Hippocrates: Pseudepigraphic Writings 9004092900, 9789004092907

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STUDIES IN ANCIENT MEDICINE 1. F. KUDLIEN and RICHARD DURLING (eds.). Galen's Met/lad of Heal-

ing, Proceedings of the 2nd International Galen Symposium. 1990, ISBN 90 04 09272 2. In the press 2. HIPPOCRATES. Pseudepigraphic Wrirings. Letters Embassy - Speech from the Altar - Decree. Edire'Cm yeve0'8a1.q,aaiv, O>c;mi. ffiv mw.11:A.£0v1:GJY Clffll.vu,v'tCI.131.PA.ia 1:r.l.£Vaa1. ,i:PQI; a'U-cOv

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ypacpEvta ,:o'ic;

6taKIX'ati;, Jw lCa'Ca'KAEvaciv-tmv bo1'ia811aav al l3il3A.O\KpOi;a'U'C'Ov, de; 6E -tWi l3ll3Alo8i11car; 0.11:0'fi8m8at-tlJ.1t01'ta8£Yw.,x:al E1vat fflv bnypaq,flv a'U-toir;..TiiJv £1t 11:A-Oimv" .... JCal -tiilY all.mv Cfflav1:mv 1:iw 1mm:n:A.E6v1:mv &l'a l311U,iotr; b:iypaqK>Y oi 1:0U f3amllmc; 'U1n1pE1:at 1:0 Ovo~ 'tOil;0.11:on8E1'£Votr; di; 1:0.r;Wl:o&fiJCIUi. OU fQp £U8Emc; (dro8eaav} de; 1:0.r;l3ll3A108ri1iar;a'U1:0.,£pE\Y, &.AMInp6npov f:v oixoti; 1:ial U1'tCffi8008alao>p1186v.Galen, Comm. in Hipp. Epid. Ill, ed. Ernst Wenkebacb.,CMG V 10, 21, p. 79 (Kiilm 17A 606-7). In lhu passage Zeuxis discusses a copy of Epidemics 3 that was 8Pf.:'rently broughtto Alexandriaby Mnemonof Sidon. 1 Sometimes author'sconcerns&howthrough:the authorof Gt:,uration / Nat11reof tM Child is carefulto cross-referencehis other writingsby ti1le(d. Iain Lonie, TM HippocraJicTrUJti.su 'On GeM:raJion','On tM NaJwreof tM ChiJtl, 'Diseases TV' {An Medica 11.7, Berlin: 1981] Sl-52 The alllhor of Fractwres I JoinLrspeaks of the sins of his colleagues (see, e.g., Llttre 4.182-184), and the authorof Epid. S recounu his own mistakes (see. 5.27, Llttre 5.226). 11seeTM HippocraJicTraduion pp. 235-239.

9

It remains puzzling how it happened that it was not known precisely what the Great Hippocrates had done and written, but yet his fame was augmented by stories like those in the pseudepigrapha. It does seem likely that there are in the Corpus writings by Hippocrates, and other writings from Cos besides the two speeches. It seems likely that the works that became the Hippocratic Corpus did not arrive in Alexandria as Hippocratic writings, but became so there: nor did the

works arrivewith theirvariousauthorsknown,but have thatauthorshipstolen in the Library. It is apparen~ therefore, that the worksarrived piecemeal, as in '.l.euxis' description, and that the Corpus does not represent the library of a Coan school, at least not a library that was in ordec and transferred in an orderly fashion like the texts of the iragedies from Athens. The works of the Corpus are therefore simply anonymouspre-Alexandrianmedical works, and we can draw no direct inferences from them about Cos in Hippocrates'lifetime. If the Corpuscannot be invoked as the evidence for a flourishingscientific medical school on Cos in the Classical Period, we must inquire what is behind the stories of Hippocrates and his invention of medical science, and try to separatethose descriptionsof Hippocrates which are simply descriptions of the Corpus Hippocraticum from

other,conceivablymore substantial,evidence. One even has to ask, was therea Coanschool?

The existence in a later period of some sort of formal state sponsorshipof physicians on Cos is indicated by epigraphic dedications from states that had

requestedphysiciansfrom Cos and who expressedgratitudefor theirservices in decrees, of which copies were erected on stones in the CoanAsclepieion. The earliest of them is from the third century .19 For the preceding period we have no such evidence, and nothing of the kind is suggested by the Presbeutikos and Epi~mios. The traditional picture of the Coan medical school has largely been a projeClion backward of the situation in the second century B.C. and after. Susan Sherwin White has made a very useful collection of the material from Cos including a list of personal names from inscriptions and elsewhere, and I shali freely refer to her worlc.20 However, she gives the outdated traditional description of the old Coan school of Asclepiadae, an exclusive group defmed by blood ties, and she sprinkles her discussion with suggestive phrases: there was a "medical centte" on Cos, the Cnidian "local medical school had largely ceased to function by the end of the fourth century" (which is when our clear evidence begins), and

so on.21 But the evidence that she herself gives seems to point in a different direction: all the epigraphic documents we have from Cos indicate a broad and open medical profession, while control of the profession by the Asclepiadae is

nowhereevidenced. No physicianis ever called an Asclepiadin an inscription. 19A ph ~can · · Hemu.as, · who was hon~ by_Cnossos and Gortyn, and the same man, perhaps, also by Halicamassus. Susan M. Sherwin White, Ancie/11Cos (Gottingen: 1978) 267-8 and t.o:s Cohn-Haft, Tiu?Pwhlic Plrysi.c:iansof Ancit:N Greece (Northampton,Mass.: 1956) 66:7. Susan Sherwin While, prev. note. Henceforth, S-W. 256-274. In her recoostrucrion of the early Coan school she generally follows: P. M.

21 S-W

Fraser,Ptolemaic Alexandria, vol. 1, Oxford: 1'172,343-4.

10

IIlPPOCRATES' LEITERS, ETC.

The doctorsof Cos are named as composite groups in two inscriptions,one of which delineates their privileges at a sacrifice and the other of which concerns ritual purifications in the cult of Demeter."' Physicians were sent officially by the Coan ecclesia to states that requested them. Decrees hoooring such physicians were erected on Cos (at the Asclepieion, which is why we have so many), thanking the physicians for dedicated service and for saving lives. Sherwin White gives profiles of ten physicians of the third and second centuries who can be identified from the inscriptional evidence. 13 One, at least, may be from Hippocrates' family. A Hippocrates, son ofThessalos, who was a physician, was honored by a foreign state (name not preserved) for his good will and medical service, around 200 B.C." Jn addition, a wealthy man named Hippocrates lent money to the state of Calymnus in the mid-fourth cenwry, and a Hippocrates, son of Thessalos, conlributed to a wartime collectioo of money arowid 200 B.C." The way Sherwin White puts it (262-3) is, "The lroinon of Coan Asclepiadai no longer provided the institutional framework of the Coan physicians." And among the reasons she considers, 'The introduction in Cos of the idea of payment for teaching, which implied a widening of the traditionally family basis of the medical profession, contributedin the end to undennine the continuance and viability of a professional koinon the membershipof which depended exclusively upondescenL"But we shouldrecognizethatthereis no evidencefor thatancient statusof the koinonof Asclepiads,frominscriptionsor from the Presbeutikos, our oldest literary source that touches on the subject. The notion of a lroinon which ran a school and controlledaccess to the profession was never held by anyone in antiquity, but is a modem inference based on several things from antiquity,of which the following seem to me to have contributedmost I.

Lack of any early medical literature other than that attributed to Hippocrates. This produced such statements as that Hippocrates invented the science, or brought it to perfection from an inchoate form," that he was the first to write, that he separated medicine from philosophy," etc. 2. The description of Hippocrates' family in the Presbeutikos, and the prominenceof the Asclepiadae. 3. The promises made by the oathtaker in the Hippocratic Oath: To hold the teacher equal to his own parents and his children as brothers; to teach his own sons, the teacher'ssons, andpupils who have signed the covenant,but no one else.28

21H-G 1 (P-H37) and H-G 8, bothin S-W p. 263. 23 S-W 266-270. 24 Tcn in Jost Benedum, "GricchischeArtztinschriften," ZPE 25 (1977) 272-274. 2.Ss-Wp. 269. Ui See lhe HippocraticLetter 2, and lhe Pseudo-Galcnic /11trod14ctio, Kiihn 14.674-676. TT E.g., Celsus, De medidna Proemc8 18 Edelstein's analysis of lhe oalh as a document from a miall religious sect, Pythagorean influenced, has not gained universal acceptance, but no one now wou1d attribute lhe oalh to

INTRODUCTION

11

4.

Galen's inferences from the above, and from his own peculiar version of medical history, which claimed that Hippocrates knew everything, including anatomy, at the very beginning. In his Anatomical Procedures at the opening of Book 2, he conjectures why no Anatomies were written before Diocles in the fourthcentury. His answe, is that while medical education was in the family people practiced dissection wider parental instruction from childhood. But when people outside the family were instructed in medicine as adults, things changed, education became poorer. "Hence the Art, being no longer exclusive IDthe Asclepiad family, was ever degenerating from one generationto the nexL Thus, too, arose a demandfor memoranda to preserve knowledge."" Galen's imaginary versionis based on false premises about Hippocrates' anatomical knowledge, and is his own construct. But it has been taken as primary evidence about the Coan school. People cite it, and they do not cite anything else, because there is nothing. 5. Plato, in the Protagoras (31l-312b), says that Hippocrates teaches for money. Modems have embellished Iha~ and say that be introduced the practice, was the first to do so. Sherwin White says that Hippocrates' acceptance of money was a precede•~ somehow inferring it from Plato, though Plato says nothing of the sort.'° The works of the Corpus itself refute the notion of a reslricted gentilitial practice, because the authors refer IDother physicians whose theories and practice they disapprove, and give the impression of a broad andopenprofession, and it is clearthat.since therewere no legal restrictionson thepracticeof medicine,even a family sworn to secrecy could not have kept medical practice to itself. It is worth noticing that there was another interpretatioo of the early medical craft which had a vogue in antiquity and early modern times, also based on the word Asclepiad: Asclepiad was interpreted as priest of Asclepius, and it was imagined that the Asclepiads practiced medicine at the temples, and that scientific medicine developed out of priestly medicine practiced in the temples. A story based on these ideas said that Hippocrates got his methods of treatmentfrom copying the dedications in the temple of Asclepius which told of the god's procedures." What these interpretations really tell us is that the situation in the craft of medicine in the period before the assembly of the Hippocratic Corpus was a mystery because there were no writings about i~ and the Corpus was of little help in creatiog reliable history.

Hippocrates or say lhat it represents lhe generality of lhe medical profession, on Cos or ehewhere. Ludwig Edelstein, TM Hippocratic Oath, BHM Suppl 1 (1943), rep. in Anciut Medicine, , ed. by 0. Temkin and C.. L Temkin, Baltimore: 1967, 3-63, Cf., e.g., Fridolf Kwllien, "Medical Ethics and Popu]ar Ethics," Clio Medial 5 (1970) 107-111. 29 AMI. Admin., Kiihn 2.280-281. TJB11s. CharlesSinger, Gale11011 ANJtomicaJProcedwru, London: 1956, p. 31. 30S-W. p. 261. 1 ~ Pliny, N. H. 29.2, Stn.bo, 657 = XIV.19.

12

JNIRODUCllON

HIPPOCRATF.S'LETTERS,ETC.

It will be useful to look at historicalinformationwe have for comparisonwith the Presbeutikos and Epibomios. No contemJX)rary writings from Cos are preserved, and our knowledge of Coon history is sketchy. In the absence of local Coan histories,we dependon inscriptionsand on occasional mentionsin ancient historical sources." In the latter part of the fifth century, Cos was a part of the Athenian Empire, paying money into the empire's treasury at Athens and subject to the vicissitudes of the war between Athens and Sparta and also to the machinations of the Persian king and his sattap who was in charge of Caria, the area of modem Turkey opposite Cos. In the years approaching the dramatic date of the Presbeutikos and Epibomios, Cos suffered a number of upheavals. In 412, Meropid Cos, a city probably in the northeastem part of the island, which had recently been devastated by an earthquake that Thucydides (8.41.2) calls "the largest in our memory," was sacked by the Spartan general Astyochus. In 411, Alcibiades, on behalf of the Athenians, built fortifications there and put an Athenian governor in place. We lack details of Cos's position in the following years, which include the date at which the Presbeutikos is se~ but after the Athenian defeat in 405, Cos apparently became allied with Sparta, and in 394 was detached from Sparta by the fleet of the Athenian Canon and the Persian satrap

Phamabazus.Cos musthavemadesomeaccommodations with the new Athenian Confederacy in the Aegean in 377, though it does not appear in the list of the confederacy's members. In 366, possibly following civil strife on Cos, the whole island was organizedinto a single governmentalunit with its seat on the northeast coast in the city of Cos. The change probably involved a considerable removal of population and activity ID the new city from Astypalaea at the other end of the island, the place that we might imagine was where Hippocrates was born, but from which there are few material remains. 33 In 357 Cos joined the ruler of Carla, Mausolus, along with Rhodes, Chios and Byzantium, in war against Athens. After Mausolus' death his wife Artemisia assumed his position. During Alexander's conquests Cos was liberated from Carian control by Macedonianforces in 332, and after the division of Alexander'sempire was associated with the Ptolemies until after 200, from which time it was tied ID Rome. Beginning about 300, the Asclepieion outside the city of Cos was made an important shrine, and an international festival, to be celebrated each five years, was established there in 242. One would assume that the Asclepiad clan was instrumentalin caringfor it andpromotingit The informationis not full. but at least we can get a sense of a continuity.

31 Intriguing evidence baa come to light about a local Coan F.pic,Meropi.t, of the laic sixth ccntwy. It appearsto have narnted Heracles' W:it to Cos and hu battle with the Meropids.. See

Ludwig Koenen and Reinhold Mertelbaclt, "Apollodoros (1u:pi 8£mv), Epicharm und die Meropis,"in Colle.ctane.a Papyrologica, ed. Ann Ellis Hlllllon, part 1 (Bonn: 1976) 1~26. 33 G. E. Bean and I. M. Cook, "A Walking Tour," A111111al of tM Britislt School at AIM.,,, 52 (1957) 119-127.

13

Events in Cos

H ippocrates as known in Athens, Alexandria, Rome

400 Cos allied with Athens. 430-405, and 380-330, with considerable gaps.

Hippocrates' method is described by Platt>(PMBirlL'I). Aristotle speaks of Hippocrates

the great. and elsewhere mentions

366 Synoecism of the island, establisJnnent of Cos city.

a Coan oligarchic revolution 353 Artemisia. (widow of Mau.solos} rulesCos fromCarla. Herhead on Coan coins (?) 34 332 C,,s taken by generals of Alexanderthe Great. Critodemus, an Asclepiad, Alexander's physician (Arrian, Anab. 6.11.1)

(Politics 1304 b. 1326a) 346 Demosthenes says Cos under

Carlan control (5.25) Menon's medicaldoxography features Hippocrates. 310 Hippocrates,son of Draco, physician to Roxane, killed along with her.

315-190 Cos in close relations with Ptolem.aic Egypt

300

ea. 300 Monumentat Delphi put up by the koinon of Asclepiadae of Cos and Cnidos. 300.250 Building of the

Praxagorasof Cos, teacher of Herophilus, an Asclepiad, fl. ea. 300.

Asclepieion on Cos. 250 Coans establish relations with the Thessalian koinon.35 242 Asclepieia festival initiated

300-200, The Alexandrian

was establishA11ta1., O: m.l OA.lx,uIlF.pG£C0V p2 6. Mss. MUVbf,cd 15 post A11fL. add.~ b 1.ai'.p£1vc:U16 £11ftc; aolp\TJt;; c:

n

6a. Apparet unic:ein

p1 20 A.O"fO'o p1

1 Titls Conn of letter 4 appean in one Renaissance manuscript and in the ancieu1 papyrus manuscripts from EsYP',showing that lhere were diltinct versions u early as the firsc c:en1ury A. D. 4 and 4a boch appear in OW' earliest papyrus (P. Oxy. 1184). 4a seems to be the version mosr: ~ly msweled by &:ner S. and n:fcm:d to by letter 7. In P. Oxy. 1184 letter Sis inlroduc:edby &hefollowing: ,.But the exc:ellent man. vigilant for the reputation of 1w science and for 1w love of lhe Greeks Wtole in reply in lhe followiflg manner." The fonn imp1ie.san early presentation of these brief leuen whic:h offeled intJOductory descriptions of lhem. 'This version of letter 6 appears only in P. Oxy. 1184. The addressee is pramnably the BOphistGorgias whcm the Life of Hippoc:ratesby ..Soranus" describes as Hippoc:rates' teacher.

54 7.

Eil!ITOAAIVII-X.1 ~a ~aKOTII 'Ap,a~,p~n

lEITERS 7-10.1 'Ya,av11,;

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9. The Coans' Answer:1 It was voted by the people to answer the messengers from Artaxerxes that the Coans will do nothing unworthy of Merops or Heracles or Asdepius, wherefore the citizens all 1Dgetherwill not give up Hippocrates, not even if they should be going to die the worst of deaths. Indeed, when Darius and Xerxes wrote letters demanding earth and water from our fathers, the people did not give it, seeing that those who were coming against them were mortal men like everyone else. Now the people give the same answer. Depart from the Coans because they are not going IDdeliver up Hippocrates. Inform him, messeugers, that neither will the gods be unconcerned with us.3

10. 'A~o,,p,«»v ii ~ouAi\ 1C11i aoi;µ.o,;'I""oKpam xa(pm · Kiv&uvE'UE'til1. 'ta µiyuna -rfi1t61£tvilv, 'Ix1t01epa-rts·&vi\p T}µE't[pmv,8c; ml 'tip n:ap6vn xpOVcpKat 'tip µillov·n aid dio; Tlbl~E'to 't'fl1t6A.e~ 25

10. The Council and the people of Abdera to Hippocrates. Greetings. Our city is now in great peril, Hippocrales. That man of all our citizens who we always expected would be thefame of our city in the present and future

7-9. Mss. MUVbcpcd 1 i.lJ.IP om. V 111-2 Paa1A.ei.••zaipnv: ypacvl'I'YacBvooc; 11:pOli 'Ap-r~ip9Jv cp II 3 "Hv En:e11vai;:aYi:neJl'l'W.U II 4 6£ om. , II 5 1xil.£u£V V ,'i~imcrcvcp aOv: 5v M II 6 «11:ta1:al.1CUcp. q,Epov-ta ... lppa,ao om. c: clJevaxBaP11v: sc:ripsi ~aff!vacl"~v cp q,civat JUJlVacl'j3qv UMb JUJlYciaPTlv Vd 61' ~ cp i.ppmooom. b tl 8 anr.r:iµ.oi; add. toi; cp post fxov,:a add. 11:a.ide; -l>!lO,I; • II 9 't11c;11:pdmii;: 11:pbfllc; cp II 10 'tiaavui; cp 'DJllDV fllv 11:6A.tv mi fllv v;iaov cp II 11 -tO M111:0v zpl,vov cp yvma&iivmcp 2 yvCDc:n:cr0at M (COIT. M ) II 12 i:11:i:l:v cp fn l:vMUd ,a{,q,v• D 13 KcpcaYom. cp II 14 1:!p &ill'9: tji MMl cp &1E011:pi'.vta8a.1 M2 11:tp\cp 1115U-Y'ta~\O\I' VM (COIT. M1) 11:~VUJ; cp MEpo11:oc;: "Apro; cp1116Jw...KOA.11:a.1: l>vov'tiKav,;Eli, oi M111:oicp 00: oke MUc: (CXHT. in 00) d 'l,mo1.p6.1:71Y cpbH 17 ,ulle:t U ante oAi&pcp add 4pn. cp 'WN b aft:oA.m9atV U 18 11:a-cpmv cp ante yi:iiav add mi. b yniav om. cp JI 18-19 O'Uw:: i&:11.EVaitOIJV'l'mvcp II 19 ir.v8pdm:oi.c; MUbcpc ~ti Ucd OuvBtout;MVb (marg.) &viiiouc;M 1 et in mus- yp. Jan 8vT1w'Uc; II 19-20 9vat. OOV'C'. om. hep 1120 bt' 'tci.v: 'tav a;\ U "ta.v c: mt01tpt0tY6t00i om. MIJVcpcd II 21 box.mpeiu Uc: a.JJOlwP£im1Md civaxmpein on om. cp 'hl:11:0~ U 6Wona1. MUVcd 8ta6v'ff1V• I 21-2 ci:n:and.Ov1:mvli£ a'l>'tIDV oi cp II 22 post &11£IDV add. OOVu 'lnoJC:patm &p.i.a,yMd &,Sv,;o:,y "l11:1Eo11:pciua. U p.11 oovt'i:i;'In-011:pci,:ea. 'UIUvc: 10. Mu. MUVbcd 24 nv&vtua c:b(corr. b2) vi>viU ante flp.£"t. add. 'tCDY be: ,'i}LtUpC>v U N25 ,'ibi~ECo: bpa:vf)c

mnav

1 Phcnakaspes is per:haps a mock Persian name on the model of 111c:h names as Hyslaspes (Hdt.1.183.3, eu::.). Phenak:izo meallll "cheat" in Greek; phenake 11false bai.r. 1 The Coans' Dec:n:eis in a lilerary Doric: which in large pan c:orrespoo.dswith the dialect used by formal Coan decrees, that is to say, the "Doric: kaine" used in the DoriKliv CLµCLp-co1.c; O'Un 15 06~,ic;-riic;bt' CIO'tif> 1tEpwm8EY-c1. oU'tExp,iµ.«i-ccov OU'te1ta1.6t{,ic;.Kai-co1. -cCL 1ta1.0E{,ic; noUcp ao1. PEl-c{m-cOJV -riic;"C'Uitlc;.cill' UvKai -caU-caauxvct 1tap' iiµimv ,cat /iq,8ova revi\a,,m, nj,; -yapd'l]µo,cp(,emvuriii;. all' oiio' Ei XPUO"bc; liv 111t6A.~a\l't~1.a ~oul,ia1.~ o\lO' O'tlOUvciqroatEp,iaE'ta1.. toi>.;v6µouc;Tlµimv6oKOUµ.ev vooeiv. 'lmt6Kpauc;,-cO'Uc; v6µou.; 1tapaK61t"tEw. 20 ilh 8tpa1tE'Uamv,civOpCDV qiip1.au, livOpa cip{S,,lov, o'UKi.,i-cp6c;,cilJ...a rr{O'tT}c; icbv OA,ic;'tiic; 'Imv{,ic;,1tEp1.J3all.cov Tlµiv tepCD'tEpov nix~. 1t6A.1.v, o'UK civOpa 8tpa1tE'l>aE1.c;, ~ouAT\v OE voaoUaav Kal KwOuvt'Uouaav Wto1CA ..na8fiva1. µElluc; civo1.-yv-6va1.. aU'tOc;voµo8ETTJc;, a\l-cbc;01.Ka.otjc;, a\l-cbc;cipxmv, a'U-cbc;a10~ o'OO£'til T£lxea,aU& aoq,&v avop6'v aoµa,;,i:yib 6&itei86µevo,;,,xva,; µl:v ,!vm a,&v ;:apmx,;, avllp ... ou,; OEEf"/IXqromas, m\ µii VEµ£OOpWj Eµn:010-6csac; 66~a,; nvix,; Kai cpavma(a,; c; 0 II 27 EppwoGeom. ac 12•17. Mss. MUVbO(=a.cd) 28 'lmwxp&'l:'Tlc; om. 0 II 29 iiva86Y't£; Ob 1 II 30 tivi.&aav 0 u: 6£ 0 'l'.aVom. bO post ~EY{TJV' add. u b '01tu,zvml'-£VO'Uei £0V

61

even by a suspicion. But neither god nor Nawre would promise me silver for coming, whence do not you, men of Abde.ra,.force it on me 1 but leave free the work of a free science. People who put their knowledge out for hire require it to be slavish, exchanging its earlier freedom of speech for fetters. Aftu that in all likelihood lhey may lie about a disease as though it were serious, and make disclaimers as though it were insignificant They may not come when they have promised, and again may come uncalled. Man's life is a pitiful thing: through lhe whole of it, like a winter wind, has penetrated the unbearable love of mooey. If ooly all physicians would come together to cure a sickne~ which is worse than madness, because it is considered blessed. !hough it is a disease, and a ruinous one. In my view all affections of the soul are insanitieswhich imprint certlin extreme beliefs and fan. rasies on lhe reasoning faculty, and lhe man who is purged of lhem by memis of virtue becomes sound. lf 1 wanted to enrich myself by every means, oh Abderites, not for ten talents would I be coming to you. I would be going to the great king of lhe Persians where I would be given whole cities brimming with the good fortune that comes from men. I would be healing lhe plague there. But I refused to free a land inimical to Greece from lhe evil disease, I, too, fighting my naval battle against the barbarian in lhe way available to me. I would have acquired disgrace by acquiring weallh from lhe king and opulence inimical to my fatherland, and in wearing them I would exhibit my office as a destroyer of Greek cities. 1 Wealth comes not from moneymaking by any and all means. Great are virtue's sacred shrines to justice. They are not buried, but manifest Or do you not think that it is an equal sin to save the enemy and to save friends for pay? That is not my way, oh people. 1 get no harvest from disease, nor was any prayer of mine answered when 1 heard of Democritus' derangement He, if he is well, will be my friend, and if he is sick will be lhe more so when he is cured. My information is lhat he is a weighty man, solid of character and your city's jewel. Be well!

12. Hippocrates to Philopoimen. Greetings. The ambassadors who delivered your city's letter also gave me yours. was delighted at your promise to receive me and to offer other entertainment

1

UboA.u; is an Aeachylean word, from Agamenuson 689.

62

LEITER.12

EnIITOAH XII

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75

ship! Put the device of Hygieia on her next to that of Helios,' since she truly sailed with a god, and put in to Abdera on the very day I had told them I would arrive. We found them all gathered before the gates, apparently waiting for us, not men ooly but women, too, and old men and children, dreadfully disheartened, even the infants; they came for the sake of a maddened Democritus, while he was even at that moment doing precise higher philosophy. When they saw me they seemed to beccnne somewhat ccnnposed, and they affected optimism. Philopoimen started to lead me off to my guest quarters and they approved. But I said, "Men of Abdera, for me nothing is more important thanto see Democrims." When they heard it they praised me and were cheered up. And they led me immediately off through the agom, some behind, some preceding on bothsides, saying "Save him, help him, heal him." I advised them to be of good cheer, since perhaps there was nothing wrong, and trusting the season of the Etesian winds, if there something it was perhaps brief, easily mended. 2. Talking thus I went along, for his house was not far, indeed, the whole city was noL Then we were there, for it was near the wall and they brought me forward quietly. After that, behind the tower, there was a high hill shaded by great shaggy poplars, and from that spot one looked down on the residence of Democrims. And Democrims himself was sitting nnder a spreading low plane tree, in a coarse shirt, alone, not anointed with oil, on a stone se.at, pale and emaciated, with untrimmed beard. Next to him on the right a small stream bubbled down the hill's slope softly. There was a sanctuary oo top of that hill, which I conjectured was dedicated to the nymphs, roofed over with wild grapes. He had a papyrusroll oDhis knees in a very neat manner, and some other bookrolls were laid out on both sides. And stacked around were a large number of animals, generally cut up. He sometimes bent and applied himself intensely to writing, sometimes he sat quietly attentive, pondering within himself. Then after a short time of this activity he stood up and walked around and examined the entrails of the animals, set them down and went back and sat down. The Abderites, standing about me downcast, their eyes not far from tears, said, "You see Democritus' way of life, Hippocmtes, how mad he is, how he doesn't know what he wants or what he is doing? One man, who wanted even more to point out his madness wailed shrilly like a woman lamenting a child's death. Then another groaned imitating a wayfarer who had lost his belongings. When

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1 lionel Casson, Ships tutd SeamtV1Slupi11 tM Anciellt World, 346 n. 7, suggests that Helios is thought of as the equivalent of Apollo, father of Asclepius, and propoaes that the ship's *device" (episemow.) somewhen: included Asclcpius in the decoration. That may be what the author is imagining, although Helios is nowhere called Asclepiw' father tba1 I have seen.

76

EnIETOAHXVII.2-3

lEITER 17.2-3

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77

Democritus heard the first he smiled, on hearing the second, he laughed. He stopped writing, and shook his head frequently. I said.• Abderites, you stay here. When I have got nearer 10 his speech and his person and have seen and heard him I shall know the truth of his affection." 3. So saying I descended quietly. The place sloped sharply 10 a poin~ so that I hardly kept my footing as I proceeded. And when I was coming near, it happened that there had come on him a lit of writing something with inspired intensity. I stood and waited for the opponunity of his pausing. And he, after a shon time, stopped the movement of his pen, glanced up as I approached, and said, "Greetings, stranger." And I, "Many greetings to you, Democritus, wisest of men." He, embarrassed, I think, thal he had not addressed me by name, • And you, how shall we address you? My calling you 'stranger' was ignorance of your name." "Hippocrates is my name," I said, "the physician." And he said, 'The excellence of the Asclepiadsl The great fame of your wisdom in medicine has Iraveled far, and has reached even us. But what brings you here, my friend? But do first take a seaL You see how pleasant is this seat of leaves here, green and soft for sitting, more soothing than thrones of those envied for their fonune." I sat and he spoke again: "Do you come in pursuit of private business or public? Tell me plainly, for if I could be of any help, I would." And I said, 'The real reason is that I came here because of you, to meet a wise man. But the excuse was offered by the fatherland whose emhassage I perfonn." And he, "First of all, take advantage of my entertainmenL" And making test of the man in all ways, though it was already obvious 10 me that he was not really mad, I said, "Do you know Philopoimen, your fellow townsman?" And he, "Indeed. You mean Damon's son who lives ·by the fountain of Hermes?" '"Thatis he," I said. "I am his proper guest by anceslral connection. But you, Democritus, please accept me in still greater guest-frendship, and first tell me what it is that you are writing?" After hesitating briefly, he said, "A treatise on madness." And I, "Oh Zeus, King of the gods! You are writing a timely refutation of the city!" And he, "City?

EillITOAII XVTI.3-4

78

LEI1ER 17.3-4

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79

What do you mean, Hippocrates?" And I, "Nothing, Democritus. That slipped out somehow. But what are you writing on madness?" '"Just what it is, how it comes on men, and how to relieve iL All these animals lhat yoo see here I am dissecting for that, not because I hate divine wmks, but because I am pursuing the nature and location of the gall. Yoo know how its overabundance generally causes dementia in men, since it is present by nature in all but less in some and somewhat more in others. Disproportion of it becomes disease because it is a substance sometimes good, sometimes harmful." And I said, '"By Zeus, Democritus, you speak truly and wisely. For that reason I consider you blessed to enjoy such leisure. . It has not fallen to me to share in iL• And when he asked. 0 Why, Hippocrates, has it not so fallen?" '"Because," I said, ..traveling. children, debts, disease, death, servants, mairiages: such things whittle away my leisure." 4. Thereupon the man was swept back to his usual manner. He burst out laughing; be scoffed and then remained silenL I said, "But what are you laughing at, Democritus, the good things I mentioned, or the bad ond/" He laughed even more, and looking on from a distance some of the Abderites struck their heads, some their foreheads, some pulled out their hair because as they later said, he was laughing more excessively than usual. I interrupted him and said, '"But, Democribls, wisest of men, I want to find out the reason for your affection, why I or what I said seems to deserve laughter, so that, when I find out, I can cure my fault, or you, when you are proved mistaken, can repress your inappropriate laughter." He said, "By Heracles, if you can prove me mistaken you will have effected a cure such as you have never a::hieved for anyone, Hippocrates." "How shall you not be proved mistaken, oh best of men?" I said. "Don't you think you are outlandish to laugh at a man's death or illness, or delusioo. or madness~ or melancholy, murder, or something still worse, or again at mairiages, feasts, births, initiations, offices and honors, or anything else wholly good? Things that demand grief you laugh at, and when things should bring happiness you laugh at them. There is no distinction between good and bad with yoo." And he said,

EIIIJ:TOAHXVIl.4-5

I.JITIBR 17.4-5

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''Right you are, Hippocrates, but you are as yet unaware of the cause of my laughter. And when you learn it, I am certain that you will take on a better cargo than you brought on your embassy, my laughter, and carry it back as therapy for your countty and yourself, and you will be able to instruct all others in virtue. And perhaps in return you will teach me medicine, when you know how passionately people in general, striving for what is not worth striving for, pour out their lives on activities that are of no value, busying themselves with things that deserve laughter." And I said, "Speak, by the gods! Maybe,without it being apparen~ the whole world is sick and has no place to send an embassy for therapy. For what could there be outside itself/" And be answered, 'There are many infinities of worlds, Hippocrates, and never, my friend, belittle the riches of nature." I said;"But you will teach me that in its own season. I am wary that you will start to laugh even while going through infinity. Know that now you are about to give an explanation of your laughter to the life that we know." 5. He looked straight at me and spoke very clearly: "You think that there are two causes for my laughter, good things and bad. But I laugh at one thing, humanity, brimming with ignorance, void of right action, childish in all aspirations, agonizing through useless woes for no benefit, traveling to the ends of the earth and herboundless depths with unmeasured desire, melting gold and silver. nevez stopping this acquisitiveness of theirs, ever in an uproar for more, so that they themselves can be less. They have no shame at being called happy for digging gaping holes in the earth using the hands of chained men, some of whom have died from the collapse of porous earth, and others of whom stay on in endless bondage, as though punishment is their native place. They search for gold and silver, seeking out tracks and scrapings of dost, gathering sand from here and there and excising earth's veins for profit, ever turning mother earth into lumps. But it is one and the same earth that they walk on in wonder. Hilarious! They love the laboriou.s,hidden earth asthey violate the earth they see. They buy

80

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26 SPEECHATTIIEALTAR 26. Speech at the Altar. You many inhabitants of many towns, men of great merit who bear the common name Thessalians, bitter IDall men is the necessity of bearing what fate has decreed, for it forces us to acquiesce in what it wants. If I yield now to that necessity, and, along with my family take up suppliant boughs and declare myself a suppliant at Athena's altar, it is needful to tell those who do not know, who I am. I am Hippocrates the physician. Likewise I tell you that it is not for a pompous or specious petition that I put myself and my children before you. Know that, oh people. For, my friends, among whom I can truly say I am known to many of you and many of your cities, and to speak figuratively, my name has traveled even more widely than my form, and that, I think, is because out of my science comes the cause of health and life for men: not only to those in your country but to those many Greeks in your vicinity am I knowIL Now, I shall tell you why, in fact, I have submitted to doing such an extraordinary thing. The Athenians, oh men of Thessaly, using their power wrongly, have put our mother city Cos in the portion of a slave. What was free through the possessions of our ancestors they have made their private possession, showing no reverence for the kinship that they have from Apollo and Rhoio, which came down to Anius and Sunius their sons. Nor do they bring to mind, for the sake ofHeracles' generosity, gentleness which the god who is common to you and to us rightly brought into being and established for them. Still, I beg you, will you, by the god of suppliance, Zeus, and the gods of his family, come to our aid? Help us. Free us. Do not fall short of your own sense of honor.

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XXVII IIPEIBEYTIKOI AOfOI 1-2

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