Hippos - Sussita of the decapolis : the first twelve seasons of excavations 2000-2011. Vol. 1 9789657547038

Citation preview

HIPPOS - SUSSITA OF THE DE CAPOLIS

ARTHUR SEGAL MICHAEL EISENBERG JOLANTAMLYNARC2YK MARIUSZ BURDAJEWICZ MARK SCHULER THE ZINMAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY UNIVERSITY OF HAIFA, MOUNT (ARMEL, ISRAEL

Hippos - Sussita of the Decapolis The First Twelve Seasons of Excavations 2000-2011 Volume 1

•

Prof. Arthur Segal The Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Israel

Dr. Michael Eisenberg The Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Israel

Prof. Jolanta Mlynarczyk Polish Academy of Sciences, Warsaw, Poland

Dr. Mariusz Burdajewicz The National Museum, Warsaw, Poland

Prof. Mark Schuler Department of Religion and Theology, Concordia University, St. Paul, MN, USA

With contributions by Dr. Nurit Shtober-Zisu, Department of The Land of Israel Studies, University of Haifa, Israel Prof. Estee Dvorjetski, Oxford Brookes University, UK Mrs. Victoria Mesistrano, Department of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Israel Dr. Stephen Chambers, Concordia Lutheran Seminary, Edmonton, Canada Prof. Adam Eajtar, Department of Papyrology, Institute of Archaeology, University of Warsaw, Poland Mr. Ariel Berman, Kiryat Tiveon, Israel Mrs. Ewa Radziejowska, The National Museum, Warsaw, Poland Ms. Julia Burdajewicz, Warsaw, Poland

•

The Zinrnan Institute of Archaeology University of Haifa, Israel

-

IDl'T llJ"U i1 1ll':>IN 1JlN':> IIJDi1

~

THE ZINMAN INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY •

Published by

The Zinman Institute of Archaeology University of Haifa, Mount Carmel Haifa 3498838 ISRAEL

>~

~~

[email protected]. il http://hippos.haifa.ac. il ~

Design and Layout: Anat Regev Gisis

ISBN 978-965-7547-03-8

10071:>ltJ6~ © 2013 The Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Israel

Printed by Gestelit Haifa Ltd., Haifa, Israel Reprinted 2014

Contents Introduction .. ..... ................... .

······ ···•· ··· •····•· ···· ······· ···· ·· ········· ·················•········••···•············ ····• •···•· ··•·····••·········•··••··· 4

Arthur Segal and Michael Eisenberg

Research History ................................................................. ..... .. ... ...... ...... ............... ... ....................................................... .12 Arthur Segal

Bibliography

····•····•····•····•·····••····· ···•··• •··· ···················•········ ······ ···· ·····•· •·· ····· 18

Compiled by Arthur Segal

Excavation Methods and Research Tools ................... .......................... ......... .......... ................ .......... ......... ....... ... .. ..... .... ..... 24 Michael Eisenberg

The Geographical, Geological and Geomorphological Settings of the Sussita Region ....... .......... ................................... .34 Nurit Shtober-Zisu

"City mostly of non-Jews, such as this Sussita": The Historical Geography of Sussita-Antiochia Hippos-Qal'at el-I:Iu$n .. ..40 Estee Dvorjetski

Urban plan and city landscape .............................. .. .......................................................................... ................................... 64 .\rthur Segal

Military Architecture .... ..... ... ....... .. .................. ...................................... .... .... ....... .... ............................ .

···• ···· •···· ··· ···· 86

\1ichael Eisenberg

Hellenistic Sanctuary ......... ..... .. ... ..................... ............. ............. ........................ ....... ................. ......... ...... .... ...................... 128 ..\rthur Segal

Forum ............. .. ... .. ...... .. .... ....... ..... ........... ............... ........ .. ........... ... .. ............... ......... .... ....... ... ... .. ... ... ...... .... ...... .... .. ............. 148 \·ictoria Mesistrano

Basilica ......... .......... ... ...... ........ ....................................................... ............ .. ......... ... ... ... .... ......... .. ........ .......... .. .... .. .. .. ... ... .... 164 ..\rthur Segal

Odeion ... .... ............. ........ ..................... .. .. .. ....... ................. ......... ........ .... ... ............ ........ ....... ... ............ .... ... ...... .. ... .. ........ ...... 182 .-\rthur Segal

The Northwest Church Complex ..

·········· ·· ···· ··· ········· ·· ······ ····· ········•···•·········· 194

Jolan ta Mlynarczyk and Mariusz Burdajewicz

The Northeast Church and Northeast Insula Project ............. ...... .. .......... .. .... ................ .. ................................................ 218 ~lark Schuler

Window Glass Finds in the Northeast Church ................... .

·· •··· ••······ ··· ·· ······ ·· ·· ······ ·· ··· ········•· ··· ·············· ···· ···••·· 242

Sterhen Chambers

Greek Inscriptions .... .. ...................................................... ......... ..................... .......... .... .. .. ... ........ ... .... ...... ..... .. ... .... ..... . 250 Adam Lajtar

The Coin Finds of Hippos-Sussita ..... ... .... .. .. ... ........ ........ ........... ....... ... ........ ....... ...... ..... ..... .... .......... ................... .... 278 And Berman

Conservation . .............. ..... ........ ....... ...... ................... .................... .. .................... ... ............................................................ 302 E-.-a Radziejowska and Julia Burdajewicz

list of Figures .. ............ ..... ..... ... .... ...... ... .... ......... ..... .. .. .. ................. ..... .... ......

... ....... ...... .... ...... .... ........ .......... .. .. ... .312

List of Contributors ... ............... ..... ... .. .... .. .... .... ...... .. ......... ............ ............. ...... ...... ... ... ................... .... .. .... .. ... .. ... ........ .. ..... 323

Introduction Arthur Segal and Michael Eisenberg

INTRODUCTION

Fig. 1

have trained scores of young archaeologists who are gaining experience in supervising the different excavation areas while also being engaged in writing their masters or doctoral theses on subjects connected with the exposure of these areas. This combination between field work and theoretical research ensures the best guidance for these graduate students in archaeological excavation and research work. We wish to stress here that all twelve excavation seasons at Hippos-Sussita have been conducted as study excavations for archaeology students at Haifa University as well as for the volunteer students, mostly from abroad, who participated in the digs.

Satellite photo of Northern Israel.

At

the end of July 2011 the twelfth season

of excavations in Sussita ended. Although we intend to continue excavating at this site for many more years to come, we decided that it would be appropriate at the conclusion of the fairly long period of twelve years to publish an interim report with the aim of presenting our colleagues and the general public with all that has so far been done in the various excavation sites. Since work at the sites that we have been excavating since the year 2000 is not yet complete, we naturally feel a certain discomfort in trying to present the amalgam of building complexes still in the process of being exposed. Yet, despite the problems faced in composing this interim report, we believe that the value in publishing such extensive and fascinating material outweighs the deficiencies and limitations caused by the fact that these areas have only been partially excavated. At the end of every season, beginning with

first one in 2000 and ending with the eventh one in the summer of 2010, we meticulously published a comprehensive report. These reports included a detailed description of the areas excavated during that season as well as a summary of the various q,igraphic, numismatic and pottery finds. also reported fully on all the parallel rvation activities that took place during excavation work. The present report does attempt to be a short summary version those previously published. Our aim er to document the situation at the £1"1::cnration site as it appears today at the the twelfth season, to analyze the character of Hippos-Sussita against

the background of the other Decapolis cities and to learn more about their cultural characteristics. We have not been unaware, during the course of our excavations, of the continual exposure of neighboring cities such as Beth Shean (Scythopolis), Gerasa, Abila and Gadara. Surely no one can disagree that the parallel exposure of five main cities within a region of such unique characteristics as the Decapolis region with its thoroughly Hellenized Semitic population offers us a rare opportunity to learn about their urban culture. To this encounter between Semitic traditions and Greek culture we may add the powerful influence of Roman urban architecture, all of which combined together portray the particular urban-architectural character of the Decapolis region. The material included in this interim report was written and edited mainly by members of the expedition, which is actually composed of three teams: Israeli, Polish and American. Other participants in preparing the report were the excavation area supervisors, mostly consisting of research students of the Archaeology Department at Haifa University. We are also proud to say that our excavations

Fig. 2

The few summarizing chapters in this report, such as those on epigraphic, numismatic or artistic finds, have been written by experts in the field who are not members of the expedition teams.

The Expedition Teams Professor Arthur Segal and Dr. Michael Eisenberg of the Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, are the directors of the Israeli team. The Polish team, which joined the expedition since the first season (in 2000), is headed by Professor Jolanta Mlynarczyk of the Research Centre for Mediterranean Archaeology at the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw and Dr. Mariusz Burdajewicz of the National Museum in Warsaw. In the summer of 2008, at the end of nine excavation seasons, the Polish team completed the excavation of the Northwest Church complex (NWC). The American team headed by Professor Mark Schuler of Concordia University in St. Paul, Minnesota, USA, has been with us since the third season (Summer 2002). This team has already completed the exposure of the

Arthur Segal (left) and Michael Eisenberg.

5

ARTHUR SEGAL & MICHAEL EISENBERG

Fig. 3

Jolanta Mlynarczyk.

Fig. 5

Mark Schuler.

Northeast Church (NEC) and has continued thereafter with further excavation work in the insula extending to the east and south of the church (NIP). Here we should like to thank these two teams from abroad, the one from Poland that has already completed its excavations and the American one that is continuing to excavate with us in close-knit and effective cooperation. There is no doubt that such cooperation, interchange of ideas and crossfertilization has contributed greatly to the success of the excavation project.

Team Members As in all such complex and broad-ranging projects, the directors of the expedition teams

6

Fig. 6

Ewa Radziejowska (left) and Julia Burdajewicz.

were assisted by a number of experts in various fields. For the first five seasons, the architect of the expedition was Mr. Ma'ayan Ralbag and the architect for the sixth season was Ms. Nili Dothan. The role was carried on by Mr. Brian Cannon as architect for the seventh and eighth seasons. The surveyors, Mr. Dov Porotski and Mr. Viatcheslav Pirsky, served as architects of the expedition during the ninth and tenth seasons, while the engineer, Ms. Tatiana Meltsen was the architect during the eleventh and twelfth seasons. Professor Jolanta Mlynarczyk served as the pottery expert for the expedition for the first ten seasons, while Dr. Arie Lev Kapitaikin was responsible for the treatment of pottery finds during the eleventh and twelfth seasons. The coin finds were handled by Mr. Ariel Berman throughout the twelve excavation seasons in Hippos-Sussita.

Fig. 7

The names of the area supervisors who excavated with us during the years 20002011 are, in alphabetical order: Mr. Ran Abramovitch, Ms. Bella Bordman, Ms. Adi Golan, Mr. Eyal Dan, Mr. Ran Vizen, Ms. EmiliaJastrzebska, Mr. Stas Mumladze, Ms. Victoria Mesistrano, Ms. Ranin Noufi, Ms. Zeruya Panet-Nahari, Dr. Vered Raz-Romeo, Dr. Kate Raphael and Mr. Amit Rosenblum. Excavations of the scale carried out at Hippos-Sussita require a firm logistical basis and efficient management. The role of administrator is a complex and highly responsible one and its management during the past twelve seasons has been assigned to a number of persons who faithfully performed their work and contributed significantly to the success of the excavations. The names of the administrataros for the various excavation

Aerial photograph showing the excavation areas.

,,ho

000Ran Adi Ms. Ms. Ms. neo, um. t at ical role ;hly ring toa ned y to ~s of tion

reas.

ARTHL"R SEG.-1.L & \IICHAEL EISENBERG

seasons listed alphabetically are as follows: Mr. Sharon David, Mr. Edmund Mariane, Mr. Reuel Meged, Mr. ltamar Mitler, Mr. Ofer Nahari, Mr. Arseny Shikham, Mr. Yossi Silbiger and Mr. Yuval Somekh. We also extend our thanks to Dr. Rebecca Toueg who has translated and edited several chapters in the annual reports as well as in this interim report, for her careful and competent work.

Conservation Teams An appendix concerning conservation was published already in the report for the second season (Summer 2001 ). Since then, in each annual report, a detailed summary was given of the conservation activities conducted in the various excavation areas and also of the conservation of archaeological finds. These finds were given initial treatment immediately after exposure, first in the area and then in the Kibbutz Ein-Gev laboratory. Subsequent treatment of the finds was carried out at the Zinman Institute of Archaeology laboratories at Haifa University.

During the first three seasons (2000-2002) Mr. Kimi-Elyakim Maman, senior conservator of the National Parks Authority, served as chief conservator for all three teams of the expedition with the assistance of students and volunteers. From the fourth season (2003) onwards the expedition was joined by Mrs. Ewa Radziejowska, senior conservator of the National Museum in Warsaw and by Ms. Julia Burdajewicz, a graduate of the Faculty of Art Conservation and Restoration of the Academy of Fine Arts in Warsaw.

During the eleventh and twelfth season, the conservation teams were supplemented by students of the Conservation Department of the Western Galilee College in Acre. The initiative to include students in conservation work at the excavation site was made by Dr. Nadav Kashtan, head of the Conservation Department of the Western Galilee College. The integration of these students with the more veteran conservators and their contribution to the conservation work proved to be most valuable.

the place where most of the larger building complexes could be exposed. The walls of some of these complexes could already be seen protruding above the surface before the excavations, making it possible to choose the areas that seemed most promising. The shape of the two churches, the Northwestern and Northeastern ones, could be easily traced even before excavation, which made their exposure much easier, mainly in the earlier stages of work.

In 2011, the Archaeology Department at Haifa University set up a conservation study track for the M.A. degree. Students in this track who joined the conservation teams thus had the opportunity to gain direct experience of work and study at a conservation site. The cumulative benefit of integrating conservation students from the Western Galilee College with students from the conservation track at Haifa University was evident and it is the intention of the expedition team to continue doing so in the coming seasons.

Excavation Procedures

Excavation Areas Out of the twelve areas that have so far been excavated, nine were done by the Israeli team: ◊ ◊ ◊

◊ ◊

◊ ◊ ◊

Mr. Amir Genach, a senior conservator of the National Parks Authority, participated in various conservation activities during a number of seasons. In the summer of 2009, Mr. Mustafa Bakir, a senior conservator from Turkey, assisted by Mrs. Avivit Lago-Kidron, also worked with us for one excavation season. As the seasons progressed and excavation work increased, conservation activities were expanded and improved, with additional conservators from Israel and abroad coming to join the senior conservators of the expedition.

8

From the first season, our excavation work has been conducted in the form of a study excavation. To a great extent, this dictated the daily agenda and procedures. Work in the areas was carried out in the morning hours (0500-1200) and supplementary activities were held during the afternoon hours (17001900) including the cataloguing of finds, mainly pottery and the conservation of small finds. Lectures were also given by members of the three teams of the expedition and by a few guest lecturers.

◊

The Hellenistic Sanctuary The Forum area including the temple for the imperial cult (kalybe) The Basilica The Odeion The East Gate and its immediate environs Sections of the fortifications on the south and north sides of the city The Southern Bathhouse The Southwest Church The decumanus maximus

As said earlier, the Polish team excavated the Northwest Church Complex (NWC), while the American team exposed the Northeast Church Complex (NEC) and continued their exposure of the insula that extends to the east of the church (NIP). These bring the number of areas to a total of twelve. A glance at the city plan shows clearly that most of the excavation areas are located in the urban centre of Hippos-Sussita around the forum . This is not surprising, since the excavators wished to focus their efforts on

Kibbutz Ein-Gev The peculiar shape of the Sussita Mountain is clearly visible against the background of lower hills that surround the eastern bank of Lake Kinneret (Sea of Galilee). Kibbutz Ein-Gev was founded in 1937 on the shores of this lake, at the foot of the Sussita Mountain, by pioneers from Germany, Austria and the Baltic states. The lands of the kibbutz were part of the agricultural hinterland, the "hora" (XWQa) of Hippos-Sussita. Remains of the two ancient ports of the city can also be found within the kibbutz area. Members of the kibbutz are well aware of the close affinity of their collective settlement to the ancient site on the mountain that rises behind them to a height of 350m above the level of the lake. When we decided to find a place suitable to base our expedition, the natural choice was Kibbutz Ein-Gev, which ever since the first season (in the year 2000) has very generously provided us with the residential quarters and storehouses we required. All the supplementary activities in the afternoon, the processing of finds and the lectures, have been held within the kibbutz area.

INTRODUCTION

ling Is of ~ be

!the !the tape and iced heir rlier

·ork 1dy

the the ,urs ties 700tds, nall >ers l by

:ain

I of mk

utz sof 3.in, md

utz

the ins Jso ers

:>Se the ind

I of

3.Ce iral

nee ~ry tial

the :>n, ive Fig. 8

Aerial photograph of the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee showing (A) Kibbutz Ein-Gev, (B) ancient main harbor and (C) Ein-Gev Holiday Resort.

9

Kibbutz members ha,·e shown great interest in the exca,·ation work and some have even worked willingly with the students and other volunteers during the excavation seasons. This publication, summing up twelve seasons of excavation, is a good opportunity to thank the members of Kibbutz Ein-Gev for their help and support of our project.

National Parks Authority (NPA) The Sussita Mountain is situated in the centre of the Sussita National Park (declared in 1969) which is located within the area of the Sussita Nature Reserve (declared in 2004). This made it necessary for the excavators to give special consideration to all matters concerning work procedures in order to minimize the damage caused by excavation work to the flora and fauna of the area and to the landscape in general. The main problem is of course the removal of earth piled up after exposure of the various building complexes. This problem was solved through excellent cooperation between the National Parks Authority and the expedition teams which have made every

effort not to harm the vegetation and animal life in the area, while the NPA displayed great consideration of the special needs of the excavation project. The National Parks Authority is in fact the only state institution that offers us various types of assistance during the excavation seasons and also in inter-seasonal periods. This assistance includes the use of certain mechanical implements, conservation, fencing, path marking, supervision and ongoing maintenance between one season and another. Our thanks are also due to the architect Zeev Margalit, director of the Conservation and Development Section and Dr. Tsvika Tsuk, director of the Archaeology Section and other members of the Authority for their help and support. They have kept close touch with our excavation work ever since it began and show great interest in all that occurs in the area. Without their goodwill and frank enthusiasm, our project could not have been carried out. We would like to mention here Mr. Nissim Mazig who was charged by the National

Parks Authority with overseeing several archaeological sites on the eastern bank of the Kinneret, including Hippos-Sussita. We are grateful to him for his extensive involvement in all matters relating to the continued maintenance of the site between the various excavation seasons.

Acknowledgements An archaeological excavation of the scale and size of Hippos-Sussita is a complicated and expensive operation that requires cooperation and coordination among many bodies and institutions. The project is conducted under the direction of the Zinman Institute of Archaeology, Haifa University. Without the logistical and financial support of this Institute in professional manpower, laboratories, electronic equipment and car transport, our excavations could not have been launched. The excavation site is located at a great distance from the university at the top of a high mountain which is part of a national park. During excavation days the excavators reside at Kibbutz Ein-Gev

INTRODUCTION

eral ank ;ita. ;ive the ·een

:ale 1ted ires any t is nan ;ity.

)Ort ver, car ave 1ted { at >art ays ;ev

which serves as the base for the expedition. These facts are sufficient to indicate the considerable logistical difficulty involved in organizing the expedition and in its daily management. Needless to say, preparations for each season must begin several months before it commences and much work remains to be done after it ends, such as the processing of finds and writing up the report that we endeavor to publish a few months after the season ends. All this involves much organizational and mental effort.

Assistance of a different kind was received from Mr. Avraham Graicer, who carried out many aerial surveys of the excavation site by flying his private plane over the Sussita Mountain at the end of each season. His excellent aerial photographs, which are important research tools, were not only published in our annual reports but also in various journals, thus enabling the general public to become aware of our project.

Conclusion The Hippos-Sussita project is a university research enterprise and is therefore conducted first and foremost with the aid of the university authorities. Our expedition team has been granted the support and assistance of various university bodies, primarily that of the Faculty of Humanities and the Research Authority. The offices of the President and Rector of Haifa University have also extended their help, mainly in financing the publication of the excavation reports for each season. Further assistance has been received from private sources such as the Association for the Land of Israel Studies in Haifa, as well as a number of private individuals in Israel and abroad. We have carefully noted the names of these contributors in our annual excavation reports and thanked them for their generous donations.

Fig. 9

We hope that the day is not far off when our excavation project will receive recognition as a national project and be granted the appropriate state support as has been given to other excavation enterprises such as Zippori (Sepphoris), Beth Shean (Scythopolis) or Caesarea. The undersigned believe that what has so far been unearthed at the site of HipposSussita, the quality of the finds, in addition to the natural features of the location, should be sufficient to justify state investments that would lead to an expansion of the excavation project and turn Hippos-Sussita into an attractive archaeological site with crowds of visitors. Its superb state of preservation, its impressive building complexes and the wealth of finds that have been discovered each season, all testify that we have here one of the most fascinating and beautiful sites in Israel.

(left) Entrance sign to the Sussita National Park.

Hippos-Sussita is situated in close proximity to a juxtaposition of the borders between Israel, the Kingdom of Jordan and Syria. The region of the Decapolis, to which HipposSussita belongs, extends over the areas of these three countries. Our excavations in Hippos-Sussita are paralleled by ongoing excavations being conducted in other Decapolis cities such as Kanawat in Syria or Gadara, Gerasa and Abila in Jordan. Even if, at this time of writing, the possibility of cooperation between these three countries is still a dream, we are convinced that the day will come when the Decapolis region will be a wide-ranging international park with ten impressive archaeological sites representing one of the most fascinating periods in the long history of the Graeco-Roman East.

Professor Dr. Arthur Segal Dr. Michael Eisenberg The Zinman Institute of Archaeology University of Haifa

11

Research History Arthur Segal

RESEARCH HISTORY

G

ottlieb Schumacher was the first

among the European researchers in the modem period to conduct a comprehensive archaeological survey in Hippos. A report of the survey he conducted in 1885 was published a short while after his tour of the Golan, and it was accompanied by a schematic plan of the site and a few sketches of the architectural items he found in the area. 1 Schumacher identified the site as Gamla, basing himself on the resemblance that existed, in his opinion, between the features of the site and the descriptions of Josephus. At the same time he was conscious of the problem that derived from the very name of the site, Qal'at el-J:Iu~n, which means the 'fortress of the horse'. At the end of the brief chapter devoted to the site he notes that he is aware of the existence of a city called Hippos. Yet he did not retract his identification of the place as Gamla. 2 The description of the site as given by Schumacher is quite general and focuses mainly on its physical aspects. Schumacher noticed the remains of buildings at the east end of the saddle ridge which he realized were burial structures. He described the sarcophagi scattered over the ridge and also made a few sketches of them. He noted the existence of a ditch and described a structure to the west of it which he identified as a gate. Of the latter, by the way, no trace remains today. Schumacher marked down the sections of fortification walls that were well preserved, mainly in the southern part of the city. The order of his descriptions for the ruins of the

Fig. 11

Pl an o £

JKiU!III~ ll!L--llC1IJ"D' BY

GOTTLIEB SOHllMACHER..C.E. June 1885. Scale of' YIU'ds

_,ff

Fig. 10

lQOTSQO :,,Osgoegozgoeoo990

Hippos' city plan (ignore the incorrect scale).

city itself is from east to west, beginning with

the East Gate which is followed by that of the main paved street extending to the western end of the city. According to Schumacher, the western slopes of the city were protected by a double wall and a tower that rose up near

the West Gate. In the center of the city he noticed the large water reservoir and noted the existence of a large structure west of the reservoir which had a niche carved into its eastern fa-;ade. Schumacher suggested identifying this structure as a synagogue

Sussita Mountain as seen from the Sea of Galilee (1945).

1.

G. Schumacher, The /au/an, London 1888, p. 194-206, figs 82-100. The city plan faces p.195. One should take note that probably due to some technical fault the scale published here is about four times larger than it should be. This error in scale size was unfortunately shifted into several previous publications dealing with Hippos.

2.

Schumacher was indeed the first modem researcher who surveyed the site, but about ten years earlier, Clermont-Ganneau devoted a short article dealing with the identification of Hippos and the origin of its name. See: C. Clermont-Ganneau, "The Site of Hippos", PEF QSt 1875 p. 214-218. Smith and Dalman denied the

13

ARTHCR SEG.-\L

The remains of this road have been almost completely obliterated when an asphalt road was paved here after the Six Day War. Another important piece of information is related to the western city gateway. The brief verbal description of the gate is accompanied by a schematic but clear sketch. And here, again, this gate was severely damaged during the fortification works conducted by the IDF at the beginning of the 1950s. 6

IU "J,n1

Fig. 13

D'll,ao n,,o n,,,,::a

n,~,i:,

Fig. 12

Front cover of Sussita booklet.

or as a 'Place of Justice'. Throughout his survey he emphasized the many architectural items strewn on the surface, among which he also noticed the basalt drums of the stone water-conduit which are the sole surviving segments of the 25 km. long Hippos aqueduct. In 1937, the kibbutz of Ein Gev was founded by pioneers from the Baltic States, Austria and Germany. The members of the kibbutz were not indifferent to the fact that their settlement lay at the foot of an ancient city. A number of kibbutz members, who will be mentioned later, were to become participants in the surveys and even the excavations that were conducted over the years. 3 Among them were Claire Epstein and Mendel Nun (Neustadt), whose activities on the site would significantly contribute to research on Hippos. M. Nun, who was among the first to excavate at the site, devoted himself over

IDF reserve soldiers at leisure in Hippos post.

the years to researching the Kinneret (Sea of Galilee), but also gave considerable attention to the area surrounding Hippos, especially to the remains of two ancient harbors found in the area between the kibbutz and the holiday resort south of it. 4 During the British Mandate very little archaeological activity was conducted at Hippos. 5 This mainly consisted of brief surveys and inspections. The Mandatory Archive contains a file on the site which appears for some reason under four different spellings (Qal'at el Hisn, Qal'et el Hisn, Qal'at el Husn and Qala'at El-Husn). The names Hippos or Sussita are not mentioned at all. The file contains the reports of two antiquities inspectors, N. Makholy and D. Baramki. The name of the latter appearing only once (in the year 1932). All the other reports are by Makholy. These brief reports cover the period between 1931 and 1946 and deal mainly with traces of excavation robbery which the inspectors noted in several places on the site. In only two cases is there any significance in the information found in the Mandatory files. The first case deals with the Roman road which runs from the plain near the lake, rises eastward and passes along the foot of the southern slope of the Sussita Mountain.

Between the years 1948-1967 Hippos was a highly important military outpost for the Israeli army on the Syrian border. The soldiers manning the outpost first lived in the caves and water reservoirs they had located on the mountain. From 1949 till 1953 two permanent structures were set up on the mountain top. The building to the north of the decumanus maximus, the main street of Hippos, served as the living quarters, while the one on the south side was used as a kitchen and dining hall .7 Both buildings were made of reinforced concrete overlaid with basalt stones. The other structures that were erected on the mountain were of lighter materials and most of them were dismantled when the outpost was evacuated in 1967. The two concrete buildings, on the other hand, have remained in place until today and there is no intention of dismantling them. Instead, they have been put at the disposal of the archaeological expedition and will be operated at the site when it is opened to the general public. In spite of the clear and conscious recognition by the outpost planners that they were working in an archaeological site, the very erection of these permanent quarters, the digging of positions and communication trenches and the piling up of ramparts on both sides of the decumanus maximus, have all

identification of Sussita Mountain (Qal'at el-Husn) with Gamla and explicitly state that this site should be identified with Hippos. See G. A. Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy La11d, London 1894, p. 459,594,597 and 602; G. Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways, London 1935, p. 170. 3.

See the Bibliography chapter.

4.

M. Nun, Sea of Galilee: Newly Discovered Harbors from New Testament Days, Ein Gev 1989; M. Nun, The Sea of Galilee and Its Fishermen in the New Testament, Ein Gev 1989; M. Nun, "Cast your Net upon the Waters: Fish and Fishermen in Jesus' Time", Biblical Archaeology Review 19(6] (1993), p. 46-56, 70; M. Nun, Sea of Kinneret: A Monograph, Jerusalem 2010, p. 82-84 (Reprinted from the first edition and published in 1977) (Hebrew). It should be noted here that M. Nun had already published in 1951 a booklet of 70 pages on the history of the city and its ruins. This modest booklet is in fact the first publication devoted entirely to the subject of Hippos.

5.

The Mandatory Archive is kept today at the IAA Archive, Rockefeller Museum, Jerusalem.

6.

See the chapter on Military Architecture.

7.

The outpost with its various military installations including the two buildings mentioned above, were planned by the architect A. Thau who had served at that time as the engineering officer of the Northern Command. Dr. M. Eisenberg and I held a meeting with Architect Thau in 2003, who kindly agreed to show us the various plans associated with the building and fortifications work on the mountain. According to him all the building work there was carried out with maximum care and effort to minimize damage to the antiquities as far as this was possible. While erecting these two buildings, the IDF builders did not use the ancient building stones found at the site.

14

RESEARCH HISTORY

10st ,alt Var. n is ,rief tied ere, ring

IDF

as a the liers 1ves the 1ent top.

mus ved the ting :ced The the nost :,ost rete ned tion >een ical site

tion rere rery the tion ; on e all

caused damage to the site that is still visible today in various locations in Hippos. .'.'Jevertheless, the erection of the outpost also led to archaeological activity at the site. This was not an initiated enterprise but merely salvage excavations. While the foundations for the two concrete buildings were being dug, two building complexes of the Byzantine period were exposed. The excavation of these two complexes was begun in the summer of 1949 and continued with interruptions until 1952. The excavators were R. Amiram, M. Dothan, M. Avi-Yonah, A. Schulman and E. Anati. 8 The northernmost of the two complexes was only partially excavated to expose the eastern part of a prayer hall of the threeapsidal church and a series of adjoining rooms. The site was covered over at the end of the excavation and what is visible on the surface today is only a small section of an apse that protrudes south of the southern wall of the IDF residential building. The excavation of the southern complex begun in the summer of 1952. The complex that was partially exposed as well is located west of the IDF kitchen and dining room. This complex proved to be an impressive structure that included a single-apse church with a baptistery on its north side. Unlike the northern complex, the southern one was not covered over but has been left exposed. 9 In the framework of the archaeological activities on the mountain top, an urban survey was also conducted with the participation of R. Amiran, C. Epstein, B. Shimron, M. Nun (Neustadt) and his brother

)S.

The southern of the two IDF buildings erected on the mountain.

M. Neustadt. The surveyors wished to examine the remains of the ancient city in relation to the urban plan of the city that had previously been drawn up by G. Schumacher during his survey of 1885.10 They detected a number of additional streets running in a north-south direction and intersecting with the main street which extended from east to west. This was a significant improvement on the urban plan Schumacher had prepared .11 The surveyors believed that the large stone structure with the niche that stood in the center of the city was a nymphaeum, contrary to the view of Schumacher who thought it could be a synagogue. They also noticed a paved section of the 'cardo' as they termed the main street of Roman Hippos. This section was located at the western end of the street, above the West Gate of the city, which they called the 'Sea Gate' .12 They noted as well the

ruins of an arch that had been erected over the main street of Hippos. Although they did not specify the location of the arch, it seems that they meant the remains of the two piers standing on either side of the decumanus maximus near the east side of the forum. 13

In 1952 the area of the East Gate of the city was also excavated. The excavator, A. Schulman, exposed the gate itself and the round tower on the south side of the gate .14 He also partially cleared the paved plaza that extended west of the gate and adjacent to it. 15 The documentation of the archaeological activities conducted in Hippos and the surrounding area during the 1950s and 1960s is deficient. The location of Hippos in close proximity to the Syrian border, which was then a sensitive one with routine shooting

..,

C. Epstein, B. Shimron, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel I (1949), p. 5-6 (Hebrew); idem, "Susita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel II (1950), p. 13 (Hebrew); idem, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel III (1951), p. 8-9 (Hebrew); A. Schulman, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI (1957), p. 30-31 (Hebrew); E. Anati, "Sussita", idem, p. 31-33 (Hebrew); M. Avi-Yonah, "An Inscription in the Capella of Susita", idem, p. 33 (Hebrew).

u

A. Schulman, "Susita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI (1957), p. 32 (Hebrew); C. Epstein and V. Tzaferis, "The Baptistery at SussitaHippos", Atiqot XX (1991), p. 89-94.

W.

See above, n. 1.

11.

C. Epstein, "Hippos (Sussita)", in E. Stern (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavationsin the Holy Land, Jerusalem 1993, vol. 2, p. 634-636. Note the city plan on p. 635.

1rical

Gev ret: A shed

Fig. 14

12..

R. Ami ran, C. Epstein, B. Shimron, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of the Antiquities of the State of Israel III (1951), p. 8-9 (Hebrew); C. Epstein, "Hippos (Sussita)", in E. Stern (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Jerusalem 1993, vol. 2, p. 634-636.

time rious ?and :ones

13. See the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape. g_

See the chapter on Military Architecture.

13. ..\. Schulman, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI(1957), p. 8-9 (Hebrew). See the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape.

15

ARTHCR SEGAL

to the inclusion of Sussita Mountain within a nature reserve area, researchers will be able not only to excavate within the city but also to examine and study the interrelations between the city and its cemeteries and also with its agricultural hinterland. There are not many such sites in our region that have been granted such favorable conditions such as these. 19

Fig. 15

trenches were filled in and what remained in the area were the two concrete-built structures described above.17

The excavation of the Southeast Church (the Cathedral) in 1952 was the last excavation conducted in Hippos until the beginning of the 1990s when the water supply system of Hippos was being researched and trial squares were dug all along the course of the stone pipe of the aqueduct. This was a joint research project of the Archaeology Institute of Tel Aviv University and of the Fachhochschule in Lubeck, Gerrnany.20 In the framework of this project, several sections of the aqueduct that brought water into Hippos were excavated. The researchers examined the course of the aqueduct from its starting point to its termination within the city itself. 21

In 1969 a national park with Sussita Mountain at its center was officially declared and in 2004 the establishment of the Sussita Nature Reserve was also announced. 18 The very inclusion of Sussita Mountain within the area of a national park and nature reserve has far-reaching implications with regard to the preservation of the existing state of the site and its immediate vicinity and the prevention of damage or construction of any kind. What is important is that this does not only concern the area of the city itself but also the extensive tracts of land around it. Thanks

At the beginning of 1999, I approached Prof. Vassilios Tzaferis who was then the Deputy Director of the Israel Antiquities Authority and informed him of my intention to conduct a multi-year research project in Hippos. Prof. Tzaferis recommended that before submitting a request for an excavation permit, a preliminary urban survey should be undertaken at the site in order to estimate correctly the scope and nature of the future project. A detailed urban survey was then conducted in the summer of 1999 as a preparatory stage for the opening of the

The Southeast Church (Cathedral). View from the west.

incidents, almost totally prevented any regular archaeological work. However, in the fields of Kibbutz Ein Gev which lies along the foot of the mountain, various finds were occasionally made that were brought to the kibbutz and exhibited in a few sites on the lawns of the settlement. An assortment of architectural items can be found on the central lawn near the dining hall. Unfortunately, in most cases, no documentation exists to indicate the exact spot where this or that item was found. 16 In 1967, at the end of the Six Day War, the outpost was evacuated and the army dismantled the various installations and positions. Some of the communication

16. Preserved in the archive of Kibbutz Ein Gev are photographs of some of the finds that were made during the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s in Hippos and its environs. We would like to thank Mr. Tzvi Mor, who is in charge of the kibbutz archive, for allowing us to examine the archive. Additional information can be found in the IDF and the Ministry of Defense Archive in Givataim. This archive contains the "Sussita File" 55/68 (1950-1958) which, among other things, contains the photographs that document the fortification activities on the mountain at the end of the 1940s and beginning of the 1950s. A study of this photographic material testifies to the scope of alterations in the site caused by the erection of the two permanent buildings, the digging of communication trenches and the piling up of ramparts. Finally, we should mention the existence of the Antiquities Authority Archive in the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem. This archive holds the "Sussita File" which contains all the information about the archaeological activities and surveys that have been conducted in Hippos since the period of the British Mandate. Also see above, notes 5 and 6. 17. See above, n. 7. 18.

Sussita National Park, with an area of 169,000 m2 was declared on December 18, 1969. The Sussita Nature Reserve, with an area of 508,600 m2 was announced on January 29, 2004.

19.

A glance at sites such as Caesarea, Beth Shean or Gerasa makes it clear how extremely difficult it is to research and excavate an archaeological site within the residential areas of a modem city. See here, Introduction chapter.

20. Research on the aqueduct of Hippos was conducted between the years 1992-1994. See Z. Meshel, Ts. Tsuk, H. Fahlbusch and Y. Peleg, The Water Supply System of Susita, Tel Aviv 1996; Ch. Ben David, "The Aqueducts of Hippos-Susita", in D. Amit, J. Patrich and Y. Hirschfeld (eds), The Aqueducts of Israel, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002, p. 199-206; Ts. Tsuk, Y. Peleg, H. Fahlbusch and Z. Meshel, "A New Survey of the Aqueducts of Hippos-Susita", in D. Amit, J. Patrich and Y. Hirschfeld (eds), The Aqueducts of Israel, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002, p. 207-209. See also the Bibliography chapter. 21. See the chapter on Water Supply System, Vol. II.

16

RESEARCH HISTORY

ithin 11 be , but ions also ~ are have such

(the 1tion ning stem trial ,e of ,as a logy fthe nthe nsof ppos .ined rting elf_21

first excavation season in Hippos which was planned to be held in July 2000. Taking part in the survey were myself, Jolanta Mlynarczyk of the Research Centre for Mediterranean Archaeology at the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw, Mariusz Burdajewicz of the National Museum in Warsaw and Michael Eisenberg, a research student in the Department of Archaeology, University of Haifa. 22

1

:hed 1 the lities 1tion !Ct in that ation .ould mate 1ture then as a f the

1s. We IDF \S that scope ly,we ins all notes

At the end of 1999 a request for an excavation permit was submitted and in July 2000 the first excavation season was opened. 23 From then until the summer of 2011, twelve excavations seasons have been held during the month of July and some went on for more than a month. Surveys and trial excavations of a limited extent were also held during the autumn and winter months. When the first excavation season opened (July 2000) the two teams, the Israeli and the Polish ones, began excavating Hippos. The Israeli team focused on exposing the central building complexes around the forum and also in the fortifications of the city. The list of building complexes that have so far been excavated or are still being excavated by the Israeli team is as follows: The forum area, the Hellenistic Sanctuary, the basilica, the odeion, the decumanus maximus, the east gate of the city, the Southwest Church, a few sections of the south and north walls of the city and the southern bathhouse complex. 24 The task of the Polish team was to expose the Northwest Church Complex (NWC). 25 Towards the third excavation season (Summer

22.

le

2002), another team joined the two teams mentioned above. This team was from the Department of Religion and Theology of Concordia University in St. Paul, Minnesota, USA, headed by Prof. Mark Schuler. The American team took upon itself the exposure of the Northeast Church Complex (NEC). 26

With the final exposure of the Northwest Church Complex (NWC) during the ninth excavation season (Summer 2008), the task of the Polish team was completed. This means that from the tenth season (Summer 2009) only two teams have been excavating in Hippos, the Israeli and the American teams. The area of excavation for the American team was recently expanded eastwards and after completing the excavation of the Northeast Church (NEC) it began the exposure of the insula that extends to the east and adjacent to the Northeast Church (NIP). Every excavation season that has so far been held in Hippos was conducted as a study excavation. This had broad-ranged implications for the character of the excavation itself and the nature of the supplementary activities provided during the afternoon and evening hours in the camping quarters of the team, in which the students were required to take an active part.

As the person who initiated and has led the Sussita Project for the first twelve excavation seasons (2000-2011), I look back with satisfaction at what has been achieved so far, but I am also well aware of how much more time and effort will be required in the coming seasons. Since the time for my retirement is close at hand, I know that I will no longer be a participant in the road ahead. But I am sure that Dr. Michael Eisenberg, who will be heading the project from the 13th season (July 2012) and onwards, is equipped with all that is necessary to lead the project for many more seasons to come.

Professor Dr. Arthur Segal Head of the Hippos-Sussita Excavation Project (2000-2011)

One of the outstanding aspects of the fact that the excavation in Hippos was a study excavation is the writing of original research based on the finds discovered in the excavation itself. So far five MA and PhD theses have been written and approved. Additional theses are still in their various stages of research and composition. 27

Because of the scope of this project, I requested that the Israeli team be allowed to co-opt colleagues from abroad. Dr. J. Ml:ynarczyk and Dr. M. Burdajewicz had been my partners in the archaeological project that I directed between 1986-1998 in the Hellenistic site in the area of Kibbutz Sha'ar- Ha' Amakim. The successful and effective partnership in that project led me to propose that they continue working together with me in this new project. They accepted my proposal and joined the project from the very first season in the summer of 2000. Mr. Eisenberg, who joined the project from the first season, continued to participate in every excavation season that has so far been conducted. Over the years he completed his MA thesis (2003) and also his PhD dissertation (2008), both of which dealt with various aspects of the military architecture of Hippos and in the Decapolis region (see below, n. 27). Today, Dr. Eisenberg is co-director with me in the management of the Sussita project.

23. The excavation permit holders from the 1st to the 12th season were Prof. Arthur Segal and Dr. Michael Eisenberg. 24.

These are the sites that have been fully exposed: the eastern section of the decumanus maximus, the forum, the east gate of the city, the Hellenistic Sanctuary and the odeion. See the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape, p.. See also the chapters on Forum, Basilica, Hellenistic Sanctuary and Odeion.

_:,,

r

See the chapter on Northwest Church Complex (NWC).

26.

See the chapter on Northeast Church Complex (NEC) and Northeast Insula Project (NIP).

27.

All the studies listed below were conducted under the supervision of Prof. Arthur Segal. M. Eisenberg, The Fortifications ofAntiochia-Hippos (Sussita) in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, Haifa University, Haifa 2003 [MAJ (Hebrew, English summary); idem, Military Architecture in the Region of the Decapolis during Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods, Haifa University, Haifa 2008 [PhD] (Hebrew, English summary); R. Linn, Risk-Assessment of an Archaeological Site as a Tool for its Conservation. Case Study: Sussita, Haifa University, Haifa 2009 [PhD] (Hebrew, English summary); A. Golan, Daily Life in Byzantine and Umayyad Sussita in the Light of the Pottery Finds, Haifa University, Haifa 2010 [MAJ (Hebrew, English summary); T. Backner, The Northeast Church of Hippos-Sussita: Attributes of a Pilgrims' Church, Haifa University, Haifa 2011 [MAJ (Hebrew, English summary).

:ed on .in the

;tem of Rhode chfeld

17

ibliography JJiled by Arthur Segal

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abbreviations AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research ADAJ Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan AJA

American Journal of Archaeology

JBL Journal of Biblical Literature

JRA JRS Journal of Roman Studies Levant Journal of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem LA Liber Annuus. Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, Jerusalem

Assaph Studies in Art History, Dept. of Art History, Tel-Aviv Univ.

Minerva International Review of Ancient Art and Archaeology

Atiqot Journal of the Israel Antiquities Authority

NEAEHL The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the HolyLand (English Edition), Jerusalem 1993

The Biblical Archaeologist BAIAS Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological ~ ~ ty BAR Biblical Archaeology Review BAR Int. Ser. British Archaeological Reports. International Series BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research DaM Damaszener Mitteilungen, DAI Damaskus DOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers EI Eretz-Israel: Archaeological, Historical and Geographical Studies ESI Excavations and Surveys in Israel IEJ Israel Exploration Journal

G. Schumacher, Abila of the Decapolis, London 1889.

Journal of Roman Archaeology

ARAM Periodical of Aram Society for SyroMesopotamian Studies

BA

The Golan and the Decapolis

PEQ Palestine Exploration Quarterly

G. A. Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, London 1894, p. 459, 594, 597 and 602 (Hippos), p. 593-608 (Chapter XXVIII: Greece over Jordan: The Decapolis). J. Crowfoot, Churches at Jerash, London 1931. G. Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways, London 1935, p. 168-171, 178-180, 200-202. C.H. Kraeling, Gerasa: City of the Decapolis, New Haven 1938. D. Amiran, "Revised Earthquakes-Catalogue of Palestine", IE] 1 (1951), p. 223-246. M. Avi-Yonah, The Holy Land from the Persian

to the Arab Conquests (536 B.C. to A.O. 640): A Historical Geography, Grand Rapids MI 1966. A. Ovadiah, Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land, Bonn 1970. Z. Yeivin, Survey of Settlements in Galilee and

PfilQ~ Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement

the Golan from the Period of the Mishnah in Light of the Sources, Jerusalem 1971 (Unpublished

QDAP Quarterly of the Department of the Antiquities of Palestine

R. Smith, Pella of the Decapolis vol. 1, The College of Wooster 1973.

RB Revue Biblique SCI Scripta Classica Israelica, Journal of the Israel Society for the Promotion of Classical Studies

PhD thesis) (Hebrew, English summary).

Th. S. Parker, "The Decapolis Reviewed", ]BL 94 (1975), p. 437-441. A. Spijkerman, The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia, Jerusalem 1978. A. McNicoll, R. Smith, B. Hennessy, Pella in

Jordan 1, Canberra 1982. Syria Revue d'art oriental et d'archeologie publiee par l'Institut frani;ais d'archeologie du Proche-Orient Topoi Topoi. Orient-Occident (Maison de l'Orient Mediterraneen, Lyon). ZDPV Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins

I. Browning, Jerash and the Decapolis, London 1982. V. Tzaferis, The Excavations of Kursi-Gergesa (Atiqot 16), Jerusalem 1983.

M. Avi-Yonah, The Jews under Roman and Byzantine Rule, Jerusalem 1984. A. Ovadiah and C. de Silva, Supplementum

to the Corpus of the Byzantine Churches in the Holy Land, Jerusalem 1984.

19

ARTHCR SEG.-\L

Y. Meshorer, City Coins of Eretz.-Israel and the Decapolis in the Roman Period, Jerusalem 1985. D. Urman, The Golan: A Profile of a Region during the Roman and Byzantine Periods, BAR Int. Ser. 269, Oxford 1985.

Y. Tsafrir and G. Foerster, "The Dating of the Earthquake of 'Sabbatical Year' of 749 C.E. in Palestine", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55 (1992), p. 231-235. D. Graf, "Hellenisation and the Decapolis",

York 1995. R. Gregg and D. Urman, Jews, Pagans and

Christians in the Golan Heights: Greek and other Inscriptions of the Roman and Byzantine Eras, Atlanta 1996.

ARAM 4 (1992), p.1-48. K. Russell, "The Earthquake Chronology of

Palestine and Northwest Arabia from the 2nd through the mid-8th century A.O.", BASOR 260 (1985), p. 37-59. M. Fuller, Abila Reports, St. Louis, Missouri 1986.

R. Khouri, Jerash: A Frontier City of the Roman East, London 1986. F. Zayadine, JerashArchaeological Project 19811983, Amman 1986.

R. Wenning, "Nabataeans in the Decapolis/ Coele Syria", ARAM 4 (1992), p. 79-99. A. Zeyedeh, "Urban Transformation in the Decapolis Cities of Jordan", ARAM 4 (1992), p. 101-115. E. Dvorjetski, "Medicinal Hot Springs in Eretz-Israel and in the Decapolis during the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods", ARAM 4 (1992), p. 425-449. G. Foerster and Y. Tsafrir, "Nysa-Scythopolis

Y. Turnheim, Architectural Decoration in Northern Eretz.-Israel in the Roman and Byzantine Periods, Tel-Aviv University, Tel-Aviv 1987 (Unpublished PhD thesis) (Hebrew, English summary). Z. U. Ma' oz and A. Killebrew, "Ancient Qasrin: Synagogue and Village", BA 51 (1988), p. 5-19. A. Raban, "The Boat from Migdal Nunia and the Anchorages of the Sea of Galilee from the Time of Jesus", The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration 17 [4] (1988), p. 311-329.

R. Smith and L. Preston Day, Pella of the Decapolis vol. 2, The College of Wooster 1989. M. Nun, The Sea of Galilee and Its Fishermen in the New Testament, Ein-Gev 1989. M. Nun, Sea of Galilee: Newly Discovered Harbors from New Testament Days, Ein-Gev 1989.

I. Geiger, "Local Patriotism in the Hellenistic Cities of Palestine", in A. Kasher, U. Rappaport and G. Fuks, Greece and Rome in Eretz. Israel: Collected Essays, Jerusalem 1990, p. 141-150. H. Dodge, "The Architectural Impact of Rome in the East", in M. Hoenig (ed.), Architecture and Architectural Sculpture in the Roman Empire, Oxford 1990, p. 108-120. A. McNicoll et al., Pella in Jordan 2, Sydney 1992.

20

in the Roman Period: 'A Greek City of Coele Syria' - Evidence from the Excavations at Bet-Shean", ARAM 4 (1992), p. 117-139. J. Bowsher, "Civic Organization within the Decapolis", ARAM 4 (1992), p. 265-281. S. Gibson, "Ancient Settlements in their Landscapes: The Results of Ten Years of Survey in the Golan Heights (1978-1988)", Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 12 (1992/3), p. 7-31. M. Nun, "Cast your Net upon the Waters: Fish and Fishermen in Jesus' Time", BAR 19 [6] (1993), p. 46-56, 70. Z. U. Ma'oz, "Golan", in E. Stern (ed.), NEAEHL, Jerusalem 1993, vol. 2, p. 536-537. D. Amiran, E. Arie and T. Turcotte, "Earthquakes in Israel and Adjacent Areas: Macroseismic Observations since 100 BCE", IEJ 44 (1994), p. 260-305. A. Ovadiah and Y. Turnheim 'Peopled' Scrolls

in Roman Architectural Decoration in Israel, Roma 1994. R. Hachlili, "Late Antique Jewish Art from the Golan", in J. Humphrey (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Near East: Some Recent Archaeological Research, Ann Arbor 1995, p. 183-212. Sh. Wachsmann, The Sea of Galilee Boat: An Extraordinary 2000 Year Old Discovery, New

Y. Hirschfeld, The Roman Bath at HammatGader, Jerusalem 1997. Y. Tsafrir and G. Foerster, "Urbanism at Scythopolis-Bet Shean in the Fourth to Seventh Centuries", DOP 51 (1997), p. p. 85-107. M. Fischer, Roman Palestine and the Marble Trade, Konstanz 1998. B. Isaac, "The Decapolis in Syria: A Neglected Inscription", in B. Isaac, The Near East Under Roman Rule: Selected Papers, Leiden 1998, p. 313-321. M. Aviam, "Christian Galilee in the Byzantine period", in E. M. Meyers (ed.), Galilee Through the Centuries, Winona Lake 1999, p. 281-300. A. Elad, "The Southern Golan in the Early Muslim Period: The Significance of Two Newly Discovered Milestones of 'Abd-alMalik", Der Islam LXXVI (1999), p. 33-38.

B. Isaac, "Inscriptions and Religious Identity on the Golan", in J. Humphrey (ed.), The Roman and Byzantine Near East Vol. 2: Some Recent Archaeological Research, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 1999, p. 179-188. Ch. Ben-David, Settlement in 'Lower Golan' during the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, Bar-Ilan University, Ramat-Gan 2000 (Unpublished PhD thesis) (Hebrew, English summary). W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, London 2000 (Decapolis, p. 181-182). J. Wineland, Ancient Abila: An Archaeological History, BAR Int. Ser. 989, Oxford 2001. St. Moors, "The Decapolis: City Territories, Villages and Bouleutai", in W. Jongman and M. Kleijwegt (eds), After the Past: Essays in Ancient History in Honour ofH. W.Pleket, Leiden 2002, p. 157-207 (Hippos, p. 167-169).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

and Jther ~ras,

L ~ielsen, Gadara Umm Qes, Wiesbaden 2002.

E. Dvorjetski, Leisure, Pleasure and Healing:

D. Bar, "Was there a 3rd - c. Economic Crisis in

Spa Culture and Medicine in Ancient Eastern Mediterranean, Leiden 2007.

Palestine?", inJ. Humphrey (ed.), The Roman a11d Byzantine Near East Volume 3, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002, p. 43-54 (Mount Hermon and the Golan, p. 46-47).

matA. Lichtenberger, "Reading a Hitherto Lost Line and the Location of the Naurnachia at Gadara", Israel Numismatic Journal 14 (2002), p. 191-193, pl. 19.

n at h to

). p. .-\. Lichtenberger, Kulte und Kultur der Dekapolis, Wiesbaden 2003.

E. Dvorjetski, "Leisure-Time Activities in Roman Palestine and Provincia Arabia: Historical-Archaeological Analysis", in K. Hendrickson and N. Pappas (eds), Interpreting

the Past: Essays from the 4th International Conference on European History, Part II: Society and Culture in Antiquity, Athens 2007, p. 37-48. G. Mazor and A. Najar, Nysa-Scythopolis: The Caesareum and the Odeum, Jerusalem 2007. M. Eisenberg, Military Architecture in the

irble K. Butcher, Roman Syria and the Near East,

London 2003. cted G. Fassbeck, S. Fortner, A. Rottloff and J. Zangenberg (eds), Leben am See Gennesaret, ~fainz Arn Rhein 2003.

nder 8, p.

.-\. Lichtenberger, "City Foundation Legends in the Decapolis", Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 22 (2004), p. 23-34.

1tine

Jugh -300.

\: . Arnbraseys, "The Seismic Activity in Syria and Palestine during the Middle of the 8th century: An Amalgamation of Historical Earthquakes", Journal of Seismology 9 (2005), p. 115-125.

arly fwo i-al8. 1tity

Region of the Decapolis during the Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods, University of Haifa,

A Galilean Halakhic Text Formula", in A. Baumgarten, H. Eshel, R. Katzof and S. Tzoref (eds), Halakhah in Light of Epigraphy, Gottingen 2011, p. 231-240. A. Overman and D. Schowalter (eds), The Roman Temple Complex at Horvat Omrit:An interim report, BAR Inter. Ser. 2205, Oxford 2011. E. Dvorjetski, "The Military and Medical History of Gadara as Reflected by the CityCoins", ARAM 23 (2011), p. 81-140. CH. Ben David, "The Jewish Settlements in the Districts of Scythopolis, Hippos and Gadara", ARAM 23 (2011), p. 309-323.

Haifa 2008 (Unpublished PhD Dissertation) (Hebrew, English summary).

A. Lichtenberger, "The Decapolis and Phoenicia" ARAM 23 (2011), p. 559-583.

I. Potter, Australian Archaeologists at Pella, Melbourne 2008.

R. Raja, Urban Development and Regional

M. Sartre, "The Nature of Syrian Hellenism in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Periods", in Y. Eliav, E. Friedland and S. Herbert (eds),

The Sculptural Environment of the Roman Near East, Leuven 2008, p. 25-49. Z.U. Ma'oz, Baniyas, the Roman Temples, Archaostyle Scientific Research Series 8, Qazrin 2009.

Identity in the Eastern Roman Provinces, 50BC - AD 250, Copenhagen 2012 (Gerasa, p . 137-189). Z.U. Ma'oz, Interpretatio graeca: The Case of Gad and Tyche, Archaostyle Scientific Research Series 12, Qazrin 2012. Z. U. Ma' oz, Hellenistic and Roman Fortifications in the Golan, Archaostyle Scientific Research Series 13, Qazrin 2012.

uth,

E. Dvorjetski, "The Synagogue-Church at Gerasa in Jordan", ZDPV 121 (2005), p. 140-167.

1lan' !tine

M. Hartal, "The History of Rafid on the Background of the History of Northern Transjordan", in D. Urman, Rafid on the Golan:

A. Ovadiah and S. Mucznik, Worshipping

C. Clermont-Ganneau, "The Site of Hippos",

A Profile ofa Late Roman and Byzantine Village,

the Gods: Art and Cult in Roman Eretzisrael,

PEF Q St. 1875, p. 214-218.

BAR Inter. Ser. 1555, Oxford 2006, p. 269-290.

Leiden 2009.

Th. Weber, Sculptures from Roman Syria in the

A. Segal, "Decapolis", in J. Collins and D. Harlow (eds), The Eerdmans Dictionary of Early Judaism, Grand Rapids, MI 2010, p. 1301-1303.

The ;ome

2000 ;lish

Ch. March, Spatial and Religious Transformations in the Late Antique Polis: A Multi-Disciplinary Analysis with a Case-Study of the City of Gerasa, BAR Inter. Ser. 1981, Oxford 2009.

Hippos: Historical Studies and Popular Publications

K. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria with the Chief

Syrian National Museum at Damascus, Vol. I: From Cities and Villages in Central and Southern Syria, Worms 2006.

!lion :;, p.

Ch. Ben David, "Late Antique Gaulanitis Settlement Patterns of Christians and Jews in Rural Landscape", in A. Lewin and P. Pellegrini (eds), Settlements and Demography in the Near East in late Antiquity, Pisa 2006, p. 35-50.

5ical ries, :iM.

ient 002,

D. Kennedy, Gerasa and the Decapolis: A Virtual Island in Northwest Jordan, London 2007.

l

Ch. Ben David, "The Preservation of Roman and Byzantine Place Names from the Golan Heights", Semitica et Classica 3 (2010), p. 265-271. M. Nun, Sea of Kinneret: A Monograph, Jerusalem 2010 (Reprinted from the first edition published in 1977) (Hebrew). Ch. Ben David, "The Rehov Inscription:

Routes through Mesopotamia and Babylonia, Fourth Edition, Leipzig 1906, p. 251 (Kal'at el-Husn). M. Nun, Sussita, Tel Aviv 1951 (Hebrew). M. Avi-Yonah, The Holy Land from the Persian

to the Arab Conquests (536 B.C. toA.D. 640): A Historical Geography, Grand Rapids, Michigan 1966, p. 169-170. A. Ovadiah, "Was the Cult of God DusharaDusares Practiced in Hippos-Susita?", PEQ 113 (1981), p. 101-104, pl. VIII.

21

ARTHUR SEGAL

V. Tzaferis, "Sussita Awaits the Spade", BAR XVI [5] (1990), p. 50-58. C. Epstein, "Hippos (Sussita)", in E. Stern (ed.), NEAEHL, Jerusalem 1993, vol. 2, p. 634-636.

A. Segal, "Hippos (Sussita)", in E. Stern (ed.), NEAEHL, Jerusalem 2008, vol. 5 (Supplementary Volume), p. 1782-1787. S. Gibson, Flights into Biblical Archaeology, Herzlia 2008 (sec. ed.), p. 136-138.

R. Gregg and D. Urman, Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Golan Heights, Atlanta 1996 (Susita/Hippus, p. 21-26).

J. Murphy-O'Connor, The Holy Land: An

N. Belayche, Iudaea-Palaestina: The Pagan Cults

J.

in Roman Palestine (Second to Fourth Century), Tiibingen 2001 (Hippos-Susita, p. 273-277).

Oxford Archaeological Guide from EarliestTimes to 1700, Oxford 2008 (5th ed.), p. 486-488. Mlynarczyk, "Blessed Wine: A Newly Discovered Winery at the North-West Church in Hippos-Sussita (Israel)", in A. Buko and W. Duczko (eds), Through the Limits

A. Segal, "Hippos wird endlish ausgegraben", Welt und Umwelt der Bibel 24 (2002), p. 76-77.

of Time: Collected Essays dedicated to Prof Jerzy Gassowski, Pultusk 2008, p. 387-395.

J. Zangenberg and P. Busch, "Hippos und Gadara-Ein Hauch von Welt am See", in G. Fassbeck, S. Fortner, A. Rottloff and J. Zangenberg (eds), Leben am See Gennesaret, Mainz Am Rhein 2003, p. 117-129.

J. Mlynarczyk, "Architectural and Functional/ Liturgical Development of the North-West Church in Hippos (Sussita)", Etudes et Travaux XXII (2008), p. 148-170.

J. Mlynarczyk, "The Fading Lights of a Church ... ", in D. Frangie and J.-F. Salles (eds),

Lampes Antiques du Bilad es Sham-Jordanie, Syrie, Liban, Palestine: Actes du Colloque de Petra-Amman (6-13 novembre 2005), Paris 2011, p.183-190, figs 1-9. J. Mlynarczyk, "Umayyad-Period Terracotta Lamps from Hippos (Susita) Jund Al Urdunn", in D. Frangie and J.-F. Salles (eds),

Lampes Antiques du Bilad es Sham-Jordanie, Syrie, Liban, Palestine: Actes du Colloque de Petra-Amman (6-13 novembre 2005), Paris 2011, p.197-204, figs 1-9.

Hippos: Surveys and Excavations G. Schumacher, The Jaulan, London 1888 (Kullat el-Husn), p. 194-206, figs 82-100, city-plan facing p. 195.

R. Linn, Risk-Assessment of an Archaeological A. Segal, "The Israeli-Polish Mission to Hippos-Sussita, Israel", Minerva 15 [3] (2004), p. 4-5. A. Segal, "Hippos-Sussita of the Decapolis", Minerva 15 [5] (2004), p. 23-25. J. Mlynarczyk and M. Burdajewicz, "NorthWest Church in Hippos (Sussita), Israel: Five Years of Archaeological Research (20002004)", Eastern Christian Art 2 (2005), p. 39-57. A. Ovadiah, "Liturgical Modifications in the Early Byzantine Church in Eretz-Israel: The Architectural and Epigraphic Evidence", Uber Annuus 55 (2005), p. 363-376.

Site as a Tool for its Conservation. Case Study: Sussita, University of Haifa, Haifa 2009 (Unpublished PhD Dissertation) (Hebrew, English summary). A. Golan, Daily Life in Byzantine and Umayyad Sussita in the Light of Pottery Finds, University of Haifa, Haifa 2010 (Unpublished MA Thesis) (Hebrew, English summary). A. Segal, "Hippos (Sussita)", in J. Schefzyk & W. Zwickel (eds), Judiia und Jerusalem Leben in Romischer Zeit, Stuttgart 2010, p. 204-205. A. Segal, "The Odeum Uncovered at Sussita", Qadmoniot 141 (2011), p. 45-48 (Hebrew).

A. Segal and M. Eisenberg, "Hippos-Sussita of the Decapolis: The First Five Seasons of Excavations", Qadmoniot 129 (2005), p. 15-29 (Hebrew).

A. Segal and M. Eisenberg, "Hercules in the Galilee", BAR 37 [6] (2011), p. 50-51. T. Backner, The North-East Church of Hippos-

A. Segal and M. Eisenberg, "The Spade Hits Sussita", BAR 32 [3] (2006), p. 40-51.

University of Haifa, Haifa 2011 (Unpublished MA Thesis) (Hebrew, English summary).

A. Segal and M. Eisenberg, "Hippos-Sussita of the Decapolis: Town Planning and Architecture of a Roman-Byzantine City", Near Eastern Archaeology 70 [2] (2007), p. 86-107.

J. Mlynarczyk, "Hellenistic Pottery Deposits at Hippos of the Dekapolis. Contribution to the Study of Hellenistic Ceramics Production and Distribution on the Sea of Galilee", in E. Kotsou and M. Kazakou (eds), The 6th

Sussita: Attributes of a Pilgrims' Church,

A. Segal, "Die Kirchen von Sussita", Welt und Umwelt der Bibel 43 (2007), p. 62-64.

22

Conference on the Hellenistic Pottery, Aigio, 4-9 April 2005, Athens 2011, p. 577-590.

C. Epstein and B. Shimron, "Sussita", Bulletin

of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel I (1949), p. 6 (Hebrew). C. Epstein, M. Nun, M. Neustadt and B. Shimron, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel II (1950), p. 13 (Hebrew). R. Amiran, C. Epstein, B. Shimron, M. Nun and M. Neustadt, "Sussita", Bulletin of the

Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel Ill (1951), p. 8-9 (Hebrew). I. Anati and C. Epstein, "Susita-Hippos",

IEJ3 (1953), p. 133. A. Schulman, "Sussita", Bulletin of the

Department of the Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI (1957), p. 30-31 (Hebrew). E. Ana ti, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI (1957), p. 31-33, pl. IV (Hebrew). M. Avi-Yonah, "A Greek Inscription from Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of

Antiquities of the State of Israel V-VI (1957), p. 33 (Hebrew). C. Epstein and V. Tzaferis, "The Baptistery at Sussita-Hippos", Atiqot XX (1991), p. 90-94.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Jf a ds), nie, e de 011,

otta Al ds), ·nie, e de 011,

Z. Meshel, Ts. Tsuk, H. Fahlbusch and Y. Peleg, The Water Supply System of Sussita, Tel Aviv 1996. A Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, Hippos-Sussita: First Season of Excavations, July 2000, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2000. A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz,

Hippos-Sussita: Second Season of Excavations, July 2001, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2001. Surveys in Israel 113 (2001), p. 10-11. A Segal, "Horbat Susita", Excavations and Surveys in Israel 114 (2002), p. 5-8.

retin te of :l B.

nent ), p. -Jun r the

;rael

~1. Eisenberg, "The First Season of Excavations

at The North Wall of Hippos (Sussita)", Hadashot Arkheologiyot 114, Jerusalem 2002, p. 8-9.

Surveys in Israel 115 (2003), p. 13-17, figs 21-25. M. Eisenberg, The Fortifications of AntiochiaHippos (Sussita) in the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, University of Haifa, Haifa 2003 (Unpublished MA Thesis) (Hebrew, English summary). A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Fifth Season of Excavations September-October 2004 and Summary of all Five Seasons (2000-2004), Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2004. A. Segal,

Y. Peleg, "The Stone Pipeline of SusitaHippos", ARAM 13-14 (2001-2002), p. 423-441.

Ch. Ben David, "The Aqueducts of HipposSusita", in D. Amit, J. Patrich and Y. Hirschfeld (eds), The Aqueducts of Israel, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002, p. 199-206. Ts. Tsuk, Y. Peleg, H. Fahlbusch and Z. ~eshel, "A New Survey of the Aqueducts of Hippos-Susita", in D. Amit, J. Patrich and Y. Hirschfeld (eds), The Aqueducts of Israel, Portsmouth, Rhode Island 2002, p. 207-209.

os", A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, ~1. Schuler, Hippos-Sussita: Third Season of

the te of

A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Fourth Season of Excavations, July 2003, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2003. A. Segal, "Horbat Sussita", Excavations and

A Segal, "Horbat Sussita", Excavations and

888 LOO,

Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2002.

J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz,

M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Sixth Season of Excavations, July 2005, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2005.

A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita:Ninth Season of Excavations, June-July 2008, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2008. A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M.

Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Tenth Season of Excavations, July and September 2009, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2009. Ch. Ben David, "The Oil Press at Giv'at Ha-Yi'ur", in E. Ayalon, R. Frankel and A. Kloner (eds), Oil and Wine Presses in Israel from the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine Periods, BAR Int. Ser. 1972 (2009), p. 87-92. A. Segal, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-

Sussita: Eleventh Season of Excavations, July 2010, Zinman Institute of Archaeology,

University of Haifa, Haifa 2010. M. Burdajewicz, "Glass Finds in Archaeological Context: A Case Study of Hippos (Sussita)", Etudes et Travaux XXIV (2011), p. 21- 40.

J. Mlynarczyk, "Churches and Society in Byzantine and Umayyad - Period Hippos",

A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Seventh Season of Excavations, July 2006, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2006.

ARAM 23 (2011), p. 253-284.

A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, M. Schuler, M. Eisenberg, Hippos-Sussita: Eighth Season of Excavations, July 2007, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, University of Haifa, Haifa 2007.

Excavations, July 2002, Zinman Institute of

nent 157),

rom t of ), p.

-yat -94.

23

EXCAVATION METHODS AND RESEARCH TOOLS

Introduction

A ,chaeological exposure is basically a destructive act that alters the surface of a terrain and frequently displaces the finds and surviving remains. There is thus a single ¥.rindow of opportunity that will never recur again, and therefore careful documentation is necessary before, during and at the end of their exposure. Twelve years of research in Hippos (2000-2011) required the preparation of a series of clear and uniform tools, yet sufficiently flexible ones so that field work and the processing of data and finds could be appropriately circumscribed. Work protocols and the archaeological ' tool box' were uniform for all the areas of excavation and the surveys that were conducted. However, the documentation guidelines and excavation tools were adaptable enough in order to work in accordance with the motto: 'To suit ourselves to the area and not the area to ourselves'. The terrain, the magnitude of the find and its character, the preservation of the finds, the available manpower, and the skills of the area supervisor, were only part of the considerations for applying the right tool at the right time.

was obliged to maintain full coordination with the National Parks Authority (NPA) with regard to any activity that might endanger animal or plant life, the landscape, and to ensure that visitors will be able to enjoy their experience of the site in safety. English was the official language used during the excavations in all that concerned documentation, plans, the various logs and the database. Each year the expedition team was required to renew its excavation permits from the Israel Antiquities Authority and from the National Parks Authority. Both of these documents which are granted by government authorities are binding upon archaeological expeditions digging at an ancient site within a national park. 2

Since Hippos lies within the boundaries of a national park and nature reserve, the team

◊

◊

◊ ◊ ◊ ◊ ◊

A large number of researchers and experts have joined the various excavation seasons in Hippos and provided the vital research services without which archaeological research work and publications could not have been effectively carried out. Below is a list of the researchers and experts and their field of expertise: 3

◊

◊

◊

◊ ◊ ◊

◊

Over the years there have been slight improvements in our work methods both in the field and in the laboratories. The new measurement and computerized tools allowed us to employ new and more precise and efficient methods.1 Increasing familiarity of the excavation team with the site and with the surprises that lurked behind the various loci, also contributed to the consistency of excavation methods and of the documentation.

◊

◊ ◊ ◊ ◊ ◊

◊

Greek Epigraphy-Adam Lajtar Arabic Epigraphy - Moshe Sharon Classical Periods and Early Arab PotteryJolanta Mlynarczyk, Arie Lev Kapitaikin Neolithic and Chalcolithic PotteryMichael Eisenberg Numismatics - Ariel Berman Archaeozoology - Guy Bar-Oz, Rachel Hesse Microvertebrate taphonomy- Lior Weissbrod Ceramics Coordinator and Registrant Yana Vitkalov Physical Anthropology - Israel Hershkowitz, Esti Deutsch, Emilia Jastrz~bska On Site Conservation - Ewa Radziejowska, Julia Burdajewicz, Kimi Maman, Amir Genach, Mustafa Bakir, Avivit Lago-Kidroni Small Finds Conservation - Ewa Radziejowska, Julia Burdajewicz, Alexander

◊

◊

◊

◊ ◊

◊ ◊

◊ ◊

Iermolin, Yana Vitkalov Metal Conservation - Jonathan J. Gottlieb, Alexander Iermolin Plans and Sections- Mariusz Burdajewicz, Ma'ayan Ralbag, Nili Dothan, Alexander Chylak, Julia Burdajewicz, Dov Porotski, Viatcheslav Pirsky, Mark Schuler, Andrea Chandler, Tatiana Meltsen Pottery Drawings- Mariusz Burdajewicz, 3d digital scanning team, Sapir Haad, Alexander Iermolin Small Finds Drawings - Sapir Haad, Mariusz Burdajewicz Measuring Equipment - Michael Eisenberg Pollen Analysis- Mina Weinstein Evron, Sophia Bratenkov, Patrick Scott Geyer Petrography and Chemical Analysis of Pottery- Jacek Michniewicz Petrography of Plasters- Jacek Michniewicz, Danuta Michalska-Nawrocka Geoarchaeological Studies and Radiocarbon 14 Dating - Danuta Michalska-Nawrocka Metal Detector Operation - Michael Eisenberg, Ziv Zur, Alexander Iermolin 3d Digital Scanning in the Field- Wayne L. Mory, Mark Wood Ground-Penetrating Radar - Lawrence B. Conyers Field Photography - Michael Eisenberg Studio Photography- Michael Eisenberg Aerial Photography - Albatross Aerial Photography Ltd., Sky View Photography Ltd., Avraham Graicer, Michael Eisenberg Orthophotography - Ofek Air Photography Scanning and Computer Graphics Michael Eisenberg, Ranin Noufi, Bella Bordman,Vera Damov, Anat Regev Gisis Database and web site - Benny Mozes Isometric and 3d Reconstructions -Anat Regev Gisis, Yaron Israel, David Knafo

Listed below are the areas of research and documentation in the field followed by the methods of documentation and cataloguing in the various laboratories.

1.

The advanced measurement and photographic equipment were lent to us by the Zinman Institute of Archaeology which did not grudge us any of its resources, and for which we are deeply grateful.

1.

The permits were made out in the names of A. Segal and M. Eisenberg. Hippos is within the area of responsibility of the Northern Region of the Antiquities Authority and the Northern District of the National Parks Authority.

3.

Some of the researchers and experts joined us only for individual seasons and others for many years. The list does not include the archaeological team which appears in detail in the introductory chapter.

25

.

.., ,. . \,

.

• 1\:- •· .:ii.,.

.::f

'

,, .,.

,

;v!ICHAEL EISE;-..:BERG

Research Methods and Documentation during Surveys and Excavations

more accurate absolute height based on the main benchmark (site's datum point) on the roof of the southern IDF building (this height was 0.51 m lower than the height in the previous seasons).

We also used this device to read the coordinates and heights of all the special small finds such as coins, rings, weights, etc. so that they would be incorporated into the database on the CAD file.

Mapping - the basis for the topographical data and hydrological, buildings layers, etc. was acquired from the Survey of Israel, National Mapping Agency (SOI). This was the digital basis used for mapping in Hippos when

From 2008 we have also been using the Geodetic GPS in RIK mode, mainly for readings of coordinate data and as the main instrument for archaeological surveys. 5 This is a single GPS station which makes use of the

Heights and Coordinate System Beginning with the preliminary survey in 1999, we used the new !TM-Israel Transverse Mercator grid in all our publications. However, for field excavation work we carried

East Oty Gate Calhednl

Southern Bathhouse & Bastion Blane ition only mnd ount 'hich etter ~ site

Field Logistics

)TIS.

Fig. 21

was 1etal The ;and dhis ason

tried not to leave such pits open in the area for reasons of safety and preservation. With regard to valuable finds such as decorative chancel screens made of marble or a pillar bearing an inscription such as the one found in the forum, decisions were made together with the National Parks Authority whether to conserve the find on the spot and leave it in situ exposed to the view of the visiting public, to cover it up, or to transfer it to one of the storage sheds. Such decisions were usually proved over the years to have been the right ones, but in some cases damage was caused by local vandalism. In general, since the mountain is isolated from its surroundings and is inaccessible by car, this prevents robbery and damage to the antiquities.12

very ring

vork tion 1tors did and nent >Ved te of l for tore. with :ion. med ther ters, ame f the ered as a tion ition

Expedition Storerooms Most of the movable finds are held in storerooms and laboratories at the University of Haifa. Some of them are kept in two storerooms in the area of Kibbutz Ein-Gev which were assigned to us by the kibbutz. 13

There are two access routes to Mount Sussita. The main one which is usually used for pedestrians passes along the saddle ridge on the southeast side of the mountain, and another route passes along the ancient snake-like road on the western slopes of the mountain (figs 71, 81). One can ascend by an off-road vehicle along the western route, and the expedition has made use of two types of cars for this purpose. The first is a four-wheel pickup (Nissan Navarra) that belongs to the Institute of Archaeology, and the other is an ATV (Arctic Cat-Prowler XTX 700) which is meant for this type of task in rough terrain. The latter was found to be well-suited for excavations at sites such as Hippos and also for conducting archaeological surveys. They are not only logistical means for transporting equipment, food and the transference of various items, but also as essential safety vehicles in times of emergency since the mountain is isolated from its surrounds and access to it is limited only to off-road vehicles. During the excavations we were forced to prepare a number of logistical pathways on Mount Sussita (figs 7, 17). These pathways are used for the transference of earth and for logistical purposes. We have sometimes been compelled to refrain from expanding an excavation area because of a pathway location and to change the route of other pathways to accord with the excavation and

Small Finds Conservation of movable finds is done to a small extent in laboratories within the area of Kibbutz Ein-Gev, but is mostly performed in the laboratories of the Institute of Archaeology. From 2011 the conservation laboratory in the kibbutz was significantly enlarged and now includes a mobile conservation laboratory adapted mainly for pottery restoration and conservation of metal finds as soon as they are brought from the excavation area. The laboratory is under the direction of the conservator Alexander Iermolin. As soon as fragile items

-·•undn the 3son. 1and

Sieving operation.

In the course of their work, the excavation expedition made use of the two IDF buildings that stand within the site, one on the south side of the decumanus maximus and the other one across it on the north side (figs 14-15). The south building is used as storage for equipment and as a dining hall while the north one is used only as a dining hall. Both buildings were made available for our use and were partially sealed by the maintenance staff of the University of Haifa. The expedition team was given storage space in the kibbutz area where most of the excavation equipment was stored.

Logistical Pathways

Fig. 23 Fig. 22

The excavation ATV.

Partial reconstruction of the forum's colonnade.

12. The site is not under constant guard, but is given weekly maintenance and supervision by the National Parks Authority responsible for its preservation. Immediately

after excavations began, the NPA installed a locked gate on the entrance to the snake path at the western end of the city. This proved to be a main factor in preventing robbery and damage to the antiquities on the mountain top.

I

13. Kibbutz Ein-Gev, in which the excavation expedition has been accommodated since the first season, has served us like a second home, and the kibbutz has often assisted us in various logistical aspects for which we are most grateful.

31

1'1ICHAEL EISE'.'\BERG

Work Procedures between Seasons Laboratories, Catalogue and Database At the end of every excavation season, most of the small finds are transferred to the laboratories of the Zinman Institute of Archaeology at the University of Haifa. There the material is catalogued and the information is fed into the database. Some of the finds are cleaned and conserved and then stored according to the nature of the find. Coin finds, for example, undergo cleaning and conservation immediately at the end of the excavation and are handed for analysis to the numismatic expert. Segments of colored plaster undergo stabilization and inspection, while stucco segments are restored and the find is photographed. 14 Fig. 24

Sussita Mountain northern slope with the two earth dumping areas.

the north cliff in the area to the north of the basilica (fig. 24).

ancient ruins. The pathways were laid by means of the earth taken from the excavation areas themselves, thus solving the problem of earth removal and the laying of pathways without damage to the antiquities. A main pathway was laid out along the north cliff edge, starting in the west from a point north of the temenos and ending near the east gate of the city. Another pathway ran along the south cliff, starting in the west from southern bathhouse and continuing as far as the east gate. Short internal pathways were made in the western residential area and near the two IDF buildings.

During the seasons, thousands of construction stones have accumulated from known structures and some from fillings. Most of them are basalt ashlars and some are dressed limestone ashlars, and they are collected in huge piles at a number of places on the site. Ashlars from buildings that have been excavated are transported as close as possible to the immediate vicinity of the original building so that one day they may be used for the reconstruction of those buildings.

Transferring Earth and Ashlars

Pottery Pit

In the course of every excavation season, hundreds of tons of earth are brought out, and a suitable solution for them had to be found. As mentioned above, the main solution for the excess earth was in laying out the logistical pathways on the mountain top. Another solution that will be applied when urgently needed is to dump the earth over

14.

During the course of excavation, a large quantity of pottery is naturally accumulated. After it is washed and analyzed, most of the material is no longer required and is therefore buried in an ancient partially ruined reservoir. It is located at the western end of the city at the edge of residential quarter (261885/742810).

Excavation Season Reports and Publication After the analysis of the finds and their processing, and after the survey sketches of the site and the plans for the various areas of the excavation site are prepared, the reports for each area of excavation are submitted and collected together for the publication of a detailed report on the excavation season of that year. These 11 monographs appear as a book that is distributed to libraries around the world and is sold through the official Internet website of the excavation expedition. 15 In this way, all the information is continuously accessible to the research public in the world and constitutes a precedent in all that regards excavation publications. At the end of every excavation season the expedition presents the complete excavation file to the archives of the Antiquities Authority as required by law.

In accordance with the antiquities law in the State of Israel, every find from excavations is part of the state treasures and is transferred at the end of its processing and publication to the state treasury storehouses of the Antiquities Authority.

15. At the end of every season, the expedition team publishes a full report which bears an ISBN. No report was issued at the end of the 12th season since this was included in the present publication on the last 12 excavation seasons. These monographs are publications written mainly in the English language with a summary in Hebrew. Two years after the publication of a report it becomes available to the general public as a PDF file on the excavation website: http://hippos.haifa.ac.il/ report.htm

32

EXCAVATION METHODS AND RESEARCH TOOLS

EcoDig

lSOn,

~d to .te of lliere ation finds :ored Coin and ,f the ;is to .ored :tion, :ithe

Excavation within a nature reserve such as the one in Hippos certainly requires much thought and coordination with a number of official bodies concerning minimal damage to living creatures, plant life, and landscape, and also to prepare the excavation areas for the public visiting the site during inter-season periods. 16 As the years passed we became increasingly aware of the need to limit environmental damage and arrived at certain understandings that allowed us to reduce this damage to a minimum. These understandings are applied in the pioneering framework of green archaeological excavation under the title of EcoDig. 17 Animals that visit us during the summer season, or one should actually say we who visit them, are protected by law and by us.

Even poisonous snakes and scorpions are respectfully re-located. In the dark basements of the two IDF buildings on the mountain top we found a colony of bats of the greater mouse-tailed bat (Species - Rhinopoma microphyllum). This is a protected species of bats that prevents us from making use of the basements, and they now live with us in harmony. The guidelines are also clear with regard to the trees on the mountain top, and no tree can be uprooted. When we were nevertheless forced to uproot a tree, as with the tree that was growing in the center of the Roman basilica, this was done in coordination with the National Parks Authority, the tree was replanted in another place on the mountain, and it was watered by us during the interseason periods.

our archaeological excavation is quickly noticeable. This means that we have had to overcome a number of challenges regarding the "concealment" of environmental scars such as piles of earth and heaps of construction stones. We have often been forced to re-transfer the heaps of construction stones to the IDF communication trenches. After a number of seasons, we stopped removing earth to our main disposal area at the north cliff in order to allow the rains and plant life to heal those scars (fig. 24).

The summit of Mount Sussita is fairly small and all activity of the extent such as

and their .es of )fthe ·each ected eport sell mted ough ation ion is ublic inall

1 the ation mity

Fig. 25

A rare but most welcome visitor to Hippos summit (White Stork).

!Ssing s was 1mary

16.

The site has not yet been opened officially to public visits as an archaeological site that is maintained and operated, but the Sussita National Park is open to the visiting public. Moreover, a marked trail of The Society for the Protection of Nature in Israel crosses through the center of the mountain top and overlaps with the decumanus maximus. 1n recent years, Hippos has become a popular location for visitors and for bicycle riders .

17.

This new initiative was established in 2008 and its principles are briefly described in the following website: http:ljwww.ecodig.org/

.ac.il/

33

THE GEOGRAPHICAL, GEOLOGICAL AND GEOMORPHOLOGICAL SETTINGS OF THE SUSSITA REGION

280000

2'1000

282000

283000

284000

28SOOO

2t8000

2'7000

288000

2tl000

270000

I I I I AI

0

"'

8

"'

distribution of its leading species, Ziziphus lotus, extends well beyond this zone, which

0

--

is considered to be its primary habitat, and includes large stretches of the supposed

N

Legend

.........., .............. _______ ,.,·

Kefet

~

Haruv

• o

••

C3 0

•• 280000

Fig. 26

2'1000

282000

283000

2'4000

2$5000

2'7000

Spring Settlment

Drainage basin

500 1,000

2IIOOO

2tl000

2

'~eters

I I

270000

Geographical settings of the Sussita region. For transect T-T see fig. 32 below.

The mountain of Sussita is situated on the western slopes of the Golan Heights, isolated from its surroundings and almost entirely encircled by mountains. The ancient site of Hippos is located on this flat-topped, diamond-shaped mountain, at an altitude of 142 meters ASL and at 350 m above the lake level (fig. 26). The mountain rises above the surrounding area by steep canyon slopes, with just a narrow 'saddle' ridge leading towards the western slopes of the Golan Heights. Several factors combined to form the regional landscape: the distinctive lithological assemblage, the Jordan-Dead Sea Rift valley, the associated marginal faults, the climate, and the rapid back erosion of both the Ein-Gev and Sussita streams which turns Sussita Mountain into an isolated summit thatmaintains the water divide between the two. 1

The climate is of a subtropical steppe type, marked by hot, dry summers and mild, rainy winters. However, local conditions may be quite diverse due to the large

1.

2t8000

Hydrophilic species dominate stream channels and natural springs.

Coastline

--- -· Channel

•

Fig. 27

range of altitudes which characterizes the landscape. Normally the rainy season lasts from October to May with most of the precipitation concentrated between December and February. Summer is typified by very high barometric pressure, resulting from air descending over the Sahara-Arabian deserts, which also causes the high temperatures of this season (the average mean temperature in August is 31 ° C). As a result, no rains reach the region during the summer. The winter climate is affected by a different regime, as the southern end of the global western wind belt is pushed into the Mediterranean area. In the Sea of Galilee region, January's average mean temperature is mild, 14°C. The rain regime is typical of cold fronts, with large amounts of water being poured down within a short duration. Average rain amount over the lake is 400 mm/year (Goldreich, 1998).

The natural climax vegetation surrounding Sussita is typical of the Mediterranean Savanoid Zone. This zone, which stretches around the shores of the lake and southwards into the Central Jordan Valley, is dominated by the Ziziphion loti alliance. The present-day

former climax zone of Quercus ithaburens; this northward intrusion of Ziziphus lotus is thought to be of anthropogenic origin. In its primary habitat, Ziziphus lotus is associated with dwarf shrubs of the Ballotalia order such as Salvia dominica, Anchusa strigosa,

Convolvulus dorycnium, Carlina hispanica and others. On the lower slopes of the Golan Heights facing the Sea of Galilee (i.e. Sussita Mountain), Ziziphus spina-christi dominates, while on the chalky cliffs along the east coast of the lake,certain species typical of semi-steppe batha and desert vegetations are encountered, including Retama raetam, Salsola vermiculata and Sarcopoterium spinosum (Baruch, 1986). Hydrophilic species such as Vitex agnus-castus, Nerium oleander and Phragmites australis, dominate stream channels and natural springs (fig. 27).

The exposed lithology of the Sussita region (fig. 28) is composed of two main groups of rocks: sedimentary rocks, interfingering with and subsequently covered by volcanic rocks (fig. 4). The sedimentary succession represents the transition interval from the Tethys Ocean realm to the principally continental domain that brought the region to its present day configuration. Relics of the Oligocene epoch (34-23 M.y.b.p.) to the Miocene epoch (23-5.3 M.y.b.p.) are preserved in the synclinal area of the

Both lithological assemblage and stream erosion will be further discussed in this chapter, while the impact of the Dead Sea Rift upon the Sussita region will be discussed in the chapter Earthquake Activity Around the Sea of Galilee, Vol. II, dedicated to the tectonic settings.

35

NURIT SHTOBER•ZISU

The overlying Nukev Member of the Sussita Formation consists of laminated micritic limestone interbedded with chert concretions or beds and sand layers (fig. 29) . No microfauna was found and the sedimentary environment is interpreted as a sabkha plain, or hypersaline lake with migrating sand dunes or alluvial channels. The abrupt change from a marine environment in the upper part of the Ha' on Member to the sabkha environment of the Nukev Member reflects a fast, major regression due either to sea-level fall or to tectonic uplift (Buchbinder et al., 2005). Beyond this age, since the Middle Miocene epoch, the region was more or less exposed to continental conditions, i.e. erosion or sedimentation within local lakes, alluvial fans or playas.

211000

Fig. 28

211500

282000

282IOO

2'3000

283500

Geological map of the Sussita region and main rock formations (Fm.); modified after a Geological Survey, 2008. [Emr- Eocene Maresha Fm.; Of- Fiq Fm.; Os- Sussita Fm.; Me- En Gev Fm.; Mh- Hordos Fm.; M~I- Lower Basalt Fm.; Mbi- Bira Fm.; Pg- Gesher Fm., P~c Cover Basalt; Al-Alluvium].

Golan, near Sussita, exposing a sequence of marine sediments, followed by sabkha plain sediments and terminated by continental deposits, which represent the major regression of the sea. This succession was earlier studied by Michelson (1972), Michelson and LipsonBenitah (1986) and Michelson et al. (1987). Later on, it was studied by Buchbinder et al. (2005) who reevaluated the occurrences of marine Oligocene sediments, in the framework of foraminiferal assemblage. The oldest formation exposed in the area is the Fiq Formation, which was deposited during the Early Oligocene. The formation is resting unconformably on Late Eocene chalks and is composed of 2-3 small-scale cycles of sea level changes' in a pelagic environment. Rocks are composed of glauconitic calcarenite, deepwater chalk, and soft marly chalk. Thickness is 45 m. The Fiq Formation is conformably overlain by the lower part of the Ha'on Member of the Sussita Formation, which consists of sandy glauconitic marl and dolomitized sandy shell beds, reflecting the highstand of the sea level. The Fiq Formation and the lower part of the

Ha' on Member represent, therefore, a marine sedimentary cycle of ca. 3 my duration of the Early Oligocene age (Buchbinder et al., 2005). The upper part of the Ha' on Member begins with quartzitic and calcareous sandstones. The sands pass upwards into bioclastic limestone representing a new rise in the sea level, and towards the top of the Ha' on Member, into sandy limestones. A significant hiatus exists between the lower and upper parts of the Ha' on Member spanning the entire Late Oligocene and part of the Early Miocene (ca. 7 my). The long duration of this hiatus covers a period of intensive erosion as a result of the tectonic regional doming and the Middle Oligocene sea-level fall. The upper part of the Ha' on Member thus indicates a new transgression of earliest Miocene (Buchbinder et al., 2005). Using the rock formations as clues for the past environments, it is assumed that during the Oligocene epoch, the Levant was subjected to a marine transgression, connecting the Mesopotamian province (Persian Gulf at present) with the Mediterranean Sea (Michelson, 1972; Horowitz, 2001; Buchbinder, 2005).

The Middle Miocene Ein-Gev sands unconformably overlie the Nukev Member of the Sussita Formation (Michelson, 1972). The sands crop out in limited areas east of the Sea of Galilee, with a thickness of ca. 90 m. They comprise mainly yellow quartz grains, unconsolidated or slightly cemented by carbonate, with thin laminar chalky or marly limestone horizons and sterile of any fossils. Michelson (1972) tends to regard the sand as of fluvio-lacustrine origin, but Giveon (1984) suggested deposition in a continental alluvial fan with occasional occurrences of shallow seasonal lakes and playas, under arid or semi-arid climates. These units are unconformably overlain by the Hordos Formation, the outcrops of which are exposed all over the surroundings of the Sea of Galilee. The Hordos Formation attains a maximum thickness of 242 min the Sussita Mountain region. It rests on a 10-30 m thick basalt flow, unconformably overlying the Sussita Formation, Ein-Gev sands and Eocene rocks. In other localities in the vicinity, 3-4 basalt flows were observed within the Hordos Formation (Michelson, 1982). Characteristic lithology comprises frequent alternations of conglomerates, calcareous sandstones, siltstones, marly chalks and marls. It is overlain either by the Gesher Formation or by flows of the Intermediate and Cover Basalts (Schulman, 1962; Horowitz, 2001). In this area, the Late Miocene and Early Pliocene are typified by the Bira and Gesher

THE GEOGRAPHICAL, GEOLOGICAL AND GEOMORPHOLOGICAL SETTINGS OF THE SUSSITA REGION

1ssita :ritic tions . No 1tary Jkha lting >rupt 1 the bkha ?ctsa level it al.,

,cene osed ,nor 1vial

mds nber

972) . .st of ,f ca. 1artz nted :y or : any :l the veon mtal es of nder

nby 'hich fthe tains ssita hick ;the cene / 3-4 ,rdos :istic ions

formations. The Bira Formation, known from outcrops all along the central Jordan Valley, is replaced at the Sussita area by a variety of freshwater and fluviatile sediments, termed the Gesher Formation. The main body of the Bira comprises a complex of gypsum sediments, clays, chalks and marls, indicating a wide extension of freshwater bodies, extending from the Jezreel Valley up to the Golan Heights. The Gesher Formation is characterized by a sequence of 20-70 m of white limestones, hypersaline chalks, detritic limestones and abundant clay at the top (Shulman, 1962; Shaliv, 1991).

A considerable extensive volcanic phase occurred during the Pliocene, covering large geographic areas in the southern Levant. This phase is known as the "Cover Basalt", and its outcrops extend from Syria through Jordan, the Golan Heights, the Lower Galilee, and up to the Jezreel Valley. The Cover Basalt was most probably fissure erupted which is evidenced by the vast areas and the lack of conspicuous volcanoes connected with this phase in the Galilee (Schulman, 1962; Mor, 1986). In the Golan Heights, the Cover Basalt appearance is of an extensive basaltic plateau, marked by several rather flat, large cones composed of scoria. One of these cones is the Bnei Yehuda Mountain, located at a distance of ca. 3 km NE from Sussita Mountain (fig. 26). The age of the basalts have been radiometrically dated by Heimann et al. (1996) and are in the range of 5.5-3.3 M.y.b.p., or 5.0-3.0 M.y.b.p. after Mor (1993). It is proposed that the eruption of the Pliocene Cover Basalt was connected to the change of plate-motion direction and the resulting extension (Heimann, 1990). Cover Basalt beds gently slope westwards and southwards, towards the center of the Jordan-Dead Sea Valley depression, faulted by the marginal faults of the rift (fig. 30).

The sedimentary sequence mentioned above indicates that beginning with the Middle Miocene, the central Jordan Valley became a series of low, shallow continental basins, within typical sediments of freshwater lakes, saline playas, deltas and alluvial fans accrued. Basalt tongues flowed within or towards these shallow basins, covered, combined and intercalated with other deposits.

The main fault line in the area is the N-S trending East-Kinneret fault, which is one of the regional faults responsible for the Rift subsidence. Two other small E-W trending faults bound the mountain on north and south, along the Ein-Gev valley and along the southern flank of the Sussita Mountain. The vertical displacement along these faults is on the order of several tens of meters. Since

Fig. 29

The Nukev Member of the Sussita Formation: limestone layers tilted towards the Dead Sea Rift.

over 11). arly

The last phases of the present landscape evolution have been shaped by geomorphic processes, such as soil formation, fluvial downcutting, sediment transport and slope mass movements. These processes isolated Sussita as an inter-basinal ridge, maintaining the water divide between the Ein-Gev and Sussita streams (fig. 31). Their catchments cover an area of 23.3 km2 and 3.21 km2 respectively starting at an elevation of 380 meters a.s.l. incising through the rocks and ending at 210 meters b.s.l. on the Kinneret shore. These two streams have been cutting through the lithological succession since the Lower or Middle Pleistocene epoch, when the marginal faults bordering the Kinneret basin were vertically activated - as part of the Dead Sea Rift. The Sussita Mountain is covered by a thin but remarkable layer of the Cover Basalt, measuring 10-20m in depth (fig. 30). These basalt beds flowed westward in gentle slopes towards the fast deepening basin. The Golan Heights streams flowed in the same direction. The Cover Basalt plateau in the Southern Golan was thin,and therefore these streams incised rapidly through the hard basalts, reaching the softer sedimentary units below. As basalts are more resistant to weathering, they stood out in high relief, whilst the layers underneath were more susceptible to weathering, favoring a faster deepening of the stream valleys. Consequently, the tectonic subsidence of the rift encouraged an increase in the erosion rate, either because of the potential energy amplification, or because of the fast back retreat of the soft sedimentary layers exposed by the faults. Therefore, at present, the Ein-Gev valley is incised 185m below the Sussita Mountain, and the canyon terminates at a distance of 5.5 km. from the main East-Kinneret escarpment (which implies the approximate location of the main faults). The Sussita valley is much smaller, and is cut at a distance of only 2.2 km from the main faults (fig 32).

ines, It is tion

sher

the mountain forms the downthrown block between these two faults, it is structurally defined as "Graben"; but as it also occupies a high relief, it is morphologically defined as an "inverted relief".

Fig. 30

The Cover Basalt formation covering the Sussita Mountain. The Cover Basalt plateau overlying the Herod and Ein-Gev formations, covering the Sussita Mountain.

The principal geomorphic activity at present is the fluvial activity. Streams are ephemeral,

37

:-.:CRIT SHTOBER-ZISC

.,

.

0

Fig. 32

""'

1m)

1500

2000

2500

,000

DilWa(m)

NNE-SSW topographical cross section along transect T-T', from !TM: 262808/744733 to 261984/741569 (see location in fig. 26). Cover Basalt is marked in black. Note the geological fault on the left, which downfaulted the Sussita block.

are partially activated during the rain and flow season.

Fig. 31

The Ein-Gev stream canyon (view from Sussita).

flow and erode during the winter period when occasional floods occur during severe storms. Erosion takes place within stream channels, carrying sediments towards the alluvial fans and the lake. Several Quaternary terraces are visible adjacent to the channel along the lowest reaches, indicating past periods of fast flu vial erosion versus tectonic quiescence and sediment deposition in the rift (fig. 33). At present, the streams incise in these terraces, and the conglomerates are washed downstream to the Kinneret Lake.

Fig. 33

2.

The soft lithological units surrounding Sussita Mountain encourage slope mass movements. Three common processes observed are soil creep, landslides, and rock fall. Soil creep is visible mainly along the soft sand slopes (Ein-Gev Formation) and the covering colluvium. Landslides are usually associated with stream channels and both processes occur mainly during the winter storms, when rocks and soils are saturated. Two large landslides associated with Ein-Gev channel are developed in the limestones of Sussita Formation (fig. 34). These landslides

River terraces composed of Quaternary conglomerates within the Sussita channel. View to the west.

See the chapter Earthquake Activity around the Sea of Galilee, Vol. IL

Fig. 34

Rockfalls are marked by large, cliff-derived basalt boulders, scattered on the surrounding slopes. These could have been the results of either one or two processes: one is slow protracted weathering and notching of the sandy slopes underneath the basalt cover and the other is catastrophic, such as earthquakes or extreme climatic events like heavy rainstorms. Earthquakes are common in this area. 2 Once the rock has been detached and starts to move, it descends the slope in different modes of motion that strongly depend on the mean slope gradient. The three most important modes of motion are free fall through the air, bouncing on the slope surface and rolling over the slope surface (Kanari, 2006).

Two major landslides associated with stream channels along the Ein-Gev stream. View to the east from the top of the Sussita Mountain.

THE GEOGRAPHICAL, GEOLOGICAL AND GEOMORPHOLOGICAL SETTINGS OF THE SUSSITA REGION

Sussita Mt.and site

/

along 733 to Cover ogical ~d the

. and

·ived ding suits slow .g of :isalt :has , like mon ched lope ngly hree free lope face

Fig. 35

Basalt mega-boulders are scattered along the southern slope of the Sussita Mountain (marked by red triangles). Their lineated sequencing imply further sliding after their initial detachment and fall.

The size of these mega-boulders might be as large as several tens of cubic meters and in places they are concentrated along shallow slope channel, indicating that they had rolled or slid on the slope talus after their initial fall. Colluvium accretion is visible behind most boulders (fig. 35). West of Sussita Mountain, a large alluvial fan was formed, accumulated mainly by the Ein-Gev stream, and covering an area of ca. 1.2 km. Fan apex is located several hundred meters upstream from the channel mouth, invading the wide, flat lowlands of the channel (fig. 28). To the west, sediments extend up to the shore of the Kinneret Lake, forming typical alluvial fan morphology (fig. 26) which is mostly influenced by the rising and falling of the lake levels. The soils on the fan are stony and therefore have been stone removed, permitting agricultural adaptation of the whitish, clayish and fertile soil (fig. 36).

List of references Baruch, U. 1986. The Late Holocene Vegetational History of Lake Kinneret (Sea of Galilee), Israel. Paleorient, 12 (2). p. 37-48.

-Gev

Fig. 36

The Ein-Gev alluvial fan extends at the Sussita Mountain piedmont. View to the east.

Geological Survey. 2008. The Geological Map of Israel 1:50000, Teverya, sheet 4-11. Heimann, 1990. The Development of the Dead Sea Rift and its Margins in Northern Israel in the Pliocene and Pleistocene. Ph.D. thesis, Hebrew Univ., Jerusalem. 114 p. (in Hebrew, Eng abs). Heimann, A., Steinitz, G., Mor, D., Shaliv, G. 1996. The Cover Basalt Formation, its Age its Regional Tectonic Setting: Implications from K-Ar and 40Ar/39Ar Geochronology. Isr. J. Earth Sci. 45: 55-71.

for Israel). Rep., 35 p. Michelson, H. and Lipson Benitah, S. 1986. The Li tho and Biostratigraphy of the Southern Golan Heights. Israel. J. Earth Sci. 35 (3-4). p. 221-240. Michelson, H., Flexer, A. and Erez Z. 1987.A Comparison of the Eastern and Western Sides of the Sea of Galilee and its Implication on the Tectonics of the Northern Jordan Rift Valley. Tectonophysics. 141 (1-3). p. 125-134.

Horowitz, A., 2001. The Jordan Rift Valley, A.A. Balkema Publishers, The Netherlands, 730 p.

Mor, D.1986. The Volcanism of the Golan Heights. Ph.D. thesis, Hebrew Univ., Jerusalem, 159 p. (in Hebrew, English abstract.).

Kanari, M. 2008. Evaluation of Rockfall Hazards to Qiryat Shemona - Possible Correlation to Earthquakes, Israel Geological Survey, Rep. GSI/24/08, 118 p.

Mor, D., 1993. A Time-table for the Levant Volcanic Province, according to K-Ar Dating in the Golan Heights, Israel. Journal of the African Earth Sci. 16 (3), p. 223-234.

Meulenkamp, J.E., et al. 2000. Late Rupelian (32-29 Ma). In: Dercourt, J., Gaetani, M., Vrielynck, B., Barrier, E., Biju-Duval, B., Brunet, M.F., Cadet, J.P., Crasquin, S., Sandulescu, M., eds. Atlas of Peri-Tethys, Paleogeographic Maps. CCGM/OGMW, Paris, 24 maps, Explanatory notes. Vol. 19, p. 171-178.

Schulman, N. 1962. The Geology of the Central Jordan Valley. PhD dissertation. Dept. Geol. Hebrew. Univ. Jerusalem, 103 p. (in Heb. English summary, unpublished).

Giveon, M. 1984. Paleogeographic Studies: Hordos Formation and En Gev Sands in Eastern Lake Kinneret. MSc. Thesis, Dept.Geo!., Hebrew Univ. Jerusalem. 86 p. (in Hebrew, unpub.).

Michelson, H., 1972. The Hydrogeology of the Southern Golan Heights. Tel Aviv: Tahal (Water planning for Israel). Rep. HR/72/037. 89 p. (in Hebrew).

Goldreich, Y. 1998. The Climate of Israel. Bar Ilan Press, Magnes Press. 292 p.

Michelson, H., 1982. Geological Survey of the Golan Heights. Tel Aviv: Tahal (Water planning

Shaliv, G. 1991. Stages in the Tectonic and Volcanic History of the Neogene Basin in the Lower Galilee and the Valleys. Geo[. Surv. lsr. Curr. Res. p. 1-94.

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA · ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS-QAL' AT EL-1:fU$N

Introduction

S u,sita

lies to the east of Lake Kinneret

(= Sea of Galilee], about 350m above the level of the lake, on the summit of a fairly flattopped mountain sloping down gradually from east to west. It is close to the road that circles the east bank of the Kinneret, but overlooks it and those living in it can enjoy a commanding view over the entire area that extends to the east and southeast of the lake. The city of Sussita is rectangular in shape, with a length of about 650m from east to west and a width of 220m from north to south. Sussita Mountain is detached from the Golan Heights with only a saddle ridge linking the eastern end of the mountain to the slopes of the Golan mountain range. The mountain is composed mostly of limestone and its uppermost parts are covered with a layer of basalt. These two types of rock served as the main raw materials for the construction of the city and its buildings. The city was enclosed by a solid wall, 1550m long, which followed the line of the natural cliffs surrounding the entire mountain top. Today - as in ancient times - one can ascend the mountain by two roads. The western road leads from the direction of Lake Kinneret across the fields

Fig. 37

Sussita Mountain as seen from the Sea of Galilee and Kibbutz Ein-Gev located on the shores of the lake.

of Kibbutz Ein Gev and climbs by a difficult route that snakes upward along a steep and rocky slope for about one kilometre. The eastern road passes along the saddle ridge towards the east side of the mountain, rising gradually upwards along a moderate incline except for the steeper section close to the East Gate of the city. The northern slopes of the Sussita Mountain are extremely precipitous

and the Ein Gev stream runs along the foot of the slopes in a deep and inaccessible channel. The southern slope of the mountain is slightly more moderate than the northern ones with the Sussita stream flowing at its base. 1 The remains of the ancient settlement on the mountain date from the Hellenistic period until the end of the Umayyad period,

Jerusalem Talmud, Ketuboth 2, 4 [26c]. I.

See the following studies that deal with the identity of the site, its location, and its historical landmarks: A. Neubauer, La Geographie du Talmud, Paris 1868, p. 238-240 (hereafter: Neubauer, Geographie); A. Schlatter, Zur Topographie und Geschichte Paliistinas, Stuttgart 1893, p. 306-308 (hereafter: Schlatter, Topographie); P. Thomsen, Loca Sancta, Halle 1907, p. 73; R. Dussaud, Topographie historique de la Syrie antique et medievale, Paris 1927, p. 388-389; G.A. Smith, The Historical Geography of the Holy Land 25, London 1931, s.v. 'Hippos' (hereafter: Smith, Historical Geography); F.-M. Abel, Geographie de la Palestine, Vol. II, Paris 1938, p. 471-472 (hereafter: Abel, Geographie); M. Neishtat, "Sussita: The City and its Area", 'Atiqot, 19-20 (1946), p. 216-221 (Hebrew); C. Epstein, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel, 2 (1950), p. 15 (Hebrew); idem., 'Sussita', ibid., 3 (1951), p. 8-9 (Hebrew); M. Nun, Sussita, Tel-Aviv 1951 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Nun, Sussita); idem., "The History of Sussita", Teva va-Aretz, 8 (10) (1950-1951), p. 486-492 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Nun, "Sussita"); Y. Peres, The Land of Israel: Topographical-Historical Encyclopedia2, s.v. 'Sussia, Sussita', Vol. III, Jerusalem 1952, p. 662-663 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Peres, Topographical Encyclopedia); S. Yeivin, A Decade of Archaeology in Israel, Istanbul 1960, p. 46; P. Ne'eman, Encyclopedia for Talmudic Geography, s.v. 'Sussita', Vol. II, Tel-Aviv 1972, p. 217-219 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Ne'eman, Geography); M. Avi-Yonah, Gazetteer of Roman Palestine, Jerusalem 1976, p. 65 (hereafter: Avi-Yonah, Gazetteer); Z. Safrai, The Jewish Settlement in the Golan after the Destruction of the Second Temple, Keshet 1978 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Safrai, Jewish Settlement); Z. Vilnaey, Ariel: Encyclopedia for Knowledge of the Land of Israel, s.v. 'Sussita', Vol. VI, Tel-Aviv 1978, p. 5360-5365 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Vilnaey, Ariel); E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C.-A.D. 135), (rev. and ed. by G. Vermes et al.), Vol. II, Edinburgh 1991 (reprinted 1979), p. 132 (hereafter: Schurer, History); M. Avi-Yonah, The Holy Land from the Persian to the Arab Conquests (536 B.C. to A.O. 640) A Historical Geography, Grand Rapids, Michigan 1966, p. 51, 69,102, 169-170 (hereafter: Avi-Yonah, Historical Geography); M. Gefen and Y. Gal, The Book of the Kinneret, 'Sussita', Tel-Aviv 1992, p. 200-207 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Gefen and Gal, 'Sussita'); C. Epstein, 'Hippos (Sussita)', in E. Stem (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. II, Jerusalem 1993, p. 634-636 (hereafter: Epstein, 'Sussita'); C. Burchard, 'Hippos', in H. Cancik, H. Schneider, and A.F. Pauly (eds), Der Neue Pauly: Enzyclopiidie der Antike, Vol. V, Stuttgart 1998, p. 608; M. Sartre, D'Alexandre aZenobie: histoire du Levant antique, !Ve siecle avant f.-C.-Ille siecle apres J.-C., Paris 2001, s.v. 'Hippos'; M. Eisenberg, The Fortifications of Antiochia Hippos (Sussita) in Light of the Hellenistic-Roman City Fortifications in the Roman East,(Unpublished M.A. thesis), University of Haifa 2003 (Hebrew, English summary) (hereafter: Eisenberg, Fortifications); A. Segal and M. Eisenberg, "Hippos-Sussita of the Decapolis: First Five Seasons of Excavations", Qadmoniot, 129 (2005), p. 15-29 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis"); idem., "The Spade Hits Sussita", Biblical Archaeology Review 32 (3) (2006), p. 40-51, 78 (hereafter: Segal and Eisenberg, "Excavations"); idem., "Hippos-Sussita of the Decapolis: Town Planning and Architecture of a Roman-Byzantine City", Near Eastern Archaeology, 70 (2) (2007), p. 86-107 (hereafter: Segal and Eisenberg, "Town Planning"); W.M. Thiel, Studien zum hel/enistischen Siedlungswesen in Paliistina und Transjordanien - Historische und archiiologische Untersuchungen zur stiidtebaulichen: Entwicklung ausgewiihlter Siedlungen unter den Ptolomiiem und Seleukiden, Milnchen 2007, p. 245-297 (hereafter: Thiel, Hel/enistischen Siedlungswesen); M. Eisenberg, Military Architecture in the Region of the Oecapolis during Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods,(Unpublished Ph.D. thesis), University of Haifa 2008, p. 146-207 (Hebrew, English summary) (hereafter: Eisenberg, Military Architecture); A. Golan, Daily Life in Byzantine and Umayyad Sussita in the Light of the Pottery Finds (Unpublished M.A. thesis), University of Haifa 2009 (Hebrew, English summary) (hereafter: Golan, Byzantine and Umayyad Sussita); See also note 4 below which deals with summary and discussion from the archaeological excavations at Sussita-Hippos during the years 2000-2011.

41

Fig. 38

Sussita Mountain. View from the Golan Heights.

during which it was destroyed by a violent earthquake in the year 749 CE. Sussita flourished during the Roman and Byzantine periods when it was known as one of the cities of the Decapolis. The main roads during the Roman period and apparently also during the Byzantine period, ran only along the margins of the Golan Heights and not across it. There is no real evidence that their existence had any influence on the development of the settlements in the area. Although we have no clear testimonies that these roads served for regional trade or international commerce, it may be that during times of peace the local population used the Roman roads for

mercantile traffic. 2 Four milestones, still not reported in any publication, were discovered on the road leading from Sussita to Damascus. Both ends of the city were connected with a Roman road and its remains and milestones are still visible in Wadi Jamusiyeh and in Kibbutz Ein Gev. 3 Landmarks in the history of Sussita have been noted in research from time to time since the establishment of the State of Israel (1948), but in an abbreviated form. However, an in-depth and comprehensive examination of the unique name for the site has not yet been made, neither its etymological affiliation with other cities that bear the name of Hippos,

nor the cultural, social and economic aspects of Sussita in light of the various but meagre sources available to us, including biblical evidence regarding the area of Sussita, classical literature, whether Greek or Latin, Rabbinic literature, as well as epigraphic and numismatic finds. The exposure of the buried structures of the city during recent years under the direction of Professor Arthur Segal and Dr. Michael Eisenberg of the Zinman Institute of Archaeology at the University of Haifa, with the participation of Professor Jolanta Mlynarczyk of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Dr. Mariusz Burdajewicz of the National Museum in Warsaw, Poland, Professor Mark Schuler of Concordia University in St. Paul, Minnesota, USA - sheds

2.

M. Kochavi (ed.), Archaeological Survey in 1968, Jerusalem 1972, p. 243-298 (Hebrew); D. Urman, The Golan during the Roman and Byzantine Periods: Topography, Settlements, Economy (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis), New York University 1979, p. 214-215 (Hebrew, English Summary) (hereafter: Urman, The Golan); idem., The Golan, BAR International Series 269, Oxford 1985; E. Dvorjetski, Medicinal Hot Springs in Eretz;-lsrae/ during the Period of the Second Temple, the Mishna and the Talmud, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 1992, p. 61 (Unpublished PhD thesis) (Hebrew, English summary) (hereafter: Dvorjetski, Medicinal Hot Springs).

3.

G. Dalman, Sacred Sites and Ways, London 1935, p. 171 (hereafter: Dalman, Sacred Sites); Schurer, History, Vol. II, p. 132; Nun, "Sussita", p. 488.

42

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSS ITA - ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS - QAL' AT EL-1:fU$N

a new and fascinating light on landmarks in the military, social and cultural history of Sussita as well as its special architectural contribution.4

Names of the City in the Course of History The name Sussita, which is written as Kn'OlD or ;m,010 or 1tion -156 on",

aled, phie, !phy, .frai, 1s 1

11 };

the

ed-Dln Yakut, one of the greatest Muslim geographers of the Middle Ages (1179-1229) notes in his geographical encyclopedia, .\111 'jam al-buldiin, that Sussita (Susiyah) was a district within the province of Jordan. 30

Trans-Jordan and Aramaic Sussita The conquest of Trans-Jordan was not done at their initiative but was the result of the provocations of Sihon, king of the Amorites, and Og, king of Bashan. Sihon prevented the Israelites from passing through his country and went to war against them. After his defeat, his lands were appropriated by the Israelites, and the biblical text describes it as: " ... from Amon to Jabbok, as far as the Ammonites" (Numbers, 21:24). Immediately after this it mentions the war with Og, king of Bashan, who ruled from Ashtaroth to Edrei. This includes the entire region of Argob, all the plain and the Bashan until Salchah and Edrei (ibid., 33-35; Deuteronomy, 3:2-10). The text speaks about the conquest of Trans-Jordan as being " ... from the river Amon until Mount Hermon", but it does not imply the entire area, since it leaves two Aramean countries, Geshur and Ma'achah: "And the children of Israel did not inherit the Geshurites and Ma'achathites, and Geshur and Ma'achah dwelt among the children of Israel until this day" (Joshua, 13:13). In view of this, the Golan which extends from the river er-Ru~~ad to the Kinneret and the sources of the Jordan, including the coastal stretch of land on the southeastern shore of the Kinneret, was not conquered and not distributed among the tribes of Israel, and they did not settle there. Geshur - a small Aramean kingdom - continued to exist here. King David, who extended the borders of his kingdom but did not conquer Geshur, married Ma'achah, the daughter of Talmai, king of Geshur, and she bore him Absalom (II Samuel, 3:3). After

he killed his brother Amnon, he fled to his mother's father in Geshur and remained there for three years (ibid, 13:37-38; 15:8), until David was persuaded to let him return (ibid, 14:21-23, 32). A few generations later this Aramean kingdom was incorporated into the kingdom of Aram-Damascus which had extended its rule to the banks of the Kinneret. During the reign of Ahab, Israel fought against Aram-Damascus in Aphek, the main city in the region, and this city and its surrounding areas passed from one ruler to . another. In 733 BCE Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria, fought against Aram-Damascus and according to Assyrian sources he destroyed 591 cities in 16 provinces of the kingdom. A year later he conquered Damascus and destroyed it, then conquered the Gilead and exiled its inhabitants to Assyria (II Kings 15:29). The entire region became an Assyrian province. 31 It is therefore not unlikely that Israelite rule did not exist on the south-eastern bank of the Kinneret during the First Temple period, nor was there any Hebrew settlement. This can be derived from the description of the eastern border; while the Kinneret is included in the region of the promised land, there is no mention of possessing the eastern bank (Deuteronomy, 34:1-4). In the blessing of Moses for Naphtali: "O Naphtali, satisfied with favour and full with the blessing of the Lord, possess thou the west and the south" (ibid., 33:23) there is support for the view that Naphtali controlled the lake and held its southern shore, but did not encroach eastward to the land of Geshur and did not hold the east bank of the Kinneret. In this area, near the shore, stood the city of Sussita which was apparently founded by the Arameans from Geshur or Aram-Damascus. 32 From the discussion above it may be concluded that Sussita was not an ancient city

as were those to the west of Lake Kinneret, such as Beth Yerah, Hammat, Rakkat and others, which left high tells covering them, and that it was not a city with a rich past from the early or even late Bronze Age. Sussita is first mentioned in the Hellenistic period, and apparently had not existed as a city before that time.

The Hellenistic Period and the Decapolis When the Land of Israel was conquered by Antiochus III 'the Great' from Ptolemy V in the Battle of the Banias in 198 BCE, the Seleucids wanted to strengthen their hold over it. They were especially engaged in the setting up the cities of the Decapolis (MKanoALc;) - a group of ten Hellenized cities on the eastern side of the Jordan and also included Beth Shean. These cities created a broad-ranged settlement bloc that extended from Rabbat Ammon-Philadelphia in the south to Sussita in the north and from Beth Shean in the west to Qanatha in the east. According to Pliny the Elder, it also included Damascus, Philadelphia, Raphana, Nysa-Scythopolis, Gadara, Hippos, Dion, Pella, Abila, and Qanatha. 33 On the other hand, Claudius Ptolemaeus, a Greek geographer of the mid-second century CE, in his geographical guidebook, r1:wyQa8 tK~ ucptjyriatc;, assigned a much larger area for the Decapolis. 34 What is common among the cities is that they are governed as a polis. Besides its dynastic and Greek name, 'Antiochia-Hippos', Sussita was a polis in the legal sense, a city that was autonomous (auwvoµia) with a city council (f3ouAtj) and officials appointed by the people . It was a city that had the authority to conduct its economic, public and religious affairs with complete freedom and even to mint

;e of

ew); 'lSOf

1ge" and ~es). 1-51; ,ure elin -373

30. Yakut, Mu 'jam al-buld'an, III, 193 (ed. L. Kreh!) Uber die Religion der vorislamischen Araber, Leipzig 1863; See also Furer, "Die Ortschaften", p. 74; Le Strange, Mos/ems, p. 540. 31. S. L. U:iwenstamm, 'Geshur, Geshuri', Encyclopedia Biblica, Vol. II, Jerusalem 1965, p. 568 (Hebrew); A. Malamat, 'Aram Damascus', ibid., Vol. I, p. 577-80 (Hebrew);

See also B. Mazar, "Geshur and Ma'achah", Zion, 23-24 (1958-1959), p. 115-123 (Hebrew); K. Epstein, "Another Thought on the Cities of Gru-Geshur Land according to el-Amama Letter 256", in M. Heltzer, A. Segal and D. Kaufman (eds), Studies in Archaeologi; and History of Eretz.-Israel Presented to Moshe Dothan, Haifa 1993, p. 83-90 (Hebrew); G. Galil, "The Canaanite City States in the Fourteenth Century BCE", Cathedra, 84 (1997), p. 40-44 (Hebrew). 32. B.Z. Luria, "The Kinneret Surface and the Location of Sussita and Gamala", Beit Mikra, 17 (1963), p. 74 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Luria, "Sussita"); In the Revised Standard Version of the Bible [= RSV] it is translated: "possess the lake and the south". 33. Plinius, Historia Natura/is, V, 74, Loeb Classical Libran;, Cambridge-Mass., 1961, p. 276-277. 34. Claudius Ptolemaeus, Geographia, V, 15: 22-23 (CF.A. Nobbe ed.), Hildesheim 1966, p. 63-64. He removed Raphana from the ten cities, but added nine others, two of them in Lebanon.

47

ESTEE O\'OR!ETSkl

its o,vn coins. Every polis had its own area of control (xc0Qa), in which the villages and towns under its jurisdiction were prepared to defend it bravely against any encroachments by other cities that bordered it. In a certain sense, the city extended beyond its walls, and was considered by its citizens as an extension of the city itself. 35 One of the outstanding indications for the Hellenization of the country was the integration of Greek religious and mythological traditions with the founding of the cities over the course of generations. This phenomenon was sustained by the fact that classic Greek mythology also contained an awareness of the age-old ties that had been formed between ancient Phoenicia and the Greek world. 36 Thus, for example, they associated Acre with the life of Hercules and it was told that the founder of Dor was Dorus, the son of the god Poseidon. The name Jaffa (Joppa) was derived from the name Cassiopea (Jope) the wife of King Cepheus, who founded the city and ruled over it. Jaffa is also associated with the Greek legend of Perseus and Andromeda. The name of the city of Gaza was derived from the name of Azon, the son of Heracles, in addition to other traditions associated with this city. And traditions that are associated with the god Dionysus were given prominence in the city of Raphiah. 37 The portrayal of Pegasus, the winged horse in Greek mythology, on the coins of Sussita-Hippos, was not given sufficient attention by the researchers as an example of the integration of the city with mythology. 38 The winged horse was associated with the hero Bellerophon, who tried to ascend with Pegasus to Olympus. Bellerophon fell back to earth but Pegasus reached Olympus where he was used to carry

Damaseu

■

■

Philadelphia

I Fig. 39

Map of the Decapolis.

Zeus' thunderbolts. This was the wonder horse that had sprung from the blood of the Gorgon killed by Perseus. It never tired in flight and Bellerophon had received it as a

gift from goddess Athene. Pegasus was not only a source of delight for Bellerophon but also assisted him throughout his life in times of adversity. 39

35. See, for example, Tcherikover, The Hellenistic Period, p. 17-29, 85-90; S.T. Parker, "The Decapolis Reviewed", Journal of Biblical Literature, 94 (1975), p. 437-441. See also H. Bitenhard, "Die Decapolis von Pompeius bis Traian", Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paliistina -Vereins, 79 (1963), p. 24-58 (hereafter: Bitenhard, "Decapolis"); I. Browning, Jerash and the Decapolis, London 1982; F. Millar, The Roman Near East, 31 BC-AD 337, Cambridge, Mass., 1996, p. 408-414 (hereafter: Millar, The Near East); W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, London-New York 2000, p. 181-197; Schurer, History, Vol. I, p. 148-150; Jones, The Cities, p. 456; G. Fuks, Greece in Eretz-lsrael: Beit-She'an in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Jerusalem 1983, p. 170-172 (Hebrew). 36.

Especially emphasized was the founding of the city of Thebes in Greece by Cadmus, the mythological Phoenician founder.

37.

M. Stem, "The Hellenism of the Land of Israel and the Non-Jewish Population", in M. Stem (ed.), The History of Eretz-Israel: The Hellenistic Period and the Hasmonean State (332-37 BCE), Vol. III, Jerusalem 1981, p. 88-89 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Stem, "Hellenization").

38. The first to mention this was F. de Saulcy, Numismatique de la Terre Sainte, Paris 1874, p. 344-347; Smith, Historical Geography, p. 400; Spijkerman, Coins, p. 169; A. Lichtenberger, "City Foundation Legends in the Decapolis", Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society, 22 (2004), p. 9. Lichtenberg attributes the explanation for the interpretation of the mythological horse to himself even though F. de Saulcy (1874) and G.A. Smith (1931) were the first to mention it. See below the discussion on the coins of Sussita-Hippos. 39. 0. Seyffert, 'Pegasus', A Dictionary of Classical Antiquities: Mythology, Religion, Literature and Art, London 1895, p. 465-466; F. Guirand (ed.), Larousse Encyclopedia of Mythology (Translated by R. Aldington and D. Ames), London 1959, p.154, 203; S. Woodford, "Displaying Myth: The Visual Arts", in K. Dowden and N. Livingstone

!! I

J J C

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA - ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS - QAL' AT EL-f:lU$N

•

ISCU8

According to the finds in the excavations of the Hellenistic Sanctuary at Sussita, such as construction segments, architectural items, pottery and coins, it may be determined with certainty that Sussita-Antiochia-Hippos was already settled during the third century BCE, that is to say during the Ptolemaic period. 40 At this stage, three possibilities exist: this was either an urban type of settlement, an outpost, or a fortress. But it seems more reasonable to suppose that there was a fortress here set up during the 'Syrian wars', when two Hellenistic powers, the Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires, struggled with each other over control of the Land of Israel. 41 The Jews enjoyed extensive autonomy granted them by Antiochus III in exchange for their help in conquering the country from the Ptolemies. The change for the worse came when Antiochus IV Epiphanes came to the throne (175 BCE). His reliance on the Hellenistic cities encouraged their inhabitants to show hostility towards their Jewish neighbors, and they become even more aggressive when religious decrees were imposed upon the Jews, which finally resulted in the Hasmonaean revolt. The decisions made among the cities in the Gilead region to destroy the Jews (I Maccabees, 5:9-13, 27) was consistent with the policy of the royal decrees and the acts of repression against the Jewish rebels. One of the battles was against

the fortress of Kaspin (Kaamiv), 42 which also served as an important supply centre in the defense system (II Maccabees, 12:1314). It is not clear whether the battle took place before the engagement in Dathema and Raphon [= Raphana] or after it. If in those days Khisfin was indeed within the land of Sussita-Hippos, 43 the implication is that this Hellenistic city was part of the Seleucid system in the region. The first historical occurrence in which the city is mentioned is in connection with the conquests of the Hasmonaean king, Alexander Jannaeus, who ruled between the years 102-76 BCE. Josephus Flavius reports very briefly of the conquest of the cities of Pella, Gerasa, Dion, Golan, Gamala and Seleuca (Bellum Judaicum I, 104-106; Antiquitates Judaicae XIII, 393-394). But according to the supplementary evidence of the Byzantine chronographer Syncellus of the eighth century CE, we must add Hippos, Abila, and Philoteria. 44 The conquests of Jannaeus in the Golan region were carried out in three battles. In 101 BCE Gadara was conquered, in 93 BCE a battle was fought with the Nabataeans and in 83-80 BCE the central Golan was conquered. The date for the conquest of Hippos is not mentioned in the sources. This may have occurred during the conquest of the central part of the Golan, but it is more probable that the city was captured during the first

battle. This is because the two cities, Gadara and Hippos are always mentioned together in Josephus and the conquest of the latter is not mentioned in the relatively detailed description of the third battle. 45 Alexander Jannaeus obliterated all mention of Hellenistic culture in the cities he conquered. Pella, for instance, was destroyed by his order because its citizens refused to be Judaized (ibid., XIII, 397). The Hasmonaeans demolished these cities and uprooted their idolatrous and hostile populations. To Samaria, which was razed to its foundations by Yohanan Hyrcanus his father (ibid., 281), we may add Gaza (ibid., 362-364). A similar fate was suffered by Gadara (ibid., 75) and by other cities (ibid., XIV, 87-88). The conquest of Hippos may have been the motive for the counter-attack by the Nabataeans, who were the main rivals of Jannaeus for control over the northern part of Trans-Jordan and the King's Highway. This counter-attack was aimed at Hippos which was of interest to the Nabataeans, as can be derived from the Greek inscription found near the western gate of the city. The inscription is dated to the second-third century CE and is dedicated to the main Nabataean god Dushara (~OYCAPEI), who is identified with the wine god, Dionysus. In the view of Ovadiah and Ma'oz, it indicates

(eds), A Companion to Greek MythologiJ, Chichester, W. Sussex 2011, p. 157-178; N. Yalouris, Pegasus: The Art of the Legend 2, London 1977. 40.

Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis", p. 17; On the Rhodian handle of an amphora, dated to the second century BCE, with the seal impression EIIIEY KAEY1: during the (reign) of Eukeles; see A. Schulman, "Sussita", Bulletin of the Department of Antiquities of the State of Israel, 5-6 (1957), p. 31 (Hebrew); R.C. Gregg and D. Urman, Jews, Pagans and Christians in the Golan Heights: Greek and Other Inscriptions of the Roman and Byzantine Eras, Atlanta, Ga., 1996, p. 21-22 (hereafter: Gregg and Urman, Jews and Christians); Gregg and Urman note that a magistrate with this name has not yet been identified, but this type of handle was known to be from Alexandria, Syria and the Land oflsrael; V. Grace, "Stamped Amphora Handles Found in 1930-1931", Hesperia, 3 (1934), p. 214-240; idem., "Standard Pottery Containers", Hesperia Supplement, 8 (1949), p. 181-185.

41.

Z.U. Ma'oz, "The Hellenistic Framework Fortification in the Golan and Jannaeus's Conquests", The Land of the Golan, 81 (1983), p. 16-17 (hereafter: Ma'oz, "The Fortification"); For the fortifications layout of Sussita-Hippos, see extensively Eisenberg, Fortifications; idem., Military Architecture, p. 160-240 and see there also a comprehensive description of the cities' fortifications in the Hellenistic East.

not but mes

. See .''); I. ~ast); ;uks,

•nean 9; A. nfor ;sion

iia of tone

42. On the place which is called today Khisfin located in the Golan Heights above the Nov stream near Ramat Magshimim, see Avi-Yonah, Gazeetter, p. 48; F.-M. Abel,

Les livres des Maccabees, Paris 1949, p. 99-100, 436 . 43.

Klein, Trans-Jordan, p. 4-5; Kasher, Canaan, p. 75; Some attempt to locate the place to the south of the Bashan or Gilead around the sources of the Jordan, between Basra and Edrei. See Peres, Topographical Encyclopedia, Vol. I, p. 46, Vol. III, p. 474; B. Bar-Kochva, "Gamla in Gaulanitis", Zeitschrift des Deutschen Paliistina -Vereins, 92 (1976), p. 54-71.

44.

Syncellus, Chronographia, Corpus Scriptorum Historia Byzantinae (ed. M. Dindorf), Vol. I, Bonn 1829, p. 558-559; According to Schurer (History, Vol. I, p. 219-228; Vol. II, p. 131), Syncellus drew his information from Julius African us, who drew it from an early Hebrew source, perhaps from Justus of Tiberias; Josephus does not include the city among those conquered by Jannaeus, but this is mentioned later on when Pompey liberates and restores the city (Bellum Judaicum, I, 296; Antiquitates Judaicae, XV, 217); See also Jones, The Cities, p. 255; Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 52; A. Kasher, "Josephus on King Jannaeus' War against the Hellenistic Cities", Cathedra, 41 (1986), p. 25 (Hebrew); idem., Edom, Arabia and Israel: Relations of the Jews in Eretz-Jsrael with the Nations of the Frontier and the Desert during the Hellenistic and Roman Era (332 BCE - 70 CE), Jerusalem 1988, p. 100-101 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Kasher, Israel); M. Stem, "Judaea and her neighbours in the days of Alexander Jannaeus", Jerusalem Cathedra, 1 (1981), p. 22-46; Klein, Trans-Jordan, p. 7-8; M. Avi-Yonah and S. Safrai, Atlas Carta for the Second Temple Period, the Mishna and the Talmud, Jerusalem 1966, Map no. 67 (Hebrew).

45. Ma'oz, "The Fortification", p. 17.

E.5TEE D\.0RfEE1'i

the influence of the Nabataean cult beyond the Hauran and the existence of a Nabataean trad ing settlement in Sussita-Hippos. 46 Belayche rejects this idea and claims that the evidence is fairly slender. Not only is the divinity of Dushara not indicated on the coins of Hippos, but so far no archaeological findings in Sussita-Hippos confirm any Nabataean influence. 47 Sussita was liberated from Jewish control only after the conquest of the country by Pompey in 63 BCE. In accordance with his Hellenistic policy in the East, Pompey stripped the Hasmonaean kingdom of all the conquests that the Jews had achieved along the shores of the Land of Israel on the west and on eastern side of the Jordan River. The cities such as Hippos, Gadara, Pella, Nysa-Scythopolis, Dion, Samaria, Maresha, Gaza, Ashdod and others, were declared 'free', were returned to their 'legal inhabitants' and were incorporated into the new Provincia Syria (Bellum Judaicum I, 156-157; Antiquitates Judaicae XIV, 75-76). Pompey had many motivations for the support he gave to the cities. By building them up and strengthening them he neutralized Jewish power in the country both politically and commercially and denied them important sources of income. Pompey thus continued the traditional policies of Rome - siding with the Hellenistic cities against the local kings and rulers, especially against those that sometimes evinced opposition to Rome. Moreover, by supporting these Hellenistic centers, Pompey advanced his ambitions. Promoting the welfare of these cities conformed to the image that he wished to create for himself as the heir and successor to Alexander the Great, the rehabilitator of cities and the bearer of the standard of Hellenism. 48

The liberation of the Hellenistic cities from Hasmonaean domination was symbolized in a demonstrative manner by the fact that most of them adopted a system of calculating the years based on the Pompeian calendar which began in the year 63 BCE in order to mark the date of their 'liberation' as the first year of their renewed foundation. Among these cities we should list Hippos, Gadara, Abila, Qanatha, Nysa-Scythopolis, Pella, Dion, and Gerasa. The distinctive fact is that it was particularly these cities on the east bank of the Jordan, in Trans-Jordan, which had adopted the Pompeian calendar, and that this can be elucidated by their federation within the new framework of the Decapolis which also removed the danger of N abataean domination. 49 In 30 BCE, Augustus Caesar annexed two cities to the realm of King Herod: Hippos and Gadara, in addition to areas stolen from him by Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, as well as other coastal cities, in recognition of his support in the Battle of Actium, and appointed him procurator (bdi:Q07mc;) of all Syria (Bellum Judaicum I, 396-399; Antiquitates Judaicae XV, 217). It stands to reason that Herod received the cities Hippos and Gadara with the explicit commitment to maintain their former degree of freedom and not to constrain them by his centralized royal regime. Schalit assumes that only three cities: Gaza, Gadara and Hippos, called 'EM17vLbEc; n6Aac; (Bellum

Judaicum II, 97; Antiquitates Judaicae XVII, 320), enjoyed a special political and juridical status during the lifetime of Herod, that is to say ain:ovoµi.a, meaning broad self-rule relative to the government in other cities - which meant that they had the pretext to demand complete freedom from the regime of Herod

whom they detested. The areas of the Hauran, Trachon, Bashan and Golan, which were in the course of time annexed by Augustus to the kingdom of Herod, may have been administered by the maris, an administrative unit (divided into small units of villages), headed by a military governor. The head of such a unit was called ai:Qai:17yoc; Ka[ µEQLbrew, ical, 4

the region of control of Archelaus, the son of Herod. Hippos, Gadara and Gaza were released from dependence on the Herodian rulers and were incorporated within Provincia Syria. This situation remained at least under the end of the Second Temple period. It is not clear when Sussita was returned to Provincia Iudaea, just as we do not know when the framework of the Decapolis cities was dismantled. It may be assumed that this occurred after the destruction of the Temple or after the Bar Kochba revolt. 54

I

53. S. Mittmann, Beitriige zur Siedl1111gs und Territorialgeschichte des nordlichen Ostjorda11landes, Wiesbaden 1970, p. 176-177; F. Zayadine, "A Dated Greek Inscription from

Gadara-Um Qeis", Annual of the Department of Antiquities of Jordan, 18 (1973), p. 18.

I

54.

M. Stem, "Herod's Kingship", in M. Avi-Yonah (ed.), The World History of the Jewish People: The Herodian Period, Jerusalem 1983, p. 89 (Hebrew); Millar, The East, p. 43-44; Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 28.

I

55.

LL. Levine, "The Great Revolt and the Destruction of the Second Temple", in M. Stem (ed.), The History of Eretz-lsrael - The Roman-Byzantine Period: The Roma11 Period from the Conquest to the Ben Kozba War (63 BCE-135 CE), Vol. IV, Jerusalem 1984, p. 255 (Hebrew); M. Hartal, Northern Golan, Tel-Aviv 1987, p. 15 (Hebrew).

I

56. M. Stein, The Life of Josephus, Ramat-Gan 1968, p. 116 (Hebrew). 57.

J. Klausner, The History of the Second Temple Period, Jerusalem 1967, p. 123 (Hebrew).

51

ESTEE D\'ORJETSKI

with Agrippa II and the Romans, and that there was no real intention here by Agrippa to rule over them. 61

event, hatred, suspicion and dread were what motivated the cities in their actions against the Jews who were living in their midst. 62

An important piece of evidence for the strong arm tactics and animosity felt by the non-Jewish citizens of Hippos and Gadara towards the Jews ever since these cities had been conquered by Alexander Jannaeus, and later on under the rule of Herod, is given in the description in Bellum Judaicum (II, 478). Both cities executed 'the most daring' (wvc:; 0Qaavi:£Qovc:;) among their Jewish inhabitants, while 'the most fearful' (wvc:; cj>o~EQODc:;) were imprisoned. It is not clear when this actually occurred, whether it was after they had been attacked by Justus and his band or at the same time. In any case, as Kasher stresses, we learn from Josephus that the Jewish minorities in these cities were not indifferent to what was taking place around them. Some amongst them feared for their fate and were terrified at what might happen. On the other hand, some of them were boldhearted and apparently were not careful to conceal their admiration for the rebels. Since these two Hellenistic cities, like their fellow members, stood openly on the side of Rome, they regarded the bold-faced Jews living amongst them as outright enemies and executed them. The safety measures they took against the Jews who were fearful and weak conform to what is told about the Jews of Scythopolis (ibid., II, 466-476). In the final

Among the rebels who were killed or sold into slavery by Vespasian in Tiberias were many of those who were from Hippos (ibid, III, 542). Avi-Yonah claims that as a result of the revolt some of the Decapolis cities such as Scythopolis, Hippos, Gadara, Pella and Abila were incorporated into the area under the Procurator of Iudaea. 63 On the other hand, Smallwood thinks that there is no information about changes in the area of Provincia Iudaea when it was reorganized after the Great Revolt. 64 Sussita-Hippos recovered quickly from its troubles at the beginning of the Great Revolt and developed into a large centre. The region of the Decapolis in general continued to flourish and became one of the important centres of Greek settlement and culture in the entire East. 65 We do not have much historical information about SussitaHippos after the destruction of the Temple. The city is mentioned for the first time in a Latin inscription dated to 105 CE, during the reign of Emperor Hadrian. This was a military discharge-diploma for a Roman soldier from Hippos - M(arco) Spedio M(arci) f(ilio) Corbuloni Hippo. 66 The minting of Sussita-Hippos coins was resumed after a suspension of more than a century since the time of Emperor Nero

in 67/68 CE, the period of the war of the Jews against Rome. It is quite possible that Sussita-Hippos was able to mint coins because of the help it extended to the Romans. The proximity of these events indicates a clear connection between them. 67 The city goddess of fortune, Tyche, was the most prominent figure in the cult of Sussita-Hippos, and she is presented in two ways. In one way she is shown wearing a mural crown, as appropriate for a fortress city, 68 and accompanied by a horse in various forms. For example, in a coin from the period of the Emperor Domitian (81-96 CE), the horse stands on the left and the Greek inscription reads: IIUJHNWN [=of the people of Hippos], and another coin from the period of Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161 CE) the city goddess holds the reins of the horse standing behind her, and on her left is a cornucopia. The head and neck of a horse in presented on a coin from the days of Emperor Lucius Verus (161-169 CE), and on another coin of his period, the city goddess holds a small horse on the palm of her hand stretched forward, with a horn of plenty on her left. From the time of Faustina, the wife of Emperor Marcus Aurelius, a winged horse is presented hovering on the right. On the coins of the city from the period of Emperor Elagabalus the winged horse is presented as looking backward, bearing a wreath between its wings with the date 219 CE within it. 69

It is important to note that from the time of

58. G. Alon, Studies in Jewish History, Vol. I, Tel-Aviv 1967, p. 236 (Hebrew). 59.

Y. Dan, "Josephus Flavius and Justus of Tiberias", in U. Rappaport (ed.), Josephus Flavius: Historian of Eret-lsrael in Hellenistic-Roman Period, Jerusalem 1982, p. 75 (Hebrew).

60. A. Schalit, "Josephus and Justus", Klio, 26 (1933), p. 80-85. 61. Schurer, History, Vol. II, p. 145. 62.

Kasher, Canaan, p. 260.

63.

M. Avi-Yonah, "Geographical History", in S. Safrai and M. Stem (eds), Compendia Rerum ad Novum Testamentum: The Jewish People in the First Century, Vol. I, Assen 1976, p. 114.

64. E.M. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian: A Study in Political Relations, Leiden 1976, p. 339. 65.

M.D. Herr, "The Foreign Population", in M.D. Herr (ed.), The History of Eret-Israel, The Roman-Byzantine Period - The Mishna and Talmud Period and the Byzantine Role (70-640), Vol. V, Jerusalem 1985, p. 21 (Hebrew).

66.

H.G. Pelaum, "Un nouveau diplome militaire d'un soldat de l'armee d'Egypte", Syria, 44 (1967), p. 340-342; Schurer, History, Vol. II, p. 132.

67.

Meshorer, City-Coins, p. 74; See the unique coins from Sussita-Hippos which has on one side the goddess of the city, Tyche, with a mural crown and mitre on her head, and on the other side a palm tree circled with a Greek inscription: (IITITH [NWJ N) [= of the citizens (residents) of HipposJ; On this, see A. Berman, Hippos 2008, p. 162 (see above, note 4). See also the Chapter on the Coin Finds.

68.

The first coins to be minted in Sussita were from the year 37 BCE. On one side of the coin is the head of the city goddess with a mural crown (corona muralis) and mitre and on the other side a galloping horse on the right and an inscription in Greek: (IITITHNWN) [= of the people of Hippos].

69.

See above for the discussion about the mythological horse, Pegasus. On the coins of the city in general, see H. Seyrig, "Temples, cultes et souvenirs historiques de la Decapole", Syria, 36 (1959), p. 77-78 (hereafter: Seyrig, "Coins"); Rosenberger, City-Coins, p. 1-4; Spijkerman, Coins, p. 168-179; Meshorer, City-Coins, p. 74-75, nos. 197, 198,199,200,202,203,204, 205; D. Hendin, Guide to Biblical Coins 4, New York 2001, p. 257-259; Schurer, History, Vol. II, p. 132; A. Kindler and A. Stein, A

52

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA-ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS-QAL'AT EL-J:1.U$N

1f the that cause . The clear idess inent :ishe ;he is >riate by a 1coin itian : and !

fWN

Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161 CE) the city rose in status, and from now on a long

inscription appears on its coins, translated as: Uf the Antiochene citizens in Holy Hippos and city of refuge'. The term 'Antiochene citizens', which dates from the time of Seleucid rule preceding the Roman period, is meant to express certain civil rights of which we have no precise knowledge. 70 Another figure of an exceptional nature which is found only on Sussita coins appears on a coin from the hoard discovered in Migdal near Tiberias. On one coin from the period of the Emperor Elagabalus, a man is portrayed

coin Pius reins 1her of a ysof don dess 1and yon wife 1orse L the eror idas 11een . 69

te of

p.

Fig. 40 Reverse of the Hippos city mint coin showing Tyche with corona muralis holding the reins of a horse, symbolizing Hippos (minted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius 161-180 CE).

75 70. 71.

.ssen

72.

Role

73.

1her ppos

74.

and s de 1-75, n,A

75.

wearing a short military tunic standing within a tetrastyle temple and holding some unidentified objects in his hands. At his foot is a small horse and around him are various celestial bodies. The name of the city is inscribed around the temple, and written in Greek within the gable is the word ZEVC -'Zeus' and under the temple the word APOTHCIOC - 'Zeus Arotesios' [= Zeus of the heights, of the mountain top]. Because of the special geographical nature of the city, located on the summit of a high and steep mountain, a special Zeus cult was developed in Sussita which was perhaps associated with astrological beliefs. The existence of this cult may indicate the depth of Hellenization in the city, although this attribute may perhaps refer to some local Eastern agricultural divinity. It is important to stress that during the days of Elagabalus the minting of coins in Sussita did not extend beyond the year 222 CE. 71 The city continued to function as a polis and an administrative centre. Most of its inhabitants were gentiles, and the Jewish Sages continued to speak in denigration of their morals: "You shall not covet, as in the following: Caius of Cader and Luci[u]s of Sussita used to steal one another's wives. In time a quarrel developed between them, and someone killed his father not knowing he was his father" (Pesiqta Rabbati, 21, !sh-Shalom ed., 107a-108b). 72 However, there is no doubt that there were Jews in the city who went back to

it after the destruction of the Temple to live within a gentile environment. In the Jerusalem Talmud (Ketuboth 2, 4 [26c]; Rosh Hashanah 2, 1 [57d]) Sussita is quoted as an example given in the name of Rabbi Judah as" a city mostly of non-Jews, such as this Sussita". There is no mention of its Jews, but two Jews were nevertheless said to have been from that city. One of them is known, and he testifies to his friend as also being a Jew. 73 One of the donors to the synagogue in Hammat-Gader, which is dated to the first half of the fifth century CE, is called Monica of Sussita. In the same inscription there is a list of donors from nearby settlements such as Kefar Aqavia, Kefar Nahum, Arbel, and others.74 In 1988 Ilan, Porat and Gal discovered the remains of a public building constructed of basalt near the western gate of Sussita. In this building and nearby were more than ten columns, a column base and an Ionic capital of the type widely used in synagogue, decorated friezes, a fragment of a lintel on which there was a tabula ansata frame with an eagle depicted at its right edge in the style used for portraying animals and birds that can be found in various places in the Golan such as l;iirbet Dikkeh north of the Kinneret. 75 This public building was known as a' church-synagogue', but since a mosaic floor, an altar, and other objects were found there it left no doubt this was not a synagogue but a church and is now called the Southeast Church.76

Bibliography of the City Coinage of Palestine from the 2nd Century to the 3rd Century A.D., BAR International Series 374, Oxford 1987, p. 152-156; E. Dvorjetski, "Animals as Coin-Type in the Land of Israel in the Roman Period: Art and Propaganda", in B. Arbel et al. (eds), Human Beings and Other Animals in Historical Perspective, Jerusalem 2007, p. 117-118 (Hebrew). Seyrig, "Coins", p. 78; Schurer, History, Vol. II, p. 132; Meshorer, City-Coins, p. 75. Y. Meshorer, "A Hoard of Coins from Migdal",' Atiqot, 11 (1976), p. 55, 68-69; See also M.J. Price and B.L. Trell, Coins and Their Cities: Architecture on the Ancient Coins of Greece, Rome, and Palestine, London 1977, p. 282; Spijkerman, Coins, p. 334,339; Wineland, "Religions", p. 399; Meshorer, City-Coins, p. 75; Stem ("Hellenization", p. 88) explains: 'God of labour and seeds'; See also A. Lichtenberger, Sussita-Hippos 2004 (see above, n. 4), p. 106-112; Thiel, Hellenistischen Siedlungswesen, p. 266-268. Dvorjetski, Medicinal Hot Springs, p. 61; idem., Hammat-Gader, p. 22; Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 29; The reading follows S. Klein (ed.), Sefer HaYishuv, 'Gader', Jerusalem 1939, p. 2 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Klein, Sefer HaYishuv); Dvorjetski, Culture and Healing, p. 286; Gefen and Gal, 'Sussita', p. 202; On the names of these two and their significance, see S. Lieberman, Greek and Hellenism in Jewish Palestine, Jerusalem 1962, p. 67 (Hebrew); Dalman, Sacred Sites, p. 171. Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 29; Urman and Flesher, Synagogues, p. 576; U.Z. Ma'oz, "Comments on Jewish and Christian Communities in Byzantine Palestine", Palestine Exploration Quarterly, 117 (1985), p. 65; Ch. Ben David, "Late Antique Gaulanitis Settlement Patterns of Christians and Jews in Rural Landscape", in A.S. Lewin and P. Pellegrini (eds), Settlements and Demography in the Near East in Late Antiquity, Pisa-Roma 2006, p. 40; On the Jews in the Decapolis, see M. Goodman, "Jews in the Decapolis", ARAM Periodical, 4 (1-2) (1992), p. 49-56; E. Dvorjetski, "The Jews in Trans-Jordan in the Roman and Byzantine Periods", in G. Barkai and E. Schiler (eds), History and Archaeology of Jordan, Vol. I, Jerusalem 1995, p. 106-117 (Hebrew). J. Naveh, On Stone and Mosaic: The Aramaic and Hebrew Inscriptions from Ancient Synagogues, Jerusalem 1978, p. 58, and regards this word as the personal Greek name f.[cru0oi;, 'i1!>'0'01' no. 33 (hereafter: Naveh, Mosaic) reads this as: which is Sisyphus; while E.L. Sukenik regards it as a distortion of ';-,n•0101': E.L. Sukenik, The Ancient Synagogue of El-f:lammeh (f:lammath-by-Gadara), Jerusalem 1935, p. 50; So does Klein, Sefer HaYishuv, 'Gader', p. 46, no. 10b; Ilan, The Golan, p. 272; Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 29; Dvorjetski, Hammat-Gader, p. 122; M. Avi-Yonah, 'Tell El-l;iammeh', in E. Stem (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Vol. II, Jerusalem 1993, p. 568; Urman and Flesher, Synagogues, p. 600. Z. Ilan, Ancient Synagogues in Erelt,-lsrael, Tel-Aviv 1991, p. 99 (Hebrew); Urman and Flesher, Synagogues, p. 577- 578; Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 53; See also N. YuvalHacham, "'Like An Eagle That Stirs up Its Nest': For the Meaning of the Motif Eagle in Ancient Synagogues in the Galilee and the Golan", Cathedra, 124 (2007), p. 29-50 (Hebrew).

53

ESTEE D\"ORIET5hl

Fig. 41

Sussita Mountain and the Sea of Galilee as seen from Tiberias.

An indirect reference to the city is given in the laws on circumcision concerning Rabbi Ami Uerusalem Talmud, Yoma, 3, 1 [40b]; See also ibid., Rosh Hashana, 2, 1 [57d ]). Rabbi Ami permits carrying the infant and entering it into the covenant of our father Abraham on the Sabbath in accordance with the testimony of women that when he was born the sun was still shining on Sussita, while it was no longer seen over Tiberias. The city of Tiberias stands on the west opposite Sussita which stands high on the mountain top, and therefore the rays of the sun are seen over Sussita for longer than on Tiberias. In other words, when evening comes, Tiberias become dark before Sussita which lies opposite it, because the sun setting in the west casts a shadow over Tiberias situated at the foot of a steep

mountain, but it illuminates Sussita built on the crest of a mountain. When they wanted to say in Tiberias that the light of day still remained around it, they said "the light of the sun is on Sussita" .77 Although there were Jews living in the city, they were limited in number, and during the Mishnaic period. Jewish settlement towns were listed in the district of Sussita as being engaged in cultivating the land and were obligated to give priestly offerings and tithes (Tosefta, Shevi'it, 4, 10, Tsukermandel ed., p. 66 78; Jerusalem Talmud, Demai, 2, 1 [22c22d]). This section is very ancient. Safrai is of the opinion that the ruling went through at least two stages. In the first stage they designated the 'forbidden' Jewish towns that

were obligated to fulfill the commandments concerning the land, and in the second stage one town, Kefar $emac~, was exempted because the Jewish population in it was reduced. The second stage occurred during the time of the Patriarch Rabbi Judah the Patriarch (ibid., [22c]). As it was known, Rabbi Judah exempted cities in which most of the inhabitants were non-Jews from the commandments concerning the land, such as Ashkelon, Caesarea, Beth Guvrin and Beth Shean. His intention was to allow the Jewish population to become integrated with the urbanization trend of the Severan Emperors, and his aim in making these rulings was to encourage Jews to settle in those cities and to help them in their economic competition with their gentile neighbors. 79

76. See in detail: Hippos 2006 (see above, n. 4), p. 28-37; Roman, "The City", p. 36-37. 77. Luria, "Sussita", p. 78-79; Klein, Trans-Jordan, p. 50; Vilnaey, Ariel, p. 53-63; Klein, Land of the Galilee, p. 95; Gefen and Gal, 'Sussita', p. 202. 78. The version "in Zitzit domain" is corrupted; See, for example, Jastrow, Dictionary, p. 967. 79. A. Buchler, "The Patriarch Rabbi Judah and the Graeco-Roman Cities of Palestine", in I. Brodie and J. Rabbinowitz (eds), Studies in Jewish History, London 1956, p.

54

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA -ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS- QAL'AT EL-l:IU$N

!nts age ted -vas

"ing the ,vn, lOSt

the 1as eth -ish the lrS,

; to ind ion

The exclusion of Sussita from the area of the I.and of Israel is mentioned once again in Tosefta (Oholot, 18, 4): "The heathen villages which lie within the Land of Israel boundary, like Sussita and its dependencies, or like Ashkelon and its dependencies, are not to be regarded as heathen in the matter of ,-itical purity, although they are exempt from the priestly dues and the observance of the sabbatical year". Here only Sussita and Ashkelon are mentioned, but in other sources it was shown that this law also concerned other cities. 80 Yet it should be emphasized that we do not have any halakhic discussion in which the status of Sussita was determined, such as in the exemption for Ashkelon. 81

of 'the land of Tob' while commenting on Judges, 11:5: "The district of Tob is the presentday Sussita, and it is called 'good' because it was at a later day to be exempted from tithes" (Jerusalem Talmud, Shevi'it, 6, 1 [36c]). It is obvious here that the intention of the Jerusalem Talmud was not the city itself but the surrounding area, the 'Sussita region' in which there were village settlements with Jewish farmers who were exempted from priestly offerings and tithes. In other words, it was good for Jews to live there, since they were not obliged to keep all the commandments imposed on the Jewish inhabitants of the country, but these words were apparently uttered in jest.83

The expression 'enclaved little towns' proves that the reference is to gentile settlements surrounded by a Jewish region, otherwise there would be no point for the term 'enclaved'. Furthermore, if it refers to a region on the margins of a Jewish settlement, it may be defined as 'abroad', as it was used in the 'Baraita of the Boundaries' (Sifre, Deuteronomy, 51 ), which is dated to the generation of Usha and describes the halahkic borders of the Land of Israel. 82 It was not without reason that Rabbi Joshua ben Levi explained the meaning

The central part of the Lower Golan was the heartland of Jewish settlement in the Golan region during the entire period of the Mishna and the Talmud. In this distinctly Jewish area the population was engaged mainly in the cultivation of olive groves and the production of olive oil. The inference that can be derived from the vast number of oil presses found in this region is that the quantity of olive oil produced here during the period in question was not meant solely for local consumption but was also, perhaps

mainly, for export to other regions, and may even have been intended for international trade. Large quantities of olive oil were also produced in the southern part of the Lower Golan which is usually identified with the district of Talmudic Sussita. In this area, where the population was mixed, both during the Second Temple period and the Mishnaic and Talmudic eras, a few wine presses were also discovered in addition to the oil presses. This find indicates the existence of vineyards, but in more restricted areas. Most probably, from the reference to the 'olives of the Decapolis' in Pliny the Elder, we may infer that olives from the Lower Golan were exported to Italy among other places, and perhaps the reference is to the olives from the region of Sussita in particular. 84 Besides agriculture, the inhabitants of Sussita-Hippos subsisted on fishing in the Kinneret and trading. Close commercial and economic ties existed between Sussita and neighboring Tiberias, until the phrase "like Tiberias to Sussita" became an example for stable and regulated sea communications. It seems that the saying in this form derives from the permanent west wind. 85 Thus we are taught, "Rabbi Pinhas in the name of Rabbi Levi says: So was the ark [of Noah] that floated on the water as on two

179-244 (hereafter: Buchler, "The Cities"); A. Oppenheimer, "Urbanisation and City Territories in Roman Palestine", in I. Gafni et al. (eds), The Jews in the HellenisticRoman World, Studies in Memory of Menahem Stern, Jerusalem 1996, p. 214 (Hebrew); I.L. Levine, "The Epoch of Rabbi Judah the Patriarch", in Z. Baras et al (eds), Eretz-Jsrae/ from the Destruction of the Second Temple to the Muslim Conquest : Political, Social and Cultural History, Vol. I, Jerusalem 1982, p. 110-111 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Levine, "Rabbi Judah the Patriarch"); Urman and Flesher, Synagogues, p. 588-589. 80.

Levine, "Rabbi Judah the Patriarch", p. 110; However, it was only about Ashkelon that the exemption initiated by Rabbi Judah was said to have been done by a quorum, i.e. a religious court; the other exemptions were noted by the words: "Rabbi exempts ... "; Buchler, "The Cities", p. 193; cf. Y. Felix, Jerusalem Talmud, Shevi'it Tractate, Vol. II, Jerusalem 1986, p. 421, n. 27 (hereafter: Felix, Shevi'it Tractate) .

81. E. Fradkin in her "Jewish Ashkelon in the Mishnaic Period", Cathedra 19 (1981), p. 10, asserts, justly, that one cannot determine a matter conclusively on the basis of silence in the sources. It may assumed to the same extent that Rabbi Judah did not exempt Sussita, just as it was explicitly said of Kefar $emacl), which is the only town that was exempted in the area of Sussita. In any case, some of the areas of Sussita were not exempt even after the time of Rabbi Judah the Patriarch (Rehob inscription, lines 9-10), and this inscription reflects the real situation during the Byzantine period; See Fradkin, ibid., p. 10, n. 45; Buchler, "The Cities", p. 193. 82. Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 16-18. On the term "little towns enclaved", see S. and Z. Safrai, "Beth Anat", Sinai, 78 (1976), p. 23 (Hebrew). 'Baraita of the Boundaries' appears in several versions in the Talmudic literature: Sifre, Deuteronomy, 51, Finkelstein ed., p. 117-118; Tosefta, Shevi'it, 4, 4; Jerusalem Talmud, Shevi'it, 6, 1 [36c], and on the uncovered mosaic floor in the synagogue at Rehob; See A.M. Luntz, "The Boundary of the Babylonian Immigrants", Jerusalem, 11-12 (1926), p. 288-308 (Hebrew); N.Z. Hildesheimer, "The Geography of Eretz-Israel", The Boundaries of the Land (trans. H. Bar-Droma), Jerusalem 1965 (Hebrew); S. Klein, "The Land's Boundaries in the Mishna of the Tannaim", ibid., p. 119-176 (Hebrew); J. Sussmann, "The Baraita of the Boundaries of Eretz-lsrael", Tarbiz, 45 (1976), p. 213-257 (Hebrew); The text which deals with our concern is available on p. 233-238; Z. Safrai, "To the Question of Eretz-Israel Boundaries Which Are Obliged by the Commandments Relevant to the Land", in S. Israeli et al. (eds), Jubilee Book in Honour of Rabbi f.D. Halevi-Soloveitchik, Jerusalem-New-York 1984, p. 1109-1117 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Safrai, "Eretz-Israel Boundaries"). 83. Northern Gilead was a fertile piece of land with the city ofTob in its centre. The judge Japheth the Gileadites was living there when he went out to assist the Gileadites in their war against the Ammonites. The Midrash above is based on the verse in Judges, 11:3; See also Neubauer, Geographie, p. 239-240; M. Avi-Yonah, In the Days of Rome and Byzantium4, Jerusalem 1970, p. 24 (Avi-Yonah, Byzantium); Klein, Sefe r HaYishuv, p. 111; Peres, Topographical Encyclopedia, 'The Land of Tov', Vol. I, p. 46; Luria, "Sussita", p. 77; Ne'eman, Geography, p. 218-219; Ilan, "Little Towns", p. 11; Meshorer, City-Coins, p. 74; Gefen and Gal, 'Sussita', p. 202; For the Talmudic explanation, see especially Buchler, "The Cities", p. 194. 84. It is worth mentioning that the New Testament refers clearly to the area of Sussita as the Decapolis region: Matthew, 4: 25; Mark, 5:20; See especially D. Urman, "The Economy of the Jewish Communities in the Golan in the Mishna and Talmud Period", in N. Gross (ed.), Jews in Economic Life, Jerusalem 1985, p. 64-66 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Urman, "Economy") and see the text in Plinius, Historia Natura/is XV, 3, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge-Mass., 1961. See also Ch. Ben David, The Olive Branch and the Oil Production in the Golan Heights during the Period of Mishna and the Talmud (MA unpublished thesis), Bar-Ilan University 1989 (Hebrew, English summary).

,, p.

85. M. Nun, The Ancient Hebrew Fishing, Tel-Aviv 1964 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Nun, Fishing).

55

ESTEE DVORJETSKI

boards [tied to each other that do not move rapidly] just as from Tiberias to Sussita"' (Genesis Rabbah, 32, 9, Theodor-Albeck ed., p. 296). Another Midrash that is associated with the Flood and Lake Kinneret is given in the name of Rabbi Nehemiah who says that the re'em [== wild ox], which is described as a fabulous animal of enormous height, could not enter Noah's Ark nor his whelps, "but Noah tied him to the Ark and he ploughed furrows [in the waters of the Kinneret] as from Tiberias to Sussita [which lies on the opposite side of the Lake]. As it is written 'Canst thou bind the wild-ox with his hand in the furrow, or will he harrow the valleys after thee?"' (lob, 39:10) (Genesis Rabbah, 31, 13, Theodor-Albeck ed., p. 287). The text intends to say that the giant-sized buffalo could not enter the ark but was dragged behind it in the same way goods were transported across the Kinneret from Tiberias to Sussita. In both of these sources it may be understood that one of the methods for sea transportation was a boat that pulled a kind of raft behind it. This is what the expositor meant by speaking of "two boards just as from Tiberias to Sussita". 86 It is not unlikely that there was strong competition over the business of sailors and transporters of merchandise on the Kinneret on the Sussita-Tiberias route, and also because of the relations between employers and hired workers, i.e. between the owners of the boats and the sailors. Indeed, the enmity between these two cities was wellknown at that time and continued throughout the period of the Mishna and the Talmud. In this regard, there is an instructive tradition in Rabbinic literature which expounds the

words in Lamentations (1 :17): "The Lord has commanded concerning Jacob that they that are round about him should be his adversaries: like l;lalamish to Naveh, Castra to l;laifa, Sussita to Tiberias, Jericho to Naaran, Lydda to Ono" (Lamentations Rabbah, 1, 52, Buber ed., p. 91; Midrash Shemuel, 16, 1).87 In the fourth century CE, Rabbi Abbahu, the head of the academy in Caesarea, complained that Sussita was aggravating Tiberias (Leviticus Rabbah, 23,5, Margoliouth ed., p. 533), 88 and in the name of Rabbi Aibu this aggravation and hostility was represented by the alteration of Sussita' s name (Song of

shoe that was not completely closed, a kind of slipper with soles made of cork which was of a lightweight and therefore could be high. This tree does not grow in this country and was therefore expensive, so only rich people wore them (Tosefta, Mo'ed Qatan, 2, 16; 4, 11; Jerusalem Talmud, Shabbat, 6, 3 [8b ]), such as the children of the Patriarch. Perhaps they grew the cork oak in Syria or the Gilead outside the borders of the Land of Israel- from where it was sold "from Sussita to Tiberias", since Sussita was considered as outside the land with regard to the sabbatical year and tithes (ibid., Shevi'it, 6, 1 [36c]). 92

Songs Rabbah, 2, 5). Evidence of the trade between the two cities is given in the Jerusalem Talmud (Shevi'it, 8, 3 [38a]), which deals with "fruits from abroad which were brought into the country will not be sold, not by measure and not by weight. .. Rabbi Yose the son of Rabbi A(bun) said: [The same is the case with] Kordakaiyya which they go and sell between Sussita [which is outside of the Land of Israel] and Tiberias". The example is of Kordakaiyya that is transferred from Sussita to Tiberias. Scholars differ in their view about the meaning of this word. Some interpret it as a fruit, 89 or as shoes, 90 or as a kind of wheat. 91 Felix gives an interesting explanation that the name is derived from a parallel word in Greek and Latin which means shoes with soles made of the bark of the cork oak known as Quercus suber. In other words, they produced cork from the bark of the cork oak. From the mention of this word in Talmudic literature we learn that this was the name for a type of

The discussion between two Amoraim of the fourth century CE, Rabbi Yonah and Rabbi Yose, who were the heads of the academy in Tiberias, give us incidentally indirect information about the cultivation of vegetables and fruits in Sussita. And so are we taught, "Chate melons, calabash gourds, watermelons, melons, wine, oil, Epos dates - and some say lupines, and cress at all seasons - behold, these are deemed in the seventh year to be subject to the rules of the seventh year, and in the other years of the sabbatical cycle, what is their status [that is, to which tithing regimen are they subject]? Rabbi Yonah said, 'Doubtfully tithed'. Rabbi Yose says, 'Certainly untithed"' (Jerusalem Talmud, Demai, 2, 1 [22c]). This means that all the fruits and vegetables corning from Epos, which is within the HipposSussita domain, are liable for the law of the sabbatical year, and that which is not produced in the seventh year, in the opinion of Rabbi Yonah- it is demai and in the opinion of Rabbi Yose - it is certainly untithed. 93

86.

Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 29-30; And in the source for these two texts, it is written: "Tabiriah"; See also Klein, Trans-Jordan, p. 50; Luria, "Sussita", p. 79.

87.

Kasher (Canaan, p. 262) notes that when the Great Revolt broke out, the gentile minority in Tiberias were massacred by a group of Jewish rebels headed by Joshua ben Zaphia (Josephus, Vita, 67). According to Kasher, because of the absence of chronological data, it is difficult to determine whether this occurred after the massacre of Jews in the Decapolis cities and in reaction to it, or whether it occurred before this. Whatever might have been the case, we learn from Josephus that the gentile inhabitants of Tiberias were considered the sworn enemies of Joshua ben Zaphia and his band even before the outbreak of the revolt (ibid.). In addition to the ethnic and religious reason, there was also the social and economic-employment reason that gave an additional dimension to the tension between the two cities; See also Avi-Yonah, Byzantium, p. 49; Klein, Sefer HaYishuv, 'Naveh', p.107.

88. Some assume that the inciters and oppressors were the Roman forces stationed in Hippos; See, for example, Klein, Land of Galilee, p. 104. 89. Jastrow, Dictionary, 'Kordekia', p. 1341, but the source of the word is unknown, apparently corrupted; Luria, "Sussita", p. 80; Patai, Seafaring, p. 167; Urman ("Economy", p. 65) assumes that this is a field crop or fruit, and its identity is unclear; idem., The Golan, p. 245-246: The Amora Rabbi Abun (fourth century CE) was referring to a kind of crop which was common in the area of Sussita and which was sold in the Tiberian markets of his time. 90. Dalman, Sacred Sites, p. 171: a shoe made of leather; Nun, "Sussita", p. 490; Shoes or fruits, in the opinion of Guerin, Geographical Description, p. 210; Vilnaey, Ariel, p. 5361; Ne'eman, Geography, p. 219: A type of sandal. 91. Klein, Trans-Jordan, p. 50; idem., Sefer Ha Yishuv, 'Sussita', p. 111; Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 55; Urman, The Golan, p. 246; Z. Safrai, Chapters of Galilee during the Mishna and the Talmud Period, Ma'a lot 1981, p. 221 (Hebrew); Safrai Uewish Settlement, p. 29) indicates that in view of the frequent references to the word in Talmudic literature, a type of wheat is obviously the most suitable interpretation for it, but in my opinion he is mistaken; See below n. 92 for the explanation of Y. Felix. 92. Y. Felix, Fruit Trees in the Bible and Talmudic Literature, Jerusalem 1994, p. 146 (Hebrew); idem., "The Oak and Its Products in Our Ancient Literature", Sinai, 38 (1957), p. 99-101 (Hebrew); On this halakha, see idem., Jerusalem Talmud, Shevi'it Tractate, Vol. II, Jerusalem 1986, p. 176-177 (Hebrew); I shall return to a discussion of the term Kordakaiyya in another context.

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA-ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS· QAL'AT EL-1:fU$N

kind rhich Id be mtry rich

atan, , 6, 3 arch. 'ia or ndof tssita :!das 1tical 1.92

,f the '. abbi emy irect :ibles 1ght, Ions, ~ say told, :o be and

vcie, hing 5aid,

1inly '.2c]). 1bles 1posf the uced abbi abbi

,shua sacre ?ntile thnic i also

As said earlier, in the south and west, the region of Sussita reached as far as the Kinneret, but the lake itself belonged to the domain of Tiberias. A narrow strip around Lake Kinneret belonged to Tiberias in order to allow the fishermen of the city to do their work without any disturbance. This situation is given expression in halakhot (the entire body of Jewish law and tradition) and Midrashim that refer to the fishermen of Naphtali. The Midrashim describe the administrative situation that prevailed during the time of the darshan (expounder), who in his sermon interprets the Biblical verse: '"he possesses the west and south' (Deuteronomy 33:23) - this is the lake of Sumhi [=Hula]. And the south - this is the lake of Tiberias. This teaches us that he took his full portion of land in the south" (Sifre, And this is the Blessing, 455, Ish-Shalom ed., p. 147). This is more clearly said in the Midrash Tannaim on Deuteronomy (33:23, Hoffman ed., p. 220): "Rabbi Meir said: 'Not only so, but he also takes a full stretch of land in the south, as it is said: 'he possesses the west and the south"'. And we are also taught: "No tribes are allowed to catch fish in the lake of Tiberias because it is the property of Naphtali. And not only so, but one has to assign to Naphtali a strip of land going to the south of the sea. Since it is said, 'O Naphtali, satisfied with favor and full of blessing of the Lord: possess the lake and the south' (Deuteronomy, 33:23), in the words of Rabbi Yose the Galilean" (Tosefta, Bava Kama, 8, 18).94 Nun explains that the word herem means a large fishing net. This net has to be pulled by a rope from the shore, and therefore the fishermen needed an area along the shore as wide as the length of the rope. From this setting of borderlines we learn of the influence of economic considerations in the administrative delineation of borderlines between regions. 95

The traditions that 'foreign' tribes are not permitted to fish in Lake Kinneret should be interpreted, according to Safrai, against the background of the Hellenistic period, at a time when the ports on its eastern bank had not yet been built. Anyway, during the Roman period the inhabitants on the eastern shores of the Kinneret engaged in fishing, which is evident from the many anchorages in this area. 96 In view of the evidence from the Talmudic literature, we may deduce that Sussita had a suburban lakeside village and seaport through which it maintained relations with the Kinneret settlements, and served as the gateway to the Golan for those corning from the western shores of the lake. The potsherds, the first anchorages of the Kinneret, the stone embankments to the south of Kibbutz Ein Gev and the anchors, have all assisted in exposing the remains of the port that extended over an area of ten dunams, and of the lakeside suburb near the port which existed from the Hellenistic period until the Muslim period. The port of Sussita was built according to the conditions of a sandy shore. The length of the main breakwater was 120m and the width of its base was 5-7rn. After emerging from the coastal causeway it turned southward and continued almost parallel with the shoreline for about 85m and at its end it twisted over and went deep into the lake to a depth of 212.S0rn. The anchorage is constructed of two causeways facing each other. The northern one was 50m long and its base was Sm wide. Of the southern one, which was 40m long, only a few stones have rernained. 97 Even if the picture is still far from being complete, in view of the excavations held in Sussita-Hippos between 2000 and 2011, the centre of the city contains an impressive urban complex surrounding the forum, with a large sanctuary on the north dating from the late Hellenistic period and which continued to function in its original capacity

during Roman times as well. To the east and adjacent to it, a basilica was erected during the second half of the first century CE. In the northeast corner of the forum stood a decorative structure resembling a triumphal arch - an impressive indication for the place in which the eastern section of the decumanus maximus was connected with the forum plaza. On the south side of the forum there were shops that were built along the western wall of the central bathhouse which has not yet been excavated, although its general outline is easily visible on the surface. Two monumental buildings stood on the western side of the forum: an open temple intended for the imperial cult and to its north another decorative structure resembling a triumphal arch to mark the transition from the forum to the western section of the decumanus maximus. 98 All these are a lasting witness to the essential quality and character of the polis Sussita-Hippos. In view of this we shall describe below the general outline and urban layout of the city in relation to its history. The main colonnaded street of the city, the decumanus maximus, which traverses it throughout its length from east to west, was probably built in the second half of the first century CE. Dozens of columns identical in the details of their elaborate workmanship, which lay scattered all along the street, were erected in the second century CE. They were made of grey granite from Aswan in Egypt. The fact that the city was able to plan, finance and carry out the logistical and engineering feat of bringing hundreds of columns and setting them up along the street and in the forum arouses amazement. The street was paved with basalt flagstones that were very carefully laid. The forum was built at the end of the first century CE or at the beginning of the second century CE. This is a rectangular plaza measuring 44X52m. Two unique finds were discovered in the forum that can testify to the fact that Hippos was a polis in every respect. In the north part of the forum a semicircular

·man 1was

4.riel, aand ture,

93. Luria, "Sussita", p. 81; cf. Safrai ("Eretz-Israel Boundaries", p. 1007), who indicates that the Ephesian dates are from the date palm Posittatium, which was listed

among the typical cultivations in the Jericho region. 94. Safrai, Boundaries and Rule, p. 133-134; idem., Jewish Settlement, p. 10-11; Nun, Fishing, p. 109-113. 95.

Nun, Fishing, p. 109-113; Safrai, Boundaries and Rule, p. 134.

96. Safrai, Jewish Settlement, p. 53, n. 28.

957), f the

97. M. Nun, Anchorages 98.

and Ancient Harbours in the Sea of Galilee, Jerusalem 1987, p. 13-15 (Hebrew); Eisenberg, Military Architecture, p. 206-207.

Hippos 2010 (see above, note 4), p. 31. See also the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape, as well as the chapter on the Forum.

57

ESTEE D\"ORJETSKI

limestone pedestal was found that testified to its urban rule and cultural character. Pedestals of this kind usually served for the mounting of statues or memorial tablets meaning to commemorate the contribution of one of the citizens or to mark the visit of a high-ranking guest. A few meters to the east of this pedestal was a white marble column rising to a height of 1.70m on which a Greek inscription of 13 lines was engraved. The inscription mentions two citizens of the city, Aelius Calpurnianus and his wife Dornitia Ulpia of the Roman elite of Sussita commemorating themselves. The date was also indicated: in the year 302 CE according to the Pompeian calendar, which means 238/9 CE. The Latin title of Dornitia was 'matrona stolata' which probably indicates a special status for a woman who is permitted to handle her own legal and financial affairs. This is instructive evidence for the degree in which Sussita-Hippos was integrated with Hellenistic culture and with the organization of Roman provincial administration. 99 In the southeastern corner of the forum, which was the main public plaza of Roman Hippos, a shop was found that contained three ceramic statuettes of the love goddess Aphrodite, the Roman Venus. The statuettes were 30cm high and mold-cast, belonging to the prevalent type of the love goddess statues called Venus Pudica, the modest Venus, who stands upright and conceals her pubis with the palm of her right hand. Found nearby were some fragments of masks. 100 The forum is bordered on the west side by a monumental structure which was built of

99.

high quality basalt ashlars, was rectangular in shape, and measured 18X6.8 m. It was believed at a certain stage of the excavations to have been a nymphaeum. According to the numerous construction stones in its vicinity it may be assumed that it was at least two stories in height. The fact that neither a decorative pool was included in the structure nor were there any water installations, pipes, or channels, the prestigious location of this structure led to the supposition that it was an open temple for the imperial cult. Structures of this kind, called kalybe, were frequently found in the cities of the Levant, always situated in city centers and facing public squares or the main colonnaded street. 101 So far we know of two bathhouses in Hippos, the bathhouse of the Byzantine period on the west side of the Cathedral and the bathhouse adjacent to the south wall of the city. The latter, which was discovered during the excavations in 2008, had a marble floor that belonged to one of the halls of a Roman bathhouse, but it is not yet clear what was its size or plan. The rich numismatic find as well as the pottery finds confirm that this bathhouse functioned mainly during the third and fourth centuries CE. Playing dice made of bone were also found there. 102 Construction of the fortifications can be ascribed to soldiers of the Roman army on the basis of the iron nail impressions of a caliga the hobnailed Roman sandal - which they left there. In addition to a complete impression of 24.5cm, other partial impressions were also found nearby and in some of them the

nail markings were more spaced out than in the complete impression. This indicates that there were a number of people here wearing caligae. 103 The sandal of the caliga type was the regular kind of footwear commonly worn by Roman army soldiers, from the ordinary solider up to those of senatorial rank, especially during the first century BCE until the second century CE. The sandal was made of a number of leather straps that encircled the foot and a few layers of leather for the sole. The hobnails were meant to protect the leather soles from rapid abrasion and to prevent slipping. Roman hobnailed sandals have been found in various excavations conducted in Roman army camps in Europe, such as for example Vindonissa, Mainz, Bonn, Salzburg, Valkenburg and London and are dated to the first and second centuries CE. An interesting description also appears on the Trajan Column. 104 From archaeological finds in Israel, from Josephus Flavius, and from Rabbinic literature, we learn that the caliga was used both by Roman soldiers and by the Jewish population. For instance, Josephus notes when he speaks about the centurion Julianus, who participated in one of the attacks on the Temple: "On his feet were nailed sandals standard footwear for military people, and the nails were closely spaced and sharp. While running on the stone floors he tripped and fell backwards on the ground" (Bellum Judaicum, VI, 85). Nail markings of a caliga were found in Jerusalem that had belonged to one of the Tenth Legion soldiers either before or after the Bar Kochba Revolt when Aelia Capitolina was established by order of the Emperor Hadrian. 105 Parts of

Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis", p. 21-24. See the chapter on the Greek Inscriptions.

100. Hippos 2009 (see above, n. 4), p. 9-10; A. Erlich (see above, n. 4), p. 53-62; See also the chapter on the Artistic Finds, Vol. II. 101. For the concept that this structure was a nymphaeum, see for instance, Nun, "Sussita", p. 489; Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 53-54; Epstein, 'Sussita', p. 636; Gefen and Gal, 'Sussita', p. 203-204; Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis", p. 21-24; M.A. Chancey and A. Porter, "The Archaeology of Roman Palestine", Near Eastern Archaeology, 64 (4) (2001), p. 191 (hereafter: Chancey and Porter, "Archaeology"); Segal and Eisenberg, "Excavations", p. 49; Thiel, Hellenistischen Siedlungswesen, p. 254,260; On the Kalybe structures in general, see E. Dvorjetski and A. Segal, "The Kalybe Sanctuaries for the Emperors' Cult in the Hauran and the Trachon: An Historical-Architectonic Analysis", Historia, 8 (2001), p. 17-52 (Hebrew); A. Segal, "The Kalybe Temples in the Hauran and the Trachon", Qadmoniot, 121 (2001), p. 60-66 (Hebrew); A. Segal,

"The Kalybe Structures: Temples for the Imperial Cult in the Hauran and Trachon: An Historical-Architectural Analysis", Assaph, 6 (2001), p. 91-118; Eisenberg, Military Architecture, p. 154-155. 102.

Hippos 2008 (see above, n. 4), p. 18-20; Hippos 2010, p. 44-48, figs. 57-66.

103. On the discovery of the caligae imprints at Sussita-Hippos, see Hippos 2007 (see above, n. 4), p. 27-29; Eisenberg, Military Architecture, p.194-195. 104. A. Gansser, Das Leder und seine Verarbeitung im romischen Legions/ager Vindonissa, Basel 1942, p. 63-64; C. Singer (ed.), A History of Technology, Vol. II, Oxford 1956, p. 168;

R.J. Fobes, Studies in Ancient Technology, Vol. V, Leiden 1957, p. 60-63; F. Lepper and S.S. Frere, Trajan's Column: A New Edition of the Cichorius Plates, Gloucester 1988; J. Hoevenberg, "Leather Artefacts", in R.M. van Dierendonck, D. P. Hallewas and K. E. Waugh, The Valkenburg Excavations 1985-1988, Amersfoort 1993, p. 217-338; S. Lepper and I. Rycroft, Footwear Industry: Case Study, Norwich 1994, s.v. 'Caliga'; M.C. Bishop and J.C.N. Coulston, Roman Military Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome, Oxford 2006, s.v. 'Caliga'; P. Knotzele, Romische Schuhe: Luxus an den Fi.issen, Limesmuseum Aalen, Zweigmuseum des Archiiologischen Landesmuseums Baden-Wi.irttemberg, Stuttgart 2007, p. 49-53. 105.

B. Arubas and H. Goldfus, "Jerusalem: Binyene Ha'Umma", f;ladashot Archeologiot, 100 (1993), p. 63-67 (Hebrew); idem., "The Kilnworks of the Tenth Legion Fretensis",

THE HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF SUSSITA -ANTIOCHIA HIPPOS - QAL' AT EL-1:IU$N

min that ring was mm 1ary mk, mtil 1ade cled the tect d to :ials ons )pe, mn, are CE. ; on ical md the .ers 1ce, the eof ·ere ary md ,he 1d" ; of

hobnailed sandals were found in many of the caves used as places of refuge during the Bar Kochba Revolt, as for instance the sandal cave at Ketef Jericho opposite the Monastery of Deir el-Quruntul, in Cave Avior, in the el-Jay Cave, and in the Cave of the Figs that are located about 1.5km south of Kedern stream.I 06 The word Ol?p (calgas) in Rabbinic texts derives from caliga - the Latin name of the Roman hobnailed sandal. 107 According to Eshel, the remains of sandals found in the caves of refuge were part of the equipment of the Jewish fighters who died in the caves. The discovery of the remains of hobnailed sandals in the caves conforms to the Talmudic traditions that testify about hidden people in caves at the end of the Bar Kochba Revolt who heard the sound or saw the traces of a Jewish hobnailed sandal. For example, the Babylonian Talmud that discusses the Mishnah, which rules "A man should not go out with a nail-studded sandal"[= on the Sabbath day] (Shabbat, 6, 2)- cites a few instances why the Sages made this law: "Said Samuel: It was at the end of the period of persecution, and they [some fugitives] were hiding in a cave. They proclaimed, 'He who would enter, let him enter, but he who would go out, let him not go out. Now, the sandal of one of them

The culture of leisure and entertainment was an integral part of daily life in a HellenisticRoman city in the region, including the city of Sussita-Hippos. Thus, for example, the hippodrome. All along the road that gradually ascends westward towards the city one can distinguish to the north and the foot of the saddle ridge, a broad level expanse of rectangular shape in an area that is entirely formed of deep valleys and steep slopes. The dimensions of this expanse, which is human made, are 350X60 rn. The assumption at this stage is that we have here a circus, the hippodrome of Sussita, in which the popular chariot races were held. This entertainment, which remained as a legacy from Roman times, did not yield even to the

rise of Christianity which opposed it. The chariot races were highly acclaimed by the masses and their patrons and songs of praise, statues and inscriptions were dedicated to them which will most probably be discovered during the course of unearthing the secrets of this city. 109 Most likely the same will apply to the theatre, even though it has not yet been found. However, certain items associated with a theatre building have already been noted in the research literature. I10 In the northeast comer of the city there is a mound covering a huge building that may be the place where the city theatre stood. I11 Alternately, another suggestion is that the large circular depression in the northeastern part of Hippos could be the site for the theatre. I IZ In the atrium near the doorway leading to the southern aisle of the Northwest Church, a theatre seat was found made of basalt with an arm and back support resembling the type of chair found in the theatres of Gadara, Harnrnat-Gader and Sarnaria. 113 In July 2010 a theatre-like building was exposed to the west of the forum plaza. Because of its small dimensions it was clear that this was an odeion - a structure resembling a small theatre but roofed. Buildings of this kind were fairly common in the Roman period and were meant for musical performances

Journal of Roman Archaeology, Supplement, 14 (1995), p. 95-107; idem., "The Kiln works of the Tenth Legion in the Bound of Binyene Ha'Umma in Jerusalem", Qadmoniot, 122 (2001), p.111-119 (Hebrew); idem., "The Site of Binyanei Ha-Uma and Its Role in the Settlement Network Surrounding Jerusalem", Ere{z-lsrael, 28 (2007), p. 14-20

tad ers ·olt by : of

became overturned, so that they thought that one of them had gone out and been seen by the enemies, who would now fall upon them. Thereupon they pressed against each other, and they killed of each other more than their enemies slew of them. Rabbi Ila'i ben Eleazar said: They were stationed in a cave when they heard a sound [proceeding] from above the cave. Thinking that the enemy was corning upon them, they pressed against each other and slew amongst themselves more than the enemy had slain of them" (Babylonian Talmud, Shabbat, 60a). 108

(Hebrew). 106. H. Eshel, "Nailed Sandals from the Cave at Ketef Jericho", Nikrot Tzurim, 14 (1988), p. 34-38 (Hebrew); idem., "Nailed Sandals in the Jewish Sources and A New

Find from Cave at Ketef Jericho", Zion, 53 (2) (1988), p.191-198 (Hebrew); H. Eshel and B. Zissu, "Finds from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Caves at Ketef Jericho", in H. Eshel and D. Amit (eds), Refuge Caves of the Bar Kokhba Revolt, Tel-Aviv 1998, p. 142 (Hebrew); H. Eshel, "Nailed Sandals in the Jewish Sources in Light of the Finds of the Refuge Caves", in H. Eshel and D. Amit (eds), ibid., p. 225-231 (Hebrew) (hereafter: Eshel, "Nailed Sandals"); Y. Bordovitch, Nailed Sandals in the Archaeological Finds and in the Historical Sources, (Unpublished M.A. thesis), Bar-Ilan University 2001 (Hebrew, English summary); R. Porat, H. Eshel, A. Davidovitch, S. Liskar, E. Raz, and A. Frumkin, "The Refuge Caves from Bar Kokhba Revolt in the Region between Ein Gedi and ~irbet Qumran in the Light of the New Research in the Judean Desert", Studies of the Dead Sea and the Arava, 2 (2010), p. 1-20 (Hebrew). 107. For the etymology of the word 'caliga', see P.G.W. Glare, Oxford Latin Dictionary, Oxford 1982, p. 258.

:;aJ, , 64 the mic gal, ~rg,

108. Eshel, "Nailed Sandals", p. 225-231; On the various reasons for the prohibition to go out on the Sabbath day wearing hobnailed sandals, see M.D. Herr, "The Problem of War on the Sabbath in the Second Temple and the Mishnaic Periods", Tarbiz, 30 (1960-1961), p. 355 (Hebrew); Y. Yadin, Judean Desert Studies: The Finds from Bar Kokhba Period in the 'Cave of Letters', Jerusalem 1963, p. 173-174 (Hebrew); D. Sperber, "On Nailed Sandal", Sinai, 61 (1967), p. 69 (Hebrew); A. Oppenheimer, "Jewish Sources Concerning the Subterranean Hideways in the Time of Bar-Kokhba", Cathedra, 26 (1982), p. 26-27 (Hebrew); Y. Sahar, "The Prohibition of Nailed Sandal: For the Origin of One Halakha", in A. Kloner and Y. Teper (eds), The Hiding Complexes in the Judean Shephelah, Tel-Aviv 1987, p. 395-404 (Hebrew); E. Dvorjetski and M. Eisenberg, "The Archaeological Finding of the Caligae in Sussita-Hippos in the Decapolis and Its Contribution to the Research of the Roman Army Movements in the Eastern Mediterranean Basin" (in preparation). 109.

68· 188; , :38; 1ars 1ms

Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis", p. 20; See also Y. Dan, The City in Ere{z-lsrael during the Late Roman and Byzantine Periods, Jerusalem 1984, p. 209-221 (Hebrew); E. Dvorjetski, "Leisure-Time Activities in Roman Palestine and Provincia Arabia: Historical-Archaeological Analysis", in K.E. Hendrickson and N.C.J. Pappas (eds), Interpreting the Past: Essays from the 4th International Conference on European History. Part II: Society and Culture in Antiquity, Athens 2007, p. 37-48; A. Segal, "Sport and Entertainment Facilities in the Land of Israel and in the Graeco-Roman World", Fo/ia Archaeologica, 26 (2009), p. 99-120, figs 1-20.

110. Peres, Topographical Encyclopedia, p. 663; Nun, Sussita, p. 42; E. Frezouls, "Recherches sur !es theatres de !'orient Syrien II", Syria, 38 (1959), p. 216; Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 53; Bowsher, "Decapolis", p. 276; Chancey and Porter, "Archaeology", p. 191. 111. According to Nun ("Sussita", p. 489), the theatre was identified by Binyamin Shomron, a member of Kibbutz Ein Gev during the 1950s. 112. Tzaferis, "Sussita", p. 53. See also the chapter on the Odeion.

. ,, lS ,

113. Segal and Eisenberg, "Decapolis", p. 26. See the chapter on the Northwest Church Complex .

E5fEE

0\-0RIEG:KJ

before a small and select audience. While a theatre held about -1000 seats, the number of seats in an odeion would usually be no more than 600. Its lengthwise axis was 27m oriented in a northeast-southwest direction, with a broad-line axis of 21m, aligned in an east-southeast and west-northwest direction. The eastern side of the building is rectangular, while its western side is semicircular in shape, and it excels in the quality of its construction. At first there was a possibility that this was a bouleuterion, the city council house, the permanent meeting place of the boule, the council members. Buildings of this kind also resemble a small roofed theatre with a tiered semicircular seating arrangement. But the complete exposure of the stage structure (skene) indicated that this was an odeion and not a bouleuterion. The building can be dated to the end of the first century CE. 114 Sussita had two necropoleis. The first necropolis is located 220m east of the East Gate of the city and lies along both sides of the saddle ridge which links Sussita with the southwestern slopes of the mountains in the Golan Heights. This cemetery includes two burial areas. The western area extends as far as the moat and contains a large number of tombs carved into the rocky terrain. In the eastern area there are a number of mausolea, about ten or so, some built of limestone and others of basalt. Burial in this cemetery was a primary burial in sarcophagi. These were also made of limestone or basalt and were laid in a quarried box-like cavity slightly larger in size than the sarcophagus. To the east of the moat there are some burial chambers, construction stones and many architectural items scattered around the surface. These

114.

indicate that imposing monuments were built in the best Hellenistic-Roman tradition and style for the urban elite of Sussita. The second necropolis lies to the south of the city, on the slopes of the hillside beyond the Sussita stream. Burial in this cemetery was made in tombs cut into the rock, and were of various sizes but similar in shape. In every tomb complex there was a central hall in which 3-11 niches were carved into three of its walls. About 40 such complexes of this type have been surveyed. The openings were sealed with stone doors that were dressed and decorated. According to the findings in the area, it appears that this cemetery was in use mainly during the Roman period. 115 In 1899 Germer-Durand published a report about one of the burial monuments at the city gate of Sussita-Hippos in the necropolis, a cippus in the shape of a column surmounted by an Ionic capital, on which is incised a metric Greek epitaph within a tabula ansata. The translation is as follows: 'O passers-by, if you wish to know who lies here, AL[vrp:o]fan .SOx :tion nine tfor hich ight le to :1.d a

We have no information at this stage whether there were any public buildings in the southwest quarter during the Roman period, but the picture is clearer for the Byzantine period. In the summer of 2005 excavation began of a small church which was called the Southwest Church (SWC). This church was erected at the western end of the quarter above a steep slope that descends towards the West Gate of the city (fig. 7). 48

The City Landscape of Roman Hippos

Hk, ling face ~ms that ,ere iod.

Hippos is a fairly small city, even if judged by the standards of the Roman period. 49 Its citizens enjoyed its comfortable location on the top of a high mountain, close to a lake and not far from other cities of the Decapolis with which Hippos was connected by a fairly wide network of roads. 50 The lake at the foot of the mountain was of great economic importance to it and like the roads, it connected Hippos to other cities to the west. The high mountain on which the city stood provided almost complete security and also an excellent lookout post, besides ensuring a quality of life that was much better than the one

Ho s of

1rea The lfCe

rate :ore

1me ) of ner

enjoyed by those living in Tiberias, Migdal (Magdaia), Kfar Nahum (Capernaum) or any other settlement on the shores of the lake. The orthogonal plan of Hippos was clear and well suited to the topography of the mountain summit. The decumanus maximus which crossed through it from east to west constituted its main axis along which most of the public building complexes were erected. Many of them were built around the forum located in the center of the city and which interrupted the decumanus maximus midway in its course, dividing it into an eastern section of 270m and a western section of 200m. The decumanus maximus was not the only east-west street, since a number of decumani, streets that also had an east-west axis, were discovered in the southwest quarter of the city. Nevertheless, anyone looking at the urban plan of Hippos receives the impression that this was a city with only one street. This impression is due to the topography and the way in which the main public buildings were located. Hippos is not the only city among those in the Roman East that was built along one main traffic route. A study of the plans of cities such as Gadara, Gerasa, Bosra or Petra shows that although each of these cities developed under different conditions and differed in their topography, they had a distinct feature common to them all, one main traffic route.

Gadara, the Decapolis city closest to Hippos on the south, was built on a mountain ridge which gave it the shape of a long and narrow rectangle. 51 Two theatres were built on the northern and western slopes of a hill that

rises at the eastern end of the ridge. The city spreads along the ridge to the west of this hill, with its main building complexes located on either side of the decumanus maximus that traverses the ridge from east to west. The length of the decumanus maximus, which was designed as a colonnaded street, is 1459m. This impressive colonnaded street was composed of three straight sections, each marking one of the stages in the expansion of the city from the area near the eastern hill towards the west. Various edifices were erected on the north and south sides of the decumanus maximus, including the forum, the covered market (macellum), the temple for the imperial cult (kalybe), a large bathhouse and decorative structures such as a nymphaeum.

Gerasa, another Decapolis city, has an urban plan that seems entirely different. This city is oval shaped and extends along two banks of a river that crosses through its center. 52 The river flows in a fairly deep ravine that divides the city functionally into two clear parts, with a residential area on the east bank and public building complexes that occupy most of the city area on the west bank. The urban plan of this city, which is ranged along a north-south axis, has a cardo maximus that crosses through its entire length from north to south. A hill rises on the south side of the city in which a sanctuary had existed since the Hellenistic period. 53 The course of the cardo maximus which was designed as an impressive colonnaded street begins in the area near the sanctuary and the south gate of the city and traverses its length up to the north gate, a distance of about 710m. 54 Near this street and along its length

ana !ast 48. The excavation of the Southwest Church has not yet been completed. Its immediate surroundings have also not been examined, but it appears that, like the Northeast Church, the Southwest Church was built within an existing urban complex in which a certain area of the insula was appropriated for it. On the excavation of the Southwest Church, see A. Segal, "The Southwest Church (SWC)", Hippos 2005, p. 15-22, figs 7, 42-49, idem, "Probe in the Southwest Church (SWC)", Hippos 2007, p. 34-35, figs 50-54. 49. The area of Hippos is about 86,000m 2. The area of Philadelphia, the southernmost city of the Decapolis is 276,000m 2 and the area of Gerasa is 847,000m 2• Bosra, the capital of Provincia Arabia is 720,000m 2• See as well A. Wilson, "City Sizes and Urbanization in the Roman Empire", in A. Bowman and A. Wilson (eds), Settlement,

dof ;ical aths erg,

Urbanization and Population, Oxford 2011, p. 161-195; R. Raja, Urban Development and Regional Identity in the Eastern Roman Provinces, 50 BC -AD 250, Copenhagen 2012, p. 191-218. 50. See the chapter on Historical Geography of Hippos, notes 33-34.

·r of

51. On the city landscape of Gadara, see A. Segal, From Function to Monument, Oxford 1997, p. 17-21, figs 11-17; Th. Weber, Gadara-Umm Qes I: Gadara Decapolitana, Wiesbaden 2002. 52. On the city landscape of Gerasa, see idem, "Roman Cities in the Province of Arabia", Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians XL [2) (1981 ), p. 108-121; idem, Town Planning and Architecture in Provincia Arabia, Oxford 1988, p. 19-48; idem, "Imperial Architecture in the Roman East: The Local and the Unique", Assaph: Studies in Art History 8 (2003), p. 31-48; R. Raja, op. cit., p. 137-189; R. Raja, Urban Development and Regional Identity in the Eastern Roman Provinces, 50 BC-AD 250, Copenhagen 2012, p. 137-189.

teid figs

53. ]. Seigne, "Sanctuaires Urbains: Acteurs ou Temoins de l'urbanisation?",Topoi 9 (1999), p. 833-848, figs 1-5.

.

T1

ARTHL°R SEG.-\L

Fig. 53

Eastern side of the city center, aerial view.

there were two sanctuaries, two theatres, four public plazas, decorative structures such as a nymphaeum, a tetrakionion and a quadrifrons and also a large bathhouse.

Bosra was chosen in 106 CE by order of the emperor Trajan to serve as the capital of Provincia Arabia. Its urban plan was designed in the course of the 2nd century CE. 55 This was a well-planned orthogonal city with a number of colonnaded streets. A closer study of this plan clearly shows

that it had a prior urban existence before the founding of the Roman city in 106 CE, which is evident from the way in which the new city was designed. The decumanus maximus, the main colonnaded street of the city, which is 860m long, crosses through nearly its entire width from west to east. During its course it intersects with a number of cardines and ends in front of a decorative gateway erected at the entrance of the main sanctuary of the city. This gateway had already existed before the founding of Roman Bosra. Built

along the decumanus maximus, designed as a monumental colonnaded street, were three plazas, a temple for the imperial cult (kalybe), decorative structures such as a nymphaeum and gates resembling triumphal arches. Petra, before the Nabataean kingdom was dissolved in 106 CE and incorporated within the borders of the Roman Empire as Provincia Arabia, was a city as well as a national N abataean necropolis. 56 The public buildings of Petra and its residential quarters

54. On the cardo maximus of Gerasa, see A. Segal, From Function to Monument, Oxford 1997, p. 31-37, figs 31-36. 55. On the urban plan of Bosra, see idem, Town Planning and Architecture in Provincia Arabia, Oxford 1988, p. 49-73, figs 101-148; H. Bru, Le pouvoir imperial dans /es provinces syriennes, Leiden 2011, p. 115-118, figs 17-18. 56. On the urban plan of Petra, see A. Segal, From Function to Monument, Oxford 1997, p. 44-46, figs 46-48; C. Kanellopoulos and T. Akasheh, "The Petra Map", Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 324 (2001 ), p. 6-7; A. Segal, "City and Necropolis: Jerusalem and Petra in the Late Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods",

78

URBAN PLAN AND CITY LANDSCAPE

were set up on the two banks of Wadi Mousa that cuts through the city from east to west. The main street of Petra was laid along the southern bank of the river and ran parallel to its course. Although the main street of Petra was fairly short (240m), it was designed as an impressive colonnaded street with public building complexes along both sides of it, as well as plazas and decorative structures. The street ends in a gateway designed as a triumphal arch. This gateway heralded the approach to the main sanctuary of the city. This main street of Petra, which can also be called a decumanus maximus since its runs east to west, before it became a colonnaded street of the kind familiar to us in many cities of the Roman East, was once the via sacra that led from the eastern area of the necropolis towards the main sanctuary in the city.

It seems to me that we should have another look at the urban plan of Hippos and the plans of the other cities we mentioned above. The decumanus maximus of Hippos also leads to the main sanctuary of the city that existed during the Hellenistic period before the city was planned and built as a Roman city and its course overlaps the via sacra that once led to this sanctuary from both east and west. 57 A similar situation to the one in Hippos can be seen in the neighboring city of Gadara. The decumanus maximus, the main street of the city, leads towards the eastern hill, the acropolis of the city. This means that the Roman colonnaded streets in both cities, Hippos and Gadara, preserved the course of the Hellenistic via sacra. asa 1ree

Let us now look at Gerasa. The main street

of the city, the cardo maximus, leads towards the southern hill where a sanctuary with an impressive altar in its centre had already existed during the Hellenistic period before the Roman city was planned. 58 The cardo maximus, that crosses the city in a straight line from north to south, overlaps the course of the via sacra that once led to the sanctuary and the altar in its midst. Bosra in the Hauran had a long Nabataean history before it became the capital of Provincia Arabia. The city was an important centre for the Nabataeans populating the Hauran and the Trachon during the 2nd and 1st centuries BCE. Although the urban shape and character of Bosra before it became the capital city of a Roman province is unknown to us, it appears that its main sanctuary was in the eastern part of the city. When Roman Bosra was planned and constructed after the year 106 CE, the new city was laid out with an orthogonal street network to the west of the ancient Nabataean nucleus. Here, too, the decumanus maximus, the main street of the Roman city, overlapped the course of the Nabataean via sacra. These examples seem sufficient enough to demonstrate a fascinating phenomenon associated with the urban character of Hippos, Gadara, Gerasa, Bosra and Petra. Each of these cities, although founded before the Roman period, had their urban character formed only in the first centuries of the CE when Roman rule was well established. How different is the picture when we examine other cities in the region such as Antioch on the Orontes, mentioned above in the introduction to this chapter and Laodicea or Apamea founded by

Seleucus I Nicator (301-281 BCE). These cities were planned according to the best tradition of late Classical and early Hellenistic town planning that characterized cities founded during the days of Alexander the Great and his heirs, the Seleucids and the Ptolemies. 59 Let us return now to our discussion about the urban landscape of Roman Hippos. As usual in every Roman city, most of the main building complexes were concentrated around the forum. First among them is the basilica, with its exceptional location at the northeast comer of the forum, which faithfully reflects the compromises that the city planners had to make because certain areas near the forum were already occupied. 60 The Hellenistic Sanctuary was well integrated with the forum area and together with it created a highly impressive complex. A wide stairway led pilgrims from the forum plaza to the courtyard of the temple. 61 On the west side of the forum was an open temple intended for the imperial cult (kalybe). 62 To the north of it was a decorative gate-like structure with one passageway to indicate where the decumanus maximus linked up with the forum. 63 The nature of the structure to the north of this gateway and south of the southwest comer of the Hellenistic Sanctuary is not clear, but it may have been a nymphaeum.64 The area extending near the south side of the

forum has not yet been examined. A number of solid walls that protrude on the surface seem to testify that there was a large public building here, perhaps the bouleuterion. The terrain in this area slopes steeply towards the south wall of the city which was well preserved in this area. Here, next to the wall,

1be), ~um in S. Mucznik (ed.), Kalathas-Studies in Honour of Asher Ovadiah, Tel-Aviv 2007, p. 199-224.

57. See the chapter on Hellenistic Sanctuary.

Nas

ted ,ire lS

a

blic ters

nces 1etin ds",

58. J. Seigne, "Decouvertes recentes sur le sanctuaire de Zeus a Jerash", ADAJ XXXVII (1993), p. 341-351, figs 1-3, pis I-VI; H. Aristov, J. Seigne, "Le Naos hellenistique du sanctuaire de Zeus Olympien a Jerash (Jordanie)", Topoi Suppl. 4 (2003), p. 269-298, figs 1-14; P.-L. Gartier et J. Seigne, "Le Hammana de Zeus a Gerasa", Electrum 11 (2006), p. 171-189, figs 1-6. 59. See above, note 5.

60. See the chapter on Basilica, notes 6-9. 61.

See the chapters on Hellenistic Sanctuary and Forum .

62.

On the temples for the imperial cult in the Roman East in general and in the Decapolis region in particular, see A. Segal, "The Kalybe Structures: Temples for the

Imperial Cult in Hauran and Trachon: An Historical-Architectural Analysis", Assaph-Studies in Art History 6 (2001), p. 91-118; idem, "Religious Architecture in the Roman Near East: Temples of the Basalt Lands", in T. Kaizer (ed.), The Variety of Local Religious Life in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Leiden 2008, p. 97-132, pis XII-XLVII. 63. On the various types of decorative gates and their place in city landscapes in the Roman East, see A. Segal, From Function to Monument, Oxford 1997, p. 83-149 ("Gates and Gate-like Structures").

64. On the location of nymphaea in city landscapes in the Roman East, see idem, op. cit., p. 151-168 ("Nymphaea").

79

ARTHCR SEGAL

an impressive public bathhouse complex is being excavated that may have included the city gtjlll11llSiu111. 65 The east side of the forum was completely occupied by the large public complex of the central bathhouse. I used the word 'complex', since although we have not yet excavated in this place, it is clear that we have here the bathhouse itself and a broad area alongside it meant for training exercises and ball games, the palaestra. On the north side of this was the swimming pool, the natatio. It seems that along the western wall of the palaestra that divided it from the forum plaza there were shops with their fronts facing the forum. The only public building that was not erected around the forum or in its immediate vicinity was the odeion, at a distance of about 70m northwest of the forum. 66

The City Landscape of Byzantine and Umayyad Hippos It would be no exaggeration if we described the changes that took place in the landscapes of cities in the Roman East during the 4th to 8th centuries CE as dramatic. These changes occurred gradually and in each city the rate and extent of the alterations depended to a great degree on local factors, but the final outcome common to all of them was a deep and profound change in their landscapes. 68 What were the main factors for these dramatic changes in the landscapes of the cities? As is to be expected, there were a number of factors that combined together to cause this change such as the profound transformations in the system of imperial government and administration and the change in the status of Iudaea-Palaestina after it had been converted from a fairly distance province of the Roman

Empire into the Holy Land. There were also economic and demographic factors that were certainly of considerable weight. Let us also not forget natural phenomena such as the severe earthquakes that occurred in our region in the 4th and the 8th century CE. We shall mention only two of them: the one in 363 CE and that of 749 CE which led to the final abandonment of Hippos. 69 Our brief survey is not the place for a discussion about the political, social and economic changes that the Roman world sustained at the rise of Christianity. There is no doubt that by its total negation of paganism, Christianity had an immediate and effective influence on the landscapes of cities. The reference is of course to the dismantling of pagan sanctuaries and the erection of churches, which led inevitably to profound and drastic changes in urban landscapes. 70

The considerable distance separating the odeion from the forum has two explanations: 1. At the end of the 1st century and the beginning of the 2nd century CE, when the odeion was erected, there was no longer enough space around the forum to set up a large-sized structure such as the odeion. Even if we assume that a suitable place could have been found, because the odeion was a place of entertainment for an audience of about 500 persons, the area around the forum in the center of the city would often have been too densely crowded with people. 67 2. The city burghers were interested in building the theatre and the odeion next to each other in an area where access to them would be safe and easy. We therefore made the assumption, which has not yet been confirmed, that the theatre of Hippos is located on the moderate slope extending between the Hellenistic Sanctuary and the odeion.

Fig. 54

The Cathedral, view from the west.

65. See the chapter on the Southern Bathhouse, Vol. II. On the interconnections between bathhouses and gymnasia, see F. Yegiil, Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge, Massachusetts 1992, p. 250-313. 66. See the chapter on Odeion. 67. C. van Tilburg, Traffic and Congestion in the Roman Empire, London 2007, p. 119-126. 68. E. Ribak, Religious Communities in Byzantine Palestina: The relationship between fudaism, Christianity and Islam, AD400-700, Oxford 2007; D. Bar, "Continuity and Change in the Cultic Topography of Late Antique Palestine", in J. Hahn, St. Emmel and U. Gotter (eds), From Temple to Church, Leiden 2008, p. 275-298, figs 1-6. See also Z. Weiss, "From Roman Temple to Byzantine Church: A Preliminary Report on Sepphoris in Transition", fournal of Roman Archaeology 23 (2010), p. 197-218. 69. Y. Tsafrir and G. Foerster, "The Dating of the 'Earthquake of Sabbatical Year' of 749 C.E. in Palestine", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 55 (1992), p. 231-235. See also the chapter on Historical Geography of Hippos. 70. The changes that occurred in the city landscape of Beth Shean (Scythopolis), the largest and richest of the Decapolis cities during the Byzantine period, can serve as

80

URBAN PLAN AND CITY LANDSCAPE

? also

were ; also s the 1 our ~- We ne in o the brief 1bout nges ? rise ,y its rhad nthe mrse ;and tably rban

In relation to the changes in regional urban landscapes, the Arab conquest had less influence in comparison with what occurred during the Byzantine period. However, as will be described later, we found in Hippos several instances of construction during the Umayyad period. The extent of these building activities was fairly limited, but they accelerated and implanted more deeply the changes that occurred in the landscape of Hippos during the Byzantine period. In the review below, we wish to point out the changes that took place in the physical features of the city. The first change in the landscape of Roman Hippos that occurred in the 4th century was not in relation to the rise of Christianity but to the severe earthquake that befell the region in 363 CE. 71 Archaeological evidence shows that several of the main public buildings were badly damaged. Some of them were abandoned while others were only partially restored. It seems that the odeion suffered very heavy damage and it was decided not to restore but rather to dismantle it. The basilica was also wrecked, perhaps even to a greater extent since it had scores of columns in its interior that were especially vulnerable to earthquakes. Unlike the odeion, it seems that the basilica was restored, although only partially and continued to serve the residents of the city. The temple in the Hellenistic Sanctuary must have also been damaged, but it cannot be determined whether it was decided to dismantle it immediately after the earthquake or whether this was done later on. The Northwest Church which was erected in the center of the Hellenistic Sanctuary around the year 500 CE made extensive use of the architectural items from the ruins of the temple and of the basilica as well. The degree of damage caused by the earthquake of 363 CE in the residential quarters of the city cannot be examined at this stage. It may be assumed that most of the singlestorey residences suffered less damage in

comparison with the large public buildings mentioned above. One of the characteristic processes that changed the landscape of cities during the Byzantine and Umayyad periods is related to the blurring of divisions between the public and the private domain. This process can be regarded as a loss of urban discipline and perhaps even a value change in the attitude of the individual to his city. In other words, the individual took over areas that had been until then public property, mainly the sidewalks along the streets and the public plazas, including that of the forum. Such a process did indeed cause serious damage to the landscape of the city. Even a casual glance at the decumanus maximus and the forum plaza is sufficient to determine the degree of damage caused to the city landscape of Roman Hippos. If we add to this the dismantling of pagan structures which, in Roman times, were impressive monuments in the landscape of this city, we will understand that the change it suffered in those days was indeed a dramatic one. Structures such as temples, nymphaea, decorative gateways, not to mention statues and reliefs, all began disappearing from the city landscape and the sidewalks and plazas began to fill up with private constructions that were unplanned and substandard in quality.

confines. Because of their considerable size and their unique contours, these public buildings brought about a deep and radical change in the landscape of Hippos. The four churches that have so far been excavated in Hippos provide sufficient proof of their powerful influence over the city landscape. It appears that two out of these four churches were built in public compounds while the other two were built within residential quarters. The Southeast Church which was named the Cathedral because of its rich decorations is located adjacent to and parallel with the south side of the decumanus maximus, with its atrium bordering on the central bathhouse complex near the forum (figs 17, 53-54). We do not know at this stage what structure may have stood in this place before the Cathedral was built, but it must have been a main public building. Indications of this can be found in the marble and granite columns and the wealth of architectural items belonging to the Roman period that were incorporated in secondary use into the Cathedral structure.

Apparently even the bathhouses in the city were gradually abandoned. It is reasonable to assume that the earthquake of 363 CE caused considerable damage to the urban water supply system. This was not only a serious blow to the water supply for the daily needs of the citizens but also to the function of the large public bathhouses that required large quantities of water. 72 r--,

It seems we will not be wrong in saying that the greatest change of all in the landscape of Hippos occurred in the 6th and 7th centuries when churches were erected within its

r-,

,---, .

Nil"°"'""

Fig. 55

The Southwest Church, a plan.

/Uity,

ange soZ. 992),

an instructive example for the phenomenon we are discussing here. See Y. Tsafrir and G. Foerster, "From Scythopolis to Baysan: Changing Concepts of Urbanism", in G. King and A. Cameron (eds), The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near Eastll: Land Use and Settlement Patterns, Princeton 1994, p. 95-117; idem, "Urbanism at Scythopolis: Beth Shean in the Fourth to Seventh Centuries", Dumbarton Oaks Papers 51 (1997), p. 85-146; Y. Tsafrir, "The Christianization of Beth Shean (Scythopolis) and its Social-Cultural Influences on the City", in G. Brands and H.-G. Severini (eds), Die spiitantike Stadt und ihre Christianisierung, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 275-284. See also R. Bayliss, Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion, Oxford 2004, p. 8-31 (Chapter 2: The Fate of the Temples); R.R.R. Smith, "Defacing the Gods at Aphrodisias", in B. Dignas and R.R.R. Smith (eds), Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World, Oxford 2012, p. 283-363. 71. See the chapter on Historical Geography of Hippos.

ve as

72. On public bathhouses at the end of the ancient period, see F. Yegiil, op. cit., p. 314-349 ("Bath and Bathing in the Late Antiquity and Early Byzantine World").

81

ARTHCR SEG.\L

even from the nearby basilica. Near the church, on the south and north sides of it, three wine presses and an oil press were set up. These were the large and well built installations put into operation that led to the far-reaching changes in the center of the city. 74

Fig. 56

The other two churches, the Northeast and the Southwest, were erected within residential insulae and not in public compounds (figs 51, 55-56). 75 These were therefore more modest in their dimensions and built of local construction material and do not have any building materials in secondary use taken from structures of the Roman period. In order to erect these churches, which we could call "neighborhood churches", it was necessary to appropriate a section from the insula in which they were built.

The Southwest Church. View from the west.

The transition from the Byzantine to the Umayyad period (640 CE) was not accompanied by upheavals. We did not find any evidence in Hippos of destruction caused to the churches by the Arab conquest. The churches apparently continued to function and serve the local Christian population. The Umayyad period (from 640 CE until the earthquake in 749 CE) left no significant mark on the landscape of Hippos. During this period of about a hundred years, the processes of decline and deterioration in the urban fabric that had begun at the end of the Roman period and intensified in the course of the Byzantine period, continued and may even have accelerated during the Umayyad period.

Fig. 57

Building complex to the north of the decumanus maximus. Note the remains of the Umayyad arch spanning the street leading to the north.

The Northwest Church was also built within an impressive public sanctuary. 73 It was built in the center of the Hellenistic Sanctuary, on the very ruins of the pagan temple. Decorative

architectural items of marble belonging to the first three centuries of the CE which were in secondary use in the church, were undeniably taken from the sanctuary itself and perhaps

In the center of the basilica, most of which was in ruins since the earthquake of 363 CE, a rectangular building was erected during the Umayyad period with walls built partly from architectural items that had belonged to the basilica.76 The excavation of this building has not yet been completed, but the possibility that this was a mosque cannot be negated. A certain amount of support for our contention can be found in the existence of

73. See the chapter on Northwest Church Complex (NWC).

74. See the chapter on Northwest Church Complex (NWC). See also the chapter on Agricultural Installations, Vol. II.

75. See the chapter on Northeast Church Complex (NEC) and Northeast Insula Project (NIP).

76. Hippos 2010, p. 25-42, figs 3, 21, 33, 36.

URBAN PLAN AND CITY LANDSCAPE

mrch, wine rhese .tions ching

Hippos shall it be? We will of course want the Hippos at the zenith of its florescence, somewhere in the first half of the 3rd century CE.

1dthe mtial (figs nore local ~ any aken )fder i call ,sary tla in

.e to

; not :find used The :tion

n. mtil icant ,ring , the ,n in end 1 the med ; the

hich :E,a ;the rom >the ;has ility ed. our :e of

Fig. 58

Remains of the Umayyad arch spanning the street leading to the north.

a narrow road branching off northwards from the decumanus maximus towards the Umayyad building (figs 57-58). Close to the place in which this road begins, an arched gate-like structure was built in a slipshod manner from architectural items of the Roman and Byzantine periods. 77 In spite of the poor quality of its construction, it seems clear that the builders of this gateway wanted to emphasize that it led the way to a building of special importance to them. In the area of the forum that had already been filled up mostly with workshops and market stalls, we found evidence that life in Hippos continued for a while even after the terrible destruction caused by the devastating earthquake of 749 CE. In the northwest corner of the forum plaza, a number of granite columns were found that belonged to the colonnades which had once graced the forum (figs 59-60). These columns were laid on the forum paving arranged in a kind of irregular rectangle which seems to have served as a pen for sheep. In this way, without glory or grandeur, a thousand years in the life of Hippos, a city of the Decapolis, came to an end.

77.

Man and the City Landscape of Hippos This section comes instead of a conclusion to this chapter. I invite the reader to take a brief imaginary tour through Hippos. Which

Fig. 59

City center. Aerial view.

Hippos 2008, p. 14-21, figs 18, 24-25; Hippos 2009, p. 18-31, figs 14, 16-17.

We enter the city through the East Gate. Why the East and not the West Gate? The answer is simple. If we enter through the West Gate which was meant mainly for beasts of burden bringing up heavy loads, we shall have to tour the city going uphill from west to east, while if we enter through the East Gate which was meant mainly for pedestrians, we can enjoy our tour walking downhill along a moderate slope descending gradually from east to west. So we shall begin our tour from the East Gate of the city. We pass by the arched gateway where on the left, that is to say on its south side, an impressive round tower rises up and here we halt a while in an oval plaza that is beautifully paved. We then find ourselves walking along the decumanus maximus which is colonnaded along both its sides to create a pleasant shade. Behind the colonnades we see the fronts of shops. Our walk continues for no more than a few minutes when we can already glimpse the attractive gateway that marks our approach to the forum. But before we reach the forum, we see

Fig. 60

The northeast corner of the Forum. Note some of the granite columns reused in the Umayyad period.

to our left (on the south side) the impressive edifice of the central bathhouse. Just a few more steps and we are already in the forum plaza. The paved surface of the forum plaza bathed in sunlight is bordered on the north and east by colonnades of granite columns. These columns support single-sloped roofs that create shady aisles which are very pleasant to stand in while gazing at the forum and the buildings around it. The line of columns on the north side of the forum breaks off in the middle to make place for an impressive stairway that leads up to the Hellenistic Sanctuary with a temple standing in its center. The level of the sanctuary is 2m or more above the level of the forum, but the wide stairway that descends at a comfortable angle to the forum plaza takes us up easily and without much effort to the temple courtyard which is also surrounded by colonnades. The temple in the middle of the courtyard

84

plaza stands on a podium that has on its south side a stairway with bordering balustrades. In entrance front of the temple stand four tall columns crowned with Corinthian capitals. The temple has a gabled roof that can be clearly seen even from the forum. A brief tum around the plaza opposite the temple among the statues and altars and down again we go to the forum plaza.

basilica. Let us glance at the northern part where there is a tribunal and gaze also at the statues of the city notables mounted between the columns that support the ceiling and roof of the basilica before we return to the forum.

Right next to the Hellenistic Sanctuary on its east side stands the grand edifice of the basilica which also has a gabled roof. We cannot ignore the fact that its size dwarfs the temple and the sanctuary to a great extent. Another few steps and here we stand facing the southern front of the basilica in which three large doorways give access from the forum and the decumanus maximus to the basilica.

Our gaze now turns westward where we see three structures that enclose the forum on its west side. The largest one is the temple for the imperial cult (kalybe) which is very different in design from the temple in the Hellenistic Sanctuary. It has a thick wall in the middle of which is a semicircular niche roofed with a half dome. In the center of this niche stands the statue of the emperor. Standing parallel to the front of the two-storied structure are four columns, two on each side of the niche, to support the entablature crowned with an arched gable.

The interior of the basilica surprises us with its size. After standing in the sunlit forum it is pleasant to be in the calm dimness of the

Near the kalybe structure, on the north side, is an arched gateway that marks the continuation of the decumanus maximus

URBAN PLAN AND CITY LANDSCAPE

which we will follow soon on our way to the western part of the city. North of the arched gateway is yet another structure which also has a two-storied stone front with a niche in the center. This is a small nymphaeum which can barely fit in between the arched gateway and the southeast comer of the Hellenistic Sanctuary. The pool at the base of the structure is filled by water from a hidden pipe in the concave wall front. Statues of nymphs carrying jugs of water decorate the front of the nymphaeum. We now leave the forum and turn westward, marching along the western section of the decumanus maxim us. For the first time since we began our tour, the blue line of the lake can be seen at the end of the street. The colonnades along the street and the shops behind them block out what lies to the north and south of it. After about 70m we come to a branch road leading northward. This road, which is paved but without colonnades, leads us to the theatre and the odeion, two structures facing each other with a rectangular plaza between them. The straight east wall of the odeion faces the plaza, and its semicircular section is on the west side. The tiled cone-shaped roof of the odeion is clearly visible against

the background of the hills to the north of Hippos. The theatre with its semicircular tiers of seats rests upon a slope that descends from east to west. Above and beyond the seating arrangement we can clearly see the western wall of the Hellenistic Sanctuary. Returning to the decumanus maximus, we notice on the western or left side of the street behind the colonnade, a row of shops interrupted at times by stepped streets that descend to the largest residential quarter of Hippos extending south of the decumanus maximus. Another few hundred steps and we turn sharply to the left (southwards) till we stand over the West Gate of Hippos. From here a wonderful view opens over the winding road leading downwards to the lake which is now revealed in full. Somewhere out there, in the midst of the blue expanse that seems almost endless, we can distinguish the sails of a boat. This must be the boat that will take us from the port of Hippos directly to Tiberias, with its houses lining the western shores of the lake.

>art the een ·oof

um. see

tits the ·e nt stic die 1ith 1ds llel are he, an

rth the lUS

Fig. 61

Sussita Mountain and the Sea of Galilee. View from the Golan Heights.

Military Architecture Michael Eisenberg

Fig. 62

A segment of the curtain wall of Herakleia under Latmos, Caria. One of the best preserved Hellenistic city walls in Asia Minor.

Introduction

I n each and every period of history, not excepting the Hellenistic and Roman periods, the walls of a city possessed religious and symbolic aspects in addition to their fortification qualities. The area of a city enclosed by a wall was an area under the protection of the gods. The walls symbolized the independence of the city as a separate entity detached from its environs.

Military architecture was among the main building enterprises of a polis including mainly the curtain walls, towers, gates and outworks. 1 In this sense Antiochia Hippos of the Decapolis (lmcin:ot\Lc;) did not differ from the other poleis in the east. The long lasting art of fortification in the region, mainly in stone, allowed the citizens of Hippos to build their fortifications according to the Hellenistic art of fortifications (fig. 62). 2 The almost complete absence of any surviving Hellenistic and Early Roman urban fortifications in the region made Hippos' fortifications a vital one in

understanding their character and structural features. Research of the military architecture of Hippos was conducted alongside the annual Hippos excavation expeditions (2000-2011). During this period some of the defense features were surveyed, examined and excavated, and constitute the core of this chapter. 3

1.

Although the term Military Architecture is a well-known and familiar one among scholars dealing with the poleis of the Roman East, it is sometimes disputable among those dealing with the Roman western frontiers, and hence needs some clarification. In this chapter, the term Military Architecture is used in its wider sense, combining all defensive and combat manmade structures and earthworks within the city itself and its surroundings, i.e. fortification wall, outer defensive wall segments, bastion, towers, gates and outworks, whether those were built by an army, militia or local city defense forces.

2.

For some fundamental discussion over the military architecture during the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods see F. E. Winter, Greek Fortifications, Toronto 1971 (hereafter Winter 1971); A. W. Lawrence, Greek Aims in Fortification, Oxford 1979 (hereafter Lawrence 1979); J.P. Adam, L'Architecture militaire grecque, Paris 1982; Y. Garlan, Recherches de poliorcetique grecque, Athens 1974; A. W. McNicoll, Hellenistic Fortifications from the Aegean to the Euphrates, Oxford 1997; S. Gregory (ed.), Roman Military Architecture on the Eastern Frontier, Amsterdam, 1995-6, (3 v.).

3.

My first interest in the Hippos fortifications took shape during the research for my M.A. thesis: M. Eisenberg, The Fortifications ofAntiochia Hippos (Sussita): In Light of the Hellenistic-Roman City Fortifications in the Roman East, University of Haifa, Haifa 2003, and later within the framework of a PhD dissertation: M. Eisenberg, Military Architecture in the Region of the Decapolis during the Hellenistic and Early Roman Periods, University of Haifa, Haifa 2008 (Hebrew, English summary) (Unpublished PhD dissertation), which dealt, among others, with the city's fortification systems (hereafter: Eisenberg 2003 and Eisenberg 2008 accordingly).

87

MICHAEL EISE\"BERG

Fig. 63

Orthophotograph of Sussita Mountain and its vicinity, Feb. 2012.

An examination of the fortification systems of Hippos was carried out in four main stages: ◊

Examination by means of old and new aerial photographs, an aerial survey followed by an analysis of the photographs and of topographical maps of the Sussita mountain and its environs.

◊

A survey conducted on foot in the area of the Sussita mountain and adjacent territory.

◊

Analysis of the road network in the area and the Hippos anchorages as part of the system of the city defenses.

4.

Eisenberg 2008, p. 6-9, 12-14, 72-81.

88

◊

Selective excavations of the city's fortifications and a nearby fortress.

Military Historiography The historical events of the Hellenistic period, and certainly those of Syria Palaestina or Crele-Syria (Kov\11 LVQ(a) of the third to the first century BCE, occurred mainly during a time of continuous unrest and instability due to the struggles between the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms. The Hasmonaean revolt and the establishment of the Hasmonaean kingdom, beginning in the mid-second

century until the conquest by Pompey the Great in 63 BCE, also contributed to the lack of tranquility in the region. The evidence for these mighty struggles are not only to be found in the famous battlefields of that period. The kingdoms that fought for their control over the territory under their patronage took care to erect fortification systems along the various borders and also to fortify the cities in the best methods of Hellenistic art of fortification (poliorcetics, 110ALOQKTJ'HKa). 4 Hippos was not only no exception to this, but its location near the borders between the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms must have been a good reason for the erection of

Fig. 64

the ack ·for , be

Sussita Mountain. View from the Golan Heights.

a military outpost that later developed into a fortified city on the crest of the mountain. The Battle of Panion (circa. 199 BCE), the last and decisive battle between the two powerful Hellenistic kingdoms for control over the region at the end of the Fifth Syrian War, took place about 50 km north of Hippos. The very location of the Sussita mountain along the route of conquest expeditions in the second and first century BCE near the Galilee, Golan and Gilead regions, often turned this area into an arena for clashes between the opposing forces of these kingdoms (figs 1, 64).

iod. trol Jok the ties : of

From the Syrian Wars to the Conquest of Alexander Jannaeus Information about the earliest event related to Hippos comes from the Byzantine historian Syncellus, who lists Hippos as one of the cities (or more precisely as one of the "Macedonian colonies" - apoikiai) that Alexander Jannaeus conquered in Transjordania in addition to Pella, Gadara, Abila, Dion, and Philoteria. 5 It appears that these cities were conquered during the first conquering expedition of Jannaeus in 101 BCE, in view of the description given by Josephus who noted that Gadara, the large neighbor of Hippos, as well as the Golan, were subdued at the start of that expedition. Apparently, the defeat of Jannaeus a short while later in an

ambush near Gadara by Obodas I, King of the Nabataeans, did not allow him to retain the Sussita region. 6 Most likely it was only after his second expedition, around the year 83 BCE that Jannaeus succeeded in establishing his control over the Golan region. Bar-Kochva claims that the use of the term

apoikiai, Macedonian colonies, by Syncellus is not fortuitous, and that one should regard this as proof that these cites or fortresses were already captured from the Ptolemaic kingdom by Antiochus III during the Fifth Syrian War, and most certainly after the Battle of Panium around 199 BCE when the entire area of the Land of Israel was taken over by the Seleucids. 7 Bar-Kochva regarded the conquest of Sussita as part of the Seleucid

') 4 X.

1is, ~en ust I of

5.

G. Synkellos: Georgius Syncellus et Nicephorus CP./ex recensione Guiliel, Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae, Bonnae: Impensis Ed. Weberil, 1829, p. 558-559; George Synkellos, The Chronography of George Synke/los, translated with introduction by W. Adler and P. Tuffin, Oxford 2002, p. 426.

6.

Josephus Flavius, War of the Jews, I.4. It seems more likely that Hippos was conquered by Jannaeus during his first expedition in 101 BCE together with the neighboring city of Gadara and not during his second conquest in 83 BCE, but no decisive conclusion may be offered. For this opinion see Z.U. Maoz, 'The Hellenistic System of Fortifications in the Golan and the Jannaeus Conquests', Eretz. HaGolan 81, 1983, p. 17 (Hebrew).

7.

There is no clear evidence for Bar-Kochva's claim, but this idea is strengthened following his in-depth discussion concerning the goals of the military outposts of the Ptolemaic Kingdom and especially the ones of the Seleucids in the west and east of the Seleucid Kingdom. See B. Bar-Kochva, The Seleucid Army: Organization and Tactics in the Great Campaigns, Cambridge, 1976, p. 35.

89

MICHAEL EISE'.\BERG

From Pompey's Conquest through the Great and Bar Kochba Revolts to the Umayyad Period

Fig. 65

Excavation within the Hellenistic Sanctuary adjacent to its western wall. Note the pavement dated to the mid 2nd cent. BCE cut by the later sanctuary wall and a sounding next to it.

military strategy to conquer a string of military outposts of the Ptolemaic kingdom in the Jordan Valley, the Galilee and Samaria. Since there is no mention of how Sussita functioned after the conquest of Jannaeus in any historical sources, and especially in that of Josephus, it seems that Jannaeus did not even leave a guard force there. 8 It is therefore logical to suppose that the fortifications of Sussita were destroyed before the soldiers of Jannaeus departed. As confirmation for the conquest of Jannaeus, as well as the absence of any guard force left behind, we have one single Jannaeus coin (the only one in the entire site so far) which was discovered in the Sussita excavations, and the almost total lack of any coins from the beginning of the first century BCE until the middle of that century. 9 This coin was found in a burnt layer dated from around the end of the second century until the beginning of the first century BCE. Fairly uniform burnt layers which were also dated to this period of time were discovered

8.

in all the areas dug within the compound of the Hellenistic Sanctuary (temenos) and adjacent to it, extending from the excavation areas along the north wall of the city and down to the forum (fig. 46). It is not unlikely that these burnt layers are from the Jannaeus conquest. There is no evidence of a system of fortifications or architecture in Sussita that can be dated before the middle of the second century BCE. However, from the stratigraphic soundings conducted in the Hellenistic Sanctuary, layers dated to the third century BCE were found under those of the mid-second century BCE and above the basalt bedrock. 10 Moreover, it is worth noting that five coins dated to the third century BCE have so far been discovered in the central area of the Sussita mountain.

In 63 BCE the region, including the city of Sussita, was conquered by Pompey as part of his conquest expedition in Syria and the Land of Israel. 11 As said above, there is no evidence that any settlement existed in Sussita from the time of the conquest of Jannaeus until the liberation of the region from the Hasmonaeans in 63 BCE, which also implies that the city was not conquered, only the region was liberated. We have no evidence of any kind for the existence of an operational fortifications system in the years following the conquests of Pompey, and it would certainly have taken decades until the city was resettled and its walls were rebuilt. The building enterprises in Sussita, except for the Hellenistic temenos and sections of the north wall (see below) which were dated from the end of the second century until the beginning of the first century BCE, are not dated before the Augustan period. The fortifications of the city in all their splendour were built during the Early Roman period (see below), and their first test would have been during the course of the Great Revolt in the Galilee when the area of Sussita was attacked by the Jewish rebels. It is quite possible that during those events the urban defense systems were enlarged and that a solid defense position was set up in the centre of the southern cliff- the bastion. As will be described below, during its construction the bastion overrode a number of previously built fortification wall sections from the Early Roman period. By the third century CE the bastion was eliminated and a public bathhouse was built adjacent to it. We do not know whether it was only the bastion that was eliminated or perhaps the city fortification system fell entirely into neglect as had occurred in more than one city in the region. Whatever the case may be, during the Byzantine period, and certainly from the end

It is worth mentioning the absence of any reference to the history of Hippos-Sussita in the descriptions of Josephus until its conquest by Pompey. Josephus knew Hippos personally as a major city during his period and certainly became familiar with it during his activities in the Great Revolt. This seems to imply that, whether Hippos had been a fortified city or not during the second century BCE, it was not one of the main 'players' in the local arena of the third to the mid-first century BCE.

9.

See here General Conspectus in 'The Coin Finds' and 'The Coin Finds', Hippos 2006, p. 144.

10.

Hippos 2004, p. 23-24, 143 and fig. 11.

11.

For a detailed discussion see here the chapter on 'The Historical Geography of Sussita-Antiochia Hippos' .

90

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

city y as

and 1ere sted ,t of ;ion 1ich red, ~ no fan ears ld it ! the uilt. :ept s of 1ted the not

1eir nan uld volt Nas

ible nse nse .em JW,

le a vall the ted t to the :ity .ect the the

Fig. 66

Sections A and B in the western side of the Hellenistic Sanctuary. See plan in fig. 157.

of the fourth century CE, the city had a new wall system which fell into disuse at the end of the Byzantine period and the beginning of the Umayyad period, when the fortification wall turned into an ordinary wall that served merely as the borderline of the city built on the crest of the mountain (see below under "Survey of the City Fortification System"). The earthquake of 749 CE ended the life of the city as well as that of the fortifications system which was damaged, as testified by the sections of basalt rock and the wall upon it that were detached from the mountain (fig. 87).

Hippos vs. Sussita -The Origin of the Name Hundreds of cities were founded throughout the East during the period of Alexander the Great and later on in the territories of

the Hellenistic kingdoms, especially those of the Seleucid Empire. These cities were naturally fortified by various systems and methods according to their topographical location, the local resources, and the building traditions practiced in the region where they were founded. They were settled mainly by Macedonian, Greek and Asia Minor settlers, but also by some of the local population. These settlers, who were known as katoikiai, populated most of the colonies throughout the Seleucid Empire. 12 These colonies, which were built along the borders of the kingdom, served as a reserve force which could send armed contingents whenever required to various parts of the kingdom. The colonies differed in their size and status, from that of a village to a city. After 188 BCE we can note a process in which the smaller colonies, most of which were set up in Central and Western Asia and in Northern Syria, combining together into cities. It is not unlikely that the foundation of Hippos was also of this type of military colony. It may be that the establishment of the Hippos polis around the middle of the second century BCE occurred when a group of discharged soldiers of the Seleucid army (katoikiai), and perhaps some of the men in the Hippos fortress, were granted a legacy of land free of taxes for a number of years which was declared as a polis. This Seleucid military settlement may have provided the source for the name of the city -Hippos (horse or mare). The name Hippos has often been explained by the resemblance of the Sussita mountain and saddle ridge to the shape of a horse's mane and saddle. But I do not share this imaginary belief that had developed later on when the site was identified as Hippos. It is more probable that the military settlers had belonged to a cavalry unit (imu:ic;) from which the city derived its name, as had occurred at other sites in Seleucid Empire or in those nearby such as Gaba of the Cavalry ([a~a lnn€wv) located in the Western Galilee, which was

Fig 67.

Reverse of the Hippos city mint coin showing Tyche with corona muralis holding a horse in her palm, symbolizing Hippos (minted during the reign of Marcus Aurelius 161-180 CE).

known as the colony of the horsemen who had been discharged from the army of Herod, and from which it had derived its name. 13

Choosing the Site Sussita mountain is located on the southwestern slopes of the Golan Heights, about 2 km east of the shores of Sea of Galilee (Lake Kinneret). 14 The mountain rises to a height of about 350m above the lake and about 200m above its surroundings, making it rather dominant in its area (figs 1, 63-64, 68). The crest of the mountain is long and narrow in shape, descending slightly from east to west, from 142m ASL (above sea level) on the eastern side, to 100m ASL on its western side (figs 16-17, 45, 136). The length of the crest is about 550m along a southeast-northwest axis, with a maximum width of about 220m along a north-south axis on the western side, a width of about 150m in the middle of the crest, and down to about 50m in width on its eastern side. The mountain is almost cut off from the surrounding area by three riverbeds that flow around it. On the south side is the Sussita Stream (Wadi Jamusiyeh), on the north is the Ein-Gev Stream (Wadi Fik), and the Noa Stream cuts the mountain off on its eastern side (figs 63-64, 68). 15 On the western side,

ind

1ew her

12. For the katoikiai and their role in the Seleucid Empire, see L. Robert, 'Documents D' Asie Mineure', BCH 109, Athenes 1985, p. 480-484; Bar-Kochva 1976, p. 20-46. 13.

Eisenberg 2008, p. 149-150; E. Dvotjetski in: A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk and M. Burdajewicz, Excavations of the Hellenistic site in Kibbutz. Sha'ar-Ha' Amakim (Gaba), 1984-1998: final report, Zinman Institute of Archaeology, Haifa 2009, p. 10-17. For additional examples see here the chapter on 'The Historical Geography of Sussita-Antiochia Hippos'.

14.

For further description of Sussita Mt. and its surroundings see here the chapter on 'The Geographical, Geological and Geomorphological Settings of the Sussita Region'.

ury

15. The Noa Stream is a short unnamed stream to the east of the Sussita Mountain saddle ridge. The stream flows north until it merges with the Ein-Gev Stream. We

have decided to name it for the sake of further references.

91

Fig. 68

Contour map of Sussita Mountain and its vicinity.

where the mountain slopes toward the Sea of Galilee and its surrounding valleys, an ancient path snakes gradually downward from the mountain crest (figs 17, 50, 63, 81). In one place only, on the southeast side, the mountain is not detached from its surroundings. This is where a natural saddle connects Sussita with the southwestern slopes of the Golan Heights (figs 63, 68-71). It is here, quite naturally that a main road was paved to the east gate, the main entrance of the city. Sharp basalt cliffs crown the crest all around its edges, allowing for optimized natural defenses upon which the city's fortification wall was built. These topographical features made Sussita into a preferred site for the erection of a fortress that developed in time into a Hellenistic fortified polis. Yet it was not only those considerations that had come into the mind of the Hellenistic architect, but also the following facts: ◊

The mountain is located about mid-way from north to south, along the eastern

side of the Sea of Galilee. ◊

The crest of the mountain is the only prominent plateau in this region.

◊

It is adjacent to the Sea of Galilee and its anchorage.

◊

The springs of Haruv, Fik and Ein-Gev are nearby.16

◊

It is close to the ancient road running up the east side of the Sea of Galilee.

◊

There are fertile agricultural lands around the Sea of Galilee in the valleys to the west, north and south of it, and fertile valleys to the east in the Golan Heights.

◊

The road leading to the cities of Syria runs southeast of the mountain.

All those were part of the considerations in the erection of a city upon the Sussita plateau. 17

After the Battle of Panion the entire Land of Israel region was taken over by the Seleucids. Thus, it appears that the very fact a Ptolemaic fortress was built on the mountain followed by a Seleucid one did not necessarily bring about the development of a polis specifically in this place. However, there was some importance to it, and it was not by chance that, about half a century after the Battle of Panion, the city of Antiochia Hippos should have been established just here. Would the Hellenistic founders of the city have founded a fortress city here had a fortress not already existed in that place? We have no clear answer, although security considerations during the Hellenistic period must have determined the choice of this site to found a city, while the convenience of the inhabitants would have been merely of secondary importance. These considerations changed during the Roman period when convenience became of primary importance for the location of a city and security was secondary. 18 It seems that a Roman architect would not have chosen the crest of Sussita mountain so restricted in area, detached from

16. The Ein-Gev spring does not appear, for some reason, on the maps. The spring is located in the Ein-Gev Stream just below Sussita Mountain. It seems to be the main source for the water of the stream and not the Fik spring located several km. to the east. The only source mentioning the spring, except for the personal information gained from few members of Kibbutz Ein-Gev is: Y. Ben-Arieh, The Central Jordan Valleys, Hakibbutz Hameuchad 1965, p. 201-202 (Hebrew). I wish to thank Yonatan Sygmand for informing me of this source. 17.

For the water sources of Hippos, see here 'The Historical Geography of Sussita' and in detail: T. Tsuk, 'The Water Supply System', Volume II.

18. The Roman architect Vitruvius, at the beginning of the chapter dealing with The Site of a City, says that: "For fortified towns the following general principles are

92

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

Survey of the Environs of the Sussita Mountain

Fig. 69

The chopper used for survey and photography taking off from the Sussita saddle ridge.

its surroundings, and lacking water sources as a preferred site for the founding of a city. But since it had already been founded, it was developed during the Roman period and was fortified in accordance with local traditions and the new Roman building methods which included the use of vaults and concrete (opus

V

Below is a brief description of the survey conducted on foot in the vicinity of the mountain and around the walls of the city, including both the natural and artificial defenses (the heights indicated are for the metres above sea level). The survey covered the slopes of the mountain, the wadis surrounding it, and the peaks encircling it.

◊

The Saddle Ridge - This is a natural ridge that connects the Sussita mountain to the southwestern slopes of the Golan Heights. The west side of the saddle ridge and parts of the east side were of soft limestone rock that was hewn and smoothed in order to improve it as a natural lengthwise obstacle to substitute for a built fortification. This long ridge ends near the city gate (figs 64, 70-72).

◊

The Necropolis - One of the necropoleis of Hippos is located south of the saddle ridge on both sides of it. The ditch indicates the limit of the urban boundary of Hippos, and it is only from this area and beyond that burial was permitted (figs 72, 74). The field of sarcophagi, which contains hundreds of hewn rectangular graves, lies adjacent to the ditch on its south side, and not a single one on the north side of the ditch facing the city.

◊

The Ditch - The ditch is located approximately in the centre of the saddle ridge, between the modem road and the east gate, at a distance of about 190m southeast of the gate (figs 64, 71-75). The width of the ditch is about 6.50m in the centre of the saddle ridge and about 8m on the west and east side of it. Its maximum length is about 40m and its maximum depth on the east side is 3.80m. The centre of the ditch is filled with earth, and segments of hewn rock can be clearly

Survey of the Urban Fortification System During the years 2001-2008 I conducted a number of surveys on foot over Sussita and the surrounding area both in winter and summer, and sometimes returned to survey those already covered because of the visibility conditions and the state of the vegetation in the different seasons.19 In those places where the course of the wall and towers were discernible, precise measurements were taken, while in those places where the wall broke off or was not visible, the edge of the cliff was measured. Wherever quarrying marks were noticeable on the cliff rocks, we took measurements and completed the course of the wall in accordance with those markings. A number of air surveys were also conducted over Sussita mountain, and over the city anchorages (fig. 8). These air surveys contributed greatly towards understanding the topography of Sussita and the interrelations between the city and its anchorages. In addition, orthophoto and photography by balloon suspension were also carried out.

ing ally ,me hat, ion, ,een stic :ess :i in

1gh stic of nee yof ons ~

1en nee

vas :ect ,ita om

1ain tion 1tan

◊

The description begins from the area of the saddle ridge going northwards in a counterclockwise direction.

caementicium ).

dof :ids. naic .ved

seen today on the east and west side of it. There is no evidence of any construction connected with the excavated ditch, except in its upper northern part where it was apparently integrated with a gate structure or proteichisma (figs 73-74).

◊

The Front Gate - Adjoining the ditch and northeast of it, on top of a small (artificial?) hill, many construction remains were found, mainly of walls and ashlars, including some with margin dressing and a crudely processed boss, and a large number of decorated architectural items. The upper structure was entirely built of high quality basalt ashlars in the typical Roman style. Clearly visible are basalt ashlars with moldings along the east-west wall erected directly above the ditch. Only a few construction remains can be seen on the west side of the ditch, apparently because of the later destruction at that place and the collapse of the soft rock. It could be that we have here a front entrance gate to the city that was meant to maintain control over the wooden bridge over the ditch and to obstruct the advance of enemy war machines that have reached the ditch. Two types of construction stones can be seen here - large limestone ashlars, some of them with margin dressings, and basalt ashlars in the distinctive Early Roman style so familiar to us from the excavations in Hippos. There may once have been a front gate here dating from the Hellenistic period, which was later rebuilt as a more decorated structure of the Roman period. It seems almost certain that when the ditch was hewn out as a defensive means, the hill to the north of it served as a proteichisma. The Noa Stream - The stream flows strongly on the east side of the saddle ridge, separating it, and before joining the Ein-Gev Stream to the north it creates deep gorges that detach the eastern slopes of the mountain from its surroundings (figs 68, 75). 20

to be observed. First comes the choice of a very healthy site." Vitruvius, De Architectura, Vol. I (books I-V), [with an English translation by F. Granger], The Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Mass 1931. 19.

The survey was conducted as part of a thesis research; see Eisenberg 2003, p. 54-63.

20. See above note 15.

are

l

93

Fig. 70

Sussita Mountain and its saddle ridge as viewed from the southeast.

Fig. 71

Sussita Mountain and its saddle ridge as viewed from the south.

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

Fig. 72

◊

◊

The ditch at the center of the Sussita saddle ridge. Note the graves in the necropolis cut in soft limestone and limited to the outer side of the ditch. An aerial photograph towards west.

A wall connected with the east side of the ditch runs in a north-south direction up the fairly moderate slopes of the mountain and ends in the area of the east gate on its eastern side (fig. 75). The wall was intended to block the moderate slopes of the saddle ridge from the area of the ditch and up to the mountain cliffs by the East Gate on which the city wall was built.

Building Remains West of the Ditch - On the west side of the ditch towards the north, the remains of solidly built constructions were discovered on the lower third part of the southern slopes of the Sussita mountain (fig. 76). At first it seemed as though these were mausolea such as those found a short distance away to the south, but after a fire had scorched the surface area, a series of at least four buildings were revealed with their doorways facing west and a wall connected with them all (figs 76-77, 150). This wall continues northwards, ascends the mountain slopes, and then makes a sharp turn westward until it disappears beneath the surface (fig. 78). The four buildings are about 30m distant from one another. They are identical in their construction with layers of basalt ashlars of high quality with a smooth fronting. A filling of rough stones and binding material was inserted between the two faces of the wall. The buildings are only

Fig. 73

The western side of the ditch cut in the saddle ridge and the proteichisma above it. View to the east.

about 50m above the level of the ancient road that passes along the Sussita Stream, and their wide doorways face towards this road (fig. 150). We apparently have here a series of protected positions for projectile machines (in this chapter ballistae will be used to describe machines for hurling stones and catapultae for shooting dart/bolt like projectiles) that were meant to respond to attacks by enemy forces ascending eastwards along the ancient road. It should be remembered that the machines on the mountain fortifications are placed very high, and perhaps too high to respond with direct fire at enemy forces that have succeeded in reaching the road under southern cliff of the Sussita mountain. The wall, which is connected with the front wall of those positions, continues its course up the lower third of the mountain slope and is exposed for a total length of about 50m only until it disappears under the surface (marked as "Wall A", figs 71, 78-79, 150). These wall sections are sufficient proof of the overall uniformity in the construction of the walls and the quality of the processed basalt ashlars laid at equal heights in header-stretcher alternation. This style of construction is highly characteristic of the Early Roman period in the region. ◊

At a distance of about 15m below this wall, another wall can be clearly seen to follow almost an identical course from

west to east (marked as "Wall B", figs 71, 79). This wall is uniform in width, about 2m, but the ashlars are not uniform in size, with some of them made of basalt and some of limestone. These may have been an additional fortification line that underwent repairs at a later period. ◊

The Ein-Gev Stream - The Ein-Gev Stream (Wadi Fik) is a constant stream that flows through its channels even during the hot summer months and contains a thick growth of vegetation (fig. 80). The source of its water is the Ein-Gev spring that gushes within it near the northeast foot of the Sussita mountain, as well as the Fik spring a few kilometers to the east. 21 A number of ancient building remains were found lying around the stream, but their nature has not yet been determined at this stage. South of the stream are wide expanses suitable for field crops. The remains of a few farms that were abandoned during the past few centuries can be seen clearly in this area. These farms were built in the tradition Golan type of construction with an extensive use of basalt stones, but the almost total absence of ancient building materials is worth noting. It may be supposed that this area also served in early times as the agricultural hinterland of Hippos.

21. See note 16.

I

95

~IICH.-\EL EI5E\"BERG

borders on the Kinneret valleys, a broad and level stretch of land that extends for about 1.5km up to the shores of the lake (figs 8, 63). This area today is covered by most of the agricultural fields of Kibbutz Ein-Gev. ◊

The Western Road - The western road to the Sussita mountain ascends from the northwestern side of the mountain (figs 63, 68, 81). The road is a very winding one and it is no longer possible to locate the remains of the original Roman road that had been paved along this route. Only a section of that road survives in its upper eastern part where it twists in the direction of the decumanus maximus and joins up with it.

,

Fig. 74

Fig. 75

◊

The ditch cut in the Sussita saddle ridge. Aerial photograph to the east.

◊

The Sussita Stream - This stream (Wadi Jamusiyeh) flows along the south side of the Sussita mountain and its course is more winding than that of the Ein-Gev Stream. It flows today south of the modem road ascending to the settlements in the Golan Heights (figs 63, 68, 82). Within the stream, mainly in the area near the saddle ridge, scores of construction stones were found, including ashlars with margin dressing and a crudely processed boss. Many sarcophagi are also to be found in that area. Remains of the ancient road that had once led from the west towards the saddle ridge of Sussita should be found somewhere near the channel of the stream, although this road has not yet been located. 22

◊

The Southern Necropolis Hill - The peak of a hilltop to the south rises to a height of 130m which is slightly lower than the height of the Sussita mountain (142m, fig. 83). A few remains of walls were found on this hilltop that were preserved to the height of only one foundation layer. It is certainly possible that a defensive position was set up here to protect the city, whether it was a tower or a small fortress that did not survive.

The northern, upper part of the Sussita saddle ridge. Note the traces of a wall climbing along the eastern slopes towards the city fortifications adjacent to the east gate. Aerial photograph to the north.

The ascent from the area of the Ein-Gev Stream to the Sussita mountain on its northeastern side is extremely difficult, since there are sheer cliffs that divide the stream from the mountain and the mountain slopes are also very steep. No remains of any fortifications were found in this area.

◊

The northern and northwestern slopes of Mount Sussita are more moderate, and here we can more clearly distinguish broader and more level terrain. These areas today are used by the surrounding settlements for their agriculture and pasture needs.

◊

The Western Side of the Mountain - The

◊

western side of the Sussita mountain

The Tai Fortress - South of the hilltop mentioned above, a hidden hilltop was found (height: 120m). Here a rectangular

22. We do not have any sketch or photograph of the remains of the road, but the map of G. Schumacher implies that a path along the line of the stream continued to be

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

,road ls for ilake ~dby ,butz

road nthe (figs ding )Cate road mte. es in ;ts in

Fig. 77

Survey Around the Walls of the City

imus Nadi :ieof se is ·Gev dem 1the 1the ddle Nere rgin

A segment of "Wall A" northwest of the Sussita saddle ridge. Note the ashlars arranged in alternating headers and stretchers.

Fig. 76

One of the artillery hangars (?) built on the western side of the saddle ridge overlooking the ancient road to the west.

structure was uncovered measuring about 24 x 19m (figs 63, 83-84, coords: 26237/74200). The axis of the long walls was north-northeast. The thickness of the external walls was about lm and the internal walls were 0.80-0.97m thick. All the walls were built with a double facing of basalt ashlars that were smoothed with a filling of earth and rough stones between the two faces of the wall. The main entrance was in the centre of the north wall. The remains of the opening and the jambs can still be clearly distinguished and are of excellent workmanship (fig. 85). The width of the doorway, as it appears today, is 3 m, but it seems that there were piers here that narrowed the entrance. This entrance is a later phase as it was built upon the remains of an earlier wall. This wall is the northern one of a square tower (5.05x5.10m) that been excavated here (figs 84-85). Between this northern part of the fortress and the southern one is a passageway of 3m in width and about 7m in length. The southern part consists mainly of a rectangular tower measuring

)OSS.

tdin :oad ards :i be ~I of not

Jeak ight 1 the , fig. und d to .yer. sive the nall

ltop was ular

11.50 x 9.S0m. The walls are 1.40m thick. In the centre of the tower is a heap of fragments that had collapsed internally and we discovered here a corbel which indicates that the upper floors were built upon them. 0

The initial indecision about the nature of the structure was whether it was a farm or a defensive structure. The building was erected at the edge of a hidden hilltop in a stony area without terraces or plots that could be cultivated in the immediate vicinity (at least according to the situation today), only in the valleys below. After these considerations it seems that we have here a complex set up as a fortress that was meant to deter and protect against enemy forces ascending from the southeast of the Kinneret towards Hippos. 23 It appears that in the later stages it no longer served as a fortress and perhaps was turned into a farm. 24

This survey around the city walls was conducted according to the types of terrain, and the various fortifications were divided into 51 sections (fig. 86).25 This comprehensive survey as detailed below, in spite of its inherent limitations, made it possible to arrive at a number of conclusions regarding the nature of the urban defenses and the chronological framework of the system of fortifications. Moreover, during the survey, it was possible to determine the kind of building materials and construction methods that were used. Below are summaries of the main conclusions of the survey: 1. The very contour of the Sussita mountain and the fact that it is surrounded by three deep streams on the north, east and south, are what provide it with excellent natural defenses. Only on the southeastern side is there an easy natural passage where the saddle ridge links the Sussita mountain with the southwestern slopes of the Golan Heights (figs 63-64, 68, 86).

2. The steep cliffs, mainly those on the north and northwest sides of the mountain, serve as excellent natural defenses, and to a great extent may be considered as a substitute for the wall itself. Some parts of the cliff, mainly the southern one, were detached from the

in use for centuries until modem times. Further confirmation for the existence of a road here comes from the descriptions of M. Nun and the files of the archives of the Israel Antiquities Authority in which mention is made of the damage caused in the modem period to the ancient Roman road in this region. 23. After the discovery of this complex, I decided to name it the 'Tai Fortress'. 24. The excavation of the fortress is still in its early stages and we cannot yet present its full plan or date the different states of its construction.

tobe

25.

For a full description of the survey see Eisenberg 2008, p.165-174.

97

MICH.-\El EISE,BERG

Fig. 78

A segment of "Wall A" climbing towards west from the southern slopes of the Sussita Mountain.

Fig. 79

A segment of "Wall B" climbing towards the west on the southern slopes of the Sussita Mountain. Note "Wall A" above it.

Fig. 80

Ein-Gev Stream.View towards east.

Fig. 81

The western side of the Sussita Mountain. Note the western city gate (marked with an arrow) and the snake path leading towards the decumanus maximus. Aerial photograph to the northeast.

Fig. 82

Western part of the Sussita Stream looking towards east in the direction of the saddle ridge. The ancient road should have passed here, along the stream.

Fig. 83

Tai Fortress (marked with an arrow) and the peak of the necropolis hill (marked with a circle) as viewed from the southwest. An aerial photograph.

98

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

reduce the number of towers. In fact, the short sections of the wall connected with each other at sharp angles fulfilled the function of towers by creating killing zones and allowed for mutual protection on the various sections of the wall (fig. 88). 6. Two gates were set into the city walls, located at the eastern and western ends of the mountain top (fig. 86). These gates were an inseparable part of the fortification system and the difference in their planning and method of construction resulted from the unique topography at each of the two sites. slopes

Fig. 84

Tai Fortress. An aerial photograph from the northeast.

7. The wall builders were well aware that the vulnerable point of the Sussita mountain was the saddle ridge. This meant that it had to be more strongly fortified which included a separate wall system, a ditch, a tower erected west of the ditch and adjacent to it, and apparently an additional fortification system with a series of positions for launchers on the west and the north sides of the saddle ridge (figs 86, 150). 8. In those sections where the line of the walls rises above moderate slopes or in places where they create' dead spot' areas, additional fortifications were built to create another line of defense under the main line of the walls (fig. 89). These are noticeable mainly on the southern slopes of the mountain.

'gate

nanus

Fig. 85

The square tower at the Tai Fortress during excavations.

mountain, occasionally together with the remains of the wall built upon them (fig. 87). 3. The city wall extends all around the mountain crest. It is 1,550m long and encloses an urban area of 85,700m 2 including the sections that apparently made it possible to forgo wall building (fig. 86).

, hill ·aph.

4. The course of the wall, the interrelations between the straight sections and those that seem like a 'saw-toothed' wall, all testify that the wall builders were intimately acquainted

with the topography of the mountain and made wise use of the features of the area in order to maximize the topographical advantages and to increase the killing areas. The raising of the wall directly upon the line of cliffs reduced the creation of dead areas. 5. A unique feature of the Hippos fortifications is the scarcity of towers in the wall. This phenomenon can be explained by the course of the wall which was built along the line of cliffs where hardly any sections of the wall were straight and thus made it possible to

9. A unique phenomenon and still unexplained was discovered in the centre of the southern slope of the mountain. As a result of a fire that occurred on a steep slope of the mountain just below and to the east of the bastion, a building complex of nearly 50m in length was exposed. It was built of about six rooms or halls, with basalt walls of and floors of limestone rock that had been smoothed (figs 90-91). We have no knowledge of building complexes of this kind, and the steep slope on which it was built indicates that it served as positions for the defense of the city overlooking the most dangerous area which was the road passing along the stream in the south and leading up to the Sussita saddle ridge. This complex has not yet been excavated.

The Chronological Framework The chronological conclusions were based mainly on a typological analysis, that is to

99

MICHAEL EISE,BERG

9. 2. 3. ~!H;:2

-

111'2911.. 0,bkldlecldoor

'"'\. 1114& Topol'S.3

UPP91"11'Wld•

,l.,-,..!--,,-p n. is es

The excavations along the north wall made it possible to date with greater precision the time when the early section of the wall was raised and to determine its type of construction. The greater part of the finds from Area A are from the 1st century BCE. The clean context of burnt layers that are adjacent to the wall from within are dated no later that the 1st century BCE as well. This is apparently the date in which the early fortifications were erected in Area A. Perhaps these burnt layers should be linked to the conquest of Jannaeus at the beginning of the 1st century BCE. However, certain fillings are of the 1st century CE and so are the finds that were brought up from between the bedrock and the wall courses. Though these fillings are not clean loci and contain also materials from the Hellenistic

39.

period, yet the equal distribution of the finds and their frequent appearance at a number of places raise the possibility of repairs and the use of the fortifications during the Early Roman period. Later on, apparently during the period in which the wall was destroyed from the "break off" point and westward, it was rebuilt in a completely different way. The well arranged ashlars were replaced by a mixed construction of small stones and ashlars with binding material. These repairs included the creation of an additional step and the filling up of the casemate wall in order to strengthen the wall of the city built on the natural cliff.

The Gates of Sussita Hippos had two main gates, one at the east end of the decumanus maximus and the other at the west end of it on the road leading down to the Kinneret (figs 17, 136). The west gate must have served those who wished to go to the agricultural area of the city and its port which was south of where Kibbutz Ein-Gev is located today. The east gate was for those who wanted to go towards the Golan Heights and Gadara. Various surveyors such as Gottlieb

During the third and fourth excavation seasons at the site (2002-2003) the area of the east gate was completely exposed, including part of the round tower merged with the gate structure; remains of two piers of the gate itself; a limited part of the north square tower which protected the gate on its eastern side; and a section of a pavement of about 8m2 which is a remnant of the original pavement of the plaza inside the gate (figs 138, 141).39

Plan of the Gate The east gate of Hippos is integrated with the wall of the city and is located at the eastern edge of the cliff overlooking the saddle ridge which connects the Sussita mountain with the southeastern slopes of the Golan Heights (figs 136-137). The gate has a single passageway, 3.15m wide, with towers standing on each side of it and projecting outwards from the line of the wall (figs 138-139). The vaulted entrance and its location can be reconstructed, as well as the remains of the wall in the northern pier. On the south side of the passageway is a round and solid tower with an external diameter of 8.20m, internal diameter of 5.10m, and the wall is 1.65m thick in its lower layers and 1.30m in the upper ones (figs 138, 140, 142). North of the passageway is a tower that is almost square, measuring 3.85 x 3.63m (fig. 138). The tower is built on the edge of a rocky area above the steep slope that descends

While clearing away the debris from the area of the gate plaza, a stone pipe was discovered in situ which belonged to the Hippos aqueduct. See 'The Water Supply System' in Volume II.

119

r

. -- ...

I I

I

~ : ; ·~ · ""1,',.. ' . ., ' : \., .... '

~

\

>

'

•135011 ,./

~

,' • _,

I

·,

~ I

,

'

' bt,

··,

.

.

••

y,.... ' - - - - -- - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- -~

Fig. 139 East city gate, a section.

\

\

\

I

\

\' \

'

wcs

r--,

l"""""\

.--,..

Fig. 138 East city gate, a plan.

towards the east. It appears that this square tower served as the northern pier of the gate. But it may be that this gate pier was directly connected with the wall of the tower. The preservation of the gate and a section of the city wall near it are not even which makes it difficult to reconstruct the exact plan of the gate. The unique feature of the east gate of Hippos lies primarily in the lack of symmetry in the location of the two towers in relation to the gate itself and the complete disparity of shape between them. A study of the topographical features of the gate area makes it clear that this lack of symmetry was due to the constraints of the terrain. The round tower which is integrated with the wall of the city creates a killing field opposite the tower itself in the direction of the saddle ridge as well as the slope to the south of it beyond the wall. On the other hand, the square tower, which is located on the edge of the cliff, with a deep abyss gaping below

120

Fig. 140 The western section of the east city gate, looking towards the southwest. Note the high quality craftsmanship of the basalt ashlars.

Fig. 141 The east city gate plaza paving, looking towards the northeast. Note the last and most eastern drum of the stone water pipe surviving in situ.

\l!LITARY ARCHITECTURE

Fig. 144 The southern round tower of the Tiberias gate in Gadara.

it, does not create any killing field except for the narrow area near the passageway of the gate and the eastern cliff.

Fig. 142 The round tower at the east gate, looking towards the west.

The round tower did not only survive in a better condition than the other components of the gate structure, but was also the dominant structure when the gate was in use. For this reason attention should be given to this tower and the typology of those similar to it in the region, large solid towers mainly built for the defense of the city and the placement of launching machines on the second and third floors of the towers (figs 145-146). From the structure of the tower and its diameter, it seems capable of carrying machines on its second or third floor. The second floor could have contained one ballista of about 10 minae (4.37 kg). On the third floor it would be possible to station three catapultae with a missile length of two cubits (0.92m) or two machines with a missile length of three cubits (1.39m). The ditch at the centre of the saddle ridge was at a distance of 190m from the round tower (fig. 17). The range of medium sized projectile machines of this kind could usually reach further than 300m which would be sufficient to protect the area of the ditch and beyond it. Heavier machines could certainly have been placed on the firing platforms at the base of the wall, since the superior height of the mountain crest was a sufficient advantage.

est.

Passing through the east gate of Hippos, we enter a plaza paved with basalt flagstones, of which only a few remain (figs 138, 141). This plaza of small dimensions and apparently oval in shape, was a well known feature of city gates since Hellenistic times. '.,

m Fig. 143 Tiberias southern city gate, an aerial photograph.

The plaza extends from the cliff in the east to the place where the basalt rock was hewn

121

Th

re Hi]

(or

loc O)l

Fig. 145 The east city gate. A suggested reconstruction, looking from the saddle ridge.

in the west, creating a step. It seems that the lower part of this step was at the pavement level. On this step, which would surely have been paved or at least plastered, stood the guardians of the gate. Leading up from this hewn step were four other steps hewn into the basalt rock (fig. 138). In the basalt rock that borders this step on the west and is adjacent to the steps, two semicircular niches were carved out. It appears that the statues of the city gods were set here in the main gate of Hippos. After passing through the gate plaza we enter the main street of the city, the decumanus maximus.

Building Materials and Construction Methods The wall of the city and gate itself were built of local basalt. The quality of construction for the gate was significantly higher than that of the wall. The relatively good preservation of the round tower allows us to determine in detail the structure and architectural decorations of the gate complex. The round tower was built on a fairly steep slope, which makes it difficult to base its lower layers on the terrain in this area and made it necessary to place the foundation layers on different levels of the slope (fig. 139). The round tower is built mostly in dry construction with medium sized ashlars (height: 0.3-0.4m; width: 0.2-0.9m). Except for the three lower layers of the round tower wall, which will be described below, it is built

122

Fig. 146 The inner side of the east city gate. A suggested reconstruction.

of uniform layers in alternate rows of headers and stretchers. There is a noticeable amount of binding material in the foundations of the tower where it was mounted upon or fixed within the foundation trenches in the basalt rock (fig. 142). The wall of the tower is built of two faces of ashlars. The two lower courses of the tower resemble those in the walls of towers in Tiberias and Gadara. The first course was mounted directly upon the bedrock which had been leveled for this purpose. The second layer was built in the header style, with the narrow and long sides of the construction stones facing outwards. Placed upon this course was the third semicircular one with its upper part decorated with a simple graded molding (fig. 142). A decorative component of this kind at the bottom of the tower can be seen clearly in the "Tiberias gate" west of Gadara, as well as in the south gate towers in Tiberias. The walls of the tower survived to a maximum height of 2.30m. The southern pier of the gate, as compared with the northern one, survived to a height of three layers. The original thickness of the pier is not sufficiently clear at this stage, but it seems to have been less than 1.50m. The width of the passageway was 3.15m but too little remains of the surviving southern pier to reconstruct this part of the gate. The connection point of the pier with the molding of the round tower is clearly noticeable and much effort was expended in order to create a semicircular hollowing in the stones of the pier into which the layer with the molding could be inserted (fig. 142). The wall of the

city was integrated with the round tower and also with the construction of southern pier of the gate. According to the data in hand, it is reasonable to suppose that the gate was roofed with a barrel vault (figs 139, 145). It is worth noting the high construction quality of the gate structure. Most of the basalt ashlars in the round tower are partially processed without margin dressing, while the walls of the gate pier are built of ashlars with delicate margin dressing (fig. 142).

The interior of the tower was excavated, but it was discovered that we do not have any clean strata that might have helped in dating the gate. Although most of the pottery is of the Early Roman period, some of it is dated up to the 4th century CE in addition to the remains that can be ascribed to the activities of the IDF in this place. On the basis of the construction methods, building materials and the various forms of stone dressing, it appears that the gate was erected in the 1st century CE. In view of the late repairs made in it, it seems clear that it was in use for a long period of time, apparently until the final days of the city.

~

Pl Th he

all

he ro en

at

pa

n

(3.

pa Be (aj

iJ\, ca

m

a1 th

pl The width of the gate passageway is narrower than similar passageways in other cities. After a consideration of these facts it may be concluded that the erection of the gate was meant to meet essential defensive needs. There is hardly any indication of grandeur, and the round tower is dominant in the gate structure. This tower is of an outstanding

A

I: ro

It th QI

ar

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

fortification nature and no attempt was made for any symmetry of construction which is so typical of gate structures of the Roman period.

The West Gate We know very little about the west gate of Hippos. The area of the gate, if not the gate itself, is already marked out in the survey of Schumacher, but it was measured and sketched for the first time only in 2002 in the framework of the survey of the city fortifications (figs 147-148). In an attempt to locate the original passageway for pedestrians coming up the Roman road going through the gate, we reached the conclusion that this passageway was north of the gate structure, at the place where one can see hewn markings in the basalt rock, since it was here that steps were made leading up to the gate.

I md lier nd,

Fig. 147 The western city gate, looking out from within, towards the north.

vas

Plan of the Gate The plan of the west gate is totally different from that of the east gate. The gate structure itself survived in a much better condition than that of the east gate, but the surrounding area was severely damaged by modern heavy machinery which makes it difficult to determine its plan. The gate is composed of two square piers, with a single passageway roofed by a barrel vault or beams. Those entering the city from the west will arrive at the gate structure from the northwest and pass through a passageway 1.63 m wide. They will cross through the gate structure (3.Sm long) on its southern side, where the passageway between the piers is 1.90 m wide. Beyond the gate and to the south extends a fairly level expanse bordered on the north by the gate structure and by basalt steps that can be distinguished from a number of hewn markings on the west and south of the city wall. We have no evidence for the existence of a plaza in this area, but it is not unlikely that the level area served as an internal entrance plaza.

.on the illy the ·ith

Jut my ing ; of ted the fos the als ;, it t5t 1de ,r a nal

ver es. 1ay ate ds. ur, ate .ng

projectile machines. The western wall of the gate structure was connected to the city wall on its southern side and bordered it on the west, while the east side of the gate structure was connected to the wall that survived nearly to its full height that ran north of the gate structure. The twist of the road, the location

.

The west gate is built uniformly with basalt stones, some of them ashlars and some only partially processed. Four gate piers (two on each side) made of relatively large basalt stones with partial dressing, and each pier consisting of two or three stones placed on top of each other (fig. 147). The western wall of the gate structure •+79.91 survived up to a height I of six courses while the ~;~t, _, ', eastern one had nine. I I _:::}, Small rough stones _, were inserted between _:, IL +76.32 1 the construction stones City wall and a large amount of white binding material i I I is noticeable in all parts of the structure. Near the northeast pier a socket stone was exposed. It seems that a wooden door closed the entrance and was locked by a wooden beam inserted into the socket stone in eastern wall of the gate structure. This socket is the only evidence so fare discovered that the entrance to the gate structure was from the north . _i

_1

I

71 lrll'1'

i

I I I i I I

Fig. 148 The western city gate and its vicinity, a plan.

A square tower was built at a distance of 15.S0m north of the gate, overlooking the road leading up to it from the west (fig. 148). It is probably that on top of the two parts of the gate structure, the western and southern ones, a level expanse was laid for observation and perhaps even for the installation of small

Building Materials and Construction Methods

of the gate structure, the tower and the wall that borders the road on the east, all forced those ascending to the city from the west to slow the rate of their ascent and to expose their right side.

12.3

\110-Ll.EL EiSE.XBERG

Date of the Gate The plan of the gate required a necessary passage between the walls and the cliff, and there may have been separate passageways for carts and pedestrians in both of these gates. This does not have any chronological implications, merely functional ones. The west gate of Hippos was apparently built at the end of the Roman period or even during the Byzantine period. This dating is based mainly on an analysis of construction methods and building materials that we have examined during the course of the survey in this place.

Discussion The survey and the excavations that followed it allowed for an examination of the fortifications in Hippos from the Late Hellenistic to the Roman period, and finally to Byzantine and Umayyad periods when the defensive wall turned into merely a boundary wall of the city. The line of the walls that can be distinguished today along the mountain cliffs are mostly later than the Roman period. However, it still follows the line of cliffs as the line of fortifications had done before it. This means that the length of the walls during the Hellenistic and Roman periods was not noticeably different, about 1550m. No evidence has been found for fortifications of the Early Hellenistic period that could have been ascribed to a fortress of the Ptolemaic or Seleucid period. The few wall sections that were dated to the Hellenistic and Roman periods are insufficient to reconstruct the plan of the fortification system in those periods. It may be that the fortification system in the Early Hellenistic period, when there was only a Ptolemaic or Seleucid fortress here, was restricted to the centre of the mountain top with additional fortifications in the periphery. The lack of fortifications around the entire circumference of the mountain top during the Hellenistic

period is a usual phenomenon. In this case a fortress would have been built that sealed it off the central part of the mountain top from each side of the walls, from the line of the north wall to that of the south. It is not unlikely that when Hippos was founded as a city in the mid-2 nd century BCE that the entire crest of the mountain was encompassed by a wall. The conquest of Jannaeus at the end of the 2nd century BCE left the walls of the city destroyed and abandoned for decades. Evidence for this can be found in the burnt layers in the rooms of the north wall and in the stratigraphic examinations in the area of the temenos and the forum. The single Jannaeus coin found in the Sussita excavations and the almost complete absence of coins from the beginning to the middle of the 1st century BCE confirm this assumption. The plan of the fortifications during the Early Roman period is also difficult to define. Although use was apparently made of the Hellenistic fortification sections and also perhaps in the previous fortification stage during the Early Roman period, entirely new fortification sections were built. We were able to expose a section of this type of fortification in the line of the south wall. The Roman bastion is extremely impressive, even today, in the system of urban fortifications of the Early Roman period as well as the east gate of the city. Protected firing positions in the underground level of the bastion and in the vaulted chambers are in conformity with the recommendations of Philon who proposed the installation of as many protected positions as possible for the heavy launching machines of the city, including on the ground floor, in order to shield their operators and allow them space to maneuver. The vaulted chamber with the opening towards the south that was exposed in the Roman bastion could have contained a ballista machine of 40-60 minae.40 It seems that the system of fortifications in

Hippos during the Hellenistic and Early Roman periods were like a "saw-toothed"

or serrated system attached to the line of cliffs (see reconstruction proposal, fig. 150). A similar wall was recommended by Philon for a mountainous region. 41 The number of towers would be reduced because of the advantage of height and the sharp edges of the cliff line. The outer fortifications included the ditch and the system of wall sections on the slopes wherever it was necessary to overcome the lack of observation and firing angles.42 A solid wall was also found with launching machines positions northeast of the saddle ridge and on the southern slopes. It is quite probable that a similar system of fortifications also existed during the Hellenistic period. A system of fortresses and towers must certainly have encompassed the area of Sussita and controlled the important roads and passageways. These have not yet been confirmed, and the Tai Fortress could certainly have been part of this kind of deterrent protection system. One of the nearby fortresses that has not yet been examined and which is very close to Hippos is the Kavarot Fortress which is situated on the Kavarot cliffs, an isolated hill on west and close to Haruv spring, about two km south of Sussita (26130/74080, fig. 149). A settlement and fortress of the Roman period seems to existed at that site. Basalt walls built around that isolated hill are evident in the area. 43 The lack of basalt on the hill meant that the construction stones must have been brought from a nearby area. In an experiment which we conducted, it was possible to see the bastion on the southern cliff of Sussita without any difficulty and to notice flags that were waved. Moreover, it was possible to hear calls shouted from this fortress to Hippos, although the words were not clear for lack of loudspeakers. This meant that the ancient inhabitants would have had no difficulty at all to communicate between a fortress of this kind that protected the southern part of Hippos and the defenders of the city.

40.

Philon recommends the installation of as many defensive positions as possible for the heavy ballistae of the city, including on the ground floor, in order to protect their operators and allow them to maneuver the machines. See Poliorketics 1.32.

41.

Poliorketics 1.44.

42.

Philon recommends a system of three ditches, with the ditch nearest to the city at a distance of 152m and the third one at 170m from the walls of the city. See Poliorketics I.69-70. For an in-depth discussion over the ditch and proteichisma systems, see Lawrence 1979, p. 275-301.

43. I wish to thank S. Fridman who reported mainly on the 2nd cent. CE ceramics found at the site.

126

Sw

Fig

MILITARY ARCHITECTURE

· of ,O). Ion Jer the ; of

tch Jes the

!A ng dle lite ms )d.

Summing Up The fortifications of Hippos were built in accordance with the Hellenistic art of fortifications, but to what extent the architect of the fortifications followed the instructions of the Greek Poliorketica is hard to determine. Yet the characteristics, such as the choice of site, the ditch and its distance from walls, the integration of the artillery emplacements near the proteichisma, the round tower and its artillery emplacements, all correspond with the art of Hellenistic fortifications. The most prominent defensive disadvantage in Hippos is the lack of a water source on the mountain. During a siege the inhabitants would have had to depend solely on cisterns.

1st of ids nly ~nt

wt )Se I is lill WO

.A od 1ilt :he mt ·en ~nt ,ee ita 1at ~ar OS,

1ck ~nt lty of of

ect

3ee Fig. 150 Hippos, a suggested artistic reconstruction of the city during the Roman period and the ancient road leading to the Sussita saddle ridge.

127

Hellenistic Sanctuary Arthur Segal

1 lhe at , anc

eXf anc 51)

Fig. 151

The Hellenistic Sanctuary, aerial view from the north.

Introduction

The

sanctuary is located in the center of

the plateau that lies atop the Sussita Mountain at a height of about 126m above sea level and extends over the north part of the level expanse between the cliffs on the northern and southern sides of the mountain (figs 17, 51). The surface of the terrain on the eastern

1.

side of the sanctuary rises gradually in an easterly direction until it reaches a height of 142m above sea level. On the western side, however, the surface slopes down to a significant degree westward until it reaches another level expanse at a distance of about 65m from the sanctuary where the odeion is located at a height of about 110m above sea level. The Hellenistic Sanctuary is the earliest and

the largest of all the building complexes erected during the years in which Hippos existed as a city. 1 The forum and the buildings around it were planned and constructed in relation to the sanctuary itself which dictated their shape and location and thus had a substantial influence on the urban plan of Hippos. Before describing the sanctuary, its name should be explained. We have here a cultic

See the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape.

129

.-\RTHl~ ~G.-\L

.-er

mu .scat

sect ~

I

witl dar

esp diff

Ho

Le

SUI

Th dir Fig. 152 The Hellenistic Sanctuary, aerial view from the northeast.

or religious compound, known in Greek as a temenos (i:fµEvoc;) that was erected during the Hellenistic period but had also served in other capacities over the centuries.2 It appears that the sanctuary continued to be used in its original function during the Roman period. During the Byzantine period the sanctuary's temple was most probably dismantled and about 500 CE a large church was erected on its foundations, the Northwest Church (NWC). During the Byzantine and Umayyad periods, additional halls and rooms were adjoined on the north and south sides of the church as well as three wine presses and an oil press.

2.

The church and the agricultural installations in its vicinity continued to function until the destruction of the city in the earthquake of 749 CE. Although the sanctuary has a long and varied history, we decided to call it the Hellenistic Sanctuary in order to give prominence to its existence as the earliest building complex that has so far been exposed in Hippos.

Excavations The excavation of the Hellenistic Sanctuary began in the first season (Summer 2000) parallel with the exposure of the Northwest Church Complex (NWC). The ruins of this church were already visible on the surface before its excavation, which made it convenient to begin the dig in this particular place. Needless to say, during the first stages of the excavation, the excavators had no idea that the Northwest Church had been erected in the very center of a Hellenistic Sanctuary and that some of its walls were

In the excavation reports that we publish at the end of every season, we called it the Hellenistic Compound. It seems to us that this name does not reflect its true nature since the concept 'compound' gives no indication of its cultic function. We could have remedied this by adding the adjective 'religious', but it would be much simpler to use the word' sanctuary' since its meaning is clearer and includes both its dimensional extension as well as its cul tic connections. We have therefore decided to adopt the term Hellenistic Sanctuary for this building complex.

WI!

the Th diI - l

l.

HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY

based directly upon the walls of the sanctuary and the temple within it. The excavations in the sanctuary area were conducted in those parts that were not occupied by the church or by the agricultural installations that had been set up around it. Some of the wall sections that belonged to the sanctuary or the temple were exposed during the excavation of the church. 3 A few of the architectural items from the sanctuary and temple were found integrated into the walls of the church or scattered over the surface in the southern section of the temple courtyard. We naturally avoided carrying out excavations within the church itself in order to prevent damage to the Byzantine structure and especially the mosaic floors that decorated the prayer hall. This of course made it more difficult to supplement the data regarding the plan of the sanctuary and the temple. However, a few probes conducted by the Northwest Church excavators in various spots within the prayer hall and the atrium provided vital information about both the sanctuary and the temple. 4

Location

try )0) est of he ~ it lar ;es no en tic

·ue be Jre

The sanctuary is located in the north part of a broad rocky terrain in the central area of the summit that crowned the Sussita Mountain. The northern edge of the sanctuary is built directly over the ravine that gapes at the foot of the north cliff of the mountain, and through which the Ein-Gev stream flows. This location shows clearly that the builders wished to take maximum advantage of the level expanse extending across the center of the mountain top. The sanctuary can be reached from two directions (fig.17). One of them leads towards it from the east, along a straight east-west route. The other comes from the west, climbing up the steep slope of the Sussita

Fig. 153 The remains of agriculture installations built over the Early Roman temple, aerial view.

Mountain. Both routes connect with the southern plaza of the sanctuary. The course of the decumanus maximus, the main street of Roman Hippos, overlaps the course of the two sections of the via sacra that once led to the Hellenistic Sanctuary. 5

Plan of the Sanctuary The Hellenistic Sanctuary was composed of two areas arranged in a terraced formation. The upper one we shall call the temple courtyard, since the temple itself once stood at its center and the area below it will be called the southern plaza (fig. 154). During the Roman period, as will be explained later on, the courtyard of the temple continued to fulfill its original cultic function, while the southern plaza was used to build a forum surrounded with major building complexes. 6

Both parts of the sanctuary were rectangular in shape, with a lengthwise north-south axis. The exact borderlines of the southern plaza are not sufficiently clear but it seems that its shape did not differ much from the forum and was no larger than 1400m2 in area. The dimensions of the temple courtyard were 61 x 35m and its area was 213Sm2. This means that the total area of the Hellenistic Sanctuary was about 3500m2. The temple courtyard was enclosed on four sides by solid walls built of basalt ashlars.7 These walls supported a broad artificially constructed plaza carefully paved with flagstones. The temple stood a little off-center in the temple courtyard and although very little of it remains, its general plan and dimensions can be reconstructed. Colonnades extended parallel to the inner sides of the four enclosing walls. These colonnades were

3.

The excavation of the Northwest Church (NWC) Complex continued for nine seasons and ended in summer 2008. See: J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, "Northwest Church Complex (NWC)", Hippos 2008, p. 36-49, figs 50-56. See also the chapter on Northwest Church Complex (NWC).

4.

See the chapter on Northwest Church Complex (NWC), notes 2-9.

5.

See the chapter on Urban Plan and City Landscape.

6.

See the chapter on Forum.

7.

As is often the case in large building complexes, the temple courtyard is not completely rectangular. The two short walls are not of the same length and this also applies to the long walls. The length of the southern wall is 35.75m while the northern wall was 34.65m, the western wall was 60.14m and the eastern one was 60.90m.

131

10m

0

UNBXCAVATl!D IT

-

above them, also of basalt, were constructed of headers and stretchers as well, but unlike the two foundation courses, these had dressed margins and a slightly processed boss in the center. 9

Walls of

Three courses of limestone ashlars with smooth surfaces were placed on top of the basalt courses. The lowest one was a course of stretchers only, with a height that slightly exceeded that of the basalt courses below it. The second lowest had an unusual design. It was also constructed of smooth limestone ashlars but these were laid with their longer and narrower sides facing outward. Finally, the topmost course was composed of stretchers only. As mentioned above, the surfaces of the three limestone ashlars were smooth and excel in their careful dressing. 10

-• ••

•!~;J"

---~

presumably roofed to create shady promenades along the interior sides of the walls. 8

-..,_7

the Temple Courtyard ~

0

0

e

The four walls of the temple courtyard excel in their solid construction and are almost lm in width. Of these four walls, the best preserved is the southern wall with a length of 35.75m that retains a maximum height of seven courses. The two lower courses are built of basalt ashlars in a header and stretcher formation, ranged alternately. The ashlars of these two courses were only slightly dressed. The three courses

~..&

~ 0

w @

@

I

-

-

I

.

~-,.

'

'

~-~h

..'

A few sections of the western wall, which was 60.14m in length, were exposed. A section of 22m in its southern part and an additional section of 3m were exposed in the southern aisle of the atrium in the Northwest Church. Another short section was found in the center of the atrium. During the exposure of the wine cellar in the northern aisle of the atrium,

Early Roman Temple -

Partially preserved stylobate of the Hellenistic Sanctuary

-

The Hellenistic Sanctuary Stylobate to the north of the Early Roman Temple

-

Unpreserved sea/aria Remains of the steps of the scalaria

Fig. 154 The Hellenistic Sanctuary, a schematic plan.

Ftg

an

ur of

dE tel

8.

9.

10.

A number of temple courtyards in our region have a similar plan. See, for example, the courtyard of the Temple of Kore in Samaria-Sebaste, or that of the Temple of Allat in Palmyra. On the Temple of Kore in Samaria, see J. Crowfoot, K. Kenyon and E. Sukenik, The Buildings at Samaria, London 1942, p. 62-67, fig. 29; N. Avigad, "Samaria", in E. Stem (ed.), The New Encyclopedia of the Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land, Jerusalem 1993, vol. 4, p. 1300-1310; A. Ovadiah and Y. Tumheim, Roman Temples, Shrines and Temene in Israel, Roma 2011, p. 67-68. On the Temple of Allat in Palmyra, see M. Gawlikowski, "Le Templed' Allat aPalmyre: Rapport preliminaire des fouilles polonaises", Etudes Palmyreniennes VIII (1985), p. 5-25. Building complexes have been exposed throughout the Land of Israel, such as those in Acre, Dor, Samaria, Jerusalem, Alexandreion (Sartaba) and Sha'ar-Ha' Amakim (Gaba), in which the ashlars used in their construction had margin dressings and a prominent partially processed boss in the center. All the examples of this special type of dressing clearly belong to the Hellenistic period, i.e. the 3rd -2 nd centuries BCE. On the walls of Hellenistic Acre, see M. Dothan, "Akko: Interim Excavation Report: First Season 1973/4", BA SOR 224 (1976), p. 1-48. On the wall sections of Straton' s Tower (in pre-Herodian Caesarea), see: A. Raban, "The City Walls of Straton' s Tower: Some New Archaeological Data", BAS OR 269 (1987), p. 71-88. On the Hellenistic fortifications in Dor, see E. Stem, "Hellenistic Dor", Bulletin of the Anglo-Israel Archaeological Society 1 (1982), p. 17-26, idem, "Five Seasons of Excavations at Tel Dor", in E. Lipinski (ed.), The Land of Israel: Crossroads of Civilizations, Leuven 1985, p. 169-192; idem, Excavations at Dor: Final Report, Volume I A, Areas A and C: Introduction and Stratigraphy, Jerusalem 1955, p. 38-45, figs 4.3-4.5, plans 4.5-4.6, photos 4.5-4.7. On Samaria-Sehaste, see J. W. Crowfoot, The Buildings at Samaria, London 1942, p. 24-27. On the Hasmonean building complexes in Alexandreion (Sartaba), see S. Japp, Die Baupolitik Herodes' des Grossen, Rahden/Westf. 2000, p. 96-98, pis 1-4. On the Hellenistic fortress in Sha'ar-Ha' Amakim, see A. Segal, J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, Excavations of the Hellenistic Site in Kibbutz Sha'ar-Ha'Amakim (Gaba) 1984-1998: Final Report, Haifa 2009, p. 35-54, figs 8-18, 30-41. On the wall sections of the Hasmonean period exposed in 2007 around Mount Zion, see Y. Zelinger, "The Exposure of the 'Eudocian wall' around Mount Zion and its Date", in J. Patrich and D. Amit (eds), Archaeological Discoveries of!erusalem and its Region, Jerusalem 2007, p. 101-107 (Hebrew). See also Ch. Ratte, Lydian Architecture: Ashlar Masonry Structures at Sardis, Cambridge, Massachusetts 2011, p. 23-45, 53-66, figs 170-171, 207,277. This method of construction that combines basalt and limestone ashlars was found to have been used in various buildings in Hippos such as the basilica (see the chapter on Basilica) and in the odeion (see the chapter on Odeion). It is rarer to find ashlar courses with margin dressings and crude bosses in the center combined with ashlar courses that have smooth surfaces. The writer of these lines recalls only one instance in which this type of construction is found besides Hippos. This was in the walls of the Hellenistic fortress exposed in the area of Kibbutz Sha'ar-Ha' Amakim. See A. Segal. J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, Excavations of the Hellenistic Site at Sha'ar- Ha'Amakim (Gaba) 1984-1998, Haifa 2009, p. 35-45, figs 8-9, 12-18, 35-38.

ru

lee nc

TI

pr }.J

h, all TI w fl(

Tl re bE

JI

132

HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY

:ed ike ;ed :he

ith :he rse tly it.

~-

1ne ~ir rd. ed :he ~re . IO ,. ,as of 1al !ffi

:h. ter he

Fig. 155 The Hellenistic Sanctuary and the remains of the NWC, aerial photograph. View from the south.

iof ad, im, ·ort :im :ial ion ,n's •ae/ 1 85, tos >a), M. ,of ich

nry the ·ith ,in ,ite

an additional well-preserved section was uncovered. Finally, a further section of 12m of the western wall at its northern end was cleared of debris. The northwest comer of the temple courtyard was exposed in a state of ruin, but it is clear that it was based on a stone ledge carved into the very steep slope of the north cliff of the Sussita Mountain (fig. 152). The northern wall built on the precipitous steep slope of the north cliff was very poorly preserved (fig.126). The length of this wall was 34.65m of which only its foundation courses have survived and apparently these had already been disturbed in ancient times as well. The eastern wall, which was 60.90m in length, was well preserved but only 3.65m of the northern part of it are exposed (fig. 161). The upper courses of the eastern wall were removed at the end of the 1st century or the beginning of the 2nd century CE in order to

11.

build the western wall of the basilica erected at that time adjacent to the sanctuary on its eastern side. 11 In view of the fact that the wall of the sanctuary was built of ashlars with dressed margins and crude bosses in the center as compared with the smooth surface of the basilica walls, the seam line that separates the two walls is clearly visible (fig. 161). It is obvious that the walls of the temple courtyard were built at the same time by a single team of builders since their uniformity is reflected in the building materials, construction methods and style of ashlar dressing.

The Temple Courtyard As noted above, very little of the temple courtyard remains in its original state. Most of the courtyard area, which was about 2100m2, was occupied by the Northwest Church and

various structures, including agricultural installations erected on the north and south sides of it during the Byzantine and Umayyad periods. The northernmost part of the temple courtyard has not yet been excavated since there is a dirt track crossing over it which is used to clear out and transport the earth from the excavations. This precluded the possibility of digging in this area. The Northwest Church extends over the center of the temple courtyard (figs 17, 51). Only the southern part of the courtyard is not covered by later structures, so that it preserves, even if only to a partial degree, the appearance of the temple courtyard before the church was erected. Listed below are the three parts of the temple courtyard that will be described in greater detail further on.

See the chapter on Basilica, notes 11-12.

133

a. The paved plaza, which is a section of the temple courtyard that extended between the entrance front of the temple and the southern wall of the courtyard (figs 157, 162). Two stylobate sections have also survived in this plaza. A few architectural items were discovered in the paved area of the plaza that represent different stages in the existence of the sanctuary and temple, beginning with the Hellenistic period and ending in the Roman period. b. Remains of the temple, including a stairway, parts of the podium walls and the foundations of an altar. c. Remains of the gateway (propylon) to the temple courtyard. Fig. 156 The courtyard in the Hellenistic Sanctuary.

The Paved Plaza The plaza in front of the temple, with an area of 222m2, was paved with large rectangular limestone slabs placed with great care. These were ranged in regular alternations, with one row of rectangular slabs aligned lengthwise on an east-west axis (average size: 0.70 x 0.50m), followed by a row aligned along a northsouth axis (average size: 0.65 x 0.50m) (figs 156, 157). The paved plaza is in an excellent state of preservation, apparently due to the agricultural installations that were set up on the south side of and adjacent to the Northwest Church. This broad level area was used by artisans as a convenient work place. It may be assumed that before the erection of the Northwest Church, the area of the paved plaza was much larger and included sections on the eastern and western sides of the temple as well as behind it on the northern side.

atrium

-, 1

t

•

I

;

I

~ I

I

I

I

I

'c,

J,. 113

'I ''

'II

I

I

- - - - -I II

t

~.=.:;..:;~ ~~~ - - - - '- '_ ' _ ' _'_ "_' _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ws

The probes carried out in the southeastern part of the paved plaza and within the area of the Northwest Church, both in the prayer hall and in the atrium, confirmed that the temple courtyard, unlike the basilica for example, was not erected on leveled bedrock but on an artificially constructed expanse in which the filling in some places was as high as 2m or more. 12 The filling was especially high in the southern part of the temple courtyard, in the area that extended between the temple and the

Fig. 157 The southern part of the Hellenistic Sanctuary, a plan.

12.

Of special importance for this matter was the probe carried out by Y. Porath and A. Golan during the eighth season (July 2007) in the southeast comer of the paved plaza. See Y. Porath and A. Golan, "Probe at the Southeast Comer of the Hellenistic Compound Pavement", Hippos 2007, p. 28-31, figs 45-49. See also J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, "NWC Complex", Hippos 2001, p. 12, figs 35, 44, 47; idem, Hippos 2003, p. 32, figs 19, 56-58; idem, Hippos 2004, p. 61-64, 67-68, figs 15-16, 19-23, 25; idem, Hippos 2005, p. 45-48, figs 14, 16, 74, 76.

_..:;

HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY

:he :he !rn NO

his ·ed ~nt

East

West

try ;tic >d. ng lls tr.

he M. Ralbag

0

1

2

3

4m

Fig. 158 The southern wall of the Hellenistic Sanctuary, a side view.

·ea lar !Se

ne on n), :hgs ~nt

he on ~st by ay

south wall of the courtyard. The few probes carried out by the sanctuary excavators showed that in order to ease the pressure exerted by the filling upon the south wall of the temple courtyard, a network of thin walls were erected along the inner side of this wall that created coffer-like units (figs 163-165). 13 The "coffer method", as this form of construction is called, was widely practiced during the Hellenistic period, mainly during the 3rd and 2nd centuries BCE and proved its effectiveness in the building complexes erected at sites built on steep slopes where considerable pressure was brought to bear against the walls. 14

he za he ell

rn of all ,le le, m

he or

The paved plaza is bordered on its southern side by a stylobate built of basalt ashlars from which about 22m still remain. Over the stylobate, which is 0.93m wide and rises 0.15m above the paved surface, are a number of limestone column bases scattered around, obviously not in situ (figs 156-157). Of the western stylobate only a 6m section remains.

The two stylobate sections described above may be assumed to have been the remains of the four stylobates that once surrounded the temple courtyard, ranged parallel to the four enclosing walls. Both the southern and the western stylobate are at a distance of 3.75m from the walls and their function was to support the columns of the colonnade mounted upon them. The columns supported single-sloped roofs that extended from the walls of the sanctuary to the colonnade. In most sanctuaries of the Hellenistic and Roman periods we find roofed colonnades ranged parallel to the walls surrounding a central courtyard in order to provide a shaded area along their interior sides. 15 Nothing remains of the eastern stylobate. At a later stage in the existence of the sanctuary, an oil press was installed in this area as well as a large hall of an unknown function. 16 We are also uncertain about the continuation of the northern stylobate. During the second excavation season (July 2001) a section of a

stylobate about 3m in length was discovered on the north side of the Northwest Church lying parallel to the north wall of the sanctuary at a distance of 12m from it (fig. 154). 17 Since an indispensable dirt track crosses through the area that extends between the Northwest Church and the north cliff we were unable to excavate in that place. Presumably, once the Northwest Church was built, secondary use was made of the flagstones of the courtyard to construct the walls of the church. Even the sections of paving that extended between the southern and western walls and the stylobates that lay parallel to them were removed and storage areas and small workshops were set up there with their installations. It was here that the excavators could carry out their probes in order to determine the stages in the existence of the sanctuary and to understand the historical evolvement of this central area within urban Hippos. 18

13. A. Segal, "The Stratigraphic Examination South of the Southern Stylobate in the Compound", Hippos 2005, p. 25-26, figs 5, 53-55; idem, "The Hellenistic Compound: Summary of the Five Excavation Seasons", Hippos 2004, p. 26-31, figs 9, 50-52. 14.

See, for example, the Sanctuary of Demeter in Pergamon (Pergamum), C. H. Bohtz, Altertiimer von Pergamon: Das Demeter Heiligtum, Berlin 1981, p. 10-39, pis 1, 5, 33, 35-36; E. Akurgal, Ancient Civilizations and Ruins of Turkey, Istanbul 1978 (sec. ed.), p. 72-73, 83 (theatre terrace), p. 91-95 (the Temenos of Demeter).

he

15.

The agora in Palmyra (Tadmor) in Syria is perhaps the most well-preserved example in our region for a rectangular compound surrounded by walls on all four sides with colonnades extending along their inner sides ranged parallel to the walls of the compound and supporting single-sloped roofs. See Ch. Deplace et J. Dentzer-Feydy, L'Agora de Palmyre, Bordeaux 2005, p. 23-38, figs 32-50.

16.

On the oil press, see the chapter on Agricultural Installations in Vol. II.

ed rk, l5;

17. This wall, listed as W264, was exposed by the excavators of the Northwest Church. The wall is Sm distant from the northern wall of the wine press built on the north side of the church. The stylobate section was covered over at the end of its excavation to facilitate the use of the dirt track that runs between the Northwest Church complex and the north cliff of the Sussita Mountain. See J. Mlynarczyk, M. Burdajewicz, "Northwest Church Complex", Hippos 2001, p. 12, fig. 44.

he he

18. A. Segal, "The Area South of the Northwest Church Complex", Hippos 2004, p. 20-23, idem, "The Area in the Southwest of the Hellenistic Compound (stratigraphic

135

- -Fig. 159 The southern wall of the Hellenistic Sanctuary, view from the west.

Fig. 161 Exceptionally well presen-ed segment of the easte rn 1r,1II pf the Hcl!l"I' Sanctuary. View from the east.

Fig. 160 A segment of the southern wall of the Hellenistic Sanctuary.

Fig. 162 A fragment oi the temple court>·ard and the rema in~ l) f thl' , ta;rn ,11 leading towards the Earl>· Roman temple.

The Temple Location All that remains of the temple on the surface are the two steps of the stairway (scalaria) bordered on both sides, on the east and west, by balustrades (figs157, 162). The steps and balustrades are made of basalt and are of excellent workmanship. The location of the stairway clearly indicates that the entrance front of the temple was on its south side (about 1lm long) facing the southern wall of the temple courtyard. An examination of the distances between the walls of the temple and the walls of the

temple courtyard shows that, on an east-\vest axis, the temple was not erected in the exact center of the courtyard. The distance between the eastern wall of the temple and the eastern wall of the courtyard was 10.70m while the distance between the western wall of the temple and western wall of the courtyard was 12.33m (fig. 154). We do not know the cause for the asymmetry but it is clear that the pilgrims who visited the sanctuary and approached the entrance front of the temple could not have sensed these differences. When we examine the location of the temple within the courtyard area on a north-south axis, a surprising fact appears. It should be mentioned here that the sanctuary in

Hippos, as \\'ell as most of the sanctuarie~ in the Graeco-Roman ,,·arid, ,,·as elongated in form . In the elongated sanctuari es of the Roman period, the temple ,,·as usuall y located in such a ,,·a\· that the area in front of the entrance was much larger than the arec.1 between the back \\'all of the temple and tht• rear wall of the sanctuar\". The rec.1son fo r thi~ is ob\'ious. Sacrificial rites \\'ere conducted at the entrance front of the temple 11·here the pilgrims cro\\'ded around to 11·atch the cu ltic ceremonies and this meant that the area at the entrance front had to be much larger in comparison with the area behind the temple. Furthermore, locating the temple near the rear wall of the sanctuary left enough space for an altar and also ga,·e greater magnificence to

examination)", Hippos 2004, p. 23-24, figs 9-11, 39-40, 50-52; idem, "The Area in the East of the Hellenistic Compou nd ", Hlppti, 200.J, p. 25, fi gs 9-10, 39-40 idL'Ill "The Stratigraphic Examination South of the Southern Stylobate in the Hellenistic Compound (f.1.12)", Hippo, 2005, p. 25-26, fi gs 33-S:i; idem, "The ..\t't"a bet\\ ecn the Southern Stylobate (F442) and the Southern Wall (W156) of the Hellenistic Compound", HipptJs 2005, p. 26, figs 5, 56.

HELLENISTIC SANCTUARY

both sanctuary and temple. An examination of the distances between the entrance front of the temple and the south \Vall of the temple court~'ard produces interesting facts. The distance between the southern wall of the temple, which is the wall of the naos and the south \\'all of the temple courtyard is 20m. Almost the same distance separates the north (back) ,,·all of the temple and the rear (north) 1\'all of the temple courtyard. This means that the temple \\'as indeed located in an off-center positi on in the temple courtyard. 19

Plan -1

►-

,-\!though all that remains of the temple on the surface are the two lower steps at the entrance front, the general shape and plan of the temple can be reconstructed thanks to the information deri\'ed from the excavations of the \ortlrn·est Church and of the installations that ,,·ere set up on its southern side (figs 133-13-l, 166). 20 The very erection of the church in the place where a pagan temple has once stood S\'Inbolized for the church builders the ,·ictory of Christianity over paganism, ~·et this did not pre,·ent them from making use of the construction stones and sections of architectural decoration originating from the temple. 21 The e\cavators found scores of

I"

ed uf

II ot 'l',7

lw 1is ed

ill' tic

cl t

2 11

111

21

Fig. 163 A trial pit between the southern stylobate and the southern wall of the Hellenistic Sanctuary.

architectural items embedded in the walls of the church, both in the prayer hall and in the atrium, such as column bases and sections of the entablature.22 Moreover, the church builders mounted the walls of the church directly upon the walls of the temple podium wherever this suited them. By doing so, they

preserved many wall sections of the podium and made it possible to reconstruct to a high degree of probability the shape and plan of the temple. 23 The temple is an elongated structure built along a north-south axis. Its entrance front

~ location oi this kind 1\'aS fairly \\'idespread in the Hellenistic period but was very rare in the Roman period. See, for example, the location of the Doric temple erected during the first hali oi the -! 11' century BCE in the sanctuary in honor of the god Asclepios in Messene, in the southeastern part of the Peloponnesus. See T. Spc11dClrth, The Ct1111pletc Greek Temple_,, London 2006, p.155-156; M.-Ch. Hellmann, L'Arcl1itecture Grecque 2 (Architecture religieuse et Juneraire), Paris 2006, p. 199-201, fig. 266. In the sanctuan· in honor oi Zeus in Priene in Asia Minor, the back wall of the temple is very near the rear wall of the sanctuary. See M. Schede, Die Ruinen ,·,,11 Pri,·11e, Berlin 196-l, p. 38-61, figs 71-7-l; K. Fer la (ed.), Pricne: Second Edition, Cambridge, Massachusetts 2005, p. 112-125. In Italy, during the period of the Republic, km pies 1,·ere located in the center of the sanctuary, but from the days of Augustus and onwards the Romans used to locate the temple with its back wall near or ,1ctua lh· ,1djoining the rear 1,·all of the sanctuary. The best example for this are the two fora erected during the days of Julius Caesar and Augustus in close proximity to the Forum Romanum. In the 2nd century CE, especially during the reign of the emperor Hadrian, two impressive temples were built in Rome located in the center oi their sc11Ktuc1ries. Perhaps because of the great love that Hadrian was known to have had for Greek culture he wanted to emphasize his affinity for the traditions oi d,1ssi cc1I construction. The t1rn temples referred to here are the Temple of Venus and Rome which was erected near the Forum Romanum and the temple erected in hono r oi H,1drian, called the Hadrianeum. See P. Schollmeyer, Romische Tempel: Kull und Architektur im Imperium Romanum, Mainz 2008, p. 92-138, figs 83-116. On the Temple oi \ 'enus and Roma, see E. .\!ash, Pictorial Dictionary of Ancient Rome, New York 1981, vol. I, p. 457-461 (Hadrianeum), vol. II, p. 496-499 (Templum \ ·enus et Roma). It is interesting to examine the plan of the sanctuary in honor of Trajan and Hadrian that was erected in the acropolis in Pergamon. The temple 1,·as loca ted in the center oi the sanctuar~·, ll'ith the area in front of the temple entrance slightly larger than the area behind it. The altar was positioned in median cllignment 1, ith the entrance front. See K. Nohlen, "Stadtebau als Ausdruck der Macht", in E.- L. Schwander und K. Rheidt (eds}, Macht der Architektur-Architektur d,'r \l,1cht, \lainz 200-l, p. 153-160, figs 6-7.

I. \ llrncircz_1·k, \ I. Burdaje1ricz, "The .\!orthll'est Church: Summary of Five Excavation Seasons", Hippos 2004, p. 67-68, fig. 25. H. Sc1rad i-\lendelo,·ici, "Christian Attitude toll'ards Pagan Monuments in Late Antiquity and their Legacy in Later Byzantine Centuries", DOP 44 (1990), p. 47-61; 1. T,c1irir, "The Christianization of Bet-Shean (Scythopolis) and its Social-Cultural Influences on the City", in G. Brands and H.-G. Severini (eds), Diespiitantike Stadt

•k.

;111d ihrt' Chri,:ti,111i::iem11:;, \\'iesbaden 2003, p. 275-28-l; D. Bar, "Continuity and Change in the Cultic Topography of Late Antique Palestine", in J. Hahn, St. Emmel ,rnd L. Gotter (eds), Fn1111 Tc111pliles

19. This figure is naturally not precise. Although the floor area of the basilica was about 1480m2 (53x28m), it is necessary to deduct the area occupied by the 32 pedestals that supported the columns. Furthermore, if there was a tribunal near the inner side of the northern wall, a fact that has not yet been proven (see above, n. 13), then the interior space of the basilica was certainly less than 1400m2•

ca.

20.

west :iM.

This figure is also imprecise, since not even a single column has been reconstructed to its full height. But based on the fact that the height of the pedestal is lm and the height of the column base is 0.50m, together with the reasonable assumption is that the height of the column shaft is about 7m (on the tenable premise that the column shaft is 7 or 8 times the diameter of the column at its base), to which the lm height of the capital should also be added, we then have a height of about 9 to 10m.

21.

Among the numerous architectural items that were found in the pile of debris in the interior space of the basilica was a marble lintel 2m long. Its length precludes the possibility that it served as the lintel of one of the doorways on the ground floor. This leads to the supposition that the lintel belonged to one of the windows in the upper part of the basilica walls, perhaps the window above the central doorway in the south entrance wall.

Study, New Haven 1965, p. 75-93, fig. 74; A. Claridge, Rome: An Oxford Archaeological Guide, Oxford 1998, p. 184-186 (Basilica Ulpia), figs 60, 71. On the woodwork construction of ceilings and roofs in Roman architecture, see: J.-P. Adam, op. cit., p. 87-101, 196-213, figs 486-496; R. Ulrich, Roman Woodworking, New Haven 2007, p. 123-177 (Chapter VIII: Roofing and Ceiling). See also n. 46 below.

d by

was 1gna: :tion tCh. ions, iques ison, ctory

The floor of an impressive public building

22.

See the chapter on Forum.

23.

The width of the pilasters was not uniform. For example, the pilaster exposed in the southern wall, in the section between the main doorway and the eastern one, was 0.70m, while the width of the northernmost pilaster exposed in the eastern wall was only about 0.50m. See Hippos 2010, p. 31-33, figs 27-31.

24.

Several fragments from the capitals of the pilasters were found scattered at the foot of the southern wall of the basilica. See Hippos 2010, p. 32, fig. 30. See also the chapter on Wall Paintings and Stucco, Vol. II.

25. The walls of the basilica in Pompeii were designed in a very similar fashion. There, opposite each of the portico columns, half-columns projected from the wall surface. We should remember that in Hippos there were rectangular pilasters and not half-columns as in Pompeii, although the principle is the same. The half-columns were made of bricks but the flutes were formed of stucco. See K. Ohr, op. cit., pl. 16 (1-2). See also C. Malacrino, op. cit., p. 73-75, 127. 26.

During the 11 th season (July 2010) many segments of colored stucco were exposed in the southern and eastern walls of the basilica. On the origins of stucco as an

171

Fig. 215 Stucco fragment of a Corinthian capital which might have decorated the upper part of the eastern wall of the basilica. Fig. 214 Partially preserved stucco decoration as exposed on the eastern wall of the basilica. Note the remains of the colouring.

such as the basilica would presumably be paved with stone slabs. However, the floor that was exposed in the basilica was not a stone floor but a plastered one (figs 217-218).27

Building Methods and Materials The basilica was constructed on the rocky basalt surface that extends to the east of the Hellenistic Sanctuary and south of the steep northern cliff of the Sussita Mountain. There is clear evidence that the surface was quarried and leveled before construction began. In certain places where the rock surface was fissured and created small indentations and cracks, the surface was leveled by a compact filling of gravel mixed with mortar (fig. 206).

Fig. 216 Stucco fragment of an anthropomorphic relief found adjacent to the eastern wall of the basilica.

The walls of the basilica were solidly built of ashlar construction in the building method called opus quadratum. 28 The lower courses consisted of medium sized basalt ashlars, while the upper ones were of limestone ashlars, also of medium size. The courses were ranged with great care, with one layer of headers usually overlaid with a layer of stretchers or a layer of mixed headers and stretchers (figs. 213-214, 218-219). The basilica walls were double-faced, with an outer and inner wall and a very thin filling of gravel and mortar between them. The average thickness of the basilica walls was 0.50m. The basalt ashlars that formed the lower courses of the basilica walls were not carefully dressed. But the limestone ashlars on the upper courses that were mounted on the basalt courses were well dressed. The jambs in the three doorways in the southern wall of the basilica excel in their exceptionally careful and high quality dressing (figs 220-222).

architectural decoration, see M. Avi-Yonah, Oriental Art in Roman Palestine, Roma 1961, p. 17-21, n. 18, fig. 1 on p. 19. On the wide use of stucco in the Hellenistic and Roman architecture, see F. Amendolagine & R. Ragonese, "Lo stucco ellenistico", in C. Malacrino & E. Sorbo (eds), Architetti, architettura e cittii nel Mediterraneo antico, Milano 2007, p. 275-290, figs 1-7; J.-P. Adam, op. cit., p. 224-227, figs 523-530. See also the chapter on Wall Paintings and Stucco, Vol. II and Hippos 2010, p. 31-33, figs 30-31. The geometrical designs that decorated the panels between the pilasters in the lower parts of the basilica walls greatly resemble those that were exposed on the walls of the large altar set up on the lowest step of the sanctuary in honor of Zeus in the southern part of Gerasa. This altar is dated to the end of the Hellenistic period. See J. Seigne, "Decouvertes recentes sur le sanctuaire de Zeus aJerash", ADA/ XXXVII (1993), p. 341-358, pl. VI, figs 1-2; H. Aristov et J. Seigne, "Le 'Naos Hellenistique' du sanctuaire de Zeus Olympien aJerash (Jordanie)", Topoi Supp. 4 (2003), p. 269-298; P.-L. Gatier et J. Seigne, "Le 'Hammana' de Zeus a Gerasa", Electrum VII (2006), p. 171-189. 27.

There is no consensus among the members of the team regarding the way in which the basilica was paved. The writer of these lines believes that the floor of the basilica was paved with limestone slabs, only a few of which survived the pilfering of construction stones from the basilica after its destruction by the earthquake of 363 CE. M. Eisenberg, on the other hand, asserts that these paving remains belong to a structure that preceded the basilica, while the floor of the basilica itself was covered with high-quality grey plaster of which many fragments have been found in the southern aisle of the basilica. Yet I find it difficult to conceive that a public structure as magnificent as the basilica would be "satisfied" with a plastered floor instead of one paved with stone slabs as was the customary practice. In order to resolve this issue, the excavators intend in the near future to carry out a few probes in the nave and aisles.

28. The principle of this building method is as follows: square or rectangular ashlars ranged in horizontal courses, usually uniform in height. See J.-P. Adam, op. cit., p.106-115, figs 245-263; C. Malacrino, op. cit., p. 108, 111-114.

172

19

XI

BASILICA

Good quality yellow-grayish mortar was used as binding material between the courses and between the stones. The uniformity of building methods, the careful dressing and the absence of visible repairs all seem to testifr that the basilica was erected within a short period of time by a team of professional and experienced masons.29

Architectural Items The pedestals, bases, column shafts and capitals were all made of basalt and coated with a thick layer of high-quality stucco. The latter was not left white but was painted with bold colors in various shades of green, blue and orange (figs 218, 223).

hich fthe

ltof 10d rses ars, :me :ses 1yer r of md

Fig. 217 The southern aisle of the basilica. View from the west.

The pedestals were made of basalt ashlars and excelled in their precise design and careful dressing. Despite the fact that all the pedestals so far exposed were found to be broken up in some way or other, we were able to fully reconstruct the corner pedestal where the eastern colonnade joins the southern one (figs 224-225). 30 The pedestals were about lm high and constructed of three courses based on a layer of basalt stones. The stones of this layer, which were laid directly upon the bedrock, had been dressed far less carefully in comparison with the excellent dressing of the pedestal walls themselves. 31 The measurements of the southeastern pedestal, the corner one that had been reconstructed, are: 150 x 1.48m. The measurements of pedestals that were not corner ones are: 1.04 x 1.04m. The pedestals were placed at a regular distance of about 2m from each other. 32

ilica md and 1ess salt the But rses ·ses tree

ilica

I

I

1igh

1istic ·aneo 0, p.

,vere fthe gne, •us a fthe owers , were house L of St. ch our ever\'

'i,' ~

~"'1,{~

~

0

'1:

1

.

•

'.

...__

n."47

i;;; t\1540)

t\1555)

nsion ber is .47m) ateral trth. mrch n the herly lueto ranee

1to the ate the

liorum

0

Sm

Fig. 317 Plan showing irregular intercolumnia in the Northeast Church.

to the north aisle of the church was gained via the north lateral chamber through a doorway (98cm) in W521 of the domus just east of the head of the cistern. The southwest interior corner of the lateral chamber has a plaster basin that fed water through a channel in W521 into Cistern A inside the church. 2.8m east of W541 is a rectangular opening to another cistern (45 x 120cm) framed by ashlars (Cistern B48). The opening abuts and runs parallel with W540. Next to the north wall (W521) of the domus and just east of the north entrance is a small

staircase climbing in an easterly direction, The remains of the staircase terminate at a column drum set on end (diameter 52cm) and squared off with ashlars 1.8m from W539. A second column drum is in the corner of W521 and W539 (diameter 43cm), and a third is opposite the first next to WSSS. The stairs possibly provided access to a platform held up by the column drums or provided access to the building to the north of W540. The staircase, column shafts and WSSS are likely later additions to the chamber.

W540, W575, and W521 create a third side chamber east of the medial chamber and of similar size to it (3.15m east to west by 3.43m north to south). In addition to the passageway in W560, there is an exterior doorway (1.10m) in W575 that could be closed from inside the chamber. A third doorway provides direct access to the chancel and suggests that the room functioned as a preparatory space for clergy. We identify it as a skeuaphylakion, while recognizing the tentative nature of using this label. 49 The fortuitous sealing of the skeuophylakion in antiquity preserved the mosaic floor of the room (fig. 318). The mosaic carpet has an average of 38 tesserae/dm 2 • It consists of an outer area paved with mostly white tesserae, a seven-tesserae border, and a simple geometric pattern (Ovadiah Type A) 50 filled with a geometric motif. The outer area is interrupted with a medial line of single black tesserae. About every 40cm the line expands to a Avi-Yonah type E diamond (7

48. Cistern B is also roughly bell-shaped. But as is indicated by both the floor profile and the cross section, the cistern is irregularly formed . In one place it shows a square comer. Elsewhere stone nodules protrude, especially from the ceiling. One possibility is that the cistern made partial use of a pre-existing fissure in the rock. Plaster recovered from the cistern is grayish in color. We estimate the volume of Cistern B to be just under 13m3. 49.

riakon.

To the east of the north lateral chamber is a square medial chamber (approx. 2.95m). Passageways from this chamber to the north (1.35m wide) and to the east (1.15m wide) lack door jambs. The medial chamber thus functions to separate these inner rooms from the more public space of the north lateral chamber and to provide free movement between them. The western doorways to the north lateral chamber and to the medial chamber were never intentionally blocked as were so many of the other doorways in the church complex. It seems then that these two rooms continued to be used domestically after liturgical practice ceased in the Northeast Church. Large quantities of chopped animal bones and numerous shards of domestic cooking pots reinforce this hypothesis.

Skeuophylakion

of the •north '74cm !Wing :1 wall walls: mtine

North Medial Chamber

Ecclesiastical sources from the 5th to the 7th centuries specifically name such side rooms as the diakonikon and the skeuophylakion. The term pastophoria is used in a collective sense. See G. Descoeudres, Die Pastophorien im syro-byzantinischen Osten: eine Untersuchung zu architekt11r-11nd liturgiegeschichtlichen Problemen, Wiesbaden 1983, pl. XVI.

filling the floor of the room. In the northeast comer of the room against W540 is a bench that is 62 x 132 x 55cm high. Although the mosaic floor is broken in front of the bench, while conserving the bench, fragments of the floor were discovered under it.

Diakonikon

Fig. 318 Mosaic carpet of the skeuphylakion.

by 7) bordered in black. In the center of the diamond is a white Avi-Yonah type D crosslet surrounded by pink tesserae with a single black tessera in the center. 51 The medial line and diamonds are interrupted in front of the exterior doorway in W575. Next to W521 and east of the passageway to the chancel are two flared crosses some 35cm in height. The width of the arms of each cross is two tesserae, flaring at the end to four tesserae. The upper and left rows and the flairs are red; the lower and right rows are black. Between the two large crosses is a black crosswise arrangement (5 by 5) with an Avi-Yonah F3 pattern of three peach tesserae and three red tesserae in each corner. 52 These crosses likely had an apotropaic function. The central Ovadiah Type A geometric pattern of the carpet is filled with the same geometric motif that appears between the two large crosses: a black crosswise arrangement (5 by 5) with an Avi-Yonah F3 pattern of three peach tesserae and three red tesserae in each comer. The geometric pattern replicates itself

To the south of the domus next to the chancel and the tomb of the elderly woman is a large room (6.23m east to west and 5.63m from north to south). Two pilasters for the arches are still in evidence next to the south (W554) and the north (W510) walls (fig. 319). The bases for the arches are the typical 2.2-2.4m apart. Some of the collapsed ribbing was recovered resting on about 25cm of fine fill. Three high benches were discovered next to the south, west and north walls of the vaulted chamber. The north bench fills the space between the pilasters (47 x 171 x 41cm high). A south bench (64 x 190 x 41cm high) fills the corresponding space. A third bench fills the comer from the westerly pilaster on the south wall to the corner and from the corner to the north for 3m (west section is 63 x 300 x 34cm high; south section is 62 x 94 x 36cm high). On the south wall (W554) above the bench is a rectangular niche in the wall. The niche is 2.44m west of W512 and 86cm above the floor. It is 43cm wide by 51cm high by 46cm deep. Partially intact plaster in the bottom of the niche would reduce the height to 36cm. Nothing survives of the contents of the niche. The floor of the chamber is covered in hard

In the northeast comer of the diakonikon i:- = well-preserved cistern head. The head i:- = finely worked square stone (66 x 66 x 49cc: high). The opening is 36 x 38cm and space~ provided for a 46 x 48cm lid, now lost. Th: head sits on a platform about 25cm abo,·" the floor. On the cistern platform in th;c northeast comer of the room, a small hoar.: of gold jewelry was discovered hidden unde.:a fragment of a ceramic jar (fig. 320). Th.: hoard included several belt elements and = magical amulet to address somatic disease5.:: The discovery of a healing charm in tr" diakonikon indirectly raises the question of tl-rfunction of the room in which the hoard wa:hidden. The room is oversized in comparison : the small size of the church. Its only entrance :: immediately adjacent to the tomb of the elder:_ woman. The cistern in its northeast corner :: in direct proximity to the tomb, prominent'.placed in the room, and at the same time :~ an unprecedented feature of a diakonikon. \ \ : suggest that the room served a local healin :: cult that grew from the veneration of the elder:· woman. In such a cult, the waters of the cister. could have been drawn for healing purposes.'The discovery of the healing amulet suppor..: this hypothesis. 55

Western Portico The Northeast Church lacks the typica peristyle atrium of many Byzantine churche~ Instead, it has a western portico built ove~ Cardo 2N. The latest floor of the porticl consists of flagstone pieces uniformly 60cr. wide and of varying lengths. It is rough!:, 60% intact, the southern half being the be::- : preserved. The flagstone floor is interrupte by three lacunae next to the exterior west wa:

::..-:

(

-- t?I

: =~ 3) -:t?n

51. Avi-Yonah, op. cit., p. 138. 52.

- - .o_lf

Avi-Yonah, op. cit., p.139.

53. Hippos 2005, p. 69-71. 54. "In late antiquity Christians in search of miraculous healing began to visit the shrines of saints, usually their tombs or another place where their relics were preserve,: Examples are Abu Mina in Egypt, dedicated to the martyr St. Menas and functioning by the late 4th century; Sts. Abbakyros and John at Menouthis in Egypt, whicflourished between the 5th and 7th centuries; the shrine of St. Thekla in Anatolian Seleukeia (Meriamlik), which is attested between the 4th and 6th centuries; ti- , pilgrimage complex of Qal'at Sem'an near Antioch, at the column of St. Symeon the Stylite the Elder, which was particularly active in the late 5th and 6th centuri and the shrine of his later homonym, Symeon the Stylite the Younger, at the Wondrous Mountain (6th-?th century). These shrines are known through their extensi, : archaeological remains, through accounts of the posthumous miracles performed by the saints, and through pilgrimage artifacts or "souvenirs," such as ampulk designed as containers for holy oil or water, and clay tokens made from the dust of a holy site." A.-M. Talbot, "Pilgrimage to Healing Shrines: The Evidence c · Miracle Accounts," Dumbarton Oaks Papers 56 (2002): 154. Includes a bibliography of sources. 55.

Alexander ofTralles advocated the use of any means in the interests of the sick. Alexander 319,475.

234

-•• I

.

'

THE NORTHEAST CHURCH AND NORTHEAST INSULA PROJECT

channels confirm the use of Cistern C during the active phases of the Northeast Church. 59

m is a dis a 49cm ,ace is t. The 1bove n the :10ard under 1. The and a tses. 53 n the of the :l was son to nceis lderly neris tently me is n.We ialing .derly [stem ,ses.54 ports

pical ches. over rtico

,Ocm ghly best pted wall

~rved. vhich s; the uries; nsive

,u/lae, ice of

Fig. 319 Diako11iko11, with benches and cistern, view from the west.

of the domus (WSl 1). In each lacuna, remnants of an earlier mosaic floor (F546) are visible (Avi-Yonah pattern B9). 56 The lacunae mark the location of benches installed at the same time as the flagstone floor, as evidenced by a surviving section of the bench near the entrance of the north lateral. On the west line of Cardo 2N is a stylobate for the columns that held up the roof of the portico. The stylobate is single course of basalt stones 18m from north to south and varying between 90 and 110cm in width. The stylobate rests on top of the foundation of a pre-existing building. Six of the presumed eight column bases are still in situ with an average intercolumniation of l.96m. 57 At both ends of the exposed floor of the portico (F545), thresholds are installed that are contemporaneous with the flagstone floor (F545). To the south of the south gate is the remainder of Cardo 2N. The paving of the

cardo is contemporaneous with the gate .

Southerly Spaces To the south of the south aisle of the domus are two chambers, a hall, and an antechamber. They are architecturally part of the church building, but were accessible only from outside the southern gate. The antechamber is 2 x Sm and provides access to the street from the other rooms. It consists of two sections separated by a wall with a doorway (W1210). The outer section next to the street is 2 x 1.2m. In the northeast comer of WSlO and W1210 and in the south-east comer of W1210 and W1201 are two basins of hard plaster that collected water from the roof and channeled it under the street to another channel running under the western edge of the street to Cistern C. 58 The

The inner section of the antechamber is 2 x 3.3m and has a stone surface (F1213) overlaying an earlier floor of soft ceramic tiles. At its east end is a threshold leading to a chamber (2 x 2.6m). A lacuna in WSlO indicates that the wall (W1217) of which the threshold is a part was constructed at the same time as the south wall of the domus (WSlO). The door for the chamber locked from the inside, suggesting that the chamber served as sleeping quarters for an individual. In the southeast comer of the antechamber is a threshold providing access to a large hall to the south. The south hall is bounded on the north by W1201. W1201 runs from the street to W559 of the diakonikon. Again a lacuna in W559 indicates that W1201 and W559 were constructed at the same time. The lacunae in W559 and WSlO are significant, for they confirm that these southerly chambers were part of the original construction of the church. From the beginning, the domus was part of a significantly larger complex. The southerly wall of the hall is W1231. The wall abuts W559 to the east, but is not a continuation of W554 as it is positioned about 10cm to the south. The hall is bounded on the east by W1218. The internal dimensions of the South Hall are 3.23m by 5.30m. 2.6m from the southwest comer of the hall is a 90cm doorway to the south that closed from inside the room. It was intentionally blocked, as were most of the doors in the church and the rooms to the north. The floor is packed mud and plaster. Next to W1231 at approximately floor level was a substantial deposit of shards. The bulk of the shards were cooking pots and casseroles of similar types, along with Late Roman, Cypriot, and ARS shards. No Umayyad shards were recovered. Similar deposits are at approximate floor levels in both small chambers.

56. Avi-Yonah, op. cit., p. 138. 57. Column diameters and intercolumniations are listed from south to north. Those measurements in parentheses represent missing column bases and assumed intercolumnations. 0.52, 1.74, 0.54, (2.1, 0.53, 2.1), 0.55, 1.94, 0.53, 2.05, 0.52, (1.92, 0.53, 1.92), 0.53m. 58. The cistern has an oval horizontal profile (2.2 x 4.7m) and is bell-shaped. It is approximately seven meters deep and has an estimated volume of almost 29m 3. Recovered plaster is grayish in color.

59. The drainage channel leading to cistern Con the surface of the street has no apparent function, although it terminates at the mouth of the cistern. While it may have mrrnirfprf "mP;inc: nf r;itrhino- nvPrflnw ;mrf ninnff fmm thP strPPt it sPPms morP likPlv that the oavers here were reused and the channel had an earlier use now

the south 1s a surtace (t lL:J~J cruae1y pan,•.: with basalt and limestone. Fl258 is 45cm bek~i< the surface of Cardo 2 North, suggesting tre: the street comes from a later period. Th::easterly extent of the surface is marked b· W1263 through which a doorway gives ace~= to another similarly paved surface (F1265) aw ..:: 10cm lower. W1229 marks the eastern limit t-.: this surface. At its northern end the W1229 si::c on bedrock that forms the northeast comer c•: F1265. W1229 survives to a height of more thc:2m. Large concentrations of pottery shards we:--:: recovered at the floor level next to W1231. :t-.103" were dated from the 4th and 5th centuries, w i::one shard perhaps datable into the early si'.\::century. Also recovered from the surface of fr_. small room were two mortars, several pestle-:c and a portable bronze brazier.61

.l.l - . . t

!

='"'-~

. co2r 7:'C.

tl

..'::. _aJ

Z-

::-.c I

:""t::"..U

:--1:

=' .a

:, :.,,e ~

.::1."lli

,:,;-7·a

--= :"1:?IT The oven under the floor of the south hall pit:: the domestic items and the paved surfac~ to the south, all at lower levels, sugge~: some sort of domestic or industrial use c· this space prior to the construction of th : church complex.

·r ·,,·:-t..1(

:: : .:,3r ::-.:.:e

I

.-:,.~. ~.: ~to

The Western Building Complexes

Fig. 320 Hoard of gold jewelry.

A threshold in W1218 provides access to another inner chamber between W1218 and W559. This threshold also holds a door that locks from inside the small chamber. The chamber is 1.5 x 3.2m. It, too, seems to be a chamber that served as sleeping quarters for an individual. Probes were dug into the mud floor (F597) of the south hall and its small anteroom to the east. In the anteroom, we reached bedrock

and rough stones resting on bedrock within 20cm. In the south hall next to W1201 and just west of the doorway in that wall, the remains of a large round oven were discovered. Its inside diameter is 1.45m and it was preserved to a height of about 50cm. The oven is similar in dimension to those from the "oven room" east of the Hellenistic Compound.60 However, the latest shards were from the 5th century. The top of the remains of the oven is about 40cm below the level of the street to the west.

To the west of Cardo 2N are a series rbuilding complexes with eastern faces c· eight to nine meters in length and wi t~ spaces between those buildings of about si, meters. The Alpha complex is on the nortr west comer of the decumanus maximus anc Cardo 2N. To its north is a paved plaz: and the Beta building complex. Seeming!: another plaza or gap intervenes to the norfr of which is the Gamma complex, a mult;roomed structure west of the south gate o· the Northeast Church. Another plaza and th, Delta building complex were further north a, indicated by surviving foundations.

- _:he · -:: :10

TI

- : .20, ·':: ~tc "' z~to : :-.he1 .,.-:,)ba -= : .~9r • : 29r

Complex Alpha : :::-'-,se The southern building sits on the northwe~: comer of the junction of Cardo 2N and th, decumanus maximus (fig. 321). The buildin~

-e

:~m

· : :-:h t,

· ·:: ssi ':-: I \ \'I

· ::1e 1

:>% 60. Hippos 2007, p. 20-22.

.- -'-'< is

61. Hippos 2010, p. 52-59.

• : 3crr

236

THE NORTHEAST CHURCH AND NORTHEAST INSULA PROJECT

md to paved below 1g that l. The .ed b,· access 1about mit of 29 sits ner of ·e than swere .Most ;, with , sixth of this estles,

ll plus rfaces ggest 1se of )f the

es of :es of with ut six .orth, and Jlaza ingly 1orth mltitte of dthe rthas

.west :ithe ding

is 12.9m from east to west and 10.96m from north to south. It is an L-shaped building with a portion of a plaza forming the northeast corner. Complex Alpha consists of four rooms: a storage room to the east separated from the central room by a window wall; a central room with a bench against the south wall, a southeasterly room with a southerly bench and two niches on the north wall and a northeasterly room likewise with two niches in the north wall. The only known access to the building is via an L-shaped staircase from the plaza to the north.

The easterly storage room is 6.34m north to south and 2.0m east to west. It is bounded on the east by a window wall (W1926), as columns of stones appear at regular intervals (cp. Window-wall houses at Qazrin, Capemaum, and Chorazin). There is a 0.73m doorway from this storage room the exterior of which faces the central room. The doorway is 0.65m from W1252. The floor is extremely crude (F1929) of randomly distributed flat stones. Our hypothesis is that this area served as a storage room, as was supported by high concentration of Beisan jar fragments. The central room is 6.13 m from north to south and 3.46m from east to west. There is a bench against the south wall (W1888). The bench is 84cm wide and 61cm high. It proceeds east from Wl 923 for 2.59m. One either end of W1923 there is a doorway. The southern doorway has a width of 0.76m. The northern doorway has its lintel stone in situ. The width of the northern doorway is 0.78m and its height is 1.61m. The lintel stone is 0.20m thick, 0.43m tall, and 1.92m long. The stone floor (F1934) consists of irregular flagstones and is somewhat uneven. The northern section of the floor appears to be a stylobate on a line with W1892. The stylobate is 0.89m width, the southern edge of which is 2.29m from W1952. The western section of the southwest room was previously excavated. The 2011 season exposed the rest of the room. The room is 4.69m from east to west and 2.91m from north to south. A bench lines the south wall (W1888) for the length of the room. There are two niches in the north wall (W1982) of the room. The west niche is 1.91m from W1386. It is 60cm wide and 50cm deep. Its base is 87cm above the floor. The east niche

32cm from W1923 and its base is also 87cm above the floor. The floor (F2009) consists of tightly placed rectangular stones of irregular sizes. A watering bowl sits in the northeast comer the room. One stone of the bench near the same doorway had a hole drilled in it, perhaps for tying an animal. The northwest room is 4.69m from east to west on its south wall (W1892) and 4.76m on its north wall (W2007). It is 2.84m from north to south. As with the southwest room, there are two niches in the north wall. The west niche is l.0m from the west wall (W1388). It is 72cm wide and 54cm deep. The east niche is 34cm from W1923. It is 57cm wide and 61cm deep. The niche contained two nearly complete pots dated to the late seventh or early eighth centuries. In front of the western niche in W2007 and west of W2002, there seems to be a low bench (dimensions 155cm x 46cm deep x 24cm high). The northwest room is subdivided by a limestone wall constructed of a single row of blocks set on end (W2002). There is a slight easterly curve in the wall and it is clearly a later addition. Its function is uncertain. To the east of this wall, we exposed a stylobate running north to south that continues under W2007. Its western line is 1.44m from W1923. This stylobate likely formed a comer with the east to west stylobate in the central room. The outward face of the stylobate is to the west and is 4.12m from the line of the east face of the wall of the Roman basilica. The stylobate is 33cm thick and sits on a foundation base. In the Roman period, a large public building likely stood in this location. The rest of the floor is compressed earth. The surviving portions of the Alpha building complex likely served a storage function for whatever floor(s) stood above. The heavy basalt ashlars of the exterior walls suggest something substantive above as to the presence of one and possibly two staircases. The building seems to have been in use up to the last days of Hippos, having replaced an earlier Roman structure intimated by the remains of two stylobates. Its function was likely utilitarian or even industrial in view of its plain construction and surrounding installations.

Alpha Plaza Excavation of the space between the Alpha and Beta complexes revealed a paved surface upon which an L-shaped staircase had been built giving access to a second level or roof of the Alpha building complex. The plaza itself is constructed of paved ashlars similar to those used in Cardo 2 North and extends 6.68m to the west of the cardo. The paved surface spans the distance between the two block buildings (almost 6m). The plaza slopes slightly to the east (about 5cm) and is essentially intact except for some pavers robbed out of a lm section next to the cardo. A staircase sits atop the paved surface. Its northerly face is 2.lm south of W1250. The staircase is 1.15m wide and rises to the east. Six stairs remain in situ. To the east of the staircase is a solid base (1.9 m x 2.3m) that marks the northeast comer of W1251. The staircase intrudes into the base about 50cm. We speculate that about four more stairs completed the staircase to a height of more than two meters. One who climbed the staircase would then turn south at the base and walk over the structures below to the second story or to the roof of the southerly block building. 1.5m south of the staircase is a Cistern E. 62 To the west of the cistern is the east jamb of a doorway through W1252 into the southerly block building (3.24m from Cardo 2 North). It was later blocked and the west jamb has not yet been identified. Several nails were recovered from the fill. The plaza (F1296) is bounded on the west by a wall (W1285) of which only the foundation course remains. Set in the wall is a threshold which provided access to a space to the west. The exterior of the doorway faced east toward the plaza. At this point the space to the west has not been excavated, although a perpendicular wall (W1286, 60cm wide) proceeds west of W1285 from a point south of the threshold. One course of the north wall of the plaza (W1250) is visible in most places. One paver of the plaza was inscribed on its exposed face. The stone is located six meters west of the street in the second row of pavers east of W1285. It is the fourth paver from the north. The context in which the stone was found is definitely secondary. It is part of a larger inscription the other fragments of which has been recovered. The details are

In the southwest corner of the p laza i a crudely built small room with interi0: dimensions of 1.6 x 2m. The paving of plaza was removed to set threshold, wa.Land pedestals of small room. On the sou::side of the room is a sleeping platform 10:' bench) spanning the width of the room. Th: construction of this room is characteristic 0: the Byzantine custom of creating low-stat..= structures by subdividing disused spac~ ·

:c.a.ste1 -:L-..::e is ~ ·-.; lar - \_"){TI h .::..:Ji tic ~ ii

n

~

:,mar

:-ra=,·io1 .l...--ge d ~ p -..:nb o :-..:: thi ~ me

Complex Beta The Beta building complex has a wester::, face of 10.9m that is preserved to a heig:-: of four to five courses in places. It is locate-.: 9.75m from the gate of the church comple1. Part of the north-east comer of the build ir.::: has been exposed.

-:>

Complex Gamma

.:-.a:nb{

J::':lri V,

:-- ,.cali

the .::-.m1b. - :o \\

Fig. 321 Alpha building complex. View to the northwest.

Fig. 322 Gamma building complex.

al

:n_"'l,·id

Easterly entrances to two rooms we:discovered on the line of the portico styloba:: (fig. 322). The entrance to the southerly r00is south of the gate. The internal width of t: room is 3.2m. Just inside the south gate is tr : entrance to a second larger room 3.9m wic~ The doors from both rooms could be cloSc-.: and locked from the inside. A common w2. (W591) serves as the westerly demarcatic for both rooms, yielding an internal east-we-dimension of 5.2m. The common wall allov. • us to conclude that the southerly room part of the Northeast Church complex ar .: not merely abutting it. The two rooms a~subdivided by W562. The top survivir _ course of W562 is constructed with paw -from a plaza, one of which displays the maSl marks alpha and eta. The southerly room h · .: a 20-25cm plaster floor (F568) overlayinf . stone floor (F571) of basalt and limestor . pieces. Cistern E sits in its south-east come· and may be the reason for the stone floe-

~ t. T :r.ti pre i

:-..and

., :207 :r the E :-r -::11 . ~

:,_--:., thi mirio1 ::r rirst :-..c ~m, ~ :;tail va-thE

~--oest -r:::r-c la

Comp ~are. :r:0pen .1_ 1m tl

~ale, ,,1oba1 "'£.:Wal

\,·es 12-16

":ll=

62. A plastered channel and plastering on the north face of W1252 indicates that water from the roof of the southerly block building was routed to this cistern. T: cistern is capped with a limestone column base modified to serve as a cistern head by carving out its center. The head is notched for a 43 x 43cm lid with a crossb"· Its height is 50cm. It shows a rubbed area for a rope, and a part of its base is cut to allow water to enter the cistern. Cursory examination suggests it is comparac in size to Cistern C and holds 27-30m3. While work remains to be done on the cisterns of the Northeast Insula Project, the average size of the cisterns in the range 13-15m3. By comparison, the average size of the cisterns at Shivta is 46m3, at Sepphoris the average is 47m3 and, and the cisterns of Hurvat Zikhrin averages 46r See T. Tsuk, "The Water Supply System of Shivta in the Byzantine Period," in Cura Aquarum in Israel, Proceedings of the 11th International Conference on the Histor: Water Management and Hydraulic Engineering in the Mediterranean Region Israel 7-12 May 2001, Siegburg 2002, p. 73. Although its cisterns are smaller than other si:, on average, the complex has water sources independent of the water system of the city. 63. G. Dagron, "The Urban Economy, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries," in A. Laiou (ed.), The Economic History of Byzantium, Washington 2002, p. 393-461; S. P. Ellis, 'TEnd of the Roman House", American Journal ofArchaeology 92 (1988), p. 565-576; H. Saradi, "Privatization and Subdivision of Urban Properties in the Early Byzant:Centuries: Social and Cultural Implications", Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 35 (1998), p. 17-43.

238

r

IE ItS \•

~e :ne n

THE NORTHEAST CHURCH AND NORTHEAST INSULA PROJECT

1za is terior of the walls, south m (or 1. The stic of status ices.63

sterh· 1eight ,cated 1plex. llding

were .obate room of the is the wide. fosed 1 wall :ation :-west Hows :>m is ,c and 1s are iving avers nason nhad

'ing a stone omer floor.

n. The >ssbar. ,arable .ngeof , 46m3. ;tory of ir sites ,, "The

The chamber inside the gate had a similar plaster floor but in poorer condition. Of note is a bench along the western wall of this larger room. We suggest that this large room had a particular function. We note, in addition to its size, that this room stands opposite the only entrance to the church kept open after other usage ceased. This entrance provided access to the tomb of the elderly woman, whose ongoing veneration has been previously discussed. We posited that the large diakonikon with its cistern may have been part of a healing cult centered at the tomb of the woman. We therefore speculate that this western chamber served as a place for incubatio - prayer, fasting and even deprivation of sleep prior to participation in healing rites. 64 To the north of the putative incubation chamber is a north-south wall (W1207) tied in to W574. It is the eastern wall of a small chamber (1.6 x 2.2m) with a threshold facing west. The door closed from inside this cell and provided access to a paved surface where a hand mill was recovered. To the east of W1207 is a staircase rising from the north on the east side of the room. Three steps are in situ. Since 2.9m of steps have been robbed out, the staircase could have contained an addition ten stairs, rising to about 2.9m above the first step and 3.4m above the threshold of the small room. Such a height suggests that the stair gave access to a second story or roof over the large room to the south. Construction suggests that this small room and the staircase were later additions.

Complex Delta The area west of the stylobate of the portico is an open area with a mud/plaster floor (F1214). A lm trench perpendicular to the stylobate revealed stones protruding from under the stylobate. They seem to be the inside surface of a wall over which the stylobate was laid. At the west end of the trench is an earlier wall (W1246) that ruris north and south. Trenching on its western line reveals that its external surface is to the west and that it proceeds to the north under W553. The wall is 70cm

wide. Probes dug north of W553 in line with W1246 and with the stylobate revealed an east to west wall forming a corner with W1246 and seemingly forming a comer on the east line of the stylobate. Two courses of stone sit on cut bedrock and on a layer of shards and small stones. W1246, the foundation under W553, and the single course of stones protruding from under the stylobate are likely the surviving foundation of a building (delta) that antedated the stylobate and sat on the western side of Cardo 2 North. The pottery collection from these probes is helpful in dating construction. Shards sealed in the plaster floor are late 5th to mid-6 th century material, including LRC f. 3C (ca. 460-490 CE) and LRC f. 3H (ca. mid-6 th century). From beneath the floor came common wares of the 3rd to 4th century (and one rim of LRC dish/bowl f. lOC, dated to the first half of the 7th century that may be a product of intrusion or mishandling). From the base of the foundation trench came common wares of the 5th century and an ARSW f. 91 flanged bowl, probably variant B and dated to ca. 450-530 CE. We conclude that the early building was constructed in the 5th century to be replaced by the church complex (or at least F1214) in the late 5th or early 6th centuries.

The Phasing of the NIP Work on the Northeast Insula Project began with excavation of the Northeast Church. Probes beneath the floor levels of the complex consistently show ceramic assemblages dating no later than the late 5 th or early 6th centuries. The Northeast Church was most likely built during that time frame. But the church was clearly situated within the pre-existing street grid of the city and may have incorporated walls of a previous building (W512b and W554) or set some of its wall over foundations of earlier ones (e.g., W541). The apse of the church did break the line of Cardo 3N and required reworking of W1230/1267 to incorporate the peristyle house into the larger church compound. Possibly a pre-existing home once occupied the site

of the church (see domestic remains under the south hall and in the plaza to its south; Cistern A may have served a peristyle court). The Northeast Church was apparently built as a memorial church housing two tombs in its chancel: a masonry tomb holding a coffin with three individuals and a sarcophagus for a revered elderly woman. In this original phase, the entire church (chancel, nave, aisles, and western portico) were carpeted in mosaics. Each stylobate had four columns. In secondary phasing, major changes came to the NEC. In the west, the portico was paved with flagstones, benches were added on the west side of WSl l, gates were installed at each end of the portico, the Gamma building complex was constructed, and Cardo 2N was repaved. Within the domus the nave received a second geometric floor. Repairs to other floors are notable in the north aisle and in the skeuophylakion. The level of the chancel was raised with a floor of irregular stone tiles into which loculi for reliquaries were inserted and a synthronon was added. At this time a sarcophagus was inserted into the masonry tomb on top of the previous burial. In the aisles, benches were added to the north and south walls. Since the north benches were made of corbels, identical corbels were used in the north wall, two additional columns were added to the north stylobate, and the intercolumnation was changed from areostyle to systyle, we surmise that major damage was done to the church that required significant reconstruction. It is reasonable to suggest that much of this secondary phasing was of necessity done concurrently. The quality of the reconstruction is such as to suggest extreme poverty on the part of the community supporting the NEC. We would therefore surmise that the addition of the sarcophagus to the masonry tomb and the extraction of relics from the tomb of the elderly woman served as funding sources for the reconstruction.

There are some hints as to the dating of this secondary phasing. As noted earlier, the late 6 th -century date of the mosaics at Kursi (585 CE) and in the baptistery at

64. For a parallel example of a place of incubation, see the discussion of the basilica at Dor along with pertinent citations from Greek and early Christian healing sources ;" r n~nnh;n " lln +ho p ;J..,.r;rn'c \Abu +n +ho l-l'nh, r;h, n f Torl1c~1.,,..., . ThP R~c;Ji ... ~ nf nnr in Tcr~Pl " in T R~rtlPlt (p,l) ArrhnPnlncn, mu/ Rihlirnl lnfPrnrPfnfinn . NPW York

L.~F ::r:-