric rituals whose performance should have been secret, and he decided that it was no longer possible to attain awakening through these corrupted practices. He advised his younger brother, dKon mchog rgyal po, to renounce them and adopt the new tantric traditions arriving from India, which maintained the vows of secrecy. The latter took the advice and became a disciple of the translator ’Brog mi Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072). The Sa skya pa hierarchs became rulers of Tibet in the 13th century during the time of Mongol hegemony. In 1244, Sa skya Paṇḍita responded to a command by the Mongol ruler Godan Khan (1206–1251) and traveled to his camp in Liangzhou (Tib. Ling chur or mKhar tsan) along with his nephews ’Phags pa and Phyag na rdo rje (1239–1267). They arrived in 1246 and met the khan early the next year. Later histories often depict this meeting as a formal surrender that initiated Tibet’s incorporation into the Mongol Empire, but this appears to have happened after an attack on Tibet by Mönkhe Khan (Tib. Mon khe Han, ca. 1208–1259) in 1252. Sa skya Paṇḍita reportedly

SA SKYA • 591

cured Godan of a skin disease, which earned him royal approval, and the two forged a close relationship based on mutual respect. Godan converted to Buddhism (or at least received Buddhist initiations from Sa skya Paṇḍita), and the lama’s successors became court chaplains for the Mongols. ’Phags pa would become the “Religious Preceptor” (Ti shri; Ch. Dishi 帝 师) of Khubilai Khan (1215–1294). He later served as “Imperial Preceptor” (Kau shri; Ch. Guoshi 国师). ’Phags pa and Phyag na rdo rje were ordered to remain with the Mongols; later Tibetan histories conceive this as a request based on religious sentiment and affectionate ties, but it was really a common tactic of the Mongols to ensure compliance by conquered peoples. Princes of their former adversaries were often compelled to stay in the Mongol court as honored guests, but their relatives knew that their survival depended on continued submission to Mongol authority. ’Phags pa established good contacts with Mongol leaders, and in 1264 was appointed religious and secular ruler of Tibet. This occurred as a result of his performance of tantric rituals for Khubilai, following which the khan gave him control over the 13 myriarchies of central Tibet and gTsang, along with western Tibet, A mdo, and Khams. His ascension to overlordship did not go uncontested, however: other Tibetan Buddhist orders curried favor with various Mongol factions, and the ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud pa in particular worked to carve out their own sphere of influence. In 1285 their patron, Hülegü Khan (Tib. Hu le hu Han; alt. Hüle’ü, ca. 1217–1265), the Mongol overlord of Persia, agreed to dispatch a military force on their behalf, but in 1287 Khubilai countered this with an army that destroyed ’Bri gung Monastery in 1290. This eliminated the ’Bri gung power base and ended their threat to Sa skya hegemony. ’Phags pa was not allowed to return to Tibet, but the Sa skya regents who ruled under Mongol overlordship controlled most of the Tibetan Plateau. Phyag na rdo rje died when he was 28 and left behind one infant son, Dharma pā la rakshi ta (1268–1287). He also only had one son, Ratna bha dra, who died while still an infant, shortly after his father died at the age of 19. The lack of a successor led to the rehabilitation of bZang po dpal, later knows as bDag nyid chen po (1262–1324), a nephew of ’Phags pa. He had been living in exile in China after being denounced before Khubilai as illegitimate. Due to this, he did not receive the extensive instructions and range of initiations expected of ’Khon hierarchs, so had to undergo a 10-year training period before he could resume the family business in the Mongol court. In 1297 he assumed a leadership position and began producing male heirs in order to prevent a future succession crisis. He succeeded admirably: his six wives gave birth to 13 sons, 10 of whom were still alive when he passed away. The multiple heirs created another succession crisis, and the second son—Imperial Preceptor Kun dga’ blo gros rgyal mtshan (1299–1327)—attempted to

592 • SA SKYA KHRI ’DZIN

resolve it by dividing the ’Khon family into four branches (bla brang). This arrangement led to further conflict, however, and contributed to the downfall of the Sa skya hegemony in 1350. The main Sa skya hierarchs who wielded power during the period of Mongol hegemony were: (1) Sa skya Paṇḍita, (2) ’Phags pa, (3) Dharma pā la rakshi ta, (4) ’Jam dbyangs rin chen rgyal mtshan (1286–1303), (5) bZang po dpal, (6) mKhas pa btsun chen po Nam mkha’ legs pa rgyal mtshan (1325–1341), (6) ’Jam dbyangs don yod rgyal mtshan (1341–1344), (7) bLa ma dam pa bSod nams blo gros rgyal mtshan (1344–1347), and (8) bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1347–1365). The Sa skya lamas who served as Imperial Preceptors to Mongol khans were: (1) ’Phags pa (r. 1270–1274), (2) Rin chen rgyal mtshan (r. 1274– 1279), (3) Dharma pā la rakshi ta (r. 1282–1286), (4) Ye shes rin chen (r. 1286–1291), (5) Grags pa ’od zer (r. 1291–1303), (6) ’Jam dbyangs rin chen rgyal mtshan (r. 1304–1305), (7) Sangs rgyas dpal (r. 1305–1314), (8) Kun dga’ blo gros rgyal mtshan (r. 1314–1327), (9) Kun dga’ legs pa ’byung gnas rgyal mtshan (r. 1328–1330), and (10) Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (r. 1331– 1358). In the middle of the 14th century the Phag mo gru pa seized power in Tibet under the leadership of Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364), but the Sa skya pa remained an influential religious order that produced a number of outstanding scholars and meditators. The central meditative practice of the Sa skya tradition is “path and result,” a comprehensive, hierarchically ordered path to buddhahood, progressing through stages, each of which requires previous successful completion of its predecessor. Its philosophy and practice is based on the Kye rdo rje rgyud (Skt. Hevajra-tantra), particularly its doctrine of the inseparability of cyclic existence and nirvana (’khor ’das dbyer med; Skt. saṃsāra-nirvāṇa-abheda). The head of the order is the “Throne Holder of Sa skya” (Sa skya khri ’dzin), who with one exception has always been a male member of the ’Khon family. SA SKYA KHRI ’DZIN (SAGYA TRINDZIN) (CH. SAJIA TIANQIN 萨迦天钦) (“THRONE HOLDER OF SA SKYA”). The head of the Sa skya order. This is a hereditary position held by a male member of the ’Khon family. The current Throne Holder, Ngag dbang kun dga’ theg chen dpal ’bar bsam ’phel dbang gi rgyal po, was born in 1945 in southern Tibet. He is the 41st man to assume the position. His predecessor Ngag dbang mthu stobs dbang phyug (1900–1950) was a member of the Phun tshogs pho brang, and after his death Ngag dbang kun dga’ theg chen dpal ’bar bsam ’phel dbang gi rgyal po was designated Sa skya khri ’dzin by the 14th Dalai Lama in 1951. At age 14 he fled Tibet following the Chinese invasion and settled in India. His main teachers were the Ngor abbot Ngag dbang blo gros gzhan phan ­snying po (1876–1953) and bCo brgyad khri chen Ngag dbang mkhen

¯ M KR TYAYANA, ¯ SA RĀHUL • 593 . .

Interior of Sa skya Monastery.

rab legs bshad rgya mtsho (1920–2007). After completing his studies he ­established Sakya College in Rajpur, Uttar Pradesh, India, which has become the training center for the order. SA SKYA PAṆḌITA KUN DGA’ RGYAL MTSHAN: See KUN DGA’ RGYAL MTSHAN. SAD MI BDUN (SEMIDÜN) (CH. YUSHI QIREN 预试七人) (“SEVEN ORDINANDS”). The first seven Tibetans to receive Buddhist monastic ordination. The ceremony was performed at bSam yas by Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) and a quorum of ordained monks. All of the probationers were sons of aristocratic families. They were: rBa khri gzigs (alt. sNa nam rDo rje bdud ’joms), sBa gSal snang, Pa gor Be ro tsa na, rGyal ba mchog dbyangs, ’Khon kLu’i dbang po srung ba, rMa Rin chen mchog, and La gsum rGyal ba byang chub. The earliest list does not mention ’Khon kLu’i dbang po, and it is unclear whether his name was added later. SAD NA LEGS: See KHRI LDE SRONG BTSAN. SĀDHANA: See SGRUB THABS. ŚĀKYAMUNI BUDDHA: See SANGS RGYAS SHĀ KYA THUB PA. SAṂGHA: See DGE ’DUN. SĀṂKṚTYĀYANA, RĀHUL (1893–1963). A pioneering scholar of ­Indian and Tibetan Buddhist literature. He was born Kedarnath Pandey in

594 • SANGS RGYAS

­ zamgarh, Uttar Pradesh, the eldest of four brothers in a brahman family. His A father, Govardhan Pandey, was a farmer. His mother was named Kulawanti. His mother and father both died when he was young and his grandmother raised him. He had no formal schooling, but mastered a number of languages on his own. He worked in Hindi, Pāli, Sanskrit, Tibetan, Bhojpuri, Urdu, Persian, Arabic, Tamil, and Kannada, and could also read English, French, and Russian. He traveled widely and spent time in La dwags, Khu nu (Kinnaur), Kashmir, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Iran, China, and the Soviet Union. He made several trips to Tibet, during which he disguised himself as a Buddhist monk to avoid detection and expulsion. The records of his travels to Tibet in the latter part of the 1930s are supplemented by illustrations and photographs by Krishna Kanwal. In 1932 and 1938 he was accompanied by dGe ’dun chos ’phel (1903/1905–1951), then a Buddhist monk. Sāṃkṛtyāyana returned with a trove of rare manuscripts in Sanskrit and Pāli, as well as artworks. He reportedly bought 22 mules to carry the manuscripts to India. Most of these manuscripts are stored in a collection named after him in the Patna Museum. He also authored 146 books and numerous articles (a number of which are still unpublished) on Buddhist topics, philosophy, his travels, drama, politics, sociology, history, lexicography, Tibetology, and grammar. He was a Marxist theoretician and wrote several works on Marxian topics. He was appointed Professor of Indology at University of Leningrad from 1937 to 1938 and 1947 to 1948. His manuscript finds include some of the most significant contributions to Sanskrit literature. He discovered many works once presumed lost forever, and the fact that he traveled in Tibet prior to the Chinese invasion of the 1950s was particularly fortuitous. During (and after) the Cultural Revolution Chinese (and in some cases Tibetans) rampaged across the Tibetan Plateau and ransacked monasteries and private libraries. They burned countless rare books, destroyed priceless artworks, and if not for the efforts of Sāṃkṛtyāyana and a handful of other pioneering scholars this invaluable archive would have been lost. SANGS RGYAS: See BUDDHA. SANGS RGYAS BLA MA, ’DRO ’DUL (DRONDÜL SANGYÉ LAMA, 1000–1080) (CH. SANGJI LAMA 桑吉喇嘛). Reputedly the first “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). His discoveries include Combined Means of Achievement of the Three Roots (rTsa gsum dril sgrub), which ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892) revealed as a “rediscovered treasure” (yang gter). This was found in a rock near gLo bo dge skar in mNga’ ris, where he found the Trio of Guru, Great Perfection, and Great Compassionate One (bLa rdzogs thugs gsum). Tradition regards him as the first of 13 treasure

SANGS RGYAS RGYA MTSHO • 595

discoverer reincarnations of Prince rGyal sras Lha rje, the second son of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), and the first of 100 treasure discoverers. He was born in mTsho bar in La stod. His hagiography reports that he shaved his head like a monk but lived as a lay tantrika and that he made a number of discoveries, but they were lost. SANGS RGYAS GLING PA (SANGGYÉ LINGBA; ALT. RIN CHEN GLING PA; SANGS RGYAS BZANG PO, 1340–1396) (CH. SANGJI LINBA 桑吉林巴). A renowned “treasure discoverer” (gter ston). He was born in rKong po in Nyang, in Brag gsum rDo rje brag. His father was sTag lung smyon pa, and his mother was A hūṃ rgyan. He is regarded as a reincarnation of Lha sras Dam ’dzin rol pa ye shes. He was named Rig ’dzin at birth. He received lay (dge bsnyen) vows at age five from mKhan po gZhon nu dpal. Soon after this his father died. He experienced visions, including one of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), and another in which a red-faced woman advised him to seek out the rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rol pa’i rdo rje (1340–1383). He subsequently traveled to Byang chub gling Monastery on Mt. Tsā ri. He received full ordination (dge slong) from Byang chub rdo rje and Shā kya ye shes and was given the name Sangs rgyas bzang po. He had a vision in which a protector of “hidden treasures” (gter ma), bsTan rgod chen po (Great Teaching Vulture), appeared to him and gave him three small scrolls (shog dril) that contained a list of locations of treasures, along with instructions on the meditative and ritual preparations that would be necessary to facilitate their recovery. His most influential discovery was Condensation of the Lama’s Thought (bLa ma dgongs ’dus), revealed in 1364. It was concealed in a cave at sPu ri phug mo che. In the same location he found the Doctrinal Cycle of Great Compassion (Thugs rje chen po’i chos skor). He recovered a number of other texts, as well as religious objects and blessed pills (ril bu), a mask of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), and relics of 21 deceased masters. Together with another treasure discoverer, Dri med lhun po, he unearthed several works and a number of religious objects. They found the Condensed Essence of the Great Perfection (rDzogs chen snying po bsdus pa) in a cave associated with Padmasambhava. This work was divided into 13 sections. Sangs rgyas gling pa founded sNyi phu bde chen bsam grub, which became his main seat, and he spent the rest of his life there. He dissolved his consciousness into the sphere of reality (chos kyi dbyings) in 1396 at the age of 56. SANGS RGYAS RGYA MTSHO (SANGYÉ GYATSO, 1653–1705) (CH. DEXI SANGJI JIACUO 德西桑吉嘉措). The regent (sde srid) of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), who concealed the news of the Dalai Lama’s death for almost 15 years. He served as

596 • SANGS RGYAS RGYA MTSHO

regent from 1679 to 1705, a time of turmoil for Tibet. He was first offered the position in 1673 when he was 21, but he declined on the grounds that he was too young and inexperienced and was still pursuing his studies. He accepted a second offer five years later. It was widely rumored that he was the illegitimate son of the Dalai Lama, but this is probably false. His conception would have occurred while Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho was en route to Beijing to meet the Qing emperor Shunzhi 顺治 (1638–1661). Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was an able administrator who helped the Dalai Lama and the dGe lugs order to establish supremacy over most of the Tibetan Plateau. In addition to his secular activities, he was an influential intellectual figure. He wrote treatises on medicine, astrology, poetics, and history. He composed an influential history of the dGe lugs order, entitled Yellow Lapis Lazuli: Ecclesiastic History of dGa’ ldan (dGa’ ldan chos ’byung bai du rya ser po). One of his enduring accomplishments was overseeing the construction of the Po ta la, the winter residence of the Dalai Lamas and the seat of the Tibetan government until 1959 (construction began in 1682). The Po ta la was completed with the construction of the Red Chapel between 1690 and 1694; the building as it stands today was effectively the vision of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho. He reportedly concealed the Dalai Lama’s death because he feared that the news might lead to delays or cancellation of the project. Another reason was that he was concerned about the growing power of several Mongol tribes on Tibet’s northeastern border and realized that a perception of internal weakness could embolden their territorial encroachments. He also sponsored the construction of ’Dzam gling rgyan gcig (in 1682). Another of his significant projects was the replacement of a small temple on top of the lCags po ri (Iron Hill) obliquely opposite the Po ta la and its conversion into Tibet’s major medical college. The Chinese destroyed it in 1959. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho’s interest in medicine was sparked when he was 17 years old and led to his composition of an influential treatise, White Beryl (Bai dūrya dkar po), completed in 1685. This is a large illustrated work that discusses calendrical calculations, astrology, artistic styles, and a wide range of medical lore. He worked to extend the dominion of the dGe lugs pa throughout the Tibetan cultural area. In 1694 the region had 1,807 monasteries with around 97,528 monks among all Tibetan Buddhist orders, and by 1733 the area had 3,150 monasteries with 342,560 monastic residents who belonged to the Dalai Lama’s order alone. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho publicly announced the demise of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho in 1696, and his successor Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683–1706) was installed in the same year. The Qing emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) was outraged at his deception in hiding his master’s death, which led to strained relations with the Qing court.

SANGS RGYAS SHĀ KYA THUB PA • 597

In 1700 Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) seized power among the Khoshud tribe and subsequently sought to reassert the authority of his ancestor Güshri Khan (1582–1655) over central Tibet. His troops moved on Lha sa, and initially Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho shared power with him, but relations were strained from the beginning and quickly deteriorated. During the Great Aspiration Festival (sMon lam chen mo) of 1703, some of the regent’s troops were murdered by Lhazang’s soldiers. He engaged Lhazang’s forces in several battles in the ’Dam gzhung region, a nomadic area northwest of Lha sa. A ceasefire was brokered by several religious leaders, including the first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721/1722), Lhazang’s religious advisor. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was forced to resign as regent and moved to Gong dkar. He appointed his son Ngag dbang rin chen to take his place, but remained the power behind the throne. Armed conflict erupted again in 1705, and an armistice was brokered by religious leaders, including the sixth Dalai Lama. The competing parties swore an oath in front of the fifth Dalai Lama’s mausoleum. Lhazang, however, soon broke the truce; he dispatched his troops to central Tibet and defeated Tibetan forces. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho was captured and beheaded. His son fled to China and attempted to convince Kangxi to come to his aid. The emperor refused, but Ngag dbang rin chen was granted sanctuary in the Qing court. SANGS RGYAS SHĀ KYA THUB PA (SANGYÉ SHAGYA TUBA) (SKT. ŚĀKYAMUNI BUDDHA; P. SAKKAMUNI BUDDHA, CA. 480–400 BCE) (CH. SHIJIAMOUNIFO 释迦牟尼佛). An epithet of the historical Buddha. According to Buddhist tradition, he was named Siddhārtha Gautama (Tib. Don grub Gau ta ma; P. Siddhattha Gotama) and was born in the town of Ser skya’i gnas (Skt. Kapilavastu) into its ruling family. Buddhists refer to him as Śākyamuni (“Sage of the Śākyas”) because he belonged to the Śākya clan, and this appellation distinguishes him from other buddhas. He was the son of Zas gtsang ma (Skt. Śuddhodana), king of Kapilavastu, and his wife, sGyu ma chen mo (Skt. Mahāmāyā). According to legends of his life, his father kept him insulated from the harsh realities of the world, fearing that exposure to them would prompt him to leave the home life and seek liberation from cyclic existence. This plan failed, however, and Siddhārtha left his wife, Grags ’dzin ma (Skt. Yaśodharā), shortly after she gave birth to their son, sGra gcan ’dzin (Skt. Rāhula). After departing his father’s palace, Siddhārtha spent six years pursuing liberation, studying with several teachers, practicing austerities, and finally discovering the path to nirvana through introspective contemplation. With his attainment of awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi) under the Bodhi Tree (Byang chub shing; Skt. Bodhi-vṛkṣa) at rDo rje gdan (Skt. Vajrāsana), he became a buddha. Following this event, he began to attract followers and soon instituted a monastic order. According to Buddhist

598 • SANSKRIT

Buddha statue in Phyang dgon pa, La dwags.

tradition, he traveled all over northern India for the next 40 years and died at the age of 80. SANSKRIT (TIB. LEGS SBYAR (SKAD); SKT. SAṂSKṚTA[–BHĀṢA]) (CH. 梵语 FANYU) (“PERFECTED,” “CULTURED”). The ancient language of Indian elites, which for millennia served as the lingua franca of scholars and authors of literary and religious works. The classical language was codified in the 6th century BCE by the great grammarian Pāṇinī, author of the monumental grammatical treatise Aṣṭādhyāyī. Sanskrit is the classical language of India, systematized by scholars, in contradistinction to Prākrits, representing the languages as ordinarily spoken. With the exception of a few ancient translations probably from Pāli versions, most of the original texts used in China were Sanskrit (or in a form Franklin Edgerton [2011] refers to as “Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit”). Sanskrit can be rendered in a number of alphabets. The Devanāgarī script has become a standard in modern versions of Sanskrit texts. Tibetans imported Sanskrit manuscripts from India and copied them in order to preserve this literature. Bilingual lexicons of standardized terminology were developed, and teams of translators (generally consisting of bilingual Tibetans and Sanskrit scholars) worked together to render the vast trove of texts brought to the Land of Snows into a formalized translation language. Tibetan translations were also interpretations, linguistic facsimiles of the originals, and in many texts when there was no equivalent or suitable Sanskrit term translators

SBAL TI YUL • 599

created neologisms from indigenous vocabulary. The original manuscripts were preserved in monastic libraries for centuries following the demise of Buddhism in India, but countless numbers of these works were destroyed following the Chinese invasion in the 1950s. Some remain intact, but the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is generally reluctant to allow scholars to view them. Few PRC academics possess the requisite knowledge to edit or even read these texts, and the government is now wary of selling them for anything less than the maximum possible price. ŚĀNTARAKṢITA: See ZHI BA ’TSHO. ŚĀNTIDEVA: See ZHI BA LHA. SĀRNĀTH: See DRANG SRONG LHUNG PA. SBA BZHED (BASHÉ; ALT. DBA’ BZHED) (CH. BAXIE 巴协) (“STATEMENT OF SBA”). A chronicle of the aristocratic sBa (alt. dBa’) clan, attributed to sBa gSal snang (late 8th century). The original text was reportedly written in the 9th century, but the extant versions date from the 12th and 14th centuries. An earlier version of the text comprising 31 folios was discovered in Lha sa and has been translated into English (Pasang Wangdu, Hildegard Diemberger, and Per K. Sørensen 2001). The extant versions of the text discuss a number of important events in early Tibetan history, including the founding of bSam yas (the first monastery in the country), the “Council of bSam yas,” and the events surrounding the introduction of Buddhism and its eventual establishment as the state religion during the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). The text translated by Pasang Wangdu et al. contains the earliest known reference to Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), traditionally credited with being one of the major figures in the early dissemination of Buddhism in Tibet, but in this text is only mentioned as an itinerant Indian magician and water-diviner. A number of differences appear between the versions of the text, which indicates that it was edited and redacted as it circulated through the generations of the family. SBAL TI YUL (BELDIYÜL) (CH. BA’ERDISITAN 巴尔蒂斯坦). The Tibetan term for Baltistan. It was briefly annexed to the Tibetan Empire during the reign of Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836), but reverted to local rule with the breakup of the Imperium in the 9th century. An indication of its incorporation into the Tibetan empire is van Driem’s (2001) identification of its language as “Western Archaic” Tibetan. It is now a region in northern Pakistan and India. It borders the Xinjiang Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China. It is situated in the Karakoram Mountains to the

600 • SBAS YUL

south of K2. It is a remote and mountainous region, with an average altitude of 3,350 m (11,000 ft.). Its inhabitants are largely ethnic Balti and Tibetans. A significant amount of land in the region is held by people of non-Balti origin, referred to by Balti as “outsiders.” They mainly come from Pakistan and sometimes the Trucial States. For most of its history, Baltistan has been ruled by local chieftains, but in the 19th century the Dogra rulers of Kashmir seized control of the region. Following the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947, it belonged to the princely state of Kashmir. The populace revolted against the Dogras and became independent, but much of Baltistan was forcibly annexed to Pakistan’s Gilgit-Baltistan region. SBAS YUL (BEYUL) (CH. YINMI SHENGDI 隐密圣地; BAIYU 柏 玉) (“HIDDEN LAND”). A remote region that provides sanctuary in times of danger. These are situated along the southern slopes of the Himalayas. They are also a refuge for hermits who seek to access their power and who test themselves in places that most people avoid. The notion of “hidden lands” is closely associated with the “Northern Treasure” (Byang gter) tradition founded by Rig ’dzin rgod ldem (1337–1408), who discovered and described a number of these areas. According to tradition, they were originally established during the 7th–8th centuries by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) as places of refuge. To secure the hidden lands, Padmasambhava subdued the local, autochthonous (and frequently malicious) deities and converted them to Buddhism so that they would act as protectors. He reportedly performed this act of subjugation and conversion in many other areas of the Himalayas. These locales were intended to function as places of tranquility and safety where crops grow spontaneously, strife and war are unknown, life is long and disease free, and religion can be practiced without any hindrance. They are protected by magical spells and their converted deities, so they remain concealed and inaccessible to enemies of the Tibetan people and the Dharma. Their locations and conditions for entry are known only to initiates, and only adepts can break the “seals” that protect them. Childs (1999) argues that the original impetus for the creation of hidden lands was a perceived need to protect the bloodline of the Yar klungs kings in times of danger; by escaping to a secure place, they could maintain the royal lineage, believed to be essential for the very survival of Tibet. In more recent times—particularly since the 15th century—these regions have become part of the process of territorial expansion by several groups. These include ­rNying ma pa visionaries who “colonize” such locales to expand their sect and Tibetan (or Tibetanized) rulers in Himalayan regions. An example of this is the hidden land of Yol mo (or Helambu), about 60 km (37 mi.) north of Kathmandu, which was claimed by religious figures and administered by secular ones.

SCAPULIMANCY • 601

Hidden lands are associated with the “hidden treasure” (gter ma) tradition, and a number of revealed texts describe the location and mystic lore of particular lands. “Treasure discoverers” (gter ston) have also discovered texts and religious objects in these places. Unlike Sham bha la (Skt. Śambhala), hidden lands are accessible to anyone, and they are not permanent residences, but rather temporary sanctuaries. Some texts describe how a new society should be formed in an exile situation: they stipulate that a member of the royal line should be the leader and that the exiles should include wise ministers, tantric adepts, strong laymen with trade skills, and virgin women. With these components, the beleaguered society can recreate itself until conditions are favorable for its return. A common notion in texts describing hidden lands is a claim that they cannot be invaded by foreign armies. Some texts also indicate that hidden lands contain secret instructions and powerful mantras that can be used to destroy invading forces. Thus they are physically secure and can provide occult ammunition to overcome enemies. A hidden land typically has three aspects: outer, inner, and secret. The first refers to places that anyone can find, but only adepts can locate the hidden and secret regions. Tibetan texts that describe them—such as the Cloud of Offerings (mChod sprin) genre of literature concerning Yol mo—describe the protective deities of a region along with mantras and rituals for pacifying or mollifying them. Texts that describe sbas yul commonly contain a list of signs of social decay and imminent danger that indicate a need to seek sanctuary. These include social chaos, degeneration of religious practice (including lack of adherence to monastic vows, destruction of religious sites, and popularity of false views), natural disasters, and political upheavals (including rebellions and foreign invasions). They are sometimes phrased as teachings given to Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) by Padmasambhava, and commonly contain retrospective “prophecies” written as ancient predictions of current events. Famous hidden lands include: Padma bkod, gNam sgo zla gam, Padma tshan (alt. Yol mo), sKyid mo lung, mKhan pa lung, and ’Bras mo ljongs. A number of accounts tell of Tibetans who fled to a hidden land expecting to find abundant food and easy living, and instead encountered ferocious tribal people with poisoned arrows, poisonous snakes and stinging insects, deadly diseases, and a host of other dangers. Bacot (1912) described an abject band of Tibetans who journeyed to Padma bkod expecting an earthly paradise but who found a hostile environment in which many perished. They wandered, disoriented, because the lama who led them was unable to locate the secret portal. SCAPULIMANCY (SOG PA’I MO). the practice of reading scapulae of animals for portents. Walter (1996) argues that this relates to notions of the shape of ’Dzam bu gling (Skt. Jambudvīpa), the southern continent in traditional

602 • SDE DPON

Indo-Tibetan Buddhist cosmology. The Mahāgovinda-sutta of the DīghaNikāya describes it as trapezoidal in shape, and this notion is also found in several chos mngon (Skt. abhidharma) sources. Some texts say it resembles the shape of a cart or chariot or a scapula. The notion that it is shaped like a cart (Skt. śakaṭa) is also found in dByig gnyen’s (Skt. Vasubandhu) Treasury of Higher Doctrine (Chos mngon mdzod; Skt. Abhidharma-kośa). Tibetan translations of this and other Indic texts that use this term to describe the shape of Jambudvīpa translate it as shing rta (chariot or cart), and this is how mChims ’Jam pa’i dbyangs interprets it in his commentary on Vasu­­bandhu’s text. It is unlikely, however, that the origins of scapulimancy in Tibet derive from Buddhism, because early scapulae that predate the introduction of Buddhism have been found in Qinghai, Mongolia, and other neighboring areas. There was probably a convergence of autochthonous practices and Buddhist cosmological lore. Other texts (according to Walter, the earliest dating from the 10th century) say that the shape of Jambudvīpa is triangular (Skt. trikoṇa; Tib. zur gsum) or resembles that of a scapula (sogs ka, sog kha). In the Hidden Treasury (mDzod phug), a Bon treasure text “discovered” around 1108, Jambudvīpa is described as triangular (ngos gsum ste) and is said to resemble a sheep’s scapula. In Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long), bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375) also says that it is triangular and that one part of it is shaped like a chariot. The notion of a scapula-shaped Jambudvīpa came to be related with scapulimancy, the practice of putting a scapula into a fire and then reading the cracks that form. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705) discusses scapulimancy in his Vaidūrya Eliminating Falsehood (Bai dūr g.yo sel). He cites Yang dgon pa rGyal mtshan dpal (1213–1258) and Ratna gling pa Rin chen dpal bzang po (1403–1478), who link geomancy and scapulimancy and who assert that geomancy is effective because the world is shaped like a scapula, so geological formations can be read in the same way as cracks on a sheep’s scapula. Thus it is possible to discern functional correlations (rten ’brel). Furthermore, the position of various peoples on parts of the scapula determines their different racial characters. Sum pa mkhan po Ye shes dpal ’byor (1704–1788) published an illustrated text, The Systen of Scapulimancy Divination as Practiced in the Oirat Region: Lore of the Magic of Prognostication (O’u rod phyogs su dar ba’i lug gi sog pa la blta ba’i mo phywa sgyu ma’i lung ston), that divided scapulae into parts that correspond to physical features of the person seeking omens. Examination of the cracks in relevant parts of a heated scapula reveal portents of health, travel safety, business prospects, etc. See also MO; SA DPYAD. SDE DPON (DEBÖN) (“MASTER OF THE GROUP”). A group of four prominent families that claim descent from the kings of the Yar klungs

SE RA DGON PA • 603

­ ynasty (7th–9th centuries). During the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang d they were at the apex of the government hierarchy and generally occupied the most important offices. SDE SRID (DESI) (CH. DIXI 第悉; DISI 第司) (“REGENT,” “RULER”). (Lit. “head of the group”). A term that denotes a position of authority. This can be a title for a governor of a province or district. It was the title chosen by the Phag mo gru pa kings (1354–1435) and also used by their successors, the Rin spungs pa (1416–1565). It was the standard designation of the regents who held power during the interregnum periods between the death of a Dalai Lama and the investiture of his successor (who were commonly referred to as rgyal tshab during the interregnum and sde srid while a Dalai Lama was alive). During the time of his rule the regent generally held near-absolute power, but after the Dalai Lama was enthroned the regent was reduced to an advisory role. Some regents became enthralled with power and fought to retain it, and some may have murdered young Dalai Lamas in order to keep their positions. A recent example of a regent gone wrong is Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes (1911–1947), who was appointed to the position during the interregnum period following the death of the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933). Rwa sgreng was ruthless in suppressing his enemies and rivals, he enriched himself and his monastery, and endemic corruption characterized his rule. He also made overtures to China’s Nationalist government in the 1940s in hopes of enhancing his power that if successful would have undermined the current Tibetan case for the country’s independence prior to 1959. Another powerful regent, Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), ruled in the name of the deceased fifth Dalai Lama for almost 15 years, during which he greatly expanded the power of the dGe lugs order, its monastic holdings, and the numbers of its monks. The sde srid system contributed to Tibet’s weakness and inability to make needed changes. The interregnum period was generally a time of stagnation and indecision, during which various factions maneuvered for advantage and the country lacked a real leader. Rwa sgreng Rin po che’s misrule was a significant contributing factor in the ease with which the People’s Republic of China was able to overrun Tibet militarily and subjugate its people. His corruption impoverished the government, and the climate of fear he created led to institutional paralysis. SE RA DGON PA (SERA GOMBA) (CH. SELA SI 色拉寺). One of the three main seats (gdan sa gsum) of the dGe lugs order (the others being ’Bras spungs and dGa’ ldan). It has two main colleges (grwa tshang): Se ra byas, founded by bLo gros Rin chen seng ge (ca. 15th century); and Se ra smad,

604 • SE RA DGON PA

founded by Byang chub ’bum pa (15th century). According to dGe lugs lineage histories, Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) composed his Ocean of Reasoning (Rigs pa’i rgya mtsho) in a hermitage above the future site of Se ra dgon pa named Se ra chos lding around 1409. A page from the manuscript blew away and imprinted the letter A in gold on a rock at the bottom of the hill, and he predicted that this would be the site of a great seat of learning. Subsequently Chos rje Sha kya ye shes (1354–1435) founded Se ra. It was originally dedicated to tantric study and practice; the curriculum was later expanded. The third Throne Holder (Khri pa), Gung ru rGyal mtshan bzang po (1383–1450), divided it into four colleges: rGya, ’Brom steng, sTod, and sMad. These were later amalgamated into two colleges: sTod (Upper) and Lower (sMad). In the 15th century the former became part of the new Byas College. In the 18th century a third college named sNgags pa was founded. Byas and sMad colleges are devoted to philosophical study (mtshan nyid); they have a 20-year academic program culminating in the dge bshes degree, the highest academic award in the dGe lugs system. sNgags pa grwa tshang focuses on study and performance of tantric rituals (sku rim). Prior to 1959, each college had its own abbot and a separate administration. An administrative council (Se ra bLa spyi) decided matters for the whole monastery. The colleges were further subdivided into 35 regional houses (khang tshan); admission to these was based on one’s place of origin. Prior to the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) invasion in the 1950s, Se ra’s population varied between 8,000 and 10,000 monks. About 25 percent were devoted to study (dpe cha ba). Others worked at various tasks or ran the administration. Funding for the monastery derived from four main sources: (1) revenue from its landholdings, (2) money from the central government, (3) donations from laypeople, and (4) its various business dealings. During the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, monks from Se ra were involved in the fighting and as punishment the Chinese authorities forced its closure. It was used as an army barracks for a number of years. With the relaxation of religious repression of the 1980s, monks were allowed to return and revive the monastery, but with greatly reduced numbers. Tibetans rebuilt many of the destroyed buildings and the PRC government erected plaques claiming credit. Monks of both Byas and sMad colleges now use the former’s textbooks, and both now debate in the same courtyard at the same time, which was not the case before the 1950s. As a result of government-mandated expulsions (connected with the “patriotic education” program), there are now only a few hundred monks, and their number is being further eroded. The PRC government views Tibetan monastics as malcontents and “splittists” and is pursuing a campaign that Clare Harris (2012) terms “museumification” in which religious institutions are recreated as cultural artifacts and their residents act as curators. The gov-

SELF-IMMOLATION • 605

Se ra byes Monastery.

ernment encourages them to perform colorful ceremonies and engage in debate (at times mandated by the government’s tourism bureau) to lure tourists, but at the same time authorities are working to reduce the time allowed for religious study and practice, and every aspect of the residents’ lives is subject to official interference. Thousands who desire religious freedom have fled into exile, and Se ra has been rebuilt in India in Bylakuppe, Karnataka State. sNgags pa grwa tshang was reestablished in a nearby settlement. Currently about 4,000 monks live in the main campus of Se ra. SELF-IMMOLATION (RANG LUS [MER] SREG, RANG LUS ZHUGS ’BUL, RANG LUS ME MCHOD; CH. ZIFEN自焚). Since 1996, more than 160 Tibetans have burned themselves alive as a protest against the Chinese state. The first person to do so was Thub bstan dngos grub, a 60-year-old Tibetan exile who doused himself with gasoline and set his body alight in Delhi in April 1998. He had formerly been a monk in bKra shis lhun po Monastery and a soldier in the Indian Army’s Special Frontier Force Establishment 22. As of 2019, there have been 10 known instances of self-immolation by Tibetan exiles and 155 in Tibet (127 men and 28 women). Numbers of selfimmolations have been a subject of dispute between Chinese authorities and the Central Tibetan Administration; the former admits a far lower number than the latter claims and seeks to deny legitimacy to those who choose to end their lives in this way. Most self-immolations have taken place in the eastern regions of A mdo and Khams, with the largest number occurring in rNga ba

606 • SELF-IMMOLATION

Prefecture. Three self-immolations have occurred in central Tibet. Most of the self-immolators have not been prominent figures, but rather ordinary people (including herders, retired cadres, or students) or monastics. Self-immolation by Tibetans is a public act, and most of these events have taken place in a public area (e.g., a marketplace), near a monastery, or in spaces that have political or religious significance where many people gather. The choice to end one’s life in such a dramatic way in a public sphere highlights the performative aspects of self-immolations. They are often announced in advance and other Tibetans have filmed these events and distributed the images on the Internet. Self-immolation is a rejection of the totalizing narratives of PRC propaganda, which seek to convince minorities that they are part of a Chinese “family” and assert that the state has a legitimate claim to all aspects of the lives of its citizens, including their bodies and possessions. The first self-immolation in Tibet occurred on 27 February 2009, when a 24-year-old monk named bKra bhe (pronounced Tapé) of Kir ti Monastery in A mdo set himself alight in a marketplace in rNga ba while holding a Tibetan flag and a photo of the exiled Dalai Lama (both banned in Tibet). bKra bhe indicated that his actions were a protest against the suppression of a ceremony for casualties of the Tibetan Uprising of 2008. In 2011 a second Tibetan monk, named bLo bzang phun tshogs (also of Kir ti Monastery), set himself alight in protest against Chinese government actions following the suppression of the 2008 demonstrations. A Time magazine report cited accounts by Tibetan witnesses that as the monk lay on the ground burning, security forces beat and kicked him (https://web.archive.org/web/20110321003016/http:// www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,2059452,00.html). Literary sources prior to the modern period document accounts of selfimmolation, but using it as a tactic of public protest is a recent phenomenon among Tibetans. Some advocates of its legitimacy have cited historical precedents and stories of religiously motivated self-harm in Buddhist texts. The Statement of sBa (sBa’ bzhed), for example, which dates to the 12th century but contains material from earlier sources, describes a self-immolation by one of the parties in a dispute. In addition, dPa’ bo gTsug lag phreng ba’s Feast for Scholars (mKhas pa’i dga’ ston) reports that mDol chung bskor dpon (11th century) set himself alight in front of the Jo bo rin po che statue, the most venerated image in Tibet. Accounts in Tibetan religious and historical texts also tell of people who sacrificed parts of their bodies as acts of devotion. Advocates of self-immolation or other types of protest involving physical harm to the protestors often cite stories of the Buddha’s past births (Jātaka) in which he voluntarily gave away parts of his body or offered it as food for hungry animals. These actions are presented as exemplary and resulted in prodigious amounts of merit. Another scriptural source used to defend self-immolation is the story of the bodhisattva Bhaiṣajyarāja in Chap-

SELF-IMMOLATION • 607

ter 23 of the Lotus Sūtra (Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra), who douses his body in scented oils and sets himself ablaze as an act of devotion to the Buddha. The recent upsurge in self-immolations marks a change in tactics by Tibetans dissatisfied with Chinese rule and government policies. Following the PRC authorities’ violent suppression of the 2008 uprising, increased use of force was accompanied by expanded surveillance and policing. These measures made it virtually impossible for Tibetans to voice grievances through peaceful means; self-immolation emerged as a way of proclaiming opposition to the state via single-person demonstrations that could be staged quickly and were difficult to detect or prevent in advance. During the 2008 protests, tens of thousands of people from across the Tibetan Plateau communicated using modern technology and social media, but after the government began censoring and restricting these, few avenues remained for dissent. After the protests were quelled, publicly broadcast sham trials were conducted (as public events designed to counter the narratives of Tibetan protesters), during which purported “ringleaders” (zuikui 罪魁; Tib. byed gte) were given harsh sentences, including the death penalty. The most common charge was that they had engaged in “crimes of ingratitude” (wang’en fuyi zui 忘恩负义罪)—which encoded the state’s propaganda narrative regarding Tibet, according to which inhabitants of the Plateau were “liberated” by the PRC’s military and are prospering economically as a result of government largesse. In spite of these measures, Tibetans continued to publicly express discontent with the PRC government and its policies in various ways, including reconceiving religious activities as acts of resistance and more extreme tactics such as self-immolation. As increasing numbers of Tibetans burned themselves alive in public protests against the PRC, people in the exile community began debating selfimmolation, both in terms of its effectiveness and with regard to whether it accords with Buddhist principles. A core issue is the notion of a “precious human body” (mi lus rin po che), which presents a rare opportunity to hear the Dharma and put it into practice. Those fortunate enough to be born as humans should safeguard their bodies so that they might pursue the path to awakening and thus benefit others. Most self-immolators have not left written or recorded statements describing the motivations behind their decisions to end their lives, but those who have done so indicate that they perceived their actions in karmic and religious terms: they hoped that their deaths will produce merit that will lead to the return of the Dalai Lama, reduced oppression of their fellow Tibetans, and an improved human rights situation (particularly freedom of religion). Many also express aspirations for Tibetan independence. Buddhist associations are apparent in the terminology that has developed around self-immolation: those who choose this extreme protest tactic are often referred to as “heroes”

608 • SELF-IMMOLATION

(dpa’ bo), a term that evokes the Tibetan translation for bodhisattva (byang chub sems dpa’, literally: “hero of awakening”). PRC propaganda seeks to delegitimize the practice of self-immolation and commonly claims that these events are instigated and planned by the “Dalai Clique” (Dalai Jituan 达赖集团; Tib. Tā la’i ru tshogs) or foreign enemies of China. Official sources characterize self-immolators as “terrorists” (kongbu fenzi 恐怖份子; Tib. ’jigs skul btsan shed byed mkhan; despite the fact that they harm no one other than themselves), thieves, gamblers, sociopaths, or disturbed individuals whose actions reflect their own psychological problems and have nothing to do with the PRC government or its policies. Chinese media outlets commonly characterize self-immolators as bad Buddhists whose actions are contrary to the doctrines of their religion. Following bLa ma bSod bha’s self-immolation on 8 January 2012, official sources declared that his suicide was motivated by shame due to a sexual affair. State media depicted him as a womanizer who sought to foment ethnic divisions. His family stated that they were offered 1,000,000 yuan to agree with the official narrative. The family of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, who self-immolated in November 2012, reported that Chinese authorities offered them 8,000,000 yuan if they would agree that he was colluding with foreign separatists. The Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration have avoided outright condemnation, but do not advocate suicide in any form as an act of protest. Self-immolators are sometimes lauded as heroes whose motivations are commendable, but at the same time Tibetan religious and political leaders have discouraged the practice. Such extreme acts may draw international attention to the Tibet cause, and they may inspire others, but a number of prominent Tibetans have urged people who might contemplate such actions to remain alive and devote their efforts toward more constructive activities. The Chinese state recognizes the potency of the symbolism of self-­ immolation and works to deny those who burn themselves alive a public forum. Funerals are often forbidden and the bodies taken away and disposed of by security forces. When Tibetans have been able to conduct funeral services, these events are often overlaid with political and religious symbolism. Many Tibetans extoll self-immolators as devout Buddhists whose actions are motivated by religious zeal and patriotism, and they are referred to as “patriots” (rgyal gces) and even as “bodhisattvas” on social media platforms. As of 2019, the number of self-immolations has been sharply reduced, mainly through increased surveillance and policing, as well as restrictions on the purchase of flammable liquids by Tibetans. Security forces patrol public places favored by self-immolators, often carrying fire extinguishers, and networks of spies work to identify in advance those who might choose to end their lives in this way. Other tactics include punishments for families or communities to which self-immolators belonged, which can continue for years after the event.

SEVENTEEN-POINT • 609

SER SKYA’I GNAS (SERGYENÉ; ALT. SER SKYA’I GRONG KHYER) (SKT. KAPILAVASTU; P. KAPILAVATTHU). The home of Don grub Gau ta ma (Skt. Siddhārtha Gautama), where he lived until his decision to pursue awakening (byang chub; Skt. bodhi). It was the capital city of the Śākya clan, whose king was Zas gtsang ma (Skt. Śuddhodana), Siddhārtha’s father. It is located in the foothills of the Himalayas, in present-day Nepal. SERF (CH. NONGNU 农奴; TIB. MI SER OR ZHING BRAN). The standard term in the propaganda of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) for the laboring masses of Tibet prior to the “peaceful liberation” of the 1950s. Propaganda materials characterize the old society as the “cruelest feudal serfdom in history.” The PRC claims that the lives of the wretched serfs were unrelenting misery at the hands of their brutal oppressors, the aristocracy and religious hierarchs. These ideas figure prominently in all PRC materials on pre-1950 Tibet. An example is the film Nongnu, produced by the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) Military Studio (Bayi Dianying Zhipian Chang 八一电影制片厂) in 1963. Shot in black and white, it depicts several serfs and their horrific lives. All are dirty and shuffle painfully under heavy burdens and torture by their overlords. The PLA arrives and liberates them, and everyone begins bathing regularly, dons Mao caps, and gratefully thanks their Han liberators. This film was shown all over China and had a powerful impact on shaping people’s perceptions of Tibet and the PRC’s role in its history. See also BACKWARD; DEMOCRATIC REFORMS; FEUDALISM; SERF LIBERATION DAY. SERF LIBERATION DAY (CH. NONGNU JIEFANG RI 农奴解放日). A holiday created by the People’s Republic of China (PRC), held annually on 28 March. This commemorates the introduction of “democratic reforms” (Ch. minzhu gaige 民主改革; Tib. dmangs gtso’i bcos bsgyur) on 28 March 1959 by the PRC. Tibetans are forced to dance and sing to demonstrate their gratitude toward their liberators, official speeches are given to audiences compelled to attend, and the event is broadcast all over China as evidence of the PRC’s benevolent rule and the happiness of the Tibetans. To date it has failed to generate a great deal of enthusiasm on the part of Tibetans. See also BACKWARD; DEMOCRATIC REFORMS; FEUDALISM. SEVENTEEN-POINT AGREEMENT FOR THE PEACEFUL LIBERATION OF TIBET (CH. ZHONGYANG RENMIN ZHENGFU HE XIZANG DIFANG ZHENGFU GUANYU HEPING JIEFANG XIZANG BANFA DE XIEYI 中央人民政府和西藏地方政府关于和平解放西藏 办法的协议; TIB. KRUNG DBYANG MI DMANGS SRID GZHUNG DANG BOD KYI SA GNAS SRID GZHUNG GNYIS BOD ZHI BAS BCINGS BKROL ’BYUNG THABS SKOR GYI GROS MTHUN).

610 • SGAM PO PA

(“Agreement of the Central People’s Government and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet”). A compact signed by members of a Tibetan delegation sent to Beijing in 1951. They were not given plenipotentiary powers to negotiate on behalf of the Tibetan government, nor did they carry the official seals that would have been required for legal validity. Delegation members were kept under guard and subjected to intense coercion by negotiators of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), who threatened a full-scale invasion of their country if they failed to sign the protocol on Chinese terms. The Chinese manufactured seals for each of the members and forced them to affix them to the document. Several later reported that they did so out of fear and assumed that because their actions were made under duress it would have no legal status and the government could repudiate it. News of the signing was broadcast on Chinese national radio before the Dalai Lama and the Cabinet (bKa’ shag) even learned of its terms. Because it guaranteed that the government of Tibet would be left intact and that traditional culture and religion would be preserved, the Dalai Lama decided to accept it as the best available option, but after fleeing into exile in 1959 he officially repudiated it. Despite its tenuous legal status and the coercion involved in its signing, the PRC still proclaims it as a valid compact. The PRC subsequently violated every provision relating to preservation of religion and culture; the dGa’ ldan pho brang governmental system was dissolved, more than 7,000 monasteries and other religious structures were destroyed, thousands of monks and nuns were killed, and people were forced to give up their traditional ways of life and join “people’s communes.” SGAM PO PA: See BSOD NAMS RIN CHEN. SGER PA (KERBA) (“MINOR LANDHOLDERS”). A term for one of the four main hierarchical groupings of the Tibetan aristocracy during the period of the dGa’ ldan pho brang governmental system. At the top were four sde dpon, families that claimed descent from the Yar klungs kings. Below them were the six yab gzhis, the families of the previous six Dalai Lamas, who had been raised to aristocratic status. The mi drag were generally wealthy and influential landholders, and they ranked above the lowest level, the minor landholders. SGROL MA (DROLMA) (SKT. TĀRĀ) (MON. DARA EKE) (CH. DUOLUO 多罗). One of the most popular buddhas of Tibetan Buddhism. According to legend, she was born from tears shed by sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), who was saddened by the sufferings of sentient beings. In a past life she declared that many buddhas manifest in male form, but few in female form. Thus—although she realized that

SHĀ KYA • 611

gender distinctions only operate on the conventional level—she vowed always to appear in female form because that would be particularly beneficial to women. Tārā has 21 main forms, each of which has different colors and other iconographic features. In Tibetan Buddhism the most popular forms are White Tārā (sGrol dkar), Green Tārā (sGrol ljang), and Red Tārā (sGrol dmar). Her main function is helping beings in distress (hence the name Tārā, which means “Savioress”). According to Tā ra nā tha’s Autobiography, he felt unable to write with authority on Tārā until he had met with an Indian yogi in 1603/1604 and heard the latest stories concerning her recent manifestations. This suggests that the tradition of her worship persisted in some form in India (although probably not under a Buddhist aegis) until at least the late 16th century. SGRUB THABS (DRUPTAP) (SKT. SĀDHANA) (CH. GUANXIANG FA 觀想法/观想法; CHENGJIU FA 成就法). (“Means of accomplishment”). Tantric rituals that are central to rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna) Buddhism in Tibet. A sādhana is a ritual cycle performed by initiates. In order to begin the practice of a sādhana, ritual empowerment by a qualified preceptor is required. A typical sādhana begins with recitation of a refuge prayer, followed by verses aimed at generation of the “mind of awakening” (byang chub kyi sems; Skt. bodhicitta), and it then continues with visualization of the deities specific to the ritual cycle. There is generally a central buddha, and the sādhana commonly also includes a retinue. Ideally the visualization should be combined with meditation on emptiness (stong pa nyid; Skt. śūnyatā), which allows the practitioner to generate the visualizations from the wisdom consciousness realizing emptiness, simultaneously perceiving both the deity and himself/herself as empty of inherent existence. The core of the ritual involves imagining that the deity merges with the meditator and that the two become inseparable, with the meditator manifesting all the qualities of a buddha. After the visualization the images are dissolved into emptiness, and at the conclusion of the sādhana there is a prayer dedicating the merit of the practice to all sentient beings. The practice of sādhanas has important sociological dimensions in Tibet, as one’s primary religious practice is centered on the particular sādhanas of one’s initiational lineage, and one’s group identification is largely determined by the sādhanas one performs. SHA CU: See DUNHUANG. SHĀ KYA (SHAGYA; ALT. SHAG GI RIGS) (CH. SHIJIA 释迦). The Śākya clan, which, according to Indian hagiographies of the Buddha, was his lineage. He is commonly designated as Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt.

612 • SHĀ KYA SRĪ, RTOGS LDAN

Śākyamuni Buddha), “Sage of the Śākyas,” which differentiates him from other buddhas. SHĀ KYA SRĪ, RTOGS LDAN (DOKDEN SHAGYA SHRI, 1853–1919) (CH. XIAJIASHI 夏迦师). One of the most influential lamas of the 19th– 20th centuries. He was born into a nomad family in Lha brag in the Lha thog kingdom of Khams. His father was sNa ru Don ldan, and his mother was Nya mtsho sgron. When he was four, a woman came into the valley in which his family lived and predicted that he would become a great religious master. She was later regarded as a mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī). He enrolled in Gru gu Monastery in Chab mdo in his teens. Because his family was poor and could not support him, he performed menial tasks. He managed to receive some instructions and subsequently left the monastery to begin a career as a religious hermit, living in caves and engaging in meditation. He entered meditative retreat in Gru gu’s E waṃ phag mo che cave, during which he reportedly tied his long hair to the wall to keep himself awake and upright. After that he met Tshogs gnyis Rin po che, who was deeply impressed by this serious young practitioner despite his ordinary appearance and humble background. He provided tantric empowerments and instructions. Shā kya srī took a consort named Chos bzang sgrol ma and fathered 10 children, several of whom worked to preserve and spread his teachings. His biography credits him with miraculous powers, including the ability to influence weather and produce rainbows in clear skies. It portrays him as a master of both “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā) and “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) and as a leading figure in the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) renaissance in eastern Tibet. Shā kya srī met, befriended, and received teachings from many of the leading religious figures of his day. ’Ju Mi pham rnam rgyal rgya mtsho (1846–1912) reportedly gave him the Sanskritic epithet Shā kya srī. He was a noted “treasure discoverer” (gter ston), and he became the treasure regent (chos bdag) for ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po’s (1820–1892) Tsa nda li (Skt. Caṇḍālī) treasure cycle. He oversaw renovations of the three great mchod rten (Skt. stūpa) of Kathmandu: (1) Rang ’byung mgon (alt. ’Phags pa shing kun; Svayaṃbhūnāth), (2) Bya rung kha shor (Bodhnāth), and (3) sTag mo lus sbyin (Namo Buddhāya). His teachers included Khams sprul bsTan pa’i nyi ma (1849–1907), ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), and A ’dzom ’brug pa ’Gro dpal rdo rje (1842–1924). His students included bSod nams bzang po (1892–1983), bSod nams rgyal mtshan (b. 19th century), and Kun lha bstan ’dzin (b. 19th century). His son ’Phags mchog rdo rje (1895–1943) played a leading role in institutionalizing his teachings and forming his disciples into a community. Shā kya srī’s collected works (gsung ’bum) include ritual

SHAM BHA LA • 613

manuals, supplication prayers, exorcism rituals, and visualization manuals. There is no known autobiography, and the best source for details of his life is the biography written in 1920 by Kaḥ thog si tu Chos kyi rgya mtsho (1880– 1923/1925), Garland of Flowers: Religious Biography of the Supreme Lama, the Great Vajradhara Shā kya srī jñā na (rJe btsun bla ma rdo rje ’chang chen po Shākya shrī dznyā na’i rnam thar me tog phreng ba). The “pure vision” (dag snang) tradition he developed has become a popular aspect of contemporary ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud lineages. SHĀ KYA YE SHES, ’BROG MI LO TSĀ BA (DROKMI LOTSAWA SHAGYA YESHÉ, 992/993–1043/1072) (CH. ZHUOMI YISHI 卓弥译 师). A Tibetan who, according to his traditional hagiography, was born in Dril chen chu sde into the ’Brog mi clan and the sub-clan of Ban. His religious name derived from parts of the names of his two main religious influences in Tibet, rGya Shākya gzhon nu and Se Ye shes brtson ’grus. ’Brog mi traveled from Mang yul to Nepal, where he studied with the Newari scholar Bha ro Haṃ thung (alt. Tsa ha ngu; Skt. Śāntabhadra; Tib. Zhi ba bzang po), from whom he learned Sanskrit grammar. Bha ro Haṃ thung advised him to go to India and study at rNam gnon ngang tshul (Skt. Vikramaśīla) Monastic University with Rin chen ’byung gnas zhi ba (Śāntipa; Skt. Ratnākaraśānti), the scholastic head of the eastern gate of the monastery. He spent eight years there, during which he was instructed in a range of topics. He was given teachings on the Kye rdo rje rgyud (Skt. Hevajra-tantra) from Ngag gi dbang phyug grags pa (Skt. Vāgīśvarakīrti, who reportedly received tantric lore directly from sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā). He taught ’Brog mi grammar, poetics, and epistemology. ’Brog mi later journeyed to Bengal, where he was given training in the “path and result” (lam ’bras) tradition by Shes rab dbang po mdzes pa (Skt. Prajñedraruci; secret name: Vīravajra). Prajñedraruci taught ’Brog mi the “three cycles of Hevajra” (Kye rdor rgyud gsum), which are traced back to Ḍombi Heruka. ’Brog mi spent four years with this teacher. Upon his return to Tibet he translated the Hevajra-tantra into Tibetan; this text became the central tantra of the Sa skya order. ’Brog mi founded his own monastery and translation center, Myu gu lung; this is where Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097) received early training. ’Brog mi was the teacher of dKon mchog rgyal po (1034–1102) of the ’Khon family, who founded Sa skya Monastery in 1073. SHAKABPA, TSEPON W.D.: See DBANG PHYUG BDE LDAN ZHWA SGAB PA. SHAM BHA LA (ALT. BDE ’BYUNG) (SKT. ŚAMBHALA) (CH. XIANGBALA 香巴拉). The name of a mythical kingdom described in the

614 • SHANGRI-LA

Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud (Skt. Kālacakra-tantra), said to be a hidden valley protected from outsiders. Its location is sited differently in various sources, but Tibetan Buddhists generally believe it to be somewhere in the north of the country. Śambhala has been ruled by a succession of wise Buddhist kings; the current one is the 21st in the lineage and ascended the throne in 1927. The 25th and last (who will be named Rudra) will begin his rule in 2327. He will reign for 100 years (as does every king of Śambhala). In the 98th year of his reign (i.e., 2425, which, according to the calendar of the Kālacakra-tantra, is 2,304 years after the passing of Śākyamuni Buddha), the enemies of the Dharma will attack Śambhala and will be defeated, after which Buddhism will flourish for 1,000 years. In the 5,140th year after Śākyamuni’s passing, his period of his dispensation will end. SHANGRI-LA. A term James Hilton coined in his 1935 novel Lost Horizon for a mythical valley in Tibet inhabited by wise foreign lamas. The name may derive from the Tibetan Byang ri la (Pass in the Northern Mountains), which accords with its location as described in the novel. Shangri-la embodies all the hopes and social aspirations that many felt were lost in the cataclysm of World War I, and Hilton tapped into this sentiment in his work. Hilton never visited the region, and his vision of Shangri-la appears to be a mixture of European fantasies about foreigners fortuitously arriving in hidden lands, mystic Oriental lamas, and extraordinarily long, suffering-free lives. Shangri-la is a

Wall mural of Sham bha la, rDzogs chen Monastery.

SHANGS PA BKA’ BRGYUD • 615

valley in which the best of world culture (all of which appears to be European) is preserved for posterity by the lamas, whose leader is also a European: the Catholic priest Father Perrault. The term Shangri-la has come to be popularly associated with Tibet, and the government of the People’s Republic of China has even designated a part of Yunnan as the “true” Shangri-la. People in this region found some metal debris that local tourism literature claims “proves” that this was the site of the plane crash landing that initiates the narrative of Hilton’s fictional work. A museum has been constructed for the debris, accompanied by specious propaganda. SHANGS TSHAL PA BRTSON ’GRUS GRAGS PA: See BRTSON ’GRUS GRAGS PA. SHANGS PA BKA’ BRGYUD (SHANGBA GAGYÜ) (CH. XIANGBA GAJU 香巴噶举). A lineage founded by Khyung po rnal ’byor (ca. 10th– 11th centuries) that is not counted among either the four greater or eight lesser bKa’ brgyud orders. He founded Zhang zhong dgon pa in Shangs, and this is the origin of the name Shangs pa. He received monastic ordination from the bKa’ gdams pa master gLang ri thang pa rDo rje seng ge, and at age 13 he was given Bon teachings by g.Yung drung rgyal ba. ’Byung gnas seng ge instructed him in “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po). He traveled to Nepal and later to India, where he studied with sByin pa tshul khrims (Skt. Dānaśīla), a student of Nā ro pa (1016–1100). He then studied with Ni gu ma (Niguma, b. 10th century), who taught him about illusory body (sgyu lus) and dream yoga (rmi lam) in accordance with her system, the “six dharmas of Niguma” (ni gu chos drug). These formed the main source of his own tradition. Khyung po rnal ’byor’s main disciples were g.Yor po rgya mo che ba (b. ca. 11th century), rNgul ston rin dbang (b. 11th century), La stod pa dKon mchog mkhar (b. 11th century), and rMog lcog pa Rin chen brtson ’grus (1110–1170). The Shangs pa is particularly known for the “Five Golden Shangs pa Doctrines” (Shangs pa gser chos lnga): (1) the roots: the six doctrines of Ni gu ma (rtsa ba ni gu chos drug)’ (2) the trunk: the great seal and the Amulet Box (sdong po phyag chen ga’u ma)’ (3) the branches: the three ways of carrying (realization) onto the path (yal ga lam khyer rnam gsum)’ (4) the flowers: white and red ḍākinī practices (me tog mkha’ ’gro spyod dkar dmar)’ and (5) the fruits: the deathless and unmistaken (’bras bu ’chi med ’chugs med). Other important Shangs pa lineages include: (1) the six doctrines of Sukhasiddhi (su kha siddhi chos drug), (2) combined means of accomplishment of the four deities (lha bzhi dril grub), (3) inseparable master and protector (bla ma mgon po dbyer med), and (4) five tantra classes (rgyud sde lnga).

616 • SHES RAB ’BYUNG GNAS, LCE BTSUN

The lineage was systematized by Sangs rgyas ston pa brTson ’grus seng ge (1207–1278), whose two principal students were mKhas grub gTsang ma shangs ston (1234–1309) and mKhas btsun gZhon nu grub (b. 13th century). The Shangs pa lineage is divided into four main traditions: Jo nang, Thang lugs, ’Jag pa, and Nyang smad bsam sding. The first three trace themselves back to gTsang ma shangs ston, and the fourth to mKhas btsun gZhon nu grub. The Shangs pa tradition has avoided the political entanglements of other Tibetan Buddhist orders and conceives itself mainly as a practice lineage that eschews large-scale institutionalization. As a result, its fortunes have waxed and waned, and it has been in danger of disappearing altogether at times. It was revived by ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899), who received Shangs pa transmissions of the Thang lugs branch from ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892). Kong sprul also collected other Shangs pa lineages, including that of the Jo nang branch, which he received from Karma gZhan phan ’od zer (alt. bLa ma Karma nor bu, b. 19th century). A number of prominent lamas have belonged to this lineage, including Ka lu Rin po che (1905–1989) and Bo dkar Rin po che (1940–2004). Members of other bKa’ brgyud lineages also maintain Shangs pa traditions, including Ta’i si tu Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–). SHES RAB ’BYUNG GNAS, LCE BTSUN (CHETSÜN SHERAP JÜNGNÉ, FL. 11TH CENTURY) (CH. JIEZUN XIRAO JUNNAI 杰 尊喜饶郡乃). A member of the influential lCe clan, credited with founding Zhwa lu Monastery in 1027. This became an important place of learning and was the main seat of Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364). According to legend, lCe btsun was advised by his teacher to choose the site by firing an arrow into the air. lCe btsun reportedly studied in Bodhgayā with the renowned Abhayākaragupta (d. 1125) and was able to evoke Khasarpaṇi Avalokiteśvara. lCe btsun’s lineage derived from the time of Tibet’s imperial period, during which members of his family were ministers and translators. SHES RAB KYI PHA ROL TU PHYIN PA (SHERAPGI PAROLDUCHINBA; ALT. PHAR PHYIN) (SKT. PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ) (CH. BORE BOLUOMIDUO 般若波罗蜜多). (“Perfection of Wisdom”). The sixth in a traditional list of six (sometimes 10) qualities in which bodhisattvas train along the path to buddhahood (the others are: generosity, ethics, patience, effort, and concentration). Training in wisdom involves contemplating emptiness (stong pa nyid; Skt. śūnyatā), the absence of inherent existence (rang bzhin; Skt. svabhāva) of all phenomena. This is connected with the doctrines

SHES RAB ’OD ZER, ’PHRENG PO GTER STON • 617

of impermanence (mi rtag pa; Skt. anitya) and dependent arising (rten cing ’brel bar ’byung ba; Skt. pratītya-samutpāda). Because phenomena come into being in dependence upon causes and conditions external to themselves and because they are constantly changing, there is no enduring substance or essence. This applies both to persons (gang zag; Skt. pudgala) and to phenomena (chos; Skt. dharma). The perfection of wisdom refers to the ability to directly perceive the emptiness of all phenomena. See also BUDDHISM; DBU MA; INDIAN BUDDHISM. SHES RAB KYI PHA ROL TU PHYIN PA’I MDO (SHERAPGI PAROLDUCHINBEDO (SKT. PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ-SŪTRA) (CH. BORE BOLUOMIDUO JING 般若波罗蜜多经). (“Perfection of Wisdom Discourses”). A group of texts that began to appear in India around the 1st century CE that are fundamental treatises for the “Great Vehicle” (Skt. Mahāyāna; Tib. Theg pa chen po). They adopted a format similar to that of earlier discourses attributed to the Buddha, but Perfection of Wisdom texts claimed that they had been concealed until a preordained time when they could be widely circulated. These texts are mostly identified by their size: scholars have reached a general consensus that the 8,000-line version (’Phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa brgyad stong pa’i mdo; Skt. Aṣṭasāhasrikā-prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra) is one of the earliest strata of this literature and that the basic text was later expanded into versions of 25,000 lines and 100,000 lines, and then there was a period of condensation in which shorter versions were produced. The primary focus of these texts is the perfection of wisdom and its implications for Buddhist thought and practice. See also BUDDHISM; INDIAN BUDDHISM; DBU MA; KLU; SHES RAB KYI PHA ROL TU PHYIN PA. SHES RAB ’OD ZER, ’PHRENG PO GTER STON (TRENGBO TERDÖN SHERAP ÖSER; ALT. ’GRO ’DUL GLING PA; PRA DZNYĀ RASMRI, 1518–1584) (CH. XIRAO WOSE 喜饶沃瑟). An influential systematizer of tantric teachings and “treasure discoverer” (gter ston), believed by tradition to have been a reincarnation of the translator Be ro tsa na (Skt. Vairocana, fl. 8th century). He was born in Byang ngom chen. He received Buddhist lay vows at age eight from Tshul khrims ’od zer, and was given the full monastic ordination (dge slong) by rDo rgyal ba, a disciple of gSer mdog paṇ chen (1428–1507). He received esoteric instructions from ’Bri gung Rin chen phun tshogs (1510–1557) and subsequently spent eight years in meditative seclusion, three of them in Grogs ri rin chen spungs pa. In 1546 he received a vision of a mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī), who presented him with a cranial cup filled with beer, following which he had a vision of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). This allowed him to discover the “hidden treasure” (gter ma) Point of Liberation,

618 • SHES RAB RGYA MTSHO, RDO SBIS DGE BSHES

Natural Liberation of Thought (Grol tig dgongs pa rang grol). This presents Buddhist thought and practice traditions in a nonhierarchical manner that emphasizes the notion that all valid paths have esoteric instructions that can lead to advanced tantric attainments. It highlights the importance of an unbroken transmission lineage that can be traced back to the buddha rDo rje ’chang (Skt. Vajradhara), which certifies its authenticity and effectiveness. This became an important text for the 19th-century “Nonsectarians” (Ris med pa), along with two later works, Study and Reflection’s Ambrosia of Immortality (Thos bsam ’chi med kyi bdud rtsi) and Meditation’s Ambrosia of Immortality (sGom pa ’chi med kyi bdud rtsi). The influential Nonsectarian thinker ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892) quoted and annotated these texts, and his collected works (gsung ’bum) includes the entire text of the first and one-third of the second work. ’Jam mgon kong sprul bLo gros mtha’ yas (1813–1899) cites ’Phreng po gter ston as a progenitor of the Nonsectarian approach. ’Phreng po gter ston advocated a model termed “eight great chariots that are lineages of attainment” (sgrub brgyud shing rta chen po brgyad), which mainly referred to the central esoteric transmissions (gdams ngag) of eight lineages: rNying ma, bKa’ gdams, Shangs pa bKa’ brgyud, Lam ’bras, sMar pa bKa’ brgyud, Zhi byed, sByor drug, and rDo rje gsum gyi bsnyen sgrub. He regarded them as all containing valid instructions conducive to advanced meditative attainments and buddhahood. This idea, and his classification of lineages, became important components of the Nonsectarian revival that began in eastern Tibet in the 19th century and continues today among non–dGe lugs lineages. He is also credited with founding dPal ris Monastery, where ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/1730–1798) studied. His collected works (gsung ’bum) are contained in one volume, published in sGang thog (Gangtok). See also TANTRA. SHES RAB RGYA MTSHO, RDO SBIS DGE BSHES (DOBI GESHÉ SHERAP GYATSO, 1884–1968) (CH. XIRAO JIACUO 喜饒嘉措). A religious leader in eastern Tibet who allied himself with the Guomindang in the 1930s but later switched sides when the Communists came to power in China. He was born in mDo smad in rDo sbis. He studied at ’Bras spungs Monastery in Lha sa and received the dge bshes degree in 1916. He returned to A mdo in 1936, and then accepted an invitation to teach in China. He met with high-ranking Chinese leaders and was given honorific titles and money. He was president of the Association for the Promotion of Tibetan Culture and a director of the China Association for the Promotion of Border Culture. In 1942 he was one of three Tibetan delegates to the Guomindang’s Third People’s Political Council. In 1944 he traveled to Lha sa at the behest of Chiang Kai-shek (Ch. Jiang Jieshi 蔣中正/蒋介石, 1887–1975) with an entourage of around 50 Chinese monks and a substantial amount of money and expensive gifts. He had a

SHES RAB RGYAL MTSHAN, DOL PO PA • 619

number of influential contacts in the capital, including Zur khang zhabs pad. His mission was to foster goodwill toward the Guomindang. Several people in the government opposed his visit on the grounds that he and his Chinese “students” were spreading Guomindang propaganda. The regent, sTag brag Rin po che (1874–1952), issued an order that Shes rab rgya mtsho could enter Tibet, but his companions and gifts could not. He decided to return to A mdo. Following the Communists’ victory in 1949, he began currying favor with the new rulers. He provided them with a letter in which he proclaimed to Tibetans that China was preparing to “liberate” their country from “imperialists” and that they should embrace this. The Tibetan government responded with its own broadcasts: they pointed out that there were no imperialists in Tibet, so there was no need for liberation; the relation between the two countries was that of patron and recipient, and Tibet was not a part of China. On 30 June 1956, he addressed the first session of the National People’s Congress; he told the delegates that he believed reforms were needed and inevitable in Tibet and that he hoped China would improve agricultural outputs by introducing collectivization in animal husbandry and farming. He also cautioned the Chinese to respect local customs and avoid attacks on religious institutions. In 1952 he was appointed the first chairman of the Chinese Buddhist Association (Ch. Zhongguo Fojiao Xiehui 中国佛教协会). During the 1950s he worked to convince Tibetans to accept Chinese rule, and his Buddhists in New China (1956) depicted religious freedom and a prospering Buddhism in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). He later became disenchanted, however, and wrote letters that were openly critical of PRC policies, particularly with regard to religious freedom. Despite this, PRC propaganda has constructed him as a Chinese “patriot” and as a model Tibetan. Statues of him have been erected all over eastern Tibet, and copies of a biography written by the PRC are widely circulated. He died during the Cultural Revolution in 1968 after being purged and then subjected to violent “struggle sessions,” in which he was tortured to death. The PRC propaganda does not mention these facts. SHES RAB RGYAL MTSHAN, DOL PO PA (DOLPOBA SHERAP GYELTSEN; ALT. JO NANG KUN MKHYEN, 1292–1361) (CH. ­ DUBUBA XIRAO JIANZAN 笃布巴喜饶坚赞). The originator of the “other emptiness” (gzhan stong) view and one of the most influential—and controversial—figures in Tibetan intellectual history. He was born in Dol po in Gru gsum spu mdo. His father was Ye shes dbang phyug, and his mother was Tshul khrims rgyan. In 1304 he received novice (dge tshul) vows at sKyi steng dgon and spent several years studying tantra in the rNying ma tradition. In 1309 he ran away from home and journeyed to gLo bo smon thang

620 • SHES RAB RGYAL MTSHAN, DOL PO PA

(Mustang) for further studies with sKyi ston ’Jam dbyangs grags pa rgyal mtshan (b. 13th century). The two traveled together to Sa skya Monastery in ­gTsang in 1312. sKyi ston instructed him in the 10 Buddha Nature Discourses (sNying po’i mdo), the Five Treatises of Maitreya (Byams chos sde lnga; see Byams pa entry), and the Bodhisattva Trilogy (Sems ’grel skor gsum). In 1314 Dol po pa made a tour of monasteries in gTsang and dBus and earned the epithet “omniscient” (kun mkhyen) in recognition of his learning. In 1314 he received full ordination (dge slong) from Jo gdan mkhan po bSod nams grags pa (b. 13th century), the abbot (mkhan chen) of Chos lung Monastery. He studied with masters of the bKa’ brgyud, rNying ma, and Zhi byed traditions. In 1321, at the age of 29, he traveled to Jo nang Monastery and then to central Tibet, where he met the third rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339), at mTshur phu Monastery. In 1322 he returned to Jo nang, where Chos rje Yon tan rgya mtsho (1260–1327) gave him instructions in the six-cycle Dus kyi ’khor lo (Skt. Kālacakra) yoga. He entered meditative retreat at mKha’ spyod bde ldan. During this retreat, he experienced the view that would be developed into “other emptiness.” He realized that it would be controversial, so he refrained from teaching it for five years. In 1326 he accepted an offer to become the abbot of Jo nang. He subsequently began giving teachings on other emptiness. In 1336 he accepted an invitation to teach at Sa skya. He marshaled arguments based on passages in sūtras and tantras to support his other emptiness perspective. He claimed that the “self-emptiness” (rang stong) view is merely an expedient teaching (thabs la mkhas pa; Skt. upāya-kauśalya), but other emptiness represents the final doctrine of Buddhism. In 1348 he was invited to rTa nag and taught there for a year. In 1338 he appointed his disciple bLo gros dpal bzang (1299–1353/1354) abbot of Jo nang and spent the next four years in meditative retreat. In 1358, at the age of 67, he made a pilgrimage to central Tibet, where he visited gNas gsar and Chos lung. At Chos lung the Sa skya master bLa ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (1312–1375) received teachings from Dol po pa and convinced him to compose one of his most important works, The Fourth Council (bKa’ bsdu bzhi pa). In 1359 he was carried on a palanquin through gTsang and dBus, where crowds gathered to view the famous lama. He spent six months in Lha sa and gave teachings on the six-cycle yoga of Kālacakra. He returned to Jo nang in 1360. In 1361 he passed away peacefully after entering into meditation. His body was cremated and many crystalline relics were left. Clay images (tsha tsha) were made from the ashes, covered with gold leaf, and distributed among his disciples and devotees. Dol po pa is credited with composing 174 treatises, including Mountain Doctrine: Ocean of Definitive Meaning (Ri chos nges don rgya mtsho) and General ­Commentary

SHES RAB RIN CHEN, STAG TSHANG LO TSĀ BA • 621

on the Teaching (bsTan pa spyi ’grel). The other emptiness view became a cornerstone of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhist studies in the 19th–20th centuries and remains central to a number of non–dGe lugs lineages. SHES RAB RIN CHEN, STAG TSHANG LO TSĀ BA (DAKTSANG LOTSAWA SHERAP RINCHEN, 1405–1477) (CH. DACANG YISHI 达 仓译师). sTag tshang Lo tsā ba was born in Lang ’gro khang dmar in the sTag lung region of Yar ’brog. His father was Don grub rgyal po, and his mother was named Lha mo rgyal. He lived during a period of instability during which the Sa skya order to which he belonged had lost its hegemony over much of Tibet. The nascent dGe lugs order presented a growing threat to the Sa skya pas, and the former was in the process of promoting its brand of Buddhist philosophy and in extending its power. sTag tshang is best known for his doxographic work Freedom from Extremes Accomplished through Comprehensive Knowledge of Philosophy (Grub mtha’ kun shes nas mtha’ bral sgrub pa), the fifth chapter of which contains a detailed critique of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa’s (1357–1419) presentation of Madhyamaka, particularly the latter’s reading of Candrakīrti (ca. 600–650). sTag tshang accuses Tsong kha pa of “eighteen great burdens of contradiction” (’gal khur chen po bco ­brgyad) in his analysis of the two truths (bden pa gnyis; Skt. dvaya-satya, viz., conventional truths and ultimate truths). The core critique that sTag tshang advanced is based on the widely accepted notion that the conventional truth (kun rdzob bden pa; Skt. saṃvṛti-satya; lit. “thoroughly obscuring truth”) is fundamentally inflected with error, so it is nonsensical to attempt to argue, as Tsong kha pa does, that epistemic instruments (tshad ma; Skt. pramāṇa) can reliably differentiate true conventions from false ones. sTag tshang’s critique prompted a number of dGe lugs responses. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), issued a call for his compatriots to rebut sTag tshang’s charges. The first to do so was the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662), whose Response to the Objections of sGra pa Shes rab rin chen: Roar of the Lion of Scripture and Reasoning (sGra pa shes rab rin chen pa’i rtsod lan lung rigs seng ge’i nga ro) addressed sTag tshang’s “contradictions” sequentially and provided refutations. This was followed by polemical sections in ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje Ngag dbang brtson ’grus’ Great Exposition of Philosophical Systems (Grub mtha’ chen mo) and a more nuanced analysis by Phur bu lcog Ngag dbang byams pa (1682–1762) in his Diamond Slivers in the Ear: A Rejoinder to sTag tshang the Translator (sTag tshang lo tsā ba’i brgal lan rdo rje’i gzegs rna). sTag tshang’s critique was largely ignored by his fellow Sa skya pas, but it was endorsed and extended by the eighth rGyal dbang Karma pa, Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507–1554), and his

622 • SHIN PA

Monks debating at dKar mdzes Monastery.

successor, dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603). The latter presented a radical version of Madhyamaka in his Concise Compendium of the Middle Way (dBu ma’i don bsdu bsdus pa), in which he interpreted Candrakīrti as endorsing a thoroughgoing skepticism according to which Mādhyamikas take no position whatsoever (and that even this statement should not be interpreted as a philosophical stance). sTag tshang’s discussion of Madhyamaka highlights fundamental issues in Buddhist thought still debated today, particularly by dGe lugs pas and Sa skya pas. SHIN PA (SHINBA) (DOGRI, HIN. ḌOGRĀ). A South Asian ethnic group that claims descent from Sūryavaṃśa Rājputs who migrated from Rajasthan to the modern-day Jammu area of India, as well as Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and northeastern parts of Pakistan. SHIN PA INVASION OF 1841. In 1841 the Shin pa (Dogra) leader Gu lab Sing (Gulāb Siṅgh), the founder and first ruler of the princely state of Jammu

SHRI SING HA • 623

and Kashmir, launched an invasion of Tibet. In May 1841 5,000 Dogra troops led by general Zorāwar Siṅgh, which had already defeated La dwags (supplemented by an additional 2,000 Kishtwaris, Ladakhis, and Baltis), marched on western Tibet in three divisions. They established an encampment near Lake Manasarovar in September 1841. They had crushed all Tibetan forces along the way, but the Tibetan winter ultimately defeated them and ended the invasion. On 12 December 1841, a Tibetan army routed them and the invaders were slaughtered. Zorāwar Siṅgh was decapitated and his head was taken as a trophy. His surviving troops fled to British-controlled regions to the south. The Tibetans retaliated by invading La dwags but were defeated at the Battle of Chu shul. The subsequent Treaty of Chu shul settled the boundaries between the kingdoms of Tibet and La dwags, but the People’s Republic of China repudiated its terms in the 1950s and does not accept it as a valid demarcation. It claims La dwags as Chinese territory and frequently makes military incursions into the region. As military conflicts go, the Dogra invasion was rather inconclusive, but it made the Tibetans aware of the extent of China’s weakness. During the reign of Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) the Qing directly interfered in Tibet, but as its military capacity diminished Tibet increasingly drifted from its control and pursued its own interests, conducted foreign policy, and administered its own affairs. As long as China could provide military aid in times of crisis, Tibet was willing to allow it to proclaim its (increasingly tenuous) sovereignty, but following the Dogra invasion Tibet largely severed ties with China, and in 1912 Chinese nationals were expelled and Tibet declared its independence. The invasion marked the end of La dwags as an independent kingdom. Tibet successfully repelled the invaders, but La dwags was conquered and annexed to Jammu and Kashmir; it remains part of the modern Indian state. SHRI SING HA (ALT. SENG GE DPAL; SKT. ŚRĪ SIṂHA; ALT. SIṂHAPRABHA, CA. 8TH CENTURY) (CH. XINGHA ZUNZHE 星哈 尊者; JIXIANG SHIZI 吉祥狮子). An Indian “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) master, a disciple of ’Jam dpal bshes gnyen (Skt. Mañjuśrīmitra). Various theories regarding his place of origin have been suggested. Some modern sources report that he was born in Khotan, and Walter Evans-Wentz (oddly) suggested that his birthplace was Burma. In The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism (1991), bDud ’joms Rin po che ’Jigs ’bral ye shes rdo rje (1904–1987) asserts that he came from China because traditional sources refer to his birthplace as “Ci na.” This identification is highly unlikely, because the Western word China is probably derived from the name of the Qin dynasty (Ch. Qinchao 秦朝, 221–206 BCE), which existed long before any known Tibetan contact, and which in any event would not be rendered as Ci na in Tibetan (China is generally referred to as rGya nag). Other sources

624 • SHRI SING HA

suggest that Śrī Siṃha was born in Khu nu (Kinnaur). His home village is referred to as So khyam, which could correspond to Su gnam in Kinnaur. His biography reports that he began his studies at age 14 with Ha ti ba la (Hatibhala; alt. Haribhala), and at 18 he traveled to gSer gling (Skt. Suvarṇadvīpa) to further his education. He received a vision of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), who advised him to travel to So sa gling (Skt. Sosadvīpa) in India, but he was unable to act on this advice at the time. In gSer gling Śrī Siṃha received novice ordination, following which he pursued studies of the sūtras and tantras under the direction of Bhi la ki ti (Skt. Bhelakīrti). Sources discussing his life report that this period was spent at a “five-peaked mountain,” which some have assumed refers to Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山) in China’s Shanxi Province, but this appears unlikely. There are mentions of a five-peaked mountain in a region referred to as Tīrthapuri in Zhang zhung in western Tibet, and this is a possibility. At age 20 Śrī Siṃha received full monastic ordination. Following another visitation by Avalokiteśvara, he journeyed to Sosadvīpa, where he met Mañjuśrīmitra, who introduced him to the lore of great perfection. Traditional lineage histories state that Mañjuśrīmitra received these teachings from dGa’ rab rdo rje (Skt. Surativajra or Pramodavajra). Śrī Siṃha spent 25 years in Sosadvīpa, studying and meditating. Mañjuśrīmitra reportedly died by dissolving his body into pure light and disappearing. He later appeared to Śrī Siṃha and handed him a tiny casket containing his final instructions, Six Meditation Teachings (sGom nyams drug pa). Śrī Siṃha became the main lineage holder for great perfection. He traveled to rDo rje gdan (Vajrāsana) and extracted from its monastery’s library a set of secret instructions (man ngag sde) that Mañjuśrīmitra had secreted there. He then returned to his home region. His two main students were Ye shes sde (Skt. Jñānasūtra) and Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra, fl. 8th century). The latter brought the great perfection teachings to Tibet during the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). Since that time, great perfection has mainly been associated with the rNying ma order, but other Tibetan Buddhist orders and Bon have great perfection traditions. Śrī Siṃha reportedly divided great perfection into four cycles (skor bzhi): (1) outer cycle (phyi skor), (2) inner cycle (nang skor), (3) secret cycle (gsang skor), and (4) unsurpassed secret cycle (bla na med pa’i gsang skor). He hid texts containing instructions on the first three cycles in a temple in Ci na, and the fourth was hidden in the pillar of the “Gate of Myriad Blessings” (bKra shis khri sgo). Vimalamitra received only the first three cycles, while Jñānasūtra was taught the complete tradition. Toward the end of his life, Śrī Siṃha accepted an invitation from the king of Li to visit his country and teach. It is generally assumed that this refers to Khotan, which accords with the notion that this was Śrī Siṃha’s

SIKKIM • 625

place of origin. But Nepal is also referred to as Li in early texts, and this reading would accord with the tradition that he met Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and Hung mdzad (Skt. Hūṃkara) in Nepal. Śrī Siṃha reportedly died in Li. At the time of his death, he dissolved his body into pure light, and like Mañjuśrīmitra left a final testament, Seven Nails (gZer bu bdun pa), which is an influential great perfection work. This was entrusted to Jñānasūtra. SHUG GSEB BKA’ BRGYUD (SHUKSEP GAGYÜ) (CH. XIUSAI GAJU 修赛噶举). One of the “eight lesser suborders” of bKa’ brgyud, founded by Gyer sgom Tshul khrims seng ge (1144–1204), a disciple of Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po’s (1110–1170) student Par bu pa bLo gros seng ge. Its name derives from the monastery he founded in 1181, Shug gseb dgon pa in sNyi phu. Its teachings were based on do ha cycles transmitted to Tibet that originated with Indian masters including Sa ra ha, Sha ba ri pa (alt. Ri khrod dbang phyug; Śāvaripa), Ti lo pa, and Nā ro pa. The Shug gseb order followed a line of transmission from Phyag na rdo rje (Vajrapāṇi), mNga’ ris jo stan, and Gru tshul ba. It later merged with the Karma bKa’ brgyud order. SICHUAN 四川 (TIB. SI KHRON). A province of the People’s Republic of China in the southwestern part of the country that has been expanded to incorporate areas of the Tibetan Plateau. Its capital is Chengdu (成都 (Tib. (Khreng te’u). The name Sichuan is an abbreviation of Sichuan Lu 四川路, “Four River Circuits,” also known as Chuanxia Silu 川峡四路, “Four Circuits of Rivers and Gorges.” Its current configuration encompasses 485,000 sq. km (187,000 sq. mi.); it has a population (2009 estimate) of 81,620,000. Han make up 95 percent of the ethnic mix, Yi are 2.6 percent, Tibetans are 1.5 percent, and Qiang are 0.4 percent. It has 21 prefectures, 181 county-level divisions, and 5,011 township-level divisions. SIDDHĀRTHA GAUTAMA: See DON GRUB GAU TA MA. SIKKIM (’BRAS MO LJONGS; ALT. ’BRAS MO GSHONG[S]) (CH. XIJIN 锡金). A formerly independent Himalayan kingdom that India annexed in 1975. It shares borders with the Tibet Autonomous Region, the Indian state of West Bengal, and Bhutan, and it comprises an area of 7,096 sq. km (2,740 sq. mi.). It has a variety of ecosystems, ranging from towering mountains and alpine regions to subtropical areas. According to Tibetan legends, Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava; Gu ru rin po che) visited the area in the 9th century and converted it to Buddhism. Kings of the rNam rgyal dynasty ruled it from 1642, the year of an agreement with Tibet’s newly

626 • SIL BU’I DUS

formed governmental system with the fifth Dalai Lama as its ruler, under which Tibet would aid Sikkim when needed. The rNam rgyal kings ruled Sikkim until it became a British protectorate in the 19th century. Sikkim has 11 official languages: Nepali, Bhutia, Lepcha, Limbu, Newari, Rai, Gurung, Mangar, Sherpa, Tamang, Sunwar, and English. The majority of its inhabitants are ethnic Nepalis, and the dominant religions are Hinduism and Tibetan Buddhism. Its capital and largest town is sGang thog (Gangtok). Sikkim has been a source of conflict between India and China because the latter claims the area as part of its territory. The People’s Republic of China has launched a number of military incursions along the border in order to assert its claim and test Indian resolve, and Chinese maps generally show Sikkim as part of China. SIL BU’I DUS (SILBÜDÜ) (“TIME OF FRAGMENTATION”). A term some Tibetan histories use to describe the period after the fall of the Yar klungs dynasty in the 9th century. After the dynasty collapsed, territories of the former empire came under local rule, and no person or group wielded sufficient power to rule all (or most) of the Tibetan Plateau. In the same manner as the European “Dark Ages” were once characterized as a time of warfare and decline of culture, learning, and the arts, the time of fragmentation is generally described as one of stagnation. Contrary to this image, however, it was a period in which philosophical thought burgeoned, new texts were brought from India and studied, and significant developments took place in art. SIMLA CONVENTION (CONVENTION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN, CHINA, AND TIBET, SIMLA) (CH. XIMULA XIEDING 西姆 拉协定). An accord signed by representatives of the British and Tibetan governments at the conclusion of a conference held in the Indian hill station of Simla in 1913–1914. The Tibetan delegation was headed by bLon chen bShad sgra. The British delegation was headed by Sir Arthur Henry McMahon (1862–1949), the foreign secretary of British India. The Chinese delegate, Ivan Chen, initialed the accord but later refused to affix his official seal. He withdrew from the conference on 3 July 1914. The compact divided the Tibetan Plateau into “Inner Tibet” and “Outer Tibet.” The latter area roughly corresponds to the Tibet Autonomous Region, which was declared to be under the control of the dGa’ ldan pho brang. China was said to have “suzerainty” over this region. This undefined term implied that Tibet was an autonomous region and that China would not interfere in its administration or attempt to forcibly annex it. It also implied that Tibet was a dependency of China, even though the latter did not administer Tibetan territory, collect taxes, or provide financial or military support. Outer Tibet included areas in

SINO-BRITISH CONVENTION OF 1906 • 627

the east of the Plateau, some of which were under Chinese control, while others were autonomous. These were later incorporated into the Chinese provinces of Qinghai, Sichuan, Gansu, and Yunnan. The Convention stipulated that the “McMahon Line” would be the boundary between British India and China. This border extends 890 km (550 mi.) from Bhutan in the west to 260 km (160 mi.) from the great bend of the Brahamaputra River in the east. It mainly follows the crest of the Himalayas. The accord contained a number of provisions in appendices. The appended Schedule stated that “Tibet forms part of Chinese territory.” Tibetans would select Dalai Lamas according to traditional procedures, and China would be notified when the process was finalized. Following this, the Chinese representative in Lha sa would “formally communicate to His Holiness the titles consistent with his dignity, which have been conferred by the Chinese government.” The Tibetan government would have sole authority to appoint officials in “Outer Tibet” and it would not be represented in the Chinese parliament or any similar body. Following Chen’s withdrawal from the conference, a note was attached to the agreement stipulating that China would not enjoy any privileges resulting from it and that it was a bilateral pact between Great Britain and Tibet. bLon chen bShad sgra then agreed to a new set of trade arrangements that replaced those forced on Tibet in 1908. The British government later repudiated the Convention on the grounds that it violated the terms of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention. C. U. Aitchison’s A Collection of Treaties stated that no binding agreement was reached at Simla. The Anglo-Russian Convention was jointly repudiated in 1921, following which the Simla Convention was revived. The McMahon Line appeared on official maps in 1937, and the Simla Convention was published in Aitchison’s Treaties in 1938. The revised volume declared 1919 as the official publication date. The Convention—and the McMahon Line—remained in force until the overthrow of the Tibetan government in 1959, and the Central Tibetan Administration still accepts it. The People’s Republic of China repudiates it, however, and refers to the accord as the “so-called Simla Convention” and the border as the “so-called McMahon Line.” See also FOREIGN RELATIONS; RANG BTSAN. SINO-BRITISH CONVENTION OF 1906. An agreement signed by representatives of Great Britain and China that accorded China “suzerainty” over Tibet. The nature of this suzerainty was not defined and the convention further stipulated that China would not attempt to annex Tibet or make it a province. This compact was signed following the Younghusband Expedition of 1903–1904, led by Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942). He forced representatives of the Tibetan government to sign an accord that would effectively have made Tibet a protectorate of Great Britain, but when his superiors

628 • SKA BA DPAL BRTSEGS

in London heard the details they repudiated it. The Sino-British Convention of 1906 was intended to clarify Britain’s position vis-à-vis Tibet and China, but it only served to add further confusion. The Convention affirmed that China had legitimate historical and territorial claims over Tibet and that China was implicitly entitled to negotiate on Tibet’s behalf. One of its articles stipulated: “The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex Tibetan territory or to interfere in the administration of Tibet. The Government of China also undertakes not to admit any other foreign state to interfere with the territory or internal administration of Tibet.” China agreed not to use military force against Tibet. China was obligated under the terms of the agreement to pay an indemnity imposed on Tibet following the Younghusband Expedition, which effectively made Tibet liable for costs incurred by the invasion. One important aspect of this accord was the fact that the Tibetan government was excluded from the negotiations. China negotiated on behalf of Tibet, which was treated as a region under Chinese authority. The Tibetan government did not acknowledge it as a valid treaty and declared that it was not bound by its stipulations. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. SKA BA DPAL BRTSEGS: See DPAL BRTSEGS. SKOR BA (KORA) (SKT. PRADAKṢIṆA; P. PADAKKHIṆA) (CH. YOURAO 右繞/右绕; XUANYOU 旋右; BOLATEQINA 钵喇特崎拏) (“CIRCUMAMBULATION”). One of the most common merit-making activities throughout the Buddhist world, popular among both monastics and laypeople. It takes different forms, but its central practice is walking a circular route around a holy place in a clockwise direction (an exception to this is the Bon pos, who circumambulate in a counterclockwise direction). The probable reason for the clockwise orientation for Buddhists is the Indian notion that the left hand is ritually impure. SKU BLA (GULA) (“SUPERIOR”). A term from the Yar klungs period of uncertain meaning. Some early scholars assumed that sku bla were ancestral spirits and linked this term (sometimes rendered sku lha) to Bon rituals involving invocation of spirits through “red” (possibly human, but more often animal) sacrifices, but recent research suggests that they were in fact humans who represented spiritual beings and that were a major power in the Imperium, possibly a counterweight to that of the kings (btsan po). They may have been leading figures of the major clans who were thought to have direct contact with the guardian spirits of their clans, and they moved throughout the empire, apparently bringing with them the charisma of these entities. Imperial records indicate that they played a key role in auguries and divinations that predicted the future fate of rulers and the empire. The uncertainty regarding

SKU ’BUM BYAMS PA GLING • 629

their function and nature is related to the fact that the office of sku bla did not continue after the fall of the Imperium, and there is no indication that a similar one was created in later Tibetan governments. SKU ’BUM BYAMS PA GLING (GUMBUM JAMBALING) (CH. TA’ER SI 塔尔寺). One of the major monasteries of eastern Tibet, located east of A mdo mtsho sngon (Lake Kokonor) and about 12 km (17 mi.) southwest of Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁). It was founded on the spot where tradition reports Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) was born. His mother, with the help of local people, built a temple and a mchod rten there in 1379. In 1481 a larger temple was erected with the sponsorship of local hegemons and donations from nomadic families. A small meditation-oriented monastery named dGon pa lung was constructed by Rin chen brtson ’grus rgyal mtshan in 1560. It initially housed seven residents and was later expanded to accommodate 15. While en route to Mongolia to visit Altan Khan (1507–1583) in 1576, the third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), encouraged Rin chen brtson ’grus to expand it, and in 1583 the Dalai Lama consecrated the complex as sKu ’bum byams pa gling. A “Great Aspiration Festival” (sMon lam chen mo) similar to the one in Lha sa was inaugurated; this became an annual event until the Chinese banned the practice in the 1950s. The monastery received the name sKu ’bum (100,000 Images) because of a traditional story that a white sandalwood tree with 100,000 leaves (sKu ’bum tsan dan) grew on the spot where Tsong kha pa’s father buried the afterbirth. In another version, drops of blood from the severed umbilical cord produced the tree. Its leaves bore the seed syllables and outlines of hand implements of the buddha Seng ge sgra (Skt. Siṃhanāda, a future buddha, the 11th of 1,000 who will appear during the present “fortunate eon”). Tsong kha pa will take rebirth as this buddha. When French Lazarist Catholic missionaries Abbé Évariste Régis Huc (1813–1860) and Joseph Gabet (1808–1853) visited the site in the 1840s, they expected that this legend was a hoax and reported being astonished to see Tibetan letters on the leaves. They suspected fraud, but after closely examining the leaves could find no evidence of this. The first Throne Holder (Khri pa) of sKu ’bum was ’Dul ’dzin ’Od zer rgya mtsho (b. 1557). In 1603 the fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), visited sKu ’bum on his way from his birthplace in Mongolia to central Tibet. He ordered the establishment of a college for philosophical study and debate. In 1612 ’Od zer rgya mtsho founded dPal ldan bshad grub gling grwa tshang. sKu ’bum has three other monastic colleges (grwa tshang): (1) rGyud pa grwa tshang (alt. gSang sngags bde chen gling grwa tshang), a tantric college founded by Chos rje Legs pa rgya mtsho in 1649; (2) sNgags pa grwa tshang, another tantric college, founded by Chu bzang bLo bzang bstan pa’i rgyal mtshan in 1711; in 1723 it was damaged during a raid

630 • SKU ’BUM BYAMS PA GLING

by a Chinese-Manchu force, following which the 21st Throne Holder decided to reestablish it as a medical college, named sMan pa grwa tshang gso rig dar rgyas gzhan phan nor bu gling, which was consecrated in 1725 and became a separate college during the tenure of the 22nd Throne Holder; and (3) Dus ’khor grwa tshang rigs ldan blo gsal gling, founded by Ngag dbang bshad grub bstan pa’i nyi ma in 1820. Most divisions of dPal ldan bshad grub gling follow the textbooks (yig cha) of rJe btsun pa Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/1546). Some use the textbooks of the first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721/1722). Its highest degrees are dge bshes rab ’byams pa and dge bshes bshad ram pa, awarded annually during the Great Aspiration Festival. rGyud pa grwa tshang follows the curriculum of rGyud smad Tantric College in Lha sa. Its highest degree is dge bshes sngags ram pa. Students concentrate on the tantric cycles of ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara), gSang ba ’dus pa (Skt. Guhyasamāja), and rDo rje ’jigs byed (Skt. Vajrabhairava). The Medical College awards the sman ram pa degree. The degree of rtsis ram pa is given to graduates of Dus ’khor grwa tshang, who focus on astrology based on the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra). Prior to the invasion by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the 1950s, sKu ’bum had 30 temples and more than 1,000 buildings and housed more than 3,600 monks. Presently there are around 300. Recent PRC policies led to the expulsion of tens of thousands of monks from Tibetan monasteries from 2000 to 2010. Because sKu ’bum is officially a historic monument and its monks have avoided involvement in protests, sKu ’bum has fared better than many other Buddhist establishments, but it operates under severe restrictions and its residents are subject to constant surveillance. Cameras abound in the complex and Chinese spies keep a suspicious watch on them. The monks who reside at sKu ’bum have been told that they are curators of a historical site and should act the part. It has become a popular tourist destination, particularly for Han Chinese from nearby areas of Qinghai, who are charged admission and provided with information regarding the monastery’s history and contributions to “Chinese” culture. Under PRC regulations, only monks from the surrounding area are allowed to enroll, and they must be at least 18 years of age. Monks from other regions cannot study or visit unless they obtain special permits, which are rarely granted. Tibetans from other parts of the region are also not allowed to visit following restrictions imposed in the aftermath of the 2008 uprising, and the monks of sKu ’bum are restricted to the monastery unless they obtain a permit. All are required to carry a form denouncing the Dalai Lama at all times. Its abbot, A skya Rin po che, fled into exile in 1998 after PRC authorities ordered him to publicly denounce the Dalai Lama’s recognition of dGe ’dun chos kyi nyi ma (1989–) as the 11th Paṇ chen bla ma.

SKYABS • 631

Monks at sKu ’bum Monastery.

SKU DRAG (GUDRAK) (“ARISTOCRAT”). A term that referred to the traditional aristocracy of Tibet. This group contributed members to the “lay official” (drung ’khor) branch of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang; the other branch consisted of monk officials: rtse drung). The drung ’khor comprised about 250 families, and its function as a traditional administrative elite was related to the holding of estates. In return for this, the aristocratic clans were expected to staff government administrative offices. They were classed together as aristocrats, but significant differences existed between families in terms of status, wealth, number of estates, the political roles they played, and their relative prestige. The aristocracy was subdivided into various groups, ranked hierarchically in terms of status and wealth. At the apex were the sde dpon, four families who claimed descent from the kings of the Yar klungs empire (7th–9th centuries). Below them were six ennobled families (yab gzhis) of the previous Dalai Lamas. The third tier was the 18 mi drag, politically influential clans, and at the bottom level was the sger pa, over 100 landowning families. SKYABS (GYAP) (SKT. ŚARAṆA; P. SARAṆA) (CH. GUIMING 歸 命/归命; GUIYI 归依/歸依) (“REFUGE”). In Buddhism, a refuge is something on which one can rely for support and guidance. In most Buddhist traditions, “going for refuge” (skyabs ’gro) in the “three refuges” (or “three jewels”: Buddha, Dharma, and Monastic Community) is considered

632 • SKYABS MGON

the central act that establishes a person as a Buddhist. Going for refuge is an acknowledgment that one requires aid and instruction; one has decided that one is committed to following the Buddhist path. The Buddha is one who has successfully found the path to liberation, and he teaches it to others through his instructions on Dharma. The Monastic Community consists of people who have dedicated their lives to this practice and teaching, so they are a source of instruction and serve as role models. The standard refuge prayer is: I go for refuge in the Buddha (Tib. sangs rgyas la skyabs su mchi’o). I go for refuge in the Dharma (Tib. chos la skyabs su mchi’o). I go for refuge in the Monastic Community (Tib. dge ’dun la skyabs su mchi’o). In tantric traditions, initiates often have additional refuges, such as the lama and mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī). SKYABS MGON (GYAPGÖN, “REFUGE AND PROTECTOR”). An honorific title given to revered teachers in Tibetan Buddhism. SKYABS RJE (GYAPJÉ, “GLORIOUS REFUGE”). An honorific title given to revered teachers in Tibetan Buddhism. SKYID CHU (GYICHU; ALT. SKYI CHU; KYI CU) (CH. JIQU 吉曲; LASA HE 拉萨河) (“HAPPY RIVER”). A river running through the Lha sa Valley, a northern tributary of the Yar klungs gtsang po (Brahmaputra). It flows from northeast to southwest through central Tibet. The river is the central feature of sKyid shod, a historically important (though vaguely defined) region in central Tibet. The sKyid chu originates in the gNyan chen thang lha mountains. Its mythical source is referred to as sNying ri (“Heart Mountain”), located near sNying grong. In its upper section, it is referred to as Lha chu (“Divine River”). This correlates to the area up to where it is joined by its two main tributaries, the Rwa sgreng gtsang po and the Phag chu. From this point and through Klung shod, it is referred to as Rong chu. It is known as sKyid chu from northern Mal gro from the area of the mouth of the ’Bri gung gtsang po. The Mal gro gtsang po merges with the main river in this region, and from this point flows toward Lha sa. SKYID LDE NYI MA MGON (GYIDÉ NYIMAGÖN, R. CA. 900–930) (CH. JIDE NIMAGUN 季德尼玛衮). One of the two sons of King dPal ’khor btsan (the other, the eldest, was Khri bKra shis rtseg pa dpal). He took control over a region roughly corresponding to mNga’ ris in the western region of the Tibetan Plateau. He subdivided his kingdom among his three sons: dPal gyi mgon, lDe gtsug mgon, and bKra shis mgon.

SMALLPOX • 633

SMALLPOX (TIB. LHA ’BRUM; ALT. ’BRUM NAD) (CH. TIANHUA 天花). A highly infectious disease unique to humans that exists in two strains, Variola major and Variola minor. Etymologically, the Tibetan term means “god pox/pustule,” indicating that the disease is inflicted on humans by supernatural forces. Tibet’s high altitude and arid climate make it less susceptible to contagion than neighboring countries like India and China, but smallpox outbreaks have occurred throughout the history of the region and have decimated populations. Smallpox has also claimed the lives of several prominent people, including the Chinese princess Jincheng 金成 (d. 739). The third Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang don grub (1505–1566), fell ill with it but survived. During a visit to Beijing, the sixth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan ye shes (1738–1780), died of smallpox on 2 November 1780. Tā ra nā tha (Tāranātha, 1575–1634) includes a number of descriptions of smallpox outbreaks in his autobiography. A particularly severe outbreak in 1900–1901 caused widespread deaths. Between 3,000 and 5,000 monks died of the disease in Lha sa, and then it spread to southern regions of the Tibetan Plateau. Hundreds of deaths were reported in the rGyal rtse region, which led to the government of India closing passes from central Tibet to prevent further spread to its northern regions. Tibetans probably first became aware of the existence of a vaccine against smallpox as a consequence of the Younghusband Expedition of 1903–1904, during which the expedition’s medical officers offered vaccination. Before Paṇ chen bla ma bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma (1883–1937) traveled to India in 1905–1906, he received inoculations for smallpox and other diseases prevalent in the subcontinent. His uncle (who accompanied him but refused to take any of the medical precautions recommended by British doctors) later died from malaria in Darjeeling. Following this, the Paṇ chen bla ma asked Captain Robert Steen (b. 1874) to introduce modern vaccines to gZhis ka rtse. The travel accounts of George Bogle (1746–1781) and Thomas Manning (1772–1840) in 1774 and 1811 respectively provide details on the considerable impact of smallpox on all strata of Tibetan society. Sarat Chandra Das (1849–1917) made two trips to Tibet, and his notes describe the spread of the disease in almost every area he visited. Judging from historical records, it would appear that there were very few years during which smallpox was not a serious health hazard for Tibetans, but even by Das’ time, when cures were in their infancy but still fairly effective, most people resisted traveling to Darjeeling for injections. Beginning in 1905, British doctors began vaccinating Tibetans, and later Tibetan medics were trained by the British, which facilitated wider distribution of disease prevention. Alex McKay (2005) reports that by 31 December 1905, 1,320 children had been vaccinated in rGyal rtse and the surrounding area. In 1907 British doctors traveled to rGyal rtse at the request of local

634 • SMAN RI DGON

a­ uthorities to administer vaccines following an outbreak. Despite the fact that vaccination had demonstrated benefits in preventing the spread of the disease, the practice came to Tibet only gradually. During the years 1909–1910 Tibetan doctors vaccinated 389 Tibetans, but it was not until an outbreak in 1911 that the vaccine became widely available in the capital. McKay also reports that Tibetans were initially reluctant to agree to vaccination except during times of significant outbreak and uptake of modern biomedicine occurred only gradually. He contends that monastic resistance played a key role: monks had traditionally been custodians of medical lore and the intrusion of a foreign system threatened this hegemony. SMAN RI DGON (MENRIGÖN) (CH. MANRI SI 曼日寺) (“MEDICINE MOUNTAIN MONASTERY”). A Bon monastery established in 1405 by mNyam med Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1356–1416) at sTobs rgyal in gTsang. It is one of the most important Bon po institutions, and the Throne Holder of sMan ri (sMan ri Khri ’dzin) is generally regarded as the leader of the tradition. In 1072 Bru chen g.Yung drung bla ma (b. 1040) established the first Bon monastery, g.Yas ru dben sa kha, but a flood destroyed it in 1386. It was later rebuilt by Shes rab rgyal mtshan and renamed bKra shis sMan ri dgon. He constructed it on the southern slope of Mt. sMan ri, further up the same valley in which g.Yas ru dben sa kha had been located. According to Bon tradition, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che visited this area on his way to rKong po and left his footprint in a rock. He predicted to a boy witnessing this that he would one day found a great monastery on the spot. The boy was reborn as Shes rab rgyal mtshan. Together with his student Rin chen rgyal mtshan, he planned and built the new complex. Shes rab rgyal mtshan was ordered to gather white pebbles in his robe and to close his eyes and drop one every nine paces. He followed these instructions until a sudden noise caused him to open his eyes. Shes rab rgyal mtshan informed him that if he had completed the task as ordered the buildings of g.Yas ru dben sa kha would have been fully recreated, but because of his lapse the project would not be completed as originally planned. sMan ri had four colleges: (1) gLing smad, (2) gLing stod, (3) gLing zur, and (4) gLing ske. These had a further 12 divisions. In 1959 it housed between 400 and 500 monks, and it had 250 branch monasteries all over Tibet (except in dBus), as well as India, China, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal, and Mongolia. sMan ri was destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, but was rebuilt in Dolanji, India by Lung rtogs bsTan pa’i nyi ma (1929–2017, the 33rd Throne Holder) and sLob dpon bsTan ’dzin rnam dag (1926–) and consecrated in 1967. In 1978 the debating college, dPal gshen bstan sMan ri gling, was rebuilt. It has 70 monks who study sūtra,

SMIN GROL GLING DGON PA • 635

tantra, and great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po), as well as astrology, art, medicine, poetry, and grammar. Oral debate is a key aspect of the training program. SMAN RTSIS KHANG (MENTSIKHANG) (CH. MANZIKANG 曼仔 康) (“HOUSE OF MEDICINE AND ASTROLOGY”). A college in Lha sa devoted to the study and practice of traditional Tibetan medicine and astrology. It was sponsored by the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), in 1916 and built by mKhyen rab nor bu (b. 1882). It was constructed in bsTan rgyas gling near the gTsug lag khang. It was reestablished in Dharamsala, Himachal Pradesh, in 1961 by the Dalai Lama and two Tibetan doctors, Ye shes don ldan and bLo gros rgya mtsho. SMAR PA BKA’ BRGYUD (MARBA GAGYÜ; ALT. DMAR PA BKA’ BRGYUD) (CH. MACANG GAJU 玛仓噶举). A lineage of the bKa’ brgyud order founded by sMar pa Grub thob Shes rab seng ge, who established its main seat, Sho dgon, in Khams. It was influential in eastern Tibet, and its luminaries included rGyal ba Yang dgon Ye shes rgyal mtshan (1213–1258), rNal Rin chen gling pa (1295–1375), sMar mkhan chen ’Od zer bla ma of sPang, and ’Gro mgon Shing mgo ras pa. It disappeared as a separate lineage, but its teachings were incorporated into the dPal yul tradition of rNying ma. SMIN GROL GLING DGON PA (MINDROLING GOMBA) (CH. MINZHULIN SI 敏珠林寺). One of the major rNying ma monasteries, founded in 1676 by the “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) gTer bdag gling pa ’Gyur med rdo rje (1646–1714) in Lho kha. It is the main center for the Southern Treasure (Lho gter) tradition. It specializes in great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po), and its monks also study medicine, astrology, and grammar. It was destroyed in 1718 during the Zunghar invasion of Tibet and rebuilt during the reign of the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). gTer bdag gling pa’s son gDung sras Rin chen rnam rgyal and daughter rJe btsun Mi ’gyur dpal sgron oversaw its restoration. The first Throne Holder (Khri pa) was gTer bdag gling pa’s brother rGyal sras bsTan pa’i nyi ma. The position was passed from father to son for nine generations. The 10th Throne Holder was gTer bdag gling pa’s recognized reincarnation Kun dga’ bstan ’dzin. Kun dga’ bstan ’dzin’s son Don grub dbang rgyal became the 11th Throne Holder. The 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), disapproved of his conduct and removed him from office. rDo ’dzin rNam grol rgya mtsho was appointed regent of the monastery. Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes (1911–1947) appointed Don grub dbang rgyal’s brother Ngag dbang chos grags as regent.

636 • SMITH, ELLIS GENE

Don grub dbang rgyal’s son Kun bzang dbang rgyal became the 12th Throne Holder. His tenure was cut short by the invasion by the People’s Republic of China of the 1950s, and he escaped into exile in India. sMin grol gling housed around 300 monks in 1959 but suffered extensive damage during the Cultural Revolution. It is now being restored. sMin grol gling has been reestablished in Dehra Dun, India. SMITH, ELLIS GENE (1936–2010). A pioneering scholar and librarian who worked to preserve Tibetan literature. He was born in Utah in a Mormon family and studied at the University of Washington. He learned Tibetan from sDe gzhung Rin po che Byams pa kun dga’ bstan pa’i nyi ma (1906–1987) from 1960 to 1964. He pursued further studies in Leiden, focusing on Sanskrit and Pāli, and in 1965 traveled to India sponsored by a Ford Foundation grant. He studied with a number of Tibetan scholars, including Dil mgo mkhyen brtse Rin po che (1910–1991). He traveled extensively in India and Nepal, and in 1968 joined the New Delhi Field Office of the U.S. Library of Congress. He oversaw an ambitious project to preserve Tibetan works in danger of being lost, which resulted in one of the largest collections of such texts ever produced. Sponsored by funds provided by Public Law 480, manuscripts were collected from Tibetan exiles in India and Nepal, and texts were also located in Tibet, Sikkim, Bhutan, and other places. The printing and publication of these works was sponsored by the project, which created a new industry and made inexpensive versions available to scholars and to Tibetans in exile. PL-480 collections were given to libraries of public universities that had programs in Tibetan studies. Smith was appointed field director of the New Delhi office in 1980 and remained in this position until 1985, when he was transferred to Indonesia. He worked there until 1994, and was then transferred to Cairo. He retired from the Library of Congress in 1997, following which he became a consultant for the Trace Foundation, which works to preserve Tibetan culture. Together with Dr. Leonard van der Kuijp of Harvard University, Smith founded the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center in 1999 with substantial support from the Rubin family. Now named Buddhist Digital Resource Center, it continues his efforts to make Tibetan literature widely available, making use of new technology and the Internet. This project has digitized hundreds of thousands of texts, many of which are available in downloadable form. The textual collections are supported by a massive database of bibliographic data that provides background information on authors, lineages, historical facts, and titles within collections. Smith also authored pioneering studies of the texts and collections he edited, which were generally published as the introductions to these works. For decades these were copied and circulated among scholars because they contained invaluable information and analysis; the information was updated and

SNGA DAR • 637

published in Smith’s Among Tibetan Texts (2001), one of the most important modern studies of Tibetan intellectual history. Smith died on 16 December 2010 following a trip to Delhi at the age of 74. In a tribute to him, the Buddhist Digital Resource Center released a digital copy of all the Tibetan texts in Smith’s personal collection, which covered a broad range of subject areas. They contained his penciled notes, scholarly comments, and typescript critical comments on many of the texts, which are of great value to academics. They are known as “Gene Smith’s Green Books.” SMON LAM CHEN MO (MÖNLAM CHENMO) (CH. MORAN DAFAHUI 默然大法会). (“Great Aspiration Festival”). One of the most important annual festivals of pre-1950 Tibet, instituted by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419) in 1409 with the patronage of Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1374–1432). It was celebrated annually and began at the Tibetan New Year (Lo gsar). It involved both monks and laypeople and encompassed a plethora of religious activities, such as prayer, prostrations, and public lectures by Buddhist teachers. During the festival, examinations for the dge bshes degree were held and monks from the three main dGe lugs seats participated. In addition, monks performed ’cham dances, in which they dressed in costumes and enacted Buddhist themes for the entertainment and edification of lay audiences and created gtor ma (sculptures made from chilled butter and painted). The culmination was a religious ritual performed on the full moon day in the Jo khang, during which the Jo bo Rin po che image was worshipped, offerings were made, and thousands of butter lamps were lit. Pilgrims traveled to Lha sa from all over the Tibetan cultural area to participate. sMon lam chen mo commemorates Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa’s (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) performance of miracles in gNyan yod (Skt. Śrāvastī). The People’s Republic of China banned it during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). It was allowed again in 1986 and banned once more in 1990. The Central Tibetan Administration has revived it in India. SNGA DAR (NGADAR) (CH. QIANHONGQI 前弘期). (“Early Propagation”). The first period of the transmission of Buddhism to Tibet, which began with the arrival of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava) and Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) during the reign of Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). The three founded bSam yas, the first Buddhist monastery in the country. As Buddhism gained popularity, increasing numbers of Tibetans traveled to India to study, and more Indian Buddhist teachers were brought to Tibet. Translation bureaus were established and the rulers (btsan po) sponsored Buddhist activities. The period of the first dissemination ended when Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836) was assassinated and Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842) ascended the throne.

638 • SNGAGS

He withdrew imperial support for Buddhism, but was soon assassinated by a disaffected Buddhist monk named dPal gyi rdo rje (born ca. 750). This was the beginning of the rapid demise of the Yar klungs dynasty, and Buddhism went into decline. According to traditional histories, the “later propagation” began in the 11th century, and during this period Buddhism was decisively established in western Tibet by descendants of the Yar klungs monarchs. See also TIBETAN BUDDHISM. SNGAGS: See MANTRA. SNANG GSUM (NANGSUM) (CH. SAN XIANFEN 三现分). (“Triple Vision”). One of the central notions of the Sa skya order; it encapsulates the three primary stages of the path to buddhahood: (1) the appearance of phenomena as impure error, (2) the appearance of experience in meditation, and (3) pure appearance. The path and result (lam ’bras) tradition asserts that all three are fundamentally the same and that their only difference lies in how they are perceived. The first refers to the perceptions of ordinary beings, which are based on afflicted mental states and lead to suffering. Because ordinary beings are subject to the operations of karma, this is also referred to as the “karmic appearance.” The second aspect refers to people who engage in such Mahāyāna practices as cultivating compassion (snying rje) and love (byams pa) or the six perfections (pha rol tu phyin pa). The central training of this level is calming (zhi gnas; Skt. śamatha) and higher insight (lhag mthong; Skt. vipaśyanā). The third verse refers to buddhas, who have perfected compassion and wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā), and thus perceive reality as it is. Their pure vision recognizes that all phenomena of cyclic existence and nirvana are the display of primordially undefiled mind. Buddhas understand that from the standpoint of ultimate reality there is really no liberation to be attained, no buddhas, and no sentient beings. See also RGYUD GSUM. SNAR THANG DGON PA (NARTANG GOMBA) (CH. NATANG SI 那塘寺). A monastery located 15 km (9.5 mi.) west of gZhis ka rtse. sNar thang Monastery was an important bKa’ gdams institution, founded in 1153 by gTum ston bLo gros grags (1106–1166). Some traditional sources report that it was constructed in 1033, but this is unlikely given that Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) arrived in Tibet in 1042, and the bKa’ gdams order was established later by his disciple ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064). sNar thang had one of the major printing centers in Tibet and produced versions of numerous texts and collections from woodblocks. The version of the Buddhist canon (bKa’ ’gyur) created there is particularly important: scholarly research indicates that extant versions of the collection

SNELLGROVE, DAVID LLEWELLYN • 639

appear to derive from the old sNar thang edition. The printing of the collection was sponsored by Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747) in 1730. The woodblocks were carved from old handwritten texts prepared between 1312 and 1320. The engraving was completed in 1732, and in 1733 the first set was presented to the Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737). The monastery continued printing the bKa’ ’gyur and bsTan ’gyur until 1959. The Chinese completely destroyed its five main buildings and main meeting hall in 1966. These contained some of Tibet’s greatest art treasures, including 14th-century murals painted by some of the foremost artists of Zhwa lu Monastery. Only the foundations of the main buildings remained after the destruction. The history of this remarkable establishment is recounted in The History of the Glorious Dharma Center sNar thang (dPal snar thang chos sde’i lo rgyus), published in Lha sa in 1985. SNELLGROVE, DAVID LLEWELLYN (1920–2016). An influential British Tibetologist. He was born in Portsmouth, Hampshire and studied European languages at Southampton University. In 1941 he entered military service in the Royal Engineers. He worked in the War Office in London and was later posted to India. He arrived in Bombay in 1943 and then traveled to Calcutta. He was stationed at Barrackpore but contracted malaria and was admitted to a military hospital at Lebong, north of Darjeeling. While convalescing he read books by Sir Charles Bell (1870–1945), and during a later trip to Darjeeling hired a Tibetan to teach him the language. He traveled to Sikkim and met Sir Basil Gould (1883–1956), the British representative to Tibet. In 1946 Snellgrove resigned his commission and took the examination for the Indian Civil Service. In 1946 he enrolled in Queen’s College, Cambridge, where he studied Sanskrit and Pāli. During this time he converted to Roman Catholicism. Following the completion of his studies in 1950, he accepted a position at the School of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London. He was a professor of Tibetan until he retired in 1982. He was a prolific scholar and authored influential works on Tibetan and Himalayan religion, history, and culture, as well as studies of Southeast Asian art and architecture. His Buddhist Himalaya (1957) and Himalayan Pilgrimage (1961) recount his travels in the Indian Himalayas and Nepal. The Nine Ways of Bon (1967) is a pioneering study that is still widely read. Indo-Tibetan Buddhism (1987) is one of the best overviews of the development of Buddhism in India and its transmission to Tibet. Following his retirement, Snellgrove continued to pursue research on Tibet, Buddhist art, and a range of topics relating to Sumatra, Bali, and Cambodia. In 2000 he published a detailed and informative autobiography entitled Asian Commitment: Travels and Studies in the Indian Sub-continent and Southeast Asia, in which he describes the events and decisions that led to his choosing to specialize in Tibetology.

640 • SNYE MO

SNYE MO (NYEMO) (CH. NIMU 尼木). A county in gTsang, where Pa gor—the hometown of the translator Be ro tsa na (fl. 8th century)—is located. sNye mo is now a county-level division of the Tibet Autonomous Region, sNye mo rdzong (Ch. Nimu Xian 尼木县). Its present population is 30,000 (2003 estimate). It contains seven townships and 35 administrative villages and encompasses an area of 3,275 sq. km (1,264 sq. mi.). It has an average elevation of 4,000 m (13,123 ft.). It is semiarid, but due to irrigation it is a productive agricultural zone. The Yar klungs gtsang po River flows through the northern part of the country. The main administrative center, sNye mo town, is located about 94 km (58 mi.) west-southwest of Lha sa. sNye mo was the scene of a violent uprising during the Cultural Revolution. With the blessing of Mao Zedong 毛泽东 (1893–1976), Red Guards (Ch. Hongweibing 红卫兵; Tib. Srung dmag dmar po) rampaged throughout the country destroying cultural artifacts and killing and torturing “class enemies” (Ch. renmin gongdi 人民公敌; Tib. gral rim gyi dgra) and “counter-revolutionaries” (Ch. fangeming 反革命; Tib. gsar brje’i ngo log pa). They destroyed thousands of monasteries and historical structures and killed many people in Tibet, and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) was eventually tasked with suppressing them. By 1968 they had been mostly defeated in China but continued to operate in Tibet and other peripheral regions. They were not, however, a coherent group and had no real central leadership. A number of competing revolutionary factions developed, some of which fought against other revolutionaries. In Tibet, the two main factions were the Gyen log (“Revolutionaries”) and sNyam ‘brel (“United Group), both of which regarded themselves as correctly understanding and applying Mao’s thoughts. They engaged in a protracted power struggle that included a number of violent clashes. The Gyen log suffered a major setback in Lha sa when PLA soldiers killed a number of their cadres in a siege at the Jo khang temple. This gave their rivals an opportunity to increase their power, but the Gyen log continued to operate in adjacent areas. One power base was sNye mo. Goldstein (2009) contends that the main impetus for the violence in sNye mo was not primarily anti-Chinese sentiment, but rather that local Tibetans were cynically used by Gnyen log cadres for their own ends and that these “revolutionaries” manipulated them. Hoping to gain control of an area near Lha sa, they mobilized disaffected local people. There was a range of grievances, including proposed mass collectivization, which would involve seizure of livestock and farm land, as well as private property. In addition, central Tibet experienced skyrocketing inflation as a result of the influx of Chinese and a flood of refugees from eastern parts of the Tibetan Plateau escaping collectivization and repression. Added to this volatile mix was the presence of a foreign invading force bombarding the populace with incomprehensible revolutionary neologisms and attacking traditional culture and

SNYE MO • 641

religion. The populace also resented the imposition of quotas for “voluntary contributions” of agricultural products that led to famine. A Tibetan nun named ’Phrin las chos sgron (alt. sNye mo A ni, 1938– 1970) played a key role in the violence (see entry). She claimed to have been possessed by the Jo bo Rin po che image, and later averred that she was the medium for A ne Gong ma’i rgyal po, the aunt and advisor of the mythical warrior-king and defender of Buddhism gLing Ge sar. For reasons that remain unclear, some of her associates approached Gyen log cadres and asked if she could join the organization despite the fact that they considered her mentally unbalanced. She was accepted into the group, which was planning to increase its power by launching an attack on the county seat in November 1968. A Gyen log Tibetan cadre named Rang byung suggested using her; she was asked to go into trance and order her followers to lead the attack. She did so, and a mob stormed the building and drove out its residents, many of whom were members of the mNyam ’brel faction. The victory was achieved with no casualties among the attackers; following the operation her popularity increased. The leadership of Gyen log met soon after this to plan future strategy. They decided to adopt a new name: “Gyen log’s Army of the Gods” (Tib. Gyen log lha dmag). This linked the organization with the religious beliefs of the populace and added to the notion that it enjoyed divine support. As ’Phrin las chos sgron’s popularity rose, other Tibetans became possessed by characters in the Ge sar epic. They joined her in sNye mo and formed a fanatical army that protected her and carried out her orders. This invoked traditional Tibetan cultural ideas and associated the group’s activities with popular stories of Ge sar’s battles against the enemies of the Dharma. In June 1968 the movement entered a more violent phase, which began when ’Phrin las chos sgron went into trance and ordered the execution of a man who had ridiculed her claims of possession by Jo bo Rin po che. Scores of her enemies were attacked during the next few weeks. The mob severed the limbs of a number of people, and some of the nun’s opponents were murdered. Other victims included local cadres. For almost a month, the medium army attacked targets she identified and killed or mutilated 15–20 people, according to Goldstein’s estimates. Gyen log leaders convinced her to direct her supporters to attack a PLA unit as part of their revenge for the Jo khang massacre of their compatriots. She blessed talismans and assured her fellow Tibetans that they would be magically protected. They attacked the building in which the soldiers were lodged. The troops had not been issued weapons, and so were defenseless, and they were brutally massacred. This victory against a military unit further reinforced the belief in their divine mission, and the Army of the Gods launched an attack on a fortified (and armed) PLA unit. They were routed and several were killed, but most retained their belief in their possessed leader.

642 • SOG PA’I MO

On 19 June, 1,000 PLA reinforcements arrived in sNye mo to crush the revolt. The Army of the Gods was defeated and Rang byung fled. He disappeared and was never heard from after that. ’Phrin las chos sgron hid in a cave, but a large force surrounded her and her remaining cohorts. They were captured and taken to Lha sa. ’Phrin las chos sgron and 34 followers were executed, and 28 who were found guilty of lesser crimes were imprisoned. Others were required to attend “study sessions” Ch. (xuexiban 学习班; Tib. slob sbyong ’dzin grwa) to correct their mistaken political views. People’s Republic of China (PRC) propaganda records this revolt as a “counter-revolutionary” action, and the government created a site named “Martyrs’ Park” (Ch. Lieshe Lingyuan 烈士陵园) to commemorate it. The incident is one of the “Two Nine Armed Rebellions” (Ch. Liang jiu panluan 两九叛乱): Tibetan uprisings that have the number nine in their dates (the other is the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959). In 1987 it was officially downgraded from an “armed uprising” (Ch. panluan 叛乱) to a “murder incident” (Ch. sharen shijian 杀人事件). Despite the brutality of ’Phrin las chos sgron and her followers, Tibetan exile propaganda portrays the movement as a heroic uprising against Chinese rule by valiant patriots. The violent details appear to have been either ignored or unknown, but it is presented as one of the few Tibetan rebellions that resulted in victory. Goldstein argues that the real basis for the conflict was a power struggle between the Gyen log and mNyam ’brel factions and that the former regarded ’Phrin las chos sgron as insane but useful in mobilizing followers to attack their enemies. Tibetan exiles regard Goldstein’s study of the incident, based mainly on interviews with surviving participants, as thinly disguised PRC propaganda. SOG PA’I MO See SCAPULIMANCY. SOG PO CHING GE SE KHANG: See CHINGGIS KHAN. SOG YUL (SOKYUL) (CH. MENGGU 蒙古). The most common Tibetan designation for Mongolia. During the imperial period, Sog referred to Sogdiana, and it was also a clan name in Tibet. Sperling (1992) speculates that it was used to refer to Mongols after they moved into areas adjacent to Tibetan populations. In later texts, both Sog and Hor are used to refer to Mongols. SOUL BOY (CH. LINGTONG 靈童/灵童). The term many contemporary Chinese sources use to designate reincarnated Tibetan lamas (sprul sku). It is misleading in that one of the most fundamental Tibetan Buddhist doctrines is “no-soul” (bdag med; Skt. anātman). According to the Tibetan Buddhist theory of reincarnation, during the death process the coarser levels of con-

SPOM MDA’ STOBS RGYAL • 643

sciousness drop away until only the most fundamental level, the “mind of clear light” (’od gsal sems; Skt. prabhāsvara-citta), remains. This is an entity that is constantly changing and so is different from the conceptions of soul that Buddhism rejects. Advanced practitioners, motivated by compassion, can choose their future life situations, and other advanced practitioners can recognize them. Their consciousnesses leave their bodies and migrate toward new life situations. The Chinese term is symptomatic of the generally poor level of comprehension of Tibetan Buddhist doctrine and practice in China, even among academics who claim expertise in the field. In traditional Chinese, the first character, 靈 (ling), contains a shaman’s mask and another element indicating a numinous essence descending from heaven. These connotations are inappropriate to the Tibetan concept of sprul sku: their rebirth is conceived as a process guided by the awakened consciousness of an advanced practitioner who takes up a new body and life situation in order to help others. The concept sounds mysterious and shamanistic to most Chinese, but for Tibetans it is simply a description of a common occurrence. SPLITTIST (CH. FENLIEZHUYI FENZI 分裂主义分子; TIB. KHA BRAL RING LUGS PA). A derogatory term coined by People’s Republic of China (PRC) propagandists to describe those who wish to cause divisions within the “Motherland” of China. In Tibet, the primary symbol of splittism is the Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), who, according to PRC propaganda, heads an international cabal, the “Dalai Clique” (Ch. Dalai jituan 达赖集团; Tib. Tā la’i ru tshogs), composed of members of the Central Tibetan Administration, “Tibetans in voluntary self-exile” (i.e., refugees who fled Chinese oppression), imperialist foreign governments who want to keep China from retaking its rightful position as a great power, and well-meaning but misguided “Free Tibet” supporters in foreign countries. SPOM MDA’ STOBS RGYAL (BOMDA DOPGYEL). A Khams pa businessman belonging to the influential sPom mda’ tshang family, wealthy traders who were originally from Khams. They became the sole agents for the export of Tibetan wool to India and had large operations in Lha sa and Ka blon sbug (Kalimpong). He was a close friend of the 13th Dalai Lama’s protégé Kun ’phel lags (1905–1963), who was arrested and exiled following his patron’s death. sPang mda (alt. sPang mda’ tshang) sTobs rgyal launched an abortive Khams pa nationalist coup in 1934 and urged the Khams pa monks of the major monasteries in Lha sa to join him in an action against the central government. The Tibetan army routed his forces in Khams and he fled to China. The government attacked the family’s residence in Lha sa, but eventually agreed to a negotiated settlement rather than risk the financial repercussions of alienating his powerful clan, which held substantial government reserves.

644 • SPRUL SKU

SPRUL SKU (TÜLKU) (SKT. NIRMĀṆA-KĀYA; MON. KHUBILGAN) (CH. HUOFO 活佛; ZHUANSHIZHE 转世者; HUTUKETU 呼图 克图; HUASHEN 化身) (“EMANATION BODY”). The standard Tibetan term for a reincarnate lama. Advanced practitioners acquire the ability to consciously choose their rebirth situations, and other advanced masters can identify them (magical methods such as divination and consultation with mediums are often utilized). These reincarnations occur in an unbroken series (referred to in Tibetan Buddhism as sku ’phreng, “rosary of bodies”). The idea of reincarnate lamas developed gradually in Tibetan Buddhism, and the earliest figure who was officially considered a reincarnation of his predecessor was the third rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339). Today Tibetan Buddhism acknowledges hundreds of reincarnational lineages, the most prominent of which are the Dalai Lamas. See also SOUL BOY. SPU RGYAL (BUGYEL). One of the epithets of the monarchs of the Yar klungs dynasty, which signified their royal authority. It may have meant “Lord of sPu,” which could refer to sPu bo in southeastern Tibet, the area from which they originated. Another common designator was btsan po, “mighty one.” Recent scholarship has shown that the term sPu rgyal as understood during the Imperium was more than a loose confederation of rgyal phran (small tribal entities) under the rule of a btsan po, and something less than a nation. Because some ancient spellings of this term read “sPur,” it has been suggested that it means “corpse” and might have referred to the later btsan pos who through ritual mastered the problematic situation created by Gri gum btsan po’s death: he was the first ruler to leave a corpse behind, so his descendants became “Masters of the (Problem of the) Corpse.” SPYAN RAS GZIGS (CHENREZI; ALT. SPYAN RAS GZIGS DBANG PHYUG) (SKT. AVALOKITEŚVARA) (CH. GUANSHIYIN 观世音). One of the most important bodhisattvas in Mahāyāna Buddhism. He is the embodiment of compassion (snying rje; Skt. karuṇā), which along with wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā) is one of the two main characteristics of the awakened mind of a buddha. His name means “The Lord Who Looks Down,” implying that he views the sufferings of sentient beings with compassion. He figures prominently in many Mahāyāna works, e.g., several Perfection of Wisdom (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā) ­discourses and the Lotus Discourse of the True Doctrine (Dam pa’i chos padma dkar po’i mdo; Skt. Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra (which has an entire chapter [#24] in which he is the main figure). This text describes him as the savior of beings in trouble. By merely remembering his name with devotion one can be saved in times of distress. In early East Asian depictions (up to the

SPYAN RAS GZIGS • 645

Image of 1,000 Armed sPyan ras gzigs in the Jo khang, Lha sa.

early Song Dynasty), he is portrayed as a male, but since at least the 10th century the image of a female in a white robe (Ch. Baiyi Guanyin 白衣观音) has predominated in East Asia. In Tibet sPyan ras gzigs is the country’s patron deity, one of whose physical emanations is the Dalai Lama incarnational line.

646 • SPYI KHYAB MKHAN PO

SPYI KHYAB MKHAN PO (CHIKYAB KHENBO) (“ABBOT GENERAL”). The highest ecclesiastical office in the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) prior to 1959. The holder of the office was a monk-official who had oversight powers with respect to religious matters in areas under the Tibetan government’s dominion. SRID SKYONG (SIKYONG) (“PRESIDENT”). The title of the highest elected official of the bKa’ shag, the parliament of the Central Tibetan Administration, since 20 September 2012. Prior to that, the title of the executive branch was bKa’ slon khri pa. SRIN MO (SINMO) (SKT. RĀKṢASĪ) (CH. LUOCHANÜ 罗刹女/羅剎 女; LUOCHASI 罗刹私/羅剎私) (“DEMONESS”). Autochthonous female spirits that inhabit the land of Tibet. They are demonic in nature and require offerings from humans. Those who offend them may suffer bad fortune, illness, death, or other calamities. In the early to mid-9th century, when the Sanskrit-Tibetan word concordance Mahāvyutpatti was written, there was no entry for the word srin mo, but there was one for the male equivalent, srin po, which suggests that at this time there may have been limited notions of female demonesses for which Tibetans required terminological equivalents. These beings were among the many demons opposed to the importation of Buddhism and were conquered by Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). A well-known legend reports that the land of Tibet is inhabited by a huge and powerful srin mo, who was subdued by the construction of temples that pinned down her limbs. The Jo khang was built over her heart and completed her subjugation. This myth is related in the Anthology of Jewel Instructions (Ma ni bka’ ’bum, attributed to Khri Srong btsan sgam po but probably dating to the late 12th–13th centuries) and other traditional histories. SRONG BTSAN SGAM PO: See KHRI SRONG BTSAN SGAM PO. SRONG LDE BTSAN: See KHRI SRONG LDE BTSAN. STAG BRAG RIN PO CHE (DAKTRA RINPOCHÉ, 1874–1952). The regent (sde srid) who succeeded Rwa sgreng Rin po che ’Jam dpal ye shes (1911–1947). He attempted to purge the government of the latter’s supporters and end the corruption that had characterized his regime. sTag brag escaped an assassination attempt by Rwa sgreng’s supporters in February 1947, and also suppressed revolts by armed monks of Se ra Byes Monastery in 1944 and again in 1947 following Rwa sgreng’s arrest. sTag brag conferred novice (dge tshul) vows on the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), in 1942 and held the post of regent until the latter assumed power on

STAG LUNG BKA’ BRGYUD • 647

17 November 1950 at the age of 15. When he took office, sTag brag Rin po che enjoyed a reputation for moral rectitude, but his rule became increasingly autocratic, and many Tibetans grew disenchanted with him. STAG BU GNYA’ GZIGS (DAKBU NYAZI, CA. 7TH CENTURY). A chieftain in central Tibet who worked to defeat the tyrant sTag skya bo, king of Zing po, which was near Lha sa. sTag bu gnya’ gzigs forged a coalition of local hegemons to oppose sTag skya bo, but he died before it could attack. The coalition fell apart, but his son gNam ri slon btsan convinced his brother and five other chieftains to swear oaths of fealty to him, and they gathered an army of 10,000 troops that destroyed sTag skya bo’s fortress and killed him. This allowed gNam ri slon btsan and his clan to become the most powerful hegemons in central Tibet and set the stage for the later creation of a Tibetan empire. STAG GZIGS (DAKSIK; ALT. RTAG GZIG(S); TA ZIG; STAG GZIG) (CH. DASHI 大食). A region mentioned in Bon texts that is the mythical homeland of the tradition where the “eternal Bon” (g.yung drung bon) was first proclaimed. The mythical holy land of ’Ol mo lung ring is located there; this was the birthplace of sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che. He lived there 18,000 years ago and later traveled to Zhang zhung in western Tibet, where he began to teach. There are various notions regarding its location. Some scholars think the name sTag gzigs is related to Tajik and indicates an area in Central Asia. It is often identified with the larger Persian Empire. In Sweet Elixir: Flower Essence of Ecclesiastic History (Chos ’byung me tog snying po sbrang rtsi’ bcud), Nyang ral Nyi ma’i ’od zer (1124–1196) states that it is situated to the east of O rgyan (Skt. Oḍḍiyāna) and west of Kashmir (Tib. Ka che), which would roughly correspond with northern Pakistan. mKhas pa lde’u’s (late 13th century) Extensive Ecclesiastic History of India and Tibet (rGya bod kyi chos ’byung rgyas pa) supports this identification: he describes it as one of four major ancient kingdoms (along with India, China, and Phrom) that opposed Tibet’s rise. He states that its inhabitants spoke a language called Shintrat, which Bellezza (2008) identifies with the Shina languages of La dwags, Gilgit (Tib. ’Bru zha; alt. Bru sha), and Indus Kohistan. Its ministers are said to be descended from Kashmiris. This would also support a location in Afghanistan or possibly modern northern Pakistan. Bon texts such as the Pure kLu Collection (gTsang ma klu ’bum) suggest that sTag gzigs may have been located somewhere further to the northwest of Pakistan, perhaps near the ancient city of Balkh in modern Afghanistan, or even further north along the Amu Darya River. STAG LUNG BKA’ BRGYUD (DAKLÜNG GAGYÜ) (CH. DALONG JIA’ER JUPAI 大隆迦尔居派). One of the “eight lesser subdivisions” of

648 • STAG LUNG BKA’ BRGYUD

bKa’ brgyud. It was founded by sTag lung thang pa bKra shis dpal (1142– 1210), a disciple of Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). He built a monastery in the sTag lung Valley north of Lha sa in 1180. This became the main seat of the order. He was born in Bong ra steng in g.Yang shod in mDo khams. This was the area in which the Ga zi family, which claimed descent from the dBra clan, had settled. He received monastic ordination at Thang skya’i gtsug lag khang when he was 18. He subsequently traveled to Tibet and studied with Phag mo gru pa. He lived at Phag mo gru for eight years until his teacher died. He appointed his disciple Rin chen mgon (1191–1236) as his successor. Rin chen mgon belonged to the Ga zi family, and members of this clan continued to serve as abbots in successive generations. He and the next seven abbots came from Bong ra steng in Khams, so they are referred to as Khams byon bdun. Following the death of the founder, many monks left, but Rin chen mgon later increased the number of monastic residents to 5,000. He was succeeded by Sangs rgyas yar byon (1203–1272). Following the latter’s death, a succession dispute erupted between two of his nephews, Sangs rgyas dbon (d. 1296) and bKra shis bla ma. They were unable to resolve it, and ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280) intervened, deciding in the latter’s favor. Sangs rgyas dbon left the monastery, taking ritual objects that Sangs rgyas yar byon had entrusted to him. He returned to his native region of mDo khams, where he founded Ri bo che Monastery (alt. Yang dgon or sTag lung mar thang) in dByi shod, near Chab mdo, which was consecrated in 1288. This effectively created a split in the order, with one branch following the traditions established at Ri bo che and the other having its seat at the original monastery, sTag lung dgon pa. Beginning in the 15th century, both branches were strongly influenced by rNying ma teachings. Following Sangs rgyas dbon’s death, he was succeeded by Chos sku U rgyan mgon po (1293–1366), the son of Sangs rgyas dbon’s elder brother and a recognized reincarnation of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). He was succeeded by his nephew rGyal ba’i mtshan can (1344–1401). By the 15th century Ri bo che was the largest monastery in Khams. In 1633 the king of Be ri, Don yod rdo rje, attacked Ri bo che, but he was later executed by Güshri Khan (1582–1655). In 1642 the abbot, Grags pa rgyal mtshan—who had fled before the invasion—received permission from the fifth Dalai Lama and Güshri to restore the monastery, but he died before reaching it. bKra shis dpal grub (1600–1671), the abbot of sTag lung, traveled to Khams and oversaw Ri bo che’s restoration. After the last male member of the Ga zi family died without leaving an heir, abbatial succession was maintained through reincarnation. A history of the tradition was composed by sTag lung pa Ngag dbang rnam rgyal in 1609, entitled Expansive Biographies of sTag lung bKa’ brgyud (sTag lung bka’ brgyud kyi rnam thar rgyas par bshad pa).

STRASBOURG DECLARATION • 649

STAG TSHANG LO TSĀ BA: See SHES RAB RIN CHEN. STAG ’TSHER (DAKTSÉ) (CH. HONGYA CUN 红崖村). The town where bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), the 14th Dalai Lama, was born. It is located in A mdo, in modern Qinghai Province, near Xining. STEIN, SIR MARC AUREL (1862–1943). A Hungarian-born British ­archeologist who traveled to the Mogao Caves (Ch. Mogaoku 莫高窟) at Dunhuang and brought back a trove of manuscripts. He was born in Budapest in a Jewish family but was baptized a Lutheran. He made four expeditions to Central Asia: in 1900, 1906–1908, 1913–1916, and 1930. The British Library’s Stein Collection maintains the manuscripts and objects he retrieved during his travels and has provided generations of scholars with material for their research. He discovered the manuscripts of Dunhuang in a sealed chamber of the Mogao caves in 1907. These included a copy of the Diamond Discourse (’Phags pa shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa rdo rje gcod pa’i mdo; Skt. Vajracchedikā-prajñā-pāramitā-sūtra), believed to be the world’s oldest printed text (around 868 CE). He also obtained 24 cases of manuscripts and four cases of artwork and relics. Many of these works are housed in the National Museum in New Delhi or the British Museum. He was knighted for his work, but the Chinese government characterizes him as an imperialist who stole cultural treasures during a time when the country was weak. Signs at the caves proclaim that missing murals were stolen by “British Imperialist Adventurers” such as Stein. He died in Kabul. He published a number of influential works on his archeological finds. His Ruins of Desert Cathay (1912) describes his work in Dunhuang and his travels in Central Asia. STON PA GSHEN RAB: See GSHEN RAB MI BO CHE. STONG SDE (DONGDÉ) (“1,000 GROUPING”). An administrative division devised during the imperial period (7th–9th centuries). The early Tibetan empire was divided into three large regions, the three “horns” (ru): (1) the central horn (dbu ru), (2) the left horn (g.yo ru), and (3) the right horn (g.yas ru). These were subdivided into stong sde, groupings of 1,000 households. This was the primary administrative unit for taxation; each stong sde was responsible for contributing a sum to the upkeep of the military. STRASBOURG DECLARATION. A speech the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), gave at the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 15 June 1988. He laid out a compromise that he hoped would form a basis for meaningful negotiations between the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) and the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and

650 • STRUGGLE SESSION

a resolution to the “Tibet Issue.” He angered the majority of Tibetan exiles by accepting the reality of Chinese overlordship in Tibet and renounced claims for the country’s independence (rang btsan). He called for “genuine autonomy,” which he explained meant that Tibetans should be in charge of indigenous affairs while the Chinese government treats Tibet as an autonomous region. His proposals included designating Tibet as a demilitarized “zone of peace” that would practice self-government “in association with the People’s Republic of China.” He described his proposals as a “middle way” approach, but it failed to generate any interest on the part of PRC leaders. They have refused to engage in dialogue with either the Dalai Lama or the governmentin-exile. Chinese negotiators have consistently declared that the only issue they are willing to discuss is the timing of the Dalai Lama’s return to China; they also have made clear that if this happens he will be kept in detention and not allowed to travel overseas, neither will he be allowed to speak publicly or visit Tibet. The PRC has indicated that it is not willing to make any compromises in exchange for his surrendering of freedom. Tibetan exiles reacted with dismay at his concessions, which they felt were excessive and unwarranted since the PRC has engaged in widespread oppression and human rights violations and has offered no proposals for resolving outstanding issues. The exile community believes that Tibet was an independent country prior to the invasion of the 1950s and that the Chinese occupation is illegal under international law. The Strasbourg Declaration was, however, endorsed by the CTA and has served as a basis for its approaches to the PRC. It was also cited by the Nobel Prize Committee in 1989 when the Dalai Lama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. The PRC denounced this as a “politicization” of the award and an egregious “interference in China’s internal affairs.” STRUGGLE SESSION (TIB. ’THAB ’DZING; CH. PIDOU HUI 批斗 会). A technique of indoctrination and subjugation the Chinese Communists practiced following the invasion and annexation of Tibet by the People’s ­Republic of China (PRC) in the 1950s. It involved public gatherings in which “class enemies” (members of the aristocracy, religious figures, and landlords) were paraded in front of crowds and publicly humiliated. The sessions commonly began with a paid agitator confronting the accused and screaming abuse, recounting (real or imaginary) wrongs that he/she had perpetrated against “the masses,” followed by beatings and other forms of torture. Many were beaten to death. These were part of Mao Zedong’s 毛泽 东 (1893–1976) program to change the way people thought and raise their “class consciousness” so that they would embrace the socialist transformation of society he envisioned and work to further his goals. He desired a system of permanent revolution in which people of different classes would be in a

SUN YAT-SEN • 651

constant state of agitation and confrontation. This would, he believed, lead to an egalitarian communist state in which class would disappear. In China struggle sessions were often massive public affairs with more than 100,000 people participating. More than 2 million landlords were murdered after being subjected to struggle sessions. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) Tibet was a particular focus of struggle sessions. The Chinese invaders perceived Tibetan society as “feudal” and wanted to destroy it and replace it with “progressive” Chinese institutions and practices. Cadres generally led struggle sessions, often using local agitators to initiate the proceedings. These were always violent and used fear and intimidation to subjugate the population. People who lived through this time report a pervasive feeling of terror and uncertainty; anyone could be singled out as a “class enemy” and subjected to struggle sessions. Sometimes people settled scores by accusing their enemies of reactionary tendencies or crimes against the people. These were one of the major factors cited by the hundreds of thousands of Tibetans who fled into exile. Sometimes Tibetans appropriated these in ways far different from the intentions of the Chinese. One example of this was the public depiction of the Paṇ chen bla ma being subjected to struggle sessions in 1964 as punishment for his 1962 criticism of the PRC regime in Tibet. Many Tibetans kept photos of this from newspapers, which the Chinese authorities regarded as a sign of their patriotism and willingness to switch allegiances, but they failed to realize that Tibetans valued these images because the circle of stars (from the Chinese flag) behind his head formed a halo; Tibetans viewed this as a sign of his holiness. STŪPA: See MCHOD RTEN. SUM PA MKHAN PO: See YE SHES DPAL ’BYOR. SUN YAT-SEN (CH. SUN YIXIAN 孫逸仙/孙逸仙; SUN ZHONGSHAN 孫中山/孙中山, 1866–1925). One of the most influential leaders of modern China. His birth name was Sun Wen 孫文/孙文, and his official name was Sun Deming 孫德明/孙德明. His early literary name was Rixin 日新, and later Yixian 逸仙, pronounced Yat-sen in Cantonese. He was the first provisional president of the Republic of China, founded in 1912, and he later cofounded the Guomindang 国民党 and served as its first leader. He is commonly referred to as “Father of the Nation” and is revered both in Taiwan and in mainland China. Although he is now regarded as an important figure in the development of modern China, his political life was fraught with struggles against other leaders, and he fled into exile on several occasions. After the revolution that toppled the remnants of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912), he

652 • SUN YAT-SEN

soon fell from power in the Republic of China. He led several revolutionary governments that attempted to challenge the warlords who controlled much of the country, with mixed success. The Guomindang formed a fragile alliance with the Communists, but it split into two factions following Sun’s death. The Communists later defeated it and the Guomindang leaders fled to Taiwan. Sun’s main legacy is his political thought, particularly the “Three Principles of the People” (Sanmin Zhuyi 三民主义): (1) nationalism (minzuzhuyi 民族主义), (2) democracy (minquanzhuyi 民权主义), and (3) the people’s livelihood (minshengzhuyi 民生主义), which are endorsed (though not really practiced) by the People’s Republic of China.

T TĀ LA’I BLA MA: See DALAI LAMA. TA PHO CHOS SKOR (TABO CHÖKHOR). A monastery founded in 996 by Rin chen bzang po (958–1055), located in sPi ti (alt. sPyi ti; Spiti) in Himachal Pradesh at an altitude of 3,050 m (10,007 ft.). Lha bla ma Byang chub ’od (984–1078) renovated the main temple (gTsug lag khang dmar po) in 1041. Ta pho has a surrounding wall that encompasses about 6,300 sq. m (over 1.5 acres) and has nine temples, 23 mchod rten, a monastic residence, and a nun’s residence. Following the earthquake of 1975 many of the buildings were rebuilt. The Dalai Lama conducted the Dus kyi ’khor lo (Kālacakra) initiation at Ta pho in 1983 and 1996. Meditators use caves above the monastery for retreats. The complex is a repository of some of the most important and best-preserved early Buddhist art of the Himalayan region and India, including thang kas, statues, and murals. It also has a library that holds some rare manuscripts. Some murals date to the 15th century and are accompanied by inscriptions with family and tribal names. The murals depict styles of clothing, hairstyles, and other modes of appearance that art historians believe may provide clues to sPi ti’s pre-10th century (i.e., Buddhist) acculturation as part of the kingdom of Zhang zhung. sPi ti was one of the areas of the western Himalayas where the western Tibetan dynasty proselytized, and many of its temples were founded during this period. Of particular interest for art historians are the painted ceilings of the ’Du khang (assembly hall), which depict fabrics; these may be a reflection of prevailing Indian custom. These paintings show elements of Indian cloth design that are invaluable for reconstructing the artistic and cultural milieu of the 12th century. Ta pho’s stucco images—some larger than life size—reflect the high artistic standards of the time, and many remain in good condition today. TĀ RA NĀ THA (ALT. SGROL MA’I MGON PO; SKT. TĀRANĀTHA, 1575–1634) (CH. DUOLUONATA 多罗那他). An influential scholar and historian of the Jo nang lineage, which was suppressed by the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). He studied with some of the most eminent masters of his day, including the ninth rGyal 653

654 • TĀ RA NĀ THA

dbang Karma pa, dBang phyug rdo rje (1556–1603), Lha dbang grags pa, rDo ring dbon Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan, and Ku ru kṣetra Paṇḍi ta Bā la bha dra. He was born in Drong, according to legend on the birthday of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava). White hair is associated with wisdom in both India and Tibet. Tāranātha noted in his Autobiography that when he was a baby: “I had fine white hair that wafted about. Later on the color of my hair turned black. Wafting white hair of this kind meant that later on wisdom would arise.” His father’s lineage derived from 11th-century anchorite Rwa lo tsā ba. His birth name was Kun dga’ snying po, and he was later given the name Tāranātha. He reportedly knew that he was the rebirth of his lineal antecedent Kun dga’ grol mchog from his first year, although the former’s relatives hotly contested this. Within a few years Tāranātha was installed at Chos lung rtse monastery as Kun dga’ grol chog’s official reincarnation. He was a prodigiously gifted student, and by age 15 he had mastered many tantric cycles as well as Indian vernacular dialects. His main Indian teacher was Sangs rgyas sbas pa’i mgon (Skt. Buddhaguptanātha, 16th–17th centuries), whom he met when he was 16. Throughout his life Tāranātha was particularly interested in meeting Indian yogis, and his Autobiography records the names and details of at least 28 with whom he studied. He was recognized by mKhan chen Lung rig rgya mtsho as the rebirth of Nag po pa (Skt. Kṛṣṇācārya) and mKhan chen’s teacher, rJe btsun Kun dga’ sgrol mchog. Tāranātha promulgated the teachings of Jo nang and was recognized as a master of the Wheel of Time (Dus kyi ’khor lo; Skt. Kālacakra) cycles, concerning which he wrote many volumes. His main patrons were the rulers (sde pa) of gTsang, who were primarily supporters of the Karma pa order but who also provided funding for Tāranātha and his Jo nang view, as well as his deeply felt eclectic mixture of other traditions. In 1615 the gTsang rulers commenced funding the construction of Phun tshogs gling (also known as rTag brtan dam chos gling) Monastery in the gTsang po Valley about 320 km (200 mi.) west of Lha sa. It was described as the most lavishly decorated and sumptuous of all monasteries in either dBus or gTsang at the time. It was Tāranātha’s main seat until his death. Following the Civil War (1603–1621), it was forcibly converted into a dGe lugs establishment in 1642 when the new Tibetan governmental system was established; it was renamed dGa’ ldan phun tshogs gling. This was largely a political statement relating to Tāranātha’s role as the household priest of the dGe lugs pas’ enemies, the gTsang rulers, who were the losers in the Civil War. As further punishment—and to ensure that future rebirths would not cause trouble for the dGa’ ldan pho brang—the fifth Dalai Lama and the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662), declared that Tāranātha’s reincarnation was to be Zanabazar (1635–1723),

TA’I SI TU RIN PO CHE • 655

who was born among the Khalkha banner in Mongolia, who were allies of the dGe lugs pa. He became the first rJe btsun dam pa hu thog tu. Tāranātha was one of the greatest literary figures of Tibet; in the West his best-known work is the 143-folio History of Buddhism in India (rGya gar chos ’byung), written in 1608. His Essential Points of the Origins of the Glorious Wheel of Time (dPal dus kyi ’khor lo’i chos bskor gyi byung khungs nyer mkho) is an important history of the transmission of the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra). TA RIM (DARIM) (CH. TALIMU PENDI 塔里木盆地; UYGHUR: TARIM OYMANLIQI) (“TARIM BASIN”). A large endorheic basin in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (Ch. Xinjiang Wewu’er Zizhiqu 新疆 维吾尔自治区) of the People’s Republic of China that occupies an area of about 906,500 sq. km (350,000 sq. mi.). It is bordered by the Then hran ri bo (alt. Then han ri bo; Ch. Tian Shan 天山) mountains to the south and the Khu nu ri bo (Ch. Kunlun Shan 昆仑山) on the northern edge of the Tibetan Plateau. Much of the Basin consists of the Taklamakan Desert (Ch. Takelamagan Shamo 塔克拉玛干沙漠; Uyghur: Taklimakan Qumluqi). The Tarim Basin is a desert region with several oasis towns that were part of the Silk Road and is inhabited by Uyghurs and other Turkic peoples, including Tajiks. The northern Silk Road passed along the northern edge of the Taklamakan Desert, and the southern route followed the southern edge. The southern path included the oases of Yarkand, Niya, Pishan, Marin, and Khotan. The northern route included the oases of Aksu, Korla, Turfan, Gaochang, and Loulan. Other major oases included Kashgar in the southwest, Kusha in the north, and Dunhuang in the east. In ancient times Tocharian languages were spoken in the Tarim Basin; these were the easternmost of the Indo-European language families. Today the dominant languages are Chinese and Turkish. Han Chinese armies took control of the Basin around the end of the 1st century due to the military conquests of General Ban Chao 班超 (32–102 CE). The Kuṣāṇa empire controlled the area during the 1st–2nd centuries and established the capital in Kashgar. During the imperial period (7th–9th centuries) Tibetan armies controlled most of this area, but following the collapse of the empire Tibetans generally lost interest in the region. For much of its history, it has been under the control of Turkic rulers, but following military incursions by People’s Liberation Army troops in the 1950s it was forcibly incorporated into the People’s Republic of China. TA’I SI TU RIN PO CHE (DAISIDU RINPOCHÉ) (CH. DAI SITU 大 司徒). One of the main reincarnational lineages of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order; these lamas are considered by the tradition to be emanations of B ­ yams pa (Skt. Maitreya). The Ta’i si tu Rin po ches are one of the four major

656 • TAIZONG

reincarnational lineages of this order (the other three are the rGyal dbang Karma pas, the Zhwa dmar pas, and the rGyal tshab rin po ches). The members of this lineage are: 1. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1377–1448) 2. bKra shis rnam rgyal (1450–1497) 3. bKra shis dpal ’byor (1498–1541) 4. Mi ’khrugs Chos kyi go cha (1542–1585) 5. Chos kyi rgyal mtshan dpal bzang (1586–1657) 6. Mi pham Chos rgyal rab brtan (1658–1682) 7. Legs bshad smra ba’i nyi ma (1683–1698) 8. Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1699–1774) 9. Padma nyin byed dbang po (1774–1853) 10. Padma kun bzang (1854–1885) 11. Padma dbang mchog rgyal po (1886–1952) 12. Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–) TAIZONG 太宗 (599–649) (TIB. THE’I TSONG; ALT. THE JUNG). The second emperor of the Tang dynasty (618–907), who ruled from 626 to 649. His personal name was Li Shimin 李世民. His “Reign of Zhenguan” (Ch. Zhenguan zhi zhi 贞观之治) is traditionally regarded as a golden age and its practices were held up as examples for later princes. This was the apogee of Tang military power, as well as a time in which the arts flourished. It was a period of peace and economic prosperity, and the legacy of his reign lasted for more than a century following his death. In 630 his general Li Jing 李靖 (alt. 李卫公) defeated the Eastern Turkish (Tujue 突厥) khanate and captured Jiali Khan Ashina Duobi (Xieli Kehan; Ilig Qaghan 颉利可汗). This made the Tang the dominant power in eastern and Central Asia, and Taizong later gave himself the title “Heavenly Emperor” (Tian Kehan 天可汗). He was the uncle of princess Wencheng Gongzhu 文成公主 (d. 683/684), who traveled to Tibet and married the Tibetan king Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605– 650). The two rulers established a “nephew-uncle” (dbon zhang) relationship intended to reduce hostilities. Despite his successes against Turkish forces at his borders, the Tibetans remained a potent military threat and seized some of his territory. The marriage was only concluded under duress when a Tibetan force threatened his capital. TANG DYNASTY (CH. TANGCHAO 唐朝) (TIB. THANG RGYAL RABS; ALT. THANG CHAO, 618–907). The Chinese dynasty that succeeded the Sui dynasty (Suichao 隋朝, 581–618) and followed the Five Dynasties and Five Kingdoms Period. It was founded by the Li 李 family, which seized power following the collapse of the Sui. It was briefly

TANTRA • 657

interrupted by the Second Zhou Dynasty (16 October 690–3 March 705), when Empress Wu Zetian seized the throne. Its capital was Chang’an 长安 (modern-day Xi’an). At its height it was a golden age of early Chinese culture, and the arts and sciences thrived. It had a huge population for the time (an estimated 80 million at one point), which allowed it to raise large armies and attack the nomadic powers at its borders that had been a traditional threat to the settled urban populations of central China. It also controlled most of the main trade routes through Central Asia, and several Silk Road kingdoms paid tribute before Tibet conquered them between the mid-7th and early 9th centuries. During this time, Chinese culture spread into neighboring areas, including Japan, Korea, and Vietnam. It was a time during which Tibet had increased contact with China. Tibetan armies fought against Chinese forces on numerous occasions, as described both in Tibetan chronicles and the Old Tang Annals (Ch. Jiu Tang Shu 舊唐書/旧唐书, presented to Emperor Chudi in 945). At the same time, Tibet imported Chinese culture and arranged marriages with two Chinese princesses of the royal court. Notable cultural advances credited to the Tang include the development of woodblock printing and new techniques for agriculture and irrigation. The Tang emperor launched the most severe persecution of Buddhism in Chinese history in 845. TANGUT: See MI NYAG. TANTRA (TIB. RGYUD) (CH. MIZONG 密宗) (“CONTINUUM,” “THREAD”). Discourses attributed to Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha), and sometimes other buddhas, that began to circulate sometime around the late 7th century in India. They adopted the same basic narrative structure as the Mahāyāna sūtras, but taught a number of very different practices (though the basic outline of the bodhisattva path and the primary goal of the attainment of buddhahood for the benefit of others were retained). The tantras claim to offer a faster (but more arduous and dangerous) path to buddhahood than the Mahāyāna sūtras, and their intended trainees are those with exceptional intelligence, profound compassion, and a strong motivation to benefit others. These texts emphasize the use of rituals, symbols, mantras, and visualizations, and are the basic textual sources of rDo rje theg pa (Skt. Vajrayāna). Tibetan doxographers divide tantras into four classes: (1) action tantras (bya rgyud; Skt. kriyā-tantra), (2) performance tantras (spyod rgyud; Skt. caryātantra), (3) yoga tantras (rnal ’byor rgyud; Skt. yoga-tantra), and (4) highest yoga tantras (rnal ’byor bla na med pa’i rgyud; Skt. a­ nuttara-­yoga-tantra). The first emphasizes external ritual activities. It focuses on purification of body and mind through rituals in which symbolic representations of the path

658 • TANTRA

are created or acted out. Performance tantras equally emphasize external activities and internal yoga. In these meditations, one visualizes an image of oneself as an awakened being and also generates an image of the focal buddha in front of oneself as a template. The meditator relates to the deity as a friend and strives to emulate it. In yoga tantra one visualizes oneself as an actual buddha, and not merely as a servant, companion, or friend. One still performs rituals, but they are conceived as aids to mental development. The emphasis is on internal yoga. Highest yoga tantra is based on a mystical physiology, the focus of which is the “subtle body” (sgyu lus) and the manipulation of subtle energies named “winds” (rlung) and “drops” (thig le), which circulate through channels (rtsa). This is the most powerful, effective, and rapid path to buddhahood. In the generation stage (bskyed rim), one mentally creates a vivid image of the focal buddha from the wisdom consciousness realizing emptiness, and in the completion stage (rdzogs rim) the deity and meditator merge and become inseparable. Through this one rapidly acquires the qualities of the tutelary buddha. Entry into tantric training begins with “preliminary practices” (sngon ’gro). The most common set requires that aspiring initiates perform 100,000 of four repetitive practices: (1) prostrations (phyag ’tshal), (2) recitation of the mantra of rDo rje sems dpa’ (Skt. Vajrasattva) (sngags bzla ba), (3) offer-

Tibetans performing prostrations at Nyag rong Monastery.

THEG MCHOG RDO RJE • 659

ings of dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala) (dkyil ’khor ’bul ba), and (4) guru yoga (bla ma’i rnal ’byor). Before embarking on the practice of any tantric cycle, initiation (dbang bskur ba; Skt. abhiṣeka) is required. Initiation rites are often preceded by construction of a maṇḍala of the focal buddha of a particular cycle, and during the initiation the officiating lama throws flowers onto it for each initiate to determine karmic connections with a particular buddha. Initiates are given oral instructions, and most initiations include requirements for daily performance of ritual cycles called “means of achievement” (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana). TAR: See TIBET AUTONOMOUS REGION. TĀRĀ: See SGROL MA. THANG KA (TANGKA) (CH. TANGKA 唐卡). Scroll paintings found throughout the Tibetan cultural area, generally gouache on linen base, using vegetable- and mineral-based pigments. They often depict buddhas, Buddhist luminaries, dkyil ’khor (Skt. maṇḍala), or artistic motifs like the “wheel of becoming” (srid pa’i ’khor lo; Skt. bhava-cakra). They are commonly used at initiation ceremonies, and are often combined with visualization liturgies (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana), in which they serve as aids for visualization. Many thang kas depict important historical figures, sometimes painted during the subject’s life; these provide insights into physiognomy, dress, and other important details. For historians, the supporting details are as important as the main figure, because in these painted areas geographical and architectural details are seen, along with other pieces of cultural information. Although from the viewpoint of Tibetan Buddhism they are religious objects—and not art for display—they have become popular souvenirs for tourists in the shops of Kathmandu and Leh, and many old and valuable thang kas (mostly looted from Tibetan monasteries) have appeared in auctions in Western countries in recent decades. THANG RGYAL RABS: See TANG DYNASTY. THANG STONG RGYAL PO: See BRTSON ’GRUS BZANG PO. THEG MCHOG RDO RJE (TEKCHOK DORJÉ, 1788/1789–1868/1869) (CH. TIEQIU DUOJIE 帖秋多杰). The 14th rGyal dbang Karma pa. His hagiography reports that he was born in Zal mo sgang in the village of Zla nang. Important Points of Tibetan History (Bod kyi gal che’i lo rgyus), however, states that he was born in Khams at Ri bo che ta na la. His father was mGon po lha dar, and his mother was bSod nams lha mo. He was given the

660 • THEG PA CHEN PO

name bLo bzang grub mchog at birth. According to his hagiography, when he was born rainbows appeared in the sky and flowers bloomed, even though it was the middle of winter. Shortly after he was delivered, he recited the Sanskrit alphabet. He was recognized by the eighth ’Brug chen, Kun gzigs Chos kyi snang ba (1768–1822), who gave him the name Theg mchog rdo rje. His recognition is one of the few cases in which the Golden Urn (gSer bum; Ch. Jinping 金瓶) sent by Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799) was used in the selection of a reincarnate lama (sprul sku). He was given novice (dge tshul) vows by the ninth Ta’i si tu, Padma nyin byed dbang po (1774–1853), following which he studied for several years at ’Og min gling Monastery, where he received instructions in bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma lore. He later traveled to mTshur phu Monastery, where he received the “Black Hat” (Zhwa nag) of the Karma pas. At age 19 he received full ordination (dge slong) from Ta’i si tu Rin po che and ’Brug chen Rin po che. He oversaw the refurbishment of the monastery and of several mchod rten in the surrounding area. He was skilled in metalwork and sculpture, and produced a number of outstanding images. He was also a noted linguist and poet renowned for his skill in rhetoric and poetics. He played a leading role in the renaissance of the arts in eastern Tibet and was also a prominent figure in the efflorescence of the “Nonsectarian” (Ris med) approach to Buddhist studies in the 19th century. He gave teachings to the three leading Nonsectarian lamas, ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892), ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899), and mChog gyur gling pa (1829–1870). Kong sprul gave him instructions in the “means of achievement” (sgrub thabs; Skt. sādhana) of rDo rje phur pa (Skt. Vajrakīlaya). The Karma pa introduced the tradition of performing ’cham dances based on this and on the Secret Assembly Tantra (gSang ba ’dus pa’i rgyud; Skt. Guhyasamājatantra) and “Great Phur pa Ritual” (Phur ba sgrub chen) during the month of Sa ga zla ba at mTshur phu. THEG PA CHEN PO: See MAHĀYĀNA. THEG PA DMAN PA: See HĪNAYĀNA. THE’I TSONG: See TAIZONG. THO LING (TOLING; ALT. (M)THO LDING) (CH. TUOLIN 托林). The capital of the kingdom of Gu ge in western Tibet. It was established as the capital by Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036). Prior to this, during the reign of Nyi ma mgon the capital was sPu hrang (alt. sPu hreng(s); sPu hrangs). Tho ling Monastery, founded by Ye shes ’od, was one of the major religious centers of western Tibet. Vitali (1999) states that it was a center

THO LING • 661

of religious activity for both Buddhists and Bon pos; he cites a story that the Bon “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) Hum ’bar discovered a “treasure” (gter) text in a statue of rTa mgrin (Skt. Hayagrīva) in the gTsug lag khang (late 10th–early 11th centuries). According to Royal Genealogies of mNga’ ris (mNga’ ris rgyal rabs), the foundation of the Tho ling gtsug lag khang was constructed in 996. The temple was completed in 1028 and named Tho gling khang dmar dpal dpe med lhun gyis grub pa’i gtsug lag khang. The main image was a statue of rNam par snang mdzad (Skt. Vairocana). In the Great Edict (bKa’ shog chen mo), Ye shes ’od mandated that nomads and herders would be required to provide regular payments for the monastery’s upkeep and support of monks. The Royal Genealogies of mNga’ ris states that 80 monks resided there after it was founded. The protectress (bsrung ma; alt. srung ma) of Tho ling was rDo rje chen mo, who was brought from dBus ’gyur tshal (alt. Ma ga dha; Skt. Magadha) by Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) along with her retinue and installed in the gTsug lag khang by ’Od lde (r. 1024–1037). The complex was later expanded, and new buildings were constructed. It was badly damaged during an invasion by Turks (Hor) in 1037. It was rebuilt soon after this and renovated by Grags pa lde (1230–1277) from 1265 to 1277. Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa) stayed at Tho ling from 1042 to 1045 after his arrival in Tibet. While residing there he composed his most famous work, Lamp for the Path to Awakening (Byang chub lam gyi sgron ma; Skt. Bodhipatha-pradīpa), reportedly written at the request of Byang chub ’od. Successive generations of the Gu ge ruling family expanded the complex. Zhi ba ’od (d. 1111) sponsored the construction of the “Golden Temple” (gSer khang). The foundation was laid in 1067. By the time of his death in 1111, the kingdom of Gu ge was in decline. Succession battles weakened the dynasty and another royal lineage seized the throne. The capital was later moved to Dung dkar (alt. Dun bkar) by ’Bar lde, and Tho ling faded in importance. Tho ling experienced a revival in the 15th century during the reign of rNam rgyal lde (1372–1431). His capital was Mang nang, but he invested in expansion and renovation of Tho ling. A leading figure in the renaissance was Ngag dbang grags pa (15th century), a disciple of Tsong kha pa who was born in Gu ge and returned there following studies in central Tibet and spread the teachings of what would become the dGe lugs order. After he settled in Gu ge, he subdued a malevolent demon (’dre), which had resisted earlier efforts by Sa skya and ’Bri gung bKa’ brgyud lamas. He was appointed court chaplain (bla mchod) by the ruling house and became the abbot of the major monasteries of the area, including Tho ling. By 1424 he was the most powerful religious figure in Gu ge. He officiated at the coronation of King Nam mkha’i dbang po phun tshogs lde in that year and then began reconstruction and expansion

662 • THOGS MED

of Tho ling Monastery. It again became a center of religious activity in the region. In 1630 Seng ge rnam rgyal, the king of La dwags, invaded and conquered Gu ge. The last Gu ge king, bKra shis grags pa, was taken to La dwags and spent the rest of his life there. Seng ge rnam rgyal died in 1642, and his son Indra bo dhi rnam par rgyal ba (alt. Indra bo dhi rnam rgyal) inherited Gu ge. Gu ge remained under the rule of the La dwags kings until 1679–1680, when dGa’ ldan Tshe dbang dpal bzang defeated the La dwags armies. Following the signing of a treaty in 1684, it came under the control of the dGa’ ldan pho brang. Gu ge and Tho ling Monastery were under the authority of the central government until its overthrow in 1959 by the People’s Republic of China. THOGS MED (TOMÉ) (SKT. ASAṄGA) (CH. WUZHE 無著/无着; ASENGJIA 阿僧伽, 4TH CENTURY). One of the most influential Indian Buddhist philosophers, whom Tibetan doxographers regard as the “opener of the chariot way” (shing rta) of the Mind Only (Sems tsam; Skt. Cittamātra; alt. rNal ’byor spyod pa: Skt. Yogācāra) School. He and his half-brother dByig gnyen (Skt. Vasubandhu) are credited with writing a number of the most influential works of this tradition. According to Indian sources, Asaṅga was born to a brahman woman named gSal ba’i tshul khrims ma (Skt. Prakāṣaśīla) in sKyes bu’i grong khyer (alt. Po lo shu po lo; Skt. Puruṣapura) in Gandhāra (Tib. Sa ’dzin) in the northern part of the subcontinent, but he mostly lived near Ayodhyā (Tib. gNas bcas). In his early years he studied with “higher doctrine” (chos mngon; Skt. abhidharma) masters of the Sa ston pa’i sde pa (Skt. Mahīśāsaka) school. After a period of training, he entered into meditative retreat in a cave on Ri bo bya rkang can (Skt. Kukkuṭa-parvata), where he meditated on Byams pa (Skt. Maitreya). According to legend, he received a face-to-face visitation from the future buddha, who became his teacher and revealed the “Five Treatises of Maitreya” (Byams chos sde lnga; see Byams pa entry). Following his conversion to Mahāyāna, he composed the voluminous Treatise on the Levels of Yogic Practice (rNal ’byor spyod pa’i sa; Skt. Yogācāra-bhūmi) and the Compendium of the Great Vehicle (Theg pa chen po’i bsdus pa; Skt. Mahāyāna-saṃgraha), which became important treatises of the Yogācāra tradition. He is credited with converting Vasubandhu to Mahāyāna. After his change of heart, Vasubandhu was reportedly so contrite about his former calumnies of the Great Vehicle that he wanted to cut out his tongue, but Asaṅga persuaded him to use it instead to propagate the Dharma. Toward the end of his life, Asaṅga reportedly became the abbot of Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā) for 12 years. Following his death, he was reborn in the heaven of dGa’ ldan (Skt. Tuṣita).

THOUGHT WORK • 663

THON MI SAM BHO ṬA (TÖNMI SAMBHOTA, CA. 7TH CENTURY) (CH. TUNMI SANGBUZHA 吞米桑布扎; DUANMEI SANPUTI 端美 三菩提). An advisor to Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) who, according to later histories, traveled to India at his behest and developed a script and grammar for the Tibetan language in consultation with Kashmiri scholars. He was born in gNyal in southern Tibet. According to later histories, he was the fourth of “seven wise ministers” dispatched to India and the only one who returned. Recent scholarship has called his role into question, however, as his name is not mentioned in the Old Tibetan Annals or any other extant early texts. One reason for doubts regarding his historicity is his name, which combines Sanskritic and Tibetan elements. “Sam bho ṭa” means “Good Tibetan” in Tibetanized Sanskrit, and “Thon mi” is a description rather than a name. The script that became normative in Tibet was based on the north Indian Gupta alphabet. Thon mi Sam bho ṭa is also credited with authoring the Thirty Verse Basic Grammar (Lung ston pa rtsa ba sum cu pa) and Guide to Signs: A Grammar (Lung du ston pa rtag gi ’jug pa), which are still used for teaching grammar. THOUGHT WORK (CH. SIXIANG GONGZUO 思想工作; TIB. BSAM BLO’I LAS KA). A term Chinese authorities in Tibet commonly use to describe indoctrination. The trainees are required to actively participate in the process, during which their “backward,” “reactionary,” or “splittist” ideas are attacked and they are led to embrace the ideology of their instructors. The program assumes that most Tibetans harbor incorrect ideas and that their culture and religion constitute the major impediments to their ability to fully join in the new socialist society that their “Han big brothers and sisters” have created for their benefit. Theoretically thought work should use persuasion and evidence to convince people of the falsity of their views and lead them to correct themselves, but Tibetans who have been subjected to thought work sessions report that intimidation, violence, and torture are common elements. Many of the cadres who conduct thought work sessions in monasteries are poorly educated and assert simplistic doctrinaire views that are easily demolished by monks trained in dialectical debate. The term was used widely during the Cultural Revolution, during which Tibetans were bombarded with propaganda and forced to join “work units” and participate in “study sessions” intended to replace their outmoded ideas with a revolutionary perspective based on Mao Zedong’s thought. The term is still used today for efforts by the Chinese authorities to change the way Tibetans think, and it is adapted to whatever constitutes the current ideology and political agenda. A resurgence of thought work efforts has followed every major Tibetan uprising, including that of 2008, the largest and most widespread

664 • THU MED

to date, which clearly illustrated the failure of Chinese propaganda efforts. See also TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008. THU MED: See TÜMED. THUB BSTAN BZOD PA RIN PO CHE, BLA MA (LAMA TUPDEN ZOPA RINPOCHE, BORN 1946). A dGe lugs pa lama who together with bLa ma Thub bstan ye shes (Lama Tupden Yeshe, 1935–1981) established the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), which has grown into one of the largest Tibetan Buddhist organizations in the world. THUB BSTAN LEGS BSHAD, PADMA NOR BU RIN PO CHE (BENOR RINPOCHÉ TUPDEN LEKSHÉ, 1932–2009). The 11th Throne Holder (Khri ’dzin) of the dPal yul lineage of rNying ma, believed to be an incarnation of the 8th-century master Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra). He studied with and received initiations from many of the leading masters of his time and held all the major rNying ma lineages. He served as the head of the order until his death. He was born in sPo bo in Khams and was recognized by the fifth rDzogs chen Rin po che, Thub bstan chos kyi rdo rje (1872–1935). He was enthroned by the second mChog sprul Rin po che, Thub bstan chos kyi zla ba (1894–1959), and the fourth sKu chen Rin po che, Karma Theg mchog s­ nying po (1908–1958), the 10th dPal yul Throne Holder. He studied at dPal yul Monastery in Tibet. He fled to the “hidden land” (sbas yul) of Padma bkod with 300 followers, but only 30 survived the journey. In 1961 he resettled in Bylakuppe, where in 1963 he built a bamboo temple that housed a few monks. During the 1970s the center expanded, and by the 1980s rNam grol gling housed several hundred monks. Padma nor bu Rin po che first visited the United States in 1985 and in 1998 he established the Palyul Retreat Center in Upstate New York. He was elected as the head of the rNying ma order in 1992, succeeding Dil mgo mkhyen rtse Rin po che (1910–1991). He played a prominent role in missionary efforts in the West, and he designated action movie star Steven Segal (1952–) as a reincarnate lama (sprul sku); he recognized Segal Rin po che as the incarnational successor of the 17th-century “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) Khyung brag rdo rje. THUB BSTAN RGYA MTSHO (TUPDEN GYATSO, 1876–1933) (CH. TUDENG JIACUO 土登嘉措). The 13th Dalai Lama, who was born into a peasant family in the village of gLang mdun in Dwags po. His father was Kun dga’ rin chen, and his mother was bLo bzang sgrol ma. He was officially recognized in 1878 as the reincarnation of ’Phrin las rgya mtsho (1856–1875) by the eighth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang bstan pa’i dbang

THUB BSTAN RGYA MTSHO • 665

phyug (1855–1882), who escorted him to Lha sa and conferred monastic ordination. He gave him the name Ngag dbang blo bzang thub bstan rgya mtsho ’jigs bral phyogs las rnam rgyal. He was enthroned in the Po ta la in 1879. His family was ennobled, and they took their name from their native village, gLang mdun. While he pursued his studies, the regent (sde srid) was rTa tshag Ngag dbang dpal ldan (r. 1875–1886). After his death, the ninth De mo hu thog tu, bLo bzang ’phrin las (1856–1900; r. 1886–1895), was appointed. At the age of 19, in 1895, the Dalai Lama received full monastic ordination (dge slong). He assumed political power on 8 August 1895, but the De mo hu thog tu attempted to assassinate him through black magic: he stitched curses into his shoes so that he would be weakened with every step he took. When the plot was uncovered, the De mo hu thog tu was stripped of his rank and estate. Thub bstan rgya mtsho’s reign was a time of increasing turmoil for Tibet, mainly due to external forces. Tibet was the central focus of the “Great Game” waged between Great Britain, China, and Russia for influence and control over the Himalayan region. He attempted to develop relations with Czarist Russia at the urging of his tutor, Agvan Dorjiev (Ngag dbang blo bzang rdo rje, 1854–1938), a Buryat Mongol who traveled to Tibet and studied at ’Bras spungs Monastery. In 1901 Dorjiev delivered a letter from the Dalai Lama to Czar Nicholas II (r. 1894–1917), but the Russians had their own problems and had little interest in aiding Tibet. Britain, however, believed that the Russian threat was far greater than it actually was and frantically worked to establish relations with the Tibetan government. British representatives first approached China, but were told that it had no real influence (despite continued claims of sovereignty). After Tibet rebuffed or ignored its diplomatic approaches, Britain launched an invasion led by Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942) in 1903–1904, with the stated intention of opening the country to foreign trade. After encountering resistance from poorly armed militias, the British soldiers opened fire, killing scores of Tibetans. They then marched to Lha sa, where they forced the government to sign a trade treaty. The Dalai Lama fled the country before they arrived and took refuge in Outer Mongolia with Dorjiev. It soon became clear that Russia, still recovering from a devastating war with Japan, was in no position to help Tibet, and the Dalai Lama also had a disappointing meeting with the ruler of Mongolia, the rJe btsun dam pa, Ngag dbang blo bzang chos rje nyi ma bstan ’dzin dbang phyug (Agvaanluvsanchoyjindanzanvaanchigbalsambuu, 1870–1924), who indicated that he was not able to lend any support. The Dalai Lama returned to Tibet, but first spent some time at Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山). The Qing court—which was displeased that he was seeking alliances with various foreign powers and had taken refuge in Mongolia—issued a proclamation that he had been stripped of his titles (including that of Dalai Lama).

666 • THUB BSTAN RGYA MTSHO

By this time, China had little influence in Tibet, and the order was ignored. In 1908 he accepted an imperial summons to Beijing, where he informed the Qing emperor Guangxu 光绪帝 (Tib. bKwan bshus, 1871–1908) that he was in charge of Tibetan affairs and that he regarded the Manchu representatives (am ban) as ambassadors, and not as China-appointed governors, as the Qing court conceived them. This amounted to a declaration of independence and was recognized as such by the emperor, who lacked the power to force the Tibetans to return to their former status as an official protectorate of the Qing. Guangxu died soon after this, and the empress dowager Cixi (Cixi Taihou 慈 禧太后, 1835–1908) assumed power. Puyi 溥仪 (1906–1967)—Guangxu’s successor and the last Qing emperor—was still a boy when he ascended the throne, and his reign ended when the Nationalists seized power in 1912. The Dalai Lama met with both Cixi and Puyi, but had apparently already decided that there was no further point in maintaining the fiction of a “patronrecipient” (mchod yon) relationship with China. In an attempt to reassert Chinese influence and to extend his own power, the general Zhao Erfeng 趙爾豐/赵尔丰 (1845–1911), newly appointed by the Qing court as “Imperial Commissioner of Tibet,” launched an invasion of Khams that succeeded in taking control of much of the eastern part of the Tibetan Plateau and incorporating it into a new provincial entity called Xikang Province (Ch. Xikang Sheng 西康省). In 1907 his forces marched toward Lha sa and seized it in 1910. The Dalai Lama again fled, and a regent ruled in his stead. Thub bstan rgya mtsho traveled to British India and solicited support there. He was pleasantly surprised by the cordial greeting he received, particularly from Sir Charles Bell (1870–1945), who was fluent in Tibetan and an expert on Tibetan history and culture. China, however, again issued a proclamation stripping him of his titles. In the end, his meetings with British representatives came to nothing because the government in London had issued orders that forbade them from becoming involved in Sino-Tibetan affairs. The invasions by Britain and China made the Dalai Lama aware of his country’s military weakness, and his rebuffs in Mongolia and India were clear evidence that Tibet lacked friends in the international community. These experiences prompted the Dalai Lama to attempt to modernize Tibet’s army and to institute a number of other reforms after he returned to Tibet. These were, however, scuttled by the monasteries and the aristocracy after he died, because they feared that reforms might threaten their power. The Qing dynasty (1644–1912) collapsed in 1912 and was replaced by the Republic of China. It inherited the problems of its predecessor and was beset by natural disasters, internal rebellions, and corruption. Much of the country was ruled by warlords, and the actual sphere of control was limited to the area around its capital, Nanjing.

THUB BSTAN RGYA MTSHO • 667

In 1912 the Dalai Lama returned and declared Tibet’s independence. Tsha rong—an aristocrat who had served Chinese interests in his absence—was assassinated as a collaborator along with his son and some allies, and the Dalai Lama transferred Tsha rong’s estate to his favorite officer, Zla bzang dgra ’dul (1886–1959), which raised him to aristocratic rank. He played a key role in administering the proposed reforms. During Thub bstan rgya mtsho’s tenure, China was weakened by foreign intrigues and internal rebellions, and the Dalai Lama sought to acquire better weaponry and training for his army. He purchased British rifles and some field artillery. Threats came from the east despite the decline of Qing power. Chinese warlords seized parts of eastern Tibet and incorporated them into neighboring Chinese provinces. In an attempt to settle the borders between Tibet and British India, in 1913 Britain hosted a conference in the hill station of Simla attended by representatives from Britain, Tibet, and China. The Tibetans argued for the reinstatement of the borders of the 17th century, while the Chinese representative, Ivan Chen, claimed that all of Tibet was an integral part of China. Britain proposed a compromise in which China exercised a hazy “suzerainty” over Tibet but agreed not to forcibly turn it into a Chinese colony. The border was to be the “McMahon Line,” an arbitrary demarcation drawn by Sir Henry McMahon (1862–1949) that generally followed the peaks of the Himalayas. The Tibetans reluctantly accepted the British stipulations and signed the accord. The Chinese representative initialed the Simla Convention, but later refused to affix his official seal, and China subsequently repudiated its terms and continued to claim that Tibet was part of China. The Dalai Lama’s travels abroad and his frustrated efforts to gain international allies made him aware of his country’s backwardness and vulnerability. He ordered the creation of a postal service and a central bank, as well as a telegraph system. Some children of aristocrats were sent to England for education, and an English school was opened in rGyal rtse. It soon closed, however, due to opposition from the monasteries. The Dalai Lama also abolished capital punishment and mutilations for criminal offenses, and he issued decrees banning the slaughter of animals. His attempts to modernize the army were undermined by the monastic establishment, and in 1925 Zla bzang dgra ’dul (now Tsha rong) was demoted along with other military officers working at modernization. The failure of his reforms and the opposition of conservative forces led the Dalai Lama to become increasingly autocratic. He generally ignored the bKa’ shag, an advisory body, and made decisions unilaterally, only discussing matters with a small group of his intimates. His relations with the ninth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang thub bstan chos kyi nyi ma (1883–1937), soured following a government order that the latter bear a share of the costs of the proposed military upgrades. The Paṇ chen bla ma’s estates had previously been exempt from taxation, and he refused

668 • THUB BSTAN YE SHES, BLA MA

to acquiesce. He and his closest allies fled to China and sought help from the Nationalist government. The Chinese were happy to encourage him in his divisive activities and gave him official titles, but were in no position to provide military support. He spent the rest of his life traveling in China and often drew large crowds for his public appearances. He tried to return to Tibet in 1934 following the Dalai Lama’s death, but the government in Lha sa prevented this. During the 13th Dalai Lama’s rule Tibet was effectively independent. Subsequent to its declaration of independence in 1912, Tibet signed a treaty in 1913 with the Republic of Mongolia in which each recognized the other’s independence. Chinese nationals were expelled following the declaration of independence and diplomatic relations were minimal. In 1932, a year before his death, he issued a cryptic statement that warned of the immanent danger posed by a resurgent China: he declared that if Tibet failed to secure its defense and modernize it would be overrun and Buddhism would be destroyed. His compatriots failed to respond, however, and in the 1950s the newly inaugurated People’s Republic of China launched an invasion. In the following decades it more than fulfilled the Dalai Lama’s dire predictions. Hundreds of thousands of Tibetans perished, and of the more than 7,000 religious structures of the early 1950s, only a handful remained intact by the end of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Thub bstan rgya mtsho was succeeded by bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–). See also CURRENCY; FOREIGN RELATIONS. THUB BSTAN YE SHES, BLA MA (LAMA TUPDEN YESHÉ, 1935– 1981). A Dge lugs pa lama who studied at Se ra Monastery, where he followed the standard scholastic curriculum until he fled to Nepal in 1959 following the Chinese invasion. Together with Lama Tupden Zopa (bLa ma Thub bstan bzod pa), he established Kopan Monastery as a meditation center for Westerners. He attracted a large number of students, and in 1975 created the Foundation for the Preservation of the Mahayana Tradition (FPMT), which has grown into one of the largest Tibetan Buddhist organizations in the world, with 110 centers. THU’U BKWAN BLO BZANG CHOS KYI NYI MA: See BLO BZANG CHOS KYI NYI MA. TI LO PA (ALT. TILOPĀDA, TILIPA, TALIKA, 988–1069) (CH. DIPUBA DASHI 帝普巴大师). An Indian “great adept” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha) whose name derives from his reported occupation of pressing sesame seeds to extract their oil. According to bKa’ brgyud tradition, he received teachings directly from the buddha rDo rje ’chang

TI LO PA • 669

(Skt. Vajradhara) and later transmitted them to Nā ro pa (Nāropa, 1016–1100), his main student. Stories of his life report that he was born in Bengal. He is credited with systematizing the lore of “great seal” (phyag rgya chen po; Skt. mahāmudrā). He was born in a brahman family (or in some accounts royalty), but he renounced his caste and became an ascetic. He received monastic vows and won fame as a scholar, but later left the monastic life to become a wandering tantrika. He studied with a number of teachers. kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna) taught him the techniques of clear light (’od gsal; Skt. prabhāsvara) and illusory body (sgyu lus; Skt. māyādeha). Lwā ba pa (Lawapa or Kaṃbalapāda) taught him dream yoga (rmi lam; Skt. svapna), and Cāryapa instructed him in heat yoga (gtum mo; Skt. caṇḍālī). bDe ba’i dngos grub (Sukhasiddhi) taught him meditative techniques for the intermediate state (bar do; Skt. antarābhava) and transference of consciousness (’pho ba; Skt. saṃkrama). Shak pu tri (Indrabhūti, sometimes equated with Lawapa, sometimes said to be his father) instructed him in wisdom (shes rab; Skt. prajñā), and Ma tang ki (Mātaṅgī) taught him how to resurrect corpses. Vajradhara gave him a direct transmission of the entirety of the lore of the great seal, which he passed on to Nāropa. Nāropa systematized Tilopa’s instructions as the “six dharmas of Nāropa” (nā ro chos drug). Tilopa’s hagiography reports that he traveled to O rgyan (Oḍḍiyāna), where the mkha’ ’gro ma (Skt. ḍākinī) queen gave him the lore of the “aural lineage” (snyan rgyud; Skt. karṇa-tantra). She disappeared, and a hūṃ syllable remained suspended in space where she had been. This emanated the sounds of the Vajra Verses (rDo rje tshig rkang; Skt. Vajra-gāthā), which he committed to writing. He later transmitted them to Nāropa. Her teachings are referred to as the “bodyless ḍākinī doctrinal cycle” (lus med mkha’ ’gro’i chos skor). Nāropa only taught part of this cycle to Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), and Ras chung pa rDo rje grags pa (1084–1161) later traveled to India to receive instruction in the remaining parts from Tipupa. Tilopa also gave Nāropa a set of pithy instructions referred to as the “six nails” (gnad kyi gzer drug): (1) don’t brood (over the past) (mi mno), (2) don’t think (about the future) (mi bsam), (3) don’t ruminate (about the present) (mi shes), (4) don’t analyze (mi dpyod), (5) don’t fixate (mi sgom), and (6) relax in your own natural state (rang sar bzhag). He is also credited with a statement that became axiomatic in tantric traditions: “The problem is not enjoyment; the problem is attachment.” Tilopa gave Nāropa short instructions encapsulating the view of the great seal: Fools, in their ignorance, scorn the great seal. They only struggle in the flood of cyclic existence. Have compassion for those who always suffer from anxiety.

670 • TI SE

Because you are weary of constant pain and long for release, rely on a teacher. For when his blessing touches your heart, your mind will be liberated. TI SE (TISÉ; ALT. GANGS RIN PO CHE, GANGS TI SE, KAI LA SHA) (SKT. KAILĀŚA PARVATA) (CH. GANGRENBOQI FENG 冈仁 波齐峰; GANGDISI SHAN 冈底斯山) (“MT. KAILASH”). A mountain in the western Tibetan Plateau (coordinates: 31°4ʹ0”N 81°18ʹ45”E) believed to be the abode of the god mGrin pa khra bo (Skt. Śiva) by Hindus and of the buddha ’Khor lo bde mchog (Skt. Cakrasaṃvara) by Tibetan Buddhists. Crystal Mirror: A Concise History of the Great Snow Mountain and the Great Lake Manasarovar (Gangs ri chen po ti se dang mtsho chen ma dros pa bcas kyi sngon byung gi lo rgyus mdor bsdus su brjod pa’i rab byed shel dkar me long), written by bsTan ’dzin chos kyi blo gros (1868–1906) in 1896, describes how Cakrasaṃvara came to be associated with it. He also reports that Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha) flew there with 500 dgra bcom (Skt. arhat) and taught the Descent into Laṅkā Discourse (Lang kar gshegs pa’i mdo; Skt. Laṅkāvatāra-sūtra); the Buddha left four impressions of his feet in stone. The mountain is also a pilgrimage destination for Jains and Bon pos. The mountain figures prominently in Bon mythology and is intimately associated with its mythical cosmology. Ti se is 6,638 m (21,778 ft.) in height and is the highest unclimbed peak in the world. It lies near the sources of several major rivers: the Seng ge gtsang po (alt. Seng ge kha ’bab; Skt. Sindu: Indus), Yar klungs gtsang po (Brahmaputra), gLang chen kha ’bab (Skt. Śutudrī: Sutlej), and sKyid rong gtsang chu (Karṇālī, a tributary of the Ganges). Ma pham g.yu mtsho (Lake Manasarovar) and Lag ngar mtsho (Rakṣa Tāla; Lake Rakshastal) lie near its base. The Sanskrit word Kailāśa means crystal. The Tibetan term Gangs rin po che means “Precious Snow Jewel.” The name Ti se derives from the language of Zhang zhung and means “Water Peak.” The pilgrimage route around the base of the mountain attracts thousands of pilgrims every year. Buddhists, Hindus, and Jains circumambulate it in a clockwise direction, and Bon pos go counterclockwise. The path is 52 km (32 mi.) long and can be traversed in one day, but most pilgrims split the circuit into three sections. Many Tibetans perform full prostrations (rkyang phyag), and this method requires several weeks to complete. Following the invasion of Tibet by the People’s Republic of China of the 1950s, the pilgrimage was banned from 1954 to 1978. Since then, limited numbers of pilgrims have been allowed to travel to the mountain, but it was closed again in 2008 following widespread demonstrations (although none occurred in this region).

TIBET AUTONOMOUS REGION • 671

Ti se (Mt. Kailash).

TI SHRI (DISHRI) (CH. DISHI 帝师) (“RELIGIOUS PRECEPTOR”). One of the official titles of the Sa skya masters who served as Buddhist chaplains in the Mongol court, beginning with ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280). Other Tibetan lamas later were given this title by Chinese emperors. TIBET: See BOD; TIBET AUTONOMOUS REGION. TIBET AUTONOMOUS REGION (TAR) (XIZANG ZIZHIQU 西藏 自治区; TIB. BOD RANG SKYONG LJONGS). A province-level autonomous region of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) created in 1965. This is what the Chinese government recognizes as “Tibet,” and it roughly corresponds to the area controlled by the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) before 1959, when it was dissolved. The Central Tibetan Administration, however, claims a much larger area as comprising Tibet; this includes Khams and A mdo (which have been incorporated into neighboring Chinese provinces), as well as other autonomous prefectures that are ethnically and culturally Tibetan. The TAR is the second-largest provincial-level region of the PRC after Xinjiang; it comprises more than 1,200,000 sq. km (470,000 sq. mi.). Traditionally most of the inhabitants of this region were ethnic Tibetans, but an ongoing population transfer of Chinese has led to their being reduced to a minority, particularly in the cities. Rural regions are still largely ethnically Tibetan, but urban areas are being rapidly transformed in the image of Chinese cities. The term autonomous is misleading, because no Tibetan has ever held a position of real authority. Some are given ceremonial posts with importantsounding titles, but all real power is wielded by non-Tibetan officials of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Articles 112–122 of the Constitution of

672 • TIBET-BASHAHR TREATY OF 1679–1684

the PRC provide for substantial autonomy in regions that have a majority belonging to a single ethnic group—as is the case in Tibet—but in actual practice none of these regions are under the control of indigenous people. Chinese tend to be suspicious of Tibetans’ loyalties, so there is little chance for them to rise to the upper strata of the provincial government. The TAR follows the standard Chinese practice, derived from the Soviet Union model, of appointing a governor from the majority ethnic population. The real power, however, lies with the provincial secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and these men have generally been Han Chinese. One was Hu Jintao 胡锦涛 (1942–), who oversaw the imposition of martial law in 1989 and subsequently rose to the position of general secretary of the CCP. Following a military invasion that began in eastern Tibet in 1950, the PRC forced representatives of the Tibetan government who lacked plenipotentiary authority to sign the “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet,” which guaranteed substantial local autonomy and promised to preserve traditional Tibetan culture and religion. Following this, the “Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet” was established; it constituted a parallel administration to the Dalai Lama’s government, but gradually supplanted it. The Dalai Lama fled to India in 1959 and the dGa’ ldan pho brang was abolished. The Preparatory Committee was replaced by the new administration of the TAR in 1965. TIBET-BASHAHR TREATY OF 1679–1684. Bashahr (alt. Bashahar or Bushahr) was formerly a Himalayan principality that encompassed a territory of 8,907 sq. km (3,440 sq. mi.). It was the largest of the 28 Shimla Hill States. It was occupied by Nepal from 1803–1815, and in 1898 it came under administration by the British Raj, although its ruler (Rāja) remained nominally in charge. It joined the Indian Union in 1947. On 8 March 1948, it was incorporated into the Indian state of Himachal Pradesh. It shared a northern border with sPi ti (alt. sPyi ti: Spiti) and an eastern border with Tibet. In the south it shared a border with Garhwal, and on the west shared borders with Jubbal, Kotkhai, Kumharsain, Kotgarh, and Nu ri ti (Kulu). Its ancient history suggests that it was part of the larger Zhang zhung empire before the 7th century. During the reign of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), the Rāna of Bashahr, Kehrī Siṅgh, entered into a treaty with the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang). This followed the Tibet-La dwags-Mughal War of 1697–1682, during which Bashahr provided military assistance to Tibet. In 1697 Kehrī Siṅgh agreed to provide military support to the Mongol commander dGa’ ldan tshe dbang in a joint Tibetan-Mongol military excursion against the kingdom of La dwags. One result was that La dwags lost upper Khu nu (Kinnaur), which was granted to Bashahr.

TIBETAN BUDDHISM • 673

In recognition of Bashahr’s aid, the treaty stipulated that the two countries would establish a free trade zone and that no taxes would be levied on merchants from either country in perpetuity. In addition, Bashahr would send a delegation to western Tibet every year. This treaty was depicted on frescoes on the walls of the Shish Mahal Palace in Rāmpur, which were described by the Moravian missionary and explorer August Hermann Francke (1870– 1930), who visited the area in the summer of 1909. He described Rāmpur as the first place on the gLang chen kha ’bab (Skt. Śutudrī: Sutlej) River where one encounters the penetration of Tibetan culture. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. TIBETAN: See BOD PA. TIBETAN BUDDHISM (TIB. NANG PA’I CHOS). In traditional Tibetan histories, the introduction of Buddhism to the “Land of Snows” is believed to have been accomplished by the efforts of various buddhas and bodhisattvas, who first prepared the populace for the Dharma and then assumed human forms in order to propagate it. The central figure in this mythical drama was sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), who worked behind the scenes for centuries before incarnating as Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). He was the first of the three “religious kings” (chos rgyal) of the Yar klungs dynasty. Two of his wives, the Nepalese princess Bal bza’ (Bhṛkutī) and the Chinese princess Wencheng Gongzhu (d. 683/684), are considered to be emanations of sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā). Early sources provide evidence that the king did support Buddhist prelates and the construction of religious buildings, but he was buried according to the traditional rites of the Yar klungs kings. The second religious king, Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799), is depicted as an emanation of ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī). He reportedly invited the Indian scholar-monk Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century) to Tibet, but upon his arrival he met with opposition from hostile ministers (and in later histories the opposition was led by proponents of Bon); he went to Nepal until conditions for missionizing improved. Before he left, he advised the king to invite Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), a tantric master renowned for his magical powers. This is mentioned only in later histories, however; the earliest records fail to mention Padmasambhava, and the earliest reference (in the sBa bzhed) only refers to him as a magician and water-diviner. Later accounts report that when Padmasambhava reached the border he encountered opposition from Tibet’s demons, who attempted to drive him back. He retreated into a cave and meditated on Phyag na rdo rje (Skt. Vajrapāṇi), following which he defeated them with powerful spells. One by one they offered up their “life force” (bla). He allowed them to live in return for promises that henceforth they would be protectors of the

674 • TIBETAN BUDDHISM

Dharma (chos skyong). The king and court were impressed by this display of magical power, and subsequently Śāntarakṣita was invited back to Tibet. Together with the king and Padmasambhava, he established bSam yas, the first monastery in the country. It was probably constructed between 775 and 779. The three deities referred to so far in the narrative (sPyan ras gzigs, ’Jam dpal, and Phyag na rdo rje) are known collectively as “Protectors of the Three Families” (Rig(s) gsum mgon po) and are frequently noted in scroll paintings and murals, where they represent the informing nature of the heads of the three families of buddhas. The apogee of royal patronage for Buddhism in this period came during the reign of the third religious king, Khri Ral pa can (born ca. 806; r. 815–836), an emanation of Vajrapāṇi. He spent large amounts of money on the construction of Buddhist monasteries and temples, sponsored Tibetan monks to study in India, and brought Indian scholars to Tibet. As a sign of his submission to the monastic community, he reportedly tied ribbons to his long braids and had monks sit on them during state ceremonies. These practices (along with his depletion of the treasury) led to increasing opposition, and he was assassinated in 836. He was succeeded by Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842), whom later histories characterize as an enemy of Buddhism and adherent of Bon, but whose main crime appears to have been withdrawal of imperial support. Monasteries were closed and many monks and nuns were forced to return to lay life, but although traditional sources report that he actively persecuted Buddhism, little contemporary evidence survives for this. He was assassinated by a Buddhist monk, dPal gyi rdo rje (born ca. 750). His death precipitated a rapid decline for the dynasty. It was also the beginning of an interregnum period during which no person or group had sufficient power to unite the country under a single rule. Members of the royalty carved out kingdoms in parts of the former empire. Ral pa can’s death marks the end of the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism to Tibet in traditional histories. Buddhism declined after that, but was revived in the 11th century by a number of Buddhist masters, including the translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055), the Bengali scholar-monk Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054), and the tantric yogi ’Brog mi Lo tsā ba Shā kya ye shes (992/993–1043/1072). Atiśa championed the Indian Mahāyāna gradualist paradigm and stressed the importance of intensive study and strict adherence to the monastic code. He attracted a number of Tibetan disciples, including ’Brom ston pa rGyal ba’i ’byung gnas (1008–1064), regarded as the founder of bKa’ gdams, Tibet’s first Buddhist order. At the same time, a very different form of Buddhism was brought to Tibet from Bihār and Bengal. This was the tradition of the tantric “great adepts” (grub thob chen po; Skt. mahāsiddha), enigmatic figures who rejected the constraints of monastic establishments and who were credited with miraculous pow-

TIBETAN BUDDHISM • 675

ers. The most influential early Tibetan exponent of this tradition was Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097), who traveled to Bihār and reportedly studied with Nā ro pa (Nāropa, 1016–1100). Following this, he returned to Lho brag and became outwardly a translator (lo tsā ba) and local hegemon, but to his disciples he was really a tantric master who transmitted the esoteric tradition of Nāropa. The most famous of his disciples was Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135), whose biography is one of the most popular pieces of literature in the Tibetan cultural area. Mi la ras pa’s disciple sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (1079–1153) initiated a monastic order in what had previously been a tradition of lay tantric masters. This grew into bKa’ brgyud, one of the four main orders of Tibetan Buddhism. During the later propagation, two other orders appeared: Sa skya, founded by ’Khon dKon mchog rgyal po (1034–1102), and dGe lugs, founded by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). These three sects are referred to collectively as the “New Schools” (gSar ma) because they favor translations of tantras prepared during the second dissemination. The other order of Tibetan Buddhism, the rNying ma (“Old School”), relies mainly on translations produced during the first dissemination. The Sa skya pa became rulers of Tibet when Sa skya Paṇḍita Kun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182–1251) was appointed regent by the Mongol ruler Godan Khan (1206–1251) in 1244. Sa skya pa hegemony continued with his nephew and successor ’Phags pa bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1235–1280), who also played a major role in converting the Mongols to Buddhism. In the 17th century the dGe lugs pa became rulers of Tibet with Mongol military assistance. The fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), became the first Dalai Lama to rule Tibet, a tradition that continued until the 14th Dalai Lama, bsTan ’dzin rgya mtsho (1935–), fled to India in 1959 following the Chinese invasion of his country. After consolidating control over Tibet, the People’s Republic of China attempted to eradicate traditional religion and culture, viewing them as vestiges of the old “feudal” society that needed to be destroyed in order for Tibet to fully embrace Maoist socialism. Most of Tibet’s monasteries were destroyed and monks and nuns were executed or forced to return to lay life. The Central Tibetan Administration estimates that approximately 1.2 million people were killed during the invasion and the period of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). Tens of thousands of Tibetans fled to India and other neighboring countries. Most prominent religious teachers also fled, and they soon began to establish Buddhist centers in India and elsewhere. A number of Tibetan lamas began to attract Western students, and Tibetan Buddhist centers now operate all over the world. Tibetan Buddhism is flourishing in exile and in Western countries, but at the same time it is being eradicated in the land of its origin. After the repression of the 1960s and 1970s, the Chinese gov-

676 • TIBETAN GOVERNMENT-IN-EXILE

ernment initiated a period of relative lessening of persecution in 1979, but Buddhism in Tibet is still strictly controlled, and monks are not allowed to engage in the intensive study that formed the bedrock of traditional Tibetan Buddhism. They are still allowed (and even encouraged) to enact colorful ceremonies for the benefit of tourists, but except in isolated pockets Buddhism in Tibet is a hollow shell, and only its outward vestiges are allowed to continue under the suspicious gaze of the Chinese authorities. See also MONGOLIAN ­BUDDHISM. TIBETAN GOVERNMENT-IN-EXILE: See CENTRAL TIBETAN ADMINISTRATION. TIBETAN-LANGUAGE PERIODICALS. Tibetan-language periodicals— i.e., newspapers (gsar ʼgyur or tshags par) and journals (dus deb)—are a recent development of the 20th century. The concept of newspapers reached the Tibetan Plateau during the first decade of the 20th century through Moravian missionaries in the western Himalayas and through Chinese emissaries stationed in Lha sa. The first journals were published in the 1950s as a form of propaganda from the Chinese Communist Party. Newspapers. According to standard definitions of newspapers—characterized by periodicity, actuality, universality, and public availability—no Tibetan-language newspapers in the strict sense existed prior to the late 1940s. The earliest periodicals appeared in 10-day intervals or monthly and provided news in the broadest sense, but they generally do not meet the criteria of universality because they focused on a limited range of topics. The early periodicals hence are better described as magazines or journals, despite the fact that they carry the designation “news” (gsar ʼgyur; Ch. xinwen 新闻) in their titles. From the mid-1960s the term gsar ʼgyur was gradually replaced in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), and tshags par (“mimeograph” or “stencil print”) became the predominant designation for newspapers, thus differentiating between news item and media. The term gsar shog, occasionally encountered in publications from the Indian subcontinent, is a literal translation of the English “newspaper.” The term ag bār is a loanword from an Urdu term for news. The first Tibetan-language newspaper was the La dwags kyi ag bār (Ladakh News) published by the Moravian Mission in the western Himalayas from 1904 to 1908, with continuations under varying names until 1947. The papers contained both local and international news translated from Indian newspapers but were intended as proselytising tools to support the missionary activities of the Moravians in Tibetan cultural areas of the Indian Himalayas. The first Tibetan-language newspaper published in Tibet was the Bod kyi phal skad gsar ʼgyur (Xizang baihua bao 西藏白話報), founded in 1907 by

TIBETAN-LANGUAGE PERIODICALS • 677

the Qing am bans and published every 10 days until the collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911. It was succeeded during the Republic of China (1912–1949) by the Bod yig phal skad kyi gsar ʼgyur (Zangwen baihua bao 藏文白話報) and its successors published by the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission from 1913 to 1915. The first modern newspaper in the strict sense was the Yul phyogs so so’i gsar ʼgyur me long (Tibet Mirror), published from 1925 to 1963 in Ka lon sbug (Kalimpong) by the Khu nu (Kinnauri) rDo rje mthar phyin (1890–1976). The Tibet Mirror, published monthly, quickly became the main Tibetan-language source for Tibetan and international news; in the 1950s and early 1960s it was the only independent source on developments in Tibet. With the signing of the Seventeen-Point Agreement and the integration of Tibet into the PRC, Tibetan-language newspapers were established in the major administrative units (Tibet, Qinghai, Gansu, Xikang, Sichuan) as the mouthpieces of the Communist Party for mass communication. In the early 2000s Tibetan-language newspapers existed for practically every prefecture, as well as a number of highly specialized papers such as the Bod ljongs tshan rtsal tshags par (Tibet Science and Technology Newspaper, Xizang keji bao 西藏科技报), founded in 1979; or gZhon nu tshags par (“Tibetan Youth Paper,” Xizang qingnian bao 西藏青年报); as well as the popular newspaper Lha sa dgong dro’i tshags par (Lhasa Evening Paper, Lasa wanbao 拉萨晚 报). Altogether, the number of Tibetan-language newspapers within the PRC can be estimated at 18, while around five newspapers are available in India and Nepal due to economic factors. In the early 1960s, with the arrival of the 14th Dalai Lama bsTan ʼdzin rgya mtsho in exile, Bod miʼi rang dbang (Tibetan Freedom) was published in Darjeeling and later became the official publication organ of the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA). This has also been available as an e-paper since 2007; in 2016 its English title was renamed Tibetan News. Today an estimated 130 Tibetan-language newspapers are published in the PRC and in the Tibetan diaspora. Journals and Magazines. In the 1950s the PRC launched propagandistic journals in various languages, including so-called minorities’ or nationalities’ languages, including the Mi dmangs brnyan par (China Pictorial; Ch. Ren min hua bao 人民画报), first published in 1951, or the Mi rigs brnyan par (Minorities’ Pictorials; Ch. Min zu hua bao 民族画報), which began in 1955. The latter featured socialist realist portrayals of progress in the PRC. The first journal in exile was Shes bya (Knowledge). It was originally published privately from 1968, but in 1971 it was taken over by the CTA, which developed it into a forum on Tibetan and international politics. In the late 1970s, with the onset of Deng Xiaoping’s reform policies, Tibetan-language journals diversified and specialized academic journals

678 • TIBETAN PLATEAU

were established; these included Bod ljongs zhib ʼjug (Tibetan Studies; Ch. Xizang yanjiu 西藏研究), published since 1982 by the Tibetan Academy of Social Sciences. Most official journals appeared trimonthly or more rarely bimonthly, while privately funded journals with a less official status often only had one issue per year. A significant impact on intellectual debates was made by the literary journals Bod kyi rtsom rig sgyu rtsal (Tibetan Literature and Art; Ch. Xizang wenyi 西藏文艺; published in Lha sa since 1980) and sBrang char (“Gentle Rain”; Ch. Zhangqia’er 章恰尔; published since 1981 in Xining). These journals, soon followed by others, triggered a rapid development of new literary forms and intellectual debates as they, for the first time, provided a forum for publication. In addition to these official journals aimed at a broad readership, several journals dealing with issues regarded as sensitive were classified “internal” (nang khul; Ch. neibu 内部). One such classified journal is sKad yig las don (Language Affairs), which features articles on Tibetan language policies. The first decade of the 21st century saw a proliferation of journals on the Tibetan Plateau and especially in A mdo, in monasteries, and in schools; even lower-level government offices started privately funded journals or yearly almanacs. These publications feature essays, traditional and modern poetry, short stories, histories, and religious expositions. Following the political unrest of 2008, control of publications increased, and these privately funded periodicals disappeared. Since 1950 in the PRC, an estimated 172 Tibetanlanguage journals have been published; many of the private initiatives were short-lived, but some carried on for several years and had considerable impact. An example is Shar dung ri (Eastern Snow Mountain; Ch. Xiadongri 夏东日), which ceased publication after 2008. With the development of Tibetan Unicode, the Internet became the preferred medium for news, literature, and intellectual debates formerly published in newspapers and journals. Newly founded weblogs such as mchod me (“butter lamp” tibetcm.com), kha brda (“conversation” khabdha.org), or bod kyi dus bab (tibettimes.net) provided low-cost publication opportunities with no or only a low level of censorship and global readership. More recently, at least within the PRC, many intellectual debates have shifted to social media, especially to WeChat (weixin 微信), and the importance of both newspapers and journals seems to have diminished. Franz Xaver Erhard (Leipzig) TIBETAN PLATEAU (TIB. BOD SA MTHO) (CH. QINZANG GAOYUAN 青藏高原). A high-altitude plateau created by the collision of the Indian subcontinent with the southern part of the Asian landmass that began 60 million years ago. This is what Tibetans generally regard as their homeland, although much of the eastern reaches was under the control

TIBETAN PLATEAU • 679

of ­local hegemons for most of its history, and in the 19th century Chinese warlords carved out domains in regions of the Plateau bordering Chinese cultural areas. The Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR), an entity created by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1956, includes the traditional central regions of dBus and gTsang, as well as western portions of Khams. Most of Khams and A mdo, another traditional Tibetan region, have been divided among neighboring Chinese provinces, including Qinghai, Gansu, and Yunnan. Some areas of the Plateau are not under Chinese control: these include northern Nepal (including culturally Tibetan areas such as sMon thang [Mustang] and Dol po), La dwags (which is a Union Territory of India), Sikkim, formerly an independent kingdom annexed by India in 1972, and Bhutan, an independent constitutional monarchy. Other portions of the Plateau are included within the Indian state of Himachal Pradesh. The Tibetan Plateau is approximately 1,000 km (620 mi.) from north to south and 2,500 km (1,600 mi.) from east to west. It has an average elevation of 4,500 m (14,800 ft.). It comprises a total area of 2.5 million square km (965,225 sq. mi.). The 14 highest mountain peaks in the world are located in this region. Much of the Plateau is semiarid because the high peaks on its borders prevent clouds from entering. Average annual precipitation ranges from 100–300 mm (3.9–12 in.). This often falls in the form of hailstorms, which frequently damage crops and cause physical damage to humans and livestock. In the high reaches of the Tibetan steppe, permafrost covers large areas. In the lower valleys some productive agricultural land can be found, but this is also bordered by high mountain ranges. The southern and eastern regions have vast grasslands that provide forage for yak and other domestic animals that are herded by nomadic or seminomadic people. The extreme southern area, where the gTsang po (Brahmaputra) River plunges through steep gorges toward the Indian plains, contains dense jungle and almost impenetrably deep valleys; this is an area that most Tibetans fear as a place of danger. The Tibetan Plateau is referred to as the “Roof of the World” or the “Land of Snows,” and it encompasses some of the highest inhabited regions on earth. It is bordered by massive mountain ranges, including the Himalayas, which form its southern border. To the north the Kunlun Mountains form a barrier between Tibet and the Tarim Basin. In the northeast the Qilian Mountains separate Tibet from the Hexi Corridor and the Gobi Desert. In the west the Karakorum Range is the border between Tibet and northern areas of Kashmir. In the northern regions the Byang thang (Northern Plains) constitutes a vast, sparsely populated high-altitude desert with thin soil and harsh weather conditions. Most Tibetans live at altitudes between 3,500 m and 4,500 m (11,480–14,750 ft.) above sea level, which have the most hospitable climate and best conditions for agriculture. The nomads of the Byang thang live at higher altitudes and mainly subsist on animal husbandry rather than farming.

680 • TIBETAN UPRISING OF 10 MARCH 1959

For Tibetan exiles and for most of the indigenous people living there, the entire Plateau is the Tibetan homeland. Despite PRC efforts to convince them to embrace Chinese patriotism and to shift their sense of identity, Bod is still a region apart, a land once ruled by the Dalai Lamas that developed and preserved a unique form of Buddhism, its own language, distinctive artistic forms, music, dress, and culture, and that for millennia stood apart from the lower regions surrounding it. TIBETAN UPRISING OF 10 MARCH 1959. Following the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) invasion of Tibet in the early 1950s, the Chinese overlords initially followed a gradualist policy in central Tibet. Mao Zedong believed that forcing socialist changes on the populace would spark rebellion, so a government was established that worked in parallel with the dGa’ ldan pho brang and gradually supplanted it. In eastern Tibet, however, “people’s communes” were formed, and livestock, land, and private property were expropriated. A program of rapid communization was initiated. Monasteries were razed or converted to other uses, monks and nuns were killed or forced to return to lay life, and traditional culture and religion were suppressed. This sparked widespread dissatisfaction and a resistance movement formed. China responded with a violent crackdown and tens of thousands of refugees fled to central Tibet. The huge influx of Chinese soldiers and officials led to skyrocketing inflation and prices of staple foods were beyond the budgets of many poor Tibetans. The invaders paid for what they required and were reportedly polite and well-mannered, but the presence of an occupying army created tensions. The situation was exacerbated by tales of destruction and violence in Khams and A mdo, which led residents of central Tibet to assume that Chinese civility was merely a temporary façade. In March 1959 the Dalai Lama received a message from a Chinese general inviting him to a theatrical performance. He was told to come alone, without bodyguards. As news of this spread, Tibetans assumed that the Chinese planned to kidnap or kill him. Radio Beijing announced that he would attend and the citizens of Lha sa took to the streets in protest. On 10 March, tens of thousands gathered outside his summer residence, the Nor bu gling ka, shouting anti-Chinese slogans. Tensions continued to mount during the next few days, and on 17 March Chinese artillery began to shell the compound. Chinese radio announced that this was intended to “free the Dalai Lama from the reactionary clique” outside his residence. At this point he realized that the situation was untenable and together with his closest advisors made plans to flee into exile. That night they slipped out from the Nor bu gling ka. He was dressed as a soldier to avoid detection. They were joined by commandos of the resistance movement Chu bzhi sgang drug, who escorted them to the Indian

TIBETAN UPRISING OF 1988–1989 • 681

border. That night the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) shelled the Nor bu gling ka, believing that he was still inside. When they learned of his escape, troops were dispatched to capture him, but he reached the border before them. Mao later claimed that he allowed the escape, but this is clearly false. On 28 March, Zhou Enlai announced in a radio broadcast that the Tibetan government had been dissolved. After hearing this, the Dalai Lama crossed the border into India and began life in exile. In the aftermath of the uprising, the PLA’s former restraint evaporated. Thousands of Tibetans were killed, the medical college on lCags po ri in Lha sa was destroyed, dGa’ ldan Monastery was bombed into rubble, and the Ra mo che Temple was set alight. Thousands took refuge in the Jo khang, Tibet’s holiest shrine, hoping that the Chinese would grant sanctuary, but instead they shelled it and machine gunners opened fire on those who attempted to flee. Within days thousands had been killed and many more were taken into custody and tortured. Chinese radio announced that the country had finally been “liberated” and that the “cruelest feudal serfdom in the history of the world” had been destroyed. The 1959 revolt has become the core myth of the Tibetan exile community and is the rallying point for Free Tibet groups all over the world. Every year the “First Tibetan National Uprising” (Bod mi’i rang dbang sger langs dang po) is commemorated by solemn ceremonies in Dharamsala and Tibetan settlements in India and Nepal, and supporters in many countries stage demonstrations on 10 March. In the United States these are generally held on the steps of the Capitol Building in Washington, DC, and involve a march, speeches, and religious commemorations. Chinese plainclothes agents generally arrive and take photographs as a tactic of intimidation. Subsequent major demonstrations in Tibet have often intersected with the symbolic date of 10 March. See also CULTURAL REVOLUTION; MI DMANGS TSHOG ’DU; STRUGGLE SESSION. TIBETAN UPRISING OF 1988–1989. Following the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, authorities of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) embarked on a campaign of violence and intimidation, coupled with propaganda. Thousands were killed, many more suffered torture and imprisonment, religious sites and leaders were attacked, and a program of forced communization was launched. The repression intensified during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), in which tens of thousands were subjected to “struggle sessions” during which many were beaten to death. Mass starvation resulted from expropriation of Tibetans’ agricultural output, and religious practice was banned. Chinese propaganda informed the world that the Tibetan Plateau had been transformed into the “Socialist Paradise on the Roof of the World” and that Tibetans enjoyed unprecedented prosperity and happiness as a result

682 • TIBETAN UPRISING OF 1988–1989

of their “liberation.” Similarly glowing reports of bumper crops and economic growth were dispatched to the government in Beijing. In August 1979 a delegation of Tibetan exiles was allowed to visit; PRC authorities assumed that they would be impressed by improvements in people’s lives and instructed Tibetans to treat them politely and not vilify them as representatives of the hated former regime. This shows the distance between the perceptions of Tibetans and their Chinese overlords. The delegation drew huge crowds wherever it went and weeping people recounted stories of torture and grief. Embarrassed Chinese authorities hastily cancelled planned events and told the group to leave the country. When Party Secretary Hu Yaobang visited Tibet in 1980, he was shocked by the general misery of the population. This led to a lessening of repression and moves to allow Tibetans to practice their religion and culture. The PRC government assumed that Tibetans would let bygones be bygones and would be grateful for the removal of some of the more onerous policies imposed on them, but by this point there was a deeply rooted hatred of the Chinese and their rule. In May 1980 another exile delegation was allowed to visit and, despite attempts to better orchestrate this event, the result was the same. Reporters from international news organizations sent images around the world of weeping Tibetans calling for the return of the Dalai Lama. The easing of repression prompted Tibetans to voice grievances, and protests erupted throughout the 1980s. From 27 September to 3 October 1987, a series of demonstrations was staged in Lha sa, most led by monks or nuns. More than 2,000 Tibetans were arrested and the government brought in torture squads to punish them. Protests continued during November and December; Chinese authorities responded by bringing in thousands of armed troops in anticipation of further unrest at the 1988 “Great Aspiration Festival” (sMon lam chen mo), the celebration of which had only recently been permitted. Despite the measures authorities implemented, the celebrations turned into anti-China protests in many areas. Chinese shops were burned in Lha sa and more than 2,500 Tibetans were arrested. On 15 June 1988 the Dalai Lama delivered a landmark address at the European Parliament in Strasbourg. He acknowledged Chinese rule over Tibet as a fact and called for “genuine autonomy” for the region. His renunciation of the goal of independence (rang btsan) shocked and angered exile Tibetans, for whom this is a cornerstone of their worldview. Chinese authorities reacted with scorn and denounced his “middle way” approach as a thinly disguised plot to split the country. On 16 January 1989 Hu Yaobang was removed from his position and replaced by Hu Jintao; in February 1989 the latter moved 1,700 troops of the People’s Armed Police to Lha sa. This did little to quell the unrest, which escalated on 5 March in anticipation of the 30th anniversary of the 1959 up-

TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008 • 683

rising. More than 10,000 Tibetans participated. Police fired indiscriminately on mostly unarmed protestors, and on 8 March Hu declared martial law. This remained in force for 13 months. It is not clear exactly what role Hu himself played in the violence or whether he personally gave orders to shoot at unarmed demonstrators, but this incident brought him to the attention of hard-liners in Beijing, who saw him as a no-nonsense administrator willing to use force to keep restive minorities in line. In April 1989 Hu Yaobang died, which sparked further protests in Tibet. In December the Dalai Lama was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, which led to joyful celebrations by Tibetans and angry denunciations by the PRC. Martial law and harsh reprisals for any public displays of dissatisfaction brought large-scale protests to an end, but did nothing to alter Tibetans’ attitudes. See also RANG BTSAN; STRASBOURG DECLARATION. TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008. It is often assumed that protests by Tibetans occur only once every 20 years or so, but the populace is extremely restive, and demonstrations of various sizes are common. Many are staged by individuals, who assume that they will be tortured or killed in retaliation. Grievances include religious repression, economic marginalization, Han bigotry, and elimination of Tibetan language from school curricula. The People’s Republic of China (PRC) maintains a massive military presence in the region, and many potential demonstrations are violently suppressed before they can begin or gather large numbers. In March 2008 a concatenation of circumstances led to the largest and most widespread uprising in the history of the Tibetan Plateau. Unlike the Tibetan Uprising of 10 March 1959, which was mainly confined to Lha sa, the 2008 demonstrations spread all over the Tibetan cultural area. They sparked protests all over the world, and in Xinjiang Uyghurs took to the streets in a show of solidarity. Several weeks prior to the 10 March anniversary, Chinese security forces began a campaign of intimidation that included random house searches, confiscation of a range of articles (reportedly including valuables and personal property), fines, and a large-scale military deployment. The “patriotic education” campaign was intensified and Tibetans were subjected to increased propaganda. The authorities apparently believed that amplified repression would sufficiently frighten the populace and prevent demonstrations. Most of the senior Chinese Communist Party leadership attended a meeting in Beijing in early March, which left a power vacuum. Added to this was concern about China’s international image in the lead-up to the Beijing Olympics, which the PRC promised would showcase the country’s new openness and the positive changes it had made. Open access to the country was guaranteed for reporters, public protests would be allowed (they were not, and anyone

684 • TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008

who attempted to take the government at its word was arrested), and the world would see a new China. When protests erupted, lower-ranking cadres in Tibet were unsure how to respond, and their leaders were unavailable when on 10 March a group of 15 monks marched through the Bar skor, chanting pro-independence slogans, waving the banned Tibetan flag, and handing out pamphlets. The focus of their protest was patriotic education, which they claimed was destroying Tibetan Buddhism and preventing them from studying or practicing religion. They were joined by laypeople and then by monks from the Jo khang and some visiting monks from Khams and A mdo. Unlike most protests—which security forces immediately suppress—the march was allowed to continue, but following a short period of indecision security forces were dispatched and the monks were badly beaten and taken into custody. Shops in Lha sa were ordered to close and paramilitary forces descended on the city. A group of several hundred monks staged an impromptu protest and demanded the release of their colleagues, and they were also beaten and arrested, along with several hundred Tibetans who added their voices. As word spread, protests erupted all over the Tibetan Plateau. Nuns at Shug gseb Nunnery protested and were arrested, which prompted calls by other nuns for their release. The latter were arrested and tortured. Within hours, protests broke out at bLa brang and several smaller monasteries in Gansu and Qinghai. This was facilitated by text messaging, which allowed news to spread rapidly and for groups to coordinate their activities. Paramilitary forces raided monasteries across eastern Tibet and confiscated pamphlets and photographs of the Dalai Lama. Monks at lDe tsha Monastery in Qinghai were ordered to attend patriotic education sessions, but more than 100 walked out in protest and later conducted a long-life (tshe ring) ceremony for the Dalai Lama. As images of the unrest circulated on the Internet and on mobile phones, tens of thousands of Tibetans took to the streets to vent a range of grievances. Among monastics the central concern was patriotic education. For lay Tibetans, complaints included economic marginalization, increasing numbers of Han settlers, destruction of homes and expropriation of property without compensation, and moves to replace Tibetan with Chinese as the language of instruction in all levels of the educational system. On 14 March, massive protests erupted in Lha sa, Gansu, and Qinghai, resulting in hundreds of Tibetan deaths at the hands of security forces. In Lha sa authorities announced closure of schools, monasteries, and businesses. All foreign nongovernment organizations, including news organizations, were warned that sending information about the unrest would be treated as a violation of federal laws regarding “state secrets” and that offenders could face imprisonment or worse. In Lha sa Tibetans attacked Chinese businesses and

TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008 • 685

Han owners. The government claimed that 12 Chinese were killed and hundreds were injured. On 15 March, tens of thousands of heavily armed troops poured into the region, accompanied by scores of ambulances. The protestors were unarmed or carried clubs and stones, so the ambulances were clearly not intended for the soldiers, who had flak jackets and automatic weapons. Hundreds of Tibetans were killed, thousands imprisoned and tortured, and a state of marital law prevailed. On 28 March, the PRC announced a new national holiday, “Serf Liberation Day,” to celebrate Tibet’s emancipation. Foreign reporters were taken on a stage-managed tour, which broke down when a group of monks at the Jo khang pushed their way past security forces and told the group that Tibet has no freedom of religion and that: “What the government is saying is a lie!” The reporters were forced to leave, the monks were imprisoned, and all disappeared. One was later forced to confess his crimes and declare his newfound remorse in front of cameras. On 20 March Foreign Ministry spokesman Qin Gang 秦刚 claimed that the government had “irrefutable proof” that the “Dalai Clique” had orchestrated the violence, but requests for evidence were ignored. Zhang Qingli 张庆黎, the Communist Party boss in Tibet, told the New York Times: “We are currently in an intensely bloody and fiery struggle with the Dalai Clique, a life or death struggle with the enemy.” This announcement was made during a period when the PRC claimed to be engaging in sincere negotiations with the Central Tibetan Administration. Chinese television and radio began a 24hour propaganda barrage. CCTV–9, the English-language channel, blamed the unrest on the Dalai Lama and his clique, and it repeated several programs on the Chinese version of Tibet’s history and the liberation of its “serfs.” A program that aired several times per day compared this to Abraham Lincoln’s freeing of American slaves. Mao Zedong was compared to Lincoln; no mention was made of the estimated 50 million who perished during his tenure as China’s leader. Chinese-language stations went much further: one program portrayed the Dalai Lama as a terrorist who had established “terrorist training camps” in northern India. He personally led training in hand-to-hand combat, weapons, munitions, and suicide tactics. He was 76 and in fragile health, but this was not mentioned. Reporters from international media organizations were informed that the PRC had proof of planned “suicide attacks” by Tibetans, and a 24 March Xinhua article linked the Dalai Lama to international jihadists, but no details were provided. In April, Chinese media issued calls from PRC leaders demanding that Tibetans cease engaging in “crimes of ingratitude” (wang’en fuyi zui 忘恩负义罪) and claimed that the protests were the work of a “handful of malcontents.” An urgent meeting of ranking cadres was convened in early April to discuss the uprising and formulate a plan of action to ensure

686 • TIBETAN UPRISING OF 2008

that it would not be repeated. The fact that patriotic education was the focus of the initial protest was considered, along with the fact that monks and nuns across the region cited it as their central grievance. The April and May installments of Tibet Communications (Xigang Tongxun 西藏通讯)—a government publication circulated only to Communist Party officials—concluded that the main response would be expanding patriotic education: “Propaganda and education are our party’s greatest advantages. These are the most useful weapons with which to defend ourselves against the Dalai Lama clique. So let the propaganda department work more actively to expose its plots.” John Powers interviewed monks from eastern Tibet, who claimed that paramilitary forces wreaked revenge on monasteries involved in the protests; one said that an armed squad invaded his monastery and shot dead five monks (none of whom had participated in demonstrations). Monks from another monastery claimed they were forced to sign blank documents that PRC authorities would fill in later. Cadres shot video footage of a monk sitting at a laptop that later aired on Chinese television, which claimed he was sending emails to the Dalai Lama asking for instructions. Monks were forced at gunpoint to read “confessions” and were photographed stepping on photographs of the Dalai Lama. Knives used in religious rituals and ancient muskets, bows, and arrows associated with Dharma protectors were confiscated and described as “terrorists’ weapons.” Despite the military buildup, thousands of arrests, hundreds of deaths, seizure of property, and troops stationed on almost every street corner in Lha sa and other major cities, protests continued for several weeks, often involving hundreds or thousands of Tibetans. Paramilitaries became increasingly brutal in their reaction, and by the second week of April only sporadic public displays of opposition took place. Further protests occurred in May and June, but during the Olympics the military largely managed to suppress dissent. There were scattered reports of unrest, but these could not be verified because all journalists (including Chinese) had been expelled, along with foreigners and Chinese tourists. Internet access was blocked, and throughout the PRC any search involving keywords like “Tibet,” “protest,” or even “Lha sa” was blocked by government firewalls. The region is still under effective martial law in 2020, but protests continue to erupt sporadically in response to a range of grievances. Monks who participated in the uprising reported that the main desire of protestors is independence, but they realize that this is not feasible. Merely staging a demonstration constitutes a victory because the massive security presence stifles any unrest as soon as it arises. Even if they are executed, they feel that raising a Tibetan flag in public or uttering slogans in support of the Dalai Lama or independence shows the Chinese that dissatisfaction is still deep and widespread.

TRADE • 687

Antique weapons in protector deity chapel, dPal yul Monastery.

TILOPA: See TI LO PA. TRADE (TIB. TSHONG LAS). Records of commerce in Central Eurasia during the period from 600 to 840 indicate that goods were traded across the region from early times. In La dwags, northern Pakistan, and other areas that were once within the Tibetan cultural network, rock bruisings have been discovered dating from between the 6th and 7th centuries written in a variety of languages (including Hebrew), most likely inscribed by itinerant traders on various routes to Tibet. Many are pietistic, but some are more prosaically about business. During Tibet’s imperial period (7th–9th centuries) it was a major power in the region and it had extensive trade relations with neighboring states, including China, India, Nepal, Mongolia, Persia, and the Arabian Peninsula. Finds of inscribed wooden slips in the Tarim area, dated between the 8th and 10th centuries, contain many details about items carried in and out of Tibet, particularly those that moved through the Tarim region. From that time until the invasion by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in the 1950s ended many of the traditional trade patterns, there have been four

688 • TRADE

major trade routes: (1) an eastern route through Dar rtse mdo to China; (2) a northeastern route via Kokonor to China, Turkic kingdoms, and Siberia; (3) a northwestern route that went through La dwags to Khotan, Kashgar, Kucha, and Transoxiana to Bokhara and Samarkand; and (4) trans-Himalayan routes that went to La dwags, Kha chul (Kashmir), the Indian subcontinent, Nepal, Cooch Behar (Koch Bihār) in Bengal, Bhutan, and Sikkim. The main route to China went through rKong po to Dar rtse mdo. Another passed through the Kokonor region to Zi ling (Ch. Xining 西宁). A third went east through dKar mdzes, and another southeast through ’Ba’ thang and Li thang. This was an important conduit for the importation of tea from China. Records of the tea trade between Tibet and China date back to the Song dynasty (Song rgyal rabs; Ch. Songchao 宋朝, 960–1279). The main Tibetan export in the tea trade was horses. A government department named “TeaHorse” regulated this business. Tea was so popular that it circulated as money, particularly between 1875 and 1935. During the 19th century, the annual estimated import of Chinese tea to Tibet was around 6,500 tons. In addition to horses, Tibetans sold wool, hides, musk, gold, and deer horns. Tibetans also imported cotton and silk goods from China. The northeastern trade route began in Lha sa and traveled through Nag chu kha through the Byang thang to Khal kha khu ral (Urga, modern Ulaan Baatar) and then to Siberia. In western Tibet, sGar tog and rGyal rtse were trade centers where merchants from Tibet and neighboring countries met and did business. From there goods were transported to Central Asia, including Chinese Turkestan and the Central Asian khanates. This trade was extensive: Tibet supplied borax, salt, gold, wool, and horses; it imported tea, porcelain, and silk, among other products. The Scottish adventurer George Bogle (1746–1781) reported that he met Russian traders when he visited gZhis ka rtse and that they were mainly Buryat Mongols. An extensive trans-Himalayan trade network emerged. Goods passed between Tibet and Nepal via high passes, including Nya lam and sKyid rong in the south, as well as through sMon thang (Mustang). Tibet imported food grains from Nepal, and beginning in the 18th century Nepal minted coins for Tibet (see CURRENCY). Tibet exported salt and gold, as well as sheep, yak, and goat products (including yak tails and wool). In central Tibet, Lha sa and gZhis ka rtse were the main trading centers. In the eastern part of the Tibetan Plateau, sDe dge and Dar rtse mdo were major commercial centers, and in the west sGar tog and rGyal rtse handled the bulk of the commerce. The main entrepôt for trade between India and Tibet was Ka lon sbug (Kalimpong), and the second most important was Almora. Kalimpong was annexed by Great Britain from Bhutan in 1865. Following a British military campaign on the Sikkim-Tibet border in 1888, a trade route from Kalimpong to Tibet was established; at its peak, more than half of the trade between India and Tibet passed through Kalimpong.

TRADE • 689

Bhutan was a conduit for trans-Himalayan trade. Bhutanese merchants served as middlemen between Tibet and China and transported Chinese tea and rice and Tibetan wool and salt. Cooch Behar was a major trade center for the region; the British adventurer Ralph Fitch (ca. 1550–1611) described his travels from Bengal through this area in 1583. He reported seeing quantities of musk and gold from Tibet, and Bengali traders exchanged grain and silver for them. The Portuguese missionaries Father Estêvão Cacella (1585–1630) and Father Joao Cabral (1599–1669) passed through Cooch Behar in 1626, but they said that trade was minimal there and that the most important route passed through the Kathmandu Valley. In 1633 Rām Shāh, the ruler of Gor kha (Gorkha), blocked the trade route from the Gyad yul (Malla) states from Kathmandu via sKyid rong to Tibet. In the middle of the 17th century the trade center shifted back to Cooch Behar as a result of military conflicts. During this period there was an increase in export of fine wool from Tibet to Nepal, which was used for knitting shawls and other garments. This trade moved through Kashmir by way of La dwags until 1640, when the king of La dwags closed the route following conflicts with the Mughal rulers of Kashmir. A new route that went through Patna was established. Following a war with Nepal, in 1650 Tibet was forced to sign a treaty that gave Nepal a virtual monopoly on trans-Himalayan trade. From this time until around 1754, large quantities of goods passed from central Tibet to Kathmandu and back. In 1904 a military unit led by Col. Francis Younghusband invaded Tibet with the intention of expanding trade relations. They massacred hundreds of Tibetans who resisted their advance and marched into Lha sa, where they forced the government to agree to trade arrangements highly favorable to Britain. Articles 2 and 5 of the 1904 Convention stipulated that trade offices would be established in rGyal rtse and Gro mo (Ch. Yadong 亚东). They were under the authority of the political officer in Sikkim. John Claude White (1853–1918) was the first man to hold this position. In 1905 he was given authority over trade agencies in Tibet. Article 6 required Tibet to pay an indemnity of 750,000 rupees, and Britain seized control of Lho gro mo (Chumbi Valley) as insurance (the British relinquished it in 1908 after China paid the indemnity). Between 1904 and 1947 more than 100 British officials were stationed in Tibet. Another trade office was established at sGar tog, and beginning in 1936 a trade representative was stationed in Lha sa. The last of them, Hugh Richardson (1905–2000), left the country in 1950 as Chinese forces began their invasion. From the 1920s to 1940s, travelers from many countries found their way to Lha sa, which was a major commercial hub. This was probably the period of Tibet’s most extensive international mercantile activity in its history. Merchants from Russia, Armenia, Mongolia, China, India, Central Asian khanates, Nepal, Persia, and beyond brought goods into various parts of the Tibetan Plateau. This created a new class of wealthy

690 • TSHAD MA’I LUGS

entrepreneurs in Tibet and led to importation of new political and social ideas, some of which sparked the formation of groups and movements, although in the final analysis their general impact was limited. The trade agents posted to Tibet generally did little actual business; none of those who headed the agencies had a background in commerce, and their main role appears to have been intelligence gathering. The western regions of the Tibetan Plateau in which the offices were located were thinly populated by around 10,000–15,000 nomadic families who had little to offer the British. Posting representatives in Tibet allowed Britain to maintain contact with the Tibetan government and gather information about Tibetan affairs. There were a number of limiting factors. For one, trade monopolies that were already established proved difficult to break. Tibetan currency had no value in India, which meant that merchants had to employ barter, which was cumbersome and required ongoing negotiations. Few British merchants saw significant potential in the Tibetan market, which was highly insular and required substantial investment in pack animals and personnel to access, along with extended periods traveling in difficult terrain. The choice of locations for the trade outposts was also a factor: sGar tog was located in a remote area and was deserted for most of the year except for a two-week trade fair. Gro mo was suggested by the Tibetan government because it was isolated and could easily be ignored. The choice of rGyal rtse was also a mistake, as the main trade center in the west was gZhis ka rtse. The 13th Dalai Lama informed Sir Charles Bell that he recognized the agencies played no significant role in promoting, regulating, or maintaining trade, which went on largely independently of them. Following the Chinese invasion, trade with neighboring countries was largely suspended. During the early period of occupation and the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) Tibet was in a state of chaos, and as famine spread in China Tibetan goods and agricultural products were expropriated. Following China’s decision to establish a market economy and join the global trade network in the 1970s, Tibet became part of this new initiative, but it remains the poorest region of the People’s Republic of China. Its economic growth has been rapid according to official figures, but this is largely due to massive government subsidies rather than development of local industries. See also CURRENCY; GOR KHA INVASION OF 1788 GOR KHA INVASION OF 1855; SPOM MDA’ STOBS RGYAL. TSHAD MA’I LUGS (TSEMELUK) (SKT. PRAMĀṆA–VĀDA) (CH. XINGLIANG 形量; XINMING 信明) (“EPISTEMOLOGY SCHOOL”). A tradition of Buddhist philosophy whose founder is generally considered to be Phyogs kyi glang po (Skt. Dignāga, ca. 480–540) and whose most

TSHANGS DBYANGS RGYA MTSHO • 691

celebrated exponent was his disciple Chos kyi grags pa (Skt. Dharmakīrti, ca. 7th century). The philosophers of this school developed an influential system of logic and epistemology, the elaboration of which owed a great deal to their debates with the Nyāya tradition of Indian philosophy. Dignāga and Dharmakīrti—as well as later exponents of the tradition such as Shes rab ’byung gnas sbas pa (Skt. Prajñākaragupta, 9th century), Zhi ba ’tsho (Skt. Śāntarakṣita, 8th century), Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century), and Rin chen grags pa (Skt. Ratnakīrti, ca. 11th century)—were primarily concerned with reasoned proofs based on empirical evidence, rather than uncritical acceptance of scripture. The seminal texts of the school are Dignāga’s Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma kun las btus pa; Skt. Pramāṇa-samuccaya) and Dharmakīrti’s Commentary on [Dignāga’s] Compendium of Epistemology (Tshad ma rnam ’grel; Skt. Pramāṇa-vārttika). TSHAL PA BKA’ BRGYUD (TSELPA GAGYÜ) (CH. CAIBA GAJU 蔡巴噶举). One of the “four great orders” of bKa’ brgyud and the last to develop. It was founded by Shangs Tshal pa brTson ’grus grags pa (1123–1193; alt. Zhang g.Yu brag pa, bLa ma Zhang, 1123–1193). In 1175 he founded Tshal gung thang, situated north of Lha sa on the opposite side of the sKyid chu River. This became the main seat of the order. He established himself as a powerful hegemon with an army that he used liberally to subdue opponents and build his school. The Tshal pa tradition produced a number of outstanding intellectual figures, including Dung mtsho ras pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan, who in 1315 claimed to have found the Mind Instructions (Sems khrid), a work purportedly hidden by sGam po pa. In the 15th century, Tshal pa monasteries were taken by the dGe lugs pa, and the school’s tantric teachings became part of dGe lugs lore although it ceased to function as an independent entity. TSHANGS DBYANGS RGYA MTSHO (TSANGYANG GYATSO, 1683–1706) (CH. CANGYANG JIAMUCUO 仓央嘉措). The sixth Dalai Lama, born in a Monpa family near rTa dbang in the north of modern-day Arunachal Pradesh in India. His father was bLa ma bKra shis bstan ’dzin of O rgyan bsam gtan gling, a descendant of the rNying ma “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) Padma gling pa (1450–1521), and his mother was rTse dbang lha mo, a Monpa from a royal lineage. At birth he was named Sangs rgyas bstan ’dzin. He developed an illness as a child, and a local healer advised that his name should be changed to Ngag dbang rgya mtsho. His recognition and enthronement were delayed because the fifth Dalai Lama’s regent (sde srid), Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653–1705), concealed his master’s death for almost 15 years. The child was brought in haste to Lha

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sa because of plans by Bhutanese to kidnap him and hold him for ransom, as retaliation for invasions by armies from dBus and the leaders (sde pa) of gTsang. Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho recognized the successor to the fifth Dalai Lama in secret in 1688 and announced his predecessor’s death in 1696. In 1697, the fifth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737), conferred novice (dge tshul) vows and gave him the name Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho. He was enthroned in that same year. In 1701 the Mongol chieftain Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) ordered the execution of Sangs rgyas rgya mtsho, ostensibly for his deceit regarding the death of the fifth Dalai Lama. Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho was so upset by this that he ended his studies and traveled to gZhis ka rtse, where he returned his monastic vows to bLo bzang ye shes. Following this, he moved from the Po ta la into a residence in Zhol, the village below it, and pursued a life of drinking and womanizing. He is best known for his erotic poetry, which celebrates revelry and his romantic affairs. He dressed in layman’s clothes and rejected the palanquin in which Dalai Lamas were traditionally carried. Most lay Tibetans accepted his behavior as the unimpeded freedom of an advanced practitioner, but dGe lugs pa prelates were reportedly scandalized by his aberrant lifestyle. Lhazang Khan also claimed to be offended by his actions, and on 28 June 1706 he deposed Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho and installed a puppet, 25-year-old Ngag dbang ye shes rgya mtsho, as Dalai Lama in 1707. Lhazang Khan claimed that he was the real reincarnation of Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho was kidnapped and died (or more probably was murdered) on 15 November 1706 near Kokonor en route to China. During his journey, he composed a poem that supporters viewed as a portent of his place of rebirth: White crane, lend me your wings; I will not fly far. From Li thang I will return. Despite Lhazang Khan’s efforts to convince Tibetans that his puppet was the true successor to Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho, the search for the next Dalai Lama began soon after word of Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho’s demise reached Tibet. The seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757), was born in Li thang. TSHANGS PA (TSANGBA) (CH. JINGFAN WANG 净梵王). Brahmā, the creator god in Hindu mythology and the guardian of Vedic lore. In Buddhist narratives, he is a devotee of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). In some narratives of the Buddha’s life, he plays a crucial role by convincing him to embark on a teaching career following his awakening.

TSHE DBANG NOR BU, KAḤ THOG RIG ’DZIN • 693

In Tibet, he is said to be the main guardian deity of the first temple built in the country, Khra ’brug. He is classed as a mundane deity, and he appears in Tibetan art along with Me lha (Agni), brGya byin (Skt. Indra), Nag po khyab ’jug (Skt. Viṣṇu), and Zla ba (Skt. Candra) as a respected maintainer of the world, but these gods have no role in attaining liberation from it. TSHAR PA SA SKYA PA (TSARBA SAGYABA) (CH. CHA’ERBA 茶 尔巴). One of the two main branches of Sa skya (the other being Ngor pa). Its headquarters is Nā lendra Monastery, built by the rDo rje phag mo (Skt. Vajrayoginī) master Tshar chen bLo gsal rgya mtsho (1502–1566) in Phan yul in dBus. TSHE BRTAN RDO RJE, ZHING SHAG PA (SHINGSHAKBA TSEDEN DORJÉ; ALT. DON GRUB TSHE BRTAN RDO RJE, 1510?–1599) (CH. XINXIABA CIDAN DUOJI 辛夏巴次旦多吉). The fifth Rin spungs ruler. His successor was the last of the Rin spungs kings, and Don grub tshe brtan rdo rje took office at a time when their power was waning. He was the second son of Ngag dbang rnam rgyal (r. 1512–ca. 1550) and succeeded his father sometime during the mid-16th century. He was given control of Pa rnam fortress, from time to time a residence of the gTsang rulers (sde pa) in the early 17th century. Like his predecessors, he was a supporter of the bKa’ brgyud order, and he sponsored the construction of gSung rab gling Monastery, overseen by the eighth rGyal dbang Karma pa, Mi bskyod rdo rje (1507–1554), with whom Don grub tshe brtan rdo rje had a close relationship. He also developed a patron-recipient relationship with the ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud master Padma dkar po (1527–1592). He continued the expansion of Rin spungs territory and maintained political relationships with neighboring rulers such as the gTsang sde srid and the Phag mo gru pa masters of sNe’u gdong, but was defeated in 1554 during an attack on the Gung thang kingdom. He died sometime in the mid-16th century and was succeeded by his brother, Ngag dbang ’jigs med grags pa (1482–1565). TSHE DBANG NOR BU, KAḤ THOG RIG ’DZIN (GATOK RIKDZIN TSEWANG NORBU, 1698–1755) (CH. GATUO RENZENG ZEWANG NUOBU 噶陀仁增泽旺诺布). A leading intellectual figure of the 18th century, one of the main exponents of the “other emptiness” (gzhan stong) view and an important master of the rNying ma “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) lineage. His friend and student Ta’i si tu Chos kyi ’byung gnas (Si tu paṇ chen, 1699–1774) played a key role in propagating and popularizing the other emptiness teachings. Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin is particularly associated with the ’Ba’ ra ba phyag rgya chen po tradition. He was born in Sa ngam in Khams and was recognized as the reincarnation of gNubs chen Nam mkha’i

694 • TSHE DBANG NOR BU, KAḤ THOG RIG ’DZIN

snying po (b. 8th century), one of the 25 main disciples of Padma ’byung gnas. His uncle Padma bde chen gling pa identified him as the reincarnation of Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin Padma nor bu (d. 1695). His father was A ti mgon po, and his mother was sGo bza’ rDo rje ’tsho. His ordination name was Karma bstan pa mtha’ yas. His secret initiation name was Chos dbyings rang grol. When he was 21 he traveled to Kaḥ thog, where he received teachings from a number of prominent eastern Tibetan scholars. He later traveled to dMar khams dben rdzong and received teachings in bKa’ brgyud and rNying ma lineages from Zur mang che tshong gSung rab rgya mtsho. During the Zunghar invasion of Tibet, many religious figures fled from the devastation they wrought. The Zunghars sacked sMin grol gling and rDo rje brag, and Kaḥ thog provided refuge for displaced rNying ma lamas. During this time he received teachings from ’Gyur med rin chen rnam rgyal and ’Gyur med padma bzang po rgya mtsho, sons of gTer bdag gling pa ’Gyur med rdo rje (1646–1714), who had been murdered. When he was 24 he studied at Kaḥ thog and was asked to become its regent by bSod nams lde’u btsan, but he declined. In 1725 Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin traveled to central Tibet, where he met with many of the leading intellectual figures of his day, including the 12th rGyal dbang Karma pa, Byang chub rdo rje (1703–1732); the eighth Zhwa dmar pa, dPal chen chos kyi don grub (1695–1732); and the third Tre bo, Karma bstan ’dzin dar rgyas (1653–1730). The latter gave him teachings from the Jo nang tradition. Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin later received the full transmission of Jo nang lore from Grub chen Kun bzang dbang po. The two met at dGa’ ldan mkha’ chen, a hermitage in gTsang (named Ru lag ’bras spungs before it was forcibly converted into a dGe lugs establishment). He received a transmission of the works of Dol po pa Shes rab rgyal mtshan (1292–1361) and Tā ra nā tha (1575–1634) from Kun bzang dbang po, who identified him as the reincarnation of Ma ti Paṇ chen bLo gros rgyal mtshan (1294–1376), a disciple of Dol po pa. In 1733 the 12th Karma pa and the eighth Zhwa dmar pa died while traveling to China, and Kaḥ thog rig ’dzin was involved in the search for their reincarnations. He made two trips to Nepal and he played a leading role in the restoration of the mChod rten bya rung kha shor (Bodhnāth Stūpa). He served as an emissary of the Tibetan government and helped mediate disputes with the warring princes of La dwags on behalf of Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747). In the 1750s he returned to Kaḥ thog and became embroiled in its internal affairs. He was upset by what he regarded as a decline in standards of scholarship and laxity in monastic discipline, and he attempted unsuccessfully to replace the abbot, Dri med zhing skyong mgon po, with the young 10th Zhwa dmar, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792). He died in sKyid rong in 1755. His literary output includes influential texts

TSHOGS DRUG RANG GROL BYAMS PA CHOS DAR, ZHABS DKAR • 695

on great perfection, historical studies, copies of 8th- and 9th-century inscriptions, and ritual works. He was also a noted “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) who recovered treasures in mDo khams and rKong po. TSHE DPAG MED (TSEBAKMÉ) (SKT. AMITĀYUS) (CH. WULIANGSHOUFO 無量壽佛/无量寿佛) (“LIMITLESS LIFE”). A buddha closely linked with ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha). He is particularly associated with longevity. In this form, he is the focus of popular “long life” (Tib. tshe ring) practices in Tibetan Buddhism. He is generally depicted iconographically with red skin and holding a begging bowl containing the elixir of immortality. TSONG KHA PA: See BLO BZANG GRAGS PA. TSHOGS DRUG RANG GROL BYAMS PA CHOS DAR, ZHABS DKAR (SHAPGAR TSOKDRÜK RANGDROL JAMBA CHÖDAR, 1781–1851) (CH. XIAGABA CUOZHOU RENZHUO 夏嘎巴措周仁卓). The subject of one of the most popular religious autobiographies in Tibetan Buddhism, translated into English as The Life of Shabkar (Ricard 1991). He was born in Reb gong in A mdo into a family of yogis. His birth name was Ngag dbang bkra shis. At age 11 he joined a community of tantrikas at Zho ’ong and at 12 began instruction with O rgyan ’Phrin las rnam rgyal. ’Jam dpal rdo rje (d. 1817) initiated him into the “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) according to the sMin grol gling lineage of “final meaning of innermost yoga” (a ti zad don). He received teachings in the rNying ma “hidden treasure” (gter ma) cycles of bsTan gnyis gling pa (1480–1535), Karma gling pa (1352–1405), and ’Jigs med gling pa (1729/1730–1798). ’Jam dpal rdo rje also instructed him in techniques of “mind training” (blo sbyong). Zhabs dkar studied with dGe lugs masters and learned the art of traditional painting from bsTan pa dar rgyas. In 1810 he received monastic ordination at rDo sbis Monastery from ’Jam dpal dge legs rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (1726–1803); he gave him the name Byams pa chos dar. Following his advice, Zhabs dkar traveled to U rge grwa tshang and studied with the rNying ma teacher Chos rgyal Ngag gi dbang po (1736/1740–1897), a descendant of Güshri Khan (1582–1655). He stayed there until 1807 and then entered meditative retreat in rTse gzhung dben pa’i dga’ tshal. He spent a further three years on mTsho snying, a small island in A mdo mtsho s­ ngon (Lake Kokonor). While there he began composing his autobiography in 1806. He completed it in 1837. He spent much of his life in wild and solitary places, including the glaciers of the A myes rma chen mountains, caves at Brag dkar sprel rdzong, Ti se, and La phyi. He retained his monastic vows but wore his hair piled on top of his head in the style of lay tantrics (sngags pa).

696 • TSHOGS ’DU CHEN MO

He meditated in caves in which Mi la ras pa (1040/1052–1123/1135) was reported to have lived, including sTag mo rdzong and rGod po rdzong. Traditional sources count him as a reincarnation of Mi la ras pa and Ngag gi dbang po as a reincarnation of Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1012–1097). He became known as Zhabs dkar (“White Footprint”) because he engaged in meditative retreat near a cave associated with Mi la ras pa near Ti se where the Buddha left a footprint in rock during a (mythical) visit to Tibet. Zhabs dkar’s autobiography reports that he traveled widely and stories of his deeds come from all over the Tibetan Plateau and Nepal. He used gold donated to him to regild the mChod rten Bya rung kha shor (Bodhnāth Stūpa) in Kathmandu in 1816. In 1828, at age 47, he returned to A mdo, where he remained until his death in 1851. He was an influential teacher and his students included O rgyan ’Jigs med chos kyi dbang po (1808–1887), the fifth rDzogs chen mkhan po; Grub chen Padma rang grol (1786–1838); and sNa tshogs rang grol (1822–1874), the second dGu rong bla ma. TSHOGS ’DU CHEN MO (TSOKDU CHENMO) (“GREAT ASSEMBLY”). A public assembly under the authority of the Cabinet (bKa’ shag) that met irregularly during the tenure of the dGa’ ldan pho brang to provide input to the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) on current public sentiment. It could be constituted in various ways, but always contained representatives from the major religious institutions and factions as well as delegates from various social classes. Theoretically, its decisions should be unanimous, so it was a cumbersome body in actual practice. TSHUL KHRIMS RGYA MTSHO (TSÜLTRIM GYATSO, 1816–1837) (CH. CHUCHEN JIACUO 楚臣嘉措). The 10th Dalai Lama. He ascended the Golden Throne of dGa’ ldan pho brang in the Po ta la in 1822. His choice was determined by drawing lots from the Golden Urn (gSer bum skrug pa; Ch. Jinping cheqian 金瓶掣签) as mandated by the Qing emperor Qianlong 乾隆 (1711–1799), the first time this method was used. Names of candidates were placed in the urn, and the one that was pulled out became the recognized reincarnation. The choice to use the Golden Urn was made by the seventh Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang dpal ldan bstan pa’i nyi ma (1781–1854), who officiated at his enthronement and in 1831 gave him novice (dge tshul) vows and the name Tshul khrims rgya mtsho. In 1826 the Dalai Lama began his studies at ’Bras spungs Monastery. In 1831 he initiated a reconstruction of the Po ta la, and at the age of 19 received his full ordination (dge slong) from the Paṇ chen bla ma. He was plagued by poor health during his short life and died in 1837. His reincarnation, mKhas grub rgya mtsho (1838–1856), was also short-lived.

TUCCI, GIUSEPPE • 697

TSHUL KHRIMS SNYING PO, DWAGS PO SGOM PO (DAKBO GOMBO TSÜLTRIM NYINGBO, 1116–1169) (CH. DABO GONGBA CHUCHEN NINGBO 达波贡巴楚臣宁波). A nephew of sGam po pa bSod nams rin chen (Dwags po lha rje, 1079–1153) and an important lineage holder of the bKa’ brgyud order. He was born in gNyal bong snyi, the eldest of three sons and one daughter of Sgam po pa’s elder brother, rGya ba Se re, and his wife Tshe lcam. His younger brother Grags mdzes died young, and the youngest brother, Rog chung Shes rab byang chub, was an important figure in the lineage; he is commonly referred to as sGom chung. Dwags po sgom po met sGam po pa when he was 10, and his uncle stated that the boy was the reincarnation of an Indian Buddhist scholar. He gave him the name ’Dzam gling grags pa. He received novice (dge tshul) vows when he was 16 from sGam po pa. He began tantric practice, and by the time he was 20 was an adept of heat yoga (gtum mo). His breath control was so refined that he could exhale through his fingertips. When he was 20 he received the full ordination (dge slong) and the name Tshul khrims snying po. In 1150 he was appointed abbot of Dwags lha sgam po, sGam po pa’s main seat (gdan sa). He retained the position for 19 years. He was succeeded by sGom chung. sGom chung only lived for two years after that and died at the age of 43. TUBO KINGDOM (CH. 吐蕃). A term used in Chinese publications published in English to designate the Yar klungs dynasty. This was one of the greatest empires of the time and it conquered large areas of China. The Tang dynasty was a tributary of Tibet for a time and its capital, Chang’an, was sacked by Tibetan armies, but in Chinese historiography it is unacceptable to admit that Tibet was an independent state at any time, even long before current propaganda claims Chinese overlordship. Thus the term Tubo Kingdom implies that the Yar klungs dynasty was a “local government” that did not control most of the Tibetan Plateau and a substantial empire in Central Asia. TUCCI, GIUSEPPE (1894–1984). A pioneering Italian scholar and Orientalist who traveled throughout Central Asia, Tibet, and surrounding areas of the Himalayas and conducted some of the most important early research on architecture, art, literature, philosophy, and religion. He was born in a middle-class family in Macerata, Marche. Before beginning university studies, he taught himself Chinese, Hebrew, Latin, and Sanskrit. He completed his university degree at University of Rome in 1919. He traveled to India, where he studied Buddhism, Tibetan, and Bengali at Visva-Bharati University. He taught Italian and Chinese there. He also studied and taught at Dhaka University, University of Benares, and Calcutta University. He returned to Italy in 1931. In 1931 he was appointed to the first Chair of Chinese Language

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and Literature at University of Naples, and in 1933, together with Giovanni Gentile, he founded the Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente (Italian Institute for the Middle and Far East), which became one of the major institutions for publication of his research and that of other Orientalists. Tucci embraced Fascist ideology and supported Benito Mussolini (1883– 1945), probably less from personal conviction than from his desire to retain their funding and thus to promote Oriental studies in Italy. While in Japan in the early 1940s, he gave a number of lectures on “racial purity.” He led several pioneering explorations in Asia, including archeological digs in Swāt in Pakistan, Ghazni in Afghanistan, Persepolis in Persia, and several sites in central and western Tibet. He was one of the earliest scholars to recognize the importance of Nepal for Sanskrit and Tibetan studies; his research trips there provide valuable records of a now vanishing culture. He published many groundbreaking works, including Tombs of the Tibetan Kings (1950), which described his discoveries in the ’Phyong rgyas Valley, Indo-Tibetica (4 vols., 1932–1941), an account of his seminal research on the art and architecture of western Tibet, and his monumental Tibetan Painted Scrolls (3 vols., 1949), the first major study of the thang ka art of the Himalayan region. In several later works, he synthesized material from his more esoteric academic research for a broader audience; these include Rati Lila (1969) and Religions of Tibet (1970/1980). Tucci’s publications inspired generations of scholars and many remain essential reading. The breadth of his scholarship is astounding. In 1911 he published a study of Latin epigraphs in the prestigious Review of the Germanic Archaeological Institute, and in addition to his Sinological and Tibetological work he published translations of Sanskrit and Pāli works, studies of Iranian religion, Chinese philosophy, art, and architecture. He published more than 360 books and articles during his long life. He remains a somewhat controversial figure because of his politics. He wrote a number of articles for the Italian Fascist government and was an advocate of certain aspects of its ideology. For most of his academic career, Tucci taught at the University of Rome La Sapienza. He died in San Polo dei Cavalieri. TÜMED (TIB. THU MED) (CH. TUMOTE 土默特). One of the Mongol tribes that played significant roles in Tibetan history. The third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), visited the Tümed leader Altan Khan (1507–1583) in 1578 and with his assistance converted the Tümed to dGe lugs. He convinced Altan to ban blood sacrifices and the worship of ancestral images. The fourth Dalai Lama, Yon tan rgya mtsho (1589–1616), was born into Altan’s family, which further strengthened the bonds between the Tümed and the dGe lugs pa. During the 9th–13th centuries the Khori-Tümed lived

TÜMED • 699

to the west of Lake Baikal. Chinggis Khan (1162–1227) conquered them in 1207, and he resettled some groups to the southern Gobi. During the reign of Batumönke Dayan Khan (Tib. Da yan Han, 1464–1517/1543) they constituted the Right Wing of the eastern Mongols. Under Altan’s leadership, the Tümed became one of the most powerful Mongol groups and extended their power over a vast area. They launched raids on Ming dynasty (1368–1644) territories and conquered the four Oirat tribes. Altan captured Karakorum, the Oirat capital. Later the Tümed submitted to the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) and were incorporated into the Josotu League. In the late 19th century they became increasingly Sinicized, and few younger Tümed in urban areas speak fluent Mongolian. Beginning in the 1950s, some Tümed initiated a movement to revive the study of traditional culture and the Mongolian language, but during the Cultural Revolution all Mongolian language instruction was banned. In 1979 a new initiative to teach the language was launched, but all upper level study is still in Chinese in government-run schools. Today many Tümed live in Hohhot, and others are in Hulun Buir in Inner Mongolia; other Tümed live in various regions of Outer Mongolia.

U U GE TA HAN: See ÖGÖDEI KHAN. U RGYAN: see O RGYAN. U RU SU: See RUSSIA. U’I DUM BRTAN: See KHRI GLANG DAR MA.

700

V VAJRA: See RDO RJE. VAJRAKĪLAYA: See PHUR PA. VAJRAPĀṆI: See PHYAG NA RDO RJE. VAJRAYĀNA: See RDO RJE THEG PA. VĀRĀṆASĪ: See GSAL LDAN. VIKRAMAŚĪLA: See RNAM GNON NGANG TSHUL. VINAYA: See ’DUL BA. VIRŪPA: See BI RŪ PA. VOSTRIKOV, ANDREI IVANOVICH (1902–1937). One of the most influential early historians of Tibet. Vostrikov was a student of pioneering buddhologist Fyodor Shcherbatskoy (Theodore Stcherbatsky, 1866–1942) and renowned Mongolist Boris Yakovlevich Vladimirtsov (1884–1931). It appears that the greatest part of Vostrikov’s scholarship was devoted to philosophical studies that followed on from those of Shcherbatskoy, but none of these was translated from Russian into other European languages. However, the single work for which Vostrikov is most renowned is the monumental Tibetan Historical Literature, which appeared in Russian 25 years after his death in 1962. An English translation was published in 1970. This work was the result of the considerable time he spent with Buryat Mongols between 1928 and 1932, which resulted in him amassing a huge trove of Tibetan literary and historical material. In this study he discusses the major groupings of Tibetan historical writing in considerable depth, citing textual examples from a broad range of works, locating them within a historical timeline that is still accepted as a standard. He was among the very first scholars to have noted the importance of the literary genres thob yig and gsan yig (respectively “Record 701

702  VOSTRIKOV, ANDREI IVANOVICH

of Received Teachings” and “Record of Teachings Heard”), in which much detail of monasteries, travels, pilgrimages, major lamas, historical events, patronage, and construction of monastic edifices, etc. may be found. Despite its age, the survey still stands as a major scholarly achievement. For reasons that are not clear but that may possibly be linked to his association with the Buryats and the unrest in Buryatia that had fomented since the 1905 Russian Revolution, Vostrikov was executed in September 1937 following his arrest by the NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs, the precursor to the KGB) in April 1937, just four months after his appointment as head of the Tibetan section of the Institute of Oriental Studies. He was “rehabilitated” in 1956.

W WADDELL, LIEUTENANT COLONEL LAURENCE AUSTINE (1854– 1938). A British scholar, explorer, amateur archeologist, and author who was a cultural consultant for the Younghusband Expedition of 1903–1904, an invasion of Tibet led by Col. Francis Younghusband (1863–1942). Waddell traveled extensively throughout India and spent time in Sikkim and areas of Nepal bordering Tibet. He visited Tibet several times in disguise while stationed with the British army in Darjeeling. He authored several influential books, including The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamaism (1895). It contains some useful information but is a product of the colonial mindset. Waddell was dismissive of the “demonism” and “superstition” he perceived in Tibetan religion and his characterization of Buddhist practitioners was uniformly negative. Despite this, it contains a wealth of detail about sub-Himalayan Tibetan-speaking groups that have disappeared or whose environments have changed fundamentally. The only extant record of many of them is Waddell’s study. Among the Himalayas (1899) describes his 14 years of travel in the region; it contains stories of his artistic endeavors (sketching landscapes, flora, and fauna), hunting, and exploring. He devotes considerable attention to the customs and religious practices of the people he encountered. Lhasa and Its Mysteries (1905) is an account of his perspective on the Younghusband Expedition, which he states “lifted up the veil” that had hidden Tibet from the European gaze. What he saw beneath both fascinated and repelled him; he dwells on details of “superstitious” practices and the backwardness of the populace. The book also provides important details of battles between the British force and Tibetan militias and the peace negotiations that followed. See also GREAT GAME; TRADE. WAR (TIB. DMAG). From time to time Tibetans (as is true of all peoples) have engaged in war. During the period of the Imperium (7th–9th centuries) in particular, Tibetan soldiers conquered and held important garrison towns and mercantile centers in Central Asia. For almost two centuries, Tibet waged intermittent war against China, and its campaigns led to conquest of almost one-third of Chinese territory. Several Silk Road oasis towns,

703

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including Dunhuang and Khotan, came under Tibetan hegemony, and Tibet’s incursions into the region cut off the lines of communication between the eastern and western parts of the Chinese empire. These martial exploits are celebrated in historical materials published by the Central Tibetan Administration and cited as evidence of a history of Tibetan sovereignty over the Tibetan Plateau and of engagement (both peaceful and violent) with its neighbors as an independent state. Many Tibetans in Tibet also invoke memories of the country’s military past with pride, and these associations are potent symbols for Tibetan nationalism. For other Tibetans, particularly exile intellectuals who seek to portray Tibet as a “pacifist” nation, the imperialism of the Yar klungs dynasty can be a source of discomfort. Some have sought to redress the inconvenient fact of the country’s expansionist and militarist past by rewriting events or omitting examples of Tibetan aggression. An example is Tarthang Tulku’s (Dar thang sPrul sku Kun dga’ dge legs ye shes, 1934/1935–) Crystal Mirror V (Tarthang Tulku 1977, 121–122), which describes a military incursion sent by Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) into northern India. According to Tibetan annals, the soldiers laid waste to 600 villages and plundered prodigiously. In Tarthang Tulku’s version of events, “the conquest was made without bloodshed.” The Indian army (a battle-hardened force that had successfully created a large empire in the northern reaches of the Indian subcontinent) was so overcome by fear of the Tibetans that it laid down its weapons. The victorious Tibetans did not loot, and their motivations were purely religious: “through this carefully executed maneuver [the] army successfully removed numerous Buddha relics before they could be damaged or destroyed by the forces in India attempting to eradicate Buddhism.” Tibetan exile publications employ a recurring trope of Buddhist pacifism that characterizes the Plateau as a “zone of peace” ruled by wise and benevolent lamas who unswervingly manifested the Buddha’s teachings in their actions. Historical records do not generally support this romantic view, although there are notable examples of Tibetan leaders taking nonviolent stances at some cost to themselves and their country. An example is the dGa’ ldan pho brang’s decision to remain neutral during World War II. This effectively isolated Tibet from both sides of the conflict and prevented it from forging alliances. In 1943 the bKa’ shag issued a proclamation forbidding American overflight of Tibetan territory by planes carrying supplies intended to aid China in its fight against the Japanese Imperial Army. This necessitated more dangerous flights over a non-Tibetan region referred to as “The Hump” by pilots, which resulted in a number of crashes and several casualties that could have been prevented if they had been able to take the more direct Tibet route. For most of its history since the Imperium, Tibet has been ruled by Buddhist clerics, and for short periods by laymen who mostly espoused religious

WAR • 705

convictions. The Buddha by all accounts was thoroughly opposed to conflict in any form and advised his followers to choose injury or death rather than risk accruing the negative karma resulting from violence. The system assumes that all beings are reborn and that their subsequent life situations will be conditioned by past actions, so those who endure suffering or death while maintaining their religious vows are assured of improved conditions in subsequent births. Some traditions, however, permit Buddhists to defend themselves or to fight to protect the Dharma against its enemies. But the 14th Dalai Lama adamantly maintains that aggression is never permissible for Buddhists and that fighting in defense of the Dharma should not even be considered until the last Buddhist is in danger of losing his or her life. Nonetheless, some of his predecessors were willing to exercise force to defend themselves and their realms, to advance their power or the hegemony of their orders, or to extend the territories under their control. An example is the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), who came to power with the support of Mongol armies in the 17th century. His patron Güshri Khan (1582–1655) waged bloody wars against enemies of the dGe lugs pa, which removed threats against them and resulted in the Dalai Lama becoming the ruler of Tibet. Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho and other Dalai Lamas evinced a general reluctance to personally order militaries under their control to fight, but they had few apparent qualms about asking others to fight (and kill) on their behalf or benefiting from associations with aggresors. For example, the Mongol leader Galdan Bushuktu Khan (1644–1697) was a monk studying in Lha sa under the Dalai Lama’s tutelage when he received word that his brother Sengge had been murdered. He left his monastery, returned to Zungharia, and killed the two other brothers who had caused Sengge’s death. He subsequently launched military campaigns against his neighbors (with the Dalai Lama’s blessing) and conquered the Tarim and Turfan Basins in 1678–1680. Instead of chastising Galdan, the Dalai Lama gave him the honorific title “Bushuktu Khan” (“Divinely Ordained Khan”), which other Mongols recognized as an official designation of approval by a leading Buddhist prelate. Similar examples abound in Tibetan history, and many can be found in this dictionary. The “religious kings” (chos rgyal) of the Imperium (Srong btsan sgam po, Khri Srong lde btsan, and Khri Ral pa can), whom Tibetan Buddhist tradition portray as emanations of buddhas, engaged in bloody invasions of neighboring territories and plundered their people. Later the Sa skya hegemony over Tibet was accomplished as a result of the conquests of the Mongols, who exterminated whole populations in Asia and Europe. While the Sa skya hierarchs who were given regency over Tibet did not participate in Mongol military campaigns (except in some cases as chaplains or as religious functionaries who conferred blessings on troops), they served as the Buddhist

706 • WAR

preceptors of Mongol khans for generations and freely accepted their support. With the fading of Sa skya power, the avowedly Buddhist administrator Byang chub rgyal mtshan (1302–1364) waged war on his former masters (who also professed commitment to Buddhist ideals) and eventually militarily defeated them. During his reign, he sponsored Buddhist activities and patronized lamas, most of whom were content to accept gifts from him without voicing qualms regarding the violent events that preceded his rule. Following the fifth Dalai Lama’s ascension to power, he and his successors required armed supporters to preserve and consolidate their power, to defend against enemies, and to advance their interests. Much of their military backing came from Mongol chieftains, who often fought against other Mongols or attacked Chinese interests. When Dalai Lamas sought protection, they did not question the morality of their patrons, and often gave them extravagant titles replete with Buddhist symbolism in recognition of their aid. When the People’s Republic of China (PRC) invaded and annexed Tibet in the 1950s, militias were dispatched to defend the country, but they were ineffective. Buddhist lamas staged tantric ceremonies in which their most powerful mantras were invoked; these could purportedly decimate enemy forces and cause horrible suffering, but they were willing to use these magical forms of attack to protect themselves, their holdings, and their country. The fact that they failed spectacularly does not diminish the reality that senior Buddhist prelates used Buddhist rites in hopes of slaughtering their enemies. The heroic resistance of Tibetans in the face of torture, imprisonment, and desecration of sacred objects is a recurring theme among Tibetan exiles and the Free Tibet movement. Stories of devout Buddhists, particularly monks and nuns, who resolutely refused to respond in kind to their oppressors are recounted as inspiring examples of people whose commitment to nonviolent Buddhist ideals has been manifested in the most trying situations. Many of them professed undiminished compassion for those who persecuted or tortured them and prayed that they might be spared the worst repercussions of their evil deeds. At the same time, the resistance movement celebrates many others who fought the invasion of their country with more aggressive tactics. During the guerilla war the Chu bzhi sgang drug resistance movement waged against the PRC, several examples were documented of monks receiving dispensations from their preceptors or abbots that permitted them to abandon their monastic vows and join the fighters with the overt intention of killing Chinese. Complex ceremonies to alleviate the karmic effects of their actions were to be performed before they would later rejoin the monkhood, but a high percentage of these fighters never did so and spent the rest of their lives as pious laymen. Many report a conflicted sense of pride in their actions in defense of their country mingled with guilt for the killing and violence this entailed.

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The idea of defending religion is open to much interpretation, and Tibetans—­like other people operating within such general religious rubrics— have found that these issues often were reduced to something far more basic than the noble aim of defending the Dharma. Until the incursions of the PRC, Tibet had never actually experienced a threat to religion from outside invasion. There were no barbarian hordes that rampaged through the region and destroyed religious institutions, no atheistic armies seeking to destroy ­Buddhism, neither was Tibet beset by zealots fighting to replace it with a foreign faith. Throughout Tibetan history prior to the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, the bulk of damage to religious sites was enacted by Tibetans, motivated either by sectarianism, local hegemonic warfare, or personal antipathies. Many of the powers that extended their hegemony into Tibet (e.g., the Mongols) were wary of the purported magical abilities of Tibetan lamas and were willing to allow continued indigenous rule in exchange for oaths of political submission. Others were themselves Buddhists, including many of the Manchus who harried Tibet’s border regions in the 18th century and several of the rulers of the Qing dynasty, who patronized Tibetan Buddhism while also using military force to influence Tibetan affairs and sometimes to protect it against enemies. Tibetans who have religious commitments and who have given thought to these issues generally conclude that while violence ought to be avoided, it is sometimes necessary and permissible. When force is required for defense or to advance individual or group ends, war, judicial executions, physical punishments, and a range of other violent actions have been justified by Buddhists, Bon pos, and nonreligious Tibetans. For those who espouse Buddhist or Bon po ideals, it is generally accepted that use of force must be measured and appropriate to the situation, and it must be a last resort. This does not mean, of course, that all of these restrictions necessarily operated in cases of violent actions initiated (or condoned) by Tibetan leaders. Moreover, the use of militaries and official means of coercion are inextricably linked with considerations of patronage, territory, and power. For example, the events of Tibet’s Civil War, waged between 1603 and 1621, involved the expansion of some religious traditions at the expense of other religious allegiances, which was vigorously resisted by those who risked losing property, status, influence, or power. As with all wars, the battles were not merely discrete conflicts between military units; all sides engaged the religious services of Buddhist lamas, who blessed the troops and gave them protection amulets that they promised would allow them to remain safe while slaughtering their enemies. The conflict resulted in massive civilian casualties and impoverishment of the country, destruction of monasteries, and ultimately invitations to Mongol armies to support their campaigns. On both sides Buddhist rituals were performed and homilies delivered by Buddhist prelates who stood to gain

708 • WENCHENG

if their side emerged victorious. In many battles, robed monks fought and killed other monks. Much as these sorts of excesses are causes for regret for many Buddhists, others justify them as regrettable concessions to pragmatic necessity. They have been a recurring aspect of Tibetan history and should probably be regarded as reflections of human nature rather than aberrations in the generally pacifist Land of Snows. WENCHENG (TIB. RGYA MO BZA’ ’UN SHING KONG JO; ALT. KONG JO; MUN SHENG KONG CO, D. 683/684) (CH. WENCHENG GONGZHU 文成公主). A Chinese princess who traveled to Tibet and married Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650). Traditional histories report that he also married a Nepalese princess and three women of aristocratic Tibetan families, but contemporary Chinese histories regard her as his only wife and disregard the others. Chinese narratives depict her as a pioneer who brought Tang culture to Tibet and began the process of civilizing the backward natives so that they could be incorporated into the empire. In his Great Tibetan Dictionary (Bod rig pa’i tshig mdzod chen mo 2009) Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las reports that she brought Tang lore that included texts on: general culture (rig gnas), astrology (skar rtsis), and geomancy (sa dpyad). The 14th-century Tibetan historical work Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies (rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long) records that the Chinese emperor is said to have also given his daughter certain other items to “civilize” the Tibetans, including a mirror that reflected one’s karma, manuals on art, architecture, and medicine, Chinese materia medica, etc. mGar sTong btsan yul zung (d. 667) is credited with successfully negotiating with the Tang court for her to be given in marriage. The popular A lce lha mo drama Chinese Bride, Nepalese Bride (rGya bza’ bal bza’) dramatizes his negotiations with the Chinese and his tribulations in securing the ­marriage. This has been made into a Tibetan-language movie produced in India with Bollywood production values that is popular among Tibetan exiles. The Tibetan version of the marriage depicts Srong btsan as an emanation of sPyan ras gzigs (Skt. Avalokiteśvara) and his two foreign brides as emanations of sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā). The underlying motif is a shared project to convert Tibet to Buddhism. Tibetan sources commonly emphasize the notion that the emperor Taizong 太宗 (599–649) only agreed to dispatch her to Tibet under threat of invasion. These details are discussed in Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies and in the fifth Dalai Lama’s history of Tibet, Royal Genealogies: Song of the Queen of Spring (rGyal rabs dpyid kyi rgyal mo’i glu dbyangs), written in the 17th century. A Chinese version of the story focuses on Wencheng and depicts her as a cultural ambassador who brought advanced Chinese civilization to the backward Tibetans and initiated a process of education that eventually raised

WENCHENG • 709

them up to a level that allowed them to fulfill their wish to abandon their traditional culture and become assimilated into China. This is popular in the People’s Republic of China and among overseas Chinese communities. A shortened version was part of the 2008 Beijing Olympics opening ceremony, and an elaborate live production by Chinese in Malaysia has drawn large crowds throughout Southeast Asia and is circulated on DVD. It is also the central theme of a Hong Kong martial arts movie, Emperor of Tibet (Sing Hai Hua Cinema Company, n.d.), which depicts Srong btsan as a barbarian chieftain besotted by the glories of Tang civilization who sought a Chinese bride in order to eradicate Tibetan culture and replace it with that of the Tang. This theme was first elaborated in the Old Tang Annals (Jiu Tang Shu 舊唐書/ 旧唐书, presented to Emperor Chudi 出帝 [942–947] in 945), which asserts: “since the Princess of Wencheng went and civilized this country, many of their customs have changed.” The reality was apparently significantly different than either the Tibetan or Chinese versions. When Wencheng arrived, she was 12 years old, did not

Statue of Wencheng at the Sun and Moon Pass in Qinghai.

710 • WOMEN

speak Tibetan, and had originally been dispatched to marry Srong btsan’s son Gung srong gung btsan, who died while she was en route. Srong btsan ascended the throne again and some historians claim he made her one of his wives. As Hugh Richardson (1998, 212) notes, no evidence from contemporaneous sources survives to suggest that she exerted any significant influence in the court. Moreover, Helga Uebach (1997, 61) persuasively argues that she did not produce a royal heir. Richardson concludes that Wencheng was “a dim figure […] who made no mark on either Tibetan or Chinese history for the remaining thirty years of her life.” Srong btsan died within a few years of her arrival, and no records from the Imperium indicate that she played any role in Tibetan affairs after that. The final entry for her in the Old Tibetan Annals is of her funeral in the winter of 683/684. See also BAL BZA’; DBON ZHANG; GDONG DMAR; JINCHENG; JO BO RIN PO CHE; JO KHANG. WOMEN (TIB. SKYES DMAN; HON. SKU SKYE MA). In traditional Tibet, the place of women was clearly inferior to that of men. The standard word for woman, skyes dman, literally means “inferior birth” and is an indication of their social status. At the same time, in Tibet aristocratic women enjoyed legal rights of inheritance, unlike many other Asian societies. The personal wealth they brought into a marriage was generally theirs by right, and they sometimes inherited family holdings or estates. This was not, however, generally the case with commoners; women in such families often had no possessions of their own and had few rights, and many report frequent beatings by their husbands. Among aristocratic families, distinctions were made between “female wealth” (mo nor) and “male wealth” (pho nor). The former commonly included jewelry and women’s own household items, while male property included land, houses, and other nonmoveable goods. Women often engaged in trade, and many ran small businesses. Large-scale commerce was predominantly a male affair, but women in traditional Tibet often played an important role in local economies and generally managed the finances of their households. Educational and professional opportunities were restricted. Most women received at most a rudimentary education, and peasants were overwhelmingly illiterate. Daughters of aristocrats were often educated, but access to skilled trades was almost entirely restricted to men. Fields like medicine, law, and government service were male preserves, and the higher levels of religion were also exclusively male. For women, only novice (dge tshul ma) ordination was available, and in Tibetan nunneries women mainly confined their activities to prayer and performance of merit-generating rituals. Advanced study, oral debate, and the higher levels of tantric practice were male domains. Women were required as consorts for some of the

WOMEN • 711

Ladakhi woman in traditional dress.

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sexual yogas of highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med kyi rgyud; Skt. ­anuttara-­yoga-tantra), but for most this was restricted to a role as a facilitator for male training regimens, rather than participation on an equal basis or pursuing their own religious goals. The monasteries that were the major power centers in traditional Tibet were exclusively male, and women were admitted only as visitors or servants. In eastern Tibet examples exist of powerful women, particularly among the mGo log tribe, which was led by a woman chieftain during the 1920s and 1930s, but this was the exception. Generally in Tibet the status of women was decidedly inferior to that of men, despite the modernist reconstructions of some Tibetans who want to appeal to Western sensibilities by casting Tibet as progressive and socially enlightened. In recent decades a number of women have become culture heroes as a result of demonstrated courage in difficult circumstances. Between 1956 and 1960, women played key roles in opposing Chinese incursions, some as combatants and others as messengers. In addition, a number of stories of nuns holding to Buddhist principles in the face of torture and imprisonment have been widely circulated among Tibetans as inspirational examples of

Girl turning prayer wheels at Nyag rong Monastery.

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nonviolent resistance to repression. An example is the story depicted in the documentary “Satya: A Prayer for the Enemy”: https://www.kanopy.com/ product/satya-prayer-enemy. There were some notable female religious practitioners, however, and some established practice lineages that continue today. The most famous female Buddhist figure is Ye shes mtsho rgyal (ca. 757–817), the consort of Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), who is recognized as a tantric master in her own right. Ma gcig Lab kyi sgron ma (1055–1149) is credited with establishing the “cutting off” (gcod) tradition in Tibet. Despite these and other examples of outstanding female practitioners, the relative position of women in Tibetan Buddhism is highlighted by the fact that there was only one officially recognized female reincarnational lineage, that of rDo rje phag mo, whose seat was bSam ldings, located near Yar ’brog g.yu mtsho in southern Tibet. A number of famous ’das log (people who return from the dead and report their experiences) have been women, and lineages of female spirit-mediums appear throughout the Tibetan Plateau. See also SGROL MA; SRIN MO. WORK UNIT (CH. DANWEI 单位; TIB. LAS DON RU KHAG). A term the Chinese introduced following the invasion of the 1950s, particularly associated with the communization program of the 1950s–1970s. Private property and livestock were confiscated and people were forced to join “people’s communes” in which goods were owned by the group and work was shared. The work unit was the employment group to which one belonged, and it served as the main entity for promulgation of Chinese Communist Party policies and propaganda. It also played a policing role by identifying people who harbored “counterrevolutionary” ideas and “reactionary” tendencies. Leaders of the work units were required to hold “study sessions” in which propaganda was disseminated and people were encouraged to produce more and “voluntarily” agree to greater sacrifices for the good of the nation. During the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) membership in a work unit was compulsory and people generally belonged to them for life. They provided a range of services, including medical care, schooling, and childcare. Most also administered housing for the collective. The leaders of the group sought to regulate all aspects of the lives of those who belonged to the work unit: permission was required for travel, marriage, procreation, and changing jobs. Many groups ate together in collective canteens. In modern Tibet work units still function as arms of the propaganda apparatus. Cadres in the work units play a leading role in the “patriotic education” campaign. Teams arrive at monasteries and force residents to submit to a course of study on current policies and propaganda, which often runs for several months. New directives

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from the Publicity Department (the propaganda ministry) are passed along through several levels and then implemented at the local level by the leading cadres of work units. Most Tibetans loathe these groups and their members, who are viewed as officious busybodies who waste people’s time with ideological nonsense. WORLD WAR I (TIB. ’DZAM GLING DMAG CHEN DANG PO). Tibet remained on the sidelines during World War I. After news reached Tibet in 1914 of the German attack on England, the 13th Dalai Lama ordered Prime Minister Zhol khang Tshe brtan dbang phyug to send a letter to the political officer in Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould (1883–1956), with an offer of assistance. He proposed to supply Great Britain with 1,000 Tibetan troops to aid in the war effort. Gould replied with a cordial letter thanking the Dalai Lama, but no further action was taken. The Tibetan government hoped to obtain modern arms and ammunition from Britain, but its resources were stretched. Britain had little interest in Tibetan affairs and in 1916 a shipment of military supplies was barred from transport through British India to Tibet. Following the war, Britain did provide some arms and ammunition and set up telegraph lines from rGyal rtse to Lha sa. Military training was provided for Tibetan officers and an English school was established in rGyal rtse. In the end, however, all attempts at modernization were scuttled by the monasteries and aristocracy, and in the interregnum period following the Dalai Lama’s death in 1933 and between the World Wars it remained diplomatically isolated and technologically backward. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. WORLD WAR II (TIB. ’DZAM GLING DMAG CHEN GNYIS PA). During World War II Tibet remained officially neutral. In 1942 the government established the Foreign Affairs Bureau (Phyi rgyal don gcod las khungs) and placed it in charge of communications with China and Great Britain. This angered China, which claimed Tibet as part of its territory despite the fact that its nationals had been expelled and the country declared its independence in 1912. By 1940 the Chinese Mission in Lha sa had been reduced to one resident—a wireless operator—and communication between the two countries was minimal. The Chinese government requested permission to post a high commissioner (the equivalent of the former am ban), but this was rebuffed. China refused to deal with Tibet as a “foreign” power and so became even more marginalized. In 1941 Chiang Kai-shek—without consulting the dGa’ ldan pho brang—ordered the construction of a road through northwestern Tibet to A sam (alt. A tsa ra: Assam) through the Lohit Valley. Britain was unwilling

WORLD WAR II • 715

to proceed on the project without approval from Tibet’s government, but when a request was issued it was denied. Despite this, China dispatched a survey team, but Tibetan troops forced it back. A visit from a Chinese official—who threatened unspecified retaliation—also failed to secure an agreement. In 1942 a compromise proposal was put to the Tibetans: instead of building roads, supply lines using mules and yaks would move nonmilitary goods through Tibetan territory. Fearing that even this would undermine its stated neutrality, the government refused. In 1942 a military incursion from Qinghai was dispatched to put pressure on Tibet and Chiang warned of further actions if the request was not granted, but these moves were also rebuffed. Goods were already being transported by Tibetans—who reaped huge profits—but the sticking point was that China wanted to use the situation to its advantage and establish offices staffed by military personnel, and the Tibetan government understandably opposed this. An order was issued that no goods intended for the Chinese government could be moved through Tibetan territory. Chiang responded in 1943 by demanding that provincial governors in Qinghai, Yunnan, and Xikang dispatch troops to the Tibetan border. The governors of Yunnan and Xikang refused, but the Hui Muslim warlord Ma Bufang, the governor of Qinghai, regarded this as an opportunity to extend his domain. Chiang agreed to supply him with arms and ammunition, and Ma sent troops to sKye dgu mdo (Ch. Kangding 康定) near the Tibetan border. After some discussion, the Tibetan government decided to repel any invasion of its territory and Ma was forced to back down. Military action by Chinese forces against neutral Tibet would have led to protests by China’s allies, who expected that its resources would be devoted to repelling the Japanese invasion and not territorial expansion. Despite Tibet’s stated policy, the United States flew planes over the region during the war. In 1944 one of these crashed near bSam yas. It was transporting supplies from India to China. The pilot survived and was brought to Lha sa and later transported to the Indian border. The Tibetan government lodged a protest with the United States regarding this violation of its airspace and received an apology. In 1944 Chiang dispatched an envoy named Shen Zonglian 沈宗濂 (1898–1978) to Tibet to open negotiations in hopes of convincing Tibet to voluntarily join China, but in this he was unsuccessful. He did, however, secure a propaganda victory by convincing Tibet to send a high-ranking delegation to China for a vaguely defined convention. This was a meeting of the Chinese National Assembly (Guomin Dahui 国民大会), and the participation of Tibetans was cited as evidence that Tibet acknowledged itself as a part of China. Richardson (1984) describes the delegates as “untraveled, inexperienced in foreign contacts,” easily manipulated by “Chinese

716 • WUTAI SHAN

wiles.” At the conclusion of the war, Tibet sent congratulatory delegations to the United States, India, and China. China emerged stronger from the international conflict, while Tibet’s bumbling diplomacy and resistance to change left it weak, isolated, and militarily vulnerable. See also FOREIGN RELATIONS. WUTAI SHAN: See RI BO RTSE LNGA.

X XINJIANG 新疆. An autonomous region (Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region; Ch. Xinjiang Weiwu’er Zizhiqu 新疆维吾尔自治区) of the People’s Republic of China. It is the largest administrative division in China and encompasses an area of more than 4,143,980 sq. km (1,600,000 sq. mi.). Xinjiang borders Tibet, Russia, Mongolia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Pakistan, and India. Mountains divide it into the Zungharian Basin in the north and the Tarim Basin in the south. It has large reserves of oil and is China’s leading natural gas producing region. The name Xinjiang literally means “New Frontier,” a name it was given during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). During the latter part of the Qing, settlers were encouraged to migrate there and cultivate new farmland, which was (and remains) marginal. It has a number of ethnic groups, including Uyghur, Han, Kazakh, Hui, Kyrgyz, and Mongol, most of whom trace their origins to non-Han peoples. It was known as East Turkestan prior to its incorporation into China in 1949, and a local government—independent of China—existed in this area for one year between 1933 and 1934. It declared its independence from Nationalist China. The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region was inaugurated on 1 October 1955. The region has a documented history of at least 2,500 years, and a succession of different peoples have settled there and battled for hegemony. It is a focal point of ethnic tensions in modern China; the government regards its non-Han residents as rebellious and dangerous and it has maintained a massive military presence to suppress its restive population. In an attempt to subdue the populace, the Chinese government has built several internment camps (euphemistically described as job training centers) in which an estimated 1 million Uyghurs are forcibly detained. In order to be released, prisoners are required to renounce aspects of their Islamic faith. This may include eating pork, desecrating copies of the Qur’an, or forcing men to shave their beards.

717

Y YAB GZHIS (YAPSHI) (“ENNOBLED FAMILY”). A group of six families, generally ranked second in the hierarchy of the Tibetan aristocracy behind the four sde dpon (families that claim descent from the Yar klungs kings). The yab gzhis were the families of the last six Dalai Lamas, who were raised to aristocratic status as a reward for producing a Dalai Lama. These families—while widely respected and despite their high status in Tibetan society—appear to have been relatively inconsequential in Tibetan affairs. YAK (G.YAG) (CH. MAO 牦; MAONIU 牦牛). Bos grunniens, a longhaired bovine that inhabits the upper reaches of the Tibetan Plateau. This species has been domesticated and provides most food staples for Tibet’s nomads. Herds of wild yaks (’brong) still live in remote areas, but large numbers were slaughtered by Chinese soldiers during the early years of occupation, which greatly reduced their numbers. The term g.yag refers only to the male of the species; females are ’bri. The yak is a herd animal and one of the largest of the bovine species. Adult wild males may grow to 2.2 m (7.2 ft.) and weigh up to 998 kg (2,200 lb.) or more. The females are much smaller and often one-third the mass of males. Domesticated yaks are smaller than their wild counterparts and generally weigh 350–590 kg (770–1,300 lb.). They have a distinctive appearance, with long, shaggy hair, which is used for a range of purposes, including making wool and blankets. Wild yaks are either brown or black in color. Domesticated yaks are also generally brown or black, but some may be white. Both males and females have horns. Yaks generally only inhabit the Himalayan highland plateaus at altitudes of 10,000–18,000 feet. Their bodies are adapted to this environment, and they have larger lungs and hearts than bovines of lower altitudes. They mainly eat grasses and other vegetation, as well as lichens. Tibetans rely on them for long-range transport because at their slow and deliberate pace they can keep moving for long periods through all types of terrain. Conversely, the yak seems to have a sense of cunning and a hidden aggressiveness belied by its apparent patience. If a male is offended by another yak, he may wait for weeks until an opportunity arises to retaliate, perhaps by pushing his enemy

718

YAR ’BROG G.YU MTSHO • 719

over a cliff, in the execution of which the aggressor can put on a remarkable and unexpected turn of speed. Domesticated yaks provide sustenance and a range of essential products for Tibetan pastoralists. Their dung is used for fuel and their meat is a staple of the nomads’ diet. They are used as beasts of burden and the milk of the ’dri is made into cheese and yogurt. Butter made from their milk is an ingredient in traditional Tibetan tea (bod ja). They are bred with domestic cattle, particularly in lower regions. The infertile male hybrid is called mdzo, and fertile females are mdzo mo or zhom. YAM BU RGYAL SA: See KATHMANDU. YAMĀNTAKA: See GSHIN RJE GSHED. YANGS PA CAN (YANGBACHEN; ALT. YANGS PA’I GRONG KHYER) (SKT. VAIŚĀLĪ; P. VESĀLĪ) (CH. PISHELI 毘舍离; FEISHELI 吠舍 厘). (1) A city in north-central India that figures in accounts of the life of Sangs rgyas Shā kya thub pa (Skt. Śākyamuni Buddha). It was one of the 16 major states of his time, the capital of the Licchavis. It is located about 43 km (27 mi.) north of present-day Patna. It was the site of the “Second Council” of Buddhism and was the home of the lay bodhisattva Dri med grags pa (Skt. Vimalakīrti). (2) Yangs pa can was also the name of the monastery that was the seat of the Zhwa dmar rin po che reincarnational line until the 10th Zhwa dmar, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), was found guilty of plotting with Gorkhas in an invasion of Tibet. It was renamed Kun bde gling and converted into a dGe lugs establishment. YAR ’BROG G.YU MTSHO (YAMDROK YUTSO) (CH. YANGZHUO YONGCUO 羊卓雍措). A lake about 90 km (56 mi.) from rGyal rtse (coordinates: 28°56ʹN 90°41ʹE). It is more than 72 km (45 mi.) in length and is surrounded by snow-covered mountains. It has a surface area of 638 sq. km (246 sq. mi.). bSam ldings dgon pa (alt. bSam grub chos kyi sdings)—a dGe lugs nunnery that is the seat of the rDo rje phag mo reincarnational lineage, the highest-ranking female reincarnate lamas (sprul sku) in Tibet—is located on a hill about 90 m (300 ft.) above the lake on a narrow peninsula. The first rDo rje phag mo was Ye shes mka’ ’gro bSod nams dpal ’dren (1328–1372). The first to be officially recognized in this position was the Gung thang princess Chos kyi sgron ma (1422–1455). The current incumbent (#12), bDe chen chos skyid (1938–), has worked to revitalize the image of this reincarnational lineage since the Cultural Revolution.

720 • YAR KLUNGS DYNASTY

Yar ’brok Lake.

As Diemberger (2007) notes, this has required a difficult balancing act adjusting Buddhism to an officially socialist society. She has accomplished “a ‘ritualization’ of communist acts and words that “partly detaches them from their immediate meaning and original intention” (293). The Chinese Communist Party has portrayed her as a “patriotic” Tibetan and a model of religious practice for women. In 1966, however, her monastery was destroyed and she was subjected to “struggle sessions” by Red Guards. After that she was forced to perform manual labor for several years. She was later rehabilitated, and bSam ldings was restored and turned into a showplace for Chinese patronage of traditional Tibetan culture and religion. She now lives in Lha sa and the nunnery has fallen on hard times because it lacks a real leader. It is no longer a functioning religious training institution. YAR KLUNGS DYNASTY (YARLÜNG; ALT. YAR LUNG) (CH. YALU 雅鲁). The ruling dynasty of Tibet prior to and during the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism. Its main power base was the Yar klungs Valley in central Tibet, and during the 8th–9th centuries it became a major military power and conquered large areas of China. Its expansion was curtailed only by an alliance of the two most powerful empires of the time, Persia and China. According to traditional histories, its progenitor was the mythical king gNyag khri btsan po. It came to an end with the

YAR KLUNGS DYNASTY • 721

assassination of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–842). At its apogee, it controlled most of the Tibetan Plateau and surrounding areas, including La dwags and parts of modern Nepal, as well as much of Central Asia. The Old Tibetan Chronicle (Pelliot tibétaine 1287) preserves the names of 42 monarchs. The following list is based on this source and adds variants found in other historical works: 1. gNyag khri btsan po (alt. (g)Nya’ khri btsan po; Nya gri btsan po) 2. Mu khri btsan po 3. Ding khri btsan po 4. So khri btsan po 5. De khri btsan po (alt. Mer khri btsan po) 6. gDags khri btsan po 7. Khri spe btsan po (alt. Sribs khri btsan po) 8. Gri gum btsan po (alt. Dri gum btsan po) 9. sPu lde gung rgyal 10. Tho legs btsan po (alt. E sho legs) 11. Sho legs btsan po (alt. De sho legs) 12. Go ru legs btsan po (alt. This ho legs) 13. ’Bro zhi legs btsan po (alt. Gu ru legs) 14. Thi sho legs btsan po (alt. ’Brong zhi legs) 15. I sho legs btsan po 16. Zwa gnam zin te (alt. Za nam zin lde) 17. lDe pru bo gnam zhung brTsan 18. lDe gol 19. gNam lde rnol nam 20. bSe’ rnol po 21. lDe rnol po 22. lDe rgyal po 23. rGyal srin brtsan 24. rGyal to re longs btsan; alt. (rGyal) sTong ri stong btsan 25. Khri btsan nam 26. Khri sgra spung btsan 27. Khri thog btsan 28. Lha tho tho ri gnyan btsan 29. Khri snya zung btsan 30. ’Bro gnyen lde’u 31. sTag bu snya gzigs 32. gNam ri slon btsan (alt. sLon btsan rlung nam) 33. Khri Srong btsan sgam po (alt. Srong lde btsan, ca. 605–650) 34. Gung srong gung btsan 35. Khri Mang slon mang btsan (650–676; r. 663–676)

722 • YAR KLUNGS GTSANG PO

36. ’Bro bza’ khri ma lod 37. Khri ’Dus srong mang po rje (r. 677–704) 38. Khri lDe gtsug btsan (alt. Mes ag tshoms, 712–755) 39. Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) 40. Khri Mu ne btsan po (786–803; r. 802–803) 41. Khri lDe srong btsan (alt. Sad na legs, r. ca. 799–815) 42. Khri Ral pa can (alt. Khri gTsug lde btsan, born ca. 806; r. 815–836) 43. Khri gLang dar ma (alt. U’i dum brtan, r. 838–842) Eric Haarh (1969, 33–44) provides a taxonomy for the figures on this list. He refers to numbers 1–32 as the “prehistoric line.” The next 10, beginning with Srong btsan sgam po, are the “historic line.” He also surveys lists from a variety of Tibetan, Mongolian, and Kalmyck sources and provides comparative charts. Haarh identifies patterns in the names of these figures. Numbers 1–23 comprise the “bird clan,” based on the fact that the bird was their totem. He also divides these figures into three groupings (p. 120): (1) gNyag khri btsan po marks the “pure mythic beginning; (2) sPu lde gung rgyal (#9) marks the “mythic or legendary concept of the pre-historic beginning”; and (3) with rGyal to re longs btsan (#24) the “real pre-historic beginning of the Dynasty” begins. See also YAR KLUNGS VALLEY. YAR KLUNGS GTSANG PO (YARLÜNG TSANGPO; ALT. YAR LUNG GTSANG PO) (CH. YALU ZANGBU JIANG 雅鲁藏布江). The main river running from west to east through central Tibet. It becomes the Brahmaputra in India. After leaving Tibet, it flows through Arunachal Pradesh in India and then south through Bangladesh (where it is known as the Jamuna). It merges with the Gang ga (Ganges) at the Sundarban Delta. In Tibet it flows along the suture line between the Eurasian plate and the Indian subcontinent. In Padma bkod it follows a huge bend and plunges through steep canyons on its way to the Indian plains. These steep valleys have been renowned as the abodes of great sages since at least the 13th century. The river is approximately 2,900 km (1,800 mi.) in length. Its headwaters lie near Ti se in western Tibet. YAR KLUNGS VALLEY (YARLÜNG; ALT. YAR LUNG) (CH. YALU 雅鲁). The Yar klungs Valley is formed by the Yar klungs gtsang po; this designation generally refers specifically to the area where it joins the ’Phyong rgyas River and broadens out into a plain about 2 km wide. It is about 72 km (45 mi.) long. It is situated in modern sNe’u gdong County (Ch. Naidong Xian 乃东县; Tib. sNe’u gdong rdzong) of Shannan Prefecture (Ch. Shannan Diqu 山南地区; Tib; Lho kha sa shul) in the Tibet Autonomous Region. The Yar klungs and ’Phyong rgyas Valleys were the headquarters of the

YE SHES DPAL ’BYOR, SUM PA MKHAN PO • 723

Yar klungs dynasty, which ruled most of the Tibetan Plateau during the 7th–9th centuries and conquered large areas of surrounding territories. YE GSHEN BON (YESHEN PÖN) (BON OF THE PRIMORDIAL GSHEN”). The eighth of the nine sequential vehicles of Bon, which includes practices relating to the primordial gshen, who have knowledge of past, present, and future. This vehicle includes sexual yogas and corresponds to the rNying ma highest yoga tantra (rnal ’byor bla na med pa’i rgyud; Skt. anuttara-yoga-tantra). YE SHES DPAL ’BYOR, SUM PA MKHAN PO (SUMBA KHEMBO YESHÉ BENJOR, 1704–1788) (CH. SONGBA KANBU 松巴勘布). An influential dGe lugs pa historian and polemicist. He was born in Tho li in southwestern mTsho mgon in A mdo, near the rMa chu River, in the aristocratic rJe’u dpon family. His father was rDo rje bkra shis, and his mother was Ju’un bhar pa bKra shis mtsho. When he was three years old, be was tutored by a Mongolian monk named Sog po che Hor dge slong, who recognized him as the rebirth of Sum pa bla ma, and this was confirmed when he was seven by ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje (1648–1721/1722). When he was eight years old, he had a severe epilepsy attack and it took almost two months for him to recover. In 1710 he was given renunciant (rab byung) vows by Thar shul dpon slob, who named him Chos skyong rgya mtsho. In 1712 he was taken to Sum pa bla brang at dGon lung byams pa gling, where he was instructed by lCang skya Ngag dbang blo bzang chos ldan (1642–1714). During his studies he mastered the full range of the dGe lugs scholastic curriculum; his main teachers were Nga dbang bstan ’dzin, bLo gros rgya mtsho, and Chu bzang rin chen. Sum pa mkhan po received novice (dge tshul) vows in 1716 at age 13 and was installed at dGon lung Monastery. He later traveled to central Tibet, and at age 20 he met the Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang ye shes (1663–1737), at bKra shis lhun po; he conferred full ordination and gave him the name Ye shes dpal ’byor. After this he traveled to Lha sa and met the seventh Dalai Lama, bsKal bzang rgya mtsho (1708–1757). He subsequently enrolled in sGo mang College of ’Bras spungs Monastery. In 1727 he passed his examination on Middle Way (dBu ma; Skt. Madhyamaka) philosophy. His aggressive debating style earned him the epithet “Supreme Bull of Debate” (rTsod pa’i khyu mchog). He studied under an impressive list of teachers and mastered all systems of philosophy, and he also became proficient in Sanskrit grammar, astrology, and painting. Sum pa mkhan po made a pilgrimage to holy places in central and western Tibet and returned to Lha sa in 1723. A Zunghar Mongol force had invaded Tibet in 1717 and central Tibet was in a state of crisis.

724 • YE SHES MDO

Qing forces defeated the Mongols in 1723, but following their withdrawal troops from gTsang and La dwags were approaching Lha sa. The government ordered the monks of Se ra and ’Bras spungs to take up arms and defend the country. According to some sources, Sum pa mkhan po declined, but others report that he led sGo mang monks in battle and was later rewarded by an appointment as the abbot of ’Bras yul skyid tshal dgon and given an imperial title by Pho lha nas bSod nams stobs rgyas (1689–1747). He returned to dGon lung and later established a hermitage named dGa’ ldan chos rdzong near Ser lung dgon. In 1725 he was appointed the abbot of sGo mang College of ’Bras spungs. He issued an order forbidding his monks from becoming involved in the 1727 strife following the assassination of the powerful aristocrat Khang chen nas. In 1731 Sum pa mkhan po returned to A mdo. In 1736 Qianlong (1711–1799) invited him to Beijing. He traveled there with the second lCang skya, Rol pa’i rdo rje (1717–1786). Qianlong gave him the role of spiritual advisor for the Mongol chieftains, a role he accepted, but he declined the title khutugtu (Tib. sprul sku), which he stated elevated him above his true station. He was appointed the abbot of mTsho bdun dgon pa, but later returned to Tibet after suffering illness. In 1742 he accepted another invitation to visit Beijing, but again became ill and was forced to return to dGon lung. In 1746, at age 43, he became the Throne Holder (Khri pa) of dGon lung byams pa gling. In 1750 he made a pilgrimage to Ri bo rtse lnga (Ch. Wutai Shan 五台山). In 1747 (or 1748) he composed his celebrated text on Tibetan religious history, Auspicious Forest of Wish-Fulfilling Trees (dPag bsam ljon bzang). It contains an impressive and synoptic account of historical events, but it is also tinged with a pronounced sectarian bias, and yet he sometimes draws on writings by other scholars, including Jo nang Tā ra nā tha, who would normally be anathema for a more strictly dGe lugs pa account. In 1786 he completed another historical work, Account of Kokonor and Other Regions, a Newly-Heard Melody (mTsho sngon gyi lo rgyus sogs bkod pa’i tshangs glu gsar snyan). He was a prolific author who wrote on a wide range of topics, including epistemology, sculpture, painting, medicine, astrology, poetics, and history. His collected works (gsung ’bum) fill nine volumes. In 1769 he journeyed to Lha sa, where he taught at several monasteries. In 1771 he traveled to Mongolia and spent eight years teaching. He returned to dGon lung in 1778 and died there in 1788 (or 1787, according to Yang Hochin’s Annals of Kokonor) at age 85. See also ART; HISTORIOGRAPHY. YE SHES MDO: See YE SHES SDE. YE SHES MTSHO RGYAL (YESHÉ TSOGYEL, CA. 757–817) (CH. YIXI CUOJIE 益西措杰). The consort and main disciple of Padma ’byung

YE SHES ’OD, LHA BLA MA • 725

gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), whom tradition considers the first Tibetan to fulfill the tantric ideal of attainment of buddhahood in one lifetime. Details of her life vary in her biographies, including place of birth, names of her parents, and so forth. According to one standard account, she was born into an aristocratic family in Grong mo che, but when her father arranged for her to be married she escaped in order to engage in religious practice. Her father’s name was Mang rje Thod dkar legs, and her mother was gNubs gza’ rGyal mo mtsho. Stories of her life report various trials, including a violent rape, as well as religious practice with Padmasambhava. The culmination of her training was her attainment of the “rainbow body” (’ja’ lus), symbolizing that she had become a buddha. She is credited with concealing Padmasambhava’s “hidden treasures” (gter ma), many of which have become highly influential in Tibetan Buddhism, particularly in the rNying ma tradition (in which she is considered a mkha’ ’gro ma). See also TANTRA; WOMEN. YE SHES ’OD, LHA BLA MA (HLA LAMA YESHÉ Ö, CA. 959–1036) (CH. LALAMA YIXIWO 拉喇嘛益西沃). One of the most influential kings of Gu ge. Tibetan histories credit him with playing a leading role in the revival of the Buddhist monastic tradition in western Tibet. He was the son of bKra shis mgon, who inherited lands in the western part of the Tibetan Plateau that had been part of the Yar klungs empire. He established a theocratic state, the principles of which were enunciated in the Great Edict (bKa’ shog chen mo). Among other things, it stipulated that nomads and farmers would be required to provide regular endowments for the upkeep of Tho ling Monastery. In this short text, he trenchantly criticized Buddhist practitioners and practices, particularly some of the more transgressive tantric rites, such as “liberation” (sgrol, i.e., murder) and sexual practices (sbyor) that were justified on religious grounds but that he characterized as hypocritical fornication. According to several traditional histories, he played a key role in initiating the “later propagation” (phyi dar) of Buddhism by sponsoring the translator Rin chen bzang po (958–1055) to travel to Kha cul (Kashmir) along with 21 other young Tibetans to study Sanskrit. This is most likely a later invention, because Rin chen bzang po was probably too young to attract the king’s attention. It is more probable that he traveled to India on his own initiative and later received royal sponsorship after demonstrating his outstanding intellectual abilities. A popular pious legend holds that Ye shes ’od died as a prisoner of the Gar log (Qarluq) Turks after being captured during his attempts to raise money to invite the scholar-monk Jo bo rje (Skt. Atiśa, 982–1054) to visit Tibet and revive Buddhism. The Turkic chieftain offered to release him in exchange for his weight in gold, but Ye shes ’od advised his family to use the money to sponsor Atiśa’s visit. This story is widely known and is retold as an inspiring

726 • YE SHES RDO RJE

tale of dedication to the Dharma, but it is probably a later invention. An early biography of Rin chen bzang po states that Ye shes ’od died of illness and that ’Od lde (r. 1024–1037) was captured by the Qarluqs and died in their custody. This may have been conflated with the story of Ye shes ’od’s efforts to raise money to lure Atiśa to Tibet. Another problem with the popular tale is that during Ye shes ’od’s reign Atiśa was a young and relatively unknown monk, so it is unlikely that he would have attracted the attention of a Tibetan king or that inviting him would have been considered important enough to raise vast sums of money or give up his own life. The legends surrounding Ye shes ’od’s purported religious activities—particularly those relating to Rin chen bzang po and Atiśa—are replete with chronological discrepancies. They may well be attempts to link him with influential figures rather than a reflection of historical events. Ye shes ’od was a generous sponsor of Buddhist activities and reportedly became a Buddhist monk after abdicating the throne. He had two sons, both of whom became monks, so his brother ’Khor re (alt. Khri dPal ’Khor lde, ca. 967–1040) succeeded him on the throne. Ye shes ’od is credited with sponsoring the construction of Ta pho Monastery in Himachal Pradesh. YE SHES RDO RJE (YESHÉ DORJÉ, 1676–1702) (CH. YIXI DUOJIE 益西多杰). The 11th rGyal dbang Karma pa. He was born in sMar khams. He was recognized by the “treasure discoverer” (gter ston) Mi ’gyur rdo rje (1645–1667) and enthroned at mTshur phu Monastery by Zhwa dmar Ye shes snying po (1631–1694), who also conferred lay vows. He subsequently studied with Mi ’gyur rdo rje and another treasure discoverer, sTag sham pa Nus ldan rdo rje (alt. bSam gtan gling pa, 1655–1708). He recognized and enthroned the eighth Zhwa dmar, dPal chen Chos kyi don grub (1695–1732), and the eighth Ta’i si tu, Chos kyi ’byung gnas (Si tu Paṇ chen, 1699–1774). He was renowned for his magical powers, and on one occasion reportedly manifested several duplicates of himself, each of which gave teachings to his students. In 1072 he wrote a letter predicting his imminent death and the details of his rebirth. These were entrusted to Zhwa dmar Rin po che. He passed away at age 26; his cremated remains were enshrined in a mchod rten at mTshur phu. YE SHES SDE (YESHEDÉ; DZNYĀ NA SŪTRA; SNA NAM YE SHES SDE; ZHANG GI BHAN DHE YE SHES SDE) (SKT. JÑĀNASŪTRA, FL. 8TH–9TH CENTURIES) (CH. ZHIJUN 智军). One of the most influential figures of the “early propagation” (snga dar) of Buddhism, credited with more than 200 works. He reportedly traveled to China and meditated in graveyards and also journeyed to Khotan, where he received direct transmission of the highest tantric teachings. He was a disciple of Shri Sing ha

YIG CHA • 727

(Skt. Śrī Siṃha) and one of the main translators of the Indian tantric texts that are the basis of the rNying ma scriptural corpus. He was one of the pioneers who developed the translation protocols of the “early translations” (snga ’gyur). Lineage histories list him as one of the main disciples of Padma ’byung gnas (Padmasambhava). He received the “mind class” (sems sde) transmission of “great perfection” (rdzogs pa chen po) and then taught it to Dri med bshes gnyen (Skt. Vimalamitra). See also TANTRA. YEL PA BKA’ RGYUD (YELBA GAGYÜ; ALT. YE PHUG PA; YER PA BKA’ BRGYUD) (CH. YE’ERBA GAJU 耶尔巴噶举). One of the “eight lesser suborders” of bKa’ brgyud, established by Yel pa Ye shes brtsegs pa (b. 1134), a disciple of Phag mo gru pa rDo rje rgyal po (1110–1170). He founded Lho Yel phug and Byang rTa rna monasteries, which became the main seats of the tradition. It declined and was revived by Si tu Paṇ chen Chos kyi ’byung gnas (1699–1774). It was later absorbed into the Karma bKa’ brgyud. YIG CHA (YIKCHA) (CH. JILUN 集论; JIAOCHENG 教程) (“TEXTBOOK,” “SYLLABUS”). A genre of Tibetan monastic literature that summarizes the essential points of Indian masters, generally in concert with the interpretations of the luminaries of a particular order. These books are the main sources for study by students. They are particularly associated with the dGe lugs order, which uses them as textbooks. Student monks memorize and apply the information they contain as the basis for oral dialectical debate. Each of the colleges (grwa tshang) of the dGe lugs pa monastic universities follows the textbooks of a particular author. These in turn are based on the writings of Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419), the founder of the order, and his two main disciples, rGyal tshab rje Dar ma rin chen (1364–1432) and mKhas grub rje dGe legs dpal bzang (1385–1438). The first textbooks were composed by rJe btsun pa Chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1469–1544/1546); these are referred to as the rJe btsun yig cha. They are used by dGa’ ldan Byang rtse, Se ra Byes, and Se ra sNgags pa. The textbooks of his student mKhas grub dGe ’dun bstan pa dar rgyas (1493–1568) are used by Se ra sMad. Paṇ chen bSod nams grags pa’s (1478–1554) textbooks, referred to as “Paṇ chen yig cha,” are the core curriculum of dGa’ ldan Shar rtse, ’Bras spungs bLo gsal gling, and ’Bras spungs sNgags pa grwa tshang. Another set of texts written by the first ’Jam dbyangs bzhad pa (1648–1721/1722), referred as “The Omniscient One’s Textbooks” (Kun mkhyen yig cha), are the standard works for ’Bras spungs sGo mang, ’Bras spungs bDe dbyangs, bLa brang dGon pa in A mdo, and most monastic universities in Mongolia, Buryatia, Kalmykia, and Tuva. See also ’BRAS SPUNGS; DGA’ LDAN; DGE BSHES; ’DUL BA; EDUCATION; MONK; SE RA.

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YIG TSHANG (YIKTSANG) (“OFFICE”). A branch of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) concerned with religious affairs. It was headed by four monk-officials who held the title of “great secretary” (drung yig chen po). This was the highest office concerned with maintaining records of the monastic estates, but it did not oversee the major dGe lugs monasteries near Lha sa (Se ra, dGa’ ldan, and ’Bras spungs), which were directly administered by the offices of the Dalai Lama. The Yig tshang was also responsible for recruitment and appointment of other monk-officials who staffed the government bureaucracy. Its name literally means “Nest of Letters,” which reportedly referred to the Tibetan custom of rolling up legal and other documents and placing them over a nail affixed to the office wall. The end result of this process was that the hundreds of hanging documents made the office look like a giant “letter nest.” The term yig tshang can also refer to annalistic writings. YON RGYAL RABS: See YUAN DYNASTY. YON TAN RGYA MTSHO (YÖNDEN GYATSO, 1589–1616) (CH. YUNDAN JIACUO 云丹嘉措). The fourth Dalai Lama, a descendant of the Tümed (Tib. Thu med) Mongol leader Altan Khan (1507–1583), whose recognition as Dalai Lama was an important factor in creating close ties between the Mongols and the dGe lugs order. This led in 1642 to the ascension of the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682), to the position of ruler of Tibet, which was achieved with the help of Mongol troops. The third Dalai Lama, bSod nams rgya mtsho (1543–1588), died while traveling to Mongolia in 1588. Yon tan rgya mtsho was born into the royal family of the Tümed Mongols. His father was Sumbur Secen Cugukur (the son of Altan’s successor Sengge Durureng Khan), and his mother was Bighcogh Bikiji. Yon tan rgya mtsho’s recognition was not supported by all factions of the dGe lugs hierarchy, and he was not able to travel to Tibet until he was 14 years old. His initial enthronement took place at Erdeni ǰuu in Kokekhota, built by Altan Khan. In 1600 a Mongolian delegation traveled to Lha sa to request formal recognition of Yon tan rgya mtsho as bSod nams rgya mtsho’s successor. A group of dGe lugs pa hierarchs was sent to Mongolia to perform the traditional tests and returned with him in 1602. The 25th Throne Holder of dGa’ ldan (dGa’ ldan khri pa), dPal ’byor rgya mtsho (1526–1599), was unable to travel to meet him, so he sent bSod nams rgya mtsho’s treasurer to accompany the party to Lha sa. The 27th dGa’ ldan khri pa, Zur pa Sangs rgyas rin chen (1540–1612), conferred novice (dge tshul) vows shortly after Yon tan rgya mtsho arrived, and in 1614 he received the full ordination (dge slong) from his chief tutor, Paṇ chen bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan

YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL SIR FRANCIS EDWARD • 729

(1567–1662). His close connections with the Mongols paid early dividends for the dGe lugs pa when Mongol forces were dispatched against the kings of gTsang; they drove them out of sKyid shod and sNe’u gdong in 1617. Following his death, his body was cremated and the ashes were enshrined in a mchod rten at ’Bras spungs Monastery. Some of his relics were brought to leaders of the Tümed and Khalkha Mongols. YOUNGHUSBAND, COLONEL SIR FRANCIS EDWARD (1863–1942). A lieutenant colonel in the British Army stationed in India who led a military expedition to Tibet in 1903–1904. The expedition was under the command of Brigadier-General James Ronald MacDonald (1862–1927), but Younghusband was in charge of day-to-day operations. MacDonald was promoted to brigadier-general just before the expedition began in recognition of his expertise in transport, supply, and road maintenance, all of which were critically important to the expedition. Younghusband later became the British Commissioner to Tibet, and after his return to England he served as the president of the Royal Geographical Society. He was born in Murree in British India (now part of Pakistan) in a military family. He was the second son of Major-General John W. Younghusband; his mother was born Clara Jane Shaw. His mother took him to England while he was still an infant, and in 1876 he enrolled in the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. In 1882 he was commissioned as a subaltern in the First King’s Dragoon Guards. Early in his military career he trekked through Manchuria and crossed the Gobi Desert, and then he traveled through the uncharted Mustagh Pass, which led to his initiation as a member of the Royal Geographic Society; he received its Gold Medal in recognition of his achievement. In 1889 he led a military expedition into Hunza with a squadron of Gor kha (Gorkha) soldiers. In 1890 he joined the Indian Political Service and was seconded to the British Army. In 1903, under orders from Lord George Nathaniel Curzon (1859–1925), the Viceroy of India—who advocated what came to be known as a “Forward Policy” of aggressive empire building—Younghusband led a military expedition into Tibet in hopes of regularizing trade relations and forestalling Russian designs on the region. Trade protocols had been initiated in the 1890s, but Curzon was unhappy with the volume of trade and wished to establish a more prominent British presence in Tibet, which would include “Trade Marts.” He hoped that by stationing British representatives in border regions Great Britain could create an “early warning system” to alert it to possible Russian activities. These moves were part of the “Great Game,” in which Britain, Russia, and China vied for influence in the Himalayan region. Tibet was the primary focus of the contest.

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After crossing the Tibetan border, Younghusband’s force encountered resistance from poorly armed militias. Scores of Tibetans were slaughtered by vastly superior British field artillery and Maxim machine guns. Near Gu ru in western Tibet, as Younghusband marched toward rGyal rtse, he encountered a Tibetan regiment that fought bravely, despite the odds. A brief exchange of fire resulted in an estimated 700 Tibetan deaths. A “lightning sketch” by a British observer depicts Tibetans’ chests thrust forward and defiant in the midst of the carnage. No British soldiers were injured. The British force marched to Lha sa, but the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), had fled and no one was clearly in charge. Facing the prospect of a humiliating debacle, Younghusband eventually managed to coerce Tibetan government officials to sign a treaty containing terms highly favorable to Britain. These far exceeded the mandate Younghusband had been given, and the loss of Tibetan lives was also a shock to government officials in London, who subsequently repudiated many of the treaty’s provisions. The initial document would have effectively made Tibet a protectorate of Britain and this was unacceptable to the British government. One positive outcome from the British perspective was the establishment of trade agencies in rGyal rtse and sGar thog. In 1906 Younghusband became the British representative in Kashmir and later that year returned to England. He subsequently reported a mystical experience during his stay in Lha sa, which filled him with “love for the whole world” and led him to believe that “men at heart are divine.” Based on his new insights, he founded the World Congress of Faiths, a religious movement based on a notion of the universal brotherhood of humanity, which included musings on extraterrestrials and the transformative power of cosmic rays. He

rGyal rtse Fort.

YUAN DYNASTY • 731

Drawing of the Battle of rGyal rtse.

published a number of books on religious themes, one of which was his conviction that a “world leader” lives on the planet “Stellair” who telepathically sends spiritual instructions to religiously inclined beings. YUAN DYNASTY (TIB. YON RGYAL RABS; ALT. YON CHAO, 1271– 1368) (CH. YUANCHAO 元朝) (MON. ИХ ЮАН ГҮРЭН: DAI ÖN ULUS). The dynasty founded by Khubilai Khan (1215–1294), which ruled most of present-day China and all of modern Mongolia. It annexed Tibet, but allowed it to remain under indigenous rule under the hierarchs of Sa skya. The Yuan succeeded the Song dynasty (Song rgyal rabs; Ch. Songchao 宋朝) and was supplanted by the Ming dynasty (Ming rgyal rabs; Ch. Mingchao 明朝, 1368–1644). Khubilai gave himself the title “Great Khan” (Mon. Их хаан: Ih haan; Cl. qaγan: kaghan; Ch. kehan 可汗). Khubilai came to power after defeating his main rival, his brother Ariq Böke (1219–1266). Ariq was captured in 1264 and died two years later. The leaders of the Golden Horde (Mon. Алтан Орд: Altan Ord) and the Chagatai Khanate (Mon. Цагадайн улс; Tsagadai Khan Uls) did not acknowledge Khubilai’s leadership. His brother Hülegü Khan (Tib. Hu le hu Han; alt. Hüle’ü, ca. 1217–1265), who paid verbal allegiance, effectively ruled his own state. In 1266 Khubilai began the construction of a new capital at Beijing, referred to as Daidu in Mongolian (Ch. Dadu 大都). In the early 1270s he attacked the Southern Song. In 1275 Khubilai’s forces defeated an army led by Jia Sidao 贾似道 (1213–1275), which gave him control over the strategic Yangzi River (Chang Jiang 长江: Yangtze) basin.

732 • YUAN DYNASTY

By 1276 he controlled most of the Southern Song territories. In the Battle of Yamen (Yamen Zhanyi 崖门战役) on 19 March 1279, a Yuan force under the command of the Chinese general Zhang Hongfan 张弘范 (1238–1280) defeated the Song navy and gave Khubilai control of most of China. He attempted to extend his territory further by launching two invasions of Japan, but both were unsuccessful, as were another two against Đại Việt. He was succeeded by his grandson Temür Khan (Mon. Өлзийт Төмөр хаан; Öljeytü Temür Khan; Ch. Chengzong 成宗, 1265–1307), whose reign lasted 10 years. Following his death, Külüg Khan (Mon. Хөлөг хаан Hölög Haan; Cl. Külüg qaγan; Ch. Wuzong 武宗, 1281–1311; r. 1307–1311) ascended the throne, but mismanagement and corruption marked his short reign. His successor, Ayurbarwada Buyantu Khan (Mon. Буянт хаан; Ch. Renzong 仁宗, 1285–1320; r. 1311–1320), was a much better ruler. He worked to integrate traditional Chinese culture into the life of the Mongol court, and he studied Confucian classics. In 1313 he instituted a system of civil service examinations based on Confucian learning. He founded the Department of State Affairs (Shangshuxing 尚書省/尚书省), which led to the execution of five high-ranking officials for corruption. His son and successor Gegeen Khan (Mon. Шидэбал Гэгээн хаан; Shidebal Gegeen Haan, Cl. Shidebal Gegegen qaγan; Ch. Yingzong 英宗, 1303–1323; r. 1320–1323) worked to continue the process of reform, but his reign lasted only three years. He was overthrown in a coup, and his successor Yesün Temür (Mon. Есөнтөмөр хаан; Yösöntömör haan; Cl. Yisün Temür qaγan; Ch. Taiding 泰定, 1293–1328) was also assassinated. Tugh Temür (Mon. Заяат хаан; Zayaat haan; Jayaγatu qaγan; Ch. Wenzong 文宗, 1304–1332) was appointed Khan in Daidu, but Yesün’s son Ragibagh (1320–1328) was enthroned in the summer capital Shangdu 上都. In 1329 Tegh Temür triumphed in the civil war that ensued. He patronized Confucian learning as well as Tibetan Buddhism. Beginning around the 1340s, the Yuan rulers faced mounting problems with famines and other natural disasters as well as internal rebellions. In 1332 Toghon Temür (Ukhaantu Khan; Tib. Tho gan the mur; Ch. Yuan Huizong 元惠 宗, 1320–1370) became the last Yuan emperor following the death of Rinchinbal (Tib. Rin chen dpal; Mon. Ринчинбал; Cl. Rinčinbal; Ch. Ningzong 宁宗, 1326–1332). In 1368 he fled to Shangdu as Ming forces approached Daidu, and after the capital was taken he traveled to Yingchang 应昌 in Inner Mongolia, where he died in 1370. See also ALTAN KHAN; BLO GROS RGYAL MTSHAN; BSOD NAMS RGYA MTSHO; BYANG CHUB RGYAL MTSHAN; DALAI LAMA; ’JAM DBYANGS SHĀ KYA RGYAL MTSHAN; KARMA PAKSHI; MCHOD YON; MONGOLIAN BUDDHISM; OIRAT; PHAG MO GRU PA; ’PHAGS PA BLO GROS; RANG ’BYUNG RDO RJE; ROL PA’I RDO RJE.

YUAN SHIGAI • 733

YUAN SHIGAI 袁世凯 (1859–1916). A Chinese general and politician who played a leading role in the demise of the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) and the founding of the Republic of China (ROC). He served as the first president of the ROC, but he also attempted to revive the monarchy and declared himself the “Great Emperor of China.” He was born in the village of Zhangying 张营 in Xiangcheng County 项城县 of Chenzhou Prefecture 陈州府, Henan Province. He commanded Chinese forces in Korea during the First Sino-Japanese War. In 1895 the Qing court gave him command of a revamped army, which was part of the Self-Strengthening Movement. This was a widely expressed desire that China ought to develop its potential and recapture its past greatness, which involved, among other things, conquering territories seized by past dynasties (no thought was given to the question of whether their residents wished to become part of the Motherland). Many Chinese assumed (and still assume) that a large territory and a powerful military are essential components of a great, secure, and vibrant China. Yuan’s troops were reportedly well-trained and effective fighters. In 1899 he became the governor of Shandong Province, and in 1902 he was named governor-general of Zhili (直隶总督) and minister of Beiyang (北洋通商大 臣). He helped suppress the Boxer Rebellion and subsequently greatly expanded the Beiyang army. He was involved in belated reforms enacted toward the end of the Qing dynasty, including the creation of the Ministry of Education (学部) and the Ministry of Police (巡警部). He argued for abolition of Manchu privilege and for equality between Manchus and Han. He also controlled the railway system, and this brought him large amounts of money. In January 1909 Yuan was removed from all his official posts by Prince Chun (醇亲王). He retained the loyalty of the Beiyang army, the most powerful fighting force in China. After refusing offers by both the Qing court and the revolutionaries who were attempting to overthrow the dynasty, he accepted the position of prime minister on 1 November 1911. Following the Wuchang Uprising (Wuchangqiyi 武昌起义) in 1911, the southern provinces declared their independence from the Qing. As a reward for supporting the tottering dynasty, Empress Dowager Longyu (隆裕皇后, 1868–1913) gave him the imperial title Marquis of the First Rank (一等侯). Yuan’s troops captured Hankou and Hanyang in November 1911 and then moved on Wuchang. Despite his efforts, the Qing fell and Yuan became the provisional president of the ROC in Beijing on 10 March 1912. He arranged for the child emperor Puyi 溥仪 (1906–1967) to abdicate. The Guomindang 国民党 Party fared well in democratic elections held in February 1913, but Yuan moved against them, and Sun Yat-sen (Sun Yixian 孙逸仙; Sun Zhongshan 孙中山, 1866–1925) retreated to Japan, calling for a “Second Revolution” against Yuan. Yuan consolidated his power, which was based on his control of the army. On 12 December 1915, he publicly

734 • YUAN SHIGAI

announced the beginning of his reign as Emperor of the Chinese Empire (Zhonghua Diguo Dahuangdi 中华帝国大皇帝) under the dynastic name of Hongxian 洪宪. His reign was short-lived; the military governor of Yunnan, Cai E 蔡锷 (1882–1916), rebelled and was joined by several other provinces. Foreign powers that had accepted his ascension now withdrew their support. More provinces rebelled and his power collapsed. He died of uremia on 5 June. Following his death no person or group wielded sufficient power to control China and local warlords ruled much of the country.

Z ZAM GDONG RIN PO CHE: See BLO BZANG BSTAN ’DZIN. ZANABAZAR (TIB. DZNYĀ NA BA DZRA, 1635–1723) (MON. ӨНДӨР ГЭГЭЭН ЗАНАБАЗАР, ÖNDÖR GEΓEENṄ ZANABAZAR). The first rJe btsun dam pa Hu thog tu (Mon. Javzandamba Khutagt; Жавзандамба хутагт; Cl. Jabsangdamba Qtuγtu), the most influential reincarnational lineage in Mongolian Buddhism. His successors became rulers of Mongolia. He is considered to be the reincarnation of the Tibetan philosopher and historian Tā ra nā tha (Tāranātha, 1575–1634), but according to his biography he explicitly rejected the identification: he reportedly declared that he had been recognized as Tāranātha without really being Tāranātha, and as a result was authorized to act as Tāranātha. He was born among the Khalkha Mongols. His father was Tüsheet Khan Gombodorj, one of the three Khalkha khans, and his mother was named Khandojamtso. He was named Ishdorj at birth. In 1640 he was recognized as a reincarnate lama (sprul sku) by the fourth Paṇ chen bla ma, bLo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan (1567–1662), and the fifth Dalai Lama, Ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho (1617–1682). He apparently understood that his recognition served an important political purpose: Tāranātha had been at odds with the dGe lugs pa hierarchs, and by declaring his successor to have taken residence in a faraway region of Mongolia, they effectively eliminated him from their main sphere of influence. Thus their former enemy would be assimilated by their Mongol allies. He was enthroned at Örgöö in Övörkhangai, about 644 km (400 mi.) from Ulaan Baatar. He became the head of the dGe lugs order in Mongolia, and in 1647 he founded one of the first major dGe lugs monasteries in the region, Shankh Khiid (Mon. Шанх хийд). In addition to his religious activities, he was an influential scholar and artist. He was an accomplished musician and composer and was famous for his bronze casting and painting. He created a new design for monastic robes and in 1686 developed the Soyombo script (based on the Lan tsha script). He also created the Quadratic Script based on the Tibetan and ’Phags pa scripts.

735

736 • ZANGS DKAR

ZANGS DKAR (ZANGSGAR) (CH. ZHANSIKA 詹斯卡) (“ZANSKAR”). A valley traditionally located in the Kargil District of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and since October 2019 in the Union Territory of Ladakh. Its administrative center is sPa dum (alt. dPal ’dum, dPa’ gtum, dPa’ bdun: Padum). Prior to its annexation by India following independence in 1947, Zangs dkar was part of the kingdom of La dwags and has also been ruled by Tibet and by Gu ge. The Zangs dkar Range of mountains separates it from La dwags, and the Himalayas separate it from the Kisthwar and Chamba basins. The average height of its peaks is 6,000 m (19,700 ft.). Zangs dkar encompasses an area of around 7,000 sq. km (2,700 sq. mi.). The Zangs dkar River runs through the middle of the valley, which is mostly very steep, with a few flat areas. The river flows into the Seng ge gtsang po (alt. Seng ge kha ’bab; Skt. Sindu: Indus) at one end of the valley. Access to Zangs dkar is d­ ifficult: one road into the valley stops a few kilometers beyond the ­confluence of the Zangs dkar and Seng ge gtsang po Rivers, and beyond that it is necessary to walk along narrow paths that traverse high passes. Zangs dkar is a high-altitude, semiarid desert that lies in a rain shadow. Most water comes from rivers and streams fed by melting snow. Winters are long and harsh; the Zangs dkar River freezes, passes become inaccessible, and the only way in or out is by helicopter. It is thinly populated: the 2006 census recorded 13,849 residents. Roughly 95 percent identify themselves as Tibetan Buddhists and the remainder are mostly Sunni Muslims. The inhabitants are descendants of Tibetans, as well as Dards and Mons. Most people live in small villages scattered throughout the valley. The largest town is sPa dum, which has roughly 700 residents. Most Zanskaris make their livings through animal husbandry and agriculture. The main language is Zanskari (Zangs dkar gyi zlo bo), a dialect of of the Tibetan language family similar to Ladakhi (La dwags skad). Some Zanskaris speak Dardic dialects and many can speak Hindi. Zangs dkar has a number of Buddhist monasteries, some of which have outstanding examples of traditional sculpture and painting. The dominant Buddhist order is ’Brug pa bKa’ brgyud, which has several monasteries, including Sa ni, sTag ri mo, and rDzong khul. There are also several dGe lugs institutions, including the temple of Pi pi ting and the monasteries of dKar sha, Phug dar, Mu ni, and sTong sde. The etymology of Zangs dkar is uncertain. Zangs is the Tibetan word for copper, and this may refer to copper deposits in the region. dKar means “white” in Tibetan, but “white copper” does not make much sense. It could be a misspelling for other phonetically similar words, including mkhar, “castle” or skar, “star.” Crook (1994) suggests that the spelling might be Zan mkhar (Food Palace), referring to the fact that it is agriculturally fertile. He also mentions another possibility, that it was originally called bZang dkar, “Good and White.”

ZANGS DKAR • 737

Bronze Age petroglyphs have been discovered in the region, which indicates that it has been inhabited for millennia. An Indo-European group referred to as Mon settled in the region and were later displaced by Dards, who intermarried with them. During Tibet’s imperial period (7th–9th centuries) the region was incorporated into the Tibetan empire. With its collapse, Zangs dkar reverted to local control. Zangs dkar lies at the periphery of the Tibetan cultural world, separated from the central regions of the Tibetan Plateau by high passes and inhospitable terrain. Local legends and histories, however,

The Zangs dkar River and mountains.

738 • ZANGS DKAR

often create links with the central regions. One such myth reports that (like central Tibet) the region was inhabited by a huge demoness (srin mo) who was subdued by building temples to pin her down. A pillar from the reign of Ka ni shaka (Kaniṣka I, third king of the Kuṣāṇa dynasty, ca. 1st–2nd century CE) was placed on her head, a mchod rten at Pi pi ting on her heart, and the gNya nam gu ru temple on her legs. Vitali (1996) reports that the Royal Genealogy of mNga’ ris (mNga’ ris rgyal rabs) claims that lDe gtsug mgon—the youngest son of sKyid lde Nyi ma mgon—ruled Zhang zhung, which included Zangs dkar. A local tradition claims that the Zanskari Sha kya dynasty kings descended from gNyag khri btsan po (alt. gNya’ khri btsan po, the mythical progenitor of the Yar klungs kings). The Sha kyas also claim descent from the Indian Śākyas (the Buddha’s clan), which creates a mythical link to Buddhism’s origins. During the 1st century CE Zangs dkar was at the periphery of the Kuṣāṇa Empire. Buddhism entered the region from Kashmir around the 2nd century. In 1470 King Lha chen Bha gan (r. ca. 1470–1500) conquered the king of Leh and established the rNam rgyal dynasty. In the 17th century his successors annexed Zangs dkar and sPi ti (alt. sPyi ti: Spiti). Until the 15th century the valley was divided among four interrelated royal families. It remained a part of the kingdom of La dwags until it was incorporated into Jammu and Kashmir. In the middle of the 20th century the region was closed to foreigners as a result of border disputes between India, Pakistan, and China. La dwags

Monastery in Zangs dkar.

ZHANG ZHUNG • 739

lost large parts of its territory: China seized the Aksai Chin (Hin. Aksā’ī cina; Ch. Akesai Qin 阿克赛钦) and Pakistan took sBal ti yul (Baltistan). The central valley of Zangs dkar, however, was largely unaffected by these events and remains under Indian control. See also TIBETAN BUDDHISM. ZHABS DKAR TSHOGS DRUG RANG GROL BYAMS PA CHOS DAR: See TSHOGS DRUG RANG GROL BYAMS PA CHOS DAR. ZHABS PAD (SHABÉ) (XIABEI 夏贝) (“MINISTER”). A high-ranking official of the Tibetan government (dGa’ ldan pho brang) who occupied the third rank behind the Dalai Lama and Paṇ chen bla ma, the regent (sde srid), and the grand minister (srid blon or blon chen). Members of the third rank also included cabinet ministers (bka’ blon) and the chief abbot (spyi khyab mkhan po) and men who held the titles of gung, dza sag, and tha’i ji. ZHANG STON CHOS ’BAR: See CHOS ’BAR. ZHANG ZHUNG (SHANGSHÜNG) (CH. YANGTONG 羊同; alt. XIANGXIONG 象雄). An ancient kingdom in the western and northwestern regions of the Tibetan Plateau associated with the importation of Bon, particularly in Bon histories. The territories comprised by Zhang zhung vary widely in extant sources. The heart of Zhang zhung was Ti se (Mt. Kailash) and Ma pham g.yu mtsho. According to some sources, the early Zhang zhung region comprised 18 kingdoms extending as far as La dwags and sBal ti yul (Baltistan), southwest to Jalandhar, into gLo bo smon thang (Mustang), parts of central Tibet, north to the Byang thang, and into the Taklamakan Desert to Shanshan. It was divided into three regions: (1) sGob pa (Outer; in one Bon text from the early 1970s it is referred to as sGab, “Secret”), (2) Bar ba (Middle), and (3) Phug pa (Inner). In his Great Tibetan Dictionary (Bod rig pa’i tshig mdzod chen mo 1762), Dung dkar blo bzang ’phrin las states that the “Outer” regions correspond to mDo smad, and the “Inner” comprise mNga’ ris and La dwags. The “Middle” are roughly dBusgtsang. Some Bon sources, by contrast, place the “Inner” regions around Balkh and the “Outer” areas would be in western Tibet. This agrees with Drikung Kyabgon Chetsang’s History of the Tibetan Empire, which cites the Nyer mkho’i gsang ba to the effect that Inner Zhang zhung was three month’s travel west of Mt. Kailash in western Tibet. According to some Bon sources, the Outer regions appear to correspond to western Tibet and roughly range from ’Bru zha (alt. Bru sha: Gilgit) in the west to Dangs ra Khyung rdzong in the east, and from Khotan in the north to Chu mig brgyad cu rtsa gnyis in the east. The Inner areas are associated with sTag gzigs, which may correspond to Bactria. The Middle was rGya mkhar

740 • ZHANG ZHUNG

bar chod, the location of which has not been definitively identified. This suggests that western Tibet lay at the periphery of Zhang zhung and was not its center, as is commonly assumed. Outer Zhang zhung’s capital city was named Khyung lung dngul mkhar (Silver Garuḍa Palace), located southwest of Ti se. Remains of palaces in the upper gLang chen kha ’bab (Skt. Śutudrī: Sutlej) Valley may have been part of Outer Zhang zhung’s capital area. The kingdom was conquered by the Yar klungs kings during the reign of either Khri Srong btsan sgam po (ca. 605–650) or Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799). The Old Tang Annals (Ch. Jiu Tang Shu 舊唐書/旧唐书) seem to indicate that this occurred during the former king’s tenure; they state that in 634 Yangtong rendered homage to the Tibetan emperor. After this, the Tibetan army defeated the ’A zha (Ch. Tuyuhun 吐谷浑). The Old Tang Annals further report that some Zhang zhung territories were annexed in 678, and several Qiang 羌 tribes affiliated with Yangtong submitted to Tibet in 680. An army comprised of troops from Yangtong and Tibet attacked the Tuyuhun, then the Qiang tribes, and later China. Accounts from the time of the Imperium (7th–9th centuries) report a marriage exchange between a Tibetan king and Lig myi rhya (alt. Lig myi rgya), the ruler of Zhang zhung. Each married the other’s sister, but the Tibetan princess Sad mar kar was unhappy. She claimed that her husband’s first wife mistreated her and she plotted against him. She sent intelligence to her brother along with requests to attack Zhang zhung. Srong btsan sgam po dispatched his armies against his brother-in-law and destroyed his fortress. Lig myi rhya was killed in an ambush while traveling to Sum pa (A mdo). The Old Tibetan Annals give 644 as the year of the battle and indicate that in 652 the Tibetan government appointed a new governor for the territory. Bushell (1880, 450) states that by 678 the Yar klungs dynasty had annexed all the territory of Yangtong and that of several Qiang tribes. The creation of an empire through ambitious military conquest that incorporated vast territories to the north, west, south, and east of the valley of Yar klungs was a remarkable achievement for a lineage of kings based in a small, poorly resourced, and sparsely populated region. The Universal Geography of the Taiping Era (Taiping Huanyu Ji 太平寰宇记/太平寰宇記, completed in 983) states that the Tibetans conquered Greater Yangtong (the eastern part) in 649. Rolf Stein places the conquest of Zhang zhung at 645. The area was not completely pacified, however, and in 677, following the death of Khri Mang slon mang btsan (r. 653–676), a revolt erupted. This was put down by military commanders of the mGar clan. Zhang zhung had its own language, but only scattered documents survive. Bilingual texts from the 11th century suggest it was related to the language of Khu nu (Kinnauri). The most extensive extant text relating to the Zhang

ZHAO ERFENG • 741

zhung language is the Cavern Treasury (mDzod phug), a work on cosmology and theogony. The Bon canon also preserves purported Zhang zhung texts and some Dunhuang fragments that may contain bits of the Zhang zhung language. A modern Kinnauri dialect is spoken by around 2,000 people in the Sutlej Valley of Himachal Pradesh who claim descent from Zhang zhung. Bon histories claim that the Tibetan writing system was based on the Zhang zhung script, but as Sam van Schaik (2011) argues, the available evidence indicates that it was based on the north Indian Gupta script. According to Bon histories, sTon pa gShen rab mi bo che, the mythical founder of the religion, traveled to Zhang zhung from sTag gzigs ’Ol mo lun ring. ZHAO ERFENG 趙爾豐/赵尔丰 (STYLE NAME: JIHE 季和; TIB. KRA’O ER ’PHENG, 1845–1911). A Chinese military commander who launched an invasion of Tibet in 1905–1906 with the stated intention of incorporating it into the newly created Xikang Province (Ch. Xikang Sheng 西 康省). He intended to offer land to Chinese settlers, particularly in areas that already had Chinese magistrates. Zhao belonged to the Plain Blue B ­ anner (Zhenglanqi 正蓝旗; Manchu: Gulu lamun i gūsa). He wanted to subdue the region and used a time-honored Chinese tactic of destroying the local culture. He believed that Tibet would only be fully integrated into China if the populace was forced to abandon their culture and Sinicized. He regarded the Tibetans’ lack of a patronymic system as an affront to Confucian values and found the practice of “sky burial” (in which corpses are cut into pieces and fed to vultures) disrespectful to ancestors. He destroyed many monasteries in Khams and A mdo and slaughtered thousands of people, which earned him the epithet “Zhao the Butcher” (Zhao Tufu 赵屠夫). The Christian missionary J. Huston Edgar (1872–1936), who lived in Khams during this time, indicated that Zhao was relatively restrained in his early years but adopted more violent techniques after monks from Phyag phreng Monastery captured and mistreated some of his soldiers. In 1908, after leading his armies to Lha sa, he was appointed am ban; he was the last person to hold the position. At first the 13th Dalai Lama, Thub bstan rgya mtsho (1876–1933), sought to work with Zhao, but the two fell out over the destruction of monasteries by Zhao’s troops. They further disagreed over Tibet’s status: the Dalai Lama told Zhao that Tibet was an independent state, but Zhao regarded it as Chinese territory. A militia of poorly armed and untrained soldiers was created to protect the Dalai Lama, but Zhao’s forces massacred them. In 1910 the Dalai Lama fled into exile with a retinue of ministers and 60 retainers; Zhao’s soldiers fired on them as they were escaping Lha sa. The Dalai Lama traveled to Mongolia and India, and the Qing government issued a decree that he had been stripped of his titles (including that of Dalai Lama). Tibetans ignored the announcement.

742 • ZHI BA LHA

In 1911 Zhao tried to suppress a rebellion in Sichuan. He commandeered troops from Wuchang 武昌, but the power vacuum this created sparked the “Wuchang Rebellion” (Wuchang Qiyi 武昌起义). This began on 10 October 1911 and precipitated the Xinhai Revolution (Xinhai Geming 辛亥革命) led by Sun Yat-sen 孙逸仙 (1866–1925) that marked the end of the Qing ­dynasty. Zhao attempted to negotiate with the rebels, but was unsuccessful. On 22 December his troops mutinied and he was beheaded. ZHI BA LHA (SHIWALHA) SKT. ŚĀNTIDEVA) (CH. JITIAN 寂天, CA. 8TH CENTURY). An Indian Buddhist philosopher of the Middle Way School (dBu ma pa’i lugs; Skt. Madhyamaka). He was born in Yul ’khor bzang po (Skt. Saurāṣṭra). His parents were King dGe ba’i go cha (Skt. Kuśalavarma) and Queen rDo rje rnal ’byor ma (Skt. Vajrayoginī). When he was six, a yogi gave him ’Jam dpal (Skt. Mañjuśrī) initiation. Following this he could communicate directly with Mañjuśrī and receive instructions from him. Shortly before Śāntideva was to be crowned king, Mañjuśrī and sGrol ma (Skt. Tārā) persuaded him that he should renounce the world instead. He enrolled at Nā lendra (Skt. Nālandā) Monastic University, where he received monastic ordination from the abbot, rGyal ba’i lha (Skt. Jayadeva). Śāntideva continued to receive teachings from Mañjuśrī, but to the other monks it appeared that he never studied or meditated, so they made fun of him for being lazy. They hatched a plan to publicly humiliate him by requesting that he give a discourse on Dharma to the whole monastery. He agreed, and to increase his embarrassment they constructed a high throne with no steps, thinking that he would be unable to ascend it and would stand awkwardly in front of it as he fumbled with his speech. Śāntideva, however, calmly gestured toward the throne and it shrank in height, whereupon he climbed onto it and raised it back up again. He asked the assembled monks if they would prefer him to discuss teachings they had heard before or provide entirely new instructions. Thinking that he would be unable to come up with anything of significance, they chose the latter option. He proceeded to deliver a brilliant excursus on the bodhisattva path, now known as Entry into the Bodhisattva Deeds (Byang chub sems dpa’i spyod pa la ’jug pa; Skt. Bodhicaryāvatāra). As he recited the ninth chapter, which focuses on wisdom, he rose into the air and disappeared from view, but the monks could still hear his voice. He subsequently left the monastery and built a hermitage. Monks in a nearby monastery noticed that animals entered his hut, but none seemed to leave, and they suspected him of killing them. They later realized that he was in fact curing sick animals and apologized for their negative thoughts, but he decided to leave the area; he traveled to south India, renounced his monastic vows, and lived as a wandering ascetic. His hagiographies depict him as a skillful teacher who converted numerous non-Buddhists with his debating skills and

ZHI BA ’TSHO • 743

magical powers. One famous story recounts that the non-Buddhist master Shing ka ra de ba (alt. Shing kar de ba; Skt. Śaṃkaradeva) proposed that King Kha tri bi ha ra (Skt. Khatrivihāra) sponsor a public debate with Buddhists and that the losing party would be required to convert to the winner’s religion. None of the local Buddhists were willing to accept the challenge, but Śāntideva agreed to the terms. He first defeated his opponent in philosophical debate and then outshone him with spectacular miracles that convinced all present to embrace the Dharma. Chapter nine of Entry into the Bodhisattva Deeds is particularly popular in Tibet; many exegetes consider it one of the best presentations of the path, and scholars have written numerous Tibetan commentaries on this part of the text. Śāntideva’s Compendium of Training (bsLab pa kun las btus pa; Skt. Śikṣā-samuccaya) is also an important treatise for oral and written commentary. Śāntideva’s thought was a major influence in the development of the systems of “stages of the path” (lam rim) and “mind training” (blo sbyong). In 1305 Tibetans chose Entry into the Bodhisattva Deeds as the first text to be translated into Mongolian, which is an indication of its importance. See also BUDDHISM; DBU MA; INDIAN BUDDHISM. ZHI BA ’OD (SHIWA Ö, D. 1111) (CH. JING GUANG 静光). One of the two nephews of Lha bla ma Ye shes ’od (ca. 959–1036, the other being ­Byang chub ’od), a member of the ruling family of Gu ge sPu hrang (alt. sPu hreng(s); sPu hrangs) descended from the Yar klungs kings. According to traditional accounts, he became a monk, and he is credited with transmitting influential Sanskrit texts in Tibet. He also translated Indic texts. Together with his brother rTse lde (the last major ruler of Gu ge), he convened the “Council of Tho ling” (Tho ling chos ’khor), a religious conference attended by 120 Tibetan, Indian, and Kashmiri Buddhist masters. This reportedly led to a revival of Buddhism in Gu ge and Mar(d) yul. ZHI BA ’TSHO (SHIWATSO) (SKT. ŚĀNTARAKṢITA) (CH. JIHU 寂 護/寂护, 8TH CENTURY). An Indian Buddhist philosopher, whose bestknown work is Compendium of Ontology (De kho na nyid bsdus pa; Skt. Tattva-saṃgraha). Tibetan tradition portrays him as one of the three men who helped to establish Buddhism in the Land of Snows. Together with Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) and Padma ’byung gnas (Skt. Padmasambhava), he founded bSam yas, the first monastery in Tibet. Tibetan doxographers regard him as the founder of rNal ’byor spyod pa’i dbu ma (Skt. Yogācāra-madhyamaka). His traditional biography reports that he was born into a royal family in Bengal and renounced his position to become a monk. He received ordination from Ye shes snying po (Skt. Jñānagarbha) and studied with ’Dul ba’i sde (Skt. Vinayasena). His main disciples were Seng

744 • ZHI BYED

ge bzang po (Skt. Siṃhabhadra) and Padma’i ngang tshul (Skt. Kamalaśīla, fl. 8th century). The latter championed Indian gradualist paradigms at the “Council of bSam yas.” According to traditional accounts, when Śāntarakṣita first arrived in Tibet the country’s demons (portrayed as supporters of Bon) caused problems, and the king’s evil ministers (also Bon pos) forced him to expel the Indian master. Śāntarakṣita advised Khri Srong lde btsan to invite Padmasambhava to subdue the demons and went to Nepal to await more favorable circumstances. He later returned and helped to establish bSam yas. He invited 12 monks who held the ordination lineage of the Fundamental Everything Exists School (gZhi thams cad yod par smra ba’i ’dul ba; Skt. Mūlasarvāstivādavinaya); they gave monastic ordination to the first seven Tibetan monks (sad mi bdun). Before he died, he advised the king that in the future serious doctrinal conflicts would arise in Tibet and that he should invite Kamalaśīla to deal with the problem. See also ’DUL BA; GZHI THAMS CAD YOD PAR SMRA BA; SNGA DAR. ZHI BYED (SHIJÉ) (CH. XIJIE 希解) (“PACIFICATION”). A practice lineage traditionally traced back to Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas (d. 1105/1108), an Indian adept (grub thob; Skt. siddha) who made three (and perhaps five) trips to Tibet. Zhi byed aims to “pacify” the sufferings of cyclic existence. It is a tantric technique that involves transforming negativities into their opposites through cultivation of positive qualities such as wisdom, compassion, patience, and generosity. Its adherents claim that it cures illness and lengthens one’s life span, and also serves to promote a positive mental state. The True Doctrine That Pacifies Suffering (Dam chos sdug bsngal zhi byed pa), a text attributed to Pha dam pa Sangs rgyas, is a fundamental work for this tradition. It is a compilation of techniques he gleaned from study of sūtras and tantras, and its main philosophical basis is the Perfection of Wisdom Discourses (Shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i mdo; Skt. Prajñāpāramitā-sūtra). The Zhi byed teachings were widely popular during the 12th–14th centuries, but had almost disappeared by the middle of the 19th century, when ’Jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse’i dbang po (1820–1892) and ’Jam mgon kong sprul (1813–1899) revived them. See also DBU MA; MA GCIG LAB KYI SGRON MA; TANTRA. ZHIG PO GLING PA: See RATNA GLING PA. ZHING SHAG PA: See TSHE BRTAN RDO RJE. ZHOL (SHÖL) (CH. XUECHENG 雪城). The village below the Po ta la in Lha sa. The present village of Zhol covers 50,000 sq. m (59,800 sq. yd.) and includes 22 old buildings, which once housed government officials, the

ZHWA DMAR RIN PO CHE • 745

city’s judiciary and administrators, taxation department workers, and the mint. Before 1959 Zhol was an important site for printing of both religious and secular texts. It also was the site of a stone pillar from the imperial period, the Zhol rdo ring, dating to 764, which may be the earliest extant example of Tibetan writing. It describes Tibetan military campaigns against China, which resulted in the capture of the capital, Chang’an 长安 (modern-day Xi’an), in 763. The inscription praises the minister Ngam lam sTag sgra klu gong, who provided Khri Srong lde btsan (r. 754–ca. 799) with information regarding the murder of his father, Khri lDe gtsug btsan (alt. Mes ag tshoms, 712–755). Zhol has been transformed by the Chinese and is now a popular spot for Han tourists. ZHOU ENLAI 周恩来 (1898–1976). The first premier of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), a post he held from October 1949 until his death in January 1976. He was a leading figure in the Chinese Communist Party and played a key role in its rise to power. He also worked with Mao Zedong 毛 泽东 (1893–1976) to restructure China’s economy and society along socialist lines. He was the foreign minister from 1949 to 1958, and unlike many of his colleagues who advocated an isolationist policy and conflict with the West, Zhou argued for peaceful coexistence. He participated in the 1954 Geneva Conference and helped to lay the groundwork for Richard Nixon’s (1913– 1994) visit to China in 1972, which ended decades of hostility and began the transition to a market economy that operated internationally. He largely survived the high-level purges of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). He was one of the few senior leaders with the courage to attempt to curtail the excesses of the Red Guards. Mao’s health declined during 1971–1972, and Zhou became embroiled in a power struggle with the Gang of Four (Siren bang 四人帮) for leadership of China. Zhou also had serious health problems and he died eight months before Mao on 8 January 1976. His death prompted a nationwide outpouring of mourning, and this led to the demise of the Gang of Four and its eventual overthrow. ZHWA DMAR RIN PO CHE (SHAMAR RINPOCHÉ) (CH. XIAMABA 夏玛巴). The “Red Hat Lama,” one of the main reincarnational lineages of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order. These lamas are traditionally held to be mind emanations (thugs kyi sprul sku) of ’Od dpag med (Skt. Amitābha). The first Zhwa dmar pa, mKhas grub Grags pa seng ge (1283–1349), was a disciple of the third rGyal dbang Karma pa, Rang ’byung rdo rje (1284–1339), who presented him with a red ceremonial crown of the same design as the Karma pa’s “Black Hat” (Zhwa nag) and gave him the title Zhwa dmar pa (“Red Hat Lama”). This began Tibetan Buddhism’s second oldest reincarnational lineage (the first being that of the Karma pas).

746 • ZHWA DMAR RIN PO CHE

The lineage ran afoul of the Tibetan government when the 10th Zhwa dmar, Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792), was found guilty of plotting with a Gor kha (Gorkha) army that invaded Tibet and sacked bKra shis lhun po Monastery. He committed suicide while in prison (or he was murdered but his death was made to look like a suicide). As punishment, his monastery, Yangs pa can, was taken over by the Tibetan government and converted into a dGe lugs pa establishment, renamed Kun bde gling. In 1792, the Tibetan government decreed that no future Zhwa dmar reincarnations would be recognized, which officially terminated the lineage. Despite this, members of the Karma bKa’ brgyud order continued to identify reincarnations in secret. In 1963, in response to a request by the 16th Karma pa, Rang ’byung rigs pa’i rdo rje (1924–1981), the Central Tibetan Administration lifted the ban. The 14th Zhwa dmar rin po che, Mi pham chos kyi blo gros, (1954–2014), was born in 1952 in sDe dge in Khams. He was recognized at the age of four by his uncle, the 16th Karma pa, and enthroned in 1964 in Rum btegs Monastery in Sikkim. Like his predecessor, he was at odds with the Tibetan government-inexile (and with other lamas of his lineage), most prominently over the question of the successor of the Karma pa. He asserted that ’Phrin las mtha’ yas rdo rje (1983–) is the true reincarnation, but the other hierarchs of the lineage, as well as the Dalai Lama, have recognized O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje (1985–), who was enthroned at mTshur phu and escaped from Tibet in 2000. The former was born in Lha sa and in 1988 was recognized by Zhwa dmar Rin po che. In 1994 he performed an enthronement ceremony for him. The seat of the Zhwa dmar lamas is the Karmapa International Buddhist Institute in Delhi. O rgyan ’phrin las rdo rje was born in Chab mdo and recognized at age seven by Ta’i si tu Padma don yod nyin byed (1954–). His main residence was rGyud stod Monastery near Dharamsala, but at the time of this writing (2020) he resides in Germany. The members of this lineage are: 1. mKhas grub Grags pa seng ge (1283–1349) 2. mKha’ spyod dbang po (1350–1405) 3. Chos dpal ye shes (1406–1452) 4. Chos grags ye shes (1453–1524) 5. dKon mchog yan lag (1525–1583) 6. Mi pham chos kyi dbang phyug (1584–1630) 7. Ye shes snying po (1631–1694) 8. dPal chen chos kyi don grub (1695–1732) 9. dKon mchog dge ba’i ’byung gnas (1733–1740) 10. Chos grub rgya mtsho (1741/1742–1792) 11. Unknown 12. ’Jam dbyangs Rin po che (1892–1946) 13. ’Phrin las kun khyab (1948–1950) 14. Mi pham chos kyi blo gros (1952–2014)

ZLA BA GRAGS PA • 747

Monks of Zhwa lu Monastery in tantric ceremony.

ZHWA LU (SHALU) (CH.XIALU SI 夏鲁寺). One of the major Sa skya centers of learning, founded in 1027 by lCe btsun Shes rab byung gnas. It became an important educational institution and was the main seat of Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364). It is a small monastery, located 22 km (13 mi.) south of gZhis ka rtse. It had some of the finest examples of painted wall murals in Tibet, and it is renowned for its 14th-century Chinese-made roof tiles, still well preserved. In 1329 the main temple was destroyed by an earthquake, but it was rebuilt in 1333. ZHWA SER (SHASER) (CH. HUANGFUPAI 黄幅派) (“YELLOW HATS”). A common designation for the dGe lugs order, founded by Tsong kha pa bLo bzang grags pa (1357–1419). He followed the ceremonial traditions of Bu ston Rin chen grub (1290–1364) of Zhwa lu Monastery and adopted the “scholar hats” (paṇḍi ta zhwa) associated with Indian masters. The use of this style of headgear is not, however, unique to the dGe lugs pa; other orders wear similar hats during ceremonial occasions. The dGe lugs pa were briefly forbidden to wear these hats by a decree issued in 1498 by the Rin spungs ruler Don yod rdo rje (1463–1512; r. 1479–1512), and some sources report that during the period when the ban was enforced they designed reversible hats with one red side (the color they were ordered to adopt) and another yellow one. ZLA BA GRAGS PA (DAWA DRAKBA) (SKT. CANDRAKĪRTI, 600–CA. 650) (CH. YUECHENG 月稱/月称). An influential Indian dBu

748 • ZLA BA’I ’OD ZER, GYI JO

ma (Skt. Madhyamaka) philosopher and polemicist whom Tibetan doxographers consider the most important commentator of the Middle Way Consequence (dBu ma thal ’gyur pa’i lugs; Skt. Prāsaṅgika-madhyamaka) tradition. Candrakīrti was born into a brahman family in Samana in south India. He received monastic ordination from Sangs rgyas mgon (Skt. Buddhanātha) and quickly mastered the full range of Buddhist literature. His traditional biography reports that his main teacher was kLu sgrub (Skt. Nāgārjuna), who would have been about 500 years old in order to accomplish this (traditional sources credit him with a 900-year life span). His fellow monks at Nā lendra Skt. Nālandā) viewed him as lazy; they said he spent most of his time eating, sleeping, and defecating, and he never studied or meditated. Even worse, they accused him of harboring non-Buddhist views. He was placed in charge of the monastery’s cows and buffaloes, but he never bothered to herd them and allowed them to wander freely. There was always abundant milk, however, and the monks wondered how he accomplished this; they were told that he milked a picture of a cow and could thus obtain as much milk as he wished. According to one story, he defeated an invading Turkish army with a magically empowered stone lion. He saw himself as defending the commentarial tradition of Sangs rgyas bskyangs (Skt. Buddhapālita, ca. 470–550) against its rivals, most importantly the tradition of Legs ldan ’byed (Skt. Bhāviveka or Bhavya, ca. 490–570) and rNal ’byor spyod pa (Skt. Yogācāra). His commentary on Nāgārjuna’s Fundamental Verses on the Middle Way—entitled Clear Words (dBu ma rtsa ba’i ’grel pa tshigs gsal ba; Skt. Mūlamadhyamaka-kārikā-vṛtti-prasannapadā)—was his most influential text in Tibet. It had a profound impact on Tibetan Buddhist philosophy and is widely regarded as the orthodox interpretation of Nāgārjuna. See also INDIAN BUDDHISM. ZLA BA’I ’OD ZER, GYI JO (GIJO DAWÉ ÖSER, 11TH CENTURY). A translator credited with preparing the first Tibetan version of the Wheel of Time Tantra (Dus kyi ’khor lo rgyud; Skt. Kālacakra-tantra) in 1027. He also transmitted a system of its yogic practice in accordance with the “six unions” (sbyor drug) lineage. See also ASTROLOGY; MEDICINE; TANTRA. ZUNGHAR (TIB. JUNG HAR) (MON. ЗҮҮНГАР, ZÜÜNGAR; ALT. DZUNGAR, JÜNGAR OR JUNGAR) (CH. ZHUNGA’ER 准噶尔). A term applied to several Mongol groupings belonging to the Oirat tribes. They were one of the four major subgroups of the Oirats. Their homeland is referred to as Zungharia; it ranges from the Altai Mountains (Mon. Алтай or Алтайн нуруу; Ch. A’ertai Shanmai 阿尔泰山脉) to the Ili River (Ch.

ZUR SHAKYA ’BYUNG GNAS • 749

Yili He 伊犁河) Valley. The first confederation comprised the Olöt, Derbet, and Khoit tribes. They were later joined by groups of Khoshud and Torghut. Together they formed the western branch of the Mongols. In 1630 the Oirat ruler Baibaghas died and was succeeded by the Khoshud leader Güshri Khan (1582–1655). He formed an alliance with Qinwang Baatur Khungtaiji (Tib. Ching wang Bā dur tā’i ji, r. 1635–1653) that included a marriage alliance (Güshri’s daughter married Baatur). The two joined forces against the Kazakhs in 1634. The Southern Mongols were incorporated into the Manchu Empire by 1634, and in 1635 they established two Mongol banners in modern Inner Mongolia. In 1641, Baatur established free trade arrangements with Russia, and his capital of Kubak Zar (located between Yamish Lank and the Irtysh River) became a thriving commercial center. Following his death, his son and designated heir Sengge was killed in 1670. Another son, Galdan Bushuktu Khan (1644–1697), who was a Buddhist monk studying in Lha sa, returned to avenge his death. He executed his brothers who had killed Sengge, and then moved against his father-in-law, the Khoshud ruler, in 1676 or 1677. He subsequently founded the Zunghar Khanate (see DGA’ LDAN PO SHOG TU entry for further details of his life). In 1697, two relatives of Galdan Khan named Dajila and Rabdan surrendered to the Qing dynasty (1644–1912). They were reorganized into two Olöt banners and resettled in modern-day Bayankhongor Province (Mon. Баянхонгор, Rich Khongor). In 1731 500 households rejoined the Zunghars, and the remaining Olöt were deported to Hulun Buir (Mon. Kölün [or Külün] buyir; Хөлөнбуйр; Chinese: Hulunbei’er 呼伦贝尔). After 1761 some resettled in Arkhangai Province (Mon. Архангай аймаг, Arkhangai aimag). In 1764 some migrated to Khovd Province (Mon. Ховд аймаг, Khovd Aimag) and joined the Qing armies there. Those who remained in Xinjiang were renamed Olöt. Zunghars figured in Tibetan affairs on a number of occasions, the most important being the invasion by Lhazang Khan (d. 1717) in the early 18th century. He deposed the sixth Dalai Lama, Tshangs dbyangs rgya ­mtsho (1683–1706), and installed a pretender on the throne. He declared that Tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho had been wrongly chosen, but Tibetans did not accept this. His forces looted and pillaged in central Tibet, which earned them the general enmity of the populace. The Zunghars were driven out by an army sent by the Chinese emperor Kangxi 康熙 (1654–1722) in 1720. See also MONGOL EMPIRE; QIANLONG; YUAN DYNASTY. ZUR SHAKYA ’BYUNG GNAS (SÜR SHAGYA JÜNGNÉ, 1002–1062) (CH. SU SHIJIA JIONGNAI 素释迦炯乃). An important figure in the trans-

750 • ZUR SHAKYA ’BYUNG GNAS

mission of the rNying ma great perfection (rdzogs pa chen po) teachings, particularly the “mind class” (sems sde). He is also credited in traditional histories with maintaining the “oral teaching” (bka’ ma) transmission during the interregnum period following the death of Khri gLang dar ma (r. 838–841). He was born in A mdo; his father was bZangs Mig po che, and his mother was bDe ba lcam. He received ordination from bLa chen dGongs pa rab gsal. His main teacher was Myang Ye shes ’byung gnas. Later generations of the Zur clan maintained his teachings, including Zur chung Shes rab grags pa (1014–1074) and his son Zur sGro phug pa Shakya Seng ge (1074–1134). Its main seat is Zur ’Ug pa lung Monastery, founded by Shakya ’byung gnas, located east of gZhis ka rtse.

Glossary Common Phonetic Spellings

Tibetan Terms Wylie Transliterations Alchi A phyi Delog ’das log Amdo A mdo Densathil gDan sa mThil Amnye A myes Derge sDe dge Barom ’Ba’ rom Desi sDe srid Bardo bar do Dezhin De bzhin Barkhor Bar skor Dolpo Dol po Belden dPal ldan Dondrub Don grub Beltsek dPal brtsegs Dorje rdo rje Beyul Bal yul Drakpa Grags pa Buton Bu ston Dratsang Grwa tshang Chakna Phyag na Drepung ’Bras spungs Chamdo Chab mdo Drichu ’Bri chu Changthang Byang thang Drikung ’Bri gung Chenrezi sPyan ras gzigs Drime Dri med Chidar phyi dar Drogpa ’brog pa Chö chos Dromdon ’Brom ston Chodrak Chos grags Drukpa ’Brug pa Choedrak Chos grags Drupa Dru pa Chodron Chos sgron Dudjom bDud ’joms Chodrub Chos grub Dusum Dus gsum Chogyal Chos rgyal Dzogchen rdzogs pa chen po Chögyam Chos kyi rgya Dzong rdzong  ­mtsho Gadong dGa’ gdong Chogyur mChog ’gyur Gampo sGam po Chokyi Chos kyi Ganden dGa’ ldan Cholkhasum Chol kha gsum Gar mGar Chongye ’Phyongs rgyas Gelek dGe legs Chorten mchod rten Gelong dge slong Dagpo Dwags po Gelug dGe lugs Dalai Lama Tā la’i bla ma Gendun dGe ’dun Darma Dode Dar ma mdo sde Gesar Ge sar Dawa Zla ba Geshe dGe bshes 751

752 • Glossary

Golog mGo log Gomang sGo mang Gompa dgon pa Gonpo dGon po Guge Gu ge Gunga Kun dga’ Gyagar rGya gar Gyalpo rGyal po Gyantse rGyal rtse Gyatso rGya mtsho Gyelmorong rGyal mo rong Gyelpo rGyal po Gyeltsap rGyal tshab Gyeltsen rGyal mtshan Gyelwa rGyal dbang Gyü rgyud Gyume rGyud smad Gyuto rGyud stod Hashang Hwa shang Jamgon ’Jam mgon Jampa Byams pa Jampel ’Jam dpal Jamyang ’Jam dbyangs Jangchub Byang chub Jangya lCang skya Je rJe Jetsun rJe btsun Jigme ’Jigs med Jikphun ’Jigs med phun  tshogs Jokhang Jo khang Jonang Jo nang Jowo Jo bo Jungne ’Byung gnas Kadam bKa’ gdams Kagyu bKa’ brgyud Kalon bKa’ blon Kanjur bKa’ ’gyur Kardze mKhar mdzes Karmapa Karma pa Kashag bKa’ shag

Kata kha btags Kelsang bsKal bzang Kham Khams Khedrub mKhas grub Khenpo mkhan po Khora ’khor ba Konchok dKon mchog Kongtrul Kong sprul Kyabgon skyabs mgon Khyen pa mKhyen pa Khyentse mKhyen brtse Khyungpo Khyung po Kumbum sKu ’bum Labrang bLa brang Ladakh La dwags Lama bla ma Lamdre lam ’bras Lamo Latso Lha mo’i bla  ­mtsho Lamrim lam rim Langdarma gLang dar ma Lekshe Legs bshad Lhasa Lha sa Lhundrub Lhun grub Ling gLing Lingpa gLing pa Lithang Li thang Lodro bLo gros Longchen kLong chen Losang bLo bzang Losar Lo gsar Lotsawa lo tsā ba Machen rMa chen Machik Ma gcig Machu rMa chu Marpa Mar pa Marpori dMar po ri Menri sMan ri Mikyo Mi bskyod Milarepa Mi la ras pa Mimang Mi dmangs

Glossary • 753

Mindroling sMin grol gling Mipham Mi pham Monlam sMon lam Mustang sMon thang Namgyel rNam rgyal Namthar rnam thar Naropa Nā ro pa Narthang sNar thang Nechung gNas chung Neljor rNal ’byor Ngabo Nga phod Ngari mNga’ ris Ngawang Ngag dbang Ngok rNgog/Ngog Ngondro sngon ’gro Niguma Ni gu ma Norbu Nor bu Norbulingka Nor bu gling ka Nyarong Nyag rong Nyemo sNye mo Nyima Nyi ma Nyinje Nyin byed Nyingma rNying ma Nyingpo sNying po Olmolungring ’Ol mo lung ring Orgyen O rgyan Oser ’Od zer Pabongkha Pha bong kha Padampa Pha dam pa Panchen Paṇ chen Patrul dPal sprul Pehar Pe har Pema Padma Pemako Padma bkod Penor Padma nor bu Phagmo Phag mo Phagpa ’Phags pa Phodrang Pho brang Pholane Pho lha nas Phuntsok Phun tshogs Phurba phur pa

Potala Rabjampa Rabten Ralpachen Ramoche Rangjung Rangtong Rangzen Rapten Rechungpa Reting Rigpa Rikpe Rime Rinchen Rinpoche Rinpung Rolpe Rumtek Sakya Samdhong Samye Sangye Sangpo Sarma Sempa Senge Sera Shakya Shalu Shambhala Shamar Shangpa Shedra Shekpa Shenrab Shentong Shepa Sherab Shigatse Shugden

Po ta la Rab ’byams pa Rab brtan Ral pa can Ra mo che Rang ’byung rang stong rang btsan Rab brtan Ras chung pa Rwa sgreng Rigs pa Rigs pa’i Ris med Rin chen Rin po che Rin spungs Rol pa’i Rum btegs Sa skya Zam gdong bSam yas Sangs rgyas bZang po gSar ma Sems dpa’ Seng ge Se ra Shā kya Zhwa lu Sham bha la Zhwa dmar Shangs pa bShad grwa gShegs pa gShen rab gzhan stong bZhad pa Shes rab gZhis ka rtse Shugs ldan

754 • Glossary

Situ Si tu Sonam bSod nams Songdetsen Srong lde btsan Songtsen Srong btsan Sopa bZod pa Tabo Ta pho Tai Situ Ta’i si tu Taktra sTag brag Thangka thang ka Taranatha Tā ra nā tha Tarthang Dar thang Tashi bKra shis Tashikhyil bKra shis ’khyil Tashilhunpo bKra shis lhun po Tawang rTa dbang Tengyur bsTan ’gyur Tenzin bsTan ’dzin Terdag gTer bdag Terma gter ma Terton gter ston Thangtong Thang stong Thaye mTha’ yas Thinley ’Phrin las Thonmi Thon mi Thubten Thub bstan Tilopa Ti lo pa Tri Khri Tripa Khri pa Trizin Khri ’dzin Trungpa Drung pa Tsampa rtsam pa

Tsang gTsang Tsangpo gTsang po Tsangyang Tshangs dbyangs Tselpa Tshal pa Tsetang rTse thang Tseten Tshe brtan Tsewang Tshe dbang Tsogyal mTsho rgyal Tsultrim Tshul khrims Tshurphu mTshur phu Tugen Thu’u bkwan Tulku sprul sku U dBus Uma dBu ma Wangchuk dBang phyug Wangpo dBang po Wangyel dBang rgyal Wose ’Od zer yak g.yag Yamdrok Yar ’brog Yarlung Yar klungs Yeru g.Yas ru Yeshe Ye shes Yonden Yon tan Yoru 9g. Yo ru Yungdrung gYung drung Zanskar Zangs dkar Zhabkar Zhabs dkar Zhije Zhi byed Zhonnu gZhon nu

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Contents Prehistory and the Imperium (to 848) The Later Propagation of Buddhism and the Mongol Period (950–1334) The Period of Civilian Rule and the Age of Patronage (1350–1642) The dGa’ ldan pho brang (1642–1951) The Chinese in Tibet and the Modern Period (1951–2020) The Mongol Empire The Chinese Empire, the Republican Period, and the PRC Anthropology, Ethnography, and Sociology Architecture, Archaeology, and Art Language and Literature Autobiography and Biography Religions: Buddhism Non-Buddhist Religions International Contacts and Trade Tibetan Borderlands Miscellaneous Works Synoptic Histories Internet Resources Tibetan-Language Works Chinese-Language Works Prehistory and the Imperium (to 848) Ahmad, Zahiruddin. A History of Tibet by the Fifth Dalai Lama of Tibet. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1995. Bacot, Jacques. “Le marriage chinois du roi tibétain Sroṅ bcan sgan po.” Mélanges chinois et bouddiques #3 (1935): 1–60. Bacot, Jacques, Frederick W. Thomas, and Charles G. Toussaint. Documents de Touen-houang relatifs a l’histoire du Tibet. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1940–1946. 755

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The Later Propagation of Buddhism and the Mongol Period (950–1334) Cassinelli, C.W. and Robert Ekvall. A Tibetan Principality: The Political System of Sa skya. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1959. Cüppers, Christoph (ed.). The Relationship Between Religion and State (chos srid zung ’brel) in Traditional Tibet. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2004. Department of Information and International Relations, Central Tibetan Administration. The Mongols and Tibet: A Historical Assessment of Relations between the Mongol Empire and Tibet. Dharamsala: Department of Information and International Relations, 1996. Dunnell, Ruth W. The Great State of White and High: Buddhism and State Formation in Eleventh Century Xia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1996. Francke, August Hermann. Antiquities of Indian Tibet. Calcutta: Archaeological Survey of India, 1914 (2 vols.). ———. A History of Western Tibet, One of the Unknown Empires. London: S.W. Partridge, 1907. Petech, Luciano. Central Tibet and the Mongols: The Yüän-Sa-skya Period of Tibetan History. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1990. Van Schaik, Sam, Daozhao, and Imre Galambos. Manuscripts and Travellers: The Sino-Tibetan Documents of a Tenth Century Buddhist Pilgrim. Berlin/Boston: Walter de Gruyter, 2012. Vitali, Roberto. Early Temples of Central Tibet. London: Serindia, 1990.

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———. The Kingdoms of Gu-ge Pu-hrang: According to Mngaʼ-ris rgyal rabs by Gu-ge Mkhan-chen Ngag-dbang-grags pa. London: Serindia, 1996. ———. Records of Tho.ling: A Literary and Visual Reconstruction of the “Mother” Monastery in Gu ge. Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, 1999.

The Period of Civilian Rule and the Age of Patronage (1350–1642) Ahmad, Zahiruddin. The Historical Status of China in Tibet. New Delhi: Aditya Prakashan, 2012. ———. A History of Tibet by the Fifth Dalai Lama of Tibet. Bloomington: Indiana University, 1995. Cassinelli, C.W. and Robert Ekvall. A Tibetan Principality: The Political System of Sa skya. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1959. Caumanns, Volker. Fifteenth Century Tibet: Cultural Blossoming and Political Unrest: Proceedings of a Conference Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March 2015. Lumbini: Lumbini International Research Institute, 2017. Czaja, Olaf. Medieval Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa (2 vols.). Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2012. Karmay, Samten. “The Fifth Dalai Lama and His Reunification of Tibet.” Lhasa in the Seventeenth Century: The Capital of the Dalai Lamas. Françoise Pommaret (ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2003: 65–80. Sperling, Elliot. “Notes on References to ’Bri-gung-pa-Mongol Contact in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries.” In Tibetan Studies. S. Ihara and Z. Yamaguchi (eds.). Narita: Naritasan Shinshuji, 1992: 741–750. Tsering Gyalbo, Guntram Hazod, and Per K. Sørensen. Civilization at the Foot of Mount sham-po: The Royal House of lHa Bug-pa-can and the History of g.Ya’-bzang. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000. Tucci, Giuseppe. Deb t’er dmar po gsar ma: Tibetan Chronicles by bSod nams grags pa. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1971. Wylie, Turrell. “Lama Tribute in the Ming Dynasty.”In Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson. Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi (eds.). Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips, 1980: 335–340.

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McKay, Alex (ed.). Pilgrimage in Tibet. Richmond, UK: Curzon, 1998. Mills, Martin A. Identity, Ritual and State in Tibetan Buddhism: The Foundations of Authority in Gelukpa Monasticism. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Réne de. Oracles and Demons of Tibet: The Cult and Iconography of Tibetan Protector Deities. The Hague: Mouton, 1956. ———. Tibetan Religious Dances: Tibetan Text and Annotated Translation of the ’Chams yig. The Hague: Mouton, 1976. Obermiller, Eugene. History of Buddhism (Chos-ḥbyung) by Bu-ston. Heidelberg: Otto Harrassowitz, 1931–1932. Padmakara Translation Committee. The Words of My Perfect Teacher. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1994. Powers, John. Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism (2nd ed.). Ithaca, NY: Snow Lion Publications, 2007. Ricard, Matthieu, Danielle Follmi, Oliver Follmi, and Benoit Nacci. Buddhist Himalayas: People, Faith and Nature. London: Thames & Hudson, 2002. Roerich, George N. (trans.). The Blue Annals. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978. Ruegg, David Seyfort. Buddha-Nature, Mind, and the Problem of Gradualism in a Comparative Perspective: On the Transmission and Reception of Buddhism in India and Tibet. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1989. ———. Ordre spirituel et ordre temporal dans la pensée bouddhique de l’Inde et du Tibet. Paris: Boccard, 1995. Sakaki, Ryōzaburō. Bon, Zō, Kan, Wa shiyaku taikō Mahāvyutpatti honʾyaku meigi taishū; The Mahāvyutpatti, a Buddhist dictionary originally translated into Sanskrit and Tibetan, later into Chinese and Japanese. Kyōto: Shingonshū Kyōto Daigaku, 1916. Samten, Karmay. Secret Visions of the Fifth Dalai Lama: The Gold Manuscript in the Fournier Collection. London: Serindia Publications, 1988. Schopen, Gregory. Figments and Fragments of Mahāyāna Buddhism in India: More Collected Papers. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005. Snellgrove, David. Buddhist Himalaya: Travels and Studies in Quest of the Origins and Nature of Tibetan Religion. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1957. ———. Himalayan Pilgrimage: A Study of Tibetan Religion by a Traveler through Western Nepal. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1961. ———. Indo-Tibetan Buddhism: Indian Buddhists and Their Tibetan Successors (2 vols.). Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1987. Sobisch, Jan-Ulrich. Three-Vow Theories in Tibetan Buddhism: A Comprehensive Study of Major Traditions from the Twelfth through Nineteenth Centuries. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2002. Sogyel Rinpoche. The Tibetan Book of Living and Dying. London: Rider, 1994. Sørensen, Per K. Divinity Secularized: An Inquiry into the Nature and Form of the Songs Ascribed to the Sixth Dalai Lama. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universität Wien, 1990. Stearns, Cyrus. The Buddha from Dolpo. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1999.

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Thuken Losang Chökyi Nyima, Roger Jackson, and Lhundub Sopa. The Crystal Mirror of Philosophical Systems: A Tibetan Study of Asian Religious Thought. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2017. Tucci, Giuseppe and Eugenio Gheral. Secrets of Tibet: Being the chronicle of the Tucci scientific expedition to western Tibet (1933). London and Glasgow: Blackie & Son, 1935. ———. Religions of Tibet. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Tuttle, Gray W. Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005. Ueyama, Daishun. “The Study of Tibetan Ch’an Manuscripts Recovered from Tunhuang: A Review of the Field and Its Prospects.” In Early Ch’an in China and Tibet. Whalen Lai and Lewis Lancaster (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983: 327–350. Waddell, Laurence Austine. The Buddhism of Tibet: Or Lamaism with its mystic cults, symbolism and mythology, and its relation to Indian Buddhism. London : W.H. Allen & Co., 1895. Walser, Joseph. Nāgārjuna in Context: Mahāyāna, Buddhism, and Early Indian Culture. New York: Columbia University Press, 2005.

Non-Buddhist Religions Bellezza, John V. Divine Dyads: Ancient Civilization in Tibet. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1997. ———. Spirit-Mediums, Sacred Mountains and Related Bon Textual Traditions in Upper Tibet. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2005. Blondeau, Anne-Marie. Tibetan Mountain Deities, Their Cults and Representations. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997. Blondeau, Anne-Marie and Ernst Steinkellner (eds.). Reflections on the Mountain: Essays on the History and Social Meaning of the Mountain Cult in Tibet and the Himalaya. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996. Ga, Zangjia. Tibetan Religions. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2003. Klimkeit, Hans-Joachim. Gnosis on the Silk Road: Gnostic Parables, Hymns, and Prayers from Central Asia. San Francisco: Harper Collins, 1993. Kvaerne, Per. The Bon Religion of Tibet. London: Serindia Publications, 1995. Lopez, Donald. (ed.) Religions of Tibet in Practice. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997. Martin, Dan. Mandala Cosmogony: Human Body Good Thought and the Revelation of the Secret Mother Tantras of Bon. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1994. ———. Unearthing Bon Treasures: Life and Contested Legacy of a Tibetan Scripture Revealer. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2001. Samten Karmay. The Arrow and the Spindle: Studies in History, Myths, Rituals, and Beliefs in Tibet. Kathmandu: Mandala Publications, 2005.

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———. The Little Luminous Boy: The Oral Traditions from the Land of Zhangzhung Depicted on Two Tibetan Paintings. Bangkok: Orchid Press, 1998. Samten Karmay and Jeff Watt (eds.). Bon: The Magic Word. New York: Rubin Museum of Art, 2007. Snellgrove, David. The Nine Ways of Bon. London: Oxford University Press, 1967. Stein, Rolf A. “Une mention du manichéisme dans le choix du bouddhisme comme religion d’état par le roi tibétain Khri-sroṅ lde bcan.” In Indianisme et Bouddisme, Mélanges offerts à Mgr Étienne Lamotte. Louvain-la-Neuve: L’Institut Orientaliste de Louvain, 1980: 329–337. Templeman, David. “Cosmogony—Iranian and Tibetan.” Cosmogony and the Origins (Lungta 16). Dharamsala: Amnye Machen Institute, 2003. Tucci, Giuseppe. Religions of Tibet. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980. Uray, Géza. “Tibet’s Connections with Nestorianism and Manicheism in the 8th–10th Centuries.” In Contributions on Tibetan Language, History and Culture. Ernst Steinkellner and Helmut Tauscher (eds.). Vienna: Arbeitskries für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien, Universität Wien, 1983: 101–21.

International Contacts and Trade Akasoy, Anna. Islam and Tibet: Interactions along the Musk Routes. London and New York: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2017. Elverskog, Johan. Buddhism and Islam on the Silk Road. Philadelphia and Oxford: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010. Frechette, Ann. “Democracy and Democratization among Tibetans in Exile.” Journal of Asian Studies #66.1 (2007): 97–127. French, Rebecca. “The New Snow Lion: The Tibetan Government-in-Exile in India.” In Governments-in-Exile in Contemporary World Politics. Yossi Shain (ed.). New York: Routledge, 1991: 188–201. Gendun Chopel. Grains of Gold: Tales of a Cosmopolitan Traveler. Thupten Jinpa and Donald S. Lopez (trans.). Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2014. Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von. Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal. London: John Murray, 1975. Huber, Toni. The Holy Land Reborn: Pilgrimage and the Tibetan Reinvention of Buddhist India. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008. ———. (ed.). Sacred Spaces and Powerful Places in Tibetan Culture: A Collection of Essays. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1999. Lamb, Alastair. British India and Tibet, 1766–1910 (2nd ed.). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986. ———. The China-India Border: The Origins of the Disputed Boundaries. London: Oxford University Press, 1964. Levi, Scott C. The Indian Diaspora in Central Asia and Its Trade (1550–1900). Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2002.

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McKay, Alex. “The Establishment of the British Trade Agencies in Tibet: A Survey.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland (3rd Series) #2 (2009): 399–421. ———. (ed.). Pilgrimage in Tibet. Richmond, UK: Curzon, 1998. Relyea, Scott. “Victorianizing Guangxu: Arresting Flows, Minting Coins, and Exerting Authority in Early Twentieth-Century Kham.” Crosscurrents #19 (June 2016): 22–146. Spengen, Wim van. Tibetan Border Worlds. London: Kegan Paul, 2000.

Tibetan Borderlands Aggarwal, Ravina. Beyond Lines of Control: Performance and Politics on the Disputed Borders of Ladakh, India. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004. Ahmad, Zahiruddin. “New Light on the Tibet-Ladakh-Mughal War of 1679–1684.” East and West 18 (1968): 340–361. Ali, S. Mahmud. Cold War in the High Himalaya: The US, China, and South Asia in the 1950s. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999. Aris, Michael. Bhutan. Warminster, UK: Aris and Phillips, 1979. Bacot, Jacques. Le Tibet Révolté: Vers Népémakö. La Terre Promise des Tibétains. Paris: Hachette, 1912. Brox, Trine and Ildikó Bellér-Hann (eds.). On the Fringes of the Harmonious Society: Tibetans and Uyghurs in Socialist China. Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 2014. Buffetrille, Katia and Hildegard Diemberger (eds.). Territory and Identity in Tibet and the Himalayas. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2002. Childs, Geoff. Tibetan Diary: From Birth to Death and Beyond in a Himalayan Valley of Nepal. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. Craig, Sienna. Horses Like Lightning: A Story of Passage through the Himalayas. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2008. Crook, John H. and Henry Osmaston. Himalayan Buddhist Villages: Environment, Resources, Society and Religious Life in Zangskar, Ladakh. Bristol: Bristol Classical Press, 1994. Devers, Quentin. “Archeological Ladakh: Contributions of Recent Discoveries to Redefining the History of a Key Region between the Pamirs and the Himalayas.” Central Asiatic Journal 61(1) (2018): 103–132. Dhungel, Ramesh K. The Kingdom of Lo (Mustang): A Historical Study. Kathmandu: Jigme S.P. Bista for Tashi Gephel Foundation, 2002. Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von. Himalayan Traders: Life in Highland Nepal. London: John Murray, 1975. Garver, John. Protracted Contest: Sino-Indian Rivalry in the Twentieth Century. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2001. Gruschke, Andreas. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces. Amdo, Volume 1: The Qinghai Part of Amdo. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2001. ———. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces. Amdo, Volume 2: The Gansu and Sichuan Parts of Amdo. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2001.

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———. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces. Kham, Volume 1: The TAR Part of Kham. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2004. ———. The Cultural Monuments of Tibet’s Outer Provinces. Kham, Volume 2: The Qinghai Part of Kham. Bangkok: White Lotus Press, 2004. Hedin, Sven. Trans-Himalaya: Discoveries and Adventures in Tibet (3 vols.). London: Macmillan, 1909–1913. Heller, Amy. Hidden Treasures of the Himalayas: Tibetan Manuscripts, Paintings and Sculptures of Dolpo. Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2009. Jackson, David P. The Mollas of Mustang: Historical, Religious and Oratorical Traditions of the Nepalese-Tibetan Borderland. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1984. Kaplonski, Christopher. The Lama Question: Violence, Sovereignty and Exception in Early Socialist Mongolia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2014. Karma Phuntsho. The History of Bhutan. Gurgaon: Penguin Random House India, 2018. Kolås, Åshild and Monika P. Thowsen. On the Margins of Tibet: Cultural Survival on the Sino-Tibetan Frontier. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. Makley, Charlene. The Battle for Fortune: State-Led Development, Personhood, and Power among Tibetans in China. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2018. Petech, Luciano. The Kingdom of Ladakh c. 950–1842. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1977. Rock, Joseph F. The Amnye Ma-chhen Range and Adjacent Regions: A Monographic Study. Rome: Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1956. Sardar-Afkhami, Hamid. “An Account of Padma-bkod: A Hidden Land in Southeastern Tibet.” Kailash 18, #3–4 (1996): 1–22. Singh, Jasbir and Amar Kaur. Himalayan Triangle: A Historical Survey of British India’s Relations with Tibet, Sikkim and Bhutan, 1765–1950. London: British Library, 1988. Snellgrove, David. Himalayan Pilgrimage: A Study of Tibetan Religion by a Traveler through Western Nepal. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1989. Spengen, Wim van. Tibetan Border Worlds. London: Kegan Paul, 2000. Teichman, Eric. Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1922. Tenzin Jinba. In the Land of Eastern Queendom: The Politics of Gender and Ethnicity on the Sino-Tibetan Border. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2014. Tucci, Giuseppe. Journey to Mustang 1952. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1977. Vitali, Roberto. The Kingdoms of Gu-ge Pu-hrang: According to Mngaʼ-ris rgyal rabs by Gu-ge Mkhan-chen Ngag-dbang-grag- pa. London: Serindia, 1996. ———. Records of Tho.ling: A Literary and Visual Reconstruction of the “Mother” Monastery in Gu ge. Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, 1999. Wellens, Koen. Religious Revival in the Tibetan Borderlands: The Premi of Southwest China. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2010. Yang, Ho-Chin. The Annals of Kokonor. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1970.

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Miscellaneous Works Akester, Matthew. Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo’s Guide to Central Tibet. Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2016. Beckwith, Christopher. Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009. Bertsch, Wolfgang. The Currency of Tibet. Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2002. Blondeau, Anne-Marie and Katia Buffetrille. Authenticating Tibet: Answers to China’s 100 Questions. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. Cornu, Philippe. Tibetan Astrology. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1997. Czaja, Olaf and Guntram Hazod (eds.). The Illuminating Mirror: Tibetan Studies in Honour of Per K. Sørensen on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2015. Das, Sarat Chandra. Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet. London: John Murray, 1902. Dodin, Thierry and Heinz Räther (eds). Imagining Tibet: Perceptions, Projections, and Fantasies. Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2001. Erhard, Franz-Karl and Petra Maurer (eds.). Nepalica-Tibetica: Festgabe for Christoph Cüppers.(2 vols). Andiast: International Institute for Tibetan and Buddhist Studies GmbH, 2013. Emmerick, Ronald E. A Guide to the Literature of Khotan. Tokyo: Reiyukai Library, 1979. Epstein, Lawrence and R. F. Sherburne (eds.). Reflections on Tibetan Culture: Essays in Memory of Turrell V. Wylie. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. Esposito, Monica (ed.) Images of Tibet in the 19th and 20th Centuries (2 vols.). Paris: École française d’Extrȇme-Orient, 2008. French, Rebecca. The Golden Yoke: The Legal Cosmology of Tibet. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995. Gabrisch, Karl. Geld aus Tibet. Rikon, Switzerland: Stadt Winterhur Department für Kulturelles-e-Tibet-Institute, 1989. Havnevik, Hanna and Charles Ramble (eds.). From Bhakti to Bon: Festschrift for Per Kvǣrne. Oslo: Novus Press, 2015. Kvaerne, Per. (ed.). Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the Sixth Seminar of the Inter­ national Association for Tibetan Studies, Fagernes 1992. Oslo: Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, 1994. McKay, Alex. “‘The Birth of a Clinic’? The IMS Dispensary in Gyantse (Tibet), 1904–1910.” Medical History 49 (2005): 135–154. McNeill, William H. Plagues and Peoples. Garden City, NY: Anchor Press, 1976. Meyer, Fernand. Gso-ba rig-pa: Le Système médical tibétain. Paris: CNRS, 1981. Michell, George et al. Kashgar: Oasis City on China’s Old Silk Road. London: Frances Lincoln, 2008. Parfonovitch, Yuri, Gyurme Dorje, and Fernand Meyer. Tibetan Medical Paintings. London: Serindia Publications, 1992.

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Pasang Wangdu and Hildegard Diemberger. Shel dkar chos ’byung: History of the “‘White Crystal.’” Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1996. Rechung Rinpoche. Tibetan Medicine. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976. Richardson, Hugh, E. High Peaks, Pure Earth: Collected Writings on Tibetan History and Culture. London: Serindia Publications, 1998. ———. Tibetan Précis. New Delhi: Government of India Press, 1948. Schwieger, Peter. “The Lineage of the Noble House of Ga-zi in East Tibet.” Kailash 16, #3–4 (1996): 115–132. Smith, E. Gene. Among Tibetan Texts: History and Literature of the Himalayan Plateau. Somerville, MA.: Wisdom Publications, 2001. Steinkellner, Ernst (ed.). Tibetan History and Language: Studies Dedicated to Géza Uray on His Seventieth Birthday. Vienna: Arbeitskreis für Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universität Wien, 1991. Tobdan and Chhering Dorje. Moravian Missionaries in Western Trans-Himalaya. New Delhi: Kaveri Books, 2008. Vitali, Robert (ed.). Trails of the Tibetan Tradition: Papers for Elliot Sperling. Dharamshala: Amnye Machen Institute, 2014. Wei, Jing. 100 Questions about Tibet. Beijing: Beijing Review Press, 1989. Zhou, Aiming. Tibetan Education. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2004.

Synoptic Histories Bell, Sir Charles. Tibet: Past and Present. Oxford. Oxford University Press, 1924. Chiu, Hungdah and June Teufel Dreyer. Tibet: Past and Present. Baltimore: School of Law, University of Maryland. Occasional Papers/Reprints Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, #4, 1989. Gyaltse Namgyal Wangdue. Political and Military History of Tibet (2 vols.). Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2012. Kapstein, Matthew T. The Tibetans. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2006. Laird, Thomas. The Story of Tibet: Conversations with the Dalai Lama. New York: Grove Press, 2006. Li, Tieh-Tseng. The Historical Status of Tibet. New York: King’s Crown Press, Columbia University, 1956. ———. Tibet: Today and Yesterday. New York: Bookman Associates, 1960. Marshall, Julie. Britain and Tibet 1765–1947: A Select Annotated Bibliography of British Relations with Tibet and the Himalayan States including Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan (revised edition). London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2005. Martin, Dan. Tibetan Histories: A Bibliography of Tibetan-Language Historical Works. London: Serindia Publications, 1997. McKay, Alex (ed.). The History of Tibet (3 vols.). London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003. New World Press. Tibet: A General Survey. Peking: New World Press, 1988. Richardson, Hugh, E. A Short History of Tibet. New York: Oxford University Press, 1962.

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———. Tibet and Its History. Boston: Shambhala Publications, 1986. Ryavec, Karl E. A Historical Atlas of Tibet. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015. Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D. One Hundred Thousand Moons: An Advanced Political History of Tibet (2 vols.). Derek Maher (trans.). Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2010. ———. Tibet: A Political History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967. Snellgrove, David and Hugh Richardson. A Cultural History of Tibet. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968. Sørensen, Per K. Tibetan Buddhist Historiography: The Mirror Illuminating the Royal Genealogies, An Annotated Translation of the XIVth Century Tibetan ­Chronicle: rGyal-rabs gsal-ba’i me-long. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1994. Stein, Rolf A. Tibetan Civilization. J. E. Stapleton Driver (trans.). Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1972. Tarthang Tulku. Crystal Mirror V. Berkeley, CA: Dharma Publishing, 1977. Van Schaik, Sam. Tibet: A History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011. Vostrikov, Andrei Ivanovich. Tibetan Historical Literature. Soviet Indology Series No. 4. (trans. H. C. Gupta). Indian Studies Past and Present. Calcutta: R. D. Press, 1970. Wang, Furen and Suo Wenqing. Highlights of Tibetan History. Beijing: New World Press, 1984. Wang, Jiawei and Nyima Gyaincain. The Historical Status of China’s Tibet. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2001. Ying, Chenqing. Tibetan History. Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2003.

Internet Resources Digital Dictionary of Buddhism: www.buddhism–dict.net. Founded and maintained by Dr. Charles Muller. This is a well-designed resource that covers a broad spectrum of terms relating to Chinese Buddhism, along with detailed bibliographical entries and cross–references. Digital Himalaya: www.digitalhimalaya.com. University of Cambridge. Emphasizes ethnography of the Himalayan region, including films, photographs, sound recordings, and electronic versions of journals. Kālacakra Calendar: www.kalacakra.org/calendar/kcal.htm. Developed by Edward Henning. This site contains a wealth of material on the Kālacakra-tantra and various aspects of its lore as interpreted by Tibetans, including useful information on the calendar based on it. Nitartha International Online Dictionary: www.nitartha.org/dictionary. A useful and accurate Tibetan dictionary, which brings together a number of resources. Founded by Dzogchen Ponlop Rinpoche. Sakya Resource Center: http://sakya–resource.de. This site contains information on the history and major figures of the Sa skya tradition, along with digitized Tibetan texts. Tibet–Encyclopaedia: www.tibet–encyclopaedia.de. This site is maintained by Dr. Dieter Schuh. It is a work in progress and is an ambitious project. It contains some

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useful entries and much of it is highly technical and scholarly. It is in German, but Internet conversion tools make it accessible in other languages. Tibeto-Logic: https://tibeto-logic.blogspot.com. Maintained by Dan Martin; it covers a broad range of cultural and historical research by Martin and provides links to other websites. Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center: www.tbrc.org. Established by E. Gene Smith. This site contains a huge collection of digitized texts, supported by an extensive database. Tibetan Information Network: www.tibetinfo.net. An excellent site for current events, which contains a number of downloadable studies of current conditions in Tibet. The Treasury of Lives: Biographies of Himalayan Religious Masters: www.tibetanlineages.org. Supported by the Shelley and Donald Rubin Foundation. A collection of biographies of eminent Tibetan religious figures, mostly based on English language sources. Word Dictionary: www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php. A well-designed dictionary of Chinese, which has an extensive database; it can seamlessly handle either traditional or simplified characters and automatically converts them.

Tibetan-Language Works Ba ku la Rin po che Thub bstan mchog nor. Garland of White Lotuses: A Religious Autobiography (Rang rnam padma dkar po’i phreng ba). Leh: Bakula Foundation, 2001. Blo bzang dpal ldan ye shes, 3rd Paṇ chen bla ma. Grub pa’i gnas chen po shambhala’i rnam bshad ’phags yul gyi rtogs brjod dang bcas pa ngo mtshar bye ba’i ’byung gnas [Complete Description of the Place of Perfection, Shambhala: A Lyrical Description of This Perfect Land Together with a Description of How It Came into Being]. rJe btsun blo bzang dpal ldan ye shes dpal bzang po’i gsung ’bum, vol. 10, Tashilhunpo Edition. New Delhi: Chode Tashilhunpo Society, 1978. bLo bzang ’phrin las, Dung dkar Rin po che. Bod kyi chos srid zung ’brel skor bshad pa. Beijing: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1981. English trans. Chen Guansheng: The Merging of Religious and Secular Rule In Tibet. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991. bSod nams grags pa, Paṇ chen. bKa’ gdams gsar rnying gi chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan [Ornament for the Mind: Ecclesiastic History of the Old and New Scriptures and Precepts Orders]. Lha sa: Bod ljongs bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 2001. ———. Deb ther dmar po gsar ma [New Red Annals]. Lha sa: Bod ljongs mi dmangs dpe skrun khang, 1989. bSod nams rgyal mtshan, bLa ma dam pa. rGyal rabs gsal ba’i me long [Clear Mirror of Royal Genealogies]. Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center W00KG9730. bsTan rgyal bzang po, sPa ston. bsTan pa’i rnam bshad dar rgyas gsal ba’i sgron me [Lamp that Illuminates the Expansion of the Teachings]. Beijing: Krung go’i bod kyi shes rig dpe skrun khang, 1991. bsTan rgyas karma nes don. Chos rje Karma pa sku ’phreng rim byon gyi rnam thar mdor bsdus dpag bsam khri shing [Wish Fulfilling Tree: Condensed Biographies of

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About the Authors

John Powers is a research professor in the Alfred Deakin Institute for Citizenship and Globalization at Deakin University, Australia. He received a PhD in Buddhist studies from the University of Virginia in 1991. He has spent more than 30 years engaged in research in various locations in Asia, including parts of the Tibetan Plateau, the Indian Himalayas, Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim. He is the author of 18 books and more than 100 articles and book chapters. His books include The Buddha Party: How the People’s Republic of China Works to Define and Control Tibetan Buddhism (2017), A Bull of a Man: Images of Masculinity, Sex, and the Body in Indian Buddhism (2008), Introduction to Tibetan Buddhism (second edition, 2007), and History as Propaganda: Tibetan Exiles versus the People’s Republic of China (2004). His interest in Tibetan religion and culture was sparked by a chance encounter with the Dalai Lama in Toronto in 1983, which helped alter his research focus from Indian Buddhist philosophy to the interface between India and Tibet. Since then, his interests have expanded into history, human rights issues, environmental history, and gender. He has a particular interest in official discourses that attempt to sway popular opinion and how these are resisted by their target audiences. David Templeman is a research fellow in the China Studies Research Centre at La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia. He first encountered Tibetan ideas in 1965 in Colorado when he read the Tibetan Book of the Dead. The profound impression the work made was reinforced when he met Tibetans in Nepal in 1967 and decided to study their culture in more depth. He worked in Dharamsala at the former Tibetan Nursery in 1969 and 1970 and studied the fundamentals of Tibetan language and history with various scholars there. Throughout his nearly 30 years as a secondary school teacher in Melbourne, David continued to translate and published several Tibetan texts and presented papers at many International Association of Tibetan Studies seminars. Over the past 10 years, he has published seven books and more than 40 peer-reviewed articles. 793

794 • About the Authors

As a retirement project, David completed a doctoral degree on the life of the 16th–17th-century Tibetan religious figure Tāranātha at Monash University in 2008 and has recently completed a translation of Tāranātha’s autobiography. He continues to pursue his research on so-called later Indian Buddhism and those who believed they kept its traditions alive.