Hinduism and Tribal Religions (Encyclopedia of Indian Religions) 9402411879, 9789402411874

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Encyclopedia of Indian Religions Series Editor: Arvind Sharma

Jeffery D. Long · Rita D. Sherma · Pankaj Jain Madhu Khanna Editors

Hinduism and Tribal Religions

Encyclopedia of Indian Religions Series Editor Arvind Sharma

Jeffery D. Long • Rita D. Sherma • Pankaj Jain • Madhu Khanna Editors

Hinduism and Tribal Religions With 48 Figures and 32 Tables

Editors Rita D. Sherma Jeffery D. Long Department of Religion and Asian Studies The Graduate Theological Union Berkeley, CA, USA Elizabethtown College Elizabethtown, PA, USA Pankaj Jain Department of Humanities & Languages Philosophy & Religious Studies The India Centre FLAME University Pune, India

Madhu Khanna Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations Jamia Millia Islamia New Delhi, India

ISSN 2542-7628 ISSN 2542-7636 (electronic) ISBN 978-94-024-1187-4 ISBN 978-94-024-1188-1 (eBook) ISBN 978-94-024-1189-8 (print and electronic bundle) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1 © Springer Nature B.V. 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature B.V. The registered company address is: Van Godewijckstraat 30, 3311 GX Dordrecht, The Netherlands

Preface

With great humility, the four of us are pleased to offer to the world this contribution to the Springer Encyclopedia of Indian Religions. We are deeply grateful for the extensive assistance and guidance offered to us by the staff at Springer, particularly Vasowati Shome and Tina Shelton, and for the leadership of the chief editor of the encyclopedia, Dr. Arvind Sharma. This volume joins other volumes in this encyclopedia, such as the Buddhism and Jainism volume, as part of what will hopefully become an important and useful reference work for scholars of the religions and philosophies of India for years to come. This hard-copy volume is by no means comprehensive. Indeed, the very idea of a comprehensive volume on a tradition so ancient and internally diverse as Hinduism (or, as it tends to be known to its practitioners, Hindu Dharma or Sanātana Dharma) is somewhat ludicrous. If we take account of the fact that this volume also includes not only Hindu traditions but the wide array of traditions practiced by the various tribal communities of India (all related, in various complex ways, to Hindu traditions), the idea of a comprehensive volume becomes even more untenable. What this volume represents, rather, is what we were able to compile from a broad range of scholars over the course of the years during which this volume was in production. Our primary task as editors was to solicit articles on a list of topics that we regarded as important to include in a reference work of this kind. We each also contributed some articles ourselves, toward this end. What ultimately resulted was not a complete coverage of every single item in our original, quite ambitious list. But we managed to cover a great deal, and our deepest gratitude goes to the small army of scholars who contributed whatever articles they could, given their various other commitments. This volume is not the final word, however, not only on either Hinduism or the tribal religions of India but also on this project. An online resource is also being developed, of which the entries in this volume shall form the nucleus, but which will also continue to be added to and will gradually grow to become something closer to a comprehensive reference work on these traditions. The idea of a text to which future authors continue to contribute – an organic work, not confined to a singular physical artifact – is, of course, not a new one, even if the specific form which this online reference takes is something unique to our period of history. Ancient oral texts, like the

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Preface

Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, have also been similarly organic. While our work cannot be at all compared to those globally significant epics, we are both humbled and gratified to know that it stands in such a distinguished tradition. We hand this work off now to future scholars to add to it and make of it what they will. Jeffery D. Long Rita D. Sherma Pankaj Jain Madhu Khanna

Series Editor

Arvind Sharma (b. 1940), formerly of the IAS, is the Birks Professor of Comparative Religion in the School of Religious Studies at McGill University in Montreal, Canada. He has also taught in Australia, (Queensland, Sydney), the United States (Northeastern, Boston, Temple, Harvard), and India (Nalanda). He has published extensively in the fields of comparative religion and Indian religions.

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About the Editors

Dr. Jeffery D. Long is the Carl W. Zeigler Professor of Religion, Philosophy, and Asian Studies at Elizabethtown College, Pennsylvania, where he has taught since receiving his doctoral degree from the University of Chicago Divinity School in the year 2000. In 2021, Elizabethtown College gave Dr. Long its Ranck Award for Research Excellence. In 2018, he received the Hindu American Foundation’s Dharma Seva Award for his ongoing work to promote accurate and culturally sensitive portrayals of Indic traditions in the American education system and popular media. He has spoken in such prestigious venues as the University of Chicago, Yale University, Princeton University, and the United Nations. He is the author of A Vision for Hinduism, Jainism: An Introduction, the Historical Dictionary of Hinduism, and Hinduism in America: A Convergence of Worlds, as well as being the editor of the volume Perspectives on Reincarnation: Hindu, Christian, and Scientific and a co-editor of the Buddhism and Jainism volumes of the Springer Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, and the volume Beacons of Dharma: Spiritual Exemplars for the Modern Age. He is the series editor of Explorations in Indic Traditions: Ethical, Philosophical, and Theological, for Lexington Books.

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About the Editors

Dr. Rita D. Sherma holds an MA in Religion and a PhD in Theology & Ethics from Claremont Graduate University, CA. She is the Director of the Shingal Center for Dharma Studies, Chair of the Department of Theology & Ethics, Core Doctoral Faculty, and Co-Chair of Sustainability 360 initiative at the Graduate Theological Union (GTU), Berkeley. Formerly, she was the Swami Vivekananda Visiting Professor in Hindu Studies at USC, Los Angeles. Among her published books and volumes pending publication are: Contemplative Studies and Hinduism: Meditation, Devotion, Prayer, & Worship (2020); Swami Vivekananda: His Life, Legacy, and Liberative Ethics (2020); Woman & Goddess in Hinduism: Reinterpretations & Reenvisionings (2011); and Hermeneutics & Hindu Thought (2008). She is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journal of Dharma Studies and the Associate Editor of Springer’s multi-volume Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, and is on the Editorial Board of the AAR’s publication, Reading Religions. She is the founding Vice President of Dharma Academy of North America (DANAM), a learned society for interreligious studies in the Religions of India. She is currently directing a multi-media project of Contemplative Studies and Asian Religions.

Professor Pankaj Jain is an internationally recognized academic leader in Sustainability, Jain Studies, Film Studies, and Diaspora Studies. He is the Head of the Department of Humanities & Languages and the Chair of The India Centre at FLAME University. Earlier, he was the founding co-chair of India Initiatives Group and an associate professor in the Departments of Philosophy & Religion and Anthropology at the University of North Texas, a tier-1 American university. He holds a PhD from the University of Iowa and an MA from Columbia University (both in Religious Studies). His BE was in Computer Science from Karnatak University. Prof. Jain has over 25 years of work experience in academia and industry. He is currently working on his fourth monograph, Modern Jainism: A Historical Approach, co-editing the Encyclopedia of Hinduism and a

About the Editors

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volume on Indian and Western Philosophical Concepts in Religion. He recently published his third monograph, Dharma in America: A Short History of Hindu-Jain Diaspora. His earlier monographs are award-winning Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities: Sustenance and Sustainability and Science and Socio-Religious Revolution in India: Moving the Mountains. His articles have appeared in several academic journals and on the Huffington Post, Washington Post, Economic Times, Times of India, Speaking Tree, and Patheos. In addition, Dr. Jain is widely quoted in various American and Indian media outlets, including NBC, CBS, and BBC. In July 2020, the New York Times interviewed him, and in 2019 Morgan Freeman interviewed him in his National Geographic series The Story of God. He is a recipient of the Fulbright-Nehru Fellowship for Environmental Leadership and Wenner-Gren Grant, among many other grants. In addition, he was nominated for the Sustainability Leadership Award from Memnosyne Institute. He tweets at @ProfPankajJain, and his podcast #DiscoverIndia is on Spotify, Apple, Google, YouTube, Gaana, and other platforms.

Prof. (Dr.) Madhu Khanna is currently Tagore National Fellow at the National Museum, New Delhi. Formerly, Professor of Indic Studies and Director of the Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations (CSCRC), Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, where she introduced two pioneer courses taught for the first time in India, in the area of Religion and Gender in South Asia and Religion and Ecology (in collaboration with Yale Forum of Religion and Ecology). She has been Bina and Haridas Choudhury Visiting Distinguished Fellow (2013–2014) in Asian and Comparative Studies at the California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco. She has conceptualized and directed, Narivada – Gender Culture and Civilization Network of Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi. As founding Member and Chairperson of the Tantra Foundation, a non-profit

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About the Editors

educational and cultural trust, New Delhi, she is a mentor and co-creator of the Centre for Indic and Agamic Studies in Asia (CIASA). She received her doctoral degree from the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Oxford University, where she specialized in Hindu Shakta Tantra. She is author or editor of eight books: The Sricakra: History, Ritual and Symbol of Goddess Tripurasundari (forthcoming); Saktapramodaha of Deva Nandan Singh; Thirty Minor Upanisads; Asian Perspective on the World’s Religions After September 11 (co-editor); The Subtle Body: An Illuminated Tantric Scroll; Rta: The Cosmic Order – Proceedings of an International Seminar (editor). Her two earlier publications, Yantra: The Tantric Symbol of Cosmic Unity and The Tantric Way: Art, Science, Ritual (co-author) with translations in German, French, Italian, Danish, and Korean editions. She has lectured widely in various universities of America, Canada, Europe, Japan, Thailand, Indonesia, and Australia and various public forums. Most recently she has been nominated to the Academic Council of the Nalanda University, Rajgir, India.

Contributors

Andrea Acri Sciences Religieuses, École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE, PSL), Paris, France Komal Agarwal Department of English, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India Ruchi Agarwal Social Science Division, Mahidol University International College, Nakorn Pathom, Thailand Mikael Aktor Department of History, Study of Religions, University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India Suganya Anandakichenin NETamil Project, École française d’ExtrêmeOrient, Pondicherry, India Frédérique Apffel-Marglin Department of Anthropology, Smith College, Northamtpon, MA, USA Christopher Austin Department of Classics (Religious Studies), Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada Lawrence A. Babb Anthropology and Sociology; Asian Languages and Civilizations, Amherst College, Amherst, MA, USA Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Shashi Bala Centre of Indology, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, New Delhi, India Ranganathan Balasubramanian Pointe-Claire, QC, Canada Debashish Banerji East-West Psychology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA Academic Affairs, University of Philosophical Research, Los Angeles, CA, USA xiii

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Guy L. Beck Asian Studies and Continuing Studies, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA Gwilym Beckerlegge Department of Religious Studies, The Open University, Milton Keynes, Buckinghamshire, UK Carl Vadivella Belle Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia Radha Madhav Bharadwaj Department of History, Deen Dayal Upadhyaya College (University of Delhi), New Delhi, Delhi, India Kishore Bhattacharjee Department of Folklore Research, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam, India Shakuntala Bhuvanagiri Karnataka Sanskrit University, Banglore, India Purushottama Bilimoria School of Historical and Philosophical Studies, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA, USA University of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia Mathieu Boisvert Département de sciences des religions, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montréal, QC, Canada Sravana Borkataky-Varma University of North Carolina Wilmington, Wilmington, NC, USA Mandakranta Bose Centre for India and South Asia Research, Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada Yigal Bronner Department of Asian Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel Rita Cachado Department of Social and Research Methods, CIES-IUL Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology – University Institute of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal Keith Edward Cantú Religious Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA Avni Chag South Asia Section, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London, UK Deepro Chakraborty Department of History and Classics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada Kalyan Kumar Chakravarty Centurion University of Technology and Management, Bhubaneswar, India Lakshmi Chandrashekar Subramanian Vocalist-Scholar, Eclipse Nirvana, San Jose, CA, USA Sukla Chatterjee Postcolonial Literary and Cultural Studies, University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

Contributors

Contributors

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Nawaraj Chaulagain Religion Department, Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, IL, USA Jean-Luc Chevillard Laboratoire d’Histoire des Théories Linguistiques (UMR7597, HTL), CNRS – Université Paris-Diderot Paris 7, Paris, France G. Kanato Chophy Centre for Indigenous Culture Studies, Central University of Jharkhand, Ranchi, Jharkhand, India Chaitali Choudhury Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology Rourkela, Rourkela, Odisha, India Mathieu Claveyrolas CNRS, Paris, France L. E. Comeau Department of Humanities, University of the Sciences, Philadelphia, PA, USA Marcel Courthiade Asie du Sud et Himalaya, INALCO Paris City Sorbonne, Paris, France Language and Linguistic Rights, International Rromani Union, Prague, Czech Republic Elaine Craddock Department of Religion, Southwestern University, Georgetown, TX, USA Prachiti Dabir Nagpur, Maharashtra, India Deepra Dandekar Center for the History of Emotions, Max Planck Institute for Human Development, Berlin, Germany Richard H. Davis Religion and Asian Studies, Bard College, Annandale-onHudson, NY, USA Harsha V. Dehejia College of the Humanities, Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada Manas Dutta Department of History, Aliah University, Kolkata, West Bengal, India Pallavi Dutta Department of Folklore Research, Gauhati University, Guwahati, Assam, India Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India Koenraad Elst Mortsel, Belgium Marianne Qvortrup Fibiger Department of the Study of Religion, School of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark Emmanuel Francis Centre d’études de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud (CEIAS), UMR 8564, EHESS & CNRS, CNRS, Paris, France Francis X. Clooney, S. J. Harvard Divinity School, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA

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Elisa Freschi Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia, Austrian Academy of Sciences, University of Vienna, Vienna, Austria Shakuntala Gawde Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India Abhik Ghosh Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, India Abhishek Ghosh Liberal Studies Department, Brooks College of Interdisciplinary Studies, Institute for Vaishnava Studies, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, MI, USA Kamini Gogri Department of Philosophy, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India Matunga, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India Aneesh Hemant Gokhale Navi Mumbai, India Phyllis Granoff Yale University, New Haven, CT, USA Mary Hancock Departments of Anthropology and History, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA Shaman Hatley Department of Religion, FA-101, Concordia University, Montreal, QC, Canada Department of Asian Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston, MA, USA Nagaratna Hegde Department of Samskrit, Surana College, Bengaluru, India Udayana Hegde Karnataka Samskrit University, Bengaluru, KA, India Marja-Leena Heikkilä-Horn Mahidol University International College, Nakhon Pathom, Thailand Sanghavi Hemali Department of History, K.J.Somaiya College of Arts and Commerce, Mumbai, India Phyllis K. Herman Department of Religious Studies, California State University, Northridge, Northridge, CA, USA Ginni Ishimatsu Religious Studies Department, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA Pankaj Jain Department of Humanities & Languages, Philosophy & Religious Studies, The India Centre, FLAME University, Pune, India Veenus Jain Amity University, Noida, India George Alfred James Philosophy and Religion, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Contributors

Contributors

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Mithilesh Kumar Jha Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Guwahati, Assam, India Priyanka Jha Political Science, School of Undergraduate Studies, Ambedkar University, New Delhi, India P. C. Joshi Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi, India Mark Juergensmeyer University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA Subhash Kak Department of Computer Science, School of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA Sudhir Kakar Independent Scholar, Pulwaddo Pequeno, Goa, India G. Kanato Chophy Centre for Indigenous Culture Studies, Central University of Jharkhand, Ranchi, Jharkhand, India Sushumna Kannan Women’s Studies, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA, USA Anjali Kanojia Houston, TX, USA Klaus Karttunen Department of World Cultures, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland Shonaleeka Kaul Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India Molly Kaushal Performance Studies, Janapada Sampada Division, Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi, India Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA Madhu Khanna Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India Neha Khetrapal Army Public School, Allahabad, India P. Pratap Kumar School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu Natal, Durban, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa Pawan Kumar Department of English, Dyal Singh Evening College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India Radhika Kumar Department of Political Science, Motilal Nehru College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India ShashiPrabha Kumar Sri Sankaracharya Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, New Delhi, India

Sanskrit

Mahavidyalaya,

Ramdas Lamb Department of Religion, University of Hawai’i at Manoa, Honolulu, HI, USA James G. Lochtefeld Department of Religion, Carthage College, Kenosha, WI, USA

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Contributors

Jeffery D. Long Department of Religion and Asian Studies, Elizabethtown College, Elizabethtown, PA, USA Inês Lourenço CRIA, Centre for Research in Anthropology, ISCTE/IUL, Lisbon University Institute, Lisbon, Portugal Kumar Mahabir Indo-Caribbean Cultural Centre (ICC), San Juan, Trinidad and Tobago Banibrata Mahanta Department of English, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India Namrata Rathore Mahanta Department of English, Mahavidyalaya, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India

Mahila

Roger Marcaurelle Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montreal, QC, Canada Halina Marlewicz Institute of Oriental Studies, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, Poland Alka Maurya Amity International Business School, Amity University, Noida, Uttar Pradesh, India June McDaniel Department of Religious Studies, College of Charleston, Charleston, SC, USA Joseph Milillo National Humanities Center, Research Triangle Park, NC, USA Christopher P. Miller Study of Religion Graduate Group, University of California, Davis, Davis, CA, USA Sujata Miri Department of Philosophy, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya, India Indian Council of Philosophical Research, ICPR, New Delhi, India Kamal K. Misra NKC Centre for Development Studies, Bhubaneswar, India Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India R. P. Mitra Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, Delhi, India N. Mohkamsing Department of Arts and Culture, Humanities Faculty, University of Surinam (AdeKUS), Paramaribo, Suriname Deonnie G Moodie Religious Studies, University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK, USA Isabella Nardi Independent Researcher, Mantova, Italy Sanil M. Neelakandan School of Legal Studies, SRM University, Sonepat, Haryana, India Namita Nimbalkar Department of Philosophy, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Contributors

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Karen O’Brien-Kop School of African and Oriental Studies (SOAS), University of London, London, UK Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic Sree Padma Asian Studies, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA Ananya Parida Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology Rourkela, Rourkela, Odisha, India Iva Patel Department of Religious Studies, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA Ved Patel Department of Religion, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA Karen Pechilis Comparative Religion Department, Drew University, Madison, NJ, USA Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy Pratap Kumar Penumala School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu Natal, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa Prea Persaud Religion Department, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA Om Prakash Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, Department of Humanities and Social Science, National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India J. S. R. Prasad Department of Sanskrit Studies, School of Humanities, University of Hyderabad, Hyderabad, Telangana, India Yang Qu Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA Varadaraja V. Raman Physics and Humanity, Rochester Institute of Technology, Rochester, NY, USA Priyanka Ramlakhan Department of Religion, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA Indrani Rampersad Ayodhya Research Institute (India), Faizabad, UP, India Sudhakshina Rangaswami Independent Scholar, Fort Washington, PA, USA Nalini Rao Soka University of America, Aliso Viejo, CA, USA Marion Rastelli Austrian Academy of Sciences, Institute for the Cultural and Intellectual History of Asia, Vienna, Austria Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

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Mala Narang Reddy Independent Consultant and Visiting Faculty at IIM Kozhikode, IIM Amritsar and Teri School of Advanced Studies, Delhi, India Antonio Rigopoulos Ca’ Foscari University, Venice, Italy Robin Rinehart Lafayette College, Easton, PA, USA Jim Robinson Asian and Comparative Religions, Harvard Divinity School’13, Drew University’11, Basking Ridge, NJ, USA Gitanjali Roy The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Vadodara, Gujarat, India Hemali Sanghavi Department of History, K.J. Somaiya College of Arts and Commerce, Mumbai, India Dhrubajyoti Sarkar Department of English, University of Kalyani, Kalyani, India Deepak Sarma Department of Religious Studies, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH, USA Patricia Sauthoff History and Classics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada South Asian Languages and Cultures, SOAS, University of London, London, UK Dana Sawyer Religion and Philosophy, Maine College of Art, Portland, ME, USA Hartmut Scharfe Department of Asian Languages and Cultures, University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA David T. Schmit Interdisciplinary Studies, St. Catherine University, St. Paul, MN, USA Susan Deborah Selvaraj Department of English, M. E. S. College of Arts and Commerce, Zuarinagar, Goa, India Dmitri Semenov Idaho Springs, CO, USA Paroma Sen Political Science Department, Lady Shri Ram College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India Bina Sengar Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, School of Social Sciences, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India Manisha Sethi Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India Shahida Shahida Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology, Kurukshetra, Haryana, India Shikha Sharma University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Contributors

Contributors

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Devhuti Shaw Graduate Student, South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Germany Bhaktivedanta Research Center, Kolkata, India Jodi L. Shaw Department of Religion, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA Neelima Shukla-Bhatt South Asia Studies Program, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA, USA Narasingha Sil Department of Social Science/History, Western Oregon University, Monmouth, OR, USA Caleb Simmons Religious Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA Dhananjay Singh Centre for English Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India Sukhdev Singh Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology Patna, Patna, BR, India Blake Smith European University Institute, La Varenne-St. Hilaire, France French views of India and French Indology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA Frederick M. Smith Department of Religious Studies, Sanskrit and Classical Indian Literature, University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA, USA Bittiandra Chand Somaiah Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore Centre for Global Social Policy, University of Toronto, Singapore, Singapore Vinay Kumar Srivastava Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, New Delhi, Delhi, India Hamsa Stainton Department of Religious Studies, University of Kansas, Lawrence, KS, USA Leena Taneja Department of Interdisciplinary Studies, Zayed University, Dubai, UAE Shrinivas Tilak Religious Institutions, Montreal, QC, Canada Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA W. van der Meer Department of Musicology, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, Netherlands Lavanya Vemsani Department of Social Sciences, Shawnee State University, Portsmouth, OH, USA Archana Venkatesan University of California, Davis, Davis, CA, USA

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Michelle Voss Roberts School of Divinity, Wake Forest University, Winston-Salem, NC, USA Garima Yadav Symbiosis Law School, NOIDA, Symbiosis International (Deemed University), Pune, India Richa Yadav Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA Paul Younger Professor Emeritus, McMaster University, ON, Canada Xenia Zeiler South Asian Studies, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland Robert J. Zydenbos Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, LudwigMaximilians-Universität München, Munich, Germany

Contributors

A

Abhan˙ga – Literally, that never gets broken. A typical Marathi devotional song ▶ Bahiṇābāī

Abhinavagupta Joseph Milillo National Humanities Center, Research Triangle Park, NC, USA

Synonyms Abhinava-Gupta; Abhinavaguptācārya; Rājānaka Abhinavagupta

Definition Abhinavagupta (c.950–1020) was an influential Indian philosopher in the fields of Philosophy, Theology, Dramaturgy, and Aesthetics. His greatest contribution was to what is known today as Kashmir Śaivism.

Life The little that is known about Abhinavagupta’s life is culled from autobiographical verses in

various works, primarily Parātrīśikā-vivaraṇa and Tantrāloka, and also the research of K.C. Pandey. Abhinavagupta was born in a devout Brahmin Śaiva family in or near the town of Pravarapura, now known as Srinagar. His father Narasiṃha was brought from Kannauj (located in today’s Uttar Pradesh) to Kashmir to work for King Lalitaditya (c.750). Abhinavagupta’s mother Vimaia had died while he was just a boy. He had a brother, Manoratha, and a sister, Ambā. While his first teacher was his father, throughout his works Abhinavagupta lists many teachers with whom he studied a wide range of philosophical topics. Since Kashmir at that time was a hub for Hindu and Buddhist thought and debate, Abhinvagupta was well versed in the philosophies of Hinduism, Buddhism, as well as Jainism. Within the Śaiva tradition, he learned Pratyabhijñā philosophy from Lakṣmanagupta, a disciple of Utpaladeva. He was initiated into Kaula philosophy and practices by Śambhunātha, whom he revered greatly. Abhinavagupta states that he reached illumination through the teaching of Śambhunātha. After his period of learning and practice (sādhana), Abhinavagupta became well known as a teacher, author, and commentator. The Kashmiri tradition claims that his disciples were in the thousands. His foremost disciple was his cousin Kṣemarāja, who also became a well-known exegete in the nondual Kashmir Śaiva tradition. Concerning Abhinavagupta’s death, tradition states that he walked into the Bhairava Cave, along with 1200 of his disciples, and was never seen again.

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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By the end of his life, Abhinavagupta had written about 44 works, of which 23 are extant and the others are mentioned in other Tāntric texts and commentaries. By his own admission, he had studied logic, grammar, aesthetics, and various schools of theology and philosophy. His writings can be generally placed in four categories: Tantra, Philosophy, Devotional Hymns, and Aesthetics. However, these divisions are largely artificial, since all of these areas are permeated by Abhinavagupta’s nondual and soteriological vision. His particular genius is the ability to use this vision in synthesizing and building upon textual traditions of Indian philosophy.

Abhinavagupta and Kashmir Śaivism Abhinavagupta is known as an authoritative proponent of Kashmir Śaivism. However, Kashmir Śaivism does not refer to one tradition but rather to a group of nondualistic Tāntric Śaiva traditions. These various traditions share common beliefs. For them, Reality is conceived as pure Consciousness which it calls Śiva, and this Consciousness manifests itself as the universe through its innate power (Śakti). It does this through a process of transformation into 36 elements, and this transformation does not affect Consciousness in anyway, therefore nonduality is maintained. Many of these groups also worshipped various goddesses as representations of Śiva’s Śakti. Abhinavagupta wrote commentaries on major Tāntric texts and also wrote his own independent treatises, unifying these various traditions under one particular tradition known as Trika. Trika is so called because triads feature prominently in its explication of the nature of reality and its praxis. It holds three scriptures as its primary texts, namely, the Siddhayogeśvarīmata Tantra, Mālinīvijayottara Tantra, a short redaction of the Siddhayogeśvarīmata, and the Tantrasadbhāva. The Trika is also known for its worship of the three Goddesses, Supreme (Parā), Middle (Parāparā), and Lower (Aparā), which correspond to the levels of nonduality, quasinonduality, and multiplicity. These three levels are further elaborated through another well-

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known triad, Śiva/Śakti/Nara (the individual). The Trika system consists of elements from both the Krama and Kula traditions, both of which predate Trika texts. In most of his Tāntric writing, Abhinavagupta tried to establish the superiority of Trika over all other Āgamic Śaiva systems [1]. He did this by synthesizing the Krama, Kula, and Trika, as well as two other systems in Kaśmir, the Pratyabhijña and Spanda. The dualistic Śaivasiddhānta system is also important because Abhinava seamlessly blends its rituals with those of the Mālinivijayottara and Svacchandabhairava Tantra, giving them, however, a nondualistic interpretation. His major works in this regard are the Tantrāloka, which used the Mālinīvijayottara as its source, the Tantrasāra, a smaller treatise summing up the Tantrāloka, and the Mālinīvijayottara-vārttika. Early scholars such as K.C. Pandey did not consider the Trika to be a separate system but another term for Kaśmir Śaivism itself. Pandey, however, did not support this idea fully. He concluded that Trika meant the Śaiva system of Abhinavagupta presented in the Tantrāloka [2]. While Trika is the system expounded by Abhinavagupta in most of his work, which helped to put it on firm philosophical and practical ground, Trika did predate him. The Paramārthasāra (Essence of the Highest Truth) is an important independent treatise on the Trika by Abhinavagupta. The main effort of this text is to serve as an introduction to Trika, with a special reference to jīvanmukti (awakened living). While on the surface the Parmārthasāra acts as an introduction, Abhinavagupta depends on the second-sense or twilight (sāṃdhyābhāṣā) that, when properly understood, reveals the esoteric teachings and of the Trika system at within the text’s commentary, Parmārthasāra-vivṛtti, by Abhinavagupta’s disciple Yogarāja [3]. Abhinavagupta based his tenth-century text on an earlier sixth-century text, known by the same name. This suggests not only that there was a shared corpus of texts between the North and South, but also a shared philosophical and practical basis among the numerous traditions then present in Kashmir [4]. Nonetheless, Abhinavagupta’s work is not a commentary or altered version since only a quarter of the original

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105 verses can be found in the text. The remaining verses are purely Abhinavagupta’s own genius in presenting his form of Trika Śaivism.

Synthesis of the Pratyabhijn˜a¯ and Spanda Systems Abhinavagupta also furthered the development of the Pratyabhijñā philosophy. The Pratyabhijñā is a philosophical system based upon the nondual idea of the limited self recognizing its true nature as Consciousness, i.e., Śiva. In the introductory verse of his Īśvarapratyabhijñā-vimarśinī, Abhinavagupta describes the Pratyabhijñā as a part of the Trika framework. By the tenth and eleventh centuries, Tāntric Śaivism’s quest for power and counter-brahminical practices were being interpreted in more socially respectable terms and its teachings began to appeal increasingly to lay practitioners [5]. Pratyabhijñā fostered such a transition by using highly philosophical and anti-Buddhist discourse [6]. Abhinavagupta’s exegesis of Pratyabhijñā themes, such as epistemology and ontology, follows Utpaladeva, the pupil of Somānanda, in his Īśvarapratyabhijñākārikā. Abhinavagupta strengthens Utpaladeva’s arguments, particularly against the Buddhists of the Yogācāra tradition. He bases his arguments on the logic of the Nyāya and the linguistics of Bhartṛhari. Both Utpaladeva’s and Abhinavagupta’s development of a philosophical groundwork for nondual Śaivism helped establish the tradition in the intellectual debates of the time, giving it more credence within Brahminical circles. Their efforts in this regard have parallels in the more rationalistic strains of Western philosophical theology [7]. Abhinavagupta also made a contribution to the understanding, and practices, of the Spanda system. In his unique synthesis of Tāntric traditions, Abhinavagupta states in his Tantrasāra that each tradition calls the dynamic power (Śakti) of Consciousness (Śiva) by various names including vibration (spanda). In his commentary on the Parātrīśikā, a text of major importance in in the Trika, Abhinavagupta sees the vibration of Consciousness as the very heart of Consciousness

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[8]. According to his commentary, Parātrīśikā-vivaraṇa, the Parātrīśikā belongs to the Anuttara Trika, the highest nondual teachings of the Trika. The text and its commentary broadly deal with the nature of the Absolute (anuttara), the relation of its Śakti as language and Reality, including the important nondual Śaiva mantra Sauḥ, and its practice [9]. Another example of Abhinavagupta’s synthesis in creating an overarching Trika system is his stance on samāveśa. Though samāveśa is an important term in nondual Tāntric traditions, there is no consensus on its meaning. Commentators and modern scholars have described it in various ways, but all agree that it is an advanced experience of one’s true nature (svabhāva). Samāveśa is mentioned in foundational texts such as Mālinīvijayottara. One interpretation of samāveśa is that it means possession. Many early Tāntric rites and practices had as their goal “possession” of the deity. The image presented is that of male and female practitioners shaking and whirling in the cremation grounds surrounded by wine and other articles of their transgressive rituals. But, as noted earlier, by the tenth and eleventh century, nondual Śaivism was undergoing a natural transformation, making it more acceptable to the society it once rebelled against. Somānanda begins his Śivadṛṣṭi by describing his merger with Śiva, pointing to the disappearance of his limited sense of self in the all-pervasive Self of Śiva. Somānanda’s disciple Utpaladeva extends this meaning of samaveśa in his poetry by using it to describe not only his own recognition (pratyabhijñā) with the Divine, but also seeing the manifested world as such. Abhinavagupta, in his unique fashion, follows traditional usages and develops it further using samāveśa in various ways. Within his Tantrāloka, he keeps its connection to that of possession through Tāntric ritual and use of mantra, but also, like his predecessors moves toward a sense of immersion in an abstract sense of transcendence and he claims this to be the highest realization of the term [10]. Using the Mālinīvijayottara as his guide, Abhinavagupta uses samāveśa (sometimes using the equal term āveśa) as the goal and the means (upāya). Yet in his

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Pratyabhijñā commentary, Īśvaraprtyabhijñāvivrtivimarśinī, he claims that while essential to a nondual vision, samāveśa is not the ultimate attainment since it involves a sense of duality, a merging into, or possession of, something seemingly other. For Abhinavagupta, even the idea of oneness must be transcended [11].

Hymns and Poetry Like many of his predecessors, Abhinavagupta wrote devotional poetry. For the nondual Tāntrika exegetes, this was not a break from their ideology, but rather their devotion was also of a nondualistic nature. In his poetry, such as Bhairava Stotra, Abhinavagupta never misses an opportunity to declare that he and the God he is praising, Śiva, are one. As the infinite light (prakāśa), Śiva, shines as the whole manifold universe, therefore for Abhinavagupta devotion is part of Śiva’s play (krīḍā), manifesting as the devotee and the object of devotion. Nonetheless, he stresses that devotion is to be approached with an understanding of oneness (aikyabuddhi) between worshipper and worshipped. Abhinavagupta also uses his poetry as a vehicle for conveying nondual Śaiva teachings. In his Dehasthadevatācakra Stotra, he writes how everyday experiences of sights, sounds, sensations, and thoughts are the flowers of worship to the senses’ presiding goddesses (śaktis) who abide in Śiva himself. In one of his well-known poems, Anuttarāṣṭikā, Abhinavagupta gives instruction on the practice of reaching the highest realization, a practice that is deceptively easy, but meant only for the most adept practitioner [12]. The practice consists in letting go of both grasping and aversion, pleasure and pain, and seeing the Infinite as expressing itself in everything.

Abhinavagupta’s Views on Contemplative Practice In his most famous work, the Tantrāloka, Abhinavagupta divides all contemplative practice

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(sādhanā) into four basic methods or approaches (upāyas) for attaining the nondual Śaiva realization, based upon a scheme of mystical absorptions (samāveśa). They are Anupāya, Śambhava, Śākta, Āṇava. Abhinavagupta claims he learned these approaches from his teacher Śambhunātha and that he himself realized the highest levels of consciousness through these methods. Each approach consists of their own set of practices. Abhinavagupta explains that Anupāya, literally “free of methods,” is not a true approach since there are no practices involved. A practitioner is simply told of his/her true nature and immediately experiences it due to the force of grace (śaktipāṭha). Abhinavagupta is quick to mention that since such highly qualified people are rare, most need to follow a form of practice from the three other upāyas. The other three upāyas are normally stated from the most to the least profound. Though Abhinavagupta prescribes three methods, there is no hierarchy, but rather each method is suited for a practitioner’s own ability and temperament. The differences in the three other methods are mainly differences in the approach and the amount of effort each practitioner must exert [13]. If a practitioner after being given the teaching that everything is Consciousness does not experience spontaneous awakening, he is taught the Śambhavopāya (the means of Śiva), which consists in meditation on the purely subjective “I”-consciousness that remains unchanged in all states of cognition. This leads to the “nirvikalpa” state of mind, which is free from conceptions and distractions. For those who find the Śambhavopāya too difficult, the second method, Śāktopāya (means of Śakti), is given. Śaktopāya involves focusing on the vibrations (spanda) of universal manifestation and mental processes. The final method is that of the individual (āṇavopāya). Āṇavopāya consists in practices that deal with the body, such as manipulation and control of breath (prāṇa) and energy (kuṇḍalinī). This classification of contemplative practices within the Tantrāloka had a strong impact on how the nondual Śaiva tradition would continue to talk

Abhinavagupta

about contemplative practice and interpret major texts. Abhinavagupta’s disciple Kṣemarāja uses this classification scheme for interpreting major texts of the tradition, most importantly the Śiva sūtras, Spanda karikas, and Vijñana-bhairava Tantra. Through his works, Abhinavagupta also addresses the importance of sādhanā. In the Parātrīśikā-vivaraṇa and Īśvarapratyabhijñā-virtivimarśinī, he mentions two main reasons for contemplative and ritual practices. Though it is true Śiva’s grace is needed, for Abhinavagupta the performance of sādhana is all part of the play (krīda) of Śiva, who takes the roles of both student and guru.

Abhinavagupta on Aesthetics Though Abhinavagupta’s ideas on aesthetics can be found in his various works, it is mainly in Dhvanyālokalocana and Abhinavabhāratī that his theory of aesthetics is formulated. In order to understand how Abhinavagupta’s theory of aesthetics was developed in these two commentaries, it is important to take into account his main influences – namely, Bhartṛhari and Bhaṭṭanāyaka. Abhinavagupta agreed with the ancient grammarian Bhartṛhari’s view that creation began with primordial Speech (śabdabrahman), a viewpoint also found in the Vedas and Brāhmaṇas [14]. Within the Pratyabhijñā system, this Speech is Śakti (Śiva’s power) which manifests the world and is identical with self-recognition [15]. For Abhinavagupta, it is also this power that makes scriptures (āgama) and chants (mantra) effective. Another concept in the area of language that is important in both Abhivagupta’s aesthetics and philosophy of recognition is illuminating insight (pratibhā). Within the latter, pratibhā reveals the connection of language and Consciousness (saṃvid). Similarly, in his aesthetics, pratibhā is a function of the poets mind, revealing the appropriate words, and their meaning, for a particular rasa. For the poet, pratibhā comes about from momentary contact with Consciouness.

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Another Kashmiri aesthete that had an influence on Abhinavagupta’s own theory of aesthetics was Bhaṭṭanāyaka (tenth century CE). Abhinavagupta disagreed with some of Bhaṭṭanāyaka’s ideas and he played off these differences to explain his own theory [16]. One such important example is the difference concerning the qualia of aesthetic experience. For Bhaṭṭanāyaka, the experience of rasa is comparable to the joyful experience of Brahman (Brahmānanda), whereas for Abhinavagupta, though the aesthetic experience is higher than the material everyday experience, it is not equivalent to the highest realization. This distinction between an aesthetic experience and the experience of one’s true nature is an important one for Abhinavagupta. Though Abhinavagupta disagreed that aesthetic experience is the same as a mystical experience, he did view the former as a way to reach the latter. Such a view is found within his development of Bhaṭṭanāyaka’s theory of aesthetic sentiments known as universalizations (sādhāraṇīkaraṇa). Universalization is identification with the dramatic world, transcending a sense of limited self [17]. While emotions may be common to everyone, the experience of rasa lifts a qualified spectator, called a sahṛdaya (literally “one with heart”), into a pure experience, transcending the sense of self, and therefore the taste of aesthetic enjoyment (rasāsvāda) itself, leading to a savoring of the mystical experience (brahmāsvāda). This development allows Abhinavagupta to incorporate nondual Tantric theology, such as a unitive cognitive act leading to the flashing forth of the immanent and transcendent aspects of Śiva/Śakti, into his theory of aesthetics [18]. Abhinavagupta also contributed to the theory of aesthetic suggestion (rasa-dhvani). In his commentary on Ānandavardana’s Dvanyāloka, Abhinavagupta agrees, and further develops, that one function of language is suggestive meaning (dvani). He states that the suggestion of a sentiment (rasa) conveyed by an actor or author does not create the sentiment, but rather the sentiment arises from latent impressions (vāsanas) within

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one who is sensitive enough to experience it. The joy of experiencing the various rasas comes from the bliss of the Absolute (Brahmānandasahodara). Abhinavagupta explains this by adding a new rasa to Bharata’s original eight rasas in the Nāṭyaśāstra – namely, śānta-rasa (peaceful sentiment). Śānta-rasa, Abhinavagupta explains, acts as the foundation for all other rasas (such as love, anger, fear), much like the thread of a jewel necklace. Further, as an experience, śānta-rasa gives the sahṛdaya a temporary glimpse of the pure self (ātma-svarūpa) [19]. Abhinavagupta makes use of many accepted theories of his day and through a tour de force crafts his own interpretation, thereby showing the connection between the aesthetic and spiritual realms. His aesthetics is based on nondual Śaiva cosmology, as shown in the benedictory verses to his commentary Abhinavabhārati, where he invokes Śiva in the form of the cosmic principles (tattvas). Abhinavagupta begins each chapter of Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra with a verse to Śiva as one of the 36 tattvas, thereby connecting the subject of each chapter to Śaiva cosmology [18]. By doing so, he shows that the microcosmic world of literature and performing arts is mystically based on the same macrocosmic manifestation of the universe. Abhinavagupta also uses the similes of the world drama (krīḍā) and wonder (camatkāra) to show the interconnectedness of aesthetics and theology. It is the Power (Śakti) of Śiva, which is not different from him, that expresses itself as a sense of wonderment and intuitive insight (pratibhā), both spiritual and aesthetic. Such expressions are brought about not only by pleasurable experiences but also by painful ones. Within his commentaries on aesthetics, Abhinavagupta also explicates Kashmiri Śaiva concepts, at times through his own poetical verses. This is seen in the Dhvanyālokalocana itself, where, in order to explain a type of suggestion, vastu-dvani, he quotes his own Tantrāloka (v. 1.332). This verse, Abhinavagupta states, literally tells of beautiful scenery being criticized as brutish by those who are themselves brutish, yet the suggestion (dhvani), and therefore the real meaning of the

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verse, describes the state of one who has “rolled back the curtains of darkness,” i.e., has realized that everything is Śiva, yet lives a seemingly dull life which brings scorn from the worldly minded [20].

Modern Scholarship on Abhinavagupta Modern scholarship on Abhinavagupta began around the late nineteenth century when Western Indologist, such as Georg Brühler and Aurel Stein, collected numerous manuscripts on Kaśmir literature and history, much with the help of local pandits and kings. Out of these texts emerged, the works of what came to be called Kaśmir Śaivism and of Abhinavagupta. Early work consisted of organizing and translating these manuscripts, many of which are still waiting to be translated. Throughout the twentieth century, both Indian and various Western scholars continued research into Abhinavagupta and his systemization of nondual Śaivism. Most recently, scholars are further raising awareness in India of Abhinavagupta’s contribution to South Asian philosophy and aesthetics through various academic and religious conferences.

Cross-References ▶ Kaśmir Śaivism ▶ Lāl Ded ▶ Śaiva Āgamas

References 1. Dyczkowski MSG (1987) The doctrine of vibration: an analysis of the doctrines and practices of Kashmir Shaivism, Albany. Varanasi, India 2. Pandey KC (1935) Abhinavagupta, an historical and philosophical study. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office; Freeman 3. Lidke JS (2013) Quintessence of the highest purpose: a translation, introduction and analysis of Śrī Abhinavagupta’s Paramārthasāra. J Indian Res 1(4):1–24. (ISSN: 2321-4155) 4. Bansat-Boudon L, Tripathi KD (2014) An introduction to Tantric philosophy: the Paramârthasâra of

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6.

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13. 14. 15.

16.

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19. 20.

Abhinavagupta with the commentary of Yogarâja. London: Routledge White DG (2003) Kiss of the Yoginī: “tantric sex” in its South Asian contexts, Chicago: University of Chicago Press Lawrence D (1996) Tantric argument: The transfiguration of philosophical discourse in the Pratyabhijñā system of Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta. Phil East West 46:165–204 Lawrence DP (1999) Rediscovering god with transcendental argument: a contemporary interpretation of monistic Kashmiri Saiva philosophy. SUNY Press, Albany, NY Muller-Ortega PE (2010) Triadic heart of Siva, the: Kaula Tantricism of Abhinavagupta in the non-dual Shaivism of Kashmir. SUNY Press, Albany, NY Baumer B (2011) Abhinavagupta’s hermeneutics of the absolute: Anuttaraprakriya. An interpretation of his Paratrisika Vivarana. Indian Institute of Advanced Study/D.K. Printworld, Shimla/New Delhi Beirnacki L (2007) Possession, absorption and the transformation of Samavesa. In: Preisendanz K (ed) Expanding and merging horizons: contributions to South Asian and cross-cultural studies in commemoration of Wilhelm Halbfass. Veroffentlichungen zu den Sprachen und KulturenSudasiens series. Osterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften/ Motilal Banarsidass, Wien/Varanasi, pp 491–505 Biernacki L (1999) Taboo and orthodoxy: making Tantra respectable in 11th century Kashmir. Dissertation Baumer B (2003) Abhinavgupta’s Anuttarāśṭikā. In: Patil N (ed) The variegated plumage: encounters with Indian philosophy: a commemoration volume in honour of Pandit Jankinath Kaul “Kamal”. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi Sensharma D (2001) The philosophy of Sadhana. State University of New York Press, Albany Radhakrishnan S (trans) (1953) The principal Upaniṣads. Harper, New York Lawrence DP (2013) The disclosure of Śakti in aesthetics: remarks on the relation of Abhinavagupta’s poetics and nondual Kashmiri Śaivism. Southeast Rev Asian Stud 35:90–102 Pandit L (1996) Dhvani and the “full word”: suggestion and signification from Abhinavagupta to Jacques Lacan. Coll Lit 23(1):142–163 Haberman DL (2003) The Bhaktirasāmṛtasindhu of Rūpa Gosvāmin, vol 4. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi Bäumer B (2008) The Lord of the heart: Abhinavagupta’s aesthetics and Kashmir Śaivism. Relig Art 12(1):214–229 Gerow E, Aklujkar A (1972) On Śānta Rasa in Sanskrit poetics. J Am Orient Soc:80–87 Ingalls DHH, Masson JM, Patwardhan MV (1990) The Dhvanyāloka of Ānandavardhana with the Locana of Abhinavagupta. Harvard oriental series, vol 49, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press

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Abhinava-Gupta ▶ Abhinavagupta

Abhinavagupta¯ca¯rya ▶ Abhinavagupta

Abhinaya R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Abhinaya in Sanskrit dramaturgy denotes different efforts of an actor on stage to communicate different layers of intention and plot to the audience. In the act of abhinaya, the Sanskrit books of drama theory prescribe the blend of physical activities, the spectacle, and even the thought process during the performance of the play. Bharata’s the Natyasastra and Nandikeshvara’s Abhinayadarpana are the authentic works on Indian tradition of Abhinaya. The Natyasastra available in 36 (at some places mention of 37) chapters describes various aspects related with Abhinaya, and generally recorded as the first source book on the subject. Sanskrit word, Natya, is a comprehensive term and covers the patterns of acting, dancing, and music dancing. Coomaraswamy finds it “a deliberate art” where nothing is left to chance; the actor no more yields to the impulse of the moment in gesture than in the spoken word. When the curtain rises, indeed, it is too late to begin the making of a new work of art. Precisely as the text of the play remains the same whoever the actor may be, precisely as the score of a musical composition is not varied by whomsoever it may be performed, so there is no reason why an accepted gesture-language (angikabhinaya) should be varied with a view to set off advantageously the actor’s personality. It is the action, not the actor,

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Abhinaya which is essential to dramatic art. Under these conditions, of course, there is no room for any amateur upon the stage; in fact, the amateur does not exist in Oriental art. [1]

In Indian tradition of drama, Abhinaya is a kind of pious act, and all the abhinayas or performances are suggested to begin with proper invocation and Puja (worship). Neglecting this trend may bring disastrous ruin to the act. The markers of Abhinaya are categorically mentioned in the Natyasastra and Abhinaya Darpana. The Natyasastra gives the details on various issues of dramature like the origin of Natya or drama, the Natya grha (the theatre house), worship of the stage and of the gods, Tandava Nrtya, the Purvaranga, supplement, Rasa, Bhavas, acting of the subordinate part of the body, abhinayas of the hands and the major limbs, performance of the emotions, the stage walk of characters, the regional style and nature of plays, verbal representation and parody, the poetic concept and its projections in acting, rules on the use of language, the plot, the characteristics of the characters-the men and women, the success of production, different kind of music and the rules associated with it, types of characters and their acting, the distribution of roles and even the story of the descent of drama on earth. Nandikeśvara’s Abhinaya Darpana (fifth century to fourteenth century B.C.) mentions different requirements for Abhinaya and theater. It is a code on Abhinaya, dance and related activities like Natya, Nrtta, and Nrtya, and even the micro details associated with them. Various aspects of theater like the audience, the stage, the danseuse, the bells, the dancer and their inner and outer life, the vulgar dancing, the course of the dance, gesture, 9 movements of the head associated with 24 more specific movements of the head, 8 glances associated with 44 specific glances, movements of the brows, and 24 lives of the hands (28 single hands, 24combined hands) are described in detail in Abhinaya Darpana. Further Nandikeśvara mentions the gestures of hands denoting relationship and other indicators like hands denoting relationships, denoting deva(s), denoting the nine planets, denoting the Avatars of Vishnu, denoting the four Varnas, etc. It offers very keen analysis

and subsequent details on the gestures and movements of hands like hands denoting famous emperors, denoting seven oceans, denoting famous rivers, denoting upper and lower world, denoting trees, animals, flying creatures, water creatures, and many more objects and action. Rasa is considered the object of abhinaya, and for the realization of rasa, the abhinaya focuses on the creations of vibhava-s and anubhava-s. There are eight Rasas, namely, Hasya (laughter), Karuna (sorrow), Raudra (anger), Vira (heroism, courage), Bhayanaka (terror or fear), Bibhatsa (disgust), and Adbhuta (surprise/wonder). Shantha (peace or tranquility) is considered as the ninth Rasa. The Bhavas are of two types – the Sanchari and the Sthayi. “Love, humor, compassion, horror, the heroic, fear, repulsion, and wonder are the eight Sthayi Bhavas. Dejection, lassitude, suspicion, jealousy, infatuation, fatigue, laziness, helplessness, anxiety, confusion, remembrance, boldness, bashfulness, fickleness, pleasure, excitement, heaviness, pride, sorrow, impatience, sleep, forgetfulness, dream, awakening, intolerance, dissimulation, ferocity, desire, disease, insanity, death, fear and guessing, these are the thirty three vyabhichari or sanchari bhava-s” [2]. The Bhavas give meaning to any expression. The tone and tenor get molded under the impression of the Bhava. Any meaning expressed by a Vibhava (stimulus) is made intelligible by “words, physical gestures, and Anubhavas (emotions). Anubhavas are the expressed emotions. The visual characteristics of any feeling are their Anubhavas. These are realistic qualities. The eight Anubhavas or Sattvika Bhavas are mentioned as below: 1. Stambha (stupefaction): The actor performs this Anubhava by standing still. The body remains static and unmoved. The eyes remain unseeing and limbs seem almost dead. 2. Sveda (sweating): It is performed by showing the lack of breath or air. Different actions showing the use or urge for fan, state of perspiration, and aspiring for breath are shown on the stage. 3. Romancha (feeling thrilled): It is the representation of thrill. Romancha is portrayed by “showing frequently as if the hair is on end,

Abortion (Hinduism)

4. 5.

6.

7.

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by plucking movements and touching the limbs” [3]. Svarabheda (break in voice): “This is to be acted by stuttering in different voices” [4]. Vepathu (trembling): “This is to be acted by quivering, throbbing and shaking movements” [5]. Vaivaranya (pallor): “This is to be acted by pressure on the pulse and changing the coloring of the face” [6]. Ashru (tears): The actor wipes the eyes again and again and shows as if the tears are coming out of the eyes. Pralaya (swoon or death): The actor is shown breaking up on the ground.

In Indian tradition “dance and drama are so intimately fused that in texts like Harivansha and Karpuramanjari the expression used is ‘dance a drama’ to mean perform a play” [7]. The performer creates Bhava, Vibhava, and Anubhava on stage by his/her Abhinaya which culminates into the Rasa. Performing these Anubhavas in Abhinaya (acting) is not a very easy task because it warrants a perfect blend of physical and psychic capability in the performer. They cannot be performed until the act finds emotional involvement of the performer. Abhinaya, therefore, in Indian aesthetics and dramaturgy is very scientific and systematic.

9 5. Bharatamuni. The Natyasatra (trans: Adya Rangacharya (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. p. 76 6. Bharatamuni. The Natyasatra (trans: Adya Rangacharya (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. p. 76 7. Kantak VY (1988) Bharata and Western concept of drama. In: Kushwaha MS (ed) Indian poetics and Western thought. Argo, Lucknow. p. 66

Abortion (Hinduism) Garima Yadav Symbiosis Law School, NOIDA, Symbiosis International (Deemed University), Pune, India

Introduction Abortion is the intentional, voluntary, and conscious termination of the fetus. To understand the view toward abortion in Hinduism, we will refer to the two main forms of Hindu texts: Shruti and Smriti. Shruti refers to the canonical Hindu texts like Vedas and Upanishads, whereas Smriti refers to Dharamsastras, puranas, and texts like Mahabharata. In Hinduism absence of one single canonical and authoritative text makes us look at a varied range of texts with differing philosophical perspectives. Also, this ensures that the idea of right and wrong, sacred and profane, and acts permitted and banned has to be identified through readings of multiple texts.

See Also Defining Abortion in Hinduism ▶ Theater (Hinduism)

References 1. Coomaraswamy A, Duggirala G (1917) Introduction the mirror of gesture being the Abhinaya Darpana (Translation of Nandikesvara’s Abhinaya Darpana). Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1917 2. Bharatamuni. The Natyasastra (trans: Adya Rangacharya (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. p. 54 3. Bharatamuni. The Natyasastra (trans: Adya Rangacharya (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. p. 76 4. Bharatamuni. The Natyasatra (trans: Adya Rangacharya (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi. p. 76

Like many religions of the world, in Hinduism too abortion is morally and ethically a wrong act, drawing sharp criticism and in many instances repressive or restitutive acts as the consequences of the act of abortion. Sanskrit, which is the language of the Shruti-based texts, has different words to highlight the difference between involuntary miscarriage and voluntary act of termination of pregnancy. Several words of Hindi, another language commonly used for Smriti texts, have roots in Sanskrit. In Sanskrit as well as Hindi,

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garbhahatya and bhrunahatya are used as terms for voluntary act of abortion. Hatya implies murder, indicating the willfulness and voluntary nature of the act. It also highlights the moral judgment attached to the voluntary act of termination of pregnancy. Whereas for involuntary miscarriages, sramsana is the term used in the texts. This term is used in Gautamadharmasastra (Smriti text) as well as Manusmriti ([1], p. 52). Both these scriptures have given different terms to the involuntary miscarriage depending on the time of the miscarriage. The term srava (flow) is used for the miscarriage that happens till the fourth month of pregnancy. Pata (fall) is used to denote the miscarriage that happens in the fifth or sixth month of pregnancy. In colloquial as well as legal texts in Hindi in contemporary India, the term Garbha Pata is used to denote the voluntary abortion as well as the involuntary miscarriage. This highlights the continuity and change aspect of the meaning of the term used to label an act and the attitude toward abortion which has changed and the difference between the religion as prescribed through texts and that in practice. Miscarriage after the sixth month is termed as prasuti, another term which in contemporary times is used to denote delivery. In medical institutions, prasuti graha is the term for child delivery/labor ward. Sutaka is the term used for miscarriage after ninth or tenth moth, possibly indicating the event of stillbirth. Again, the word Sutaka in contemporary times is used for the restrictive rules and regulations and practices and rituals that need to be observed post pregnancy, when the body of the new mother is treated as polluted. The division of the event and separate terms used for the miscarriage in the Hindu scriptures and texts is again indicating the moral perspective ([1], pp. 50–56).

Scriptures and the Status of Fetus/ Embryo In RgSamhita, Lord Vishnu, one of the trinity, is termed as the protector of the embryo or the fetus. These texts help us in alluding to the idea that in

Abortion (Hinduism)

Hinduism, fetus or embryo is designated a separate category and that the need for protection and care is emphasized. In Brhadaranyaka Upanishad, while exemplifying the state of awareness which a soul attains after being free from the cycle of birth and death, the specific mention of embryo killer (bhrunaha) along with other acts equated as sinful goes on to exemplify the unacceptance of abortion as a morally correct act. In Kausitaki Upanishad and Mahanarayana Upanishad, an abortionist is one among the highest offender, and this offence is equivalent to the act of betraying Guru. In the Law Book of Visnu, it has been advised that the pregnant woman needs protection and care; killing of pregnant woman is akin to killing of a Brahmin, which is one of the evilest sin. In several other texts, advice has been given to ensure protection of pregnant woman, and the priority that needs to be given during pregnancy lest any harm is done to the fetus. There are texts where we find direct condemnation of the act of voluntary termination of pregnancy. In Gautamadharmasastra, a woman stands to lose her caste status if she commits the act of abortion. Losing caste status in a Hindu society is a severe punishment as this will not only impact the access to resources and positioning of the woman in the society, but it will impede the journey to salvation ([1], p. 58). In Manusmriti, ancestral liberation of water is forbidden for the women who have harmed an embryo. In the same text, though there is a distinction being made between a pregnant female slave and a pregnant Brahmin woman, resonating the caste hierarchy and the social structure, yet there is a fine imposed or announced for those who destroy the embryo even that of a female slave ([1], p. 62). In Mahabharata, several incidences highlight the perspective toward abortion as unethical. When Gandhari is fed up of her long pregnancy and pushes the fetus out of her womb violently leading to birth of a fleshy mass, the sage comes to the rescue and divides the lump into 100 pieces which are kept in separate earthen pot full of Ghee. This is the story of the birth of

Abortion (Hinduism)

100 Kauravas. The sage denounces the act of Gandhari and terms it as nothing less than a sin. Another event during the war days of Mahabharata which propounds the attitude toward pregnant woman and importance given to protection of embryo is when as a last measure to win the war, Aswatthama used a weapon which kills the fetus of Uttara who is the wife of slain Abhimanyu. Krishna, who is treated as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu, curses Aswatthama for the unethical and hideous act. Garuda Purana, which is recited in several Hindu households while observing the ritual of 13-day mourning, talks in detail about the conception and the development of the fetus in the womb. It highlights the way in which a soul enters the womb around seventh month of pregnancy. The purana talks about the law of Karma and its relevance in the determination of the womb in which the soul will enter. The cycle of birth and death is determined by the law of Karma, and it is believed that the act of abortion hinders the natural progression and the cycle of a soul. There are several interpretations to the cycle of birth and death being hindered by the act of abortion. A few spiritual leaders in the contemporary Hindu society argue that if everything is predetermined and if a soul is denied a chance to take birth due to abortion, the karma of the abortionist increases, and she must pay for the karma. None escapes the law of karma, and the cycle will keep moving as the laws are fixed and beyond the control of mortal beings. Indeed, the same set of spiritual and religious leaders emphasize on moving away from the desire of cohabitation to manifest the energy for higher purposes. Abstinence is better than abortion once the duty of starting a family has been fulfilled. Spiritual leader Rajneesh Osho has clearly agreed to the act of abortion. He declared abortion not as an act of sin but as an act of virtue in the overpopulated world. Unlike Christianity and several other religions and cults across the world, studied by anthropologist, the distinction between a biological being and a social being is not made in Hinduism ([2], p. 23). Hinduism has the concept of Dwij, which

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literally means twice born. This implies that the child is treated as a social being from the time of birth, and no specific ritual is required to give them personhood status; for instance, baptism is necessary for a child to become a social being and not just biological being. Several stories in Mahabharata like that of Abhimanyu, learning the art of warfare in the womb, highlight the ways in which the fetus after a particular time gains the personhood. The heinousness attached to the act of abortion is brought down with the changes in time though the law of karma is still applicable. Due to continued sex-selective abortion leading to skewed sex ration in India, several religious leaders and gurus appealed to the masses to not resort to sexselective abortion, though no popular leader has explicitly declared abortion as a heinous crime.

Conclusion Abortion in Hinduism, from the perspective of the texts and scriptures, is a sin that invites severe penalties and repercussion which have a longlasting impact on the status of the person committing abortion not only in this world but also in the word beyond and for next births. The distance between the scriptures and practice is visible, but it will be wrong to conclude that there is a glaring discrepancy. In fact, the Dharamsastras, which can be loosely equated to the constitution that the modern societies have, have highlighted the act of abortion as a crime and emphasized the importance of protecting the fetus and caring for the pregnant woman. There is a difference between socially acceptable and morally/religiously acceptable act. Abortion in current times is acceptable from legal perspectives in certain circumstances in India, where the rate of abortion is high among the Hindus. Though from the religious perspective, the law of Karma is applicable, the social sanctions might not be as stringent as suggested in the Dharamsastras; but the fruit of the action of committing abortion invites negative repercussions.

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References 1. Coward HG et al (1989) Hindu ethics: purity, abortion, and euthanasia. State University of New York Press, Albany 2. Daniel CM (2001) Sacred choices: the right to conception and abortion in ten world religions. Fortress Press, Minneapolis 3. Manu (2012) The laws of Manu (trans: Buhler G). Library of Alexandria (Kindle DX Version). Retrieved from Amazon.com

Absorption ▶ Meditation (Hinduism)

¯ ca¯rya A ▶ Guru (Hinduism)

Acculturation ▶ Sanskritization and Indian Tribes

Acintyabheda¯bheda Leena Taneja Department of Interdisciplinary Studies, Zayed University, Dubai, UAE

Synonyms Bhedābheda

Definition A philosophical concept developed by the Bengali School of Vaiṣṇavism also known as Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism, Bengali Vaiṣṇavism, or Chaitanya

Absorption

Vaiṣṇavism. The term means incomprehensible simultaneous dualistic monism or an inscrutable relation of difference in nondifference.

Introduction One of four principal saṃpradāyas or schools of Vaiṣṇavism, the Gauḍīya school dates back to the early sixteenth-century saint and mystic, Sri Chaitanya from Bengali, Orissa. Sri Chaitanya’s (1485–1538) deep devotion or bhakti for the deity of Krishna/Vishnu served as an inspirational catalyst that aided in the reformation of bhakti in Northern India. Although not a philosopher himself, Sri Chaitanya directed his principal disciples (the Six Vṛndāvana Gosvāmins) to develop and systematize the philosophy of Bengali Vaiṣṇavism. The best example of their doctrinal originality in the Bengali Vaishnava philosophy is found in the development and interpretation of the acintya-bhedābheda-tattva doctrine. The Sanskrit phrase comprises four important terms: acintya ¼ inconceivable, bheda ¼ difference, ābheda ¼ identity, tattva ¼ principle. Key textual sources for a systematic treatment of the acintya-bhedābheda-tattva doctrine include Sat Sandharbha by Jīva Gosvāmin, BrhadBhagavatamrta and Samksepa (a supplement) by Sanātana Gosvāmin, and the Laghubhagavatamrta and the Bhakti-rasāmṛta-sindhu by Rūpa Gosvāmin.

History Historically, the philosophical milieu of medieval India was defined by a variety of opinions regarding the meaning of identity and difference. These differing voices and speculations served, in part, to separate individual philosophical schools forming traditional allegiances or saṃpradāyas. Doctrinal divisions thus were drawn along philosophical differences regarding the nature of identity and difference, among other differences of course. Each school jostled to articulate and argue a unique standpoint that differentiated them from the others and most importantly from

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the influential school of Śaṁkaracharya. S.K. De writes in Vaiṣṇava Faith and Movement that the schools of Śrī, Brahma, Rūdra, and Sanakadi – saṃpradāyas associated with the names Śrī Rāmānujāchārya, Śrī Madhavāchārya, Śrī Vallabhāchārya and Śrī Nimbarkāchārya – wrote extensively against the purely monistic teachings (Advaita Vedānta) of Śaṁkara. Śaṁkara’s postulation that Brahman, the absolute reality, is one without a second left these bhakti schools little room for a dualistic conception of an individual soul’s longing for a personal deity. According to Śaṁkara, Brahman was pure intelligence (cin-mātram), and differences of the knower, the known, and the diverse forms of cognition are all imposed on it and are false. The falsehood that produces the “defect” (dośa) or difference (viśeṣa) which hides the true nature of reality is ignorance (avidyā or māyā). Difference is an illusionary defect because Brahman is a differentless identical entity and absolutely qualityless (nirviśeṣa). To protect the emotional relationship inherent between the devotee and the deity, which implies an essential dualism, the bhakti schools were forced to refute Śaṁkara’s monistic claims. S.K De concludes that each of these schools wrote fresh commentaries on the Vedānta-sūtra in which an attempt was made to establish a theory which would permit the individual exercise of love and piety in a world of reality, some of them maintaining a frankly dualistic position and others expounding various degrees of qualified dualistic views. Apart from the Advaita school, the two main Vaiṣṇava thinkers who shaped and influenced the Gauḍīya school are Śrī Rāmānujāchārya (1017–1137) and Śrī Madhvāchārya (1197–1276). Their positions can be summarized as follows: Śrī Rāmānuja’s philosophy of qualified nondualism (Viśiṣṭādvaita) rejected the nonqualified position of the Samkarites, arguing that Viṣṇu or Iśwara is qualified by cit (individual finite souls) and acit (unconscious matter). If Brahman is substance, then cit and acit are “His” attributes. Yet, since Brahman is never devoid of cit and acit, substance and attribute are inseparable. This is called Rāmānuja’s aprthaksiddhi or inseparability thesis. Brahman is both qualified

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and nonqualified or what is termed Qualified Difference. Rather than exclude all differences as māyā or illusion which the Samkarites do, Rāmānuja accepts that the world and the individual souls are real, yet holding this position does not compromise the unity of Brahman. Coming almost 200 years after Rāmānuja, Madhva’s dualistic philosophy (Dvaita), like Rāmānuja’s, rejected Śaṁkara’s view that the world and the individual souls are false appearances; he insists that duality is the reality, and nonduality is the figment of imagination. The phrase “Tat Tvam Asi” – You are That – which is used by Samkarites to argue for the oneness of Brahman, admits, says Madhva, two entities – You and That. Difference is inherent in the fundamental unity of Brahman. This was, in brief, the philosophical and historical climate in which the Gauḍīya school took root. The key philosophical proponents of the acintya-bhedābheda doctrine – Jīva Gosvāmin and Baladeva Vidyābhūṣaṇa (eighteenth century) – reconceptualized the doctrine of simultaneous oneness and difference to bear the distinctive philosophical influences of both Rāmānuja’s qualified difference and Madhva’s dualism. A better understanding of the various applications of this doctrine will be explored under four separate subheadings: Theology of Difference and Identity, Bheda and Śakti, Kṛṣṇa Bhagavan and the Jīva Ātman, and finally Devotion.

Theology of Difference and Identity In the Tattva-Sandharbha, one of the seven Sandharbhas written by Jīva Gosvāmin, he explains the nature of the supreme divinity using a tripartite model: Brahman, Paramātman, and Bhagavan. Each of these aspects of divinity are embodied in three separate Sandharbhas, wherein the principles of difference and identity are given a theological context. Brahman is nirviśeṣa or Śaṁkara’s undifferentiated conscious reality, which constitutes an incomplete manifestation. Paramātman is a partial manifestation and occupies a middle ground between Bhagavan and the Jīva ātman. This form is endowed with

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the powers of creation, sustenance, and dissolution of the world and is the inward regulator of the individual self. Finally, Bhagavan or Śrī Kṛṣṇa is infinitely qualified and is regarded as a full manifestation because he has no limit to his attributes, powers, activities, and personality. In defending the superior nature of Bhagavan over the Advaitin view, Śrī Jīva contends that Brahman is unqualified, while Bhagavan is infinitely qualified with innumerable śaktis or energies. Within Brahman these remain in a potential state, a kind of homogeneous state of indivisibility. Theoretically, Brahman may best be understood as a philosophical concept, whereas Bhagavan is the full actualization of all characteristics and qualities associated with the deity. According to Śrī Jīva Gosvāmin, for these reasons, Bhagavan represents the highest representation in the hierarchy of divine manifestations. Thus from this gradation, it can be seen that difference and quality is preferred over unity and nonattribution. The term nirguna meaning “without qualities” is used to describe the Brahman aspect of divinity; this linguistic device reflects the transcendent nature of Brahman. Brahman is beyond words, beyond sensory knowledge, so any linguistic or conceptual articulations are limitations that human comprehension is imposing on the deity. Such endeavors are not beneficial and an error in judgment. A Western equivalent is the theological term “negative theology.” For the Advaitin school this undifferentiated form of the absolute or pure consciousness, beyond all thought and speech, is the highest realization. The Gauḍīya school, however, considers the nirguna Brahman as an incomplete and imperfect realization. Bhagavan, they argue, is full of all qualities or (Purna abirbhava) subsuming the forms of both Brahman and Paramātman. Unlike the Advaitins who can appeal to the unity of Brahman to substantiate their claims of a higher conception, the Gauḍīya scholars have a much harder time in substantiating the simultaneous positions they hold of unity and difference. The key question is: What effect do these qualities or śaktis have on the unity of Bhagavan? The introduction of any differentiation is problematic because the principle of unity and identity will be compromised. Navigating this intellectual

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tightrope between unity and difference in Bhagavan is one that preoccupies Śrī Jīva Gosvāmin. He argues that the nature of the śaktis to Bhagavan is “acintya” or inconceivable, beyond the power of comprehension. According to the Gauḍīya thinkers, the presence of such mutually antagonistic propensities in Bhagavan is ample proof of his unthinkable nature. The Gosvāmins provide textual support from the Upanishads citing the Svetasvatara Upanishad, for example, which describes Bhagavan as at one and the same time smaller than an atom and greater than the greatest. Similarly, the Isopanishad describes Him as mobile as well as motionless, far as well as near. Paradoxical statements such as these, argue the Gauḍīya school, is sufficient proof of Bhagavan’s acintya nature. So the irreconcilable relation of identity in nonidentity, they argue, is yet another metaphysical paradox that coheres in divinity. In short, the theology of Bhagavan, as the Gauḍīyas understand it, inhabits a liminal space between identity and difference, which is never fixed but ever increasing. The following discussion will explain further Śrī Jīva Gosvāmi’s position on the principles of bheda (difference) and śakti (power).

Bheda and Śakti Śrī Jīva Gosvāmi agrees with Śaṃkara that the ultimate reality is a self-luminous, nondual supraconsciousness that, in theory, does not admit differences, modifications, and changes. He argues that it is devoid of three kinds of difference (bheda), namely, (1) difference within the same type (sajatiya bheda), (2) difference between two dissimilar things (vijatiya bheda), and (3) internal difference (svagata bheda). The distinction, for example, between an oak tree and a pine tree illustrates the first kind of difference. The distinction between an oak tree and a cow exemplifies the second type. The internal distinction between the branches, leaves, and trunk of an oak tree is the third kind of otherness. It is easy enough for Śrī Jīva, Śrī Rāmānuja, and Śrī Śaṁkara to agree that the ultimate reality is devoid of the first two kinds

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of difference. But differences of opinion arise with the third distinction, i.e., whether the absolute has any internal differentiation. Rāmānuja and Madhva answer in the affirmative, while Śrī Jīva sides with Śaṁkara in admitting that Brahman has no internal differentiation. Yet in siding with Śaṁkara, Jīva must then admit that the world and the Jīva Ātman are unreal, for that is the logical conclusion of Śaṁkara’s speculations. Pure monism demands that no other entities other than Brahman exist. However, like Rāmānuja, Jīva will argue that the individual souls and the world are also real – a seemingly inconsistent position: the world order with all its manifoldness is real, and at the same time the Absolute Reality is nondual in the strictest sense. Thus, Jīva Gosvāmin stands theologically between Śaṁkara and Rāmānuja in attempting to reconcile their seemingly contradictory positions. Śakti means power or energy. O.B.L. Kapoor defines śakti as that which is different from the object in which it inheres, because it cannot be conceived as identical with it. It is identical with the object because it cannot be conceived as different from it. Surendernath Dasgupta offers a causal definition of śakti. He states that śakti is “capacity” or “something that helps a cause to produce an effect.” Furthermore, Chakravarti explains that śakti has two parts – śakti (power) and the object to which it must adhere – the śaktiman (possessor of the power). The śakti and the śaktiman share a relation of inconceivable (acintya) separateness and inseparability. Like the burning power of the flame (śakti) and the flame itself (śaktiman), both substance and attribute are separate and inseparable. They are not two separate entities, but they deserve separate designations in view of some difference in their functions. According to Śrī Jīva, Brahman is śaktiman, the possessor of śaktis, which are like attributes that allow the śaktiman to perform certain functions like creating, modifying, acting, and transforming. Yet because these śaktis share a relation of identity and difference from śaktiman, these processes do not compromise the unity or integrity of the śaktiman. Śakti works relationally between identity (Śaktiman/Bhagavan) and

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difference (Jagat and Jīva ātman). Therefore, implicit in the causal relationship between śaktiman and śakti is continuous exchange of difference and identity in which the śaktiman and śakti vacillate between these nonexclusive positions. With this view of śakti, the nature of the ultimate reality comes into sharper focus. By Śaṁkara’s account, since Brahman is undifferentiated, there cannot be any śaktis for this would ascribe attributes and qualities to Brahman. Śrī Jīva employed the śakti/śaktiman distinction to show, against Śaṁkara, that differences are real, not illusions or māyā. But he had to ensure that by making such an assertion he was not divesting Bhagavan of his supreme unity. He solved this problem by inserting that the relation between śakti and śaktiman was inconceivable or acintya, that is, beyond human comprehension. This was Śrī Jīva’s unique contribution to the doctrine of simultaneous identity and difference. In this way, he employs the idea of acintya to deconstruct the monistic tendencies and conclusions of Śaṁkara in order to introduce the notion of difference into the Gauḍīya discourse, while also keeping the ontological integrity of Bhagavan intact. He strategically juxtaposes the principles of identity and difference by resituating their incompatibility in the incomprehensible space of acintya, thus bypassing or at least resolving to not resolve the paradox inherent in their simultaneous relation. Śrī Jīva does not hesitate to destabilize the relation between the Jīva ātman and Bhagavan by refusing to side with either identity or difference but some combination of the two.

Krsna Bhagavan and the Jīva-a¯tman ˙˙ ˙ The theological doctrine of acintya-bhedābhedatattva traditionally explains the cosmic, ontological relationship between the individual soul (Jīvaātman) and the divine being (Kṛṣṇa Bhagavan). Since the aim of the Gauḍīya path is pure loving devotion (bhakti) to Kṛṣṇa, the relationship between the Jīva ātman and Bhagavan is an important concern. In philosophical terms,

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Gauḍīya scholars describe this relationship as essentially one of differentiation within nondifferentiation in which the individual soul is seen as real and separate from the divinity, while still maintaining sameness with it. Krishna Sharma states that the Jīva ātman and Bhagavan, although not separate, are not one. The Gauḍīya tradition states that since the Jīva-ātman derives its origin from Bhagavan, it is not totally different from Bhagavan. But the living entity is also not identical with Bhagavan since to suggest such a claim would make it impossible to make a distinction between different individuals, and it would make each individual omniscient. So the Jīva-ātman is identical with, yet simultaneously different – both quantitatively and qualitatively – from Bhagavan. Rūpa Gosvāmin describes this complex relation combining nondifference and difference as the relation between a spark flung from a fire. In this illustration the spark is neither totally different from nor absolutely identical with the fire, which is its source. The spark shares the quality of heat and burning with the fire, but it is not the same as the fire. His older brother, Sanātana Gosvāmin uses the analogy of the ocean and a droplet from the ocean, which both share the quality of the ocean, yet still they are different. The term for sameness or “ābheda” in the Vaiṣṇava model is neither identity (whole) nor entirely difference (a part) but both, and in some sense therefore, it deliberately transcends and eradicates any hierarchy and rejects erecting a third alternative in its place. The Jīva ātman always remains a part (amsa) of the infinity, and even a momentary identification with Bhagavan would make the Jīva infinite, which is not possible. Resemblance connotes relationality, while identity denotes oneness, not separateness. Bipin Chandra Pal argues that absolute duality leaves no room for relations, nor does absolute identity. Relation implies differentiation in unity. The theology of Bengali Vaiṣṇavism is built on this experience which is a synthesis of monism and dualism. He goes on to argue that acintyabhedābheda is difference inside identity and identity inside difference.

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Devotion In Gauḍīya theology, the practitioner’s religious experience reflects its ontological relationship to the divine. The ontological relation of alterity and difference shapes the nature of the practitioner’s emotional relation to Kṛṣṇa. Since this existential relation can be described as a liminal play between identity and difference, the bhakta’s experience with Kṛṣṇa Bhagavan shares the emotional overtones embedded in both principles; the bhakta is both at one with Kṛṣṇa and alternatively at one with the alterity of Kṛṣṇa. The individual soul experiences relations of union and separation, but because of its ontological distance from Bhagavan, separation or difference is highlighted and given a more prominent place in the bhakta’s experience. Separation from Kṛṣṇa is favored over union or mokṣa, a Vedantic goal, which is largely ignored by Gauḍīya practitioners because of the joyful ecstasy that comes from experiencing God as “Other.” The argument given by Vaiṣṇavas is that if individuality were given up through a communion with the divine, the specific type of pleasure that comes only from a relational experience of differentiation is lost. There is joy in union, but the pleasure of separation is higher and more gratifying. The proverbial saying is that a Vaiṣṇava wants to taste the sugar (difference), not become it. The aim of the Gauḍīya religious path is not to lose individual being, (but rather) the aim of bhakti (love) is the transformation of identity, not the Vedantic identification with the nondifferentiated One. Consequently, spiritual transformation, as it is described here, is a recovery of “sameness as difference” from Kṛṣṇa and the abandonment of an identity of sameness. A Jīva ātman searching for Kṛṣṇabhakti finds itself or loses itself in the liminally charged space of sameness on the threshold between union (sambhoga) with and separation (vipralambha) from the Kṛṣṇa-Bhagavan. Bhakti or pure love for the deity is located in the absence of oneness, in the experience of belonging and disbelonging where the Jīva-ātman and Kṛṣṇa are perennially negotiating their positions

Acintyabheda¯bheda

between bheda and ābheda. The acintya effect creates a surplus whereby the experience of loving Kṛṣṇa is always deferred and delayed due to the inconceivable quality of the Jīva-Bhagavan relation. The Jīva is constantly longing and praying for Kṛṣṇa. It is a love of anticipation that is more keenly expressed by their distance from Kṛṣṇa, which never subsides but constantly defeats their expectations for union. This kind of love at a distance is more highly valued in the Gauḍīya school. June McDaniel insists in The Madness of the Saints that love at a distance is more powerful than direct love. Love works negatively in this tradition since it always succeeds in transgressing and overcoming the devotee’s expectations. It never rests but continually surprises, inspiring the devotee’s love to ever-greater heights of ecstasy.

Commentary At the heart of this complex relation of terms is an inherent and enigmatic contradiction between the relation of identity and difference. Philosophical and theological speculations by Gauḍīya theologians do not seek to solve or reconcile this contradiction; instead they explore the tensions and expansions both metaphysical and devotional they obtain when nonidentity is placed alongside identity. The binary configuration of identity in nonidentity opens up an interpretative space where new positions for the deity and the individual human soul, which is striving for perfection, self-understanding, and bliss, can be found. Thus, the oppositional nature of the bheda/ābheda duality presents a hermeneutical opportunity which the Vṛndāvana Gosvāmins take full advantage of in order to push the discourse on the relationship between Bhagavan and the Jīva ātman into new hitherto uncharted territory. The boundaries of Bhagavan and the Jīva become blurred and confused as oneness is asserted while difference is maintained simultaneously. In the end, the terms “identity” and “difference” become redefined as neither fixed nor essential but dynamic principles that challenge the limits of their binary.

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The reasons for this formulation may be twofold: Śrī Jīva wanted to carve out a unique philosophical position for the Gauḍīya school that held onto the unity of Bhagavan, while providing the qualitative difference required by all the Vaiṣṇava schools. Moreover, the addition of acintya introduced a mystical element that reflects the emotional content missing from the Rāmānuja school to underscore the inexplicable bond of love or premā that dominates the relations between Kṛṣṇa and the bhakta, which supersedes all rationalizations and conjectures. The acintya quality reflects how the ways of divine love render logic and reason ineffective, keeping the struggle and dissonance between identity and difference from finding resolution. Desiring to make room for the “other” and the unexpected, Śrī Jīva keeps open the dialecticism of identity and difference through the irresolvable incomprehension of the acintya concept. In this way, he interrogates the identity proposition of Śaṁkara by refusing to homogenize Brahman and pressing the identity discourse toward a discourse of otherness and difference, which more readily defines the Gauḍīya theological position.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Anubhava ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Bhakti ▶ Brahman ▶ Hinduism ▶ Jīva Gosvāmin ▶ Philosophy ▶ Soul

References 1. Majumdar KA (1969) Caitanya: his life and doctrine: a study in Vaiṣṇavism. Bharatiya Vidya Bhāvan, Bombay 2. Chhagnnal L (1989) Philosophy of Bhakti. B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi

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18 3. Chari SMŚ (2000) Vaiṣṇavism: its philosophy, theology and religious discipline. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Chakravarti CS (1969) Philosophical foundation of Bengal Vaiṣṇavism. Academic Publishers, Calcutta 5. Dasgupta S (1922) History of Indian philosophy, vols I–III. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 6. De SK (1961) Vaiṣṇava faith and movement. Oriental Press, Calcutta 7. Elkman MS (1986) Gosvāmin’s Tattvasandharbha. A study on the philosophical and sectarian development of the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava movement. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 8. Haberman DL (1988) Acting as a way of salvation: a study of Raganuga Bhakti Sadhana. Oxford University Press, New York 9. Haberman DL (1994) Journey through the twelve forest: an encounter with Krishna. Oxford University Press, New York 10. Hawley JS (1981) At play with Krishna: pilgrimage dramas from Brindavan. Princeton University Press, Princeton 11. Hardy F (2001) Viraha Bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, Oxford 12. Kapoor OBL (1977) The philosophy and religion of Śrī Caitanya. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 13. Kumar AR (2002) A discourse on Bengali Vaiṣṇavism. Punthi Pustak, Kolkata 14. Majumdar AK (1969) Caitanya: his life and doctrine: a study in Vaiṣṇavism. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 15. McDaniel J (1989) The madness of the saints: ecstatic religion in Bengal. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 16. Mukhopadhya D (1990) Religion, philosophy and literature of Bengali Vaiṣṇavism. B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi 17. Pal B (1962) Bengali Vaiṣṇavism. Yugayatri Prakashak, Calcutta 18. Sharma K (1987) Bhakti and the Bhakti movement: a new perspective. A study in the history of ideas. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 19. Werner K (1993) Love divine: studies in Bhakti and devotional mysticism. Curzon Press, Richmond 20. Wulff DM (1984) Drama as a mode of religious realization: the Vidagdhamādhava of Rūpa Gosvāmi. Scholars Press, Cico

A¯davalla¯n ˙ ▶ Naṭarāja

Adhika¯ra Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition “Competence” or “jurisdiction” or even “authority” to accomplish a certain ritual act, to study a specific subject matter, to exercise a particular activity, to enjoy the fruits of moral acts.

Adhika¯ra The Sanskrit term adhikāra derives from the root kṛ “to make” with the preverb adhi “over, above, concerning.” The general meaning of the root modified by the preverb is “to superintend, be at the head of,” “to be entitled to.” Terms connected with adhikāra from the semantic point of view are adhikaraṇa (originally and from the grammatical point of view, “location,” subsequently and from the juridical point of view, “court of justice”), meaning a topic in a treatise; adhikārin “possessing competence or authority, entitled to, fit for,” and in the juridical acceptation “superintendent.” The term adhikāra has different fields of use: in the ritual sphere it indicates the competence to accomplish a certain ritual or sacrificial act; in the domain of law it denotes the jurisdiction or even authority to exercise a particular activity; in education and epistemology, the competence (the right, but more than this, the obligation) to study a specific subject matter; and finally in the moral field, both the right and the obligation to enjoy the fruits (phala) of one’s own moral acts. In the ritual context, from the point of view of the philosophical school of the “first exegesis,” pūrvamīmāṃsā, adhikāra indicates the range of application, the scope of a statement, reduced to a single significant word. As such, adhikāra is one

Adhika¯ra

of the six kinds of propositions: definition (saṃjñā), metarule (paribhāṣā), general injunction (vidhi), restricted injunction or prohibition (niṣedha), topic assessment (adhikāra), and adaptation or extended application (ūha). We may call adhikāra the eligibility to sacrifice and adhikārin the person entitled to enjoy the fruit (phala) of the sacrificial act. The famous sentence “he who desires heaven should perform the sacrifice” (svargakāmo yajeta) denotes in its first word at the same time the adhikārin and the fruit he is aspiring to reach through the sacrifice. The same sentence, being a prescription related to a topic, adhikāravidhi, can explain the difference between the prior goal (heaven, svarga) and the bliss of the sacrificer (being a human goal, puruṣārtha), in force of the practice of the technical “splitting of the sentence,” vākyabheda, into its constituent parts ([1]: 11, 15; [2]). In this context, adhikāra may be even translated with “qualification” [3] as a distinct attribute of the person whom some injunction concerns. The juridical use of adhikāra, strictly bound to its ritual meaning, has to do with both entitlement and obligation to act in the legal sphere, a legal status conferring responsibility, bound to a specific social position. The possession of specific social attributes may, for example, exclude a subject from the range of legal witness in a legal trial: a palmist, a dishonest merchant, a bird hunter, a physician, an enemy, a friend, and an actor cannot be heard as witnesses (Mahābhārata 5, 35, 37). The eligibility to act in the name of the sovereign may be conferred temporarily or definitely by the king to some appointed officers, and a specific figure of “law officer,” dharmādhikārin, is deputed to judge in matter of dharma. In this juridical acceptation, adhikāra has to do even with the right to transfer properties ([4], 70; [5], Vol. 2, 86–91; [6]). The absence of a juridical adhikāra has the effect to undermine and to almost annihilate moral responsibility, as is the case with śūdras, due to the fact that they have no access to the Veda, the only effective source of dharma (Manu Smṛti 10, 126; for details of the debate see [7–15]).

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From the point of view of the best way to structure knowledge into a philosophical treatise (epistemology), and to communicate this knowledge to disciples (pedagogy), adhikāra [16] means a topic needing an explanation. The most used method to introduce this explanation is the indeclinable word atha, an auspicious and inceptive particle corresponding to something like “now” and “then” at the same time, and indicating, at the very incipit of a treatise, the will to explain the topic indicated by the immediately following word. The most celebrated example of this methodology is the incipit (śāstrārambha) of two works attributed to Patañjali (and it is even considerated as a sort of stylistic fingerprint of the author by those who consider these two authors being one and the same Patañjali, not two homonymous authors): the Yogasūtra begins with atha yogānuśāsanam “and now the teaching of yoga,” and the Great Comment (Mahābhāṣya) to Pāṇini’s Eight day Grammar (Aṣṭādhyāyī) begins with atha śabdānuśāsanam “and now the teaching of word” [17]. In this case, atha works as a sort of illocutionary act, being able to begin a teaching and to validate its content [18]. It is to be noted that in traditional grammar (vyākaraṇa) properly, adhikāra is practically synonymous with anuvṛtti “continuation”: an adhikārasūtra does not prescribe an independent grammatical operation like a vidhisūtra, it merely introduces a word which is to be continued in the section concerned (as in Aṣṭādhyāyī 7,3,10; [19]). Within the moral field, adhikāra in the sense of the competence or eligibility to reap the fruit of virtuous and vicious acts, being the basis of the system of retribution of action (karman) and of the consequent belief in transmigration (saṃsāra), is put in doubt by the Bhagavad Gītā, the celebrated devotional poem inserted into the Mahābhārata, where Kṛṣṇa suggest to Arjuna that he has adhikāra to act, but not to reap the fruits of his own acts (Bhagavad Gītā 2, 47). Being entitled to accomplish (no more ritual, but moral) acts does not mean that one is entitled to reap the fruits of these acts. If these fruits are

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dedicated to God, it is possible to avoid moral consequences at all, be them good or bad. Finally, for Śaṅkara ([20]: 11) the adhikārin, one who possesses adhikāra, is the qualified aspirant for liberation, the eligible person to go beyond saṃsāra. In order to fulfill this qualification, he must satisfy four moral prerequisites (sādhanacatuṣṭaya): the ability to discriminate between eternal and not eternal (nityānityavastuviveka); the absence of greed to obtain desire and to avoid pain in this world or in the other world beyond (ihāmutrāthaphalavairāgya); the obtainment of calm, temperance, spirit of renouncement, strengthness, concentration, and faith (śamadamādisādhanasampatti); and a strong longing for liberation (mumukṣutva).

Cross-References ▶ Arjuna ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Mahābhārata

References 1. Verpoorten J-M (1987) Mīmāṃsā literature. In: Gonda J (ed) A history of indian literature, vol VI, fasc. 5. O. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 2. Smith FM (1987) The vedic sacrifice in transition. A translation and study of the Trikāṇḍamaṇḍana of Bhāskara Miśra. BORI, Poona, pp 59–63 3. Potter KH (2008) Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies, volume XVI. Philosophy of Pūrva-Mīmāṃsā. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Davis DR (2004) The boundaries of Hindu law. Tradition, custom and politics in medieval Kerala. Corpus Iuris Sanscriticum, Torino 5. Derrett JDM (1977) Essays in classical and modern Hindu law, vol 4. Brill, Leiden 6. Derrett JDM, Doniger W (eds) (1977) The concept of duty in South Asia. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi 7. Sarasvati K (1992) Mīmāṃsākośa. Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi. (Ist ed. Wai 1952): Part I, 282-315 8. Perry BM (1997) Early Nyāya and Hindū orthodoxy: ānvīkṣikī and adhikāra. In: Franco E, Preisendanz K (eds) Beyond orientalism. The work of Wilhelm Halbfass and its impact on Indian and cross-cultural studies. Rodopi, Amsterdam, pp 449–470 9. Bilimoria P (1993) Is “adhikāra” good enough for “rights”? Asian Philos 3(1):3–14

Adhya¯tma 10. Clooney FX (1988) “Devatādhikaraṇa”: a theological debate in the Mīmāṃsā- Vedānta tradition. J Indian Philos 16:277–298 11. Clooney FX (1990) Thinking ritually. Rediscovering the Pūrva Mīmāṃsā of Jaimini. Publications of the De Nobili Research Library, Wien 12. Clooney FX (1993) Theology after Vedānta. An experiment in comparative theology. SUNY Press, Albany, pp 134–141 13. Halbfass W (1991) Tradition and reflection. Explorations in Indian thought. SUNY Press, Albany, pp 66–74 14. Lariviere RW (1988) Adhikāra: right and responsibility. In: Jazayeri MA, Winter W (eds) Languages and cultures: studies in honor of E.C. Polomé. Mouton, Amsterdam, pp 359–364 15. Jhalakikar MB (1996) Nyāyakośa, or dictionary of technical terms of Indian philosophy. BORI, Poona, pp 14–15 16. Lubin T (2010) Adhikāra. In: Jacobsen KA et al (eds) Brill's encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol II. Brill, Leiden, pp 671–674 17. Slaje W (ed) (2008) Śāstrārambha, inquiries into the preamble in Sanskrit. O. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 18. Austin JL (1975) How to do things with words. Oxford University Press, London 19. Bhate S (1987) The meaning-adhikāras in the Taddhita section of the Aṣṭādhyāyī: an analysis. Indo-Iran J 30(2):81–92 20. Grimes J (1996) A concise dictionary of Indian philosophy. Sanskrit terms defined in English. SUNY Press, Albany

Adhya¯tma ▶ Psychological Method

Adhyayana, Adhya¯pana, Anuśa¯sana, Pa¯thana ˙ ▶ Education, Hinduism: Ancient, Classical, Modern, and Contemporary

Adi Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Adi-Dharma/Sarna Dharma: A New Age Religion of Adivasis in Jharkhand

Adi-Dharma/Sarna Dharma: A New Age Religion of Adivasis in Jharkhand Madhu Khanna Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India

The designations of “New Age” are applied to emergent faiths that have risen in the second half of the twentieth century. They offer innovative counter-culture responses to the socio-cultural or political conditions of the modern world yet are umbilically rooted in their ancient identities. Adi-dharma “Primal Religion” of Jharkhandis is also referred to as Sarna-dharma. It derives its name from the word “Sarna,” meaning sacredgrove, and dharma, a set of religious beliefs. It is also referred to as Sari-dharma, Jehar-dharma, and Bongism (named after their god). The concept of Adi-dharma was coined by the late Ram Dayal Munda (b.1939–2011), one of the most respected voices of the Jharkhand movement and a dynamic leader of his community. Munda’s main concern was to reestablish the lost identity of a large section of long marginalized tribal communities living in the Chotta Nagpur Plateau region. The tribal collective consisted of the Mundas, Oraons, Santals, Hos, Kudumis, and the Baigas, among many others. These communities have ancient roots and follow the norms of nature worship. Their cultures were preserved orally wherein their set of religious rites, ethical codes and customs, their arts, and origin narratives are transmitted orally from generation to generation. Despite their rich heritage and ancient roots, these communities suffered under the unequalled and ambiguous social structures in postindependent India. The hegemonic apparatus of the government machinery had lumped them under the broad category of the scheduled tribe and had failed to give them constitutional recognition in the census of India depriving them of their rights to follow their primal religion and take pride in their long-standing Adivasi heritage. The

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demand of the tribal collective of the region is that the Adi-Dharma should be recognized as an independent religion separate from Hinduism or Christianity. The genesis of Adi-dharma is intricately woven into the fabric of the Jharkhand movement. The Jharkhand movement is one of the oldest autonomy movements in tribal India in postindependent India. The followers have been organizing protests and petitions to have their religion recognized in the census of India to grant them a distinct Sarna code rather than labeling their religion under the category of the anonymous “other.” Munda spear-headed the movement as well as founded the basic tenets of the formation of Adivasi religion. For Munda, the reinvention of Adi-dharma is one of the main pillars of Jharkhand identity. In his seminal work Adi-dharma, Munda states: “By Adi-dharma we mean the basis, the roots, the beginnings (adi) of the religious beliefs of the Adivasis, the first settlers of India. Behind this effort of analysis and determination of the roots, our purpose is to set participate in the process of setting up at the national level – a religious system on the basis of which the selfconfidence of the Adivasis could be restored and re-awakened, and in the absence of which the religious identity of the Adivasis is probably almost negligible.” ((R.D. Munda 2014: 1). Ram Dayal Munda’s main concern has been to protect the distinctive identity of the Adivasis that had been “hijacked and internalized” by other religious systems, mainly Evangelistic Christianity and Hinduism. His mission was to awaken the people of that region to take self-pride in their religious heritage. The recreation of the egalitarian norms of Adi-dharma would strengthen their lost identity and save them from the “diku” – an outsider exploiter. The religious praxis, of the Adivasis in Jharkhand, have been rather eclectic but syncretic in nature. The Oraon and the Mundas recognize huge number of major and minor deities who are invoked around the yearly cycle – the sowing season, rice-planting (Rao Bonga); harvest (Jom Nawa); Ox festival (Sohrai Bonga); malignant spirits invoked during the time of social crisis are called upon by the priest (Pahan) and witch-

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Adi-Dharma/Sarna Dharma: A New Age Religion of Adivasis in Jharkhand

doctor (Mati). The high gods are propitiated by sacrificial offerings of chicken or cock. The goddesses are revered at the time of epidemic and illnesses. There are clan spirits, such as Khuntabhuta, household and ancestral spirits, and mysterious powers that have an impersonal connection with symbols such as Jatra-flags, weapons, musical instruments, groves, lakes, and village wells. What Ram Dayal Munda did was to distill the universal elements from the existing belief systems. He rejected worship in Mosques or temples and the role of the religious specialists who act as mediators, pandits, padris, and maulavis. The key element of the Adi-dharma is that their spiritual and devotional practices center on nature-spirits and the invisible power of nature permeating creation; the primal communities have abiding link with the source of energy behind natural phenomena and all forms of biotic bodies such as mountains, rivers, trees, lakes, etc. The symbiotic relationships permeate at various levels: human-nature, human-animal, and their relationship of the Adivasis with cyclic patterns of sacred time, which marks their seasonal celebrations and bonding with natural sacred spaces such as the sacred-grove (sarna) where the seasonal rituals take place. This is compounded by a cultural world view which reflects their unique leisure and pleasure activities and artistic pursuits – music and dance – that accompany each of the celebrations and bring the communities together. Although ethnic diversities remain, the primal communities are united in their nature-sensitive world-view and a marked awareness for appropriating greenconsciousness and a reverence for nature. Munda was successful in reconstructing a new-age religion connecting the theo-centric god, the creation, the earth, and the human beings through their mutual interdependence and relationships. Hence, in the brief manifesto the wrote, he states, “God is bound through kinship with human kind”: The nature bodies (hills, rivers, and groves) are the dwellings of god; the Adi-dharma is timeless, self-born with creation, and is not dependent on any avatar or prophet; and this form of religion is based on close partnership, and reciprocal relationship of respect for nature, and does not consider human kind to be masters of the entire creation but as guardians of

the mother earth. In their belief-system, there is no notion of heaven or hell, merit or sin. A socially approved act is meritorious, and an antisocial act is sinful. Existence is never-ending and eternal; this is reflected symbolically as a return of the departed soul as a shadow (R.D. Munda, 2014: 45–46). The eco-centric religion brings into harmony the moral, ethical, cultural, and social values. The natural religion, thus, is a worldview in and of itself comprising many universal elements, and immersive experience of collective memories, grounded in harmonious coexistence of the ancient Adivasi way of life. There are three main festivals that are observed. The harvest festival falls between August and September, on a full moon night. The festival is dedicated to the worship of Karam tree, symbolizing God’s power and youthfulness. The branch of a Karam tree (Neolamarckia Cadamba) is carried from the forest accompanied with great fanfare with beat of drums, to the grove and worshipped with germinated grains. The Sarhul festival marks the advent of the spring season. It is a unique festival in which thousands of tribals gather together to pay their homage and gratitude to the Sal tree (Sheora robusta). Trees are worshiped as they are a source of sustainability and livelihood, with invocations for sharing “a land for all – an earth for all.” Sohrai is a livestock festival of cattle observed as gratitude to mother earth. The Sarhul festivities are performed in the Sarna-sthal, the sacred grove of the Sal trees by the village members where Singbonga and mother goddess “the lady of the grove” are propitiated for the renewed and continuity of vegetative fertility. All the celebrations are accompanied by the drum beats, folk dances, and merrymaking with partaking of rice-beer (handia), an indigenous alcoholic drink relished with delicacies prepared for the occasion. The significant feature of Adi-dharma is that it has evolved as a “cultural reconstruction project” that would facilitate their integration with the modern world. It brings together the mosaic of diverse but interrelated practices of the tribals in that area under a single umbrella. This has tended to create a transethnic unity claiming the status of nationality.

Adivasi

Further Reading 1. Amit J (2009) Contemporary Religious Institutions in Tribal India (place of publication not identified, Lulu. com 2. Dutta S (2009) Adi-dharm and Jharkhandi Culture: understanding Adivasi existence in relation to the environmental identity and environmental heritage of Adivasi-moolvasi communities of Jharkhand. Sahitya J Comp Lit Assoc India 8, September 2019 3. Munda RD, Bose Mallick S (2003) The Jharkhand Movement Indigenous peoples struggle for Autonomy of India, IWGIA document no. 108, Copenhagen. Other Media Communication, New Delhi 4. Dalton T Descriptive ethnology of Bengal 1872, Calcutta office of the superintendent of government printing

A¯ditya ▶ Sūrya (Sun)

Adivasi Vinay Kumar Srivastava Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi, New Delhi, Delhi, India

Synonyms Tribal epics

Definition The term adivasi is used for tribespersons in India and Bangladesh and in Sri Lanka for one of their communities, Vedda. Etymologically, it is made up of two words, adi, meaning the “pristine time,” and vasi, the “dweller.” Thus, adivasi implies the “dweller of the pristine time.” The terms the British used for adivasi communities were “jungle tribes,” “early tribes,” “animistic people,” and “aboriginals.” Each of these words laid emphasis on one or the other aspect; for instance, the term “jungle tribe” made reference to the place where

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they had their abodes, or “animistic people” meant those who believed in the existence of soul (anima) independent of the body.

Meaning of Adivasi These meanings of adivasi also include the ideas of the “indigenous people,” “original inhabitants” (mulnivasi), “autochthones,” and the “first settlers.” In popular discourse, adivasi are believed to possess in an unadulterated form the characteristics of their primeval ancestors. Paradoxically, they are often understood as enduring unchanged or changing infinitesimally. In political discourse, however, they are said to have been dispossessed over time of their lifeline resources and rights by the marauding outsiders, generally called “nontribal,” who eventually succeeded through their sinister strategies and untrammeled force in making adivasi serfs in their own land. Since the history of their exploitation and oppression is encapsulated in this term, many tribespersons in India want to call them and be known by others as adivasi. Not only do they want the world to know that they are the “original inhabitants” and the “first colonizers” of their land but also that they have been ceaselessly suppressed, mutilated, and plundered by the successive streams of migrants to their territories. It is unsurprising then that in tribal areas an unbridgeable distinction is drawn between the “insiders” and the “outsiders,” the “sufferers of inequality” and the “inflictors of injustice.” In tribal Bihar, for instance, the outsiders are loathingly called diku, a term for “foe” and “exploiter”; they are defined as those who have alienated the adivasi from a dignified existence. The interest groups of the adivasi have time and again urged upon the state to urgently redress their dehumanization at the hands of the outsiders.

History of the Term Adivasi It seems that in the 1930s, the term adivasi came into currency in the tribal heartland of Bihar. In 1938 was founded an association with the name of

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Adivasi Mahasabha, the objective of which was to work for the “constitutional rights for the Adivasis of the region” ([5], p. 150). To counter this was established another association named Adivasi Seva Mandal, under the presidentship of B.G. Kher, the aim of which was, in the words of Mahatma Gandhi, the “service of the adivasi.” Gandhi rejected the use of the colonial terms like “aboriginal” and “animistic” for the tribal people and wanted that they should be called by an indigenous term, namely, adivasi. He also thought that his close follower, A.V. Thakkar, had coined this term. The truth, however, is that Thakkar called communities like Bhil, Santal, Gond, and many others asalvatani (literally, the “pure people of the country”), pointing toward their status as the “original inhabitants.” Hardiman, an eminent subaltern historian, learned in 1985 from a close associate of Thakkar that the latter picked up the term adivasi from a tribal political leader of south Bihar and then started using it consistently in his writings and speeches; so did Gandhi till his death ([5], p. 151). During this period, some other terms also appeared for the tribespersons, such as raniparaj, kaliparaj, and girijan. They referred to the “people who lived with wild animals,” the “dark complexioned,” and “hill dwellers.” Like adivasi, they also tried to stress the “primitiveness” of people; but none of them could have more than regional popularity. Similar was the case with bhumijan, meaning “people of the soil,” a term that Verrier Elwin, a well-known tribal ethnographer, preferred for tribes [4]. Here, he intended to draw attention to the “attachment of tribal people to earth,” rather than to their indigenousness. In his long association with the Baiga (of Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh), he found that for them, the earth was their “mother,” and they vehemently rejected any prospect of shifting over to plough (hal) cultivation from shifting cultivation (bewar), for they thought it would amount to lacerating the “breasts of the mother earth.” They also believed that the earth would always produce enough for them to survive well. In case they ever aroused her anger, they would be in the midst of calamities and annihilation [2]. Against this backdrop, Elwin

Adivasi

thought that the word bhumijan conveyed well the tribal spirit of existence and therefore, in comparison to adivasi it was the most suitable term for them; but like the other words, it also did not catch on.

View of Hindu Nationalists: The Idea of Backward Hindus The Hindu nationalists were, however, opposed to the use of the term adivasi for tribal people. They thought it would imply that the outsiders, who were Hindu landlords, usurers, and liquor vendors, usurped their land, stripping them of their control over resources. In this line of thinking, adivasi would be opposed to the Hindu. Here, they argued, the problems these people faced because of rapacious moneylenders and landlords were similar to the experiences of the Hindu communities. The exploiters did not make a distinction between the communities. In fact, the cause of tribal immiseration did not rest in their contact with Hindu civilization, as was being made out, but in the diabolical economic and social policies the colonial administration had initiated, which eventually led to a siphoning of the local resources (wood, minerals) the British needed for quickening industrial growth at home. Proceeding with this line of thinking, G.S. Ghurye, a Bombay sociologist, argued that the distinction between tribe and caste that the British created was spurious [3]. It was another instance of creating fission in society, pitting one group against the other. Those labeled as adivasi (or “tribal”) were in fact part of Hindu society, he submitted, who had remained “imperfectly integrated” all these years. Ghurye also called them “backward Hindus” ([3], p. 19). The need of the hour, therefore, was to integrate them with Hindu society, rather than “isolating” or “separating” them, as Elwin had proposed, for safeguarding their interests [2]. Against this backdrop, the term adivasi was destined to create fissiparous tendencies in society. Ghurye’s approach was “assimilationist,” trying to merge tribal communities, which as a result of historical accidents had

Adultery (Hinduism)

been marginalized, with the mainstream of Indian society.

Adivasi and Scheduled Tribes When the Constitution of India was being drafted, a strong demand of tribal leaders, particularly Jaipal Singh Munda, the founder of the Adivasi Mahasabha, was to designate their societies as adivasi for all provisions under the policy of protective discrimination and affirmative action programs [6]. However, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the Chairman of the Constituent Assembly entrusted with the task of drafting the Constitution, preferred the term “Scheduled Tribe,” which he thought had a “fixed meaning.” For him, adivasi was a “general term,” having “no specific legal de jure connotation.” Since then, for administrative and bureaucratic purposes, the term used is “Scheduled Tribe,” and not adivasi, but in popular and journalistic contexts, these two terms are used interchangeably. At this juncture, it may be noted that these two terms are qualitatively different and serve different purposes. If adivasi refers to the “original and autochthonous people,” “Scheduled Tribe” is a constitutional term for those communities which under Article 342 of the Constitution are granted a set of privileges for their uplift. If adivasi can generate sentiments for cementing ties among people, initiating their ethnopolitical movements, “Scheduled Tribe” is neutral with respect to this. While the number of adivasi communities tends to remain the same over time, Scheduled Tribes are increasing each year. Contemporarily, India has not less than 700 Scheduled Tribes, constituting around 8.2 % of the total population. A myriad of claimants from different parts of India, belonging to varying classes and ethnic groups, have approached the courts of law for their inclusion in the list of Scheduled Tribes. As and when these cases are favorably decided, it is obvious, the number of Scheduled Tribes will swell. As tribals are free from the stigma of untouchability, more and more communities compete for the status of the Scheduled Tribe. Finally, for ascertaining the adivasi status of a community,

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we need archaeological as well as historical evidences, whereas inclusion of a community in the list of Scheduled Tribes is dependent upon its contemporary social and economic indexes. The Indian situation presents a paradox. While the Indian state rejects the idea of any of its communities as being indigenous [1], the use of the term adivasi in popular discourse is on increase. Not only that, sometimes the government departments celebrate the contributions that tribes have made to the country using the notion of adivasi for them. Undoubtedly, its sentimental grip on people and their institutions is very strong.

References 1. Béteille A (1998) The idea of indigenous people. Curr Anthropol 39(2):187–192 2. Elwin V (1939) The Baiga. John Murray, London 3. Ghurye GS (1959) The scheduled tribes. Popular Book Depot, Bombay 4. Guha R (1999) Savaging the civilized: Verrier Elwin, his tribals, and India. Oxford University Press, Delhi 5. Hardiman D (2003) Gandhi, in his time and ours. Permanent Black, Delhi 6. Parmar P (2012) Undoing historical wrongs: law and indigeneity in India. Osgoode Hall Law J 49(3):491–525

Adultery (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Adultery, sometimes found in the form of incest, is a consensual sexual act between two persons who are not in a conjugal relationship with each other. Adultery is considered sinful and wrong in Hindu traditions, so much so that it is also unlawful and criminal under Section 497 of the Indian Penal Code. The Hindu Dharmaśāstras forbid

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any type of sexual union or act – physical, mental, or emotional – outside the socially sanctioned marriage institution (8:352) [1]. According to the Bhagavad Gītā, a “corrupt woman” destroys family values. This further leads to the destruction of the clan (1:60–62) [2]. The Manusmṛti implores the ruler to free the state from adultery, assault, theft, defamation, and violence (5:154; 8: 386–387) [1]. In the Apaddharmanuśāsana Parva of Śānti Parva of the Mahābhārata (Section CLXV), there is a dialogue between Bhishma and Yudhishthira where Bhishma asserts that adultery is a major sin and recommends punishment for the one who is proven guilty of it [3]. A ruler is advised to put a woman who abandons her husband of a higher caste to a lower caste person in front of dogs to be devoured in the midst of an immense concourse of spectators. Likewise, a wise ruler should punish a male person committing adultery under similar circumstances by putting him upon a heated iron bed. Small sticks are tied together for burning a fire underneath to punish the culprit thereon [3].

Adultery and Hindu Gods/Gods Adultery is a very common sin, and some Hindu gods are depicted as engaging in incest and adultery not only in their heavenly abode but also on earth. Some often visit earth to seduce women. Quite surprisingly, Hindu scriptures are filled with many licentious stories of gods – starting from Brahma (the creator of the universe) and Vishnu (the protector of the universe) to Indra (the king of gods) and Agni (the fire god). While reading such narratives in the Hindu Scriptures, one must remember that adultery and incest are man-made terms, and only humans are bound to them, not the Gods and minor gods. An immortal thus cannot be punished for something that would be a sin for a mortal, which is why Ahalya bears the brunt of the punishment when she is found guilty of committing adultery with Indra [4]. The story of Brahma (one of the three main Gods in Hinduism) and Saraswati (the goddess of learning/knowledge) is an example of one such narrative whose reference is found in many Hindu

Adultery (Hinduism)

Scriptures, including the Matsya Purana (III.32), Aitareya Brahmana (III.33), Bhagavata Purana (III.12.28), Shiva Purana, Jnanasamhita (49: 65–80), and Satapatha Brahmana (I.7.4) [5]. Brahma created his daughter Saraswati from his own seminal fluid. Later on, he became so enamored of her after seeing her beauty that he wanted to have her. Saraswati, in turn, ran in all directions to save herself but could not escape from her father’s lust. Consequently indulging in incest and adultery, they lived for 100 years and had one son, Swayambhumaru, and a daughter, Satarupa, thereafter. Another version of the same story states that Brahma, in the process of creation, created Saraswati and became attracted to her. His heads grew out in all directions while gazing, chasing, and following Saraswati. Shiva, the God of destruction, grew angry witnessing this obsession of Brahma and cut his fifth upward head and cursed him not to be worshiped by anyone [6]. However, finally, father and daughter came together for creating life in the universe. In the Srimad Bhagavatam (9.14.36–38), at one place the Apsara (nymph) Urvashi tells Narada (the reporter of the gods) that women are cunning like foxes and merciless, and that they can do anything irreligious for their own pleasure, including killing their husband and brother, and that they are naturally seduced by men [7]. The Shiva Purana’s Uma Samhita (5.24.16–36) indirectly makes women responsible for adultery. It states that upon seeing a man, their vaginal passage naturally opens and begins to release slimy secretions like water dripping from a leather bag [8]. However, there is one story in the Hindu Scriptures where the six wives of the Saptarishis (“seven cosmic seers”) were accused of adultery with Agni. Once Shiva let loose his semen to be caught by Agni (“the fire god”) in his mouth, and accidentally the semen seeped into the six wives’ bodies while they were sitting near a fire to ward off the cold. Therefore, they were cursed as Krittikas (the Pleiades) and became stars. Much notoriety has been drawn by Indra (“the king of gods”) through duping Ahalya, the wife of the sage Gautama. Indra changed his shape to look like Ahalya’s husband and seduced her. In the epic Ramayana, this story has special

Advaita Veda¯nta

significance, for the lord Rama found Ahalya and rewarded her for her devotion and restored her as chaste to her husband [4]. Following Rama’s grace, Ahalya has been included among the five ideal women of Hinduism, Draupadi, Mandodari, Sita, and Tara. In the Shiva Purana (Ch 23.38–45), Vishnu is said to have seduced Vrinda/Tulsi for which he had been cursed by her [8].

Adultery and Social Conduct The Tirukkural, the South Indian ethical masterpiece, states that one who commits adultery can never be free from sin, hatred, disgrace, and fear (146) [9]. The Vishnu Purana even warns people of mental adultery and instructs them not to think about another’s wife. If someone indulges in mental adultery, then such an individual will be reborn as a creeping insect and fall into hell (3.11) [10]. In the Atharva Veda, a hymn describes mental adultery and expresses a desire to be free from it. It says, “Sin of the mind, go away, and go away from here. I do not want you. Go to the forests” (6.45.1) [11]. Further, the Manusmriti raises doubt over women’s behavior and prescribes a strict code of conduct for men so that they may not succumb to evil desires and corrupt their families (9.14–15) [1]. The consequences of adultery have been discussed in the Bhagavad Gita – the admixture of castes will ruin families and lead the members to hell (1.41–43) [2]. Manusmriti also affirms that adultery is the root cause of the destruction of everything (8.353), and even it proposes many provisions to stop it from monetary fine to severe physical punishment (Ch. 8 & 9) [1].

27 4. Hinduism and Adultery (n.d.) Retrieved from https:// www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_extramarital.asp 5. Vatsayana (1993) The Kama Sutra of Vatsayana: the classic Hindu treatise on love and social conduct. Introduction by John W. Spellman, Penguin, London, pp x–xv 6. Pattanaik D (2014) Myth ¼ Mithya: decoding Hindu mythology. Penguin UK, London 7. Bhaktivedanta PAC (1984) Śrīmad Bhagavatam: with the original Sanskrit text, its roman transliteration, synonyms, transl. and elaborate purports by A. C. Bhaktivedanta swami Prabhupāda. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, New York, pp 36–38 8. Menon R (2006) Siva: the Siva Purana retold. Rupa, New Delhi, pp 16–36 9. Tiruvaḷḷuvar, Subramuniyaswami SS (2000) Tirukural. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, p 146 10. World Scripture – Adultery (n.d.) Retrieved from https://www.unification.net/ws/theme059.htm#16 11. Whitney WD, Lanman CR (1962) Atharva-Veda Saṁhitā. Harvard University, Cambridge/MA. 1905

Advaita ▶ Kabīr

Advaita – Non-duality ▶ Bahiṇābāī

Advaita Veda¯nta Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms References 1. Buhler G (2004) The laws of Manu. Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, pp 141–198 2. Prabhupada ACBS (1986) Bhagavad-gita: as it is. The Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, Mumbai, pp 60–62 3. The Mahabharata, Book 12: Santi Parva: Apaddharmanusasana Parva: Section CLXV, p 360. (n.d.) Retrieved from https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/ m12/m12a164.htm

Kevalādvaita; Nondualism; Śaṅkara Vedānta

Definition Advaita Vedānta is a nondualistic system of Vedānta expounded primarily by ācāryya Śaṅkara in a systematic way. The most fundamental thesis

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of advaita vedānta is that brahma is the ultimate reality, and that the world is sublated and the jīva or the individual self realizes its identity with the Brahman.

Introduction Vedānta or Uttara Mīmāṃsā is one of the six main orthodox (āstika) schools of ancient Indian philosophy. Vedānta is based on philosophical ideas and reflections contained in the Upaniṣads, which form the last part of the Vedas. Alternatively Vedānta is also referred to as the best part of the Vedas. Upaniṣads form the jñāna kāṇḍa or “Knowledge-Section” of the Vedas and constitute the main or fundamental basis of Vedānta ([1], p. 7). The Upaniṣads, the Bhagavad-Gītā, and the Brahma Sūtras are the fundamental texts of Vedānta which together constitute the prasthānatrayī ([2], pp. 6–7, [3], pp. 100–101). Every school of Vedānta interprets these texts according to its own line of thinking. Although the Upaniṣads contain rich and luminating reflections, they do not present the reflections and thought in a rigorously worked out system of doctrines. Vedānta draws upon upaniṣadic ideas and presents them in a form of interconnected system or doctrines with explanations and argument. Vādarāyana is not the first person who systematize vedāntic thought in his Brahma Sūtra, for Vādarāyana himself refers to six ācāryyas – Āśmarathya, Bādari, Auḍulomi, Kāśakrtṣna, Kārṣnājini, and Ātreya, who preceded him in this task of systematization or summarization of vedāntic thought ([4], p. 163). The aim of the Brahma Sūtras by ācāryya Vādarāyana is to systematize the diversity of the teaching of the Upaniṣads. The Brahma Sūtras contains cryptic aphorisms which lend themselves to different interpretation. So there follow different commentaries and explanation by philosophers ([5], pp. 26–27) who interpreted the text by their own lights and gave rise to various exegetical exercises of the Brahma Sūtra, resulting in the formation of the different schools of Vedānta, such as Advaita, Viśiṣṭādvaita, Dvaita, Śuddhādvaita, Dvaitādvaita, Acintya Bhedābheda.

Advaita Veda¯nta

Beginning of Advaita Veda¯nta Advaita Vedānta, founded principally on the teachings of Ādi Śaṅkara (788–820 AD), is a form of nondualistic Vedānta philosophy ([6], p. 98–106). Associated with advaita Vedānta are some predecessors of ācāryya Śaṅkara. The first philosophers to whom advaita Vedānta owes its origin are Yājñyavalkya and Uddālaka, in addition to the afore-mentioned six ācāryyas referred to by Vādarāyana. Some of the important figures of advaita Vedānta in the period between Vādarāyana and Śaṅkara are Bodhāyana, Brahmanandin, Draviḍācārya, Taṅka, Sundarapāndya, Bhart ṛprapañca, and Gauḍapāda (c. century CE) ([7], p. 111). Gouḍapāda kārikā believed to have been composed by ācāryya Gauḍapāda, the paramaguru (teacher’s teacher) of ācāryya Śaṅkara, is the earliest surviving advaita text ([8], p. 12). The doctrine that emerges from the Kārikā is that the nature of ultimate reality is nondual (advaita) and that the brahman and the atman is one and the same thing and that the changing world of multiplicity is completely illusory (māyā), so much so that it had not been there at all. The kārikā was important enough for Śaṅkara to write a commentary and contributed to the development of his own advaita philosophy.

Central Philosophy of Advaita Veda¯nta The central thesis of Śaṅkara’s Advaita Vedānta is that Brahman is the only reality and there is no other object in competition to be regarded as real ([9], p. 9). What happens then to be jīva or the individual selves and the world of change or multiplicity that we experience? Śaṅkara here has a major task of explaining the relationship of Brahman (the ultimate reality) with individual self (ātman) on the one hand and with the experienced world (jagat) on the other. Śaṅkara uses the concept of adhyāsa or superimposition in the course of establishing his nondualistic position that the Brahman is the only reality. A man mistaking a coiled rope for a snake in semi-darkness is due to superimposition of the snake on the rope. Śaṅkara does not admit

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of any distinction due to names and forms but appears, on a cosmic scale, as the world of multiplicity under the superimposition of names and forms. What is responsible for the superimposition of such distinction on the Brahman? According to Śaṅkara, it is māyā or the cosmic power of illusion that is responsible for the introduction of the distinction of the individual selves and the phenomenal world of multiplicity. For Śaṅkara, the ātman or the individual selves is ultimately identical with Brahman and the appearance, on the empirical level, of different individual selves (jīva) and the experienced phenomenal world (jagat) is sublated on realizing the identity of the ātman and the Brahman ([10], p. 14). This is similar to the case of the sublation of the snake when one realizes that it is just a rope. When the former happens on the cosmic scale, the latter happens on an individual level. Liberation, on Śaṅkara’s view, is the realization of the identity of the ātman with Brahman ([11], p. 183). The question of the ontological status of māyā or the cosmic power of illusion and its relation with Brahman has been a matter of much debate in Indian philosophy.

acquisition of knowledge of Brahman comes from the performance of karma without desire for results and as dedicated to God (or Saguṇa Brahman). The Vivaraṇa School originates with Prakāśātman’s (12th c.) Pañcapādika Vivaraṇa, which is a commentary on Pañcapādika by Padmapādācārya (8th c.). The Vivaraṇa school hold, following Prakāśātman (12th c.), that māyā or mulāvidyā is of a positive nature and is beginingless. The Vivaraṇa School proceeds from the epistemological point of view and differs from Bhāmatī in holding that the Brahman is the locus and content of avidyā. This view has been criticized on the ground that Brahman as pure consciousness cannot be a host to avidyā or ignorance for it would result in the attribution of contradictory qualities to Brahman. In contrast to Bhāmatī, Vivaraṇa holds that performance of karma is for attainment of the knowledge of Brahman. Bhāmatī holds that the performance of karma without desire for results, as pointed out above, is for the acquisition of the desire for attainment of the knowledge of Brahman.

Schools of Advaita Veda¯nta

Literature of Advaita Veda¯nta

Within the ambit of advaita vedānta, there are several schools which deal mainly with the problem concerning the concept of māyā in its cosmic aspect and avidyā in its individual aspect, apart from working out the logical consequences of other advaita doctrines. Of the four schools of Advaita Vedānta, the Bhāmatī and Vivaraṇa School are still there today, while the Pañcapādika and Īṣṭa-Siddhi school have lost their separate status and were absorbed in the Vivaraṇa school ([12], p. 34). Vācaspati Mishra (8th c.) in his Bhāmatī, a commentary on Śaṅkaracaryya’s BrahmaSūtra Bhāṣya, proceeds from the ontological point of view and maintains that, Jīva or the individual self is the source of avidyā or ajñāna. Meditation, according to Bhāmati, is a way for the individual self to ascend to the state of liberation ([12], p. 37 and 43). On the Bhāmatī view, desire for the

Let us now mention some of the important contribution to Advaita Vedānta made by Śaṅkara and some other subsequent to him. There was no systematic attempt to establish the tenets of Advaita Vedānta before Śaṅkara. His magnum opus, the commentary on the Brahma Sūtra, is the first text that seeks to establish the advaita vedāntic position in a systematic way. His commentaries on the ten principal Upaniṣads and the Bhagavad Gītā, together with his original work Upadeśasāhaśri, also constitute significant contribution to philosophy from the advaita point of view ([13], pp. 34–35; [10], p. xvii). Some of the main texts on advaita philosophy of the Post-Śaṅkara period are the following: Vārttika on ācāryya Śaṅkara’s Taittiriyopaniṣadbhāṣya, Bṛhadāranyakopaniṣad-Bhāṣya, Naiṣkar myasiddhi, and Mānasollāśa, all by ācāryya Sur eśwara (century); Pañcapādikā by Padmapādācār

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yya (8th century); Hastāmalakīyam by ācāryya Hastāmalaka (8th century); Bhāmatī by Vācaspati Miśra (841–900); Saṅkṣepa-Śārīraka by Sar vajñātma Muni (850–950) Khaṇḍana-khaṇḍakhādya by Śriharṣa (1169–1225); PañcapādikaVivaraṇa by Prakāśātma Yati (AD 1200); Citsukhī by Citsukha (1220); Tīkās (or further explanation of the commentaries) on almost all the commentary (Bhāṣyas) of Śaṅkara composed by Ānanda Giri (1200); Īṣṭasiddhi by Vimuktātma (1200); VedāntaKalpataru by Amalānanda (1247); Pañcadaśī by Vidyāranya (1350–1386); Vedāntasāra by Sadananda Yogindra (1550); Vedānta-Paribhāṣā by Dharmarāja Adhvarindra (1550–1650); Advaitasiddhi by Madhusudana Saraswati (1565–1650); and Parimala by Appaya Dikṣita (1600) ([14], p. 418–420). In modern times, Swami Vivekananda, who played a major role in the revival of Hinduism, gave a catholic and synthetic interpretation of Advaita Vedānta ([15], p. 3) who make it acceptable all religious seekers of liberation or ultimate truth, Brahman or god, however one may put it ([16], p. 17). Vedānta as interpreted by him has been called neo-vedānta. Swami Vivekananda’s main thrust in interpreting Vedānta was religious rather than philosophical. For Vivekananda, as a seeker of ultimate spiritual truth, the philosophical differences between the different systems of Vedānta, dualist and nondualist, were not of much important to him. “Dualism and all systems that had preceded it are accepted by the advaita not in a patronising way, but with the conviction that they are true manifestations of the same truth, and that they all lead to the same conclusions as the advaita has reached” ([17], p. 33). This conviction came to him in the course of his relentless striving for the attainment of the state of highest spirituality. According to Swami Vivekananda, jīva is neither the body, nor the organs, nor is it the mind. It is ultimately the same as Existence, Knowledge, and Bliss absolute (Saccidānanda) ([17], p. 100). Thus, every man is essentially divine or pure consciousness, untouched by birth and death, since we all are essentially of the same nature. Vivekananda made it clarion call to everyone to rise above distinction of caste, creed, or

religion or prejudice to work for the welfare of others in the spirit of service to God. Thus, Vivekananda’s great contribution was to take advaita Vedānta out of the narrow boundaries of abstruse philosophical discussions into the broad area of service to humanity.

Cross-References ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Brahman ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vedānta, Overview

References 1. Deutsch E, Buitenen JABV (1971) A source book of Advaita Vedanta. The University Press of Hawii, Honolulu 2. Grimes JA (1990) The seven great untenables: SaptaVidhā Anupapatti. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 3. Koller JM (2013) Shankara. In: Meister C, Copan P (eds) Routledge companion to philosophy of religion. Routledge, London 4. Carr B, Mahalingam I (2005) Companion encyclopedia of Asian philosophy. Routledge, London 5. Nicholson AJ (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York 6. Meister C, Copan P (2007) The Routledge companion to philosophy of religion. Routledge, London 7. Bhattacharyya A (1962) Vedanta Darshaner Itihas. Calcutta University, Calcutta 8. Potter K (1998) Advaita Vedanta up to Samkara and his pupils. In: Encyclopaedia of Indian philosophies, vol III. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 9. Deutsch E (1973) Advaita Vedanta a philosophical reconstruction. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 10. Mayeda S (1992) A thousand teachings: the Upadeśasāhasrī of Śaṅkara. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 11. Comans M (2000) The method of early Advaita Vedānta: a study of Gauḍapāda, Śaṅkara, Sureśvara, and Padmapāda. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 12. Roodurmun PS (2002) Bhamati and Vivarana schools of Advaita Vedanta. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 13. Leesa SD (2010) Advaita Vedānta and Zen Buddhism: deconstructive modes of spiritual inquiry. Continuum studies in Eastern philosophies. Bloomsbury Academic, London 14. Dasgupta SN (2015) A history of Indian philosophy, vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Africa, Hinduism in 15. Eliot D (1996) Advaita Vedānta: a philosophical reconstruction. University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu 16. Gavin DF (1996) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK 17. Vivekananda S (2010) Practical Vedānta. Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata

Aesthetic Relishing ▶ Rasa

Africa, Hinduism in P. Pratap Kumar School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu Natal, Durban, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa

Synonyms Diaspora; East Africa; Gujarati; Indians; Migration; South Africa; South Asians

Definition Hinduism in Africa refers to presence of Hinduism in Africa either through the work of people of Indian origin or through the appropriation of it by African people through their own beliefs.

Introduction In presenting Hinduism in Africa, this entry limits itself to three important regions – East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania), Southern Africa (South Africa), and West Africa (Ghana). The reason for this limitation is that although there are Hindus throughout Africa presently as India begins to expand its trade with Africa, the three regions mentioned have come to represent the vibrant emergence of Hinduism on the African

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continent unparalleled with countries elsewhere in Africa. Contact between Africa and India is steeped not only in history and geography but also in mythology and folklore. In paleogeography it is believed that once upon a time, the two regions, Africa and the Indian subcontinent, were part of one land mass known as Gondwana. According to Wikipedia, an Austrian scientist, Eduard Suess gave the name which is believed to be derived from the Sanskrit word gondavana (forest of the Gonds) [10]. Although one could speculate about origins of Hinduism in Africa going back to very early times, historically the three regions of Africa that are profiled in this entry have been linked to India through colonialism.

West Africa West Africa (Ghana) is a somewhat special case in regard to the presence of Hinduism there. Unlike the normal process of emergence of Hinduism either through the organic evolution due to the presence of Hindu community or through missionary activity of neo-Hindu organizations, Hinduism in Ghana has emerged primarily through indigenous initiatives. There is a belief in African culture that foreign healers and powers are greater than local ones. In this regard Wuaku argues “that the Ghanian discourse on Hinduism’s wonder working, magico-religious power is a product of local imagination and indigenous religious creativity. It originated in local interpretations of narratives about powerful Hindu gods and spirits, and other imaginaries about India that flowed from India into Ghana after the Second World War – interpretations largely informed by Ghanaian cultural notions” ([9], pp. 2–3). Therefore in understanding Hinduism in West Africa in general and Ghana in particular, we need to look at alternative ways in which Hinduism was established. In this context, Wuaku’s work is seminal for our understanding. Also key to our understanding of West African Hinduism is the groundbreaking work of Henry Drewal [3, 4]. According to Henry Drewal West African early interest in Indian rituals and

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beliefs is related to the worship of Mami Wata and snake charmers thought to be from India. The establishment of colonial power in Africa by the mid-nineteenth century made available to the West African society the images and beliefs from India that inspired the “dramatic developments in Mami Wata beliefs, iconography, and ritual performances” ([3], p. 110). Mami Wata is thought to be a water spirit from India who traveled to West Africa and is said to be the most beautiful and has the powers to both destroy and bestow gifts on her devotees. In iconography she is depicted as the mermaid with flowing hair and is identified with the Indian goddess Lakshmi. As the images of Indian gods and goddesses began to appear in photos and chromolithographs in West African coast (Nigeria, Sierra Leon, Gambia, and Ghana) and in particular the images of snake charmers, Drewal argues that “[T]he enormous popularity of the snake charmer lithograph led to a growing African market in Indian prints of Hindu gods, goddesses, and spirits over the last thirty years” ([3], p. 116). In this regard, the supply of these prints by the Gujarati traders is also underlined. Additionally Wuaku notes that stories about Ghanaian medicine men, women, and charm makers traveling to India “for the purpose of revamping their powers or to consult with Indian spiritual agents, still circulates in Ghana, telling of how Mami Wata ferries these local purveyors of spiritual powers across the oceans to their destinations in India” ([9], p. 43). The early interest of African people in Indian pantheon was to tap into the mysterious powers they thought the deities possessed. As Drewal points out – “In the beginning, Africans considered the prints simply as “decoration” until they began to “study” them. When they studied them, or interpreted their iconography, they came to view the prints as religious icons that held secrets to be unlocked. More importantly, Africans determined that there was a direct connection between these Indian images, the beliefs associated with them, and Indians’ success in financial matters (just as mermaids and other icons such as marine sculptures and saints’ statues had been linked with European

Africa, Hinduism in

wealth and power). But Africans were not content simply to study images, they began to analyze Indian actions as well. They examined Hindu rituals in relation to these religious icons and attributed their own meanings to them. Finally, Africans enlarged the knowledge gained from the images and the actions of Hindus by seeking additional information in their books, pamphlets, and religious paraphernalia. Using all these resources, Mami Wata devotees continue to evolve an elaborate faith, actualizing it in their sacred spaces and ritual performances” ([4], p. 173). Coupled with this interest among the West African people, Wuaku points out that the Ghanaian soldiers who served in the British army during the World War II also were instrumental in transporting the Hindu religious ideas, particularly related to that of Shiva to Ghana. Wuaku recounts in his ethnographic accounts as to how Ghanaian soldiers survived in South Asia by deploying magio-religious powers that they acquired from their Indian contacts ([9], p. 47). Wuaku further notes, “[I]n one story featuring the powers of Shiva, the Hindu deity, a soldier from the village of Larteh had a Shiva devotee for a lover during the war. The lover introduced the soldier to Shiva worship and taught him to chant Om, a symbolic mystical Hindu utterance, whenever he was in danger. According to the story, any time the fighting would become fierce and the soldier wound sense that the situation was getting out of hand he would chant ‘Om’ three times and miraculously the tide would begin to turn in his favor” ([9], pp. 47–48). Soon such accounts spread throughout the rural side of Ghana and influenced local people to turn to these foreign powers. Two important Hindu religious traditions became established in Ghana. One is directly related to the indigenous people’s acquisition of foreign cults and the other is the Hare Krishna movement. Evolving out of the indigenous interest in foreign mystical powers, a strong Shaivite worship became entrenched in the Ghanaian society. The establishment of Shaivite worship is connected to a local healer by the name Kwesi

Africa, Hinduism in

Esel who became deeply influenced by the foreign powers and, due to his desire to acquire those healing powers, went to India. After living for a while among monks in the Himalayas, he returned to Ghana and established “The Hindu Monastery of Africa” along the lines of the Divine Life Society and traced his lineage to Swami Sivananda after he was initiated by him in 1975 in Ghana. Esel’s monastic order is Saivite. Kwesi Esel developed an eclectic form of Hinduism drawn from the Saiva background and mixed with African beliefs and practices and spread it throughout many villages in Ghana, and he became very popular as a miracle worker among the village folk. Among other things, the miracles, according to Wuaku, formed the basis for the Hindu monastic order ([9], p. 103). The monastic order that was established in Odokor has a temple which is replete with not only Hindu symbols but also local Akan religious symbols; the practice of occult rituals is well known in the community although they are said to be done in relative secrecy – “One rumour goes that because Hindu religion involves occult practices and is associated with sorcery, Swamiji deliberately planted the trees to hide the temple so that they could perform their rituals in secrecy” ([9], p. 106). In this sort of integrating Shiva worship with African indigenous rituals, Wuaku suggests that Shiva worship has been domesticated in Ghana. Although, it does follow some core neo-Hindu life style such as following a vegetarian diet, nonviolence, and asceticism, these are not prescribed for the general followers. The community at the monastery follows “weekly congregational devotion, yogic meditational exercises, the chanting of mantras and selfless service to larger society” ([9], p. 123). The festival of Navaratri and the worship of Durga have a particular impact on women in the organization. The other tradition that has become successful in Ghana is the Hare Krishna movement (The International Society for Krishna Consciousness). An itinerant leader of the Hare Krishna Movement from India, Swami Jalaka Das, visited Ghana, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone around 1977–1978

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and enlisted a few members into the movement. In 1979 another group of Hare Krishna members from the USA led by Bhakti Tirtha Swami visited to strengthen the establishment of the movement firmly. In 1980 a temple was established in Lagos, Nigeria, and in 1981 they rented a house in Alajo, Ghana, to begin the work of the movement, and in 1982 a second temple was established in Odokor, Ghana. In 1990, the temple was shifted to Akrade, Ghana, but soon they returned to Odokor as it was more accessible to people. The temple and the movement are led by Prabhu Srivas, a Nigerian married to a Ghanaian ([9], pp. 152–153). For local people, the Hare Krishna movement was another example of the power of foreign gods and may begin to convert to the movement due to the “miracles” associated with it. The Radha Govinda temple of the Hare Krishnas was later established near Accra on the way to Meidi. The main temple communities are located in Accra, Kumasi, Winneba, Tarkwa, Nkawkaw, Sunyani, and Takoradi. There are life members who contribute to the organization, and outside members live mostly around Accra and other distant places. Each of the temple has a leader and Prabhu Srivas is the main leader of the movement ([9], pp. 159–165). As in most Hare Krishna temples, the daily routine in the temples begins in the early morning around 3:30 and 4:00 a.m. and by 6:30 a. m. the devotees begin to arrive for the morning rituals. In Ghana both the Hindu Monastery of Africa and the Hare Krishna temples were largely led by local people and both forms of Hindu practice led to a substantive “Hinduization” of West Africa. The roles of miracles and other indigenous beliefs are largely the reasons for the success of these organizations.

East Africa Linguists, anthropologists, and ethnologists have for some time suggested links between India and Africa. East Africa south of Abyssinia was generally known as “India Tertia” ([6], p. 21).

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Homburger also suggested that connections between South India and East Africa date back to pre-Christian era ([6], p. 19). Another source for earlier connections between India and East Africa is from AD 60 the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea – which is attributed to a Greek sailor ([2], p. 33). Alpers suggests that certainly by the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries, there is evidence of the presence of Gujarati traders in East Africa who were brought there by the Muslim sultanate in Gujarat ([1], p. 24) but, with the arrival of Portuguese in East Africa, that the conspicuous presence of Gujarati merchants becomes visible ([1], pp. 30–33). By the mideighteenth century, they began to remain for longer and make more permanent settlements ([2], p. 34). It was however with the introduction of indenture system both in East Africa and South Africa during the British colonial rule that more Indian presence became a permanent feature in these parts of Africa. In the case of East Africa, the Sultan of Oman Seyyid Said moved his capital from Muscat to Zanzibar which enabled more Gujarati merchants to arrive under the Sultan’s patronage. The general colonial economic policy of the British initially gave generous titles and grants to the Gujarati merchants in Uganda and in Tanganyika for supporting the British ([5], p. 261). In the postcolonial period, most Gujarati merchants left East Africa (Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania) to settle in various western countries such as the UK and the USA. The general social background of the Gujaratis included Bhatia, Lohana, Bania, and Patidar [8].

Temples and Spiritual Gatherings Perhaps the most prominent Hindu religious organization that has flourished in recent years is the Swaminarayan movement. In the last two decades, the BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha has built four major temples in Nairobi and Mombasa (both in Kenya) and in Dar es Salaam and Mwanza (Tanzania) and built religious centers at

Africa, Hinduism in

Nakuru, Eldoret, and Kisumu. Swaminarayan branch is a Gujarati Hindu institution. Through their temples and satsanghs at these temples, they disseminate Hindu religious ideas to the larger society. Through weekly assemblies and monthly and annual festivals, they gather to celebrate their Hindu heritage. They have a large temple in Kampala (Uganda). In fact, there are two Swaminarayan temples in Nairobi – one that was built in 1945 and has a different organizational background that distinguishes itself from the newer temple and the older one that is affiliated to the order of Acharya Devendraprasadji and was built by Tejendraprasadji Maharaj. The newly built Swaminarayan temples both in Nairobi and elsewhere affiliate themselves with Pramukh Swami Maharaj. Annual camps known as “Shibir” are ways through which the Swaminarayan community encourages youth to cultivate Hindu ideals and engage in spiritual exercises. In addition to the Swaminarayan temples, there are two temples of ISKCON branch in Kenya. Comparable to the success of the Swaminarayan movement in East Africa is the presence of The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) group. The ISKCON organizes periodically major festivals in celebration of Krishna, their beloved deity. In January 1998, the ISKCON organized a major spiritual tour called “East Africa Spiritual Revival Tour” covering Kenya, Uganda, and Tanzania. Their aim was to bring about Krishna consciousness among the people of not just the Indian community in East Africa but the entire African society included. Since then such festival tours became more or less annual events – 2003, 2004, and 2005. In 2009, they organized a major tour called “Harinama with Mahavishnu Swami” mainly through the streets of Nairobi city in Kenya. They also organized a major festival in the town of Kisumu in Kenya during the same year. The tour covered several towns and villages throughout Kenya and then went on to cover Uganda. It is through these festivals and spiritual tours that the Hare Krishnas as they are

Africa, Hinduism in

popularly known make their presence felt among the African communities. They target communities that are not restricted to the Indians but the rest of African society. This way, they hope to claim certain universality of their faith. Also there are a Sri Venkateswara temple in Nairobi and a Sri Ayyappa temple largely established by South Indian communities. During October 2010, the Telugu Hindu community organized an impressive festival of “Brahmotsavam” at the Sri Venkateswara temple in Nairobi. The Telugu community is a relatively small group established in the last decade due to opportunities that became available to Indians in the information technology field. What is interesting is the recognition of prominent members of the Telugu Hindu community as well as the religious leaders and priests during the festival. Perhaps most visible parts of the program were the religious music festival and the procession through the streets of Nairobi with members of the community dressed and decorated in the various forms of deities such as Vishnu, Brahma, and Shiva. The Satya Sai Baba organization is also quite visible in East Africa, mainly Kenya. Their work is characterized not only by their religious work but significantly in the field of education. They have in recent years established schools in relatively remote places like Kisaju, Kenya, in an effort to offer educational facilities to African children. In addition to Satya Sai branches, there are six Brahma Kumari centers in Kenya. They mainly teach Vedanta philosophical ideals and draw largely women to their gatherings.

South Africa Indian presence in South Africa formally begins with the introduction of indenture system of labor in the Natal colony during the mid-nineteenth century. Between the period of 1860 and 1911 nearly 146,000 Indians in 364 ships were brought to Natal colony as part of the indenture system. There were also non-indenture Indians who were known as “passenger Indians” who came at their

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own expense to trade in South Africa. And these passenger Indians were mostly from Gujarat. The indenture workers came from both South India and North India, and while South Indians became homogenized into two groups, Tamil and Telugu, the North Indian groups became homogenized into the broad category of Hindi-speaking community [7]. As most indentured laborers worked under most difficult conditions and while the merchant Indians faced several obstacles for trading, South Africa gave rise to great freedom fighters such as Mahatma Gandhi who lived in South Africa from 1893 to 1914 and led a movement that is widely known as Satyagraha. Even after the end of the British colonial rule and the subsequent rule by the Afrikaner-dominated National Party, the citizenship status of the Indians was only settled in 1961 ([7], p. 6). From the very onset the indentured laborers began to build temples and shrines throughout Natal and later in other parts of South Africa. The initial period of temple building enabled the Hindus to maintain their religious beliefs and practices albeit in very rudimentary ways as most of them came with neither educational background nor middle-class social background. They were mostly from rural parts of India and brought with them the many popular Hindu festivals and rituals that they entrenched in Natal. As majority of them came from non-Brahmin communities, the predominance of nonBrahminical rituals and celebrations such as Mariamman, Draupadi Amman and Gangamman, Sitala, Hanuman, and Ganesha are more common forms of religious expressions. One unique feature of Hindu temples in South Africa is their ability and willingness to make them as inclusive as possible to cater to a wide variety of religious and regional orientations that early indentured Hindus brought with them. As such in one temple complex, such as the Sri Vaidyanatha Eswarar temple on Umgeni Road in Durban contains the main temple dedicated to Shiva, an adjoining smaller temple for Vishnu, and on the far end of the complex a Goddess temple dedicated to Mariamman.

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While the initial period until the first decade of the twentieth century was dominated by the temple-based ritual traditions, since 1905 with the arrival of the Arya Samaj and thereafter several other neo-Hindu movements and their leaders, Hinduism in South Africa began to be transformed to include more Vedanta-based traditions. While the Arya Samaj attempted to reform Hinduism in Natal by emphasizing the ancient Vedic teachings and Havan ritual and the sixteen traditional Hindu samskaras, it also created a division within the Hindi-speaking communities between those who called themselves Sanatanists (traditionalists) and those who identified themselves as Arya Samajists. The other organizations such as the Ramakrishna Centre of South Africa (established along the teachings of Ramakrishna Mission) and the Divine Life Society of South Africa emphasized the Vedanta teachings and weekly satsanghs for their followers. South African Hindu practice could be summed up between these two broad orientations, viz., temple-based ritualism and Vedanta-based neo-Hinduism. However, Hindus generally are used to frequenting both these centers of traditions as most Hindus are not sectarian oriented but rather more inclusive. There is a growing trend among the youth and educated middle class to oscillate towards the Vedantabased organizations, but one finds that the temple-based ritual orientation is just as dominant to date.

Conclusion The Hindu religious traditions that continue to flourish in Africa are varied. As we noted, the West African Hinduism is mostly syncretistic and is driven by the local interests and beliefs of indigenous African people. The East African Hinduism is mostly of Vaishnava orientation due to the presence of the Gujarati merchants. The South African Hinduism on the other hand is a mixture of a strong non-Brahmanical rituals and Brahmanical temples as well as the continuously emerging Vedanta-based neo-Hindu organizations.

Cross-References ▶ Draupadī ▶ Nationalism (Hinduism) ▶ South Africa ▶ Telugu ▶ Women, Overview

References 1. Alpers EA (1976) Gujarat and the trade of East Africa, c. 1500–1800. Int J Afr Hist Stud 9(1):22–44 2. Amiji H (1975) The Bohras of East Africa. J Relig Afr 7(Fasc 1):27–61 3. Drewal HJ (1988) Interpretation, invention, and representation in the worship of Mami Wata. J Folklore Res 25(1/2):101–139 4. Drewal HJ (1988) Performing the other: Mami Wata worship in Africa. TDR 32(2):160–185 5. Gregory RG (1981) Co-operation and collaboration in colonial East Africa: the Asians’ political role, 1890–1964. Afr Affairs 80(319):259–273 6. Homburger L (1956) Indians in Africa. Man 56:18–21 7. Kumar PP (2013) Hinduism and the Diaspora: a South African narrative. Rawat Publishers, Jaipur 8. Pocock DF (1957) “Difference” in East Africa: a study of caste and religion in modern Indian society. Southwest J Anthropol 13(4):289–300 9. Wuaku AK (2013) Hindu Gods in West Africa: Ghanaian devotees of Shiva and Krishna. Brill, Leiden 10. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gondwana. Accessed 23 Aug 2013

A¯gamic Traditions ▶ Tantra, Overview

Agastya Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition Agastya is a seer (ṛṣi), associated with Vasiṣṭha, husband of Lopāmudrā, and bound to the practice

Agastya

of curse (śapa), a sort of culture hero connected with the process of Sanskritization of Southern India.

Agastya Agastya (Agasti) is a seer, ṛṣi, considered to be the author of a number of hymns in the Ṛgvedasaṃhitā. According to the Ṛgveda, Agastya and Vasiṣṭha are sons of Mitra and Varuṇa, whose seed fell from them at the sight of the celestial nymph Urvaśī. Known also as Maitravāruṇi (son of Mitra and Varuṇa) and Aurvaśīya (son of Urvaśī), Agastya was born into a water jar, circumstance from which he derives his names Kalaśisuta, Kumbhasambhava, and Ghaṭodbhava; when he was a child, he was very small, a span in length, circumstance from which he derives his name Māna (a measure of two añjalis that is a measure of corn, sufficient to fill both hands when placed side by side, equal to a kuḍava). Probably later than Vasiṣṭha though associated with him, he is not one of the Lords of offspring, Prajāpati, the primordial beings created by the demiurge Brahmā (Marīci, Atri, Aṅgiras, Pulastya, Pulaka, Kratu, Vasiṣṭha, Pracetas or Dakṣa, Bhṛgu, Nārada). His main name Agastya (Agasti) derives etymologically from aga, “mountain” (etymologically “not moving”), plus asti, “thrower,” because he compelled the Vindhya mountains to prostrate themselves before him (an alternative name referring to this story is Vindhyakūṭa). An alternative etymology connects the name with the Dravidian term akatti, “West Indian pea tree” [8]. In this perspective, Agastya may be considered as a sort of culture hero, responsible for the Sanskritization of Southern India. Another of his names, Pītābdhi and Samudraculuka, means “ocean drinker,” because he drank up the ocean, because this last had offended him, or alternatively because he helped the gods in their war against the daityas, when these last took refuge in the ocean. Bound to this myth, there is the episode during which he was made regent of the star Canopus, said to be the “cleanser of water,” because of turbid waters becoming clean at its rising (Raghuvaṃśa 13, 36). Frequently Agastya is associated with curse (śapa):

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he cursed Kubera and his friend Maṇimān, who had insulted him, and then he accorded a pardoning of the curse, following the usual narrative mechanism of curse and mitigation of the curse; an analogous episode regards the curse that Agastya imposed upon Tāḍakā, the daughter of Suketu; a third episode regards the curse imposed by Agastya upon Urvaśī, Jayanta, and Nārada. The most famous curse bound with Agastya regards King Indradyumna, turned by the sage into an elephant and subsequently freed by Viṣṇu from the assault of a crocodile (in fact a hermit, Hūhu, turned into a crocodile in consequence of a curse by a gandharva), in the episode known as the liberation of the elephant, gajendramokṣa. Agastya is bound even to episodes where he frees someone from a curse imposed by others, as is the case with Duṣpanya or with Śveta. According to a story from the purāṇas, he is a son of the seer Pulastya, a progenitor of the rākṣasas, a narrator of the Brahma Purāṇa, and an authoritative source on medicine. He turned the King Nahuṣa, son of Āyus and father of Yayāti, into a serpent, but afterward, he restored him to his previous human form. Agniveśa, the teacher of Droṇa, was a disciple of Agastya, so this last has to be considered as proficient in the use of weapons. According to the Mahābhārata, Agastya’s wife was born because the seer, after having seen his ancestors suspended by their heels in a pit and having been told by them that they could have been rescued only if he had begotten a son, formed a girl out of the most beautiful parts of different female animals and made her to grow up as the daughter of the king of Vidarbha. When time came, he demanded her in marriage, the king was constrained to give his consent, and she became his wife, bearing the name of Lopāmudrā, because the animals had been subjected to a loss, lopa, having been constrained to give her their distinctive beauties, such as the eyes of the deer and so on. They married at Mahāsindhutīrtha, and after the marriage, they moved to Gaṅgādvāra. Her alternative names are Kauṣītakī (patronymic) and Varapradā (giver of boons). She asked her husband to acquire great riches; so he went to the rich daitya Ilvala, the brother of Vātāpi, and having conquered him satisfied his wife with his wealth; she is considered as

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the authoress of a Vedic hymn (Ṛgvedasaṃhitā 1, 179, 4). Once upon a time, the seer Agastya lived in a hermitage in Mount Kuñjara, a beautiful site to the south of the Vindhya mountains. He subjugated the rākṣasas who infested the region: particularly he ate up the rākṣasa Vātāpi who assumed the form of a ram and destroyed his brother Ilvala by a flash of his eye. As it has been mentioned, the story is connected with Agastya’s wife, Lopāmudrā: she asked him for wealth, and after having been refuted the gift of wealth by three kings (Śrutarvā, Bradhnāśva, Trasadasyu), Agastya went to the house of Ilvala in Manimatpattana, where he lived with his younger brother Vatāpi. The two brothers hated brāhmaṇas, because once a brāhmaṇa refused to grant to Ilvala, a son equal to Indra in power. Ilvala turned his younger brother into a ram, and whenever a brāhmaṇa visited his house, he killed the ram and offered his flesh to the guest. When the guest finished eating, Ilvala would call aloud, “Vātāpi, come out,” and the brother came put breaking the stomach of the poor guest. So Ilvala welcomed Agastya as a guest, killed the ram, and offered his flesh as a meal to the guest. Immediately after Ilvala summoned Vātāpi to come out, Agastya said “Let Vātāpi be digested” and defeated both the brothers. Ilvala granted Agastya’s cows and gold and added a chariot with two horses, Virāvān and Surāvān. Agastya returned home and granted Lopāmudrā with the wealth she wished for. After a pregnancy of 7 years, Lopāmudrā gave birth to a son named Idmavāha, “carrier of twigs,” because he used to gather twigs of firewood for kindling the sacrificial fire of his father. When Rāma was exiled to the forest, Agastya received him, together with his wife Sītā and his brother Lakṣmaṇa, with great honors, becoming his friend and counselor, giving him as a boon the bow of Viṣṇu, and accompanying him to Ayodhyā when Rāma was restored as a king. The episode of the subjugation of the Vindhya Range narrated in the Rāmāyaṇa tells that Agastya obtained that the mountains, after having grown in height because of full of envy with regard to the mount Meru due to an inopportune speech by the same seer, accepted to bow until Agastya would come back to the north. But he took the vow never

Agastya

to do so, in order that the mountains would remain lowered forever. This detail shows the possible role of Agastya as a culture hero, responsible for the introduction of Sanskrit culture in the south. This interpretation is much questioned by currents of thought supporting the view that Sanskrit culture has not been imported in the south of India at all but is on the contrary entirely indigenous. In this perspective, Agastya is bound particularly with Śiva. The southern people, gathered together in order to assist to Śiva’s marriage with Pārvatī, asked for a seer, and Śiva chose Agastya. In order to accomplish his mission, he asked the god to introduce him to tamil language and literature, so that Agastya is considered as the author of the first tamil grammar, the Akattiyam (Āgastyam), which is lost except for a few fragments, and it is traditionally considered as one of the most important authoritative sources for the standard grammatical work for tamil language, the Tolkāppiyam. In fact Agastya is bound to a number of places situated in the southern part of India, apart from the Vindhya Range, such as the Krauñca Mountain and the River Kāverī. Other works attributed to Agastya are Agastyagītā and Agastyasaṃhitā. For a detailed presentation, see [1, 2]; for a cultural interpretation, see [3–8].

Cross-References ▶ Sanskritization (Hinduism)

References 1. Dowson J (1879) A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion, geography, history, and literature. Trübner & co., London, pp 4–6 2. Mani V (1975) Purāṇic encyclopaedia: a comprehensive work with special reference to the epic and Purānic literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 4–9 3. Klostermaier KK (2007) A survey of Hinduism. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 248–249 4. Narayanan SPK (1930) Agastya in the Tamil land. University of Madras, Madras 5. Ghurye GS (1977) Indian acculturation: Agastya and Skanda. Popular Prakashan, Bombay 6. Rāmanātha N (1998) Mahāmuni Agastya. Rādhākr̥shṇa Prakāśana, Naī Dillī

Agraha¯ra 7. Taṅkarācu P (1997) Tamil ilakkiyaṅkaḷil Akattiyar: ōr ayvu. Aṇṇāmalaip Palkalaikalakam, Aṇ̣̣ṇāmalainakar. (in tamil) 8. Shulman DD (2016) Tamil: a biography, vol 17. The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA/London, pp 25–30

Agnosticism ▶ Cārvāka

Agraha¯ra Hemali Sanghavi Department of History, K.J. Somaiya College of Arts and Commerce, Mumbai, India

Village Granted to Brahmins Agrahāra means a village or an area of land granted to Brahmins or temples. The Brahmins lived in houses generally granted to them by the Indian ruler in recognition of their learning and religious devotion. The lands were granted to the Brahmins who had performed sacrifices, who were spiritual guides, priests, and learned in Vedas, thereby rewarding high intellectual eminence. Brahmins occupied an important position in the Indian social setup. They formed the exclusive and distinctive class respected for their knowledge of Sāstras (sacred texts). Sometimes kings granted lands to their kula-brahminas (family priests). Agrahāras began to appear in Sūtra period and are well described in the ancient literary works like Brahmanical and Buddhist texts and in the inscriptions of the various kings [1]. As Brahmin settlements they occupy privileged position. There are records of these gifts from the fifth century C.E. onward. Making a gift of land to an individual or institution was considered to be highly meritorious. Sometimes, two or more settlements were clubbed together to form

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an agrahāra and which was then renamed. The setting up of an agrahāra involved considerable intervention. These endowments were perpetual in nature. In land grant charters, the term used to indicate the permanent and inalienable character of such a gift is akṣayanȋvȋ [2]. These pious charitable endowments were held in heritability and with the essential rights of ownership. The charters refer to the name and location of the gift land with reference to the territorial divisions. Inscriptions also refer to the donations made by the women of royal family. Usually agrahāras were fertile areas situated by the banks of rivers or large tanks. It is described as a tax-free village granted to the Brahmins in order to help them settle down as householders. Such lands are called by Kautilaya, Brahmadeya lands, which yield sufficient produce for the maintenance of Brahmins. The residents of these villages enjoyed many privileges of various types. One of these was the restriction imposed on some government officers from either visiting these agrahāras or restraining them from acting at these places as they did in other villages. Lands also carried a right vested with the temple authorities to call for unpaid labor (vishti) as a religious service to the temple from the tillers on the donated land. Donations of agrahāras increased from the time of the Gupta period. During this period, the office of the Agrahārika was created. The officials kept records of such grants. Land for each individual family was distributed with a full record of its measurement for the royal archives. Sites for different temples and for erecting structures for public use were also earmarked. While the early grants gave the donee only a few exemptions and property rights, the nature of concessions granted by later inscriptions made the donee the owner of the land and the lord of his estate. The donees were allowed to gift, sale, or mortgage lands, however only to the respective classes. Agrahāras were often linked in one way or another to temples [4]. Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava temples were important recipients of such grants [3]. Royal land grants became a regular feature especially in the case of dynasties seeking to establish a regional

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hegemony. The Pallavas were, in particular, more active in their support of temples. The intention of the donors in granting of agrahāra was on one hand to seek religious merit and on the other to ensure that the recipient performed religious rites. The newly emerged states and dynasties used to give land grants to Brahmins mainly for legitimization. Boundaries of the donated land or village were very often carefully demarcated, and government maintained close scrutiny over the lands. The proliferation of land grants in the early medieval period accelerated the prosperity of temples, converting them into semi-administrative units [6]. These villages had their own administrative assemblies called Sabhās. The responsibility of looking after the local affairs of an agrahāra rested almost entirely upon the residents. The kings tried to protect agrahāras from taking away from others. These villages usually bore the names of the kings, queens, or royal officials who were responsible for their formation. The Brahmin recipients were expected to show loyalty and good conduct toward their patrons. The recipients used to receive the share of the land depending on his intellectual accomplishments. These areas blossomed into centers of traditional education. Agrahāras became the foremost educational institutions in Southern India during the medieval period. The Brahmins administered all affairs of the agrahāra including education. There are references that the kings promoted learning by inviting scholars from outside. The agrahāras imparted primary education. Some agrahāras taught only parts of the Vedas. Inscriptions mention the subjects which were taught at the various agrahāras and some teachers who specialized in a particular subject. An agrahara was typically composed of different vocations such as blacksmiths, carpenters, goldsmiths, security men, flower-men, and farmers. These were allotted to donee. Youngsters of all the families in the community received elementary education locally in their families and later through guilds. Land grant charters from Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Konkan, and Gujarat of Gupta and post-Gupta times contain provisions allowing the beneficiary to evict peasants, introduce new peasants, as well as assign land to those he pleased.

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Inscriptions of Vijayanagar Empire include the names, gotra, i.e., family name of the recipients, along with the portion of the Veda the recipient could recite. By the medieval period, the land assignments were to be held at the pleasure of the king [5]. Agrahāras occupy significant place in the economic history of India.

References 1. Adhya GL (1966) Early Indian economics studies in economic life of northern and western India c.200 B. C.–300 A.D. Asia Publishing House, Bombay 2. Chattopadhyaya D.P. (ed) (2009) History of science, philosophy and culture in Indian civilization, vol II part V. A social history of early India (ed: Chattopadhyaya BD). Pearson Longman, New Delhi 3. Fisher EM (2017) Hindu pluralism religion and the public sphere in early modern South India. University of California Press, Oakland 4. Ghoshal UN (1930) The agrarian system in ancient India. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 5. Stoker V (2016) Polemics and patronage in the city of victory Vyasatirtha, Hindu sectarianism and the sixteenth-century Vijayanagara court. University of California Press, Oakland 6. Thaper R (2000) Cultural pasts: essays in early India. Oxford University Press, Oxford

Ahalya¯, the Human Face of Sacred Infidelity Mandakranta Bose Centre for India and South Asia Research, Institute of Asian Research, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC, Canada

Definition An ancient Hindu legend of illicit sexuality, penance, and redemption.

Origins The legend of Ahalyā originated in the brāhmanas and continued in the purāṇas, the Mahābhārata, and the Kathāsaritsāgara, as

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noted by Renate Söhnen-Thieme ([8], pp. 39–62), but is best known as part of the Rāmāyaṇa. Her story appears in Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa (the Vālmīki Rāmāyaṇa or VR), in both the Bālakāṇḍa and the Uttarakāṇḍa [10], in other Rāmāyaṇas, and in numerous modern literary works, of which a partial overview is given by Sisir Kumar Das ([3], pp. 133–135). It also runs parallel to a widespread Indo-European narrative tradition of adultery between a woman and a god, as demonstrated by Wendy Doniger ([4], pp. 88–128). Surprisingly for a woman who is tainted by adultery, whether deliberate or not, Ahalyā is memorialized as one of the five revered women of Indian hagiography. The key to this seeming contradiction is that Ahalyā’s legend is as essential to emphasize the redemptive power of Rāma as it is to raise questions of justice – a common feature of the Hindu discursive tradition. Her story is the not uncommon one of a woman who commits adultery, knowingly or unknowingly, and is punished by her husband to undergo penance until her deliverance by a higher authority. But around this brief narrative swirl many additions, motives, and situations, all of them implicated in the moral and political worldviews that the Rāmāyaṇa’s many retellers attribute to it. Ahalyā’s tale is thus crucial to understanding both the ethical framework of the Rāmāyaṇa and the successive ideologies in which it is situated. Ahalyā was created by Brahmā as a woman of flawless beauty (VR 7.30.22). Indra lusted after her but she was married off to Ṛṣi Gautama. In Vālmīki’s initial story, Indra takes the sage’s form to seduce Ahalyā, who does see through his disguise but consents out of her curiosity about divine lovemaking (VR 1.48.30). When Gautama finds out, he punishes Indra by making his testicles fall off, while he curses Ahalyā to be confined within his hermitage for thousands of years, invisible, living on air alone, and mired in ashes (VR 1.48.30), her penance to be commuted by Rāma. This comes about when Rāma is guided by Ṛṣi Viśvāmitra to Gautama’s abandoned hermitage, his very presence restoring her to human form. Indra suffers less, for he explains that his act had been designed to rob Gautama of his power of tapas by inciting him to uncontrollable rage and thus of his ascendancy over the gods. So the gods

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restore Indra’s manhood by grafting a ram’s testicles on him. The second iteration of the story, in the Uttarakāṇḍa (VR 7.30.40), is similar to the first, but with the important alteration that Ahalyā pleads her innocence as a victim of Indra’s trickery and not guilty of surrendering to lust.

Variant Views While this broad course of events is common to other Rāma legends, the details vary, especially relating to her responsibility for her infraction. Kamban, the great Tamil author of the twelfthcentury Irāmāvatāram, also called the Kamba Rāmāyaṇa, follows the Bālakāṇḍa of Vālmīki in holding Ahalyā responsible for her fall ([5], pp. 39–41). But her punishment clearly bothered other early narrators; for instance, Kṛttivāsa, the fifteenth-century author of a highly influential Bengali Rāmāyaṇa, asserts her innocence ([6], p. 80). The legendary Tulasīdās avoids the issue of culpability altogether and merely mentions the curse without saying what led to it, bypassing all mention of her sexual encounter or of Indra as her seducer ([9], pp. 145–146). Tulasīdās focuses instead upon the redemptive power of Rāma’s touch and the unmerited grace he bestows on every fallen individual who prays for his kṛipā as Ahalyā does. Hers is a fortunate fall and she is grateful to Gautama for causing it. Tulasīdās’s Ahalyā exists exclusively to promote the adoration of Rāma.

Ideals and Ideologies On the surface, the story carries four ethicoreligious doctrines: the primacy of chastity for women, a husband’s absolute ownership of his wife, the redemptive power of Rāma, and the promise of salvation through bhakti. But on a deeper level, Ahalyā’s story serves as one of the nodes of the recurrent theme of justice in the Rāmāyaṇa. Was she not unjustly condemned? Note that this charge arises from Vālmīki’s Uttarakāṇḍa (7.30.40), early enough in the legend’s history even if the Uttarakāṇḍa is judged to be a later addition. But even were she to be judged

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culpable, two questions persist: is her punishment excessive, especially in light of the next question, why does Indra get off lightly? These questions have reverberated through the millennia-old replay of the story and are raised not only in modern critical studies of the Rāmāyaṇa but also in modern recreations of the tale. Of these, there are many in several Indian languages as well as in English. Modern poets and dramatists have radically shifted the story from its devotional axis to those of social ideologies, especially gender politics, casting the story as an allegory of love, sexuality, power struggle, and ecology, treating Ahalyā as a person in her own right and telling her story as she might have told it. Rabindranath Tagore imagines her in his Bengali poem, “Ahalyār Prati” (To Ahalyā), at the moment of her release from petrifaction, nurtured by her mother the Earth through her long incarceration and now reborn in her pristine purity. Tagore’s play on the Sītā motif is obvious and Rāma’s absence from the poem indicates where the poet’s sympathy lies. Kovai Gnani offers a Marxist allegory in his Tamil poem “Kallihai,” reading into the story a clash of social classes, feudal (Gautama), capitalist (Indra), and proletarian (Ahalyā). Ethically more conventional in upholding the ideal of marital chastity are works by Pa. Subramania Mudaliar and Yogiyar, the latter justifying Ahalyā’s punishment even while accepting her innocence, following the orthodox view that even forced violation turns a woman into damaged goods, to be restored to wholesomeness only by some corrosive cure. Diametrically opposite is Puthumaippittan’s position in his story “Śāpavimocanam,” in which Ahalyā accepts Rāma’s pardon only to reject it furiously later when she hears of his unjust treatment of Sītā. Still more celebratory of Ahalyā’s independence, intellectual and sexual, is Pratibha Ray’s Oriya novel Mahamoha, as are recent dance and television representations ([1], pp. 25–26). These late twentieth-century treatments are founded on outrage at the patriarchal control of women, reflecting the ideology of present-day liberalism in general and of feminism in particular. Ahalyā’s

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story has thus lent itself to multiple interpretations that sway between the acceptance and rejection of conventional Hindu moral codes, in resonance with modern ethical attitudes.

Gendered Justice It is, however, not only modern sensibilities that have reacted to the Ahalyā legend’s original premise that it is only natural for women to be subjugated or turned into pawns in male power struggles. Modern authors are vocal in their outrage but earlier writers do recognize the injustice suffered by Ahalyā, especially against the accelerated pardon Indra enjoys. A singularly potent and long-standing indication of popular esteem for Ahalyā and other female victims of the male ego is her inclusion in the commonly known laudatory verse commemorating the pañcakanyā (five women, literally “virgins”), which is often recited at the beginning of religious ceremonies: ahalyā draupadī kuntī [Sītā in some versions] tārā mandodarī tathā/ pañcakanyāḥ smaren nityam mahāpātakavināśanam// Ahalyā, Draupadī, Kuntī, Tārā, and Mandodarī are five women, by invoking whom continually the greatest sin can be expunged.

This list is astonishing in that such women should be sanctified within a patriarchal ethos in which the mere mention of multiple sexual relationships, self-chosen or not, calls for infamy. Ahalyā committed adultery, Draupadī served five husbands, Kuntī was impregnated by several gods, Tārā and Mandodarī were both passed from one husband to another, and Sītā – should she be included – was suspected of surrendering to her abductor. Whether they were guilty or not is immaterial, for the male orthodoxy is not known to pause before it punishes. On the other hand, the denunciation and reverence of the same act within the same social milieu has been characteristic of the Hindu discursive tradition, which celebrates the meeting of

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contraries, as well attested by Hinduism’s long and often self-contradictory discourse on women ([2], pp. 6–9, 148–156) and in the Indian tradition in general, as argued by Amartya Sen [7]. Nor is this mere contrariness. Arguing both sides of a case requires reason on both sides, and there is more than one reason to hold in reverence women who have been compromised, if only notionally. Each of these women shows exemplary fortitude, patience, and submission to her fate, all of which fit into the idealization of women in a male-dominated world. But their greater fame comes from the direct, lifechanging intervention of divine males in their lives. What more could felicity mean?

Validation By that standard Ahalyā is exceptionally blessed – one might say twice blessed and twice born. She wins divine favor first when she is created directly by Brahmā and a second time when, after she is stricken into suspended animation, she is granted new life by Viṣṇu’s earthly form, Rāma, a renewal of life to be celebrated precisely because it is won through great suffering. Ahalyā is deservedly memorable as one who has been received unto the godhead and can thus be an icon of virtue in the ideology of Hindu religious ethics. Outside the margins of that ethics, though, her legend turns the spotlight on her suffering, prompting her chroniclers to view it as utterly unjust if she is deemed an innocent victim and utterly disproportionate to her offense even if she is culpable. This latter view, which has gained ground with the growing dominance of liberation sociology, has reconstituted Ahalyā as an icon rather of the unceasing struggle of the downtrodden for justice and freedom than of wifely chastity and womanly patience. Her story is clearly capable of reinterpretations without altering its basic elements and these alterations in any given age reflect the temper of the time. It is through this interpretability that Ahalyā’s tale lives on as an ideological sounding board, underscoring the power of exemplary narratives

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to keep India’s tradition of critical disputation viable as much in the scholarly milieu as in popular opinion as confirmed by the authority of the pañcakanyā dictum.

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Brahmā ▶ Brāhmaṇas ▶ Draupadī ▶ Kuntī ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Rāma ▶ Rāmāyaṇa ▶ Sita ▶ Vālmīki ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Bhattacharya P (2005) Pancha-Kanya: the five virgins of Indian epics. Writers Workshop, Calcutta 2. Bose M (2010) Women in the Hindu tradition: rules, roles and exceptions. Routledge, London/ New York 3. Das SK (2006) Epic heroines – Ahalya. In: A history of Indian literature: 1911–1956. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 4. Doniger W (1999) Indra and Ahalya, Zeus and Alcmena. In: Doniger W (ed) Splitting the difference: gender and myth in ancient Greece and India. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 5. Kamban (1996) Kamban Rāmāyaṇa, Bālakāṇḍam, Section 9 (trans: Hande HV). Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai 6. Kṛttivāsa (1954) Saptakāṇḍa Rāmāyaṇa, Ādikāṇḍa (ed: Sil B). Akshay Library, Calcutta 7. Sen A (2005) The argumentative Indian. Allen Lane, London 8. Söhnen-Thieme R (1996) The Ahalyā story through the ages. In: Leslie J (ed) Myth and mythmaking: continuous evolution in Indian tradition. Curzon Press, Richmond 9. Tulasīdās (1990) Rāmcaritmānas, Bālakāṇḍa (ed: Prasad RC), 2nd edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 10. Vālmīki [1999–2000, saṁvat 2056] Śrīmadvālmīkiyarāmāyaṇam, 4th edn. Gita Press, Gorakhpur

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Ahimsa¯ ˙ Bina Sengar Department of History and Ancient Indian Culture, School of Social Sciences, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad, India

Synonyms Nonviolence; Pacifism

Ahimsa and its Theory in Indian Traditions Ahimsa in the contemporary times remains one of the most debated and desired political and social philosophy. Global agencies working for peace and equity per se United Nations and Nations engulfed in war and violation of human rights seek the solutions through values of “Ahimsa.” Ideals of ahimsa are medium to peace. Peace studies do begin with the idea of nonviolence which is an ethical philosophy of “ahimsa” as it remains one of the ancient wisdoms of Indian philosophy which was brought in vogue to modern world by Mahatma Gandhi. Since ahimsa was used by Gandhi in Indian freedom struggle, it became an integral part of debates within peace studies and its strategies. After Gandhi, many global leader sought solace in ahimsa and follow path of ahimsa for conflict mediation and social justice. In the contemporary discourses, neoBuddhism and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar’s ideas of social equity are also studied in the spheres of ahimsa. Ahimsa is one of the primal and ancient ethical values inherent in the Indian society. The term “Ahimsa,” which is a synonym to non-injury or nonviolence, closely associates itself to the Buddhism and Jain religious philosophies [1]. According to some scholars, in the beginning of the Vedic traditions, philosophy of “Ahimsa” as a term remained oblivious [2]. However, when the textual references of Veda, Bhagwat Gita, and Upanishads

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are referred, then ahimsa appears recurrently in the philosophical discourses. In the beginning of the scriptural studies, Rig Veda primarily refers to ahimsa [3]. In the ancient philosophical texts, ahimsa as a term has been interpreted in various levels of time, space, and contexts [4, 5]. In the yogic texts or Yoga sūtra by Patanjali, “ahimsa” is considered as a theology of cosmic harmony [6]. Himsa or violence remains as an action which leads to the endless suffering in the worldly life [6]. The karmic philosophy of Hinduism denotes ahimsa and himsa in the karmic cycles of life and duty which are defined as “Dharma.” In the Pranaagnihotra Upanishad and Garuda Upanishad [7], mention of philosophy of ahimsa occurs and it determines non-injury during the sacrificial ceremonies [8]. With the emergence of Jainism and Buddhism by the beginning of seventh and sixth century B.C., the philosophy of Ahimsa becomes more elaborate. The reemergence of ahimsa or nonviolence in the political history of India became evident through freedom struggle of India where emancipation from colonialism was achieved significantly through the ideals of ahimsa. The ideals of ahimsa have recurrently appeared in the history of India and also in the global understanding of nonviolence [9]. Other than the Indian philosophical textual sources, “ahimsa” as a term is described in the contemporary lexicon and dictionaries as synonym to “nonviolence” and a way of life taught in Hindu, Jain, and Buddhist traditions. Ahimsa is a word of Sanskrit language, understood and identified as vegetarianism, pacifism, and as a famous tool of Mahatma Gandhi for passive resistance against British rule in India [10]. The principal of ahimsa which began in the ancient scriptures of India continue to have profound impact on religious, spiritual, social, and political philosophy of India and world. However, the elaboration of its philosophy is not modern. In the Jaina and Buddhist texts and later in the Hindu scriptures, ideals of ahimsa were elaborately theorized and comprehensively explained [11]. During the freedom struggle of India when Gandhi adopted ahimsa as a method to oppose British rule, then the philosophy was further discussed extensively in both political and academic circles. The impact of philosophy of ahimsa remains

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evident in the political philosophy of independent India and in the Constitution of India and its Preamble as well. The Preamble of Constitution of India gives prime importance to social equality and equity which follows the path of ahimsa as explained in the Buddhist philosophy. In the twentieth-century world, impact of “ahimsa” as taught by Gandhi profoundly influenced global leadership to gain social equality; ahimsa with its synonym terms such as pacifism, nonviolence continued to influence global leaderships for peace. Leaders like Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandela, and Dalai Lama followed the path of Ahimsa while taking forward their movements against apartheid, emancipation from colonial regime, and fascism [12]. The quest to explore and understand viability of ahimsa is ever growing in the contemporary world. The genesis of ahimsa is in the wisdom of ancient Indian philosophy. As we go in the historical evolution of ahimsa, significant evolutionary explanations appear in the Jaina texts. The centrality of Jaina philosophy is “ahimsa” [1]. In the essential fundamental rules of Jainism, ahimsa has first place among five of its vows or vrata, i.e., ahiṁsā (nonviolence), satya (truthfulness), asteya (non-stealing), brahmacarya (celibacy), and aparigraha (nonpossession) [13]. According to Jainism, goal of life is to attain ahimsa which is achieved through the other of the four vrata or vows mentioned above. The basic postulate of Jainism is ahimsa or nonviolence in thought and deeds. According to Jain philosophy, nonviolence can be practiced by cultivating triratna or three jewels which are: samyak jnana or right knowledge, samyak darshana or right belief, and samyak-cāritra or right conduct. Development of these three virtues consequently leads to elimination of violence. In Jainism, cause of basic tenet of himsa or violence is bandha or attachments, which could be eliminated by learning detachment through ahimsa. On the contrary to it, according to the philosophy of Buddhism, himsa and problems of life emerge from dukha or pain [14]. In Buddhism, ahimsa was elaborated with its social context, and a liberal philosophy was adopted to achieve nirvana or renunciation. As per the Buddhist philosophy, nirvana happens when we overcome pain through detachment and ahimsa [15, 16]. In the

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sixth century B.C. when Buddha was preaching ideals of ahimsa, he interpreted ahimsa not as “ahiṃsā paramo dharmaḥ” (nonviolence is the primary duty) which is essential in practicing Jainism. On the contrary, he promulgated the path of “love for all” which makes us “not to kill anybody” [17]. Hence, in the teachings of Buddha, path for ahimsa was about following the middle path or samyak marga where there was definite distinction about himsa or killing. In Buddhism, himsa is not abstained as long as it is inevitable. Thus, unlike Jainism, Buddhism does not denounce the idea of “need to kill”; however, it restricted on the notion of “will to kill,” which could be further elaborated as Buddha did not denounce the concept of himsa or violence. He emphasized that killing for need is different from killing as a desire. With Jainism and Buddhism preaching concept of ahimsa to the society at large in ancient times, it became an ideology which was socially accepted among the populations in wider context and area in ancient India [18]. Prevalent culture of those times praised life based on nonviolence as a result when emperor Ashoka came to power, he evolved a rule which was based on rule of nonviolence or “ahimsa.” Ashoka in the history of the world was the first emperor who brought his understanding of ahimsa in the political order. His ordinance for ahimsa became his philosophy of State mechanism and became foundation of his “Dhamma” or duty which is also known as “Dhamma of Ashoka.” What we know about Ashoka’s Dhamma remains one of the best possible examples of ahimsa in the political order [19]. The philosophy of “ahimsa” in the Hinduism is connected with the understanding of human existence as an integral part of a larger and interconnected entity of nature [20]. This approach is related to socio-ecological connections among human and nature. Moreover, interpretation of ahimsa in the scriptures of Hinduism largely borrowed the concepts of Jainism and Buddhism and vice versa [21, 22]. As defined by Jainism and Buddhism in the later part of historical evolution, “ahimsa” becomes relative in its political implications. Elaboration of ahimsa occurs in classical Hinduism through Mahabharata, Bhagavad Gītā, and Upanishads where ahimsa is regarded as the “highest

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truth” and “highest dharma” [23]. According to Advaitic philosophy, “ahimsa” evolves as an appropriate model for sustainable human-environment relationship [24]. The ecological and human relationship works to integrate all forms of matter together and the personal responsibility of human beings to honor this relationship through Ahimsa (nonviolence). Ahimsa was the concept Gandhi drew from Advaita and Jaina philosophy to develop and deploy his nonviolence strategies [25]. Ahimsa in twentieth and twenty-first century: In the twentieth century, Gandhi extensively discussed ahimsa through his writings and practical experiments in society. His ventures to explore “ahimsa” resurfaced the dormant notions of pacifism and created it as a global phenomenon. He implored problematics and philosophical triangulations of ahimsa through his own upbringing in Vaishnavism, comprehensive readings of religious philosophies of Jainism, Buddhism, and practicing nonviolence [26]. Gandhi also like his predecessor worked on the philosophy of ahimsa; he redefined the karma and dharma components of ahimsa and strived to deconstruct it by means and ends, where he explained that ahimsa is end and to achieve it the mean is satya or truth. Thus, Gandhian approach of perceiving ahimsa although inspired by Jainism to a large extent goes a step further. His methodology of satya as means to achieve ahimsa as ends was different from customary or traditional sense of ahimsa [27]. His methodology of sociopolitical action known as Satyagraha or “path of truth” in political sphere was largely inspired from concepts of “ahimsa paramo dharma” of Jain philosophy, where demand for social justice were based on truth of conduct through peaceful resistance [28]. In the process to achieve ahimsa, he postulated philosophical tenets of Jainism with his rules of 11 vows or vrata which were: “Ahimsa (nonviolence), Satya (truth), Asteya (non-stealing), Brahmacharya (self-discipline), Asangraha (nonpossession), Sharirshrama (bread labor), Aswada (control of the palate), Sarvatra Bhayavarjana (fearlessness), Sarva Dharma Samantva (equality of all religions), Swadeshi (Use locally made goods), and Sparshbhavana (remove untouchability)” in the ashram life to practice truth

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and nonviolence. These vows were as part of code of conduct to practice ahimsa in the ashrams conceptualized by Gandhi [29, 30]. He recurrently stated through his writings that violence occurs when we surrender to the desires which are derived from banadhana or bondage which lead to himsa. At the same time, he did not deny use of violence for selfdefense, thus approving to the idea of ahimsa and its moderate approach as per Buddhism. Thus, through his ashram practices, Gandhi tried to alleviate the human desires of bondage and instituted these vows to practice ahimsa in his ashram [31]. Gandhi through these vows in his ashrams taught practices of ahimsa and tried to implement them in the social change in India. His practices of Satyagraha, which essential derived from the ideas of John Ruskin’s “Unto the Last,” further evolved through the concept of ahimsa [32]. The practices of Satyagraha with philosophy of ahimsa were widely used during the India’s emancipation struggle against the British colonial rule and became a model for nonviolent resistance in the later movements. The virtues of ahimsa taught through ashram practices by Gandhi remain a major apparatus in wide spread dissemination of ideals of ahimsa in the twentieth century. The ideology of Gandhism or Gandhiana and its followers called Gandhians or Gandhiwadi became messengers of peace who worked on the philosophy of ahimsa based on didactic of satya-ahimsa or truth and nonviolence. Leading figures among these Gandhians were Vinoba Bhave, Amritlal Vitthalbhai Thakkar, Narayan Desai within India. Leaders like Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela thereafter successfully adopted the methodology of Gandhism in their struggle against apartheid in the United States of America and to alleviate colonial rule in South Africa [33]. Gandhi observed and imbibed in his philosophy of ahimsa philosophical base of Jainism, Vaishnavism and Buddhism. Whereas, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar derived his philosophy of ahimsa from Buddhism. When he was working for the amelioration of the depressed classes in India, he adopted the philosophy of Lord Buddha for ahimsa, i.e., “love for all” based on social equity and justice [34]. Ambedkar contested that ahimsa is derived from the idea of equality and

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love for all, and thus, to achieve ahimsa, we need not to denounce the bondage but should alleviate the pain by loving all. His idea of ahimsa was derived from the notion of love for all. Through his theoretical and comprehensive understanding of the social justice inherent in the Indian society, he explained the limitations inherent in the Jain philosophy of “Ahimsa Paramo Dharma.” Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar explains that the caste inequality of Indian society is based on himsa, therefore, ahimsa cannot be achieved without annihilation of caste system. Thus, to achieve ahimsa, the first and foremost aspect required is “love for all” which could only be achieved through social equality and equity. Hence, while explaining idiom of ahimsa, Babasaheb Ambedkar profoundly emphasized on Buddhist philosophy of ahimsa and social justice. When he developed the social movement of caste annihilation in India, he followed the methodology of Buddha of ahimsa, which is often compared with the satyagraha of Gandhi. However, Ambedkarite methods of social resistance were different from the Gandhian approach of Satyagraha. The concept of Ambedkar’s Mahad satyagraha were derived from ideas of social equality and liberty through Buddhist philosophy of ahimsa and not social resistance for call of truth through ahimsa. The complexity of “satyaahimsa” or “truth and nonviolence” theory of Gandhi brought dissonance with Ambedkar’s approach of social equality and ahimsa. Thus, when we study ahimsa in the contemporary world, the ideologue of Ambedkar’s ahimsa differs from approach of Gandhian approach of ahimsa [35]. Gandhi is strictly emphasizing on the call of truth for ahimsa, which often deviates itself from the ideals of social justice. On the contrary, Ambedkar’s approach of ahimsa is based on social justice, equality, and equity [36]. Therefore, while developing the constitution of India, Dr. Ambedkar implemented the concept of social equity through adoption of ideals ahimsa. The philosophy of ahimsa has its roots in the essential hermeneutics of Indic philosophy of Vedic, Upanishad, Yogic, Jainism, Buddhism,

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Advaita, and contemporary ideals propounded by Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. These ideals now have global influence, and ahimsa as an ideology and concept is understood as pacifism and nonviolence.

Cross-References ▶ Darśana, Overview of Six Schools ▶ Hiṃsā

References 1. Gokhale P (2009) Ethics of Jaina philosophy literature: the doctrine of ahimsa. In: Prasad R (ed) A historical-developmental study of classical Indian philosophy of morals. Delhi: Concept Publishing Company 2. Brown WN, Rocher R (1972) India and indology. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publisher 3. Atmashraddhananda S (2015) Upanishads in daily life. North Carolina: Lulu Press, Inc 4. Varghese AP (2008) India: history, religion, vision and contribution to the world, vol 1. Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors 5. Phillips S (2009) Yoga, karma, and rebirth: a brief history and philosophy. New York: Columbia University Press 6. Chapple CK (2008) Yoga and the luminous: Patañjali’s spiritual path to freedom. Albany, New York: SUNY Press 7. Jones C, Ryan JD (2006) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. New York: Infobase Publishing 8. Deussen P (1997) Sixty Upanishads of the Veda. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers 9. Kurlansky M (2009) Nonviolence: the history of a dangerous idea. New York: Random House Publishing Group 10. Blackburn S (2005) The Oxford dictionary of philosophy. London: Oxford University Press 11. Gier NF (1995) Ahimsa, the self, and postmodernism: Jain, Vedantist, and Buddhist perspectives. Int Philos Q 35(1):71–86 12. Jahanbegloo R (2013) The Gandhian moment. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press 13. Flügel P, Qvarnström O (2015) Jaina scriptures and philosophy. London: Routledge 14. Gokhale P (2015) Lokāyata/Cārvāka: a philosophical inquiry. London: Oxford University Press 15. Singh U (2017) Political violence in ancient India. Delhi: Harvard University Press 16. De Silva P (2016) Environmental philosophy and ethics in Buddhism. New York: Springer

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48 17. Rathore AS, Verma A (eds) (2011) B.R. Ambedkar, the Buddha and his Dhamma: a critical edition. London: Oxford University Press 18. Ambedkar BR (2016) The Buddha and his Dhamma. Delhi: Gautam Book Center 19. Lahiri N (2015) Ashoka in ancient India. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press 20. Bhatta CP (2009) Holistic personality development through education: ancient Indian cultural experiences. J Hum Values 15(1):49–59 21. Mukta P (2000) The public face of Hindu nationalism. Ethn Racial Stud 23(3):442–466 22. Menon YK (2004) The mind of Adi Shankaracharya. Mumbai: Jaico Publishing House 23. Chatterjee DK (2011) Encyclopedia of global justice: a – I. Springer Science & Business Media 24. Sengar B (2017) Prospects for sustainability in human-environment patterns–dynamic management of common resources. Co-authored with Massimo De. Marchi and James Furze in Furze JN, Gupta AK, Reynolds D, McClatchey R, Swing K (eds) Mathematical advances towards sustainable environmental systems. New York: Springer, pp 319–347 25. Poonamallee L (2010) Advaita (non-dualism) as metatheory: a constellation of ontology, epistemology and praxis. Integral Rev 6(3):190–200 26. Skaria A (2002) Gandhi’s politics: liberalism and the question of the ashram. South Atl Q, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press 101(4): 955–986 27. Lal BK (1978) Contemporary Indian philosophy. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass 28. Gandhi L (2008) Spirits of non-violence. Interventions 10(2):158–172 29. Gandhi M (2008) From Yeravada Mandir: Ashram observances. Ahmadabad: Navajivan Publishing House 30. Gandhi M (1959) Ashram observances in action. Ahmadabad: Navajivan Publishing House 31. Gier NF (2004) The virtue of nonviolence: from Gautama to Gandhi. Albany, New York: SUNY Press 32. Gandhi MK (2014) Hind Swaraj: Indian home rule. Pune: Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan 33. Sengar B (2001) Gandhian approach to tribals. In: Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 62nd Session, Kolkata, pp 327–336 34. Skaria A (2015) Ambedkar, Marx and the Buddhist question. South Asia J South Asian Stud 38(3):450–465 35. Queen CS, King SB (1996) Engaged Buddhism: Buddhist liberation movements in Asia. Albany, New York: SUNY Press 36. Stroud SR (2017) The influence of John Dewey and James Tufts’ ethics on Ambedkar’s quest for social justice. In: Aglave P (ed) Relevance of Dr. Ambedkar: today and tomorrow. Nagpur: Nagpur University Press, pp 32–54

Aitareya Bra¯hmana ˙

Aitareya Bra¯hmana ˙ Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa is one of the two brāhmaṇas of the Rgvedasaṃhitā, the other one being the Kauṣītaki or Śāṅkhāyana Brāhmaṇa. It deals mainly with the soma sacrifice.

Aitareya Bra¯hmana ˙ The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa is one of the two brāhmaṇas of the Rgvedasaṃhitā, the other one being the Kauṣītaki or Śāṅkhāyana Brāhmaṇa in 30 chapters. The Aitareya Brāhmaṇa is the more important of the two and comprehends 40 chapters called “lessons” (adhyāya); it is divided in 8 books called “pentads” (pañcikā), due to the fact that each of them contains 5 sections (see [1]; edition and translation [2]; edition [3]; translation [4]; for a discussion about Haug’s edition, see [5]; further edition [6]). Ascribed by the commentator Sāyaṇa to a single redactor named Mahīdāsa Aitareya, according to the current opinion, it is a composite work; in particular the last ten adhyāyas (pañcikās 7 and 8), dealing with animal sacrifice, expiatory rites, and royal consecration rite, are probably a later addition, aiming to fill a gap in the Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa, which does not treat these subjects. More, the authenticity of pañcikā 6 has been questioned, because it seems a supplement and because it presents signs of confusion and unnecessary repetitions and internal inconsistency with parallel passages in the preceding part of the text. The ascribed author, Mahīdāsa Aitareya, according to the Skanda Purāṇa is the son of the sage Māṇḍuki by his first wife, Itarā, the name Aitareya being a matronymic. When he was a boy, he used to repeat mentally the mantra in honor to Kṛṣṇa, namo bhagavate vāsudevāya, and being almost silent,

Aitareya Bra¯hmana ˙

he was mistaken by his father as a stupid. Dissatisfied with him and desiring to have intelligent sons, Māṇḍuki married as a second wife Piṅgā and subsequently had from her four sons, and all of them became learned. Once Itarā complained with Aitareya that his father used to insult her for having begot so unworthy a son to him. She resolved to commit suicide in order to expiate this fault. Aitareya dissuaded her from committing suicide; then Viṣṇu appeared and blessed both of them, mother and son. Aitareya took part to a sacrifice guided by Harimedhya at Koṭitīrthsa, and he pronounced a learned speech on the Vedas; Harimedhya was so pleased with him that he conceded his daughter in marriage to him. The adherence of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa to the corresponding saṃhitā is impressive: the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa quotes 647 verses from the Rgvedasaṃhitā, 119 out of them being repeated, the number or repetitions amounting to 216; the number of complete hymns (sūkta) being quoted amounts to 150, because part of the partial quotations represents a complete hymn. The content of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa may be summarized as follows: Pañcikā 1 treats the introduction to the soma sacrifice, according to the following articulation: consecration rites (adhyāya 1), introductory sacrifice (adhyāya 2), buying and bringing of the soma (adhyāya 3), pouring of milk into a heated vessel, pravargya (adhyāya 4), carrying forward of the fire, soma, and the offering to the high altar (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 2 treats the continuation of the soma sacrifice, according to the following articulation: animal sacrifice (adhyāya 1); continuation of animal sacrifice and morning litany (adhyāya 2); a rite related to Agni, aponaptrīya, and other ceremonies (adhyāya 3); the various cups used in the rite (adhyāya 4); and the reciting of the ājyaśastra (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 3 treats the continuation of the soma sacrifice, according to the following articulation: different recitings and invocations, praügaśastra, vaṣat, and nivid (adhyāya 1;, two recitings, marutvatīyaśastra and niṣkevalyaśastra (adhyāya 2); two recitings, vaiśvadeva and āgnimāruta (adhyāya 3); general considerations about the ceremony of the agniṣṭoma (adhyāya 4); and specific details pertaining to the sacrifice (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 4 treats the

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continuation of the soma sacrifice, according to the following articulation: the sacrifices ṣoḍaśin and atirātra (adhyāya 1), the reciting aśvinaśastra and the ceremony gavāmayana (adhyāya 2), the 6-day festival ṣaḍaha and the central day viṣuvat ceremonies (adhyāya 3), the 12-day dvādaśāha rite (adhyāya 4), and the first 2 days of the dvādaśāha (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 5 treats the continuation of the soma sacrifice, according to the following articulation: the third and fourth day of the dvādaśāha (adhyāya 1), the fifth and sixth day of the dvādaśāha (adhyāya 2), the seventh and eighth day of the dvādaśāha (adhyāya 3), the ninth and tenth day of the dvādaśāha (adhyāya 4), and the agnihotra and the brahman priest (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 6 treats the recitings (śastras) of the oblators (hotrakas), according to the following articulation: the office of the grāvastut and subrahmaṇyā (adhyāya 1); the śastras of the hotrakas during the sacrificial sessions sattras and ahīnas (adhyāya 2); miscellaneous points pertaining to the hotrakas (adhyāya 3); the hymns and recitings saṃpāta, valakhilyā, and dūrohaṇa (adhyāya 4); and the reciting śilpaśastra during the third pressing of the soma (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 7 treats the animal offering, expiations, and royal consecration, according to the following articulation: distribution of the portions of the victim (adhyāya 1), expiations of errors in the sacrifices (adhyāya 2), the story of Śunaḥśepa (adhyāya 3), the preparations for the royal consecration (adhyāya 4), and the sacrificial drink of the king (adhyāya 5). Pañcikā 8 treats the continuation of the royal consecration, according to the following articulation: the stotras and śastras of the soma day (adhyāya 1), the anointing of the king (adhyāya 2), the great anointing of Indra (adhyāya 3), the great anointing of the king (adhyāya 4), and the office of the royal domestic chaplain, purohita (adhyāya 5). While quoting rival authorities, the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa chooses the ritualist point of view, refusing the esoteric (brahmavādin) interpretation of hymns and rites. Four commentaries on the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa are available by Govindasvāmin, Bhaṭṭa Bhāskara, Ṣaḍguruśiṣya, and Sāyaṇa: generally the commentaries on Vedic prose texts are more reliable than those on metrical texts. A question much debated is the possible identity of the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa with a supposedly lost text, the Āśvalāyana Brāhmaṇa.

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Ajivaka

Cross-References

Introduction

▶ Brāhmaṇas ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Purohita ▶ Soma ▶ Viṣṇu

Ājīvika was one of the “heterodox” (nāstika) schools of ancient Indian philosophy. That is to say, its adherents did not accept the Hindu Vedas or Upaniṣads as revealed (apauruṣeya) [1] and subscribed to fatalism [2]. The term Ājīvika comes from the root “Ājīva” which literally means “livelihood” or a “way of life” [3, 4]. Thus the term Ājīvika comes to mean people “who follow certain rules regarding livelihood.” In ancient Sanskrit and Pali texts, the term is sometimes used to mean “religious mendicants” [1, 5]. Ājīvika as a philosophy is based on its central belief in “no free will” and complete “niyati” or destiny. In other words Ājīvika philosophy represents belief in “inner order of things, selfcommand and pre-determinism” [4, 6]. This school of Indian philosophy advocates a life of good simple mendicant and as part of its predeterministic beliefs, without any ulterior motive for salvation [4, 5]. Some scholars use the term Ājīvaka for Ājīvika [7].

References 1. Gonda J (1975) Vedic literature. In: Gonda J (ed) A history of Indian literature, vol I, fasc 1. O. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden, pp 344–346 2. Haug M (1863) The Aitareya Brahmanam of the Rigveda. Government Central Book Depot, Bombay 3. Aufrecht T (1879) Das Aitareya Brāhmaṇa. A. Marcus, Bonn 4. Keith AB (1920) Rigveda Brahmanas: the Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇas of the Rigveda (translated from the original Sanskrit). Harvard University Press, Cambridge 5. Weber A (1865) Ueber Haug’s Aitareya-Brâhmaṇa. F. A Brockhaus, Leipzig 6. Sastri RA (1942) Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, with the vṛtti Sukhapradā of Ṣaḍguruśiṣya. University of Travancore, Trivandrum

Ajivaka ▶ Ājīvika

A¯jīvika Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Ajivaka; Ekadandin; Maskarin

Definition Predeterministic school of Indian philosophy, who follow certain rules of livelihood.

History We cannot say definitely when the Ājīvikas originated, but it is generally accepted that its origins precede in time the advent of Mahavira and the Buddha. Makkhali Gośāla (or Gośāla Maskariputra, c. 484 BCE), a leader of a large group or gathering of people purportedly religious, is sometimes mistakenly considered to be the founder of the Ājīvika movement [2, 5]. Jarl Charpentier, a Swiss Indologist, cites certain ancient Indian texts to claim that the Ājīvika tradition in India predates the birth of Makkhali Gośāla [6]. It is generally accepted that the Ājīvika sect was founded by the Nanda Vachchha, and after him Kisa Samkichcha took over the charge. It was Makkhali Gośāla, who was responsible for its wide influence and spread. Makkhali Gośāla is a contemporary of Mahavira and the Buddha, was born to his mother Bhaddā in a cowshed (or Gośālā) at Sarabana in the Magadh area. His father Mankha or Maskari was a mendicant. The Ājīvika flourished in the sixth century BC under the influence of Makkhali Gośāla, as a

A¯jīvika

movement advocating a simple life of a mendicant for all human beings. We can say from the evidence of inscriptions found in Southern and Northern India that the Ājīvikas became very prominent and reached great heights in Northern India in the late first millennium BC, then declined, yet continued to exist in South India until the fourteenth century AD [5, 8]. Śravasti, now in the North Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, was the main center of the Ājīvikas during the first millennium BC, as mentioned in the ancient texts of Buddhist and the Jains. From Eastern-Central India, the Ājīvikas extended their presence in the western state of Gujarat by the fourth century BC, during the era of the Maurya Empire [5]. The Maurya era in India by the fourth century BC also saw the rapid spread of Ājīvikas in South Asia including the island state of Sri Lanka where they had a “Sangha Geham” or community center. Inscriptions identified as belonging to the first century AD suggests that the Ājīvikas had a significant presence in the South Indian state of Karnataka and the Kolar district of Tamil Nadu. The Ājīvikas gained importance and influence during the reign of the second Maurya emperor. The Maurya King Ashoka regarded the Ājīvikas as the third in importance as a religious groups after the Buddhists and Brahmans, as evidenced by his Seventh Pillar Edict. The Ājīvikas also received from Ashoka caves for their monasteries in the Barabar and Nagarjun hills, situated about 15 miles north of Gaya, Bihar. These excavated caves (and inscription) are probably the oldest caves of Indian ascetics and represent the only archaeological remains of the Ājīvikas that exists. After their decline in North India, their presence is found in South India. The evidence from Tamil literature shows that the Ājīvikas continued their presence in South India, until the fourteenth century AD. After the fourteenth century, the Ājīvikas divided into two groups; later one group merged with the devotional Vaiṣnavas (Alwars), the other with the Digambara Jains. Texts The original texts of the Ājīvika School of philosophy are not available now and are probably lost. So we have to depend on secondary sources,

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especially the Buddhist and Jaina texts [9] and their commentaries. According to Bhagavati Sūtra of the Jainas, the main texts of the Ājīvikas include ten Purvas (eight Mahānimittas and two Māggas) and the Onpatu Katir [5]. If we are to go by the Bhagavati Sūtra, the Mahānimittas were gleaned from the teachings of Gośāla [4]. It is supposed that the language of the original Ājīvika texts were eastern Prākrta, similar to the Jain Ardhamāgadhi Prākrta. The Buddhist text Samaññaphala Sutta and Buddhaghosa’s commentary on it give us some inconsistent fragments of Ājīvika history [4, 5]. The Hindu texts Vāyu Purāṇa also contain some references to Ājīvika philosophy [5, 10]. As the Jaina, Buddhist, and Hindu philosophies are opposed to the Ājīvika philosophy, it is questionable, modern scholars think whether their representation of Ājīvika philosophy is faithful to Ājīvika thought [5, 10, 11]. The Ājīvika text “Navakadir” (Nine Rays), mentioned in Tamil sources [12], is thought in some quarter to be a Tamil translation of the original Ardha Māgadhi Ājīvika text. Outlines of Ājīvika doctrine can be found in three Tamil texts, namely, the Maṇimekalāi of the Buddhists, the Nīlakeśī of the Jains, and the Śivajñānasiddhiyar of the Shaivites [12]. Philosophy The doctrine of “niyati” or absolute determinism is characteristic of Ājīvika philosophy. According to the Ājīvikas everything in human life and the universe is predetermined or preordained by cosmic principles, and there is nothing that can disturb or change this arrangement or state of affairs [11]. As a consequence human beings have no free choice and have to accept fatalism. In other words no religious or moral practice has any effect on our future, and things happen to us the way they do because they are preordained by cosmic principles. Herculean effort on our part cannot change this even a little bit. Thus the Ājīvikas are fatalist and do not believe in karma as done out of free choice [2]. They reject the karma theory based on free choice, as false [5]. As the Bhagavati Sūtra states, Gośāla believes that living

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beings are controlled by “niyati” or fate, with no power or force of their own [5, 8]. Predeterminism does not necessarily involve pessimism. Dale Riepe thus observes that the Ājīvikas were optimistic although they believe in predeterminism [11]. What one does or believes does not yield any moral force, merit or demerit, or has any effect on afterlife. Riepe further states that according to Ājīvikas, one’s actions have immediate effects in one’s current life but without any moral qualities attached to them, both the action and the effect being predetermined [11]. Another doctrine of the Ājīvikas is their antinomian ethics, which denies the existence of objective moral laws [5, 13]. This doctrine of the Ājīvikas is found in the Buddhist text Samaññaphala Sutta. Buddhaghosa in his commentary of Samaññaphala states this view as in a condensed form thus: There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings and they become sinful without cause or basis. There is neither cause nor basis for the purity of living beings and they become pure without cause or basis. All beings, all that have breath, all that are born, all that have life, are without power, or strength, or virtue, but are the result of destiny, chance and nature, and they experience joy and sorrow in six classes. [13]

Tamil literature on Ājīvikas speak of their practice on Ahimsā and their vegetarian diet [5: p. 123]. As A. L. Basham observes, Buddhist and Jaina texts state that the Ājīvikas were immoral, unchaste, and worldly people, but at the same time they note there the simple, ascetic lifestyle of Ājīvikas and thus betray their own confusions about them [5]. The Ājīvikas have a theory of elements and atoms similar to that of the Vaiśeṣika school. According to the Ājīvikas everything can be broken down into minuscule atoms, various arrangements of atoms produce the different qualities of things, and the nature of the atoms as well as their arrangements of aggregates is predetermined by cosmic forces [5]. Following the Tamil texts, we find that Ājīvikas accepted seven kāya or elemental categories. These seven categories are the following: pṛthvi-kaya (earth), apo-kāya (water), tejo-kāya

(fire), vāyu-kāya (air), sukha (joy), dukkha (sorrow), and jīva (life). The first four concern matter, while the last three concern non-matter. These are not either created or destroyed, eternal in other words. These are incapable of multiplying or reproducing, that is to say they are banjhā or barren. Each category exists in complete independence of one another [5]. The Ājīvika philosophy is atheistic in nature [14]. It does not accept any deity as the creator of the universe. So there was no question of worshipping any deity within the four corners of Ājīvika philosophy [14]. According to Ājīvikas every being has a soul (atman), but with a material form. This soul enables a being to meditate. The soul, the Ājīvikas believe, passes through many births before it attains its predestined nirvana or salvation.

Cross-References ▶ Jainism

References 1. Natalia I (1993) Shankara and Indian philosophy. State University of New York Press, Albany 2. Lochtefeld J (2002) The illustrated Encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 1. The Rosen Publishing Group, New York 3. Williams M (1995) Sanskrit English dictionary. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Hastings J, Hoernle A (2001) Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics (1). Charles Scribner & Sons, Edinburgh 5. Basham AL (2009) History and doctrines of the Ajivikas. Motilal Banarsidasss, Delhi 6. Charpentier J (1913) Ajivika. J R Asiat Soc G B Irel 669–674. Cambridge University Press 7. Hinnells J (1995) A new dictionary of religions. Wiley-Blackwell Reference, London 8. Brancaccio P (2014) Encyclopaedia of the history of science, technology, and medicine in non-western cultures. Springer, Netherlands 9. Balcerowicz P (2016) Early asceticism in India Ajivikism and Jainism. Routledge, London 10. Barua B (1920) The Ajivikas. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 11. Dundas P (2002) The Jains. Routledge, London

Akka Maha¯devī 12. Roshen D (2010) The religions of India: a concise guide to nine major faiths. Penguin, Delhi 13. Riepe D (1996) Naturalistic tradition in Indian thought. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 14. Bullivant S, Ruse M (2014) The Oxford handbook of atheism. Oxford University Press, Oxford 15. Garg G (1992) Encyclopaedia of the Hindu world. South Asia Books, Delhi

Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha ▶ Hindu Mahasabha

Akka Maha¯devī Sushumna Kannan Women’s Studies, San Diego State University, San Diego, CA, USA

Synonyms Mahādeviakka; Mahādeviyakka

Definition Akka Mahādevi is a woman saint of medieval South India, who uttered vacanas, a spontaneous verbalization of experiences while on the path of enlightenment. Her 300 and odd vacanas are mostly short couplets and dialogic in nature. They are addressed to her favorite deity, Chennamallikārjuna, or to others around her, always ending with an invocation of the deity, a form of Śiva. Akka Mahādevi also composed the Yogānga Trividhi, which refers to a number of spiritual paths, while emphasizing on the significance of her own path and elucidating and recording her experiences. The prefix “Akka” means sister and could be a respectful form of addressing a renunciate.

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Life Hagiographical sources record her birthplace as Udutadi and her parents as Vimala and Sumati. These texts tell us that Akka Mahādevi was a rudrakannike, a heavenly maid or a “pure portion” of Pārvati, Śiva’s spouse, who came down to earth with a mission. The available sources on Akka Mahādevi can be classified as the vacanas (of the twelfth century), the hagiographies (written between the twelfth and the fifteenth centuries), and modern scholarship of the colonial and postcolonial period. The hagiographies include the four Śūnyasaṃpādane (the acquisition of emptiness) texts, Prabhuliṅga Līle by Chāmarasa, Udutadiya Mahādeviyakkana Ragale (1200 A D) by Harihara, Mahādeviyakkana Purana (1550 A D) by Chennabasavānka, and Mahādeviakkana Sāngatya (1200 A D) by Rāchakavi. Akka Mahādevi walked out on her husband and though hagiographic material varies on the details, she left him and everything including her clothes and traveled to Kalyana, a town in which Basavanna, another saint of the twelfth-century Vīraśaiva Bhakti period, resided. There, she received guidance from other senior seekers such as Allama Prabhu and also taught others at the Anubhava Mantapa, a forum for the discussion of spiritual goals and outcomes. Akka Mahādevi is said to have walked to the Kadali forests and given up her body.

Context Though the hagiographical stories are simple and forthcoming, understanding Akka Mahādevi and her vacanas can still be a challenge. This has mostly to do with the frameworks brought to bear upon her, some historical and cultural and other recent ones, ideological. Historically, the vacanas and the bhakti period all across India’s regions evoked the interest of colonial historians and missionaries since they perceived a similarity between Bhakti and the Christian devotional traditions. Monotheism was a major theme during

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this time, since, for the predominantly Christian, European historians, who viewed India from the perspective of their cultural locations, India was a heathen culture with many gods. Any declaration to the contrary, that is, devotion to a single God, as in Bhakti, caught their attention. Today, this framework has been questioned and considered orientalist. That the nature of theism in India is different from that of the Judeo-Christian religious traditions is instead recognized. The declaration in the vacanas that Śiva is the only God is thus to be understood as the fervent declarations of a lover/loving devotee. A post-structuralist analysis, a common method of reading the vacanas, is the result of the influential nature of literary analysis and also follows from A K Ramanujan’s work, an early translator of the vacanas. Ramanujan’s translations, aimed at the west, were modernist and also universalizing, as argued by Tejaswini Niranjana [1]. Yet, the framework of viewing the vacanas as literary objects is so strong that even when they are read through old-fashioned philological analyses, they are still viewed mostly as literary objects, i.e., as poems. The difficulty in understanding the vacanas also arises from the conceptual distance between our current location in modernity and the precolonial understanding of the world rather than their linguistic form, which is a simple form of Kannada that approximates to contemporary spoken language. In order to preserve the coherence of texts such as the vacanas, a possible task is to adjust our subject positions as readers and theorize the content, significance, and the subjectivity supposed by the text. However, modern readings privilege the reader and the reader’s imagination outside of the text’s boundaries. This is when readings may be considered ideological and distortive. As a result of such readings, those who view Akka Mahādevi as proto-feminist fail to explain why she upheld strīdharma, a duty of subservience to the husband and his family. Most ideological readings lead to the exclusion of some sources, historical anachronisms, inconsistent explanations, selective readings, and gaps in the interpretation of the vacanas. It is possible that these readings derive their energy from the earlier Orientalist readings that view Bhakti as a movement

Alchemy

akin to Protestantism. However, the vacanas are neither literary works nor poetic, although somewhat aesthetically inclined. Their aesthetics is most likely an unintended by-product of the cognitive and experiential richness of the vacanakaras. To say this is not to theologize or mystify the vacanas, but to locate them within the human mind and body, as a self-transformative, precise, and exact tradition. It is from the comparison of Bhakti with the protestant movement that Bhakti has been problematically viewed as a “social reform” movement, while in reality it could have well been a peak in the spiritual achievements of, and completely internal to, the Indian intellectual traditions. The difficulty of understanding the vacanas also comes from the fact that they are the utterances of the already-enlightened; the experiences and cognitive categories are markedly different and a stretch to the unenlightened. The view that Bhakti is anti-Veda or antibrahminical also needs reworking in the face of evidence such as Akka Mahādevi praising Śiva as Vedopanishadgāyatri. While a mechanized performance of rituals is criticized by Akka Mahādevi and other seekers of the period, as argued by Blake Michael [2], it would be hard to assert more. That Akka Mahādevi upheld strīdharma and viewed it as a valid spiritual, gender-neutral path suggests that it is not spirituality that gave women relief from patriarchy but that there was a direct and heavy investment in enlightenment by women.

References 1. Niranjana T (1992) Siting translation: history, poststructuralism, and the colonial context. University of California Press, Berkeley 2. Michael B (1992) The origins of Vīraśaiva sects: a typological analysis of ritual and associational patterns in the Śūnyasaṃpādane. Motilal Banarasidass Publishers, Delhi

Alchemy ▶ Siddha Yoga

Alcohol (Use of)

Alcohol (Use of) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Alcohol is the main offering given to Kaal Bhairav, a deity of Ujjain in contemporary India. In Hindu thought generally, however, refraining from the intoxicants is a basic requirement for attaining Moksha. Also, in the Bhagavad Gita, it is mentioned that those who have a demoniac mentality are attracted and attached to wine, women, gambling, and meateating [1]. Interestingly, various sects in Hinduism have different prescriptions for the use of alcohol. For the followers of Vaishnavism, it is strictly prohibited to consume liquor. In Shaivism and Shaktism, alcohol is generally restricted. However, in the Tantric subsects of Shaivism and Shaktism, worshipers do consume liquor. The Nath Sampradaya, Yantra, and Smarthism generally recommend no alcohol in rituals [2]. For Asgama Hindu or Balinese Hinduism, the use of alcohol is optional. For Shrautism and the Arya Samaj, alcohol is strictly prohibited. The followers of Charvaka compulsorily consume alcohol as they believe in worldly pleasures. In the Ayurveda, the use of alcohol for medicinal purposes is described. Herbal wines, such as asavas and arishtas, are considered good medicines for weak digestion [3].

Discussion There are many Rig Vedic hymns that indicate that soma “wine” was easily accessible and freely sold to the people, and it was kept in leather bottles [2]. Many hymns are written in praise of Soma – the moon god. Some historians argue that soma juice was not actually alcohol or an intoxicant because in the Rig Veda, certain

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words such as swadu or swadishtha – “sweet or tasty” – are used for soma. The use of soma was commended, whereas the consumption of sura – “wine” – was condemned. According to this interpretation, during ancient times, soma was more like the soft drinks of today: tea, coffee, or coke. In the Rig Veda, the process of preparing wines is mentioned with minute details. Some scholars argue that the best wines were prepared from agaric fungus Amanita muscaria or Ephedra or Asclepia acida or Sarcostemma viminale. The plants were collected from the mountains, and they were squeezed by the priests, using large stones. The extract was then mixed with water and further sieved into a vessel. This fluid was then mixed with sweet milk or sour curd or buttermilk and fermented. Once prepared, it was offered to the Gods and Brahmins. Further, it is stated that gods longed for the soma as they were nourished by it. Therefore, in the Rig Veda, the drink is considered divine and good for health and immortality [4]. In the Ayodhya Kanda of the Ramayana, there is a reference in which Rama offers meat to Sita and convinces her to eat it as it is well cooked [5]. And in the Sundarakanda, Hanuman informs Sita in the Ashoka Vatika that Rama has become a teatotaler and a vegetarian [6]. Also in the Uttarakanda, Rama feeds Sita with wine, meat, and fruits [5]. There is a narrative in a Brahmana which tells us that once Indra, after consuming stale and fermented soma, went on a mad rampage [7]. In the Mahabharata, it is said that Shukracharya once, due to alcoholism, caused Kacha to be killed. When he came to his senses, he renounced drinking, saying: “If a foolish Brahmin henceforth drinks alcohol out of delusion, such a person will be considered as devoid of dharma and a killer of Brahmins and therefore will be despised in this world and the next forever” [7]. According to the Dharma Shastra, alcoholism is prohibited for all; however, for Kshatriyas and Shudras, it is sometimes allowed to give them relief from physical exertion and exhaustion [7]. In the Bhagavad Gita, three types of persons are described according to their basic qualities, or gunas: Sattvika, Rajasika, and Tamasika. Further,

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it states that the third type of persons likes putrid, decayed, tasteless, stale, unclean food, and alcohol [1]. The description in the Gita seeks to give reasons, based on personal qualities, for why some people drink wine and consume alcoholic products. The Adi and Mausala Parva of the epic Mahabharata provide scriptural evidence that Hindus used to consume alcohol thousands of years ago. In the Adi Parva, there is a reference to a party of women (all young, with rotund hips, deep bosoms, and handsome eyes) which was organized by Krishna and Arjuna. The women sported, and they became intoxicated and enjoyed themselves in the woods, in the waters, and in the mansions. In delusion, the Queen Draupadi and Subhadra gave away their ornaments and costly robes to the women while they were sporting. Some women started dancing in joy, some began to sing loudly, and some lost their senses and suddenly started to laugh and jest. All drank excellent wines voraciously [8]. The use of alcohol was so common that, at times, Kings banned it for a certain period. In the Mausala Parva of Mahabharata, there is a reference to some Kings, such as Ahuka, Janardhana, Rama, and Vabhru, who made announcements among all Andhakas and Vrishnis to stop manufacturing alcohol and wines in the city [8]. Further, it was also proclaimed that if someone was discovered breaching the command, he should be impaled alive along with his kinsmen. Out of fear, all citizens abode by the command, and they did not manufacture spirits and wines. The Manusmriti, further, lays down stringent rules against drinking, arguing that consuming alcohol is the most harmful of a king’s vices. This text recommends that kings banish and punish the sellers of alcohol. In one such punishment, it is recommended that the drinker must be tattooed on the forehead with the figure of the wine cup. The text also states that for dwija, or “twice born” castes — that is, Brahmin, Kshatriya, and Vaishya — consuming alcohol is a grievous sin. The Manusmriti also lists the consumption of alcohol among the five terrible sins [9]. In Yaska’s Nirukta, the drinking of alcohol is considered one of the seven worst transgressions.

Alexander the Great

References 1. A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1986) Bhagavad-gita as it is. The Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, Mumbai, pp 223–456 2. Jones C, Ryan JD (2006) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase Publishing, New York, pp 231–512 3. Traditionally fermented biomedicines, arishtas and asavas from Ayurveda (n.d.). Retrieved from https:// w w w. n i s c a i r. r e s . i n / S c i e n c e c o m m u n i c a t i o n / ResearchJournals/rejour/ijtk/Fulltextsearch/2008/ October%202008/IJTK-Vol%207(4)-%20October% 202008-%20pp%20548-556.htm 4. Shah NC (2015) Soma, an enigmatic, mysterious plant of the Vedic Āryas: an appraisal. Indian J Hist Sci 50(1). https://doi.org/10.16943/ijhs/2015/v50i1/ 48110 5. Venkatesananda S (1988) Concise Ramayana of Valmiki. SUNY Press, Albany, pp 47–248 6. Content (n.d.). Retrieved from https://www.valmiki. iitk.ac.in/content?language¼dv&field_kanda_tid¼5& field_sarga_value¼36&field_sloka_value¼41 7. Kshatriyas and Alcohol Consumption (n.d.). Retrieved from https://hinduism.stackexchange.com/questions/ 18770/kshatriyas-and-alcohol-consumption 8. Mausala Parva (n.d.). Retrieved from http://www. vyasaonline.com/mausala-parva/ 9. Buhler G (2004) The laws of Manu. Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, pp 141–198

Further Reading The Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda/ volume 1/Lectures And Discourses/Vedic Religious Ideals (n.d.) Retrieved from https://en.wikisource.org/ wiki/The_Complete_Works_of_Swami_Vivekananda/ Volume_1/Lectures_And_Discourses/Vedic_Reli gious_Ideals

Alexander the Great Klaus Karttunen Department of World Cultures, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

Definition The Indian campaigns of Alexander the Great, their meaning for Greek knowledge of India, and their meager impact in India.

Alexander the Great

Alexander the Great: History and Impact Introduction Alexander, commonly called “the Great” (356–323 BCE), was the son of King Philippos of Macedonia and succeeded him as king [1]. Philippos had brought the Greek city-states under Macedonian suzerainty and the son turned his eyes to the east, where the old enemy was, the Persian Empire of the Achaemenid dynasty. In a rapid campaign involving three major battles (Granicus, Issus, and Gaugamela), Alexander conquered this empire showing remarkable tactical and strategic ability. After this he turned his gaze to the eastern part of the empire adding Central Asian and Indian satrapies to his conquests. Alexander’s empire was short-lived, but together with its successor states, it spread Hellenistic culture to Egypt and the Middle East and echoes of this also reached India. History The eastern campaign started with the subjugation of the Central Asian countries of Bactria and Sogdiana in 329. Then, Alexander proceeded through Afghanistan to the Indus. The king of Taxila became his ally, and after a major battle (326 BCE), King Porus of Western Punjab became a vassal. The campaign proceeded eastwards to the Beas (Hyphasis), where exhausted soldiers forced him to turn back. A navy was built at the Jhelum and used for downriver voyage, interrupted by many battles, to the Indus Delta. The return from India in 325 took place in three stages: Alexander himself went straight through Gedrosian desert, Craterus with veterans and elephants used the longer but easier northern way, while the navy under Nearchus was following the coast. An important strategy for integrating the new conquests was city foundations. Several were founded in India, but they were soon emptied. However, Kandahar and some Bactrian cities (Ai-Khanum) remained. Historians A number of participants on Alexander’s campaigns wrote down its history, the most important

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being Ptolemy, Aristobulus, Nearchus, and Onesicritus. A further history was written by Cleitarchus. All these works are lost, but known from quite numerous fragments quoted in the extant histories: in Arrian’s Anabasis and Indica and in the so-called Vulgate formed by Diodor, Curtius, Plutarch, and Justin. Observations in India Alexander emphasized the importance of studying the conquered lands and his historians accordingly told much about the geography, climate, plants and animals, agriculture, society, and various customs of India. Of religion, it was stated that Indians mainly worshipped two gods, Dionysus and Heracles. It was common custom in Greek ethnographic writing to identify foreign gods with familiar ones, but these two were also Alexander’s mythic ancestors and the stories connected with them were made up to show that the king had surpassed their achievements. Therefore, their identification is difficult ([3], p. 210ff). The naked ascetics of Taxila, later called gymnosophists or naked sophists, attracted much attention because of their hard asceticism. Like ascetics in Indian texts, they exposed themselves to cold in winter and heat in summer and were much honored by local people. But the account of their doctrines, quoted by Strabo (15. 1. 63–65) from Onesicritus, is suspiciously close to those of Onesicritus’ teacher, the Cynic Diogenes. Some identify them with Jains, but they can as well represent some forgotten sect. One of them, Calanus, joined Alexander’s retinue and later committed the famous suicide on pyre. Also the warlike Brahmans in the southern Indus country featured often in the accounts. The skill of Indian physicians was lauded, especially in dealing with the common snake poisonings. Legend Tradition Besides history, there soon arose a legend tradition, starting from Onesicritus and developing in the Hellenistic period (testified by papyrus finds). The main source of this tradition is the so-called Alexander romance, wrongly ascribed to Callisthenes [7]. It is known in several different

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recensions in Greek and Latin, and in the Middle Ages, it was translated into many European and Near Eastern languages. Here, history and geography are completely distorted. Alexander also conquers Rome, China, and Ethiopia. Many kinds of fabulous peoples, animals, and plants enliven the story, but they are just derived from earlier Greek literature and often moved to a new location in India. The legend texts also include Alexander’s fictitious letters on Indian marvels to his teacher Aristotle and to his mother Olympias – another tradition told of Alexander and the Brahmans, in the form of dialogues or correspondence [6]. All this is literary fiction; here the Brahmans are a separate ethnic unit following religious life and contrasted to the rude warrior Alexander. Importance for Western Knowledge Together with Megasthenes, the major historians of Alexander soon formed a “canon,” from which almost all later authors derived their knowledge about India. Besides histories, the Indian parts of the geographical accounts of Strabo and Pliny the Elder are mostly drawn from them. The hard asceticism of the Gymnosophists aroused much admiration among Cynic and Stoic philosophers and later on also among Christian ascetics. In the Middle Ages, the legend tradition was very popular and often confused with history. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Alexander’s Indian exploits were a popular subject of dramatic and musical compositions. Importance in India Indian sources know nothing of Alexander, leaving out pure guesswork [2]. He turned back from the eastern Punjab and never reached the main area of ancient Indian civilization. After his death the generals fighting for his inheritance draw back the troops left in Indian garrisons and soon the Indian satrapies were annexed by Chandragupta Maurya. Alexander’s conquests were only a short-lived interlude in peripheral area and were soon forgotten. More important was his indirect influence: He brought Hellenism to the confines of India, eventually leading to IndoGreek rule and influence in the northwest. From

Algebra

numismatic evidence it is clear that the IndoGreeks practiced a hero cult of Alexander and some Greek references to the memorials of Alexander in northwest India are probably hailing from this period [4]. The most lasting form of the IndoGreek impact was the so-called Gandhāra art [5], which applied Hellenistic form language to Buddhist ideas.

Cross-References ▶ Greeks (Hinduism)

References 1. Bosworth AB (1988) Conquest and empire. The reign of Alexander the Great. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2. Lamotte E (1951) Alexandre et le bouddhisme. Bull École Française Extrême-Orient 44:147–162, 1947–1950 3. Karttunen K (1989) India in Early Greek literature. Studia Orientalia, vol 65. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki 4. Karttunen K (2008) Lost Indo-Greek remains in Gujarat, Sind and the Pañjab. In: Raven EM (ed) South Asian archaeology 1999. Gonda Indological studies, vol 15. Egbert Forsten, Groningen, pp 283–287 5. Nehru L (1989) Origins of the Gandharan style: a study of contributory influences. Oxford University Press, Delhi 6. Steinmann M (2012) Alexander der Grosse und die “nackten Wisen” Indiens, Klassische Philologie, vol 4. Frank & Timme, Berlin 7. Stoneman R (1991) The Greek Alexander romance. Translated with an introduction and notes by Richard Stoneman. Penguin, Harmondsworth

Algebra ▶ Mathematics

All India Hindu Mahasabha ▶ Hindu Mahasabha

A¯lva¯r ¯

A¯lva¯r ¯ Suganya Anandakichenin NETamil Project, École française d’Extrême-Orient, Pondicherry, India

Synonyms Azhwar

Definition The Āḻvārs are Vaiṣṇava saint-poets (ca. 6th to 10th c.), who, along with their Śaiva counterparts, the Nāyaṉmārs, spearheaded the bhakti movement in South India and beyond, through their work, now known as Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (also known as the Nālāyira Divya Prabandham, “the 4000 divine compositions”) [1]. They are 12 in number (Poykaiyāḻvār, Pūtattāḻvār, Pēyāḻvār, Tirumaḻicai, Kulaśekhara, Periyāḻvār, Āṇṭāḷ, Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi, Tiruppāṇ, Nammāḻvār, Madhurakavi, and Tirumaṅkai), and they composed deeply emotional poetry in Tamil on the god whose Sanskrit names are Viṣṇu and Nārāyaṇa.

Tamil Vaisnava bhakti ˙˙ Viṣṇu and His incarnations like Kṛṣṇa and Rāma were known to pre-bhakti texts in Tamil, both to the secular classical poetry (1st c.–7th c. CE), known as Caṅkam poetry, and to the Paripāṭal (5th–6th c. CE), a poem that contains some of the oldest hymns in Tamil, with six extant songs dedicated to Tirumāl (Viṣṇu/Kṛṣṇa). Nevertheless, it was the poets who came to be known as Āḻvārs a few centuries later, who gave exclusive prominence to Viṣṇu-Nārāyaṇa and His other forms: by establishing Him as the absolute Deity in the Tamil landscape, they made a deep impact on later generations of the same Tamil-speaking region, including that of the Śrīvaiṣṇava Ācāryas but also

59

on other saint-poets in the rest of the subcontinent over the next centuries.

A The Appellation A¯lva¯r ¯ Traditionally, the term “Āḻvār” is affixed to descriptive names (e.g., Nammāḻvār, meaning “Our Āḻvār”), pseudonyms (e.g., Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi Āḻvār), the hometown of the poet (e.g., Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār), possible proper names or personal titles (e.g., Kulaśekhara Āḻvār) or caste/profession name (e.g., Tiruppāṇāḻvār, pāṇ meaning “a bard” or “member of the Pāṇar caste”), or mysterious words, possibly related to madness (e.g., Pēyāḻvār and Pūtattāḻvār, pēy and pūtam meaning “goblin” and “demon,” respectively). The suffix “Āḻvār” is traditionally thought to mean “those who are immersed [in bhakti],” the root of the participial noun being āḻ of āḻtal, meaning “to sink, to be immersed.” However, recent scholarship [2] has preferred the variant “Āḷvār,” from the Tamil root āḷ of āḷtal (“to rule”), which would then mean “those who rule over.” This fits with the apparent tendency to refer to the devotees as “rulers” among the Śaivas as well (the word nāyaṉmār, which is the Śaiva counterpart of āḻvār, derives from nāyaṉ “ruler, lord”). Moreover, even on the Vaiṣṇava side, the only lady Āḻvār is known as Āṇṭāḷ (“she who ruled”), the root of which is the abovementioned āḷ.

The A¯lva¯r Chronology ¯ The Āḻvārs lived in the Tamil land between the 6th and 9th c. More definite information about them, however, is limited. Even their internal chronology – let alone dates – is difficult to establish, especially if it is based on traditional sources alone. Taking into account the names of the locations and the historical figures the Āḻvārs allude to, scholars generally agree that Poykai, Pēy, Pūtam, and Tirumaḻicai are the earliest, that Nammāḻvār, Madhurakavi, and Tirumaṅkai could form the

A¯lva¯r ¯

60 Names of the authors, their dates & works

Name

Tiruvaraṅ-

Parāśara

Pinpaḻakiya

Vedānta

Vedānta

Maṇavāḷa

kattu

Bhaṭṭar

Perumāḷ

Deśika

Deśika

Māmuṉi

Nālāyira-

Amutaṉār

(1123-

Jīyar

(1269-1370)

(1269-

(1369-

tivyap-

(c. 1130

1151)

(c 1290

Adhikāra

1370)

1473)

pirapantam

CE?)

taṉiyaṉ

CE?)

Saṅgraham

Pirapanta

Iyal cāttu

Irāmānuca

(‘stray

Guruparam-

Nūṟṟantāti

verse’)

parā-

-cāram

prabhāvam

of the Āḻvārs Poykai

1

2

1

1

1

2

(9)

Pūtam

2

1

2

2

2

1

(10)

Pey

3

3

3

3

3

3

(11)

Tiruppāṇ

4

7

11

8

11

10

(6)

Tirumaḻicai

5

5

4

10

4

5

(4)

Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi

6

8

10

9

10

9

(5)

Kulacēkaraṉ

7

6

7

7

7

8

(3)

Periyāḻvār

8

4

8

5

8

6

(1)

Āṇṭāḷ

9

-

9

6

9

11

(2)

Tirumaṅkai

10

9

12

11

12

7

(8)

Nammāḻvār

11

10

5

4

5

4

(12)

Madhurakavi

12

-

6

12

6

12

(7)

A¯lva¯r, Fig. 1 Chronology of the Āḻvārs as given in the traditional writings ¯

later layer, and that the others are somewhere in the middle. This chronology has not been firmly established or universally accepted (Fig. 1).

The A¯lva¯rs, Their Works, and Their Lives ¯ Very little is known about the Āḻvārs, and most of what is comes mainly from what they themselves claim in their works and/or what is narrated by the

Śrīvaiṣṇava hagiographies, e.g., the 12th c. Sanskrit work Divyasūricarita by Garuḍavāhana Paṇḍita, which is the first major work of the kind, or the 13th c.(?) Guruparamparāprabhāvam (GPP), which is a Tamil-Sanskrit Maṇipravāḷa work by Piṉpaḻakiya Perumāḷ Jīyar. Based on these two as well as other sources (e.g., epigraphic material, literary cross-references), modern scholars [3, 4] have tried to come to a tentative conclusion as to the dates of the Āḻvārs, but the

A¯lva¯r ¯ A¯lva¯r, ¯ 2 Table recapitulating Fig. the names of the 12 Āḻvārs, their works, and the number of verses in them

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Āḻvārs

Works

Poykai

Mutal Tiruvantāti

100

Pūtam

Iraṇṭām Tiruvantāti

100

Pēy

Mūṉṟām Tiruvantāti

100

Tirumaḻicai

Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti

96

Tiruccantaviruttam

120

Kulaśekhara

Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi

105

Periyāḻvār

Periyāḻvār Tirumoḻi

473

Āṇṭāḷ

Tiruppāvai

30

Nācciyār Tirumoḻi

143

Tirupaḷḷiyeḻucci

10

Tirumālai

45

Tiruppāṇ

Amalaṉ āti pirāṉ

10

Tirumaṅkai

Periya Tirumoḻi

1084

Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi

Nammāḻvār

Madhurakavi

information we have is nevertheless scarce and unreliable. Poykai, Pūtam, and Pēy The first three Āḻvārs (poykai ¼ “lake,” pūtam ¼ “demon,” pēy ¼ “goblin”) each composed a hundred verses in the antāti or antādi (“end-beginning”) style, in which the word that concludes a verse is the one that begins the next, and as the poem comes to a full circle, the last word of its last stanza is the first word of its first.

Number of verses

Tirukkuruntāṇṭakam

20

Tiruneṭuntāṇṭakam

30

Tiruvāymoḻi

1102

Tiruviruttam

100

Tiruvāciriyam

7

Periya Tiruvantāti

87

Kaṇṇi nuṇ ciṟu tāmpu

11

The works of these three Āḻvārs are simply known as the Mutal Tiruvantāti (“the first sacred antāti”), the Iraṇṭām Tiruvantāti (“the second sacred antāti”), and the Mūṉṟām Tiruvantāti (“the third sacred antāti”), respectively. Unlike the later Āḻvārs, these poets have not included signature verses, which means not much can be known about them from their own words (Fig. 2). Hagiography (like the GPP) states that these three contemporary Āḻvārs were born thousands

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of years ago: Poykaiyāḻvār, a fragment of Viṣṇu’s conch Pāñcajanya, appeared on a lotus in a pond in Kanchipuram; Pēy, a portion of His sword Nandaka, was born on a waterlily in a well in Mallai (Mahābalipuram); and Pūtam, a fragment of His mace Kaumodakī, came into being on a flower in Mylapore. Thus, all three are said to have been born in the Toṇṭai region, on the eastern coast around present-day Chennai. Tradition has it that the three poet-saints, unknown to each other previously, assembled in a small closed space in Tirukkōvalūr on a stormy night, and feeling the presence of fourth person, they realized it was Nārāyaṇa Himself who had joined them to witness this meeting. And this is the occasion when the three poets are said to have composed their antātis one after the other. Some scholars have claimed that Pūtam was a contemporary of the Śaiva saint-poet Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār, and some have identified Poykaiyāḻvār with the Caṅkam poet Poykaiyār. Their relative lack of sectarian bias, the prevalent archaic features that affect both their style and content, including their use of the most important post-Caṅkam poetic meter, the veṇpā, which can be seen in the famous Tirukkuṟaḷ, and the similarities found in their works and in those of Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār (6th c.) and the Paripāṭal have all been used to point out an early date for all three of them (6th or 7th c.). Tirumalicai ¯ Two works, the Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti (a 96-verse long antāti beginning with the word nāṉmukaṉ [“the four-faced one”]) and the Tiruccantaviruttam, which is 120 verses long, have been attributed to him. However, the authorship of the latter has been questioned given the differences in style and content found in the two works. Hagiographic information claims that this Āḻvār, a fragment of Nārāyaṇa’s discus Sudarśana, was born in the Tirumaḻicai village near modern-day Chennai to Brahmin parents but was brought up by a Śūdra couple. Having tried many different faiths and philosophical systems, including Buddhism and Jainism, he converted to Vaiṣṇavism, thanks to Pēy Āḻvār according to some versions.

A¯lva¯r ¯

As for historical information, Tirumaḻicai is said to have been an elder contemporary of King Mahendravarmaṉ I of the Pallava Dynasty. Kulaśekhara The Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi, with 105 verses divided in 10 decades, includes praise of the Lord of Śrīraṅgam, with three decades reserved for Him; of Kṛṣṇa, for whom one poem with motherly love and one with erotic love are dedicated; and especially of Rāma, on whom three decades focus, including the one that summarizes the Rāmāyaṇa. Each decade is signed off by a certain Kulacēkaraṉ, who claims to be the king of Kolli (of debatable identity, often thought to be Kollam in Kerala or Kolli in Tamil Nadu), Kūṭal (the Pāṇḍya capital of Madurai), Kōḻi (the Cōḻa capital of Uṟaiyūr), and the people of Koṅku (which corresponds to the present-day districts of Coimbatore and Salem). He has sung about the following locations: Śrīraṅgam, Tirukkaṇṇapuram, Āli, Vittuvakkōṭu, Vēṅkaṭam, and Ayodhyā. Probably from these words, hagiographers have drawn the conclusion that Kulaśekhara was a great Cēra king who ruled over the whole of South India, including the Cōḻa and Pāṇḍya lands. Claiming him to be a fragment of Nārāyaṇa’s Kaustubha jewel, they describe him as deeply devoted to Rāma, and enamored with Śrīraṅgam, which he managed to reach after abdicating, years after planning the journey that was postponed every single time. Scholars have identified him with one or the other Cēra king (e.g., Sthāṇu Ravi), the author of the Sanskrit poem Mukundamālā, and sometimes also the writer of the Sanskrit plays Subhadrādhanañjayam and Tapatīsaṃvaraṇam, but these claims cannot be established without doubt. What can be suggested instead is that the Āḻvār was probably a 9th c. chieftain belonging to the Koṅku-Cēra clan who lived not far from the Kāveri delta, which he seems to be acquainted with more than any other region. He probably was a contemporary of Periyāḻvār, Āṇṭāḷ, Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi, and Tiruppāṇ. Kulaśekhara is sometimes thought to be later than Tirumaṅkai, especially due to his focus on Rāma – whose cult is supposed to be a later phenomenon, but his

A¯lva¯r ¯

limited knowledge of the Vaiṣṇava geography and Tirumaṅkai’s experimenting with newer poetic forms, which Kulaśekhara does not, seems to rather point toward Tirumaṅkai being a younger contemporary. Periya¯lva¯r and A¯nta¯l ¯ ˙˙ ˙ Calling himself Viṭṭucittaṉ (< SanskritViṣṇucitta, “one who has Viṣṇu in [his] mind”), Periyāḻvār (“the great Āḻvār”) has composed what is known as Periyāḻvār Tirumoḻi. With 473 verses, it is mainly noted for his love for Kṛṣṇa, which is almost erotic, except that it is presented as parental love, in a genre called piḷḷai-t-tamiḻ, which, in this case, is a description of the various stages of Kṛṣṇa’s childhood. Its first decade, known as the Tirupaḷḷāṇṭu, has special significance for the later Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition and precedes any recitation of the Nālāyirativiyappirapantam. Āṇṭāḷ (“she who ruled]”), the only woman among these poets, calls herself Kōtai (“creeper”; < Sanskrit-godā, “given by the earth,” according to the later Śrīvaiṣṇavas), preceded by what seems to be her father’s name and an attribute of his (e.g., the chief among priests [paṭṭar pirāṉ kōtai] in Villiputtūr or the king of the people of Putuvai [putuvaiyar kōṉ kōtai]). She has two works to her name: the Tiruppāvai, a popular poem made of 30 verses, in which she (borrowing the voice of a Gopī) takes up the pāvai vow in order to obtain her wishes from Kṛṣṇa, and the Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, composed of 143 verses that chiefly express the poetess’s love and longing – sometimes explicitly erotic – for Kṛṣṇa. Hagiography claims that Periyāḻvār, Garuḍa being born as a Brahmin in Śrīvilliputtūr, in the modern-day Virudhunagar district, made flower garlands for the main Deity of the temple of his town. Later, being impelled by Nārāyaṇa in his dream, he successfully established the supremacy of Nārāyaṇa in the court of the Pāṇḍya king – supposedly Śrīmāṟa Śrīvallabha (815–862 CE). Periyāḻvār’s story is intertwined with Āṇṭāḷ’s, as the GPP, for example, narrates that the former found her as an infant, the very incarnation of Lady Earth, under a tulsi bush in his garden, and that he brought her up as his own child. She, who

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grew up being in love with Kṛṣṇa, was firm that she would marry none but Him, and in the end, she reached Śrīraṅgam and disappeared at the feet of Ranganātha, the main deity of the temple. It is hard to glean any historical truth from these stories. The poets’ own words only allow us to know that Viṭṭucittaṉ and Kōtai were from the town Villiputtūr (also known as “Putuvai”) and that he may have been a priest. Claiming that the works of both these poets are markedly different from those of the early Āḻvārs, some scholars believe that there are signs in their poetry pointing toward links both with the beginnings of Śrīvaiṣṇavism, as Śrīraṅgam gets a pronounced importance and focus, and with the Bhāgavata Purāṇa (9th–10th c.?), due to the way the Kṛṣṇa myths are similarly dealt with. Tontaratippoti ˙˙ ˙ ˙ With a pseudonym literally meaning “dust on the feet of servants,” Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi has composed a decade known as the Tirupaḷḷiyeḻucci, with verses that are meant to wake the Lord of Śrīraṅgam from sleep, and the Tirumālai, which is composed of 45 verses solely dedicated to the Lord of Śrīraṅgam. In this poem, the Āḻvār, other than virulently criticizing other faiths, also claims the superiority of being a Vaiṣṇava over being a Brahmin. Hagiographers say that this Āḻvār, a fragment of Viṣṇu’s garland called Śrījayantī, was called Vipranārāyaṇa and that he tended a garden and made flower garlands for Raṅganātha. Seduced by a devadasi, he became wayward and was finally redeemed by his favorite Lord. According to scholars, the culmination of the importance of Śrīraṅgam that is expressed by the exclusive focus that the Āḻvār accords it in his poetry and the elaborateness of rituals that are described in his Tirupaḷḷiyeḻucci seems to point to the late 9th c. or even early 10th c. Tiruppa¯n ˙ This Āḻvār has only composed a set of ten verses known as amalaṉ āti pirāṉ after the first words of his poem, which describes Raṅganātha from foot to head, and does not include any signature verse. Therefore, it is not possible to know much about

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the poet based on this short poem, not even his name. Hagiography claims that Tiruppāṇāḻvār, an incarnation of a nityasūri (“an eternal worshipper,” who inhabits Vaikuṇṭha), was an outcast (pāṇ ¼ here, person of the Pāṇar caste) born in Uṟaiyūr, not far from Śrīraṅgam, and that he was devoted to Raṅganātha. Due to his low birth, he could not enter the temple. But his bhakti was such that Raṅganātha had him brought up to His shrine on the shoulders of a priest. Scholars claim that the eminence of Śrīraṅgam in his poem may point toward contemporaneity with Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi Āḻvār. Namma¯lva¯r and Madhurakavi ¯ The most important work by Nammāḻvār (“Our Āḻvār”), the Tiruvāymoḻi with 100 decades, is referred to as the drāviḍa-veda (“the Dravidian/ Tamil Veda”), by the Śrīvaiṣṇavas who have thereby placed a vernacular text on par with the Vedas. Despite the number of signature poems that he composed, for example, in the above work, Nammāḻvār gives away very little about himself, except for his name, his hometown, and perhaps his father’s name: he calls himself māṟaṉ or caṭakōpaṉ, sometimes preceded by southern Kurukūr (the place he was from) and others by kāri (presumably his father’s name). Hagiographic texts tell us that he was born to a Veḷḷāla couple in Kurukūr (modern-day Āḻvār Tirunakari), that he remained in silent contemplation and fasting from the moment he was born, and that he remained so under a tamarind tree till his 16th year, when Madhurakavi, an older Brahmin man, found him. Nammāḻvār then composed all his works in the next 4 and 1/2 years. Madhurakavi has composed only one decade, and that too, not in praise of Nārāyaṇa, but of his teacher Nammāḻvār, which makes his poem stand out from the rest. Tradition claims that he was born in Tirukkōḷūr in the same district as above and went on pilgrimage in northern India and that a light emanating from Nammāḻvār in the South attracted him to the meditating Āḻvār. Hagiographies also mention that when Nammāḻvār’s and the other Āḻvārs’ works were lost a few generations later, Nāthamuni, a temple

A¯lva¯r ¯

priest from Vīranārāyaṇapuram, recited Madhurakavi’s decade, which he had received from his disciple, meditated upon Nammāḻvār and received from him not just the Tiruvāymoḻi but all the verses that were to be compiled and named as Nālāyirativviyappirapantam. Some scholars believe that the following two facts place Nammāḻvār in the seventh or eighth centuries: (1) his emotionalism is much more developed than what is found in the Paripāṭal; (2) the number of temples that he names or alludes to – and the larger geographical area where they are located – shows that the worship of Viṣṇu was by his time more widespread than in the early Āḻvārs’ time. As for Madhurakavi, although he refers to Nammāḻvār as his teacher, it has been suggested that he may have lived some time later, when the deification process of Nammāḻvār was complete. Tiruman˙kai This Āḻvār, who calls himself parakālaṉ (“he who is death to [his] foes”) or kaliyaṉ (“warrior”), has experimented with many newer poetic forms, and his corpus, which includes the lengthy Periya Tirumoḻi, represents a third of the Nālāyira Divya Prabandham. Traditional stories claim that Tirumaṅkai, a minor chieftain from Ālināṭu, promised to feed a thousand Vaiṣṇavas everyday for a year, in order to marry the Brahmin woman he fell in love with. In order to keep the promise, he became a bandit and was reformed by the appearance of Nārāyaṇa Himself, who initiated him in His devotion. Due to the length of his works and the remarkable number of places (of around 84 out of 108 divyadeśas or “divine places”) that he mentions, it is possible to know a little more about this Āḻvār than the others, e.g., he lived at a time when it was possible to have pan-“Indian” vision of the Viṣṇu cult that is more extensive, as he sings about places that are as far away as Muktināth in Nepal. Among a few other clues that his poetry gives, two can be mentioned here: Tirumaṅkai sings about the Vaikuṇṭhaperumāḷ Temple in Kanchipuram and Nandipuraviṇṇakaram, which must have been constructed by the Pallava king whom Tirumaṅkai’s works seem to know well,

A¯lva¯r ¯

i.e., Nandivarman II Pallavamalla (731–796) (or, for the first temple, the one who preceded him, i.e., Parameśvaravarman I [670–700]); and he uses the expression vairamēkaṉ, which is a Tamilized version of Vajramegha, the epithet of a Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Dantidurga (mid-8th c.). Therefore, some scholars place him in the 8th c. Unlike Nammāḻvār who knows but little about the shrines in the Cōḻa and the Toṇṭai regions in the eastern coast and who still uses older poetic forms, such as the veṇpā meter and the antāti style, Tirumaṅkai knows more than twice as many temples as the former and explores new literary forms as well. Therefore, he probably lived after Nammāḻvār.

The A¯lva¯r Bhakti ¯ Āḻvār poetry was influenced by Sanskrit works, which provided it with mythological resources inter alia, but more importantly, by the akam (“interior”) poetry of Tamil classical literature (Caṅkam poetry), which deals with secular love between man and woman. Intense emotions linked with an overpowering love are defining characteristics of the akam corpus, and by making ample use of these in their works, the Āḻvārs produced poetry in which bhakti for God bore an intensity that was hitherto unknown to the earlier Sanskrit texts. In the latter, bhakti is essentially an intellectual one (e.g., in the Bhagavad Gītā), with fear and wonder being the closest emotions felt for God. This is not to say that emotion was totally absent from them (the Bhagavad Gītā, for example, does evoke emotional bhakti, although vaguely) or that the distinction between the two types of bhakti is clear-cut (as the significance of bhakti differs from one person to another, in different times and contexts, from anything between a meditative state to an ecstatic form of worship). But it has been convincingly suggested that the shift from intellectual to emotional bhakti happened in the Southern part of the subcontinent under the impact of the akam-influenced, strongly emotional devotional poetry of the Āḻvārs, although it is worth remembering that the exchange of ideas has been a two-way process,

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with both the “North” and the “South” fertilizing each other. In the Tamil context, bhakti was also more grounded, as it involved having a personal god and a defined, concrete place of worship, the focus equally being on the devotees and their modes of expression and desire to surrender to their preferred god for the sake of achieving salvation. Thus, the Āḻvārs worship Nārāyaṇa, or one of His incarnations like Rāma and Kṛṣṇa, who abides in multiple locations, which are not only the distant milk ocean, Vaikuṇṭha, or in the past (for the incarnations), but notably, the temple. They thus mention a number of shrines, some of which may have been popular in their own times (e.g., Śrīraṅgam, Veṅkaṭam) and others, which they may have sung into existence or reknown (e.g., Vittuvakkōṭu). The devotee’s heart itself becomes a shrine for the Lord, for whom the poet feels profound love. The expression of this love, as well as of the various emotions linked with it (e.g., longing, sulking, etc.), is rendered effortless by the using of the mother tongue, which the poets adopt instead of Sanskrit. Although they did not repudiate the “divine language,” which was the usual preference for religious compositions, the Āḻvārs were partial to Tamil, which was, for them, the most natural means of conveying the ecstatic feelings that they felt for their Lord. Thus, during the bhakti period, the remote and difficult-to-approach God lauded in the Vedas and in the religious texts in Sanskrit became closer to the Āḻvārs, for whom He had become “local,” much as their language of choice. They thus wholeheartedly dedicated their bhakti to a Lord who is personal, replete with human qualities, though not deprived of His divine ones. And often, for this very reason, the Āḻvārs see themselves as girls in love with this Hero, very much like the akam heroines.

The A¯lva¯rs Now ¯ The Āḻvārs’ works, having been given the status of Tamil Vedas, are very much part of the recitation rituals in many Śrīvaiṣṇava temples in the

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Amalgamation

Tamil land [5]. For example, in Śrīraṅgam, a most important festival of recitation called adhyayana utsavam is conducted every year, in the Tamil month of Mārkaḻi (mid-December–mid-January), during which both the Sanskrit and the Tamil Vedas are recited for 21 days, although the Āḻvār poetry gets more prominence and time. This festival is composed of three parts: the pakal pattu (“ten days,” during which verses from other than Nammāḻvār’s Tiruvāymoḻi ones are sung), the rā pattu (“ten nights,” also called the Tiruvāymoḻit-tirunāḷ or “the sacred days of the Tiruvāymoḻi,” during which, as its name suggests, verses from Nammāḻvār’s magnum opus are recited), and, on the last day, the iyaṟpā (verses that are meant to be recited, e.g., the antātis) which is taken up. During the pakal pattu, the very important araiyar cēvai (“the service of the araiyar” or priests in some Viṣṇu temples in South India whose duty was to sing verses from the Āḻvār poetry and mime their meanings with hand gestures and facial expressions) takes place. The respect is not only reserved for the Āḻvārs’ works but for the Āḻvārs themselves. Many – if not most – temples that are managed by Śrīvaiṣṇavas have icons of the Āḻvārs, either in separate shrines or in common ones, where they are still worshipped. Some temples have both a fixed image (mūla-bera) and a processional one (utsava-bera), and they receive rites much like those of Viṣṇu, i.e., they are bathed, fed, taken in a procession, etc. on special occasions, as, for example, during their yearly or even “monthly birthdays” (māsa-nakṣatra). Thus the cult of the Āḻvārs is still present, closely intertwined with that of their beloved God.

References

Cross-References

▶ Naṭarāja

▶ Maṇipravāḷa ▶ Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (Nālāyiradivyaprabandham) ▶ Nammāḻvār ▶ Nāyaṉmār

Ambika¯

1. (2005) Nālāyirattivviyappirapantam. In: Srivatsan (ed) Nalayira Divya Prabandham, vol 2. The Little Flower Company (LIFCO), Chennai 2. Palaniappan S (2004) Āḻvār or Nāyaṉār. The role of sound variation, hypercorrection and folk etymology in interpreting the nature of Vaiṣṇava saintpoets. South-Indian Horizons. Felicitation Volume for François Gros. Ed. Jean-Luc Chevillard, Wilden, Eva and Murugayan, A. Publications du Département d’Indologie 94. IFP-EFEO, Pondichéry 3. Hardy F (2001[1983]) Viraha-bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 4. Sastri KAN (2006[1955]) A history of South India – from prehistoric times to the fall of Vijayanagar. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Narayanan V (1994) The vernacular Veda: revelation, recitation, and ritual. The University of South Carolina Press, Columbia

Amalgamation ▶ Syncretism

Amara ▶ Sanātana Goswāmī

Ambalatta¯di (Dancer in the ˙ Hall)

▶ Durgā

Amrta¯nanda Mayī Ma¯ (Ammachi) ˙

Amrta¯nanda Mayī Ma¯ ˙ (Ammachi) Sanil M. Neelakandan School of Legal Studies, SRM University, Sonepat, Haryana, India

Mata Amritanandamayi is one of the renowned, female, spiritual figures from Kerala, South India. Her spiritual journey acquired global appeal. At the same time, she has devotees from poor/rich/ rural/urban sections/geographical areas. She is popularly known as “Amma.” Her name before becoming the spiritual preacher was Sudhamani. She was born into fisherman caste in the year 1953. Her native place is Parakadavu, a village abounds with fishermen community. She identified herself with Lord Krishna from very youngest age. She embraces the disciples and devotees, and such warm gesture symbolizes her unique approach toward the majority of people from the different strata of the society. Amma is single and is considered by her disciples as the epitome of asceticism. She is considered as a renouncer who sacrificed her life for the people. She believes in Bhakti or devotion, karma (selfless service), and jnana (knowledge). Mata Amritanandamayi (Math and Trust) was formed in the year 1981. Her ashram propagates selfless, voluntary services and endorses spiritual philanthropy. It is a religious organization that has entered into the field of higher education and health-related institutions. The formation of such spiritual group like that of Amma represents current transformation that evolves within the grand rubric of Hinduism. She has ascetic disciples from diverse religions across the globe. Thus, the growth of this particular religious leader transcends the boundaries of caste and gender. Baleful impact of planets on human being is also considered as one of the causes of human suffering ([4], p. 51). In addition to the philosophical explanations to human suffering, Amma recommends rituals as well. Heterodox approach to the category of suffering is

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central to her thoughts. The importance of meditation is also emphasized as one of the modes to overcome ([4], p. 54). The embrace of Amma acts as catharsis that enables the proper channelization of emotions. Understanding of philanthropy, for Amma, is defended through the notion of “seva” or selfless service ([4], p. 7). Thus, seva is conceptualized as selfless act for the humanity. Social composition of the disciples and devotees is important to map the approach toward religious organizations in a caste-ridden society. Paradoxically, Amma has devotees and disciples from different castes. Therefore, this religious group led by Amma cannot be reduced to a particular castes’ spiritual organization. The spiritual order is structured on the basis of the healthy space between the guru and the disciple [2]. The disciples of Amma represent those selfless beings who indulge in spiritual inquiry via undermining the materialistic desires. Diverse rituals are allowed as relative and valid in nature. Thus, devotees believe in the spiritual harmony between the guru and devotees’ relationship. They are completely surrendered to the charisma of Amma. The act of surrendering is perceived as the resurrection from the vicious ego ([4], p. 27). Broadly, devotees are not discriminated as renouncer disciples and household devotees. Spirituality is not the detachment from the harsh realities. On the other hand, action should be carried out with passion and selflessness. Sorrows that are created through the contemporary maladies are analyzed, and ways to overcome the spiritual and existential crisis are discussed within this pluralistic religious conglomeration. She preaches about the power of the love as a panacea to overcome the problems at the universal level. Ascetic disciples of Amma share their experiences related to the miracles done by Amma. They articulate such experiences as preface to the cult status of their spiritual guide. Amma exhorted her disciples to move beyond the limits of the caste and to unite and redefine the Sanathana Dharma or the spirit of eternal religion ([4], p. 4). Bhajans (prayer meetings) and seva (voluntary services) are integral to the world view of Amma. Her ascetic disciples wear saffron, yellow and white attires.

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She has wide range of followers that includes politicians. She is described as “purna avatar” (complete avatar) ([4], p. 34). Amma is believed to be as one who can directly engage with the divine. Eclectic engagement with different forms of religious experiences distinguishes herself from the typical religious approaches. Devotees weep during the meetings with Amma. Writings on the experiences of devotees describe it as the medicinal impact of Amma’s magnificent, spiritual presence. Devotees are analyzed as one who considers the ordinary human being in her identity. At the same time, they believe that she has some magical powers that can seek remedy for their vexing problems. Amma is perceived as a charismatic personality who has come to the Earth with genuine mission, and thus she is able to reach to the heterogeneous, social groups. Her approach attempts to have dialogue with the feminine streams within Hinduism ([4], p. 39). Thus, it articulates distinct, gendered social space that is grounded in the rudimentary, religious perspectives. Amma attempts to critique the pernicious tendencies within the so-called modern world and advises her disciples to attain spiritual liberation via detaching oneself from the wayward practices. Modern reasoning that triggers for the egoistic pursuit for knowledge is theorized as one thing that annihilates love. Suffering becomes the disastrous consequence of such endless investigation for the self-centered knowledge. It has even resulted in the subversion of faith and honest life. Authority bestowed on science and technology is considered as discourse that belittles itself in front of the enigma of the universe. Egoistic appropriation of knowledge thus generates the seeds of disaster, hatred, and so on. Her speeches reveal that she has balanced understanding regarding the potentials and pitfalls of science and technology. It is analyzed that Amma unearths view of the modern world that determines the rationality based on science as the ultimate path to understand the world in its totality. Therefore, the approach that privileges certain knowledge to question other approaches is inquired in the light of Amma’s spiritual trajectory. She is considered as a spiritual figure who emphasizes on the possibilities on the

Amrta¯nanda Mayī Ma¯ (Ammachi) ˙

practicability related with rituals. Therefore, she is considered as modern unlike other spiritual men or women. At the same time, the spiritual organization under the guidance of Amma deploys websites and provides information to the devotees. Amma also emphasizes on the importance of the meditation in our day-to-day life. Mitigation of human suffering is one of the major principles. Alienation of human beings in modern world is a recurrent theme in her spiritual discourse. Amma attributes primacy to the faith [3]. The first Brahmasthanam temple was founded in Kodungallur in the year 1988. Poojas are conducted in such temples. One of the salient features of this religious group is that it attempts to have constructive dialogue with the premises and practices that are prevalent in Hinduism. Pujas are also organized across the ashrams in different parts of India. It is celebrated as part of Brahmasthanam Mahotsavam (Brahmasthanam grand festivals) ([4], p. 54). Amma also appreciates the spiritual competence of women. She believes that emotion helps them to articulate their religious inclinations in a better manner than men. However, scholars such as Maya Warrier has analyzed the ways in which Amma does not succumb to the taboos related to Hinduism in the context of women ([4], p. 58). It is observed that she allowed female priests in the year 1998.It is described as a progressive step of Amma that challenges the stigma connected with the faith of women. As discussed earlier, Amma does not discard the modernity. On the other hand, pragmatic and rational approach toward modernity is one of the characteristics of her religious mission ([5], pp. 179–195). She has established multi-speciality hospital in Kerala and deploys the sophisticated information and management systems in her institutional structures. This particular group deploys Internet and print media to spread their message across the globe. Spirituality is not the detachment from the harsh realities. On the other hand, action should be carried out with passion and selflessness. Amma thus symbolizes the new form of religious figure and organization that is protean in nature. In other words, such religious assertions respond to the contemporary, existential predicaments and growing societal conflicts [1].

A¯nanda

References 1. Jacobson KA (2008) South Asian religions on display: religious processions in South Asian and in the diaspora. Routledge, London/New York 2. Warrier M (2003) Process of secularization in contemporary India: guru faith in the Mataamritanandamayi mission. Mod Asian Stud 37(1):211–253 3. Warrier M (2003) The seva ethic and the spirit of institution building in the Mataamritanandamayi mission. In: Copley A (ed) Hinduism in public and private. Oxford University Press, Delhi 4. Warrier M (2005) Hindu selves in a modern world: guru faith in the Mata Amritanandamayi mission. Routledge, London/New York 5. Warrier M (2006) Modernity and its imbalances: constructing modern selfhood in the Mataamritanandamyi mission. Religion 36(4):179–195

A¯nanda Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The Sanskrit term ānanda means bliss. It is an experience that cannot be described in ordinary language. It is sometimes used to define the nature of something like Brahman, ultimate reality. The enlightenment experience is frequently described as blissful. Over the course of Indian history, it became associated with certain types of devotional practices that were deemed blissful. In the Ṛg Veda (9.133.11), ānanda is often associated with the results of consuming soma, an elixir of immortality. Bliss is generated by soma that is paraphrased by joy, pleasure, rapture, and the fulfillment of one’s desires. From ancient times, it has had sexual connotations along with association with the pleasure of drinking, dancing, and music. The Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (10.3.5.13) uses ānanda in a sense that includes knowledge of the true self and to describe the situation of the gods who are encompassed by bliss. To have knowledge of the genuine self means to be a god, which is a blissful experience. It is ānanda that motivates the gods to create and causes procreation on earth (6.2.2.6). Bliss is associated with

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knowledge in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (10.5.2.11) that elevates a person, transforming a person into a god because all that person’s desires have been obtained. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (8.7-8), the self is defined in a positive mode as sat (being), cit (consciousness), and ānanda (bliss). Because the self (ātman) and Brahman are non-dual, this definition also applies to it. And in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad (3.9.28), Brahman is defined as ānanda in part. In fact, the introduction of ānanda into a definition of Brahman introduces a principle of value into a positive definition of the ultimate principle. Thus, the genuine self/Brahman unity is blissful in nature. This suggests that bliss is unconditionally valuable, and this genuine value resides in the non-dual Brahman. Thus, to truly know Brahman is to know it as blissful. Another ancient text named the Taitttirīya Upaniṣad (2.3.3-9) defines the self (ātman) as self-luminous. The true self is covered by five sheaths, moving from the gross to the subtlest as the following pattern: physical body, breath, mind and senses, consciousness, and finally bliss (ānanda). Sages characterize these sheaths as the coverings of ignorance. The seeker of enlightenment must progress beyond the outer coverings of ignorance to the real self, which is blissful in nature. In Hindu devotional religion that is focused on Kṛṣṇa, ānanda is closely intertwined with play (līlā). It is also conceived as an attribute of divine beings, whose blissful natures enable them to dance, laugh, play tricks, and sing. In Kṛṣṇa narratives, his actions are executed in total freedom and spontaneity. The actions of this embodiment of playfulness exhibit superfluous and blissful actions in the world, which is his playground. The world is delightful because it stems from the overflowing of divine bliss. The world manifests a divine rhythm that serves as an invitation to participate in a cosmic dance that is blissful for the human participant. In summary, Kṛṣṇa devotion is permeated by divine bliss. An excellent example of the relationship between play (līlā) and bliss in Kṛṣṇa devotion is the rāsa līlā (circle dance), which is a metaphor for sexual intercourse. Kṛṣṇa’s flute or voice, a

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power that produces violent, dangerous, and erotic reactions, calls the cowherd women (gopīs) from their homes at night to rendezvous with their beloved deity. The encounter in the forest that is symbolically outside of social norms and order culminates with sexual relations with the god. With respect to the circle dance, each gopī thinks that Kṛṣṇa is dancing right next to her, creating a very personal religious experience that is blissful for each of the gopīs, who are experiencing an overpowering sensual and blissful union with their deity. However, this blissful experience is transitory and motivates the gopīs to repeatedly seek the blissful experience. In the Gitagovinda by Jayadeva, he identifies Kṛṣṇa’s favorite cowherd girl with Rādhā and describes their tumultuous love affair as sometimes comic, violent, and erotic. When the two principle characters of the poem embrace in sexual congress, they both enjoy bliss throughout their bodies that often leaves them in an intellectually confused, emotionally disarranged, and physically disheveled condition. Ordinary devotees and a saint like Caitanya conceived themselves as gopīs. Caitanya was an extreme case because he gave every indication of being mad for his deity. The sound of a flute in the distance, the banks of a river, bathers, or a peacock’s blue neck would send him into an ecstatic trance state during which he lost complete control of his body, senses, and mind because he was reminded of Kṛṣṇa in some way. He would tremble, weep profusely, fall on the ground, forget about the passage of time, foam at the mouth, or run with his arms extended to his god. It can then be said that Caitanya was blissful in his madness. Although he is credited with writing very little, Caitanya inspired an impressive group of theological thinkers and writers that evolved into Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism. Its arguably most outstanding thinker was Jiva Gosvāmī, who argued that the individual soul is both the same and different (bhedābheda) than god. Moreover, he described the human and divine relationship as characterized by pure bliss (hlādinī), whose essence was bhakti (love, devotion). Jiva also used the term rāgānuga, a deep love of god that he explained as an excess of

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desire by which the devotee becomes attached to god. Rāgānuga is a natural excess of desire that enables a devotee to become attached to god. This type of devotion arises spontaneously by following the emotions. For Rūpa Gosvāmī, devotion is an absolute rasa (sap, taste, sentiment). Rasa is not a passive experience; it shares more with a dramatic type of sentiment. Rūpa conceives rasa as an active realization that is akin to an aesthetic experience that is extended to all life, which implies that the entire world becomes a stage where devotees play roles in a performance of divine play (līlā) that includes singing god’s praises and chanting his name (kīrtana). By participating emotionally and physically, the devotee joins a realm of play that is blissful. This type of devotion is characterized by five forms of pure love that include becoming aware of one’s insignificance compared to god, becoming a slave or servant of god, imagining being a friend of god, assuming one is a parent of god, and assuming Kṛṣṇa is one’s lover. This final stage is analogous to the role of Rādhā and other gopīs (cowherd women), which represents a pure erotic love that culminates with a blissful experience of god. Another religious movement that focuses on Kṛṣṇa is the Sahajiya cult, a further development of the movement inspired by Caitanya, a mad Bengali saint of the fifteenth century. The identity of the cult derives from the term sahajiya, which means what a person was born with or what is natural and easy. What is natural to a person is their senses that need to be used freely and not denied or suppressed. By utilizing their senses, a devotee, an individual microcosm, enjoys a state of equilibrium between the self and the macrocosmic whole. The attainment of the stage of sahajiya frees one from the cycle of rebirth. Instead of being reborn, the devotee spends eternity in the blissful realm identified as an eternal Vṛndāvana, the mythical playground of Kṛṣṇa and the gopīs (cowherd women). This place is called the “hidden moon,” a secret place where Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa enjoy a blissful, sensual, eternal pleasure. Kṛṣṇa is not the only Hindu god who dances in a blissful way because Śiva, an ascetic and

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householder, is also a dancer of renown. In fact, there is a dance called the ānanda tāṇḍava (dance of bliss) that Śiva performs that is distinct from his role as the Naṭarāja (Lord of Dance). Indian folklore depicts Śiva performing the dance of bliss at the southern city of Chidambaram where there is a temple in which Śiva is enshrined as the Lord of Dance, and the inner walls of the Gopuram (towers at the four compass points that function as entrances to the temple grounds) have carved images of dancers that reflect different classical dance poses. The ānanda tāṇḍava is performed in some instances at the end of the time, marking the periodic destruction of the cosmos. When it is performed, it reveals Śiva’s joyfulness and perfection. The dance also centers the universe where all devotees want to be located, which is where the bliss can be discovered for a devotee. Within the tradition of Kashmir Śaivism and the works of Abhinavagupta (c. 975–1025), there is a strong Tantric influence with Kaulism being part of the tradition. Kaulism is a path of liberation using enjoyment to achieve one’s goal of uniting the universal masculine principle (Śiva) and feminine principle (Śakti) with Śiva being the nondual being, whereas Śakti is the totality of universal existence (kula). The aspirant’s objective is to unite these two principles and realize Anuttara, a perfect union of Śiva and Śakti. Abhinavagupta conceives this unity as blissful (ānanda). To reach this point of bliss, a couple must use the method of sexual union (maithuna). This procedure is highly ritualized, and not intended to produce carnal pleasure for the couple engaged in sexual congress. Instead, it leads to spiritual bliss. Abhinavagupta identifies god with the following five aspects: consciousness, bliss, will, knowledge, and activity. Thus, before a couple has sexual congress, they identify themselves, respectively, with Śiva and Śakti, invigorate themselves with forbidden food and drink, and have an experience of bliss (ānanda), which is also an essential element of the nature of the supreme. Within the context of devotional religion built around major Hindu deities, there is a relation between ānanda (bliss) and rasa (sentiment) as already mentioned that can be discovered in other

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areas of Hindu religion. When an Indian artist creates, for example, an image for a temple, he perceives it in his mind and meditates on it. By means of his skill, the artist attempts to bring a believer to an experience of rasa (aesthetic mood) that ideally culminates in a transpersonal bliss (ānanda). The close relation of ānanda and rasa is also evident in devotional performances by young male actors with their public rāsa līlā (circle dance) reenactment of divine figures, a performance that is both a drama and a liturgy. The audience is encouraged by the single-act drama and dance to participate in whatever mood (rasa) is depicted by the play. In these public performances, rasa combines visual, oral, and aural experiences with emotional states that can achieve a feeling of bliss. The experience of bliss plays a role in the philosophical works of major Hindu thinkers such as Śaṅkara and his non-dualism, Rāmānuja and his qualified non-dualism, and Mādhva and his unqualified dualism. In the state of release in Mādhva’s system of thought, for instance, the self contemplates God as bliss, intelligence, faultless, and master. To reach the state of bliss, Mādhva thinks that one needs the grace of god. The other thinkers mentioned also find a place for bliss in their philosophies, which is invariably associated with the direct experience of ultimate reality. Something similar can be asserted about different paths of Tantra, although the conception of bliss assumes a more erotic connotation. In summary, ānanda implies a locus, a point, or situation in which one finds bliss whether it be the birth of a child, satisfaction of a wish, awareness of Brahman or the ātman, or sexual congress. Ānanda is thus not an unfocused bliss that represents a vague state of beatitude that freely flouts around the cosmos; it has a place or context.

References 1. Dasgupta S (1962–1969) A history of Indian philosophy, 5 vols. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2. Dimock EC (1989) The place of the hidden moon: erotic mysticism in the Vaiṣṇava-sahajiyā cult of Bengal. University of Chicago Press, Chicago

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72 3. Dyczkowski MSG (1987) The doctrine of vibration: an analysis of the doctrines and practices of Kashmir Shaivism. State University of New York Press, Albany 4. Olivelle P (1997) Orgasmic rapture and divine ecstasy: the semantic history of ‘Ānanda’. J Indian Philos 25(2):153–180 5. Olson C (2007) The many colors of Hinduism: a thematic-historical introduction. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick 6. Van Buitenen JAB (1979) ‘Ānanda,’ or all desires fulfilled. Hist Relig 19(1):27–36

Anandamarga (A¯nandama¯rga) Narasingha Sil Department of Social Science/History, Western Oregon University, Monmouth, OR, USA

Introduction: PR Sarkar aka A¯nandamūrti The Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, henceforth referred to as Mārga (the Organization to Propagate the Path of Bliss), was founded by Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar alias Śrī Śrī Ānandamūrti [the Twice-Blessed Bliss Personified] (1921–1990) on 7 November 1955 at Jamalpur in the east Indian state of Bihar. The Ānanda Mārga movement may be an echo of the nineteenth-century messianic movements of the primitive tribes such as the Mundas, Santals of northeastern Madhya Pradesh, the Oraons and the Gonds of eastern Madhya Pradesh, and the Lusheis and the Kacha Nagas of Assam and the northeast frontier provinces (see [1], pp. 11–62). More importantly, the tradition of Hindu revivalism of the late nineteenth century provided a direct inspiration and template for Sarkar’s sect. The Hindu revivalists had attempted “to blend religious with socio-economic values to foster a revived sense of community and ultimately to espouse nationalism.” The revivalists insisted on the correct principles of dharma to regulate the individual’s social, political, and economic responsibilities and the principles of karma (philosophy of activism) to enhance his willed

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actions. Their larger concern was “to create a life-affirming orientation.” At the same time, the political character of Indian revivalism derived much from the importance of preparing for salvation” ([2], pp. 13–14).

Theology of the A¯nandama¯rga The theology of the Mārga is an amalgam of the Tāntric, Vedāntic, and Vaiṣṇavic principles and practices and predicated upon a belief in the existence of Supreme Consciousness or the Parama Puruṣa – the demiurge of the universe – to whom all human beings must strive to return. Sādhanā [austere practices] requires no scholarship or knowledge or intellectual faculty ([3], p. 17) but devotion, moral living, and above all a genuine master [sadhguru]. Yet the followers of the Mārga never eschewed, albeit to an extent subverted, the mainline scriptures of Hindu religion, and thus they were perceived as apostate or heretic by the mainstream Hindus and subjected to discrimination and persecution. But they considered themselves as the upholders of authentic Hindu creed. The founder of the Mārga hailed from a humble background and was a college dropout and employed as a clerk of the Indian Railways at Jamalpur. Hence his theological writings, products of his personal education and enlightenment, contain an amalgam of some scriptural insights and much personalized hermeneutics and imaginative accounts passing for the historical. However, his idea of the sadvipra [dedicated activists] is derived from Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s (1838–1894) militant patriots, the santāns [sons of Mother India], in his novel Ānandamaṭh [The Abbey of Bliss, 1880–1882] or Svāmī Vivekananda’s (1863–1902) sannyāsīi social activists or ascetic warriors ([4], p. 22). Most importantly, the Mārga adepts employed the Bhāgavadgītā as a major scripture of their sect. Some of Sarkar’s writings in his native Bengali as well as in English (especially [3, 5, 6]) seek to teach Practical Tantra that he regards as the way to harmonize spirituality with worldly concerns. But his tāntrism seems to comprehend both Vaiṣṇava

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Tantra with its emphasis on Kṛṣṇa and the spiritual song kīrtana and the Śaiva Tantra with its emphasis on Shiva and the spiritual dance tāṇḍava together with the spiritual exercise of Haṭhayoga. Like all tāntrikas, he believes in the existence of Supreme Consciousness or a Parama Puruṣa who could be realized through sādhanā [ascetic practices]. This heterodox tantrism absorbs the practices [ācāra] of two traditionally rival varieties of tāntrikas. Then the Parama Puruṣa, the Supreme Noumenon, is reduced, unwittingly, to an actual human being who is godlike. Sarkar makes Śiva and Kṛṣṇa historical as well as metaphysical entities – Śiva being devātmanām devatā (God of gods) and the “embodiment of Supreme Consciousness” ([7], pp. 37, 205), Kṛṣṇa having descended “from the universal body of the Supreme Entity” ([8], p. 225). The inevitable conclusion is that some superhuman beings are incarnations of God, and this conclusion is predicated upon the argument that people create gods out of those men on whom they depend in all respects ([7], p. 41). Sarkar’s preference for Tantra also appears to be inspired by his belief that its scriptures not only “describe [the] qualities of an ideal guru” who is “adept in both spiritual theory and spiritual practice” but also “the qualities of an ideal disciple... of pure soul. . .and ever ready to carry out the guru’s command” ([6], pp. 79–80). This emphasis on the qualities of a guru is typically tantric ([9], pp. 74–80). Sarkar claims that “it is [God] . . . who is teaching you sādhanā in the guise of Guru” ([3], p. 75).

Mythohistory of the A¯nandama¯rga Sarkar believes that Rāhḍ, corresponding to the area of present West Bengal, had existed eons before the birth of the Himalayas and was the cradle of human civilization [sabhyatār ādivindu]. Sarkar also provides a thunderous account of Śiva, who was actually a human being named Sadāśiva, born some 7,000 years ago. He was also “the first person to marry” and took three wives: “Parvatii, a fair-complexioned Aryan girl; Kalii, a dark-complexioned

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non-Aryan girl; and Gaunga, yellowcomplexioned Mongolian girl.” Śiva and Pārvatī begat a son called Bhairava (another name of Śiva) who was “a Tantric sadhaka” ([7]; [8], pp. 47, 233, orthography as in original). Śiva apparently visited Rāhḍ to spread Śaiva dharma [6, 10]. Sarkar is silent on the tantric dualism of Śiva and Śakti, the male and female principles. In fact, his ethnic home Bengal has traditionally been considered as an important center of the Śākta tāntrikas, practicers of the Śakti cult (cult of the Mother Goddess). He does not appear to share the tāntrikas’ “genuine awe for the female as the seat of reproduction, the source of all life.” On the contrary, he posits a new thesis that “the role of Purusa is foremost in all spheres” and that “Prakriti only acts whatever extent the Purusa has authorized or authorizes her to act” ([9], p. 34 [also pp. 33, 154ff]; [3, 11]).

Teachings of Śrī Śrī A¯nandamūrti Although Sarkar’s sermons are generally conducted in Bengali and Hindi, he often uses English to render them intelligible to nonBengalis as well as to foreigners. For example, the following furnishes a sample in this regard; it is how God is defined: The supreme Entity, the Parama Purusa created everything. He is the generator: the first letter of generator is G. He is the operator of everything: the first letter operator is O. . .He destroys, the first letter is D. G-O-D. The word is God. ([5], p. 28)

He also uses quite a personalized vocabulary, that is, “neohumanistic terms” such as “omnitelepathic” (soul), “systaltic movement” [some sort of irregular, zigzag movement protospiritualistic for gaining access to Supreme Consciousness], “maximities” [utility maximization], “laterite” [“derived from books”], “circumrotarian universe” [revolving universe], “subjective approach objective adjustment,” “geosentiment” [mundane thought], “geo-religion” [love for possessions including patriotism or nationalism], “spiritual pabula” [non-psychic or materialistic thought or mental food], or “macro-psychic

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conation” [the universe existing within the cosmic mind] (see [3, 11, 12]). It is not easy to comprehend Sarkar’s “neohumanist philosophy” with its concern for “a direct link with the cosmological hub and a direct link with the existential nucleus of the cosmological order” ([12], pp. 109–110).

Globalization and PROUT The Mārga’s reputation in the 1970s and 1980s for preaching “power through violence” ([13], p. 62) kept it away from the general rung of middle and upper-middle classes. Then, its ideology is poised against both communism and capitalism, deeming the former too oppressive and the latter too libertarian ([14], pp. 15–16). No prominent political party of India in the 1970s and 1980s was disposed to put up with another ideology that threatens to become a mass movement, particularly in view of the social activities of the Mārga in the rural areas. In fact, the sect was banned during the Emergency Government (1975–1977) and its founder incarcerated, but his conviction was overturned on 4 July 1978, and the Supreme Court of India recognized the sect as a legitimate religious group in 1996. Since the globalization and liberalization trend of India’s economy and the consequent relaxation of political and cultural constraints, the Mārga has reaped the benefits accruing from these developments to be shaped as a multinational organization, with headquarters in Purulia and Kolkata (both the town and the city in West Bengal). Sarkar’s theory of Progressive Utilization of Resources (PROUT), announced as early as 1959, began to earn global renown. The central theme of Proutism is maximum utilization of all resources – physical and psychological – for building a new global society that harmonizes technological and spiritual progress of mankind (see [14, 15]). The Prout movement “is established in over 160 countries around the world and runs hundreds of schools, welfare centers and relief project” ([14], p. 1). The Mārga’s emphasis on maximum utilization must be welcomed as the right socioeconomic creed, even though some critics have been skeptical about its

validity ([16], p. 157). Ironically, the Marga’s current popularity and success have been achieved as a successful “geo-religion” that the Ānandamūrti Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar had instructed his followers to abjure. The Mārga combines ideological millenary vision with pragmatic social economic ameliorative mission. Even though it appears to be an “introversionist” sect, it has been able to align itself with the state by its increasing involvement in socioeconomic and relief work throughout the world. The Mārga began an educational program, the Gurukula, on 7 September 1990 at Ananda Nagar in West Bengal. The Gurukula boasts over a thousand schools all over India and even a few countries abroad. The sect’s other venture, the Ananda Marga Association of Yoga (AMAY), was launched in 2006.

References 1. Fuchs S (1965) Messianic movements in primitive India. Asian Folk Stud 24(1):11–62 2. Anderson WK, Damle SD (1987) The brotherhood in saffron: the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu revivalism. Vistar Publications, New Delhi 3. Sarkar PR (1985) In: Avadhūtikā Ānandamitrā Ācāryā (ed) The thoughts of P.R. Sarkar. Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Calcutta 4. Sil NP (2003) Vivekananda and Nietzsche as critics of western bourgeois civilization. Virginia RevAsian Stud 5:1–23 5. Sarkar PR (1986) In: Avadhūtikā Ānandamitrā Ācāryā, Ācārya Vijayānanda Avadhūta (eds) Light comes. Ānanda Mārga Publications, Calcutta 6. Sarkar PR (1990) In: Tarak (ed) Ānanda Mārga: social and spiritual practices. Ānanda Mārga Publications, Calcutta 7. Śrī Śrī Ānandamūrti (1985) In: Namah Śivāya Śāntāya [I bow to the serene Śiva] (trans: Ācārya Vijayānanda Avadhūta et al), 2nd edn. Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Calcutta 8. Śrī Śrī Ānandamūrti (1981) Namāmi Kṛṣṅasundaram [I bow to the beautiful Kṛṣṇa] (trans: Ācārya Vijayānanda Avadhūta). Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Purulia 9. van Hoens D (1979) Transmission and fundamental constituents of the practice. In: Samjukta Gupta S, van Hoens D, Goudriaan T (eds) Hindu tantrism. E.J. Brill, Leiden, pp 74–80 10. Sarkar PR (1962) Sabhyatār Ādivindu: Rāhḍ [Rāhḍ: the primeval center of civilization]. Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Calcutta

A¯nta¯l ˙˙ ˙ 11. Sarkar PR (1984) Ānanda Sūtram [The blissful verses], rev edn. Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Calcutta 12. Sarkar PR (1982) Buddhir Mukti: Navyamānvatāvād [Liberation of the intellect: neo-humanism]. Ānanda Mārga Pracāraka Saṁgha, Calcutta 13. Naipaul VS (1977) India: a wounded civilization. Vintage Press, New York 14. Kumar J (ed) (1987) New aspects of prout. Proutist Universal Publications, Calcutta 15. Batra R (1980) Prout: the alternative to capitalism and marxism. University Press of America, Lanham 16. Williams JR (1983) Review of Ravi Batra. In: Prout: alternative to capitalism and marxism. University Press of America, Lanham 1980. Religious Studies Review 9(2):157

A¯nandatandavamūrti (the one who performs the Ferocious Dance of Bliss) ▶ Naṭarāja

Anandi Ma ▶ Shri Anandi Ma

Ananta Badu Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Anjaneya ▶ Hanumān (Hanumant, Hanūman)

Antaka ▶ Yama

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A¯nta¯l ˙˙ ˙ Archana Venkatesan University of California, Davis, Davis, CA, USA

Synonyms Bhūdevī; Godā; Kōtai; Śrī-Lakṣmī

Definition A ninth-century female poet of the Tamiḻ Vaiṣṇava tradition, who is worshipped as, Āṇṭāḷ, who is understood to be an incarnation (avatāra) of Viṣṇu’s consort, Bhūdevī.

Article Āṇṭāḷ is the popular epithet of Kōtai, a mid-ninthcentury Tamiḻ Vaiṣṇava poet. She is the sole woman among the 12 āḻvār, a group of elite poet-saints, who lived between the sixth and ninth centuries in the Tamiḻ-speaking south of India, and who are also considered the progenitors of the Śrīvaiṣṇava traditions. Kōtai’s two poems, the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, are included in the Nālāyira Diyva Prabandham (The Divine Collection of Four Thousand Verses), the Śrīvaiṣṇava compilation of the works of the 12 āḻvār poets. By the twelfth century, Āṇṭāl comes to occupy an exalted position in emergent Śrīvaiṣṇavism, as she is regarded as an avatāra of Bhūdevī, Viṣṇu’s secondary consort. By the fifteenth century, her popularity as a goddess is reflected in the praise poems composed in her honor, the hagiographies composed to celebrate her legendary life, and the beautiful temple in Srivilliputtur built to commemorate the site of her (Kōtai’s) birth. A¯nta¯l’s Story ˙ ˙ ˙ is little historical information about the poet There Kōtai. What little we do know comes from the phala śruti verses that conclude the Tiruppāvai

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and the Nācciyār Tirumoḻi. These “Verses for Merit” (phala śruti) are a common feature of Tamiḻ bhakti poetry and often conclude a work, or a section within a longer composition. Written in third person, a typical āḻvār-phala śruti identifies the poet by name, locates said poet in a specific town, and informs the reader of the rewards of reading, learning or reciting their work. From the phala śrutis that conclude the Tiruppāvai and each of the 14 sections of the Nācciyar Tirumoḻi, we learn her name (Kōtai), that she was related in some manner to the important āḻvār, Viṣṇucittaṉ (Periyāḻvār) and that she lived in the town of Putuvai (lit. New Town). In the phala śrutis, she describes Viṣṇucittaṉ as the master of the town, a Brahmin of great learning and renown, and Putuvai is painted as a prosperous town of virtuous and erudite people. While the phala śrutis provide the most frugal biographical information, the four taṉiyaṉs, laudatory verses appended to the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, are early sources for the legend of Kōtai. In the early taṉiyaṉs to the Tiruppāvai, Kōtai (or Godā in Sanskrit) is praised as a woman of remarkable devotion, as a masterful poet, and the epithet cūṭikkoṭuttavaḷ (She Who Gave What She had Worn) is employed repeatedly to allude to the pivotal moment of her hagiographic life. The two later, mid-thirteenth-century Tamiḻ taṉiyaṉs to the Nacciyār Tirumoḻi chart a different course. While in these taṉiyaṉs she is still praised as cūṭikkoṭuttavaḷ, the emphasis is on her divinity: she is described as the refuge for devotees and as a companion to Lakṣmī. Thus, the taṉiyaṉs to the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi authored between the mid-tenth and mid-thirteenth centuries in Tamil and Sanskrit reflect the gradual apotheosis of the poet Kōtai into a goddess, and it is no accident that their composition coincides with the institutionalization of Śrīvaiṣṇavism in the Southern India. According to the Śrīvaiṣṇava hagiographies, Kōtai was found under a tulasī plant by the childless Viṣṇucittan, a humble garland maker at the Viṣṇu temple in Putuvai. Viṣṇucittan inculcated a deep love for Viṣṇu in his daughter, who soon imagined herself as god’s bride. So every morning, she would secretly adorn herself in the

A¯nta¯l ˙˙ ˙

garland meant for Viṣṇu, unbeknownst to her father. This went on for many days, until Viṣṇucittan discovered Kōtai’s transgression, and refused to offer the tainted garland to Viṣṇu. In a dream, Viṣṇu revealed to Viṣṇucittan his fondness for Kōtai’s garland, and his desire to be adorned with a garland that his beloved Kōtai had first worn. This earned her the title, cūṭikkoṭuttavaḷ: she who gave what she had worn. As Kōtai’s love grew, so did her resolve to be Viṣṇu’s bride. She composed her two poems, the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, as expressions of her longing. Even as Viṣṇucittan despaired of ever seeing her wed, Viṣṇu commanded that Kōtai be brought to the great temple of Srirangam as his bride. When she arrived, she boldly walked into the shrine and simply vanished. From that day forward, she was known as Āṇṭāl, She Who Rules, for she won the heart of Viṣṇu like no other. The main Śrīvaiṣṇava hagiographies, composed between the twelfth and fifteenth century, track the gradual metamorphosis of the poet Kōtai into the goddess Āṇṭāl. In the earlier hagiographies, such as the Guruparamparaprabhavam 6000, her status as an exemplary devotee is foregrounded, and the parallels drawn between Kōtai and Sītā, the heroine of the Rāmāyaṇa, consolidate this role. By the fifteenth century, and certainly by the time her temple is constructed in Srivilliputtur during the latter half of the same century, Kōtai’s apotheosis is complete. This is reflected in the Divyasūricaritam, a fifteenthcentury Sanskrit kāvya-hagiography, where Godā (Kōtai) is unequivocally identified as an avatāra of Bhūdevī. The emphasis in this text is on the divine couple’s courtship, their eventual wedding, and in asserting Godā’s merciful nature as Viṣṇu’s consort. In being transformed into a goddess, Āṇṭāl is framed as the ideal puruṣakāra, or mediator, whose special intimacy with Viṣṇu enables her to effectively petition him to grant grace to the wayward devotee. A¯nta¯l as Poet: Tiruppa¯vai and Na¯cciya¯r ˙˙ ˙ Tirumoli ¯ The Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, two poems composed by the Kōtai, are included in

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the “First Book of Thousand” (mutal āyiram) of the Nālāyira Divya Prabandham. Although different in tone, the two poems share a mytho-poetic imaginative world, where Viṣṇu in his many forms is the longed-for beloved. The Śrīvaiṣṇava traditions, attuned to Kōtai’s poetic vision, have long read both poems as autobiographical, weaving quotes from, and allusions to, the two poems into their Āṇṭāl hagiographies. The short thirty-verse Tiruppāvai describes a vow undertaken by young gopī girls in Kṛṣṇa’s Āyarpāṭi (Gokula) to win from him a mysterious paṟai drum. The poem takes its title from the refrain ēl ōr empāvāy, which concludes each verse in the poem. The polyvalent refrain can be translated as “Listen to our Vow.” The poem is set in the auspicious Tamiḻ month of Mārkaḻi (mid-December to mid-January) and follows the gopīs as they move through the town of Āyarpāṭi on their quest for the mysterious paṟai drum. The poem has four distinct parts. The first five verses serve as introduction to the vow, the next ten verses (6–15) describe the gopīs awakening their friends and urging them to join the quest for Kṛṣṇa. In the next five verses (16–20), the gopīs enter Kṛṣṇa’s home and awaken his parents, his brother, his beloved wife, Nappiṉṉai, and finally Kṛṣna himself. In the poem’s final ten verses, the girls petition Kṛṣṇa directly and celebrate the fulfillment of the vow. However, when the gopīs eventually earn an audience with Kṛṣṇa, instead of asking for the paṟai drum, the pretext for their vow, the girls appeal to Kṛṣṇa to be dedicated to him through all time (Tiruppāvai 29). The longer Nācciyār Tirumoḻi is a poem of 143 verses in 14 discrete thematic sections. The opening section which describes a vow to Kāma, the god of love, seamlessly links the Nācciyār Tirumoḻi to the Tiruppāvai. But unlike the communal voice of the Tiruppāvai, the Nācciyār Tirumoḻi is dominated by the singular voice of a lamenting heroine. Long established Śrīvaiṣṇava reading practices see this voice as contiguous with that of Kōtai’s, and the entire Nācciyār Tirumoḻi is interpreted as an autobiographical record of her painful and largely unrequited love for Viṣṇu. The Nācciyār Tirumoḻi offers a sensitive and deeply felt account of female desire. It is intensely erotic,

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and on occasion, even violent. The heroine’s love (understood as Kōtai’s) for Viṣṇu often assumes frightening, self-abnegating proportions. In Kōtai’s poetry, the boundaries of the common Indic tropes of loss of sleep and appetite because of love-sickness are pushed to the very edge. Even as she withers, losing her luster, the world around bursts with life – flowers blossom, fruit ripen, and the birds sing joyfully – providing a delicious poetic tension between the private inner world of flowing, undammed, particularized emotion and a public outer world that moves and is ordered according to its own rhythms. In the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi, Kōtai reveals herself as a poet of astonishing talent and erudition, situating her work with equal dexterity in the worlds of Vaiṣṇava mythologies and theologies and in the Tamiḻ literary tradition. A¯nta¯l’s Iconography ˙˙ The development of a distinctive iconography for Āṇṭāḷ, possibly sometime in the fifteenth century, reflects her growing popularity and the institutionalization of her worship as a goddess within the Śrīvaiṣṇava sampradāyas. Identified with the goddess Bhūdevī, by the Vijayanagara period (1336–1646 CE), a subsidiary shrine to Bhū-Devī/ Āṇṭāl appeared in the south Indian temple, always located to the left of the main garbha gṛha, which housed Viṣṇu. However, in Srivilliputtur, the site of her purported birth, the Āṇṭāl temple complex is located to the right of the large Viṣṇu-Vaṭapatraśāyi temple, attesting to her primacy here and signaling her identity as Viṣṇu’s primary consort, Śrī. In most Śrīvaiṣṇava temples, Āṇṭāl is depicted standing, with her hair drawn up in a knot, either on the right or left side. She also holds a parrot, a flower, or both in either her left or right hand. In many ways, her iconography is remarkably similar to that of the goddess Minaksi of Madurai, a city only 75 kilometers northwest of Srivilliputtur. The great Nāyaka king Tirumalai Nāyaka’s (1623–59 CE) patronage of the Madurai Mīnākṣī temple and Āṇṭāl’s temple in Srivilliputtur no doubt contributed to a shared iconographic and ritual culture at both these important goddess shrines.

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Festivals for A¯nta¯l ˙˙ ˙

Further Reading

The month of Mārkaḻi, the month in which Kōtai sets her Tiruppāvai, is considered particularly sacred important for Vaiṣṇavas. During this month, the Tiruppāvai is recited in temples, broadcast through loud-speakers, and discourses on the text are held in temples and hosted on television by prominent Śrīvaiṣṇava scholars. In private, groups of women (mandalis) both Śrīvaiṣṇava and not gather to learn the poem and read commentaries together. At the Āṇṭāḷ temple in Srivilliputtur, the Mārkaḻi festival is among the most elaborate and important. While the Āṇṭāḷ – and its neighboring Viṣṇu – temple celebrates the annual Adhyayanotsvam (Festival of Recitation), of which the Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi are a part, the Āṇṭāḷ temple hosts the Mārkaḻi Niratta Utsavam (The Mārkaḻi Bathing Festival), a separate 8 day festival solely for Āṇṭāḷ and her Tiruppāvai. The festival reinforces the Śrīvaiṣṇava understanding that the poet Kōtai undertook the vow described in the Tiruppāvai, and through its spectacular processions, unique alaṅkāras (ornamentations) and specialized commentaries affirm the poet Kōtai’s identity as the goddess Āṇṭāḷ. Unsurprisingly, the most elaborate festivals for Āṇṭāḷ are at her temple in Srivilliputtur, of which three are most important. The three festivals in the Tamil months of Āṭi (July–August), Mārkaḻi (December–January) and Paṅkuṉi (March–April) can be read as mapping the trajectory of Kōtai’s miraculous life. The 10-day Āṭi Festival marks her birth, the one in Mārkaḻi centers on her quest for Kṛṣṇa, while the Paṅkuṉi Festival commemorates her wedding and the culmination of her quest. A central feature of these festivals is the significance placed on Āṇṭāḷ, who often processes the streets of Srivilliputtur, unaccompanied by Viṣṇu. It asserts her predominance as the sacred town’s queen and its divine sovereign. Yet, her status as a poet of extraordinary power, as the woman who gave Viṣṇu not just her garland of flowers (pūmālai) but also a garland of words (pāmālai), is always understood in Srivilliputtur, as the source of not just her charisma, but also of her special intimacy with Viṣṇu.

1. Piḷḷai P. Nācciyār Tirumoḻi Vyākhyāṉam. In: Iyengar K (ed). Srinivasa Press, Trichy. Publication Date Unavailable 2. Piḷḷai P (1970) Tiruppāvai Mūvāayirappaṭi Vyākhyāṉam. In: Anangaracarya (ed). Anangaracarya Institute, Kanci 3. ‘Tiruppāvai’ and ‘Nācciyār Tirumoḻi’ in Nālāyira Divya Prabandham. Tamiḻ text. ed. Anangaracarya. Anangaracarya Institute, Kanci (1972) 4. Cutler N (1979) Consider our vow: translation of Tiruppāvai and Tiruvempāvai into English. Muttu Patippakam, Madurai 5. Dehejia V (1990) Āṇṭāḷ and her path of love. State University of New York Press, Albany 6. Filliozat J (1972) Un Texte Tamoul de D’votion Vishnouite Le Tiruppāvai d’Āṇṭāḷ. Institut Français D’ Indologie, Pondicherry 7. Hardy F (1983) Viraha Bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, Delhi 8. Hudson D (1996) Āṇṭāḷ’s desire. In: Rosen SJ (ed) Vaiṣṇavī: women and the worship of Krishna. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi, pp 171–211 9. Hudson D (1993) Āṇṭāḷ Āḻvār: a developing hagiography. J Vaishnava Stud 1(2):27–61 10. Hudson D (1980) Bathing in Krishna: a study in Vaiṣṇava Hindu theology. Harv Theol Rev 73(3/4):539–566 11. Jagannathachariar C (1982) The Tiruppāvai of Śrī Āṇṭāḷ: textual, literary and critical study. Arulmigu Parthasarathy Swami Devasthanam, Madras 12. Narayanan V (1999) Brimming with Bhakti, embodiments of Shakti. In: Sharma A, Young K (eds) Feminism and world religions. State University of New York, New York, pp 25–77 13. Simha SNL (1982) Tiruppāvai of Godā: our lady saint Ānḍāḷ’s Krishna poem. Ananthacharya Indological Institute, Bombay 14. Sri Ramanuja Vedanta Center (1985) Śrī Āṇṭāḷ: her contributions to literature, philosophy, religion and art. A compilation of lectures during the All India Seminar on Andal: August 13–15, 1983. Sri Ramanuja Vedanta Center, Madras 15. Sundaram PS (1987) trans. Āṇḍāḷ: Tiruppāvai and Nachiyar Tirumozhi. Ananthacharya Indological Institute, Bombay 16. Venkatesan A, Branfoot C (2015) In Andal’s garden: art, ornament and devotion in Srivilliputtur. Marg Publications, Mumbai 17. Venkatesan A (2014) Āṇṭāḷ of a thousand names: the making of a goddess the Śrīvaiṣṇava way. In: Ratnam A, Katrak KH (eds) Voyages of the body and mind: selected female icons from India and beyond. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle-uponTyne, pp 10–18 18. Venkatesan A (2014) A tale of two Cēvais: Araiyar Cēvai and Kaittala Cēvai at the Āṇṭāḷ temple in Srivilliputtur. J Vaishnava Stud 22(2):125–146

Antyesti ˙˙ 19. Venkatesan A (2013) Another kind of Āṇṭāḷ story: the Divyasūricaritam of Garuḍavāhana Paṇḍita. J Hindu Stud 6(3):243–296 20. Venkatesan A (2013) Ecstatic seeing: adorning and enjoying the body of the goddess. In: Pratap Penumala (ed) Introducing hinduism in practice. Equinox Press, Endicott, NY, pp 217–231 21. Venkatesan A (2010) The Secret Garland: Āṇṭāḷ’s Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoḻi. AAR Religion in Translation Series/Oxford University Press, New York 22. Venkatesan A (2007) How to love God like a woman: some thoughts on loving God in the Śrīvaiṣṇava Sampradāya. J Hindu Christ Stud 20:16–24

A¯ntarya¯tik Krsna ˙ gha Bha¯vana¯mrta˙ ˙Sam ˙ ˙ ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

Antyesti ˙˙ Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic

Definition The Sanskrit term antyeṣṭi refers to the Hindu funeral rite, the central element of which is cremation of the dead body.

Sources According to the earliest textual sources, Vedic Indians knew and practiced different ways of dealing with the dead body ([2, 3]; [6], pp. 168–170), but the standard procedure was the ritual burning of the corpse. Although each Vedic ritual school had its own prescribed practice, there were no significant real differences between these rites, and therefore, Vedic funerals were quite uniform. Because the full funeral was enormously complex (it can be divided into 114 steps, [1]) and quite expensive, we

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can assume that it was executed in its entirety only for people belonging to the upper strata of Vedic society. Nevertheless, the later Hindu antyeṣṭi evolved from the Vedic funeral ritual. The Hindu funeral thus naturally reflects the structure of the Vedic funeral and shares with it many of the same ritual acts. At the same time, however, many Hindu traditions have substantially reinterpreted the Vedic source material, giving it completely new meanings [4, 15]. Antyeṣṭi (or in full antyeṣṭisaṃskāra) is the last in the series of Hindu rites of passage (saṃskāra). The term is derived from this fact, meaning the “last (antya) sacrifice (iṣṭi).” The literature on antyeṣṭi is extremely vast; it is discussed in Gṛhyasūtras, Dharmasūtras, Dharmaśāstras, Purāṇas (particularly in the Garuḍapurāṇa), medieval dharmaśāstric compendia, and so on. The most popular works among Brahmin priests are practical manuals (paddhati) describing the ritual procedure in step-by-step detail [16]. These rich and easily accessible textual sources have made it easy for scholars to produce an outline of the Hindu funeral ([6], pp. 129–166; [11], pp. 179–551; [18], pp. 234–274). Such scholarly descriptions are very informative and useful, but at the same time, they are somewhat misleading because in everyday practice no Hindu funeral is conducted exactly as it is described in texts. There are several reasons for the discrepancy between texts and the actual performance of death rituals. First, the above-mentioned Sanskrit works are normative texts prescribing an ideal ritual form, and hence, they do not reflect real everyday practice. Second, the ritual form defined in these texts has always been enriched and modified by oral traditions reflecting specific regional, social, and family customs. Third, textual instructions have always been followed mainly by high-caste Hindus, whereas the ritual practices of the lower castes and scheduled-caste Hindus (Dalits) have substantially differed. And finally, even among high-caste Hindus, the actual performance of the funeral may vary widely, depending on how the particular death is classified ([21], pp. 80–84). In the case of a “good death,” or simply put, a natural, timely death ([19], pp. 158–166), the funeral is festive and performed in closer accordance with

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the antyeṣṭi manuals. However, if a person dies young, violently, or from a disease, for example, such a death is deemed a “bad death” or an “untimely death”; in this case, the funeral rituals are substantially reduced or even mostly omitted. Therefore, this outline of antyeṣṭi is not primarily based on normative textual sources; instead it describes actual performances of Hindu funerals recorded in anthropological studies ([5]; [8], pp. 508–520; [9]; [12], pp. 267–279; [13], pp. 237–243; [14], pp. 131–158; [19]; [22], pp. 135–192), in a documentary film [10], and personally observed by the author of the present entry. Nevertheless, this definition reflects a form of antyeṣṭi that is similar to the ideal procedure. The rituals described here are performed when an upper-caste Hindu dies a good death. Any possible variants, whether regional, social, or familial, are naturally omitted in this brief account.

Before the Moment of Death In a house where a person is dying, ritual activity begins even before death itself. A good death does not happen unexpectedly; on the contrary, it is assumed that the dying person chooses the moment of death, and his or her departure is therefore conscious and voluntary. Hence, relatives can prepare everything so that the last breath takes place in accordance with all rules and customs. First, one should not die in a room but in the open air. Second, one must not die on a bed but on the ground ([7], p. 1). The ground should be properly prepared, that is, at the very least it should be sprinkled with sacred water and covered with sacred grass, or better yet, it should be smeared with cow dung and sprinkled with sesame seeds. The legs of a dying person must be pointed to the south, the direction of the ancestral kingdom and its ruler, the god Yama. A lamp is lit near the head of the dying person and burns until the dead body leaves the house. Its purpose is to scare away malevolent spirits and demons who could enter the dead body. Similarly, mantras and God’s name are whispered into the ear of the dying to provide protection for the soul on its upcoming journey.

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From Death to Leaving the House The moment a person dies marks the beginning of hectic planning and organizing. All relatives, friends, and neighbors must be informed of the death as quickly as possible. In today’s world in which mobile phones are widespread throughout Indian society, this task is not as complicated as it was in the recent past. The reason for the rush is clear: a Hindu funeral should take place as soon as possible after death. While most texts allow a funeral to be held within 3 days at most, on a practical level the vast majority of funerals take place within a few hours of death. Considering India’s climate, this haste is understandable. A funeral may be delayed if the main mourner has yet to arrive. He is the central figure throughout the funeral and is responsible for the proper performance of all the rituals. The posthumous fate of the deceased person hinges upon him. Ideally, the main mourner is the oldest son of the dead person, but if he is unavailable, either because he is not alive or because he is unable to arrive in time, this role can be filled by another male relative; the following order is preferred: another son, a grandson, a great-grandson, or a brother of the deceased, or a son or a grandson of one of his or her brothers. If a dying man feels that there are no suitable relatives to ensure the proper execution of all rituals, the Hindu ritualistic tradition offers a remarkable and completely unique solution: a man can perform his own death rituals while still alive ([11], pp. 542–545). The main mourner, in cooperation with the oldest women in the house familiar with family customs, organizes all the necessary actions for dealing with the corpse. Most are performed by a family barber or his wife (depending on the sex of the deceased). The body is first shaved (if a man), washed, and then wrapped in a shroud, which is mostly white, but in the case of a particularly good death of an elderly man it can be made of yellow silk. Some communities, however, have different habits. If a woman dies before her husband, she is dressed up as a proper Hindu wife in a red sari with all the usual signs of a married woman, such as red-dyed feet and a red part in her hair. Similarly, if an unmarried girl dies, she is dressed as a

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Hindu bride. Widows, on the other hand, are cremated in a simple white shroud. Next, the seven orifices of the dead body should be somehow closed, but this prescription is strictly observed only in some high-caste Brahman families. Ghee, tulsi leaves, sacred grasses, thin plates of silver or gold, or coins may be used as “seals.” Most frequently, only the mouth is closed after a few drops of Ganges water (or of any other sacred water) have been poured into it. Then the forehead is smeared with ash, red dye, or turmeric, depending on the family custom, the status of the deceased, and his or her religion. The body is now ready to be moved onto a bier, a simple ladder made from bamboo. With the assistance of the family priest, the main mourner then performs the first prescribed ritual consisting of the sacrifice of edible balls known as piṇḍa. The size and composition of these balls vary across communities and regions. They are most often the size of a tennis ball, but they can also be smaller. They are typically made from a mixture of rice flour, water, and ghee, but other flours are also used and various ingredients may be added, especially sesame seeds. In total, five to six piṇḍas are sacrificed before the body is cremated. The first two are sacrificed at this stage of the ritual: the first one is offered to the spirit of the earth on which the corpse lies and the second to the spirit of the threshold through which the dead body leaves the house.

The Funeral Procession Once all the preparatory work and ceremonies in the house are completed, the relatives and guests pay their last respects to the deceased by circumambulating the dead body several times. The closest relatives usually make an offering of coconuts at the feet, which are later burned together with the corpse at the cremation ground. The body is now ready to leave the house, which may take place through the main entrance, or in some communities through the back door. Particularly in South India, the old Vedic custom of breaking through the wall or fence around the house is still often obeyed.

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Women (relatives and neighbors) begin to weep and wail, usually when the body leaves the house. This intense show of grief and lament is almost ritualized (indeed in some communities it is); mourning female relatives unfasten their hair. On the contrary, men must keep their emotions under tight control. It is not proper for Hindu men to show their sadness in any way, although this rule does not apply to low-caste communities ([12], p. 272). Men should also maintain their stoic demeanor during the following rituals and subsequent days of mourning, but in some communities men are allowed to express their emotions after coming back home from the cremation ground ([22], p. 154). Then the closest male relatives (usually four to six; all the deceased sons must be bearers) take the bier with the corpse on their shoulders (head first, for one should leave this world in the same way one entered it), and the funeral procession can start. Only men may participate in it. Although women usually remain in the house, in some communities they can join the procession for a short stretch. In some rare communities, women are allowed to go to the cremation ground where they can watch the rituals and wait for the burning of the body. The size and pomposity of the funeral procession depends on the social position of the deceased’s family and the location. For example, the procession of a poor farmer in a small village differs from the procession of a rich Brahman priest in a small town. Even the smallest processions usually include dozens of men, whereas bigger ones may feature a few hundred. The better the death, the greater the parade. Traditionally, at the head of the procession is the bier, which is followed by mourners on foot. In cities today, the body is often placed in a car and the procession walks behind it. If the nearest cremation ground is too far away from the house of the deceased, all participants are transported by cars or rented minibuses and buses to the gate of the cremation ground, from where they walk to the actual cremation site. Despite actual modern practices, the ideal funeral procession should be by foot, and those who carry the bier should be barefoot. In the case

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of a truly good death, the funeral procession does not appear mournful or depressing; conversely, an uninitiated observer could easily confuse it for a wedding party. In fact, in some communities a brass band playing wedding songs leads the procession; if the family is rich enough and the procession is sufficiently numerous, a second band can play at the end of the procession. Young boys dance near the musicians, often quite suggestively. Those walking near the body of the deceased may cry out the names of god or chant mantras containing the name of one of the Hindu gods.

At the Cremation Ground Cremation grounds (śmaśāna) are usually located to the south of villages or towns, in keeping with the Hindu notion about the location of the ancestral realm. In large cities, multiple cremation grounds are situated inside the city. No matter their exact location, all cremation grounds should be placed near a river. The ground can be an open, freely accessible area, or an enclosed space that is part of a temple complex. Each ground contains several pyre sites, which are sometimes roofed so that corpses can be burned even during monsoon season. Multiple sites exist due to social factors, not capacity issues. For example, it would be inconceivable for a Brahman to be cremated in the same place where someone from a low caste was also burnt. Additionally, communities that are of the same or similar castes, but with different geographical origins, will have their own cremation sites. Hence, at large cremation grounds there are between five and ten pyre sites. Before cremation, the body of the deceased is immersed approximately up to the knees in water, and some relatives apply water to his or her face, the only part of the body that is not covered by the shroud. At the same time, the relatives must begin negotiating with the caretaker of the cremation ground about the price of the funeral. They begin by haggling over the cost of wood. The whole bargaining process can be quite fierce. Funeral costs vary, because although the price of

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wood is more or less fixed (around 400 kg of wood are needed), no fixed price is determined for the actual ritual. The caretaker will make an initial offer based on the perceived economic status of the grieving family. From there, the mourners must negotiate the price down. Some families, however, are so poor that they cannot even buy the minimum amount of wood necessary to completely burn the body. They must find an alternative way to dispose of the corpse. Although the caretakers usually belong to the lowest strata of Hindu society (almost exclusively, they are Dalits, typically Doms) because working at a cremation ground is highly ritually polluting, they are often very rich; in extreme cases, such as those working in Varanasi’s “death industry,” they are millionaires. The cremation site is first swept and ritually cleansed with water. Next, a layer of wood is laid down and the body placed upon it; more wood is then added to cover the corpse. Rich families usually buy dozens of kilograms of sacred and precious woods, such as sandalwood or mango, in addition to normal firewood. These logs are laid on top along with tulsi leaves, and the pyre is then sprinkled with ghee and resin from the sal tree, which promote burning. The corpse should be facing the south, but apparently not all cremation grounds respect this rule. Theoretically, men should be cremated face up and women face down, but this prescription is not unanimously followed either. The main mourner is shaved (of hair and beard) and his nails are cut; then he bathes and puts on clean clothes, and is thus ritually prepared to ignite the pyre. In high-caste Brahman families, relatives often bring fire in a clay pot from the home of the deceased. The main mourner grasps the burning torch and circumambulates the pyre several times, always touching the dead person’s mouth with the fire, before finally lighting up the pyre. If the dead person is a man, the pyre is ignited at his head; if it is a woman it is lighted at her feet. A fragrant powder consisting of ten aromatic plants is thrown into the fire, and no more ritual activities are performed for some time. Members of the

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procession who remain at the cremation ground wait idly. Some remain silent, some talk, and some even play cards. Once about half of the body has burned, an important ritual called the “act of the skull” (kapāla kriyā) is performed. The main mourner receives a long stick, with which he must crack open the skull of the burning corpse so that the soul (or life breath) can finally leave the body ([19], pp. 180–181). It is not an easy act; the stick must be long enough so that the mourner is not hit by the hot brain matter that spouts out from the highly pressurized skull. Today, some men, particularly those from cities, are reluctant to perform this ritual and leave it up to cremationground workers. The mourners then wait for the body to combust fully. Sometimes the pyre burns too slowly, for example, when the wood is wet. A slowly burning pyre is a very inauspicious sign, for according to Hindu beliefs, it means that the deceased person must have been a great sinner whose body the god of fire (Agni) is unwilling to accept. Therefore, flammable materials must be added to the fire; used tires often serve well for this purpose. The pyre burns for 3–5 h depending on the amount of wood purchased. Its ritual extinguishing and the completion of the entire cremation process follow. The main mourner receives a clay pot filled with water, which he then puts on his left shoulder. He can stand with his back to the site and throw the pot directly onto it, or a hole is cut into the pot so that the water runs out of it and he circumambulates the pyre site several times in a counterclockwise direction before throwing the pot onto it. The mourner may not look at the pyre site while performing this rite. This act is the final rite performed at the cremation ground. Afterward the participants in the funeral procession who have stayed to this point leave. They go to the nearest river where they take a purifying bath and where the main mourner makes the first water offering for the deceased. The funeral guests then disperse and go home. On the way and especially before entering their houses, they perform protective magical acts, which vary greatly by region and community. In general, they involve touching various items

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(iron, stones, cow’s dung) and various cleansing acts. In many places, however, before people leave the cremation ground, an additional ritual called “collecting the bones” (asthisañcayana) is performed. Although it should be theoretically carried out several days after the cremation ([11], pp. 240–244), for practical reasons, it often follows immediately after the corpse has burned and the pyre extinguished because it is not possible to keep burned bones and ashes at the site for long. This ritual prescription can only be obeyed in small villages, where cremation grounds are not busy. The ritual itself is quite simple and is again performed by the main mourner. He recovers all the skeletal remains (in some communities, they are washed with water or milk) and puts them in a special clay pot, into which he also sweeps the ashes. In Varanasi bones are not collected; everything is swept into the Ganges immediately after the pyre has been extinguished, which is by far the best fate of human remains.

Conclusion Collecting the bones completes the antyeṣṭi rite, but death rituals, namely, śrāddha rituals, continue for several more days. Śrāddha is one of the most important domestic Hindu rites ([11], pp. 334–551). It encompasses not only ritual activities in the days following immediately after cremation, but also all ancestral rites performed either regularly on prescribed days in the Hindu ritual calendar or occasionally during various family celebrations. It should be restated here in the conclusion that this description of antyeṣṭi, the Hindu funeral rite, cannot be applied to all Hindu practices. Besides regional, social, and family variations, which are often quite substantial, major deviations from the standard form of antyeṣṭi are found in many lowcaste and particularly scheduled-caste (Dalit) Hindu communities: they often do not cremate dead bodies, but bury them [20]. No statistics about Hindu burials exist, but taking into account the large number of low-caste and scheduled-caste

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communities, we can assume that burial is much more widespread than is generally believed. Modernization has resulted in important changes in the standard form of the Hindu funeral, particularly thanks to the introduction of electric crematoria in India [17]. In recent decades, crematoria have appeared across the country, especially in large cities. When the body is burnt in a crematorium, several antyeṣṭi rites must obviously be conducted differently, if they can be performed at all (for example, cracking the skull is impossible). Thus, despite massive government support, these facilities remain underutilized ([19], p. 67). For the traditional, truly devout high-caste Hindu, it is still unacceptable to be cremated in this modern way. Therefore, crematoria are mainly used by only two types of people: first, poor Hindus, who cannot afford to pay a huge amount of money for firewood and charges to the caretakers of the cremation ground; and second, environmentally conscious, educated urban Hindus, who are aware of the catastrophic consequences of the massive consumption of wood for traditional Hindu cremation. Because India now faces drastic environmental problems while the population continues to grow steadily, crematoria will likely see greater use in the future. This trend is already noticeable today.

Cross-References ▶ Antyeṣṭi ▶ Burial (Hinduism) ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Rebirth (Hinduism) ▶ Śrāddha ▶ Yama

References 1. Caland W (1896) Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebräuche mit Benutzung handschriftlicher Quellen dargestellt. Johannes Müller, Amsterdam 2. Datta BN (1936) Vedic funeral customs and Indus Valley culture. Man in India 16:223–307

Antyesti ˙˙ 3. Datta BN (1937) Vedic funeral customs and Indus Valley culture. Man in India 17:1–68 4. Davis RH (1988) Cremation and liberation: the revision of a Hindu ritual. Hist Relig 28:37–53 5. Elmore M (2006) Contemporary Hindu approaches to death: living with the dead. In: Garces-Foley K (ed) Death and religion in a changing world. Routledge, London/New York 6. Filippi GG (1996) Mṛtyu: concept of death in Indian tradition: transformation of the body and funeral rites. D. K. Printworld, New Delhi 7. Firth S (1997) Dying, death and bereavement in a British Hindu community. Peeters, Leuven 8. Freed RS, Freed SA (1980) Rites of passage in Shanti Nagar. American Museum of Natural History, New York 9. Gutschow N, Michaels A (2005) Handling death: the dynamics of death and ancestor rituals among the Newars of Bhaktapur, Nepal. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 10. Jhala J, Allen WC, Carbaugh A, Semmel L (2007) The last rites of honorable Mr. Rai. Documentary educational resources, Watertown [DVD video] 11. Kane PV (1991) History of Dharmaśāstra: ancient and mediæval religious and civil law, vol 4, 3rd edn. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 12. Kaushik M (1976) The symbolic representation of death. Contrib Indian Sociol 10:265–292 13. Knipe DM (2015) Vedic voices: intimate narratives of a living Andhra tradition. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 14. Michaels A (2004) Hinduism: past and present. Princeton University Press, Princeton/Oxford 15. Mirnig N (2019) Liberating the liberated: early Śaiva tantric death rites. Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 16. Müller KW (1992) Das brahmanische Totenritual nach der Antyeṣṭipaddhati des Nārāyaṇabhaṭṭa. Steiner, Stuttgart 17. Nugteren A (2016) Wood, water and waste: material aspects of mortuary practices in South Asia. In: Ferrari FM, TWP D (eds) Roots of wisdom, branches of devotion: plant life in South Asian traditions. Equinox, Sheffield/Bristol 18. Pandey R (1969) Hindu saṁskāras: socio-religious study of the Hindu sacraments, 2nd edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 19. Parry PJ (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 20. Peyer N (2004) Death and afterlife in a Tamil village: discourses of low caste women. Lit Verlag, Münster 21. Saindon M (2000) Cérémonies funéraires et postfunéraires en Inde: la tradition derrière les rites. Les Presses de l’Université Laval/L’Harmattan, SainteFoy (Québec)/Paris 22. Stevenson S (1920) The rites of the twice-born. Humphrey Milford/Oxford University Press, London

Anubhava

Anubhava R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

The mention of Anubhava or Sattivika Bhavas is found in Chapter VI of Bharat Muni’s the Natyasastra. In natyasastra, the story goes like that the great sages approached Bharata, and posed their queries on five issues namely: 1. What are the rasas of which the natya experts speak? 2. What constitutes a rasa? 3. What are the bhavas (emotions)? 4. What feelings do they (bhavas) convey? 5. What is sangraha (essence of contents), a karika, and a nirukta? (Natyasastra, 53) To these questions, Bharata Muni replies in detail, and discusses the concept of Rasa and Bhava. To understand the concept of Anubhavas, an understanding of Bhava and Vibhava is a prerequisite because the Bhava, the Vibhava, and the Anubhava are interrelated. Bharata Muni mentions eight Rasas, namely Hasya (Laughter), Karuna (sorrow), Raudra (anger), Vira (heroism, courage), Bhayanaka (terror or fear), Bibhatsa (disgust), and Adbhuta (surprise/wonder). Shantha (peace or tranquility) is considered as the ninth Rasa. The Bhavas are of two types – the Sanchari and the Sthayi. “Love, humor, compassion, horror, the heroic, fear, repulsion, and wonder are the eight Sthayi Bhavas. Dejection, lassitude, suspicion, jealousy, infatuation, fatigue, laziness, helplessness, anxiety, confusion, remembrance, boldness, bashfulness, fickleness, pleasure, excitement, heaviness, pride, sorrow, impatience, sleep, forgetfulness, dream, awakening, intolerance, dissimulation, ferocity, desire, disease, insanity, death, fear and guessing, these are the 33 vyabhichari or sanchari bhava-s”

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(Natyasastra, 54). The Bhavas give meaning to any expression. The tone and tenor find their shape and flow under the impression of the Bhava. Any meaning expressed by a Vibhava (stimulus) is made intelligible by words, physical gestures and Anubhavas (emotions). So Anubhavas are the expressed emotions. The fact behind its nomenclature as Anubhava is that it is accompanied (anu) by words, gestures, the facial expression(s). “According to a traditional verse an Anubhava is called as such because a meaning is conveyed with the help of words, gestures (of primary and secondary parts of the body) and facial expressions or intonations” (Natyasastra, 54). Bharata Muni propagates that the “wise people should be able to understand vibhava-s and anu-bhavas since they are natural to people and commonly used in everyday life” (Natyasastra, 54). There is no any Anubhava that we do not watch in the activities of human being in our dayto-day life. Further, from verse 28 to 92 in Chapter VII of the Natyasastra, the Vyabhichari Bhavas and their expressions or anubhavas find their mention in a systematic way. The visual characteristics of any feeling are their anubhavas. These are realistic qualities. The eight Anubhavas or Sattivika Bhavas are mentioned as follows: 1. Stambha (Stupefaction): The actor performs this Anubhava by standing still.The body remains static and unmoved. The eyes under the spell of stupefaction remain unseeing and limbs seem almost dead. 2. Sveda (Sweating): It is performed by showing the lack of breath or air. Different actions showing the use or urge for fan, state of perspiration, and the actors’ aspiration for breath are shown on the stage. 3. Romancha (Feeling thrilled): It is the representation of thrill. Romancha is portrayed by “showing frequently as if the hair is on end, by plucking movements and touching the limbs” (Natyasastra, 76) 4. Svarabheda (Break in voice): “This is to be acted by stuttering in different voices.” (Natyasastra, 76)

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5. Vepathu (Trembling): “This is to be acted by quivering, throbbing and shaking movements.” (Natyasastra, 76) 6. Vaivaranya (Pallor): “This is to be acted by pressure on the pulse and changing the coloring of the face.” (Natyasastra, 76) 7. Ashru (Tears): The actor wipes the eyes again and again, and shows as if the tears are coming out of the eyes. 8. Pralaya (Swoon or death): The actor is shown breaking up on the ground. Since the Anubhavas are spontaneous expressions of emotions and feelings, their performance in Abhinaya (acting) is not a very easy task because it warrants a perfect blend of physical and psychic capability in the performer. They cannot be performed until the act finds emotional involvement of the performer.

See Also ▶ Abhinaya ▶ Theater (Hinduism)

References 1. Bharatamuni: The Natyasastra (trans: Rangacharya A (1996)). Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi

Anuma¯na Veenus Jain Amity University, Noida, India

Indian philosophy refers to ancient philosophical traditions of the Indian subcontinent. The principal schools are classified as either orthodox or heterodox – āstika or nāstika – depending on one of three alternate criteria: whether it believes the Vedas are a valid source of knowledge; whether the school believes in the premises of

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Brahman and Atman; and whether the school believes in afterlife and Devas [1]. There are six major schools of orthodox Indian Hindu philosophy: Nyaya, Vaisheshika, Samkhya, Yoga, Mīmāṃsā, and Vedanta and five major heterodox schools: Jain, Buddhist, Ajivika, Ajñana, and Cārvāka. Nyāya school of Indian Philosophy was founded by Gotama who is also known as Aks apāda. Nyāya is also known as: Pramānsastra: science of logic and epistemology, Hetuvidya: Science of causation, Vādavidya: Science of debate, anvīkskī: Science of critical study and tarksastra: Science of reasoning. Nyāya-sūtra is the main text written by Gotama, on which Vatsayan wrote a commentary which is called Nyāyabhāsya. Nyāya is a school of atomistic pluralism and logical realism. It is allied to Vaisesika System (samanantara). Vaisesika develops Ontology and Metaphysics; Nyaya develops Logic and epistemology. Both agree in viewing the earthly life as full of suffering, as bondage of the soul [2]. According to Nyāya, there are two kinds of knowledge: (i) valid (pramā): it is right apprehension of an object, i.e., yatharthānubhāva (presentation of an object as it is). (ii) invalid (apramā) maintains the “theory of correspondence,” paratah prāmānya. There are four means of valid knowledge (presentative cognition) according to Nyāya: Perception- pratakshya, Inference-anumana, Comparison-upmana and Testimony-sruti. Invalid knowledge includes: Smrti-memory, Samasya-doubt, Viparyayaerrormisapprehension, and Tarka- hypothetical reasoning. Valid knowledge corresponds to its object (yathartha and avisavadi) and leads to successful activity (pravrttisamarthya). Invalid knowledge does not correspond to its object (ayathārtha and visamvādi) and leads to disappointment and failure (pravrttisamvada) [2]. Nyaya theory of knowledge is Realistic and Pragmatic. Perception is “non-erronous cognition” according to Gotama. There are two stages in perception: Nirvikalpa (indeterminate) and Savikalpa (determinate). Perception is of two kinds: Laukika (ordinary): it is perception of

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the usual type and is of two kinds, i.e., manas (internal) and external (bāhya) and Ālaukika (extraordinary): it is the perception in an unusual way. It is of three types: Samanyalaksana: perception of universals such as “Cowness” in cow, Jnanalaksana: perception through association. The theory of illusion (anyathakhyati) is based on this type of perception and Yogaja: immediate perception by yogins through meditations. Yogaja of Nyaya is like Kevaljnana of Jainism, Bodhi of Buddhist, kaivalya of Sankhya-yoga, and aproksanubhuti of Vedantins. According to Hindu philosophy, there are six pramana. Each of the schools of philosophy acknowledges one or more of these pramana as valid sources of knowledge: Pratyaksha (perception) – Acquiring knowledge from experience, Anumana (inference) – Gaining right knowledge from logical conclusion, Upamana (comparison) – Learning by observing similarities, Arthapatti (postulation) – Supposition of a fact to support a well-established fact, Anupalabdhi (non-apprehension) – Understanding nonexistence by non-perception and Sabda (testimony) – Gaining authentic knowledge from spoken and written words. Only the quasiphilosophical school of Carvaka rejects anumana, instead accepting pratyaksha as the sole valid source of knowledge. Anumana is a Sanskrit word that means “inference” or “knowledge that follows.” It is one of the pramanas, or sources of correct knowledge, in Indian philosophy. Anumana is using observation, previous truths, and reason to reach a new conclusion and truth. Anumana consists of five steps: a hypothesis (pratijna), reason (hetu), an example (udaharana), reaffirmation (upanaya), and conclusion (nigamana). The hypothesis is conditionally true if there are positive examples and an absence of counter-evidence [3]. Indian systems of philosophy have paid considerable attention to the problem of knowledge and the means of obtaining it. The object to be known is called “prameya” (“that which is measured or known”), the means of knowing it is “pramāṇa” (“the measure”), and the knowledge obtained thus is called “pramā” (“that which is

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measured”). The pramāṇas accepted by the various schools vary from two to six. However, almost all the theistic schools agree on three of them and consider them as more basic. They are: Pratyakṣa – Direct perception, Anumāna – Inference, and Āptavākya – Testimony. When smoke is seen on a distant hill, though fire itself is not seen directly, we conclude that there is fire on the hill since smoke is invariably associated with fire. Here, the means of our knowledge of fire on the hill is “anumāna” or inference. We are measuring (mā ¼ to measure) or knowing the object of knowledge (fire), following (anu ¼ to follow) a given premise (i.e., the smoke and the invariable concomitance of smoke with fire known to exist from our earlier experiences).Some technical terms commonly used while defining anumāna are: “Sādhya” – What is to be proved; here, the fire, “Hetu” – the cause for such inference; here, the smoke, and “Pakṣa” – that which takes a side, or causes doubts; here, the hill [4]. Nyaya syllogism is deductive inductive and formal-material. There are five syllogisms in Nyaya logic: Pratijna (this hill has fire), Hetu (because it has smoke), Udaharana (whatever has smoke has fire), Upanaya (this hill has smoke which is invariably associated with fire), and Naigama (therefore this hill has fire). Gotama speaks of three kinds of inference: Purvavat (based on causation), Shesavat, (based on causation), and Samanyatodrsta (based on mere coexistence). Another classification of Inference divides inference into three parts: Kevalanvayi, Kevalavyatireki, and Anvayavyatireki. Verbal testimony is of two kinds: vaidika and secular. There are certain conditions for verbal testimony: Akansa (expectancy), Yogyata (non-contradictory), Sannidhi (continuity), and Tatparya (intention) [2]. Anumāna is one of the most important contributions of the Nyaya. It can be of two types: inference for oneself (Svarthanumana, where one does not need any formal procedure, and at the most the last three of their five steps), and inference for others (Parathanumana, which requires a systematic methodology of five steps). Inference can also be classified into three types:

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Purvavat (inferring an unperceived effect from a perceived cause), Sheshavat (inferring an unperceived cause from a perceived effect), and Samanyatodrishta (when inference is not based on causation but on uniformity of coexistence). There are instances in the Dharmaśātras in which the term anumāna has the classical, technical meaning: “inference.” For instance, in the Kātyāyana-smṛti (358-86): “(The judge) should discern the (real) intention (or mental state) from the outward manifestations (such as sweat, horripilation), the gestures (looking down at the ground, etc.) and physical movements; the litigant becomes a losing party and he is found out (to be so) by inference (from the signs mentioned above).” (Tr. Kane)Manu-smṛti (8.44) explicitly uses the term anumāna for a similar process: “As a hunter traces the lair of a (wounded) deer by the drops of blood, even so the king shall discover on which side the right lies, by inference (from the facts).” (Tr. Bühler) Anumāna represents one of the 13 garbhasandhi, according to the Natyashastra. Garbhasandhi refers to the “segments (sandhi) of the development part (garbha)” and represents one of the five segments of the plot (itivṛtta or vastu) of a dramatic composition (nāṭaka) [5]. Somadeva assimilates the Arthashastra theories and assumes the role of Jain exponent of the traditional science of polity. For example, on the issue of the princely education and training, he advocates the four royal sciences: anivikski (science of inferential knowledge), trayi (vedic theology), varta (science of agriculture), and dandniti (science of statecraft) and emphasizes their role in the king’s qualification along Kautilya pattern studded with jain references. Somadeva also defines the scope of dandaniti as Nitisastra in terms of internal and external security. Anviksiki is the old Indian term for logic. According to Panini, it is called anviksiki because it has for its object anviksa which literally means “after knowledge” (anu + shanka). Anumana is a word which is more frequently used for “after knowledge,” by which is meant inference. For understanding Kautilya, therefore, the main point to be noted is that anviksa being equivalent to anumana, the world anviksiki

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means for him what later comes to be known as anumana-vidya, i.e., the science of inferential knowledge, which in its turns presupposes direct perceptual evidence or more simply direct experience [6]. Sankara, Ramanuja, and Nimbarka invariably interpret Pratyaksha and Anumana as Shruti and Smriti, respectively, and not as perception and inference. While commenting on Brahma-sūtra I. iii. 28, Sankaracarya remarks that perception here denotes Scripture, which, in order to be authoritative, is independent (of anything else), and inference denotes Smriti, which, in order to be authoritative depends on something else (viz. Scripture). Smriti is called Anumana because for its authority we have to infer the existence of an original Vedic text of the same purport. Ramanuja and Nimbarka hold the same opinion in this respect. Vallabha sometimes interprets Anumana from the sūtra text as perception and inference, sometimes suggests Shruti and Smriti as an alternative interpretation, while in one case, he interprets the words only as Shruti and Smriti, respectively [7].

Cross-References ▶ Reason (Hinduism)

References 1. Doniger W (2014) On Hinduism. Oxford University Press, Oxford, p 46 2. Shivangi S (2015) Nyaya philosophy of Indian philosophy. http://studyphilo.blogspot.com/2015/06/nyayanyayaschool-of-indian-philosophy.html 3. https://www.yogapedia.com/definition/5901/anumana 4. Harshananda S. Anumāna, The concise encyclopaedia of Hinduism. http://www.hindupedia.com/en/ Anumāna. Accessed 2019 5. Rocher L (2012) Studies in Hindu law and Dharmasastra. Anthem Press. https://www.wisdomlib.org/definition/ anumana 6. Jain V (2017) Political thinking in Jain literature, Shramana, vol 51, no 1. A Quarterly Research Journal of Jainology, Published By Parshwanath Vidhyapeeth, Varanasi, pp 6–9 7. http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/37031/ 9/09_chapter5.pdf

A¯pad-Dharma

A¯pad-Dharma Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Āpaddharma and Dharma – Dharma is one of the most difficult words to translate into English. It does not have a singular connotation. Sometimes it means a sacred duty, sometimes as a law, sometimes as an obligation, and sometimes as a desirable behavior. Apad means crises, and Āpaddharma is acceptable behavior at the time of the crises. The epic gives a message that there could be a significant difference between the Dharma at the normal times and the Āpaddharma. Varṇā and Varṇāśram Dharma – Varṇā literally means color. Later on it came to be associated with social stratification based on birth, and the society came to be divided into the four Varṇās, i.e., Brāhmaṇas (the priestly learned class), Kṣatriya (the rulers and the warriors), Vaiśya (the traders and cultivators), and Sūdras (the people expected to serve the upper three Varṇās). All the Varṇās have different duties prescribed for them called Varṇāśram Dharma, and any deviation from the prescribed Varṇāśram Dharma is censored in the Sanskrit scriptures. Chaṇḍâlas – The Chaṇḍâlas are refereed as the lowest of the lowest in the Varṇā/caste hierarchy. They are described as staying in the cremation ground assisting in cremating the dead bodies. They also took the cloths from the dead bodies and used them. In the Sanskrit scriptures, they are usually depicted as very unclean, staying outside the towns and despised.

Definition Behavioral and ethical codes of a society have developed over a long period of time and

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ideally for the general welfare. In the Indian context, the Sanskrit scriptures often portray these behavioral codes (called Dharma) as sacrosanct. But the situations that we encounter in the real life are unpredictable, and it is difficult to have the stereotype, standard code that can be universally applied. To cater for the crises, the Indian epic the Mahābhārata elaborates on the concept of Āpaddharma, i.e., acceptable behavior during the situation of the crises through some stories. The message is that discretion is to be practiced instead of blind adherence to the scriptural instructions or tradition.

Complexity of Human Life and Moral Dilemmas Thr Śāntiparvan (Book 12 of the Mahābhārata) narrates a story ([1], 535–541). There was a long drought, and people were not getting food. The cities and towns became desolate. Ṛṣi Viśhwamitra, afflicted with hunger, was moving from place to place in search of food and came upon a hamlet of Chaṇḍâlas, who were considered to be lowest of the lowest in the society. Having failed to obtain the food, he decides to steal the flesh of a dog from a Chaṇḍâla’s hut. He waited till it got dark and then tried to sneak into the hut of the Chaṇḍâla, but the Chaṇḍâla became alert, and there follows a long dialogue between the two. The Chaṇḍâla criticizes the sage for his act of trying to steal the dog’s flesh. He tries in different ways to convince the sage about the impropriety of his act. He says that a dog is an unclean animal. The haunch of a dog that the sage is planning to steal is again the worse part of its body. So by indulging in this act, the sage will be committing two sinful acts. Theft and then eating unclean food! By indulging in this act, the merit that the sage had earned by his penance will be destroyed. He also reminds the sage that eating flesh of dog is forbidden for the Brahmins, and it will have adverse effects on the maintenance of the duties, i.e., Varṇāśram Dharma.

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Viśhwamitra argues that he is about to die due to hunger. He now does not have any scruple about the unclean food. Our body is our friend, and a dying person should preserve one’s life by any means. It is only by preserving life that one can acquire merit. The consequences of the present conduct can be destroyed by virtuous conduct in future, but if the body is destroyed, there will not be such chance. When one’s life is in danger, there is no sin in eating such food. Besides the act does not involve any slaughter as the dog was already killed. Finally the Chaṇḍâla is silenced, and the sage takes away that haunch of dog’s meat. It is cooked and offered to Gods and to ancestors as per injunction of the sacred text. The text describes that the king of God, Indra, was pleased at this, and he powered down the rain. The rain revived all the creatures. Plants and herbs grew once more. Thus the season of drought had ended. Viśhwamitra after gratifying the gods and the ancestors, himself, ate the meat. He later on burned all his sins by penances and acquired wonderful ascetic success. Through this story, the epic gives a message that learned person by all means should preserve his body. A person, if remained alive, can win religious merit and enjoy happiness and prosperity. Thus a learned person should live and act relying upon his own intelligence discriminating between righteousness and its reverse. In the normal situation, the flesh of a dog is a forbidden food for the brāhmaṇas, but saving of one’s life is a greater Dharma. The sage not only ate the flesh, but he offered it to gods and to the ancestors. Pleased at his action, the god sent the rains ending the drought.

Kushika’s Blind Adherence to Truth A story of sage Kauśika is narrated by Kṛṣṇa to Arjuna ,and it gives a message that the preservation of life is more important than blindly following ethics ([2],179). The sage had made a vow of always speaking the truth. One day some people, who were chased by the robbers, entered the forest and were seen by the sage. The

robbers asked the sage if he had seen people taking shelter in the forest. Now as the sage had taken a vow of always speaking the truth; he told truth to the robbers. As a result the robbers found out the people and killed them. The sage was later sent to hell for being partly responsible for the killing. The circumstance that prompted Kṛṣṇa to narrate the story was also a situation of moral dilemma. During the Mahābhārata war, Yudhiṣṭhira was defeated by Karṇa and thus angry, he says to Arjuna that what is the use of his Gāṇḍīva (Arjuna’s bow) as he is not able to kill Karṇa and asks him to throw it away. Arjuna was so attached to his bow that he had taken a vow that if anybody tells him to throw away Gāṇḍīva, he will slay that person. Now Arjuna as a Kṣatriya is expected to keep his vow and slay Yudhiṣṭhira. He rushes to kill Yudhiṣṭhira. He was stopped by Kṛṣṇa, and he narrates this story about the sage Kauśika. After narrating the story, Kṛṣṇa tells Arjuna that as you have spoken harsh words to your elder brother, that itself is like a killing. For a respectable person, insult is like death, and there is no need of literally following the oath and killing the elder brother. Thus he finds out a way by which Arjuna’s vow (killing anyone who asks him to throw way his Gāṇḍīva) is kept, and Yudhiṣṭhira is saved.

Greater and Lesser Dharma From the stories it is clear that Mahābhārata does not prescribe the blind adherence to the rules of morality. There are different versions of Dharma in the Indian tradition, and the perception of the Dharma changes according the circumstances! There could be situations when one Dharma may come into conflict with another Dharma. However, one message that the epic repeatedly gives is that the main purpose of Dharma is preservation and protection of life. As the epic says again: ‘Dharma’ protects and preserves the people. So it is the conclusion of the Pandits that what maintains is ‘Dharma’ ([2], 179).

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Conclusion

Apad-Dharma and Dharma The Mahābhārata gives space to alternative viewpoints on different issues. In the discourse in the Śāntiparvan, Bhīṣhma says: Righteousness sometimes takes the shape of unrighteousness ([3], 320).

In the narration of the epic, we find that the notion of morality is twisted on a number of occasions. Kṛṣṇa, who is elevated to the status of incarnation of God, does it very often. But most of his acts of transgressions appear to be done for the greater good. During the Mahābhārata war, the three important commanders of the Kaurava army, i.e., Bhīṣhma, Dronachāryan, Karṇa and Duryodhana, were killed by violating the code of conduct as it was difficult to defeat them in the straight fight. Probably human life and human nature are very complex to have a stereotype concept of ethical behavior that will suit all the circumstances. The sub section titled Āpaddharma Anuṣasanparva explains different critical situations and the proper conduct during those situations. Bhīṣhma admits that nobody can accurately describe what Dharma is. He says, It is difficult to say what righteousness is. It is not easy to indicate it. No one in discoursing upon righteousness can indicate it accurately. Righteousness was declared (by Brahman) for the advancement and growth of all creatures ([3], 238).

▶ Mahābhārata

¯ paddharma and Dharma A ▶ Āpad-Dharma

Apaya Dīksita ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appa Dīksita ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appaiya Dīksita ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appar Cross-References ▶ Dharma ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Nīyoga

References 1. Fitzgerald J (2004) The Mahābhārata, the book of peace. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Ganguli KM (2008) The Mahābhārata of KṛṣṇaDvaipāyana Vyāsa, Karṇaparvan. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 3. Ganguli KM (2008) The Mahābhārata of KṛṣṇaDvaipāyana Vyāsa, Śāntiparvan part II. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi

Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Appar/Thirunavukkarasar (the former means “father” and the latter “the king of words”) was a seventh-century Tamil Saivite (devotees of Lord Siva) poet and saint. He was one of the prominent triad Saivite saints, the others being Sambandar (seventh century) and Sundarar (eighth century). The eleventh-century Saiva scholar and poet,

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Nambiyandar Nambi, compiled the hymns written by the triad Saivite poets and named it Tevaram. Tevaram comprises of the first seven volumes of Tirumurai (the twelve-volume anthology of hymns praising Siva). More hymns were added to Tevaram by various editors (poets themselves) to form the present Thirumurai. The first three parts of Tevaram were composed by Sambanthar, the next three by Appar, and the seventh by Sundarar [1].

Life Born in a peasant family belonging to Velaalar (also called Vellalar) caste, Appar’s parents, Pugazhanaar and Maathiniyaar, named him Marulneekkiyar. After his father’s death, his mother, Maathiniyaar, committed sati (a funeral practice of the widows to end their lives on their husband’s pyre). He had an elder sister named Thilakavathiyaar who was betrothed to a captain in the Army [1]. Tragically, soon after their parents died, Thilakavathiyaar’s fiancé also died. Being betrothed, Thilakavathiyaar considered herself married to the captain and decided to follow her mother, in committing sati. Marulneekkiyar who was only about 10–12 years old pleaded with her not to commit sati as he would be “orphaned.” He also threatened her of himself committing suicide after her death [1]. The compassionate Thilakavathiyaar refrains from committing sati and looks after Marulneekkiyar until he sets out for his first pilgrimage. Though brought up a Saivite, Marulneekkiyar gets interested in other religions in the country and sets out to learn the practices of Jainism. He leaves his home to join a Jain Monastery in Paatalipuram, the present Cuddalore in Chennai, Tamil Nadu. As Thilakavathiyaar was left alone, she abandons her home and took refuge in the temple of Lord Siva at ThiruvathikaiVeerattaanam (present Cuddalore), as a full-time devotee of Lord Siva. Marulneekkiyar spent many years in Paatalipuram and rose to the highest position in the Monastery, respected by all the monks. He was renamed Dharmasenar (literal meaning, “the guardian of dharma”). Quite unexpectedly and dramatically, Dharmasenar was affected by a stomach illness, which puts him through severe pain, which the doctors and sorcerers in the Monastery could not

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heal. He remembers his sister and sends a messenger to bring her to the Monastery. But, in return, concerned about his deception of Siva and Saivism, she refuses to go instead asked him to return home. Marulneekkiyar secretly returns home and falls prostrate at his sister’s feet. Thilakavathiyaar accepts him by conforming Lord Siva and Saivism, by applying the sacred ash on his forehead (which could be the Tripundra – three horizontal lines on the forehead – a symbol of compliance to the Saiva tradition). Thereafter, Marulneekkiyar undertook pilgrimages visiting Siva temples along the River Kaveri [2]. During his various pilgrimages that he undertook, he dialogued with scholars and devotees, served in the temples of Siva, cleaned the temple premises, and composed songs and sang them. During one of his pilgrimages, he visits Sambandar. Swami Sekkizhaar writes that Marulneekkiyar “with palms joined in obeisance” and “heart melting with love” approached Sambandar and fell prostrate at his feet [3]. Sambandar held Marulneekkiyar’s hands to help him stand up only to fall prostrate at his feet. He hailed him “Appare” (meaning, “Oh father!”) [3]. Thereafter, Marulneekkiyar was called Appar. He was instrumental in initiating the Bhakti movement in Tamil Nadu and has influenced many through his songs and discourses. After an eventful life, he died at the age of 81 in Thiruppugalur (Nagapattinam, Tamil Nadu) [4].

Works The Tirumurai is an anthology of Saiva hymns (hymn in Tamil, patikam) written by 63 Nayanars (Saivite leaders) who lived between third and ninth centuries CE and was compiled in the twelfth century [5]. This anthology is believed to constitute the Tamil Saiva canon. There are 796 hymns included in Tevaram – 383 written by Sambanthar, 313 of Appar, and 100 of Sundarar. A hymn has 10 or 11 verses, which usually comprise of 4-line stanzas; they are repeated while singing. Sambanthar and Sundarar adopt a style of adding a “signature verse” as the last verse of the hymn [6]. Like an aside, they mention their names and “speaks about himself (themselves), the nature of his (their) songs, and the benefits of

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singing or listening to it (them).” Appar adopts a different style. He does not mention his name in the last verse; instead he “uses the myth of the demon-devotee Ravana as his unique closure motif. . .” [6]. Tevaram departs from the classical style of Sangam writing which forms the literary canon for Tamil in the later centuries [6]. The Nayanars combined the “basic metrical patterns of Tamil verse with prosodic principles largely new to Tamil poetry, creating a large number of new ‘musical’ meters, as well as a new song form, the patikam, with its ten stanzas and refrain (repetition), eminently suited to the spirit and themes of the new religion of bhakti” [6].

Themes and Philosophy of Appar’s Hymns Tevaram’s departure from the classical style of Sangam also marked the inflow of a new philosophy and perspective on the people and their culture – the Saiva Siddhantha (Saiva Philosophy). Appar’s hymns spring out of his intense devotional attachment to Lord Siva, inspiring his audience (the Siva devotees) particularly as he addressed them directly. He stressed on “the localized presence of God within the icon and the icon’s translucent revelation of God’s wholeness” [7]. The icon is the representation of Lord Siva. In Siva’s abode through the representation of Sivalinga (the symbol of Siva), referred to as the muulamurti (root manifestation), Appar sings how the Lord should be worshipped. He sings: “. . .rise at dawn to bathe, to gather fresh flowers,/ and lovingly offer them in worship,/lighting lamps and burning incense for the rite” [7]. Appar describes Siva vividly: “The Lord, with the braided hair, lives in the Kanchi burial ground, with His beautiful Uma with pencilled eyebrows. He has no sin. He is not one of the mortals, and is not to be compared with any of them. He has no place, and is incomparable. We can, with His grace alone as our eye, perceive Him, His form and nature, otherwise none can paint Him, in His real form and nature” [8]. The “localized presence” (reference to Siva’s abode) of Siva not only refers to the temple and, particularly, Siva-linga but also to the inner self of the

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devotee. He is placeless yet placed; he is pure but could reside in an impure body; he is formless but with distinct form. In his hymns, Appar confesses his sins and submits completely to the Lord: “Great am I only in sin, evil is even my good. Evil my innermost self, foolish, avoiding the pure” [9]. This complete submission made Appar humble and fearless. His songs deal with the themes of “fearlessness, faith, humility, service and voluntary poverty” [1]. His fearlessness and faith are seen in his lines: “No man holds sway o’er us,/Nor death nor hell fear we;/No tremblings, griefs of mind,/No pains nor cringings see” [9]. Sambhandar, in a verse, mentions about Appar’s humility in taking his glory as Lord’s blessings: “Of blessed Navukkaracan, ‘Lord of Speech,’ who took for his glory nothing other than the good Lord’s name in which all blessings abide. . .” [2]. To Appar, serving Lord Siva was not only praising Him through his songs but also cleaning the premises of the temple that houses him and taking care of the needs of his devotees, irrespective of their caste and occupation. Sekkizhaar describes the reformer thus: “Appar went about cleaning the streets/that the world may prosper,/and humbly adorned the Lord with his songs” [1]. The hoe that Appar holds in one of his hands that rests on his shoulder is seen as an indication of his readiness to do manual labor in the temple [10] or a representation of his cultivating caste [11]. Appar’s songs “share an ethos of rich imagery, thick descriptions and desperate longing for divine grace” [12]. Studying Tevaram is also studying the daily life, worldviews, and values of the people in Tamil Nadu [6].

References 1. Vanmikanathan G (1983) Appar: makers of Indian literature. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 2. Prentiss KP (1999) The embodiment of bhakti. OUP, New York/Oxford 3. Sekkizhaar S (1985) Periya Puranam: a Tamil classic on the great Saiva saints of South India. Sri Ramakrishna Math, Madras 4. Subramanian VK (2004) Sacred songs of India. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 5. Warrier S (2014) Kamandalu: the seven sacred rivers of Hinduism. Mayur University/Hindu Heritage Protection, London/Mumbai

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94 6. Peterson IV (1989) Poems to Siva: the hymns of the Tamil saints. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. Davis RH (2006) Presence and translucence: Appar’s guide to devotional receptivity. In: Maniura R, Shepherd R (eds) Presence: the inherence of the prototype within images and other objects. Ashgate, Aldershot 8. http://shaivam.org/articles/art-the-idea-of-god-viewedin-the-light-of-the-hindu-philosophy.pdf 9. Van Voorst RE (2017) Anthology of world scriptures. Cengage Learning, Boston. Australia, Brazil and other places 10. Jones C, Ryan JD (2007) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Facts on File, New York 11. Ramaswamy V (2017) Historical dictionary of the Tamils. Rowan and Littlefield, Maryland/London 12. Nammalvar, Venkatesan A (2014) A hundred measures of time: Tiruviruttam. Penguinn Books, London

Appaya Dīksita ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appayya Dikshita ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appayya Dīksita ˙ Yigal Bronner Department of Asian Studies, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel

Synonyms Apaya Dīkṣita; Appa Dīkṣita; Appaiya Dīkṣita; Appaya Dīkṣita; Appayya Dikshita; Appayya Dīkṣitar; Appayyadīkṣita

Definition A South Indian Renaissance man of the sixteenth century; author of 100 books in a variety of fields.

Appaya Dīksita ˙

Life and Legacy of Appayya Dīksita ˙ Appayya Dīkṣita was one of India’s leading intellectuals in the sixteenth century – a maverick who stood out even in a period when many self-proclaimed innovators sought to transform South Asia’s traditional disciplines of learning [15]. A true Renaissance man, he authored at least 100 books in a variety of fields, including nondualist philosophy (Advaita Vedānta), Śaiva theology, Vedic hermeneutics (Mīmāṃsā), literary theory, grammar, and the study of the epics. Although he was supported only by minor courts at the southern tip of the Indian subcontinent, his work spread rapidly and drew both enthusiasm and ire in India’s major centers of learning in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. The Banaras-based Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita, who famously revolutionized Sanskrit grammar, was influenced at least by his work on nondualism [8], and the renowned Jagannātha, “King of Pandits,” at the imperial Mughal court in Delhi, criticized his views on literary theory so profusely that he was able to publish his tirades as a separate volume. It is no wonder that there are apocryphal traditions about personal friendship and enmity among these three eminent scholars [22]. Despite Appayya Dīkṣita’s lasting fame, relatively little is known about his life and work. In the first four centuries after his death, studies about him were written primarily by his descendants, often accomplished scholars in their own right, who composed commentaries on his treatises (defending them from the criticism they drew), as well as praises, short essays, and, eventually, full-fledged biographies about their famous ancestor [5]. The most important work on Appayya Dīkṣita in the twentieth century is by Y. Mahalinga Sastri, a descendant who studied the historical evidence about his forefather’s royal patrons and estimated convincingly that his dates were ca. 1520–1593 [9, 10]. It is also largely thanks to the efforts of other descendants that some of Appayya Dīkṣita’s hitherto-unpublished works have begun to be printed. Researchers outside this circle have only very recently begun to

Appayya Dīksita ˙

explore Appayya Dīkṣita and his legacy systematically. One outstanding feature of Appayya Dīkṣita’s life and work was his unique straddling of the Śaiva-Vaiṣṇava divide. In the sixteenth century, boundaries between Hindu sects were rapidly stiffening, and heated sectarian confrontations – some theological, others far more earthly – gained special urgency in the domain of the Vijayanagara Empire, whose ruling lineages now publically adopted a Vaiṣṇava policy [19]. Thus, in Appayya Dīkṣita’s immediate milieu, institutional support for the Śaiva caucus was declining and the fortunes of Viṣṇu partisans – proponents of qualified dualism (Viśiṣṭādvaita) from the Śrīvaiṣṇava school of Rāmānuja and advocates of Madhva’s dualist position (Dvaita Vedānta), such as the seminal thinker and organizer Vyāsatīrtha – were on the rise [16, 20]. This political and intellectual environment partly explains why a towering thinker like Appayya Dīkṣita was not situated at the imperial court (where, according to family tradition, his grandfather held a prominent position), and it is against this background that one has to examine his nuanced sectarian position. On the one hand, Appayya Dīkṣita was a vocal Śaiva champion and polemicist. Many of his works advocated the worship of Śiva or attacked his Vaiṣṇava interlocutors vehemently, especially the dualists, whose ideas and practices he lambasted in his Madhvatantramukhamardana (Slap in the Face of Madhva’s Doctrine) and other treatises [13]. Elsewhere he countered the Vaiṣṇava readings of the Sanskrit epics by provocatively arguing that Vālmīki and Vyāsa, the authors of the Rāmāyaṇa and the Mahābhārata, respectively, composed their epic poems precisely in order to suggest Śiva’s supremacy over all other gods, Viṣṇu in particular [4, 17]. Even more important, he also attempted to establish, apparently from scratch, a Śaiva school of qualified nondualism akin to that of the Śrīvaiṣṇavas, and much of his intellectual and pedagogical effort was dedicated to turning the work of a hitherto relatively unknown Śaiva thinker, Śrīkaṇṭha, into the foundational text of this school [11]. It is thus no coincidence

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that in accounts from Appayya Dīkṣita’s lifetime, he is portrayed as the ardent leader of the Śaiva camp in a three-way sectarian competition with the Śrīvaiṣṇavas and the followers of Madhva. On the other hand, Appayya Dīkṣita was extremely well read in Vaiṣṇava literature and had a unique capacity for thinking and arguing as a Vaiṣṇava [18]. He also held Vedānta Deśika, the great Śrīvaiṣṇava scholar, in special regard, composed the only commentary on his poetic magnum opus about the life of Kṛṣṇa, the Yādavābhyudaya, and even followed him in composing hymns in Viṣṇu’s honor [3]. Moreover, when he was writing as an intellectual historian and doxographer, Appayya Dīkṣita often recorded honestly and even sympathetically the positions of the Vaiṣṇava rivals he elsewhere attacked so vehemently. There are several explanations for this duality. First, Appayya Dīkṣita was heir to both Śaiva and Śrīvaiṣṇava lineages – his paternal grandmother came from a celebrated Vaiṣṇava family, as he himself notes, not without pride. Second, he worked for both Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava patrons, and there may have been some correlation between their sectarian leanings and the works he wrote with their support. But possibly a more important explanation is his constant striving for complete intellectual freedom and his conscious resistance to being confined to any one position. In this context it is interesting to quote his gloss on the appellation “independent in all disciplines” (sarvatantrasvatantra) of his Vaiṣṇava cultural hero, Vedānta Deśīka: “A person who is a sarvatantrasvatantra is capable of picking any tenet (siddhānta) from any of the disciplines – Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika, Early Mīmāṃsā, Late Mīmāṃsā [Vedānta], Sāṅkhya, Yoga, Śaivism, Vaiṣṇavism, and so on – and either prove or disprove it at will” [5]. Vedānta Deśika was a polymath and a broad-minded intellectual. But anyone who has read Appayya Dīkṣita’s own works will immediately recognize that in explaining Vedānta Deśika’s sobriquet, he was also, if not primarily, describing the scholarly versatility and virtuosity that he himself cultivated and the bold liberties he often took with the

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received truths of the various branches of learning he mastered. I offer here two examples of Appayya Dīkṣita’s innovativeness and intellectual independence. The first comes from literary theory (Alaṃkāraśāstra), a field where his primer, the Kuvalayānanda (Joy of the Water Lily), quickly gained a commanding status as the standard textbook throughout India. Here and in works such as his unfinished magnum opus, the Citramīmāṃsā (The Investigation of Colorful), Appayya Dīkṣita paid lip service to the field’s received truths only to radically undermine the hegemonic theory according to which aesthetic pleasure primarily results from suggestion. Instead, he presented a vastly expanded theory of poetic ornaments – comprising the traditional ornaments, whose understanding he significantly revised, and newly coined figurative categories and subcategories – now seen as responsible for many of the effects of suggestion, and a highly subversive understanding of suggestion itself, not as yielding instantaneous and spontaneous rapture but rather as involving a gradual, flowchart-like inferential process made of many smaller deductive steps [1, 2, 7]. It is precisely these bold moves that caused a backlash from later writers, such as Jagannātha, who in his Rasagaṅgādhara warned his predecessor: “If you are going to break the dam of the old conventions, and follow the path of your own whims . . . there will be massive confusion. If you object, ‘In that case, where am I to fit the new subtypes I just described?’ then take it from me: leave them in the fold of suggestion, because it will never be possible to fit all the endless types of suggestion into the small puddle of figurative analysis” [21]. The second example comes from Appayya Dīkṣita’s work on hermeneutics. It is important to understand that the dualist stance of Madhva and, perhaps more important, his seminal commentator and systematizer Vyāsatīrtha was viewed as a powerful threat by the proponents of the two orthodox disciplines of hermeneutics (Mīmāṃsā and Vedānta) and stirred renewed and lively discussion in early modernity [12, 14].

Appayya Dīksita ˙

Appayya Dīkṣita was one of the first to react to Vyāsatīrtha, and although he did so in order to rectify the traditional views that Vyāsatīrtha criticized, he nonetheless revolutionized them in the process. A case in point is the question of the importance of a linguistic “primacy effect.” According to Mīmāṃsā, ambiguous Vedic injunctions may be disambiguated by consideration of adjacent utterances, and when there is a contradiction, clues that precede (upakrama) the injunction override those found subsequently (upasaṃhāra). Madhva chose to reverse the order in this rather minor procedure, and Vyāsatīrtha attempted systematically to prove that, counter to the established view, priming is never a deciding factor and it is tailpieces that often determine Mīmāṃsā’s interpretive bottom line. Appayya Dīkṣita’s response, a monograph titled Upakramaparākrama (The Charge of Primacy), does much more than attack his opponent’s position. Indeed, it offers a thoroughgoing mapping of linguistic doubts and a comprehensive theory of their resolution through reliance on context and presents fascinating new insights into the cognitive impact of priming. This new theory, moreover, allows, perhaps for the first time in the history of Mīmāṃsā, for consistency on two important levels: among the various hermeneutic tools, whose selection from the kit was often ad hoc in early tradition, and across the crucial disciplinary divide between followers of Kumārila Bhaṭṭa, whom Appayya Dīkṣita regards as an authority, and the views of Prabhākara, by now almost obsolete, but entirely relevant to Appayya Dīkṣita’s overarching theory of interpretation [6]. More generally, Appayya Dīkṣita can be seen as a model for the self-proclaimed new (navya) thinkers of early modernity, even if he never claimed to be one. He exemplifies innovation that stems from a new look at old sources and established truths (one of his trademarks, particularly evident in his work on Mīmāṃsā, is his willingness to go back to the root source, in this case the Veda, and mine new examples never before discussed) and a readiness to revise them, dramatically and irreverently if need be, precisely

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in order to preserve and protect them from perceived external threats. This tendency is necessarily coupled with an unprecedented interest in the intellectual history of those traditions and disciplines, and much of Appayya Dīkṣita’s scholarship and that of his contemporaries involves new ways of viewing and understanding these inherited pasts. It is the combination of a fresh historical perspective and a complete mastery of past traditions that most typified his work and enabled him to live up to the ideal of a truly independent, cross-disciplinary scholar who can “choose any tenet and either prove or disprove it at will.”

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Mādhva ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śaivism, Overview ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇava ▶ Vedānta ▶ Vedānta Deśika ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita

References 1. Bronner Y (2002) What is new and what is navya: Sanskrit poetics on the eve of colonialism. J Indian Philos 30(5):441–462 2. Bronner Y (2004) Back to the future: Appayya Dīkṣita’s Kuvalayānanda and the rewriting of Sanskrit poetics. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasien 48:47–79 3. Bronner Y (2007) Singing to God, educating the people: Appayya Dīkṣita and the function of stotras. J Am Orient Soc 127(2):113–130 4. Bronner Y (2011) A text with a thesis: the Rāmāyaṇa from Appayya Dīkṣita’s receptive end. In: Bronner Y, Cox W, McCrea L (eds) South Asian texts in history: critical engagements with Sheldon Pollock. Association of Asian Studies, Ann Arbor, pp 45–63 5. Bronner Y (forthcoming) A Renaissance man in memory: Appayya Dīkṣita through the ages 6. Bronner Y, McCrea L (forthcoming) The last word and the power of primacy: revisionism and revivalism in early modern Mīmāṃsā

97 7. Bronner Y, Tubb G (2008) Blaming the messenger: a controversy in late Sanskrit poetics and its implications. Bull School Orient African Stud 71(1):75–91 8. Deshpande M (2009) Appaya Dīkṣita and the lineage of Bhaṭṭoji Dīkṣita. Paper read at the 219th meeting of the American Oriental Society, Albuquerque, 14 Mar 9. Mahalinga Sastri Y (1928) Appayya Dīkṣita’s age. J Orient Res 225–237 10. Mahalinga Sastri Y (1929) More about the age and life of Śrīmad Appayya Dīkṣita. J Orient Res 140–160 11. McCrea L (forthcoming) Appayya Dīkṣita’s invention of Śrīkaṇṭha’s Vedānta 12. McCrea L (forthcoming) Freed by the weight of history: polemic and doxography in 16th century Vedānta 13. Mesquita R (2000) Madhava’s unknown literary sources: some observations. Aditya Prakashan, Delhi 14. Minkowski C (2011) Advaita Vedānta in early modern history. South Asian Hist Cult 2(2):205–231 15. Pollock S (2001) New intellectuals in seventeenthcentury India. Ind Econ Soc Hist Rev 38(1):3–31 16. Rao A (2011) A new perspective on the royal Rāma cult at Vijayanagara. In: Bronner Y, Cox W, McCrea L (eds) South Asian texts in history: critical engagements with Sheldon Pollock. Association of Asian Studies, Ann Arbor, pp 25–44 17. Rao A (2014) Re-figuring the Rāmāyaṇa as theology: a history of reception in premodern India. Routledge, New York 18. Rao A (forthcoming) The Vaiṣṇava writings of a Śaiva intellectual 19. Sharma BNK (1961) A history of the Dvaita school of Vedānta and its literature. Booksellers’ Publishing, Bombay 20. Stoker V (2012) Polemics and patronage in sixteenthcentury Vijayanagara: Vyāsatīrtha and the dynamics of hindu sectarian relations. Hist Relig 51(2):129–155 21. Tubb G, Bronner Y (2008) Vastutas tu: methodology and the new school of Sanskrit poetics. J Ind Philos 36(5–6):619–632 22. Bronner Y (forthcoming) South meets north: Banaras from the perspective of Appayya Dīkṣita. South Asian Hist and Cult

Appayya Dīksitar ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

Appayyadīksita ˙ ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita

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A¯ranyakas ˙ Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Etymologically, the word Aranyakas has been derived from the Sanskrit root aranya meaning “wilderness,” “forest,” and “woods.” It is believed Aranyakas were created by rishis or ascetics, retreating in the isolation of the forest to practice meditation and contemplation [1]. The Aranyakas are auxiliary texts to be read and studied for a better understanding of the Vedic literature, the ancient Indian and yogic texts. The Aranyakas explicate and philosophize the ritual sacrifice sections of the Vedas – they are more focused and disciplined in their approach. In fact, the ascetics and sages who during Vanprasthashram “left the life of householders after fulfilling their duties towards family” [5], used to study them for obtaining mental purity and concentration.

Discussion The initial sections of the Vedas are presented in the Aranyakas, whereas other Vedic sections are described in the Samhitas “benedictions,” the Brahmanas “commentary,” Upasana “worship,” and the Upanishads “abstract philosophy and spirituality” [2]. The Aranyakas form the basis of the secrets which are described in the Upanishads, for that reason, the another term for the Aranyakas is Rahasya “secrets.” Since the primary understanding the Aranyakas comprises of rituals, this literature is speculative and full of symbolism. Out of many concepts, the Aranyakas discuss the power of Om, the cycle of birth and death, the creation of the universe, etc.

A¯ranyakas ˙

Many Hindu scholars consider the Aranyakas a bridge between the philosophical Upanishads and the ritualistic Brahmanas [4]. However, the major difference between the Brahamanas and the Aranyakas and Upanishads is that the former one is referred to as the karma-kanda, while the latter two as the jnana-kanda. Further, in an alternate classification, the initial part of the Vedic literature is called Samhitas, and its commentary Brahmanas [3]. So when the scholars study the immense volume of ancient Hindu literature, they actually do not find any absolute true distinction between the Brahamanas and Aranyakas. Similarly, it is hard to trace a real distinction between Upanishads and Aranyakas. In fact, few Upanishads are incorporated in some Aranyakas, and both Brahmanas and Aranyakas represent a transition in early Vedic Hindu literature and practices [6]. And the ultimate resultant of this transition is a holistic Hindu philosophy, including internal philosophical treatise and external sacrificial rituals. However, some Aranyakas, such as Katha and Aitareya, describe rituals and explanation of Mahavrata and Pravargya. Therefore, we can say that Aranyakas are not as homogeneous as Upanishads. Some parts have the characteristics of a Sūtra, and others have features of a Samhita and Brahmana. Aitareya Aranyaka is associated with the Aitareya Shakha of Rigveda, and Kaushitaki Aranyaka belongs to the Shankhanya and Kaushitaki branches of Rigveda. Taittiriya, Maitrayaniya, and Katha Aranyaka are associated with the Taittiriya, Maitrayaniya, and Katha branch of the Krishna Yajurveda, respectively. Brihad Aranyaka is associated with the Madhyandia and Kanva versions of the Shukla Yajurveda. Talavakra Aranyaka is associated with the Talavakara branch of Samaveda. There is no surviving Aranyaka, associated with the Atharvaveda [5, 3]. An androcentric view has been presented in Aitereya Aranyaka: mankind has the soul for the obvious reason that he has cognition, and is gifted with language and its comprehension – he speaks what he has understood, and he sees what he has

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recognized [5]. He has the knowledge of present, past, and future, and he tries to attain immortality. Largely, the sense organs are held responsible for the atma “soul” [5]. However, it further states that though mankind consumes everything in the world, his thoughts ponder over other worlds.

References 1. Keith AB (2007) The religion and philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 491–492 2. Holdrege BA (1995) Veda and Torah: transcending the textuality of scripture. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 351–357 3. Crangle E F (1994) The origin and development of early Indian contemplative practices. Otto Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden, pp 55–59 4. Gopal M (1990) KS Gautam (ed) India through the ages. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, p 68 5. Witzel M, Aranyaka K (2004) Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Cambridge, Harvard Oriental Series xxviii sqq 6. Knapp S (2005) The heart of Hinduism: the eastern path to freedom, empowerment and illumination. iUniverse, Inc., New York, pp 10–11

A¯ratī Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

It refers to the devotional practice of offering lamps to the icon of a deity at home or in a temple by Hindus. It can also be used to describe a complete sequence of honorific offerings to a deity. Thereby, it eclipses the term pūjā (worship) in some locations. In many Hindu temples, ārati is part of the daily worship performed by priests after which gracious leftovers from the deity (prasāda) are distributed. The lighted lamps (deepas) are waved by the priests in a clockwise direction in front of the image with the right hand. The priest begins to wave the lamps at first around

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the head of the icon, then its middle section, and finally around its feet. Thus, the priest works from the highest part of the icon to the lowest. While the ārati is being performed, the left hand of the priest or person conducting the ceremony may hold simultaneously a small bell that is rung continuously during the ritual action. The lamps are usually made of brass and are often decorated with sacred symbols. Although the lamps are often filled with vegetable oil, the most auspicious fuel is ghee (clarified butter), which is considered a sacred product of a cow. During a typical day, there will be several ārati performances a day in a temple. The burning lamps symbolically signify divine energy and presence, and they serve as a public acknowledgment by the devotee of the superior nature of the deity. This type of impression is enhanced by the use of camphor, which is processed from the pitch of the camphor tree. When camphor is lit, it has the unique ability to create a bright, cool flame that leaves no residue or ash. The fragrant flame represents the presence of the deity. After the priest waves the lamp before the image, it is brought near the devotees to enable them to pass their hands over the flames. Then, the faithful touch their hands to their eyelids and faces. This contact with the flames purifies the devotee and lifts up her soul. Thus, the energy of the god is transformed and channeled into contact with the devotee. There are occasions when five lights are used by a priest. The five lights are placed on a tray that is waved in a circular motion in front of the icon of the deity. These five lights symbolize the five elements consisting of earth, air, fire, water, and ether that collectively represent the whole of the cosmos. The waving of the five lights is accompanied by the recitation of mantras by the priest and possibly the ringing of a small bell in the left hand of the official. The bell is an instrument intended to get the attention of the divine beings. In some cases, prayers are also offered to the deities in conjunction with the waving of the lighted lamps. Marking the conclusion of a pūjā (worship) ceremony, participants can now offer

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personal prayers to the deities that rise with the smoke of the flames. After the conclusion of offering ārati to the divine beings, the burning lights are taken to the observers so that they can pass their hands over the flames, a gesture of accepting the blessings of the deities. In this context, ārati symbolizes the grace of the gods or deity being worshiped. It is common for Śaiva devotees to receive a mark on their forehead (tilak) made from red kumkum or yellow sandal paste, representing symbolically the third eye of the god. This is often followed by sacred ash (vibhūti) that is applied across a devotee’s forehead using three fingers to create three horizontal stripes that mark one as a devotee of Śiva. At the very conclusion of the service, devotees may leave money on the tray holding the lamps, and the priest distribute prasāda, gracious leftovers from the deity, which again suggests symbolically the dispensing of divine grace. The religious context outside of a temple is important to understanding this practice on a wider scale in Hindu culture. As part of the 4-day rite marking the initial menstruation of a young female, the older Aiyar women, Smārta Brahmins of Tamil Nadu, offer lighted lamps to the girl after a period of isolation as she visits other households. At the conclusion of the singing of devotional songs at the region of Chhattisgarh of Madhya Pradesh, India, the participants face a picture of the deity Kṛṣṇa and ignite a piece of cotton soaked in oil on a brass plate. A person holds this burning plate before a picture of the deity and moves it slowly in a circular fashion, while others sing. Within the context of worshipping the goddess Durgā in the same geographical region of India, ārati is a means of offering things to the goddess or dispelling evil influences. This honoring of Durgā by the waving of lighted lamps concludes with participants using their hands to take the effluvium of the flame and applying it to their face and/or head. This is symbolically like touching the feet of a superior and is an act indicative of respect. In the temple of Guruvayur on the Kerala coast of southern India, the final phase of a pūjā ceremony involves the priest taking the

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lighted lamp to the family members for them to take the flame and heat of the goddess with their hands and apply it to themselves. In some villages of India, the bride’s mother and other female relatives perform ārati before the groom when he arrives for his wedding. The context for this practice is based in the ancient Hindu religious tradition in which a wife should respect her husband as a living deity. These various cultural practices associated with the performance of ārati reflect acts of respect and honor. To some Bengal śakta, public pujas in Kolkata reflect political events. The assassination of Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, for example, is recounted with displays financially supported by organizations, families, and towns in a kind of religious and social competition. Bengali goddess worship is inextricably interconnected with the competition whether it is artistic, social, or political. Major disasters, accidents, or social problems serve as popular themes for the displays. Some displays include the Titanic disaster and the terrorist attack on the world trade center. Thus public pujas and ārati services have social and political implications in some contexts. Ārati is associated with Rāmalīlā observances that are based in northern India on the epic Ramcharitmanas composed by Tulsidas in the sixteenth century that reenacts the exploits of the hero Rāma. The night’s līlā performance reaches its climax with ārati that creates a brilliant illumination of the gods. This enables one to receive a supreme darśan (view) of the deity, which is considered by some to be the best chance to get a vision of god. Before dusk along the bathing ghāts at Rishikesh, the Gangā ārati is performed along with kīrtan (congregational devotional chanting and singing), including the chanting of mantras. This expression of a devotional attitude directed to the river concludes with the waving of lamps (ārati) over the Gangā. Then, devotees take leaves containing flowers, camphor, and incense and light them before releasing them into the river. The performance of ārati also represents a climax of devotional services at the Sivananda

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Ashram. At this location at 6 o’clock in the morning, abhiṣeka, a ritual anointing of an image, is performed by a pūjāri (priest) by decorating the liṅga with garlands of flowers, sacred ash (vibhūti), red powder (kumkum), and sandalwood paste. Every participant is given a tray of flowers and bilva leaves, which consist normally of three leaflets that vaguely resemble the trident that is a sacred symbol associated with Śiva. The leaves are scattered around the liṅga as mantras are chanted. Ārati is announced by the ringing of bells, gongs, drums, and blowing of a conch shell. Then, the priest waves the lamps before the image. The ārati culminates with the lighting of a lamp with 108 (a sacred number) wicks that are given to devotees who wave them over the flames. The devotees then bring them to their foreheads. In retrospect, there are instances when ārati nearly eclipses the pūjā service or represents its climax.

References 1. Babb LA, Lawrence A (1975) The divine hierarchy: popular Hinduism in Central India. Columbia University Press, New York 2. Eck DL, Diana L (1981) Darśan: seeing the divine image in India. Anima Books, Chambersburg 3. Flood G (1996) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 4. Fuller CJ (1992) The camphor flame: popular Hinduism and society in India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 5. Hess L (2006) An open-air Ramayana: Ramalila, the audience experience. In: Hawley JS, Narayanan V (eds) In the life of Hinduism. University of California Press, Berkeley, pp 115–139 6. Huyler SP (1999) Meeting god: elements of Hindu devotion. Yale University Press, New Haven 7. Jacobs S (2010) Hinduism today. Continuum, London 8. McDermott RF (2011) Revelry, rivalry, and longing for the goddesses of Bengal: the fortunes of Hindu festivals. Columbia University Press, New York

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Aravan (Mythical Character) Susan Deborah Selvaraj Department of English, M. E. S. College of Arts and Commerce, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Synonyms Aravan; Iravan; Iravat

Introduction Aravan is a character in the Indian epic, Mahabharata and is also known as Iravan, Iravat, and Iravant. He is worshipped by the male-tofemale transgenders in India. In the Tamil version of the Mahabharata, Aravan is the son born of the union between Arjuna, one of the Pandavas and Ulupi, the Naga (snake deity) princess, while the Pandavas were sojourning in the north-eastern India on their exile. Though Aravan finds mention in the Mahabharata, the versions of his story are different in the northern and southern parts of India. The Koovagam temple in Villupuram is one of the chief temples of Aravan in India. According to Hiltebeitel, Aravan is revered as a deity in two southern Indian Hindu cults: the Kuttantavar cult (dedicated exclusively to Aravan) and the cult of Draupadi (Aravan’s stepmother and common wife of the Pandavas). Aravan is also known as Kuttantavar in South India, originating from the legend of Kuttantavar killing the demon Kuttacuran. This name is also spelt as Kuttandar, Khoothandavar, or Koothandavar [1].

Etymology

Aravan ▶ Aravan (Mythical Character)

The name Iravan is a Sanskrit one, and according to the Monier Williams Sanskrit–English Dictionary (1899), the name Iravan is formed from the root Iravat also spelt Irawat. In turn, the root

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Iravat is derived from Irā which is closely linked to the word Iḍā meaning “possessing food,” “endowed with provisions,” or by extension, “comfortable” as used in the Mahabharata and the Rig and Atharva vedas [2]. The South Indian, Tamil name, Aravan, is popularly believed to be derived from the word aravam which means, snake. Aravan’s association with snakes is also apparent in his iconography, depicting his origin from the Naga princess Ulupi [3]

Iconography In many temples in South India, Aravan is worshipped in the form of his severed head. He is usually depicted with a moustache, prominent and fierce eyes, and large ears. He wears a conical crown, a mark which resembles the Vaishnava tilak on his forehead, and earrings. Aravan is also depicted with a cobra hood over his crown, cobra heads sprouting through the crown, or a snake emerging from behind the crown [4]. The chief Koovagam icon in Villupuram district of Tamil Nadu also features a serpent on Aravan’s crown [5]. Another distinctive feature of Aravan’s iconography is the presence of demonic canine teeth. Although the central Koovagam icon does not feature such demonic teeth, they are a regular feature of most Draupadi cult images, where Aravan’s demonic features are emphasized [4].

Aravan in Tamil Nadu Folk Tradition The reenactment of the sacrifice of Aravan, Aravan Kalappali (or Aravan Kalabali), “Aravan’s Battlefield Sacrifice,” is a popular theme in the folk theatre of Tamil Nadu, called koothu [6]. Aravan Kalappali narrates the story of Aravan’s prebattle self-sacrifice to the goddess Kali to win her support, thus ensuring victory for the Pandavas in the Mahabharata war. Aravan Kalappali is staged annually in the Tamil Nadu villages of Melattur, Kodukizhi, and Yervadi, according to various forms of the koothu folk theatre. In Karambai, Thanjavur district of Tamil Nadu, Aravan Kalappali is performed as part of

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the cult of Draupadi, on the 18th day of an annual festival (April–May), to obtain the favor of the goddess [7].

Aravan and Male-to-Female Transgenders Aravan is the patron deity of transgenders, and every year in the Tamil month of Chittirai (April– May), transgenders from various places, even outside of India, gather in Villupuram district of Tamil Nadu to reenact Aravan’s story [8]. In the festival, the aravanis identify with Krishna who took on the form of a woman in order to marry Aravan or Koothandavar for a night. The story of the Mahabharata goes thus: For the Pandavas to win the war, a human sacrifice had to be offered to goddess Kali, for which Aravan is chosen. Aravan agrees to the sacrifice on the condition that he should experience marital bliss before his death. Since no father would be willing to offer his daughter to be married for a day and widowed the next, Krishna takes on his female version of Mohini and marries Aravan [9]. The transgenders congregate in the Koovagam temple and reenact this story, become wives of the deity Aravan, and then become widows. The previous day the aravanis don themselves in rich attire and jewels and the priest of the temple ties the yellow thread symbolizing the marriage; The next day, all the transgenders who “have ‘married’” the deity, remove their yellow threads, their jewelry, “cry and beat their breasts, and remove the flowers from their hair, as a widow does in mourning for her husband” [10]. The festival though reenacts the episode from the Mahabharata is a grand festival for the male-to-female transgenders who come from various parts of India and also out of the country to celebrate and join the festivities. It is a time of fun and revelry where gay men, crossdressers, transvestites, and heterosexual men come together. Following the popularity of the male-to-female transgenders’ participation in the festival, many NGOs and health workers have also started awareness programs of sexually transmitted diseases and distribution of free condoms. Beauty

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pageants for transgenders and other competitions are also organized on the days of the festival.

Cross-References ▶ Aravani (Transgender) ▶ Hijra (Hijaḍā)

References 1. Hiltebeitel A (1995) Dying before the Mahābhārata war: martial and transsexual body-building for Aravāṉ. J Asian Stud 54(2):447–473 2. Monier-Williams (2008[1899]) Monier Williams Sanskrit-English dictionary. Universität zu Köln, University of Cologne, Germany, p 168 3. Hiltebeitel A (1988) The cult of Draupadī, Mythologies: from Gingee to Kurukṣetra, vol 1. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Hiltebeitel A (1998) Hair like snakes and mustached brides: crossed gender in an Indian folk cult. In: Miller BD, Hiltebeitel A (eds) Hair: its power and meaning in Asian cultures. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 143–176 5. Hiltebeitel A (1991) Aravan’s battlefield sacrifice to Kali. In: The cult of Draupadi, On Hindu ritual and the goddess, vol 2. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Sivanarayanan A (2004) Translating tamil dalit poetry. World Lit Today 78(2):56–58 7. Santhanam K (2001, August 17) Symbol of sacrifice. The Hindu 8. Somasundaram O (2009) Transgenderism: facts and fictions. Indian J Psychiatry 51(1):73–75 9. Vanita R (2005) Is the spirit gendered?: fluid gender, sex change, and same-sex marriage. In: Love’s rite. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp 71–90 10. Nanda S (1999) Neither man nor woman. Wadsworth Publishing Company, Canada

Aravani (Transgender) Susan Deborah Selvaraj Department of English, M. E. S. College of Arts and Commerce, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Synonyms Hijra; Thirunangai; Transgender; Transsexual; Transwoman

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Introduction Aravani is a Tamil term for male-to-female transgendered person also known as transwoman and transsexual in many other parts of the world. An aravani is a male by birth but chooses to become a woman as the individual feels that he is a woman dwelling in a man’s body. Susan Stryker in Transgender History defines “transgender” as a broad category, referring to people “who move away from the gender they were assigned at birth, people who cross over (trans-) the boundaries constructed by their culture to define and contain the gender” [1]. They are popularly known as hijra in the northern parts of India. The male after he undergoes the emasculation is known as aravani. The term “aravani” could have originated from the myth of Aravan from the Mahabharat, which is often quoted by the maleto-female transgenders in Tamil Nadu, who also consider him as a deity and worship him. Aravan or Iravan is the son of Arjuna and Ulupi, a Naga Princess, who fell in love with Arjuna while she was traveling in Eastern India [2]. He is a minor character in the epic nevertheless a crucial one. There are two versions of the stories of Aravan which is commonly narrated in many parts of India [3].

Mahabharat and the Myth of Aravan In the Mahabharata, one of the two epics of India, Iravan dies in the Kurukshetra War. In South Indian folklore, he agrees to be sacrificed for Pandavas to gain victory in the Kurukshetra War. In the Mahabharata War, Iravan fights on the side of the Pandavas, along with his Naga warriors. On the eighth day of the war, Iravan finds Shakuni killing Pandava soldiers by shooting arrows on their back. For this trickery, the entire legion that Shakuni commanded was killed by Iravan and Naga warriors. Duryodhana who witnessed the destruction of a large part of his army ordered Alambusa, a demon with magical power, to kill Iravan. While Iravan took the form of an enormous snake, Alambusa took on the form of an eagle that flies through the air and

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chops off the head of Iravan who was engaged in a combat with Shakuni, who was one of the prime antagonists of the grand epic Mahabharata. Iravan was killed through trickery. Alambusa was later killed by Ghatotkacha, son of Bhima [4]. This version of the myth is commonly narrated in the northern parts of India.

The South Indian Version of the Myth of Aravan and the Koovagam Festival The story of Aravan in Tamil Nadu is a different one when compared to the one narrated in certain other parts of India. Aravan is the presiding deity of the temple at Koovagam, a small village about 30 km outside Villupuram district in Tamil Nadu. In the Mahabharata, it was prophesied that the Pandavas would win the battle of Kurukshetra only if they sacrificed a “perfect” male from among themselves. Aravan, the virgin son of the Pandava prince Arjuna, offered himself up for sacrifice. But he had a request: that he is allowed to spend one night as a married man. No king was willing to give his daughter in marriage only to have her widowed the next day, so finally, Lord Krishna assumed a female form and married Aravan, and after a night of sexual bliss, Aravan was sacrificed. The Aravan myth is often narrated by aravanis, but the practice of visiting the temple in Villupuram is recent and goes back to 50 or 60 years [5]; it is Aravan or Koothandavar which marks the annually held festival of Koovagam in Villupuram district of Tamil Nadu. Many aravanis from various parts of India and also outside India take part in the festival which is an enactment of the Aravan myth from Mahabharata. Every year, during the first full moon of the Tamil month of Chithirai (April–May), aravanis congregate at Koovagam to commemorate this ancient narrative [6]. The festival was initially a local one celebrated by the people of the Vanniyar community from the whole district [7]. The festival which goes on for 2 days is a time for hijras (plural form

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of Urdu/Hindi word for male-to-female transgender) to socialize and have revelry and fun [8]. On the first day, the hijras become wives of the male deity Koothandavar (also called Aravan); they tie the taali (mangalsūtra) or the sacred thread around the neck, which is a symbol of married women. This taali is given by the priest of the temple. The next day, the aravanis become widows of the same deity and express their anguish by wearing white saris, breaking their bangles, taking off the flowers from the hair, wiping off their pottu (a religious mark on the forehead worn by Hindu women), and wailing loudly by beating their chests. “Hijras participate by the thousands in this festival . . . and ritually reaffirm their identification with Krishna, who changes his form from male to female” [8].

Occupation The aravani’s main source of income is from dancing at funerals and in stage performances, sex work, and begging. Aravanis in Madurai are also professional mourners. Professional mourning, known as oppari in Tamil, is when mourners usually unrelated to the family are invited by the members of the family to mourn their dead. The mourners wail aloud expressing the good and exemplary deeds of the dead person on behalf of the family members. The mourning goes on from the morning of the funeral till the body is taken for cremation.

The Familial System of Aravanis in Tamil Nadu In order to provide a sustenance and sense of family, an aravani adopts another aravani and the cycle goes on. While the system is followed all over India, it is more stringent in northern and some parts of southern India. The one who adopts is known as guru or teacher and the one who is adopted is known as chela or disciple. The

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guru-chela relationship is a highly hierarchical one and largely mediates the interpersonal affairs of the aravanis between their community and those outside the community as well [9]. The guru-chela relationship is also seen as a mother-daughter relationship where the adopted is the daughter and the adopter is the mother. Further, the relationship extends to the next adopted aravani, who becomes the granddaughter of the first adopter. The system provides a sense of a community to the transgenders who are often unaccepted by their family members and Indian society at large.

Tamil Nadu’s Role in Embracing Aravanis The Tamil Nadu government has been supportive of the community by providing ration cards, admissions into colleges and university with scholarships, and a transgender welfare policy which allows them to avail free gender reassignment surgery in government hospitals and alternative livelihood opportunities [10]. Tamil Nadu became the first state to provide the aravanis with health-care support and insurance in 2007 [11]. Ippadikku Rose (2008–2009) is the first talk show in India hosted by Rose Venkatesan, a male-to-female transwoman. The show discussed issues of sex and sexuality and was aired on Vijay TV, one of Tamil Nadu’s popular channels. Kalki Subramanian is a popular transgender rights activist, public speaker, artist, and founder of Sahodari Foundation, an organization for creating awareness of transgender rights. She had the honor of being invited by the Harvard Business School, Harvard University, to speak on behalf of the sexual minorities and represent the Indian transgender community in March 2017 [12]. Pritika Yashini, born Pradeep Kumar from Dharmapuri district, becomes India’s first transgender police officer in Tamil Nadu in March 2017 [13]. Esther Bharathi became the first transgender pastor of a church in Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu [14].

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Conclusion In recent times, the title aravani in Tamil Nadu is increasingly replaced by the term Thirunangai, where Thiru is a Tamil honorific prefix which means sacred or holy and Nangai means girl.

References 1. Stryker S (2008) Transgender history. Seal Press, Berkley 2. Bahadur KP, Chib SS (1977) The castes, tribes & culture of India: north-eastern India: volume 8 of caste, tribes & culture of India: Assam. Ess Ess Publications, University of Michigan 3. Hiltebeitel A (1988) The cult of Draupadi: mythologies: from Gingee to Kuruksetra. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Bharadvaja S (2008) Vyasa’s Mahabharatam. Academic, West Bengal 5. Hiltebeitel A (1995) Dying before the Mahabharata war: martial and transsexual body-building for Aravan. J Asian Stud 54(2):447–473. https://doi.org/ 10.2307/2058746 6. Mitra MN (2010) The brides of Aravan. http://www. cmagazine.in/reportage/brides-aravan 7. Fairs and festivals of the Vanniyars. http://shodhganga. inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/135538/10/10_chapter %205.pdf 8. Nanda S (1999) Neither man nor woman. Wadsworth Publishing Company, Canada 9. Thomas TM (2013) The clan culture of Hijras: an exploration into the gender identity and status of Hijras inside and outside Gharanas. https://www. indiatoday.in/education-today/gk-current-affairs/story/ first-transgender-police-officer-of-india-969654-201704-05 10. Kannan R (2009) Call for awareness of LGBT issues. https://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tptamilnadu/Call-for-awareness-of-LGBT-issues/article 16586150.ece 11. Menon J (2007) First insurance scheme for transgenders, sex workers. http://archive.indianexpress.com/ news/first-insurance-scheme-for-transgenders-sex-wo rkers/207304/ 12. 5 transgenders we should be proud of. https://www. indiatvnews.com/buzz/life/transgenders-in-india-204. html 13. India’s first transgender police officer appointed in Tamil Nadu. https://www.indiatoday.in/educationtoday/gk-current-affairs/story/first 14. Ramkumar P, Karthick S (2012) Meet India’s first transgender pastor. https://timesofindia.indiatimes. com/india/Meet-Indias-first-transgender-pastor/article show/11772802.cms

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Arca¯vata¯ra Sudhakshina Rangaswami Independent Scholar, Fort Washington, PA, USA

The confluence of the philosophy and practices of the two scriptural traditions of the Vedas (Nigama) and the Āgamas within Hinduism (Sanātana Dharma) has been a slow process of resistance and assimilation over the centuries, but without doubt their integration has in no small measure contributed to the resilience and continuing appeal of its religious traditions. The singular feature of this convergence that stands out because of its immense popularity is the shift of the worship of the Supreme Being (Para Brahman) from the amūrta (formless) to the mūrta (with form) (Venkatachari [1]. This is also a shift from sacrifices in which the offering is made to the deities through Agni to the Arca form described in the Āgamas (Henceforth K.K.A.V.).), i.e., in image form in temples and in homes, which is known as Arcāvatāra (Arca) – a manifestation of a deity in the form of an image to be worshipped after consecration with prescribed rituals, in which the Vedic mantras are incorporated into rituals and procedures that are specific and described in the Vaiṣṇava Āgamas: mantras, yantras, nyāsa, maṇdala, advan, mudra, and dīkṣa (Varadachary [2]. The author elaborates in two exhaustive chapters, the Kriyāpāda and the Caryāpāda in the Āgamas, which are the authority for the construction of temples and consecration and worship of the Arca deities (Henceforth V. V.).). The Vedic mantras provide the link between the two streams, thereby bestowing Vedic sanction to Arca worship (K.K.A.V.: p.107. The Vaikhānasa Āgama text, Vimānāracanakalpa (Marīci Saṁhitā), substantiates this link.).

Origin The immense popularity that the worship of Arca in temples enjoys worldwide today and the changes that have been incorporated into it over

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the centuries is a pointer to its resilience and vitality as a religious way of life. Though the worship of the image form (known variously as pratimā, vigraha, mūrti, bera, bimba, etc.) is common to all the religious traditions within Sanātana Dharma, the term “Arcāvatāra” is unique to Śrīvaiṣṇavism based on Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta. According to this philosophy (the Āgamas have Vedic origin and hence have scriptural authority) (The Vaikhānasa rituals are totally Vedic, while the Pāñcarātra embodies certain tāntric rituals also, which is the reason initiation (dīkṣa) is necessary in this tradition, and its following more catholic. The Pāñcarātra traces its origin to the Ekāyanaśākha of the Śukla Yajurveda. It is interesting to note that the philosophy outlined in these texts reiterate their basis in the Vedas.), the Arca is one of the five aspects of the Ultimate Reality, Brahman, who is identified as Śrīman Nārāyaṇa, Vāsudeva, Viṣṇu, and Bhagavān in both the Vaiṣṇava Āgamas, the Vaikhānasa and the Pāñcarātra. The five forms of the Reality are the Para, Vyūha, Vibhava (Avatāra), Antaryāmin, and the Arcāvatāra.

Scriptural Authority Some of the early texts of the Pāñcarātra that are dated by scholars (K.K.A.V.: p. 99. He notes that the Āgamas in their present form started taking shape from sixth century A.D. onwards.) between sixth and ninth centuries A.D., like the Jayākhya, Sanat-kumāra, and the Sāttvata saṁhitās, favor a threefold form called Niṣkala, Sakala-niṣkala, and Sakala, within which the five can be subsumed. It is well established through archaeological and inscriptional evidences that the Pāñcarātra religious doctrines were popular from early times and certainly from the time of Pāṇini and the composition of the Mahābhārata, around the beginning of the Christian era. But, the dating of the Āgama texts as available now is far from conclusive, and studies have been able to corroborate some based on their quotations as scriptural authority in the works of the Śrīvaiṣṇava Ācāryas, and from the topics discussed in them. (Sudhakshina Rangaswami:

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Influence of the Pāñcarātra Āgamas on Viśiṣṭādvaita Darśana (Unpublished Ph.D thesis, University of Bombay), Bombay. 1983, Ch. 2, p. 22, wherein I have developed my analysis on the basis of the pioneering research on the Pāñcarātra by scholars V. Krishnamacharya, F. O. Schrader, V. Varadachary, K. K. A. Venkatachari, Daniel H. Smith and P. P.Apte. (IPA henceforth).) The threefold depiction indicates a basis on the nature of manifestation of Brahman from the subtlest to the grossest levels: the Niṣkala being the transcendental formless aspect, Para; the Vyūha being the subtle aspects (Sakala-niṣkala), which is evolving and the Antaryāmin (called Hārda because it is in the heart and seen by yogis in meditation); and the Avatāra and the Arcāvatāra being the grossest of all that can be seen by one and all. The Āgamas are generally divided into four sections: the Jñāna, Yoga, Carya, and the Kriya pādas, the latter two dealing with all the details regarding Arca worship, which is the focus of these texts. The Āgamas elaborate topics related to temple architecture and iconography of the Arca forms, their consecration rituals, elaboration of the mantras, the utsavas (festivals) to be performed, day-to-day rituals including initiation for the priest (arcaka) (Fig. 1). Arca¯vata¯ra, Fig. 1 Arca utsavamūrti taken around the streets during the car festival. (Source: http:// www.srirangam.co.in) (Public domain)

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History of Worship The earliest account of the Pāñcarātra occurs in the Nārāyaṇīya (Śāntiparva) section of the Mahābhārata from which it is discernible that the teachings and practices were popular enough to be described in the epic. (V. V.: p.12 wherein he cites the Mahābhārata, Bhīṣmaparva, 6.2.26, which describes the reactions of the Arca (idols) in temples at the time of the outbreak of the Mahābhārata war.) The Bhagavad Gīta, which is also in this epic, is another scriptural text advocating and confirming the prevalence of Arca worship as a devotional practice. The Gīta, one of the prasthānatraya – the three scriptural authorities for Vedānta, the other two are the Upaniṣads and the Brahmasūtras – is an important text, and it has been commented on by the Acāryas of all the Vedānta schools. Its popularity is also because it elaborates the Lord-incarnate, Krishna’s, teaching of the spiritual practices that lead to mokṣa, of which Arca worship is the most popular within the devotional practices in Bhaktiyoga. While the redeeming grace of the Lord in His Vibhavāvatāra from time to time is evident from His oft-quoted declaration in the Gīta (Bhagavad Gīta, 4.8.), it is His Arcāvatāra that is always

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within the reach of the devotee. In the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition, Rāmānujācārya in his Bhagavadgītabhāṣya (M. R. Sampathkumaran: The Gītābhāṣya of Rāmānujācārya with translation; Madras-5. Relevant passages of the commentary on the verses 4.11 and 9.14 of the Gīta referring to worship of Arca.) interprets Lord Krishna’s words to mean that the devotee can see Him and worship Him: “. . . I show Myself (to them). Why say more here! All men are desirous of following Me. They keep on experiencing, with their own eyes and other organs of sense in all ways, that is, in every manner desired by them, My form (vartmān), that is, all My essential character, even though it is beyond the range of speech and thought of the yogins,” and “. . . In the very same manner, (i.e., with devotion at all times) they put forth endeavours (to serve Me), in works done for My sake, such as worship, and in other activities helpful to them, such as the making of temples and gardens (attached thereto). . .” The Viṣṇusahasranāma, which also occurs in the Māhābhārata, has been interpreted by Rāmānuja’s successor, Parāsara Bhaṭṭa, in his Bhagavadguṇa Darpaṇa, as organizing the names to refer to the five forms of the Supreme Being, Nārāyaṇa, in order, in which the two names “arcita” and “kumbha” denote the Arcāvatāra (IPA: p.103. The numbering of the names is 640 and 641 in the commentary respectively.). The Vaiṣṇava Āgamas, the Vaikhānasa and the Pāñcarātra, are primarily practical texts for spiritual guidance (mokṣa śāstras), and the authoritative scriptural texts regarding the worship of the Supreme Being, particularly the Arca form in temples, which is the most popular because of the easy accessibility of the Lord within the grasp of the human senses. The term “Arcāvatāra” connotes the descent of the Supreme Being in a concrete form as in an image depicted with form, which can be worshipped by the devotee.

Arca Not Idolatry Arca worship is not idolatry because the Lord has deigned to assume the form as visualized by His

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devotee out of compassion, and then continues to reside in it after due consecration at the behest of the devotee. Once the Arca is consecrated in temples or in homes it becomes incumbent on the devotee to look upon the image as God-incarnate, and conduct worship according to the prescribed rituals elaborated in the Āgamas as He resides in the image for his sake. This reversal of roles from being the Almighty to becoming bounden to His devotee is a unique feature of the Arcāvātara. The composition of Rāmānuja’s Śaraṇāgatigadya, which is in the form of a dialogue, addressed by him to Lord Ranganātha and His consort in Śrīrangam spontaneously in Self-surrender (Śaraṇāgati, Prapatti) on the auspicious day of Panguni Uttirum embodies the Lord’s acknowledgement of his Prapatti. Such instances of the Arca deity responding to devotees and mystics cannot be dismissed lightly, if the Arca is indeed the Lord-incarnate as posited by the scriptures (Figs. 2, 3, and 4). The Arcākas (priests), who worship in temples, must undergo training by study of the Āgamas (The Āgamas like the Vedas are taught in pāthaśālas dedicated to their learning. In this there is difference between the Vaikhānasa and the Pāñcarātra as the eligibility for the Vaikhānasa is restricted. The knowledge, training, and conducting worship is therefore limited, while the Pāñcarātra is catholic, and anyone interested in becoming an Arcaka can learn and be initiated.) and initiation (Dīkṣa) before becoming eligible for temple worship, and individuals who worship for one’s salvation in homes must be formally initiated by Ācāryas according to family lineage with the mantras and procedure. There are manuals called Āhnika granthas, which outline the procedure for worship and code of conduct for the worshipper. Rāmānuja’s Nityagrantha is a case in point (There is difference of opinion about Rāmānuja’s authorship of this work and his three Gadyas among scholars, but they are celebrated as his in the Śrīvaiṣṇava sampradāya, the tradition which was systematized by him both philosophically and in the religious sphere, especially arca worship in temples, and hence accepted.), and along with his three Gadyas, are central to

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Arca¯vata¯ra, Fig. 2 Serthi. Arca utsavamūrti of Lord Ranganātha with His consort Śrī (Source: Wikemedia Commons)

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Arca¯vata¯ra, Fig. 3 Śrīrangam Ranganātha temple façade. Author: Jayaraman P.M. (Source: divyadesamahathmiyam. files.wordpress.com, www. bing.com (Public domain)

Śrīvaiṣṇava daily worship of the Arca called Nityāradhana. In the Śrīvaiṣṇava tradition there is formal performance of Prapatti to the Lord

through the preceptor (Ācārya), who initiates him into the mantras, after which he can perform Ārādhana of the Arca in his home in the form of

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Classification of Arca The collective hymns of the Āzhwars known as the Nālāyira Divyaprabandham (over 4000 verses) are replete with references to the Arca form in 108 sacred abodes called Divyadeśas (of which two are not on the Earth). They sing the glory of the different forms of the Arca in these temples. Some are svayamvyakta (self-manifest), the Lord Ranganātha of Śrīrangam and Lord Venketeśwara of Tirumala being the foremost among them, while others are His abhimānasthalas (favorite abodes) like the Tirunārāyaṇapuram temple in Melkote. There are some hallowed because the Lord manifested there before sages or at the behest of celestials. The majority of the Arca in temples have been and continue to be consecrated by human beings. These are constructed and worship conducted according to the Āgamas, especially the Pāñcarātra, which is more catholic in spirit. Arca¯vata¯ra, Fig. 4 Lord Viṣṇu with his consort Śrī. (Source: San Diego Museum of Art; Credit: commons. wikimedia.org) (Public domain)

images or Salagrama, a form yet formless image in stone, in which Lord Nārāyaṇa naturally resides, found in Nepal. The fivefold form of the Absolute Reality from the Para to the Arcāvatāra depicts an increasing level of manifestation, a pointer to the intent of the Lord to make Himself accessible and within the grasp of the layman. It is this intriguing paradox of Para Brahman, who is described as beyond the ken of the senses and the mind in the Upaniṣads, making Himself accessible to His devotee, which is the cornerstone of not only devotional mysticism but also the proof of the immanence of the Lord in His creation. The Arca is the most celebrated form of the Supreme Being in the works of the saints of the Bhakti movement in general, and the Azhwars particularly in Śrīvaiṣṇavism, because it is the most comprehensible and accessible of all His forms in which the Lord’s compassion for humanity is fully manifest.

References 1. Venkatachari KKA (2006) Śrīvaiṣṇavism-An Insight. Ananthacharya Indological Research Institute, Mumbai, pp 99–100 2. Varadachary V (2001) Pāñcarātrāgama. TTD, Tirupati, pp 69–123

Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction Kalyan Kumar Chakravarty Centurion University of Technology and Management, Bhubaneswar, India

The archaeological evidence of tribal religion in India can be understood only if the denomination tribal is appreciated as a recent invention. In ancient times, the Indian communities were not differentiated as tribal or nontribal. In early historic inscriptions, they were called forest people (āṭavikas). The tribal today simply call

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themselves human, in their languages. The differentiation is recent, and detribalization is concomitant with distancing from nature. The tribal today has lost most of the forests and hills which were their ancient habitats. Because of change in the environment of the tribal people since prehistoric days, their contemporary religious beliefs and practices may not exactly reflect their ancient beliefs and practices. Similar graphic or figural patterns in the art of ancient and contemporary tribal groups may well be results of different needs, cosmologies, and rituals. In the absence of a constant and verifiable relation between changing behavioral processes and material conditions, the process which has resulted in contemporary religious and ritualistic expressions, cannot be used analogically to unlock the process in ancient religious or ritualistic expressions. Just as organisms evolve to some complexity before developing parts capable of fossilization, so Indian tribal groups have developed cognition and communication systems of which no record appears to survive except prehistoric rock art and manuports. The intangible oral tradition today of communities living close to ancient cultural sites in India can be read with the rock art and ancient portable art for unraveling traces of tribal memory in cultural material and practices. These communities still make prehistoric type tools, drill, and groove, incise or perforate small portable pendants from fossils, shells, bones, teeth, and ivory or plant seeds. They decorate their bodies with tattoos, cicatrices, and infibulations. They practice increase, initiation, burial, and potlatch rituals. They associate rock art sites with creation stories, dreaming tracks, song lines, astronomical, and totemic settings. Prehistoric manuports like rock or quartz crystals, stone discs, perforated ostrich egg shells, grooved bovid teeth, bone harpoon mother goddesses, and painted pottery have been recovered from rock shelters and associated archaeological sites in India. These continue to be used by tribal groups and suggest a cultural and technological perception continuing from prehistoric days [1]. At Mehergarh, in Pakistan, Zhob and Kulli, Baluchistan, and in the Indus valley, terracotta final figure identified as Mother

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Goddesses from the 6th to the 2nd millennium BC have been found, that anticipate contemporary tribal Mother Goddesses images, with minute clay pellet breasts, enormous thighs, and hollow eyes [2]. A faceted and striated hematite pebble has been found in the Acheulian deposit at Hunsgi in Karnataka [3]. A sandstone with concentric triangular laminations, found on a circular rubble platform at Baghor 1 in Son valley, Madhya Pradesh, has been identified as a Paleolithic shrine from 8000 BC [4]. Petroglyphs comprising Acheulian cupules and a long wandering line have been found in the Bhimbetka Auditorium cave and many Paleolithic pounded and patinated cupules have been found all over India, including 498 cupules at Daraki Chattan in Mandasor, Madhya Pradesh. Mesolithic cupules, zebu bull carvings have been reported at Usgalimal and Cabo de Rama fort in Goa. Absence of fish at Usgalimal and its presence at Cabo has been taken to suggest a change in foraging hunting practices [5]. At Lakhudyar in district Almora, in Uttarakhand, the paintings, engravings, and carved boulders are identified by local people as fingerprints, baking plates, discs and ladles of Bhimsen or as game boards of the Pandavas. The monoliths in Kumaun hills are called Brikham or herostones, and dancing figures in Kumaun rock art are identified as contemporary Jhora dancers in Bagwal mortar pounding festivals [6]. It is possible to link the folk narratives of sheep-goat herding Kuruvas or cattle herding Gollas of southern Deccan and northern Karnataka with Neolithic and iron age sites close by. Study of beads and shells, cow dung and ash accumulation in Neolithic cattle pen mounds, Toda Megalithic practices, or activity schedules of Kuruk fishermen in Mesolithic sites can be usefully integrated with the religious or epistemic bias of depictions in adjacent rock art sites. The dry season aggregation or wet season dispersion of contemporary hunting gathering Veddas and Chenchus in the lower reaches of Krishna river may be related to the Acheulian cultural traits evident in the rock art shelters [7]. Tribal and rock art is also associated with vestigial nomadic traditions spread across Asia. These are connected with depictions on pottery shards,

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Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction, Fig. 1 Rock art in Madhya Pradesh. Superimposition of historic over prehistoric art. (Photo: Field survey under Author)

ceramic churners, stone corrals, and campsites lost in high energy geomorphic environments. The patterned description in rock art is paralleled by patterns on textiles, masks, tents of mythical monsters, geometrical, vegetal and anthropomorphic designs on tents, shrines, dormitories, and carts used by surviving nomadic groups like Gujjars, Gaddis, Lambadis, Gadulia Lohars of the Himalayas, Deccan, and Rajasthan. In a cluster of rock shelters associated with a succession of human occupation episodes and tool assemblages in Madhya Pradesh (Fig. 1), Mesolithic hunter-gatherers are shown as stickmen sharing a communal hunt, exhorted by wizards, or as dancing figures attuned to rhythmic repetitive drum beats. The hunting scenes in rock art are interpreted as an exercise in sympathetic magic and exorcism of fear. A Mesolithic cosmos is shown at Jaora with water line, growing reeds, skimming fish, paddling ducks, and flying birds, evoking the idea of productive generation. In Kathotia and Jaora, animals rise from the hollowed rock face as from bowels of the Mother Earth, genetrix of life and game. An axis mundi cult appears to grow around a decorated staff at Lakhajuar or a fenced tree at Satkunda. The magical motivation continues in the practices of magician-priests like Baigas and Pradhans in central India, Bairagi and Jogi mendicants and Bhat minstrels of western India [8]. Comparisons of Saora, Khond, Santhal, and Gond paintings from Orissa (Fig. 2) and Central India and Rathwa Pithora paintings of Gujarat with Mesolthic rock art suggest a continuing motivation to

Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction, Fig. 2 Contemporary tribal art in Orissa. (Photo: Field survey under Author)

promote fertility and banish calamities, diseases, and evil spirits [9]. The repetitive appearance of a massive boar and a bull with an elephant trunk, a boar with a snout chasing a human and a crab have been taken to represent totems in a war of tribes. Abstract grids, zigzags, dots, spirals, curls in the rock art of Chhattisgarh and Orissa have been associated with fertility rituals. Similar elemental forms and reticulate arrangement of

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elements, specially a distinctive guilloche, found in the nonfigurative, graphic art of Jarawas of the Andaman Islands is shared by early Holocene art of Asia. Such art is no mere ludic pursuit, but cognitively complex, explained by Jarawas in their own language [10]. The art of Neolithic agriculturists or animal keepers or Chalcolithic pottery makers continues in the art of the tribal. To this date in India, stone age hunters and gatherers can be found among Cholanaikens of Kerala, Maria Gond slash and burn agriculturists of Bastar, Bhotiya pastoralists of Himalaya, and Bavlis of Western Ghats. Tribes like Mahadev Koli, Verli, Malahari, Padhi in the Western Ghats worship Mother Goddesses like Hastābāi, Vinzāi devī, Murum Devī, Mhāsobā. Koli fishermen have been worshipping Goddess Ekavīrā at Karle and Bedsa caves from yore [11]. The Bhil Bhopa musician of Gujarat celebrate the lore of Pabuji and Deval Devi in a transcreation of a fourteenth century story. Bhil Bua magician priests have been carving Pallias. Gonds of Dantewara in Chhattisgarh and Adilabad in Andhra Pradesh have been dedicating funerary pillars (Virakkals) in painted wood or stone, a practice in living Megalithism. Megalithic stone memorials and bridges abound in Jaintia hills in Meghalaya in Northeast India. The Raji Raut tribal in Kumauni hills in central Indian Himalayas worship celestial nymphs painted on rocks in red pigment. The association of nomadic and pastoral Khasa immigrants has been established with third millennium BC Gagrigol cists. Cupules in Bhimbetka in Auditorium cave and Daraki Chattan in central India, shallow surface pits in Karla and Bhaja caves in western India have been linked with contemporary practices of making okhali or conical pits for pounding grains in Kumaun and gaichole games in Maharashtra. Circular petroglyphs have been found in Jharkhand in association with surviving Munda Megalithic designs in menhirs [12]. So is the case of Jādu paṭuās from tribal hinterland [13]. A seven coil labyrinth, identified as a female intestine, a supine nude woman with a child at Usgalimal, a stone circle at Kajur, crisscross designs and vulvas pecked on laterite bed at

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Pansaimal on Kushavati river, a nude woman and child carved behind a thousand year old Mahadev temple on Salauin river bank in village Curdi, all in Goa, and a mother and child, spiral and circle carved on a laterite rock in Kudopi village in Hiwale Sadda plateau in Sindhu durg near Goa border show the continuity of the Mother Goddess cult from Vedic Aditi and Uttaramahī, through medieval Lajjagauri, to Kotavī, Lañjā, and Kalābant cults in Badaga Kota tribal territory in Karnataka, Vidarbha, and Goa. The pre-Kadamba Megalithic stone circles, menhirs, dolmens and cists at Khurpen, Maina and Bambolim in Goa have been connected with the continuing tradition of trilithons, cinerary urns, pit dwellings in this region and, with the Konkani term dudhan fator used by Valip tribal for engraved stones [14]. In North Karanpura valley, Hazaribagh, Jharkhand, Isco rock shelters are associated with Paleololithic, Mesolithic, and Neolithic stone tools. These are called Kahovar after the Birhor ritual paintings on bridal chambers. The rock art is also remarkably close to the Sohrai harvest art on house walls in the region [15]. In the Historic period, the so-called tribal, rural, and classical metropolitan art comes to a visible convergence. A fifth century image of Śiva from Tala in Dakṣiṇa Kośala has animals carved on his body to show the image as that of Paśupati (Fig. 3). In this unique image, as per the prevalent Somasiddhāntin persuasion, evinced in inscriptions, paśus or animals shed their pāśas or fetters to merge in the lord of animals. There is a continuing tradition (Fig. 4) among Kols, Agarias, and Oraons in north; Korbas and Pandos in east; Kanwars, Bhils, Gonds, and Baigas in south east Dakṣiṇa Kośala of tattooing their bodies with animal designs for absorbing strength and quality of particular animals. The association of animals with the divine couple, Śiva and Paṝvatī as their companions, ornament, armor or equipment, finds echo in the oral traditions of central India. Living and nonliving elements metamorphose into one another in fifth century architecture of temples and in domestic architecture of Gond marriage posts, Muria ghoṭuls, Maria memorial pillars, Santhal marriage litters, Kutia Kond house doors of

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Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction, Fig. 3 PaŚupati Śiva, Tala, Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh, c. late fifth century AD. (Photo: Author)

Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction, Fig. 4 Contemporary tribal art collected by Niranjan Mahavar from Bastar, Chhattisgarh. (Photo: Author)

Chhattisgarh, Bihar, and Orissa. Śiva appears in tribal mutations as Mahādeo, Barādeo, Liṅgodeo, and Āṅgādeo. They are pregnant with a similar

creative and procreative impulse. Liṅgodeo acts, like Bāstupa Śiva at a temple, to provide foundation to the tribal youth dormitory or ghoṭul among Gonds. Both of them, are like first gods, primal cultural heroes, teaching agriculture and arts. The floral and faunal forms associated with them, evoke images of pregnancy, water cosmology, and fertility. If lotus is the symbol of the ascent of consciousness in medieval temples, tribal deities like Singboṅgā among the Munda and Birhor, Dharmā or Sirmā Ṭhākur or Sun among the Kol, Baiga and Chero, or Ṭhākur Jiu among the Santhals in central and eastern India live and brood on the lotus, as image of the sun [16]. Petroglyphs in Edakkal caves in Kerala have been associated both with the local imp Kuttichathan [17] as also with Pejhassi kings of Kottayam who led local Kurichiya tribals against the British in guerilla action [18]. Warriors are shown in Pachmarhi rock art as moving in procession, parade, or battle. They are armed cap a pie and adorned with hanging tassels, trailing tab ends, tall head gears. This is linked with a historic battle of the Raṣṭrakūta king Pulekeshin with Harshavardhana in the seventh century AD [19]. At Sāmat Sarṇā in Surguja at Deepadih, 2900 feet about sea level, about 25 Śaivite shrines (8–11 century AD) are maintained by the Oraon tribal, accompanied by preparatory sketches on rock surface in surrounding hills [20]. Archaeological evidence of prehistoric tribal religion can be deciphered in contemporary tribal practices and rituals in the maintenance of sacred groves, water harvesting structures, landscapes, and ceremonials, continuing from the past. High altitude meadows like Bugyāl in Uttarakhand, Rang in Himachal, Orāns, Kenkris, and Shāmlāt Dehs in semiarid areas of Rajasthan and Kelās in Arunachal Pradesh are examples of multiage, multitier, relic forests, and sacred grazing pastures, protected by Gujjars, Bishnois, Oraons, and Monpas [21]. Mahadeo, Kādā, Sāmat Sarnās in Chhattisgarh, Jaher Thān and Sārhul Sarṇā in Jharkhand, conserved by Oraons and Korwas; Devara in Maharashtra, Kar and Devarākādu in Karnataka, guarded by Kunbis, Mukris, and Gaudas; Madaicos protected by Dimasas of Assam; Mawphlang and Mawsmāi protected by

Archaeology of Primal Religion: An Archaeology of Extinction

Khasi Lyngdohs of Meghalaya; Sarpa and Kovil Kāvus in Kerala and Tamil Nadu are conserved as sacred groves for the worship of serpent deities. Teyyam is performed as an epiphanic ritual dance by tribal groups like Vannan, Malayan, Velan, and Pulayan in which the Mother Goddess, Amman, is supposed to inhabit the body of the dancer. The groves are sacred refugia of ancient and vanished species of vegetation and age old shrines [22]. The fertility principle has continued to be universally worshipped by the tribal through known history as seven virgins or sisters under various names like Sati Asarā or Kannimār in Maharashtra, Sapta Kannigāi in Tamil Nadu, elephant and tiger Mother Goddess, Pochāmmā and Salātāmmā in Andhra Pradesh, Māoli Mātā in Chhattisgarh, Khuriaārānī, and Sātbāhinidevī among Korbas. Naṅgā Baigā and Naṅgā Baigin among Baigas, Has Hasin, Singh Chāndo Nindo Chāndo, Sun and Moon, among Santhals, Bhudeo Bhudevi among Bison Horn Marias, continue to be worshipped as primordial couples, equivalent to Śiva and Pārvatī. Khonds of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh celebrate the marriage of earth and sun, Tāripennu and Bāorāpennu. Vratas, universal among Indian women, are traced to the homeopathic fertility rights of Vrātyas, mentioned in Atharva Veda as outside the pale of civilization. Vrata Kathās have been traditionally divided into Akam Puram, private and public, interior and exterior, and dedicated to benevolent and malevolent, “breast” and “tooth” Mother Goddesses [23]. Magical practices of tantra are traced to Śavari Vidyā. Daṇḍa Yātrā mystery plays have been traditionally celebrating Śavara Śavari unīon. Śavara and Savarī have united in divine ecstasy in Buddhist Caryā songs since early Medieval days. Warlis of Maharashtra have been painting a Pālāghāṭ of superimposed triangles to demonstrate male female union [24]. Diverse mutations of Śiva and Śakti are being worshipped as grāmadevatās and gramdevatīs by Śavaras, Pulindas, and Kirātas living in forests and hills. Mundās and Orāons have been worshipping Śiva as both God and Goddess. Śavara daitāpatis and suddhasuārs have been functioning as servitor priests and privileged servants of Lord Jagannātha at Puri, Lord Liṅgarāja at Bhuvaneswar in Orissa,

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and Śavarinārāyan at Śeorinārāyan in Chhattisgarh for centuries, Śavara Kuranmāran priests have been painting Ittal Māran as ritual diagrams to exorcise calamity and disease [25]. Kuravās worship Pārvatī as tribal goddess Kurati who, along with Śiva as Kuravan, are adopted as members of Kuravā tribe. Tribal Bhils worship Khāndovā and Mhālsā, as patron Yakṣa and Yakṣī, on horse, in Maharashtra, and celebrate union of Jīva, the soul of the departed, shown as Gothriz Purvej, the spirit rider on horse, with Bhagabān, the oversoul. In Northeast India, the Tani tribes of Arunachal Pradesh worship Donyi Polo, Sun and Moon. The Sanamāhi faith, Umaṅglāi bamboo groves and shrines, Lāi Hārāobā festivals of Manipur are associated with a revivalist Meitei tribal cult of worship of nature. In view of the remarkable similarity of expression in the ancient art of hunter gatherers and pastoral and agricultural populations all over the world including India, bio-neurological universals, images, and entoptic constants have been harnessed to explain prehistoric Indian art, like other prehistoric global art, as psychograms, ideograms, and pictograms. Current theories of psychoanalytical exploration, anthropological structuralism or topographical determinism have been used to read ancient art as a semantic or ethnographic data bank for tribal religion. Misinterpretations occur because of a tendency to confuse natural markings as anthropic markings. Thus, what has been interpreted as a Mother Goddess carving on stone at Lohangi nala, in Belan valley [26], has been demonstrated to be a damaged bone harpoon with symmetrically arranged barbs [27]. Except the ostrich egg shell fragment at Patne, all ostrich eggshells found in India have been proved to carry natural markings misinterpreted as Paleolithic anthropic markings [28]. The identification of a fluted Mesolithic chert core from Chandravati Rajasthan as associated with hunting gathering ritual, being based on a comparison with geometric in fill design in bodies of animals and birds in rock art [29], remains speculative and can neither be refuted not substantiated. It is necessary to supplement such ethnocentric theories by scientific study of

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digital flutings, space use patterns, frequency of artifact types, figures and designs, and a multivariate study of the paleoecology of rock art shelters for retrieving an authentic paleo script about tribal religion and ritual. An exploration of the mnemonics and noniconic symbols associated with ancient festivals like those celebrating the struggle of the Koya lady Saralāmmā against encroachment by Kākatīya king of Mandaram, Warangal, Andhra Pradesh; creation of the tribal pastoral Mewati Mahabharata in Diṅgal Apabhraṁśa, or the Bheel Bhārata; investigation of the etymology of names connected with the history of villages, vegetation, crops, waters, and tanks; an understanding of ancient archeological landscapes and mindscapes like the Demazong (for hidden treasures) in Sikkim or the Aintinai (for the Biospheric concept) could be the basis for giving flesh and substance to ethnographic speculation about archaeology of tribal religion and ritual. Rock art and other portable prehistoric art, as a key to tribal religion and ritual has been translated as an extra somatic tool for environmental adaptation, and a text with an afterlife succeeding production. The art appears as no mere representational mode but also as a significant expression of human cognition. Archaeology of tribal religion is not to be treated as being outside legible history, and therefore, fit to be consigned to prehistory. There is a remarkable continuity in arts, artifacts, and belief systems of tribal groups living in ecological isolation from prehistoric days to the present. The ancient belief system of such groups has to be elicited from cognitive rather than outdated conventional archaeology. The archaeology of tribal religion is not debris to be dug out from the strata of the earth. Indian art and speech pass into each other demonstrating a shared neuro mental structure uniting tribal and elitist, sectarian religion and ritual. Tribal religion is a continuing and living presence animated by the theory and practice of communion between earth and heaven, fire and water, man and woman, static and kinetic. It is rooted in the perception of an interdependence of all organic and inorganic,

human and nonhuman communities. It finds every plant, pebble, mountain and river as instinct with life, vibration and purpose. The rituals associated with it are based on a covenant with nature which is treated as inviolable. In tribal religion, the part and the whole, iconic and noniconic, the concrete and the abstract come together in a joyous unity. However, with the ongoing destruction of forests, water bodies, aquifers, and fragile ecosystems through mega development projects, steered by a predatory section of humanity, the archaeology of tribal religion should really be seen as an archaeology of extinction of tangible heritage and intangible memory and knowledge in an engulfing tide of globalization and homogenization. All the bonds of human, floral, faunal, and other natural families are getting eroded along with the destruction of tribal habitats and displacement and detribalization of the tribal. The process has been accelerated by the death of tribal languages. Only about 4% of humanity, comprising tribal and indigenous communities, speak 96% of the languages, whereas 96% of humanity speak 4% of the languages. Taphonomically read, surviving evidence of tribal religion and ritual represents the tip of a submerged iceberg. A recovery of ancient religion and ritual of the Indian tribal will help in the recovery of traditional tribal knowledge of bacteriology, entomology, geology, and soil chemistry, beyond Latin taxonomy. This will restore the diversity of the genetic base, trophic patterns and the variety and complexity of management responses to different agro-climatic regimes. Tribal religion has to be repossessed to ensure that all sacred and ecological categories are not reduced to economic and production categories. The close proximity between nature and culture, which has been the hallmark of tribal religion, will be irrecoverably lost unless archaeology of tribal religion is perceived not as a mere passive study of the tribal people, or as an anachronism, to be buried in the dung heap of the past, but as a priceless remnant of human heritage which can contribute to human biocultural survival.

Architecture (Hinduism)

Reference 1. Chakravarty KK (2014) Rock art and tribal art: Shared Habitat, lifeways and styles. In Explore rural India. The Indian Trust for Rural Heritage and Development, pp 70–74 2. Jayakar P (1989) The earth mother legends, ritual arts, and goddesses of India. Harper and Row, San Francisco, pp 192–194 3. Paddayya K (1977) The Acheulian culture of the Hunsgi Valley. Proc Am Philos Soc 121(5):383–406 4. J.M. Kenoyer, J.D. Clark, J.W. Pal and G.R. Sharma. 1983. An upper palaeolithic shrine in India. Antiquity L VII:88–94 5. Bednarik RG (1993) Manage Environ 18(2):35–36.2011. The human condition. Springer 64:151; Shirodkar PP. Prehistoric Rock Art in Goa. (in press) 6. Chakravarty KK, Bednarik RG (1997) Indian rock art and its global perspective. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi, p 77 7. Korisettar R, Venkatasubbaiah PC, Fuller DQ (2002) Brahmagiri and beyond: the archaeology of the Southern Neolithic. In Settar S, Korisettar R (eds). Also Introduction by Settar and Korisettar. Indian archaeology in retrospect. Prehistory. Archaeology of South Asia, vol. I. Indian Council of Historical Research, Manohar, New Delhi, XI–XVIII, pp 151–237 8. Chakravarty KK (1984) Rock-art of India. Paintings and engraving. Arnold-Heinemann, New Delhi, pp 16–18 9. Chakravarty KK, Bednarik RG (1997) Ibid., 77 10. Bednarik RG (2011) 161–162 11. Chakravarty KK A Prolegomena towards a Strategy for Bio Cultural survival in the Western Ghats. Ecology Expert panel, Ministry of Environment and Forestry. Govt. of India 35–52 12. Chakravarty KK, Bednarik RG (1997) Ibid., 69–71 13. Jayakar S (1989) Earth Mother, Ibid., 142 14. Chakravarty KK (in press) Introduction to P. Shirodkar. Rock Carvings of Goa in global perspective 15. Imam B (2001/2002) Hazaribagh and the North Karanpura Valley. ICOMOS, Heritage at Risk, World report, pp 107–112 16. Chakravarty KK (2018) Walking with Siva. Cognitive roots of Indian art, archaeology and religion. Aryan Books International, New Delhi 17. Fawctt PH (1901) Indian antiquary. (1872–1933). Bernard Quaritch, London, 409 18. Abraham NP (2012) Eco-fraternity of Kurum(b)a tribes in Wayanad, Kerala. In: Devy GN, Davis GV, Chakravarty KK (eds) Knowing differently: the cognitive challenge of the indigenous. Routledge, London, p 328 19. Corbett G, Russeell RV (1998) Central provinces district Gazetteers. Hoshangabad district. Volume A. Thacker & Spink, Calcutta

117 20. Chakravarty KK. Walking with Siva, Ibid., note 88, p 247 21. Gokhale Y (2001) Biodiversity as a sacred space. In The Hindu earthscapes: 16–17, Gupta V (2017) Conservation ethos in the tribal folklore. Indian J Tradit Knowl 6(2):339 22. IGRMS, Bhopal. Sacred Groves of India, 1–17 23. Blackburn SH, Ramanjaun AK (1986) Another harmony; new essays on the folklore of India, vol 14. University of California Press, Berkeley, pp 56–57 24. Jayakar P (1989) Ibid., XVIII–551 XIX,3,25,80– 1,88,142–9,154–62,168–9 25. Chakravarty KK (2018) Walking with Siva chapter on ethnography. Note 100. Jayakar 1989: 161–162 26. Mishra VD (1977) Some aspects of Indian archaeology. Prabhat Prakashan, Allahabad 27. Bednarik RG (1993) Palaeolithic art in India. Man and Environ 18(2):34–35 28. Chakravarty KK, Bednarik RG (1997) Ibid., 53–54 29. Kenoyer JM (1987) Paper at 16th annual conference on South Asia

Architecture (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The evolution of Hindu architecture is similar to that of other religious buildings among civilizations around the world. It has evolved from elemental rock-cut cave shrines to adorned and ornate buildings over the passage of time. In Hinduism, the present-day temple architecture follows a similar canonical style that has been developed in the past 2000 years and which spread across the Indian subcontinent and the globe ([1], p. 12). The precision and harmony in geometry are the basis of Hindu temple architecture, which includes elaborately decorated sculptures of gods, animals, flowers, worshippers, erotic scenes, and alike. Also, symmetry is maintained in four sides and above, high towers, grid ground lands, and a square form.

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Discussion A noticeable change in the Hindu worship has been observed from the first century CE. The ancient Vedic gods, such as Indra, Varun, Sun, Vayu, and others, were replaced by Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva, Krishna, and Durga as the Bhakti or “devotional” Hinduism spread across the Indian subcontinent. The new gods gradually became the chief deities of Hinduism, and for them new places were required to worship and offer prayers. New religious buildings were built using the deities’ mythological adventures and tales or indicating a symbolic reference to a particular god ([2], p. 35). These buildings were quite spacious so much so that they would provide space for performing rituals, such as singing prayers, bathing and cleaning, dancing by professional dancers, feasting, and alike. The affluent temple administration used to employ devadasi (“female professional dancers”) for performing dancing and singing while offering prayers to gods ([1], p. 67). Each devalaya (“temple”) was considered to be a dwelling place of a specific god. Some established temples stood as tirtha (“sacred place or god’s home”) where dedicated priests were appointed by the society who were like presentday supervisors of a firm – the priests would take care of the prasada (“temple palace”) and perform other temple-related services ([1], pp. 102–106). In a Hindu temple, a special space was provided for walking around the temple interior, aka Parikrama (“circumambulation”), in a clockwise direction, and after darshan (“seeing god”) walking around would complete and complement the darshan. Gradually, temples became the first community centers where the followers used to offer food, flowers, and valuables so that the deity would bless them in return. In Hinduism, puja is a reciprocal act the followers please gods so that their lives will be peaceful and fulfilling. The temples were built by kings, landlords, or big business families who would guarantee lands, grants, and endowments, as indicated by stone inscriptions and the copper plates on numerous

Architecture (Hinduism)

temples. This tradition is still followed with little deviation. (For example, the author’s father Shri Ganga Swarup Dwivedi has constructed a shivalaya (“a Shiva temple”) in their ancestral village and named it “Vikram Devalaya” after his son’s middle name, which is inscribed on the entrance.) The earliest cave temples were similar to Buddhist stupa – simple in its structure with one entrance and window. The elaborated and complex temples were constructed with the arrival of Gupta architecture in the fourth and the fifth century CE. The wood and terracotta were used in the initial structure for constructing towers and projecting niches ([2], p. 94). Gradually, the architects started using stones and bricks, marble, schist, and granite. Also, we find finest cave temples at Udayagiri in Malwa dated the fifth century CE, and freestanding temples at Deogarh, including sixth-century CE Dashavatara temple of Lord Vishnu. The Hindu architecture is based on the Vastu Shastras (“architecture text”), where mandir (“temple”) is laid out following eight main directions – each one is guarded by a Dikpal (“god”) who is represented on the temple’s exterior. The chief deity (aka ashisthata) is placed in an elaborately carved platform ([2], p. 52). The sacred mountains, i.e., Kailasa and Meru, work as a prototype for temples. Seen from a distance, temples with their high towers look like mountain mass. Since no mortar was used in the earliest religious architecture, much care had been taken while cutting the stones. The eleventhcentury CE Kandariya Mahadeva temple at Khajuraho and twelfth-century CE Rajarani temple at Bhubaneswar are famous for their finest scriptural work.

References 1. Meister MW, Dhaky MA (1999) Encyclopedia of Indian temple architecture. Manohar Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi 2. Agrawala PK (1981) Gupta temple architecture. Prithivi Prakashan, Varanasi

Ardhana¯rīśvara

Ardhana¯rīśvara Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition Ardhanārīśvara is a syncretic androgynous form of the God Śiva and His consort Pārvatī, representing the synthesis of masculine and feminine energies of the universe (puruṣa and prakṛti).

Datta¯treya Ardhanārīśvara is a syncretic androgynous form of the God Śiva and His consort Pārvatī (alias Devī, Śakti, Umā), depicted as half male and half female, split down the middle along its longitudinal axis. The right half is usually male, the left female, but in some rare śākta icons it is the opposite. The icon represents the synthesis of masculine and feminine energies of the universe (puruṣa and prakṛti) and illustrates how the female principle of God is inseparable from her male counterpart. The name means “the Lord who is half woman.” Alternative names of this character are Ardhanaranārī (“the woman who is half man”), Ardhanārīśa (“the Lord who is half woman”), Ardhanārīnaṭeśvara (“the Lord of dance who is half-woman”), Naranārī (“manwoman”), Ammiappan (a tamil name meaning “Mother-Father”), Ardhayuvatīśvara (“the Lord whose half is a young girl”), and Ardhagaurīśvara (“the Lord whose half is the fair one”). The conception of Ardhanārīśvara may have been inspired by the Vedic composite figure of the twin couple, Yama and Yamī, by the Vedic descriptions of the primordial demiurge Prajāpati and the fire god Agni as “bull who is also a cow,” and by the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad’s ātman in the form of the androgynous cosmic man puruṣa, who splits himself into two parts, male and

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female. When the two halves copulate they produce life. In the Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad, Rudra, the Vedic antecedent of Śiva, is the maker of all and the root of the male and female principles (puruṣa, prakṛti). According to puranic sources (Kālikā Purāṇa, Kūrma Purāṇa, Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa, Bṛhannāradīya Purāṇa, Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa, Liṅga Purāṇa, Vāyu Purāṇa, Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa, Śiva Purāṇa, and Skanda Purāṇa), when the demiurge Brahmā begot a number of male beings, the Prajāpatis, Lords of progeny, they were unable to generate further beings on their own. Then Brahmā invoked Śiva, who manifested himself as a composite male and female being; and successively creation from purely female womb could begin. According to an alternative story, gods and seers were intent to worship both Śiva and Pārvatī being seated on the Kailāsa mountain. But the sage Bhṛṅgin refused to do so, because he had pronounced the vow to adore Śiva only, so he refused to honor Pārvatī. She grew angry with him, and made his flesh and blood to disappear from him, leaving his body a living skeleton. It must be remembered that in classical Hindu embryology, the father gives a child only the bones and sinew while the mother gives the blood and flesh. In this pitiable state, Bhṛṅgin was unable to stand erect, and Śiva gave him a third leg. He praised the God for the boon and begun dancing in front of him. Pārvatī’s attempt to humiliate Bhṛṅgin failed, and she asked the God as a boon to be united to his own body. In this way a composite unique form took shape, and the sage could no more circumambulate or bow to Śiva alone. In order to oppose to the impediment, Bhṛṅgin took the form of a beetle and pierced a hole in the body, so that he could circumabulate Śiva alone, leaving the female side apart. Pārvatī admired his devotion, reconciled with him, and bestowed on him her grace for having remained steadfast to his vow. Another story tells that when the asura Andhaka wanted to rape her mother Pārvatī, Viṣṇu rescued her and brought her to his abode. When he reached her there, she revealed to him her form

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as Ardhanārīśvara. Seeing the half-male, halffemale form, Andhaka lost interest in her and left. In another story, Gaurī is described as having suspected Śiva of infidelity when she saw her own reflection in the crystal-like breast of her husband. A conjugal dispute erupted but was quickly resolved, after which Gaurī expressed the wish to stay eternally with Śiva in his body. The divine couple was thereafter fused as Ardhanārīśvara. Another tale talks about Gaurī’s jealousy with regard to the river goddess Gaṅgā, depicted in Śiva’s locks, while she sat on his lap. To pacify Gaurī, Śiva united with her as Ardhanārīśvara. A mythological source relevant for the character of Ardhanārīśvara, apart from the purāṇas, is the Bṛhat Saṃhitā by Varāhamihira. For mythological sources and their interpretation see [1–3]. Classical iconographic sources for this icon are iconographic texts such as the Śilparatna and agamic texts such as the Aṃśumadbhedāgama, the Kāraṇāgama, the Kāmikāgama, and the Suprabhedāgama. The icon usually is prescribed to have four, three, or two arms, a form with eight arms is rare. In the case of three arms, the female side has only one arm, holding a flower, a mirror, or a parrot: this suggests a lesser role of the female half in the icon. The right male half has a bun adorned with crescent moon on the head, a snake earring, and half of an eye on the forehead. If the arms are four, one right hand should assume the gesture of absence of fear (abhaya), the other one should hold the axe (paraśu) (or alternatively, one assumes the gesture of giving a boon, varada, the other carries a trident, śūla). The chest of the right side is male, covered with ashes, with garment made with tiger’s skin and silk covering the body below the loins up to the knee, and wearing the sacrificial rope made with serpent (nāgayajñopavīta). The right leg is bent and rests upon a lotus seat (padmapīṭha). The female left half has a knot of hair divided, a half tilaka mark on the forehead, contiguous with the male half eye on the right side, and an earring. If the arms are four, one is bent and rests upon the head of Nandin, the bull being the vāhana of Śiva, the other has a blue lotus into her hand. The left female side has a woman’s chest, with round breast, and ornaments made of gems, the body smeared with saffron, draped in multicolor silk,

Arjuna

covering the body till to the ankles, held on the loins by three girdles. The leg is either bent or erect, the ankle wears an anklet, and the foot is tinged red. For iconographic sources see [4–8].

Cross-References ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Śiva

References 1. Doniger W (1981) Sexual metaphors and animal symbols in Indian mythology. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 2. Doniger W (1999) Splitting the difference. Gender and myth in ancient Greece and India. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 3. Yadav N (2001) Ardhanarisvara in art and literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Banerjea JN (1973) The development of Hindu iconography. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, pp 552–554 5. Rao TAG (1985) Elements of Hindu iconography, vol II part I. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi (I ed Madras 1914), pp 321–337 6. Bunce FW (2000) An encyclopaedia of Hindu deities, semi-gods, godlings, demons and heroes, with special focus on iconographic attributes, vol I. DK Printworld, New Delhi, pp 49–51 7. Geaves R (2003) Ardhanārīśvara. In: Cush D, Robinson C, York M (2010) Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Routledge, London/New York, p 40 8. Rao SKR (2003) Encyclopaedia of Indian iconography, Hinduism – Buddhism – Jainism, vol 1. Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi, pp 75–82

Arjuna Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Bíbhatsu – A person who does not indulge in the heinous act. Dharma – Law, a righteous behavior.

Arjuna

Guḍākeśa – A person with curly hairs. Savyasācin – A person who is capable of using both the hands.

Definition Arjuna is one of the heroes of the Indian epic Mahābhārata. Born from the mythical father god Indra to Kuntī, he is the third Pāṇḍavā out of five. Reputed to be one of the finest archers, Arjuna performs the superb acts of bravery and also charms few women. He stands out as personification of Kṣhatriya bravery and chivalry. But as goes with most of the finest characters of the epics, he is also not without blemish.

Arjuna, the Prince Charming Arjuna is depicted as very handsome with dusky complexion and Guḍākeśa. His different names like Bíbhatsu and Savyasācin are indicative of his noble and superhuman qualities. He is also mentioned as a person with patience, a quality highly praised in the epic (4,703). By his dedication, he became the favorite pupil of Guru Droṇa, who taught him the use of divine weapons. During the friendly contest for the princes, it was young Arjuna who steals the show (1,398). Later along with Bhīma, he defeats king Drupada and avenges the insult of Droṇa. He also wins the difficult contest and wins Draupadī but, on the instruction of his mother, shares her with his brothers. But the text mentions that Draupadī admired him more than any other Pāṇḍavās ([5], 993).

Arjuna’s Exile and Other Marriages After Draupadī’s marriage with the five Pāṇḍavās, to avoid any conflict and according to the instruction of sage Nārada, it was decided that one brother will spend 1 year with Draupadī and during that period no other brother should see them together. If that happens, the brother who had intruded on the privacy of the couple will have to spend 12 years as a celibate and in the forest. Once when it was a turn of Yudhiṣṭhira to spend a

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year with Draupadī, a Brahmin’s cows were being stolen by the thieves. The Brahmin comes to the Pāṇḍavās requesting the cows to be rescued. This time Arjuna’s bow and arrows were kept in a room where Yudhiṣṭhira was sitting with Draupadī. Now Arjuna was in a dilemma; it is a duty of the ruler to ensure the welfare of the Brahmin, but if he enters in the room, he may have to go for exile and remain a celibate for 12 years. But he finally enters the room. He picks up the bow and arrows, rescues the cows of the Brahmin, and then decides to retire to forest for 12 years. Though Yudhiṣṭhira tries to convince him that it is not necessary, Arjuna insists and leaves ([1], 580). During this period, Ulūpi, the Nāga princess, sees him and infatuated by him expresses her carnal desire. Though Arjuna says that he had taken a vow of celibacy, Ulūpi convinces him that his vow was only for Draupadī, and he is easily convinced (1,582)! He spends a night with her, and out of this union, a child named Irāvat was born. Arjuna does not take any responsibility for the child and leaves him with his mother. Irāvat sacrifices his life during the final war. Arjuna moves further and goes to Manipur and marries princess Citrāngadā (1,584). Staying there for 3 years, he moves on and meets Kṛṣṇa at Prabhāsa. Here he sees Subhadrā, Kṛṣṇa’s sister, and desires to marry her. Kṛṣṇa tells him that it is not sure to whom a girl may choose during bridegroom choice, and it will be better for Arjuna to carry her forcibly, the form of marriage approved for the Kṣhatriyas (1,592). Thus supported by Kṛṣṇa, Arjuna carries away Subhadrā. Kṛṣṇa’s elder brother Balarāma was very furious at this and wanted to chase and fight Arjuna but was stopped by Kṛṣṇa, who says that Arjuna is a suitable groom and they should celebrate the marriage. Arjuna and Subhadrā were brought back, and the marriage was celebrated. Thus Arjuna marries three different women during the period when he was supposed to remain a celibate.

Preparation for the Final War To avoid conflict, the Pāṇḍavās were given the forest tract, which they converted into a prosperous kingdom. But the Duryodhana cunningly

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snatched their kingdom during the dice game. Draupadī was also molested. We find Bhīma losing his temper, but Arjuna remained restrained, and he also tries to restrain Bhīma. During the period of exile, he goes to heaven and acquires celestial weapons from the gods. He also does penance and acquires the divine weapon “Pāśupata” from god Śiva ([2], 122). Thus the Pāṇḍavās prepares for the final war. During his stay at heaven, Urvaśī, the celestial nymph, was attracted to Arjuna and approaches him, but here also we find Arjuna restraining himself ([2], 137). He says that Urvaśī was married to his ancestor Purūravas, and thus she is like a mother to him. Angry at this rejection, Urvaśī curses him that he will become a eunuch for a period of 1 year. But this curse proves to be a blessing in disguise as it comes handy during the period of incognito. In addition he also learns to sing and dance during his stay in the heaven.

Dark Spots on the Character Arjuna is not totally without blemish. He gets jealous when he sees that Ekalavya, the tribal prince, is better at archery and reminds Droṇa about his promise of making Arjuna the best archer. To keep his promise, Droṇa asks Ekalavya to give the thumb of his right hand as fees, and thus Ekalavya’s efficiency as an archer is considerably reduced. When the source of envy was removed, Arjuna was pacified (1,391). In the final war also, Arjuna commits transgressions. Understanding that it is difficult to remove Bhīṣma in fair fight, Kṛṣṇa and the Pāṇḍavās hatched a conspiracy. Arjuna stands behind Śikhaṇḍin and shoots fatal arrows at Bhīṣma causing his fall (4,416). Bhīṣma had vowed that he will not fight against Śikhaṇḍin, who had been a woman earlier. During a dual between Bhūriśrava, a warrior from Duryodhana’s side, and Sātyaki, a warrior from the Pāṇḍavā’s side, Sātyaki becomes unconscious, and Bhūriśrava was about to kill him, but on Kṛṣṇa’s instigation, Arjuna shoots an arrow that cuts off Bhūriśrava’s arm (3,448). In the final dual with Karṇa, when the wheel of Karṇa’s

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chariot was struck in the ground, Kṛṣṇa asks him to shoot a fatal arrow when Karṇa was engaged in removing the wheel. Tough initially hesitant, he finally does it as he was instigated by Kṛṣṇa by reminding him of Abhīmanyu’s death, Draupadī’s molestation, and other transgressions supported by Karṇa (4,381–382).

Is He Balanced? In spite of being mentioned as a person with a self-control, he is liable to get carried away by emotion that is obvious on few occasion and one was indeed a very crucial occasion. When the great war was about to begin, his heart is overwhelmed by the prospects of killing his own kith and kin, and he throws away his arms, refusing to fight. There follows a long discourse between him and Kṛṣṇa known as “the Bhagavadgītā” (Ch. 13–42 of Bhishma Parva), and finally he agrees to fight after lot of persuasion. The preparation of war was going on for a very long period, and if an important warrior like Arjuna withdraws from the war, it would have been disastrous for the Pāṇḍavās. Though confused initially, Arjuna comes out as a sincere seeker of the wisdom during the discourse and finally says that all his illusion has vanished. During the war, when his son Abhimanyu was killed, he takes a vow that if he does not kill Jayadratha (the person who was responsible for Abhimanyu’s death), on the next day before the sunset, he will immolate himself ([3], 202). Kṛṣṇa had to use his divine power to salvage the situation and save Arjuna. He appears to be sentimental about his bow Gāṇḍǐva and vowed that he will kill the person who asks him to throw away his Gāṇḍǐva. This vow also lands him in a situation of dilemma. During the war, Yudhiṣṭhira was defeated and humiliated by Karṇa, and he retires to the camp. Searching and worried about him, Arjuna and Kṛṣṇa go to the camp. Yudhiṣṭhira eagerly asks if Arjuna had killed Karṇa. When Arjuna replies in the negative, Yudhiṣṭhira gets angry and says that Arjuna’s Gāṇḍǐva is of no use and he should give it away. Angered at this,

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Arjuna rushes to kill Yudhiṣṭhira, but is stopped by Kṛṣṇa. Now as per the vow taken by Arjuna, he is supposed to kill Yudhiṣṭhira, but here again Kṛṣṇa comes to rescue him from the dilemma and twists the notion of dharma as he does on many occasion. He says that, criticizing the elder brother is as good as killing him, and thus the dilemma is resolved ([4], 270).

123 3. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 5. Parimal Publications, Delhi 4. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 6. Parimal Publications, Delhi 5. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 9. Parimal Publications, Delhi

Artha Message of the Epic When the news of Kṛṣṇa’s demise reaches the Pāṇḍavās, Arjuna goes to Dvārakā, to bring the Yādava women safely to Hāstinapur, but robbers attack him and abduct the women. Arjuna could not protect them (5,985). Probably the epic gives a message that power and youth are not permanent and one cannot always count on them. During the final journey to heaven, when Arjuna falls, Yudhiṣṭhira says that he fell because of his pride. He boasted about his bravery and martial skill (5,995).This is another important message of the epic that no matter how talented and brave one can be, the pride is an indication of imperfection. In contrast to Bhīma, who seems to seething with the demonic anger and engages in extreme violence, Arjuna comes out as a refined warrior, like an idealized knight in shining armor, notwithstanding some of the blemish in his character.

Cross-References ▶ Bhīṣma ▶ Dharma ▶ Draupadī ▶ Pāṇḍava ▶ Mahābhārata

References 1. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 1. Parimal Publications, Delhi 2. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 2. Parimal Publications, Delhi

▶ Bhīma

¯ rya A ▶ Aryan [Āryan]

Aryaman ▶ Sūrya (Sun)

Aryan [A¯ryan] Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India

Synonyms Ārya

Definition Aryan is the anglicized form of the Sanskrit word “ārya.” In the ancient literature of India (both Hindu and Buddhist), the word “ārya” had different meanings, among which predominant was “noble” or “respectable.” In the nineteenth century, European philologists came to identify “Aryan” or “Indo-European” as a specific family of languages. Subsequently, the concept of Aryan

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as a linguistic category came to be conflated with that of Aryan as a racial category. Many believed that the original homeland of the Aryan people was somewhere in central Asia, from where they migrated to India. Thus, there developed the idea of two opposite cultures in India – Aryan and Dravidian – and the course of writing the history of India came to be determined by such conceptions. Many scholars have challenged the views that Aryan is a racial category, that they migrated to India from outside, and that the origin and development of Indian civilization bear witness to a conflict of Aryan and Dravidian cultures.

Introduction The Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English dictionary defines the word “ārya” as: “a respectable or honourable or faithful man, an inhabitant of Āryāvarta; one who is faithful to the religion of his country; N. of the race which immigrated from Central Asia into Āryāvarta (opposed to an-ārya, dasyu, dāsa); in later times N. of the first three castes (opposed to śūdra). . .”. The dictionary continues to enumerate more meanings that the term acquired in course of time. The word was also used widely in Buddhist literature. Of all meanings stated, there is one with far-reaching ideological assumptions embedded in it, and it is not based on any ancient source in Sanskrit or other language, but is a product of modern times. The concept of Aryan as “the race which immigrated from Central Asia into Āryāvarta (opposed to an-ārya, dasyu, dāsa)” is a product of European and colonial Indian knowledge production in the nineteenth century. The history of this concept is vast and intertextual. This entry will deal with this history and its implications in a brief yet representative manner. In the historiography of the concept, one can predominantly discern two opposite views. Some scholars and intellectuals argue that “Aryan” was not a racial category in ancient India, and its invention as a linguistic and racial concept is a modern phenomenon rooted in the colonial and Orientalist context, and that the concept has no scientific basis and has distorted

Aryan [A¯ryan]

the understanding of Indian history. For some others, the Aryan/Dravidian divide is real and palpable, especially from the linguistic point of view. They believe in this foundational classification of languages and their other arguments follow this main premise as a logical corollary. The implications of this debate are, however, not restricted to the domain of linguistics alone. It has produced different ideological offshoots in terms of issues related to ethnic and caste identity, and its major ramification can be noticed regarding the issue of the historical origin of the Indian people itself, as articulated in the Aryan migration debate. The final edition of Monier-Williams’s dictionary was published in 1899. Late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were witness to four nodal moments: formulation of the concept of IndoEuropean, later becoming identical with Aryan; formulation of the concept of Dravidian; the conflation of initially linguistic categories like Aryan and Dravidian with racial categories, thereby bringing into existence the concept of Aryan and Dravidian cultures that are supposedly opposed to each other; and fitting the archaeological discovery of Harappa into this pregiven racial-linguistic framework.

Of Language Families and Homelands In his “Third anniversary discourse” at the Asiatic Society, Calcutta in 1786 (later published in Asiatic Researches in 1788), Sir William Jones (1746–1794) proposed a list of languages like Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, etc., that have an unmistakable likeness with each other. There had been others who had noted the likeness of Sanskrit with European languages even before Jones’s proclamation (for details, see [3], p. 16). However, given Jones’s stature and reputation, his assertions received wide publicity among intellectuals. Based on the resemblance between languages, Jones argued that they must have originated from the same ancestor language which probably no longer existed. Later-day linguists called this hypothetical ancestor language Proto-IndoEuropean, and the family of languages of which

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Sanskrit, Greek, etc., are a part came to be known as Indo-European. The concept of the Indo-European language family was consolidated by the pioneering work in comparative philology by Franz Bopp (1791–1867) with successive publications starting from 1816. However, the term “Indo-European” was coined by the linguist Thomas Young in 1816 [3]; Bopp referred to this family of languages as “Indo-Germanic” [9]. Incidentally, Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900) attributed the idea that the languages of India, Persia, Greece, Italy, and Germany are kin, to the German poet Friedrich Schlegel (1772–1829), who in his work The Language and Wisdom of the Indians (1808), clubbed all these languages together by one single word “Indo-Germanic” ([6], pp. 189–190). The great Indo-European language family that gradually came to be established consisted of “seven European groups of languages—the Hellenic, Italic, Celtic, Teutonic, Slavonic, Lithuania or Lettic, and Albanian. . .There are also three closely related Asiatic groups: the Indic, containing fourteen modern Indian languages derived from Sanskrit; secondly, the Iranic group, comprising Zend, Persian, Pushtu or Afghan, Baluchi, Kurdish, and Ossetic; and, thirdly, the Armenian, which is intermediate between Greek and Iranian” ([9], p. 2). It was Max Müller who popularized the term “Aryan” to denote the Indo-European family of languages (for his reasons for the choice of the word “Aryan,” see [6], pp. 274–289). He accepted the view that there must have been an original homeland of the Aryans located “somewhere in Asia.” He further proposed that the Aryans must have branched off in two directions – one in the North-Western direction, thereby reaching Europe, and the other in the South-Eastern direction, reaching Iran and India [6, 7]. The idea of a common original homeland of all Aryans was a pure hypothesis with no hard evidence as its basis, and it was formulated mainly as an explanation for the resemblance among languages. While Max Müller argued for an erstwhile common homeland and a branching off of Aryan populations in two directions, it should be highlighted that he was not willing to work it out

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further as he saw that no evidence provided a definitive clue in re-constructing the whole story. He, thus, remarked: “. . .evidence is sufficient to prove that the people who spoke Sanskrit and Zend must have remained united for some time after they had left the common Aryan home. . .Beyond this, however, all is uncertain and mere guesswork. It was my chief object. . .to warn scholars against wasting their time on an impossible problem. . .the problem of the gradual separation of the Aryan languages, beyond the great split into a North-Western and SouthEastern branch, is. . .insoluble, and must be abandoned.” ([7], pp. 85–87) Thus, for Max Müller, “Aryas were originally strangers in India” ([7], p. 93), they were the “first conquerors and masters of India.” It is important to note here that there were many European intellectuals, who believed instead that India was the cradle of civilization and the original homeland of the Aryans, who migrated from the Indian territory to the west and north-west (for details, see [3], p. 18). However, this view got suppressed in course of time, as the idea of Aryan invaders of India gained ascendancy. On the other hand, in the same year as Bopp’s publication, 1816, was published a Telugu grammar text written by A D Campbell with a “Note to the Introduction” by F W Ellis (1777–1819), a British civil servant in India. Ellis argued that Telugu, Kannada, and Tamil are related languages and are not derived from Sanskrit. Forty years later, the missionary Robert Caldwell (1814–1891) published his Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South-Indian Languages (1856), which formalized the concept of “Dravidian” languages. Thus, on the one hand, the concept of Aryan came to take shape and on the other, that of Dravidian. In the next section, we examine how initially linguistic categories such as Aryan/ Dravidian came to be conflated with racial categories.

Race Meets Language Max Müller clarified several times that Aryan was a language and not a race. He himself at times

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used the expression “Aryan race,” but what he probably meant was not “race” in its strict technical sense; for him, “. . .if we speak of Aryan race at all, we should know that it means no more than x + Aryan speech” ([7], p. 90). But soon, a shift came in terms of claiming Aryans to be a race as well. George Campbell (1824–1892), who served as the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, published his Ethnology of India in 1866 as a special issue of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. According to Thomas Trautmann, although Campbell ventured to classify the Indian people on the basis of the five criteria of “physical appearance, language, religion, laws (especially caste and marriage), and manners and mental characteristics,”, he ended up keeping language subordinate in this scheme and “the overall drift of the work is to establish a relation between physical form and the remaining ‘civilizational’ criteria. . .” ([10], p. 161). H. H. Risley (1851–1911) served as an administrator in colonial India and rose to prominence as an ethnologist of India in the 1890s. In his book Tribes and Castes of Bengal (1892), he arrived at a racial classification of Indians on the basis of the measurement of their nose. This was probably the first instance where anthropometric data were used for an ethnographic survey. Risley categorized Indians into seven racial categories, of which five bore the terms Aryan or Dravidian: IndoAryan, Scytho-Dravidian, Aryo-Dravidian, Mongolo-Dravidian, and Dravidian ([4], p. 53). In course of time, these racial concepts related to the Indian people developed in a full-blown manner. The moment of colonial knowledge production on India coincided with the moment of ascendancy of what has been called the pseudoscience of evolutionist racial ethnology in Victorian Britain. As observed by many scholars, the emergence of the concept of Aryan as a race was a symptom of viewing human civilization in terms of superior or inferior races, where undoubtedly European or the original Aryan was a superior group of people. A racial concept of Aryan or Dravidian got so entrenched in the discourse on India that many studies uncritically accepted this conception as a fact and never questioned its premise.

The Aryan Invasion Theory The framework of Aryan/Dravidian language/ race being already in place, when the ancient sites of Harappa and Mohenjodaro were discovered, it was just a matter of superimposition of concepts such as Aryan and Dravidian to the newly discovered Indus Valley Civilization. The reports of the archaeological excavations conducted in Harappa and Mohenjodaro were published in the Archaeological Survey Annual Report of 1920–1921 and 1922–1923 respectively. In 1926 and 1929, the Archaeological Survey of India published two memoirs by R. P. Chanda, the then Superintendent of the Archaeological Section of the Indian Museum, Calcutta. In the first publication, Chanda contended that the civilization discovered in Harappa and Mohenjodaro appeared to be non-Vedic and that it was destroyed by successive waves of Aryan invaders. He thus wrote: “These invaders who in the Rigveda call themselves Arya met in the southern part of the valley a civilized people who lived in cities and castles. . .The Arya conquerors. . .either destroyed the cities or allowed them to fall into ruin. Their great god Indra is called Puroha or Purandara, ‘sacker of cities’” (cited in [4], p. 59). Thus, his broad argument was that the Indus Civilization was pre-Vedic and non-Vedic. However, Chanda also mentioned the possibilities of interaction between the Aryans and the Indus civilization people. By the time his second monograph was published in 1929, the theme of interaction and co-existence of the Aryans and the Indus people became dominant in his writing. He, in fact, ruminated on the possibilities of a “mixed Hindu civilization” born as a result of this interaction (for details of Chanda’s views, see [4], pp. 57–64 & p. 67). John Marshall in his 1931 report on Mohenjodaro was of the view that the Indus and Vedic cultures were “unrelated.” In his report, Marshall summarized the contemporary positions on the racial composition of the inhabitants of Mohenjodaro and Harappa. By the time, this report was published, “the question of the affiliation of the Indus civilization in terms of two main groups of Indian languages—the Dravidian and

Aryan [A¯ryan]

the Indo-Aryan—was discussed and the discussion pattern had already taken a shape which. . .has continued to this day” ([4], p. 69). Now, how did these formulations come about? How did the newly discovered civilization come to be associated with a non-Aryan culture? Max Müller had suggested a tentative date for the Rig Veda at c. 1200 BCE and he himself claimed that this was a hypothetical and minimum date. When the Harappan civilization was discovered, it was dated on the basis of its Mesopotamian links – objects similar to those found in the Indus Valley Civilization were also found in cultural deposits in Western Asia in a datable period of 3rd millennium BCE. The natural conclusion was that the Indus Valley Civilization was older than the Vedic civilization. Now, Sanskrit, the language in which the Vedic literature is composed, was supposedly an Aryan language and was associated with Aryan culture. On the other hand, most archaeologists read the Harappan culture to be non-Vedic and therefore non-Aryan. It is to be noted that the grounds for this interpretation are not particularly sound. These are based on interpretation of certain words and names mentioned in the Rigvedic hymns (as is the case with Chanda) or on grounds such that the Vedic culture was agro-pastoral, while the people of Mohenjodaro lived in cities (as argued by Marshall). Not that these ideas were accepted by all without any disputation, yet they gained the upper hand. What was suggested by Chanda as a possible invasion of the Indus Valley cities by the Aryans, found credence in the declarations of Mortimer Wheeler in the report of his excavations at Harappa in 1946: “Here we have a highly evolved civilization of essentially non-Āryan type. . .What destroyed this firmly settled civilization?...its ultimate extinction is more likely to have been completed by deliberate and largescale destruction. It may be no mere chance that at a late period of Mohenjo-daro men, women and children appear to have been massacred there” (cited in [5], p. 14). The inference of a largescale massacre was drawn on the basis of numerous skeletons that were found in the course of the excavation. George F. Dales has rightly called it

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“The Mythical Massacre at Mohenjo-daro” (1964) as it is based on thin evidence. It has now been accepted that the skeletons do not prove that there was a large-scale massacre as they have been found to belong to different periods [5]. The theory of an “invasion” has now been discredited and abandoned. However, many scholars still continue to argue that the Aryans came from outside, and they now propose that it was a case of migration. Different views have emerged and research developed in different fields such as archaeology, linguistics, and genetics. The debate whether the “Aryans” came to India from outside or were the indigenous people of India still continues. From an archaeological point of view, there is no evidence of migration. Moreover, the discovery of the once-existing Sarasvati River (identified with the present-day Ghaggar-Hakra) as one of the chief makers of the Indus Valley Civilization puts into question the view that the Harappan and Vedic cultures are different. The river has been mentioned several times in the Rigveda as being a vibrant and powerful river in full flow, while it was the drying up of this river that was one of the factors for the decline of the Harappan civilization (a case in point is the decline of the Indus Valley site of Kalibangan which is situated on the banks of Ghaggar). Archaeologists like S. R. Rao and B. B. Lal argue that there has been cultural continuity between the Harappan culture and the laterday culture of the region and Indian society in general; hence, the question of cultural disruption due to the presence of people of foreign origin does not arise. Particularly noteworthy are the discovery of fire-altars at the sites of Lothal and Kalibangan, and shiva-linga like structures in Kalibangan, Harappa, and Mohenjodaro. On the other hand, some scholars who approach the issue from a linguistic point of view do not accept the position that the Aryans were indigenous to India. For instance, Asko Parpola, who has worked on the Indus script, is of the opinion that the writing on the Indus seals seems to belong to the Dravidian family of languages. Based on his study of Vedic Sanskrit, Michael Witzel too argues for an initial “trickling in” or immigration of IndoAryans (the Indic branch of the Indo-European

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family) into India. It may be noted that these works consider the primary classification of languages, which was a product of colonial knowledge production, as sacrosanct, and do not offer a view on Indian language and culture from an independent point of reference. According to archaeologist Dilip K. Chakrabarti: “Personally, my reading of how the Aryan idea has developed its importance in the study of ancient India and how the idea itself formed a keystone of the race-language-culture based approach to history makes me feel convinced that the Aryan idea, as Leon Poliakov (1996) argued before me, is nothing but a racist myth. I cannot comment on the soundness or otherwise of the basic linguistic premises built around it, but I do know that ‘comparative philology’/ ‘historical linguistics’/‘linguistic paleontology’ has essentially put forward unverifiable or untestable arguments and that there is absolutely no reason why archaeology should consider its own testimony incomplete unless it fits into a plainly hypothetical linguistic framework” ([4], p. 93).

based identity. A notable case in point is the social reformer, Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890). As pointed out by Rosalind O’Hanlon, what informed Phule’s position vis-à-vis the Aryan/ Brahmanical-Dravidian/Dalit binary was such constructions of social identity by Christian missionaries. O’Hanlon summarizes: “Phule depicted Brahmans as the descendants of Aryan invaders, who had conquered the indigenous people of India. The Brahmans had usurped the inhabitants’ rightful power and property, and had imposed their religion as an instrument of social control designed to perpetuate their rule. This formed the central polemical device in Phule’s explanation of the sufferings of the lower castes. It was through this argument that he was able to deny the legitimacy of Brahmanic religious authority. . .In this interpretation of ancient Indian history, it is clear that he had drawn very heavily on the missionary accounts. . .and in particular on the arguments of John Wilson’s work India Three Thousand Years Ago” ([8], p. 141).

Conclusion Caste Considerations As pointed out by Susan Bayly, for many colonial ethnographers of India, insights derived from race theory “outweighed or at least sharply modified notions of ‘caste’ as a fundamental fact of Indian history or Indian social organization. Theorists. . .who were widely read in official circles, were supporters of an emerging ethnological orthodoxy which portrayed India as a composite social landscape in which only certain peoples, those of superior ‘Aryan’ blood, had evolved historically in ways which left them ‘shackled’ by a hierarchical, Brahmanically-defined ideology of ‘caste’. At the same time large numbers of other Indians—those identified in varying racial terms as Dravidians, as members of ‘servile classes, aborigines, wild tribes, and those of so-called ‘mixed’ racial origins—were portrayed as being ethnologically distinct from this so-called Aryan population. . .” ([2], p. 170). Gradually, therefore, concepts such as Aryan and Dravidian came to be associated with caste-

In conclusion, it may be pointed out that the concept of “Aryan” has had a chequered history. While in ancient Hindu and Buddhist texts “ārya” meant noble or respectable, in modern times, the meaning of this word took a different turn, first in the field of linguistics, and subsequently in racial ethnology. At some point, this racial-linguistic concept also came to be conflated with caste identity in India. There are also several other dimensions and facts related to the Aryan debate, for example, Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s attempt at arriving at a theory of the Arctic Home of the Aryans or Swami Dayananda Sarasvati’s establishment of the Arya Samaj, where Arya was synonymous with authentic Hindu. There were many takers of the Aryan concept, but many others too who rejected the notion. It should be noted here that the great social reformer B. R. Ambedkar clearly maintained that if the testimony of the Vedic literature is taken into account, the word “Arya” was never used in this literature in any racial sense ([1], p. 62). He further

Asceticism (Hinduism)

wrote: “What evidence is there of the invasion of India by the Aryan race and the subjugation by it of native tribes? So far as the Rig Veda is concerned, there is not a particle of evidence suggesting the invasion of India by the Aryans from outside India. . .so far as the testimony of the Vedic literature is concerned, it is against the theory that the original home of the Aryans was outside India” ([1], p. 68). Ambedkar then traced the origin of the myth of the Aryans coming into India: “The theory of invasion is an invention. This invention is necessary because of a gratuitous assumption which underlies the Western theory. The assumption is that the Indo-Germanic people are the purest of the modern representatives of the original Aryan race” ([1], pp. 73–74). Finally, no matter how questionable the Aryan concept is, its power and influence in world history has been great. The pursuit of the concept of Aryan as a superior race culminated into the rise of dictatorship in modern Europe (Nazi Germany), and in the case of India, it sadly continues to inform the writing and understanding of Indian history.

129 5. Lal BB (2015) The Rigvedic people, ‘invaders’?/ ‘immigrants’? Or indigenous?: evidence of archaeology and literature. Aryan Books International, New Delhi 6. Max Müller F (1885) Lectures on the science of language, vol I. Longmans Green & Co., London 7. Max Müller F (1888) Biographies of words and the home of the Aryas. Longmans Green & Co., London 8. O’Hanlon R (1985) Caste, conflict and ideology: mahatma Jotirao Phule and low caste protest in nineteenth century western India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 9. Taylor I (1892) The origin of the Aryans: an account of the prehistoric ethnology and civilisation of Europe. Walter Scott, London 10. Trautmann TR (1997) Aryans and British India. University of California Press, California

A¯sa¯dh and Ka¯rtik ˙ ˙ ▶ Viṭhobā [Viṭṭhala]

Asceticism ▶ Religion of the Raika-Rabari

Cross-References ▶ Indus Valley Civilization ▶ Jones, William ▶ Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899) ▶ Müller, Friedrich Max ▶ Sanskrit (Saṃskṛt) ▶ Tilak, B.G.

References 1. Ambedkar BR (1946) Who were the Shudras? How they came to be the fourth Varna in the Indo-Aryan Society. Thacker & Co., Bombay 2. Bayly S (1995) Caste and ‘race’ in the colonial ethnography of India. In: Robb P (ed) The concept of race in South Asia. Oxford University Press, Oxford 3. Bryant E (2001) The quest for the origins of Vedic culture: the Indo-Aryan migration debate. Oxford University Press, New York 4. Chakrabarti DK (2008) The battle for ancient India: an essay in the Sociopolitics of Indian archaeology. Aryan Books International, New Delhi

Asceticism (Hinduism) Ramdas Lamb Department of Religion, University of Hawai’i at Manoa, Honolulu, HI, USA

Synonyms Austerity; Renunciation; Self-denial; Tapasya

Introduction Asceticism refers to a lifestyle and/or a set of practices in which restrictions and limits are placed on the sensually pleasurable and comfortable experiences that most people consider integral to a happy life. The practices involve

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restrictions on a single or on multiple forms of pleasurable experiences along with the things that generate them. Ascetic practices may be undertaken for short periods, such as a day to a month, or longer term, including for the remainder of one’s life. Short-term ascetic practices can be found in indigenous cultures all over the world, usually done by shaman as part of rituals performed to communicate with the spirit world or overcome demonic forces and influences or by commoners as a form of penance for angering a deity, as a form of supplication in order to have one’s desires fulfilled, for ritual purification, etc. ([5], p. 441). Short-term forms of asceticism are traditionally undertaken by religious renunciants as well with some of the same goals just stated. However, long-term ascetic practices are almost always restricted to renunciants who have adopted asceticism as a permanent lifestyle. With respect to the adoption of such practices, especially the latter, the earliest geographic region for this seems to have been the Indian subcontinent. This article will look at several theories on the origins and early development of asceticism, how it has evolved and diversified in Hinduism over the millennia, and some of the ways it has influenced the contemporary tradition.

Origins In seeking an understanding of the origins, one must begin by acknowledging that most early sources available were likely not practitioners themselves or their writings. The tradition’s originators were individuals seeking to remove themselves from the existing lifestyles of their day. They were experimenters who used their individual creativity to forge the paths they sought to follow. Moreover, individualism and creativity remain important facets of the ascetic life, and these make the tradition difficult to understand by those who use academic methodologies to create standardized frameworks for quantifying and categorizing what is being studied ([7], p. 613). Thus, creativity and speculation in seeking to understand them is necessary.

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The earliest evidence of ascetic practices in the subcontinent is found in the Indus Valley and dates back more than 4 millennia, although continuing archaeological efforts in India may lead to the discovery of even earlier sites. What has been theorized about the civilization there is that it was stable and peaceful. There were preplanned cities with underground sewerage. Houses were of similar size, all had access to water, and cleanliness was emphasized. Weapons were minimal, the diet was apparently vegetarian, and at least some elements of yoga were practiced. The discovery of toys and games suggest the residents lived a comfortable existence, where there were leisure moments during which both children and adults could spend time playing and relaxing. This context is noteworthy and significant for what developed. In a 2015 publication, a group of research scholars theorize that economic plenty, social stability, and increased leisure time in certain areas of the world in ancient times inspired people to seek beyond short-term strategies focused on material acquisition and competition as primary goals in life in the direction of long-term strategies involving self-control and cooperation. The authors suggest that as self-control and concepts of morality became more emphasized, they led to the development of both compassion and asceticism in these societies ([1], p. 10). When material needs are met and temporal joys are easily attainable, people also have time to speculate on more lasting forms of joy and peace than what the material world may be providing them. Since life in the Indus was relatively similar to what the authors describe, a move toward renunciation and asceticism may well have been a natural outcome for those in the region who chose the path. Not finding lasting contentment in their daily lives, the intent of the early renouncers seems to have been to find a way of living and being beyond that of the dualistic material world in which pain, sadness, and disease, inevitably, follow pleasure, happiness, and health. A foundational step on the path to this end is the renunciation of dependence on much of the material things that others consider a mandatory part of living and as well as a longing for the temporal comfort that such things provide. They sought in

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the ascetic life a vehicle that can lead them to be liberated from that dependence and the bondage it causes ([3], p. 43). A rejection of existing society and its established order in such a situation has traditionally led one to live, in varying degrees, a solitary life, to subsist on as little external things as possible, and to replace external pleasure with internal joy ([8], p. 75). Once they renounced the external, they used their bodies and their minds as their tools in learning to practice self-denial and various austerities. They did so as the means through which they began their search for an inner state of joy and peace and eventually of self-realization. The early ascetics were likely not focused on pleasing an external deity out of fear or out of a desire for tangible or material benefits as was and often still an important goal in many religious traditions. Their practices took them within where they sought a reality beyond fear or desire. In the process, they had to seek their own individual inner paths, since there were no guidelines or rules for them to follow. In place of an external ideological framework, each had the freedom to create, experiment, and innovate to find what worked for them. Speculating on the society of the Indus Civilization in which they were raised and because each individual was unique, a tolerance of other renunciants and approaches was likely prevalent. The Jain concept of anekantavada, a philosophy of non-absolutism as well as tolerance in both belief and practice, comes from such an approach. The allowance of individuality opened the door for many types of ascetic undertakings to be tried and followed. Gradually, groups formed of those with similar inclinations and practices, although there is no way to know how much, if anything meaningful, separated them. Irrespective of their differences, the practice of asceticism connected them. Eventually, elders and the more experienced began teaching newcomers to the way of life. This may well have given rise to the emphasis placed on the teacher-disciple relationship. Because of the difficulty of navigating within, finding one who has been successful in that journey and adhering closely to the guidance given would be of pivotal importance.

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Vedic References to Asceticism There have been two popular academic origin theories of Indian asceticism. Western academics have tended toward seeing it as a product of nonAryan indigenous cultures that was absorbed into the Aryan religious system. Many Hindu scholars, on the other hand, view the Indus Civilization as part of the Aryan tradition and place the roots of asceticism within it. Either way, asceticism is present, albeit briefly, in the earliest Vedic chants. The Rigveda refers to the existence of ascetics (kesin, muni), who live outside the existing social structure and are defined in opposition to Vedic beliefs and practices. At the same time, they are said to commune with various deities and spirits, especially Vayu and Rudra, and to have some of their powers ([4], p. 582). They are mentioned as individuals who are accomplished powerful ascetics who commune with various deities and spirits and who have some of their powers ([9], p. 289). They also said to drink from the cup of Shiva, which may refer to a narcotic or hallucinogenic liquid, possibly soma ([2], p. 109). Because of their separateness from the existing society, they had the freedom to think and be creative, and they were able to challenge prevalent religious and social norms with their new and innovate approaches. Much of what gets subsequently routinized and structured by non-ascetic Brahmins has its origins in the free thought and creativity of the ascetic. Louis Dumont sees “the true historical development of Hinduism is in the sanyasic developments on the one hand and in their aggregation to world religion on the other” ([3], 46fn). Kenneth Zysk suggests that early ascetic traditions were a significant source of medical lore as well. Living in the jungles and forests, they gathered knowledge of plants and systematized it into a body of knowledge. To him, this is the basis of what became Ayurveda ([3, 4]; [10], p. 1). At the same time, we know that ascetics often remained in contact with the society from which they departed. The creation of seals depicting yogis in the Indus Civilization points to a connection between those within the society (the seal makers) and the renouncer/ascetics. In the Vedic

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world, the brahmin sannyasis, for example, gave up the lighting of fires, which meant they either only ate raw food or they got their sustenance from householders within the society who would feed them. Subsequently, Jain renunciants similarly do not cook for themselves and depend instead upon a community of Jain householders to provide them with food and any basic needs. By the time of the Upanishads, the internalization of ritual along with the theological concepts of Brahman and Atman reveal the importance and influence of the ascetic traditions and the knowledge originating therein on the Vedic peoples. Asceticism also provided a spiritual path for those who were either excluded from the orthodox religious culture or who saw little of lasting value in it for themselves.

Jainism and Buddhism The emergence of Jainism and Buddhism in the middle of the first millennium BCE and the commonalities of ascetic belief and practice in them suggest the spread and popularization of ascetic philosophy and practice had occurred. Ascetic inspired or at least promoted concepts of nonviolence, truth, karma, rebirth, liberation, tolerance of others, and compassion were all a part of the beliefs and practices in both traditions. The preferred lifestyle for ascetics included renunciation of the material world and family, the practice of celibacy, strict limits placed on clothing and shelter, and restrictions on all or most desires and sensual experiences considered pleasurable. Fasting, silence, solitude, etc. all were looked upon as important tools for the inner journey. After the deaths of the founders, the followers created communities based on the specific teachings that believed to be important. One of the central issues that led to sectarian divisions within each group was the way asceticism and its practice was understood and included. Various other groups such as the Ajivakas, Kapalikas, Kalamukhas, and Lokayatas also arose during the millennium, but they subsequent died away or were subsumed into other groups. As ascetic movements grew, they continued to diversify and

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their practices spread. Various forms of tapasya and allied philosophies became coalesced as the driving forces of diverse movements that also shared common features. Many of these became building blocks of what came to be known as Hinduism. During the same general time period, a systematization of ascetic beliefs and practices led to the development of various yoga systems, the most popular being the one codified by Patanjali in his Yogasutra.

Common Era Developments The first millennium CE saw the rise of devotional schools as well as tantric schools, both of which drew on ascetic concepts. In the former, renunciation of the things of the world was seen as an important step toward surrendering and opening up one’s heart to the divine. Attachment to the material world was replaced with attachment to one’s chosen divinity. In the Tantric Tradition, ascetic and yoga practices were adopted and used to break one free of worldly structures and awaken the centers of power within. The practices were seen as integral to the attainment of internal power as well as enlightenment. Various texts and tales of the time period tell of great feats of strength, beneficial and harmful, that were attained by tantric practitioners through the powers they attained through ascetic practices. In the latter part of the millennium, the renunciant philosopher, Shankara, founded the Dasanami Sampradaya, a monastic order meant to organize disparate renunciant and ascetic orders under a common umbrella organization. Adi Shankaracharya, as he came to be known, divided them into ten groups, headed by four teachers. Although Shankara sought a broader coalition, the caste restrictions that were put into place did much to limit membership. Today, nearly all the heads of the order and a significant number of the members are upper caste. Some of the groups within limit membership to those from Brahmin families. Nevertheless, it remains the largest order of Shaiva renunciants in India. Also at the end of the millennium, a series of texts known as the sectarian Upanishads began to

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appear. Unlike the earlier set of Upanishads, philosophy and teachings are less emphasized. Instead, they focus to a large extent on devotion, each one to a particular deity or set of deities, and much of their emphasis is on ritual recitation of mantras to be used for devotional and tantric purposes. Because of their content, they became popular with smaller groups of ascetics and some devotional householders. Of the Vaishnava Upanishads, those centered on Lord Rama became and have remained central for renunciant members of the Ramananda Sampraday and are among the most regularly read of the sectarian Upanishads. The Ramananda Sampraday was begun by the philosopher ascetic, Swami Ramananda, in the fourteenth century. Like Ramanujacharya before him, the philosophy he espoused is known as Vasishtadwaita. However, his social and devotional teachings differed greatly from the former. By the time he lived and taught, the Ramanuja order, both ascetics and householders, had adopted strict caste-based limits on membership and social interaction, somewhat along the lines of the Dasanami Sampradaya. Ramananda rejected these and started his own order open to everyone willing to follow his teachings and a path of devotion to and service of the divine in all beings. He focused on the divine as Lord Rama and on his female aspect/consort, Sita. His renunciant followers are known as vairagis (“those who are non-attached”), and nearly all have “das” (“servant”) as the suffix of their name. In the sixteenth century, a vairagi named Tulsidas wrote the Ramcharitmanas, a devotional telling of the Ram story in the Avadhi dialect of Hindi. In line with the teachings of Ramananda, it combines devotion with renunciation, asceticism, and some tantra. The text also includes various verses extolling Vedanta and other schools of Indian philosophy. It is the primary scripture for vairagis, and they have been largely responsible for spreading its teachings throughout the countryside of central and northern India. Among Hindu Ram devotees worldwide, it is the premier scripture ([6], pp. 129–134). Due in part to its openness with respect to membership and to the freedom of practice it

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allows, the Ramananda Sampraday is not only the largest Hindu renunciant order but the largest renunciant order of any religion in the world today. Its size and the diversity of vairagis have led to a great multiplicity of ascetic vows and forms that are practiced by members of the order, both renunciants and householders. Besides initiatory vows, new members are typically prescribed by their initiation teacher (“Diksha Guru”) a set of vows and ascetic practices to do regularly. However, it is expected that members will eventually develop their own set of vows and practices, based on what they perceive as their needs for spiritual growth. In addition to common forms of asceticism like celibacy, fasting, and silence, many vairagis also self-impose restrictions on types and amount of food consumed, types and amount of clothing worn, types of shelter utilized, length of time doing various yoga practices, length of time allotted for sleep, etc. Thus, ultimately each vairagi is allowed and expected to design his or her own sadhana (“spiritual path”).

Contemporary Times For many Hindus today, increasing urbanization, secularization, and the push to accumulate have led to an overall lessening of interest in the renunciant life. Not only is there a decrease in numbers, there is also a decrease in social, political, and economic support of those who do opt for the way of life. Nearly all the traditional Indian ascetic orders are experiencing this. However, each one is finding its own way to survive and continue to provide an environment for those seeking to pursue the renunciant life. In addition, there are two international organizations with renunciant wings that are actually expanding. One is the Ramakrishna Mission, begun by Swami Vivekananda in 1897. Today, it has over 200 centers around the world. The monks of the order take strict vows and lead a life dedicated to sadhana and to service of both members of the mission as well as anyone in need. The other is the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha, more commonly referred to as “BAPS.” It follows the

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teachings of Swaminarayan, who started the organization’s forerunner in 1801. The current organization was founded in 1907; is centered in Gujarat, India; and has nearly 4000 centers around the world. Its approach to initiating renunciants into its male only monastic wing is quite unique. Permission must come from the top level of leadership, potential members are expected to be educated, and many will not be given permission unless they have a higher education degree. At initiation, they take strict vows, including celibacy, and are restricted from even speaking or being in contact with women. They are cared for by the organization and live and serve the organization wherever and in whatever capacity they are assigned.

Asha Devi 3. Dumont L (1971) Religion, politics and history in India. Mouton 4. Griffith RTH (1897) The hymns of the Rgveda: translated with a popular commentary, vol II, 2nd edn. EJ Lazarus, Benares 5. Kaelber WO (1987) Asceticism. In: Eliade M (ed) The encyclopedia of religion, vol 1. Macmillan, New York, pp 441–445 6. Lamb R (1994) Asceticism and devotion: the many faces of Ram Bhakti in the Ramananda Sampraday. J Vaishnava Stud 2(4):129–143 7. Masson JM (1976) The psychology of the ascetic. J Asian Stud 35(4):611–625 8. Olivelle P (1975) A definition of world renunciation. In: Weiner Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Südasiens. Austrian Academy of Sciences Press, Vienna 9. Werner K (1977) Yoga and the Rg Veda: an interpretation of the Keśin Hymn (RV 10, 136). Relig Stud 13(3):289–302. Cambridge University Press 10. Zysk K (1991) Asceticism and healing in ancient India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Conclusion Although asceticism is still a part of the fabric of Hindu life, it is arguably facing its biggest challenge ever in contemporary times, which is the increasing obsession with material acquisition that is prevalent, not only in India, but everywhere in the world. The concept of renunciation today is much harder for most to even fantasize, much less contemplate. Asceticism is viewed by many as something for the uneducated and the poor. However, even though the number of practitioners is declining, the practices will likely continue to play a pivotal influence on the way the Indian traditions are understood and lived. Even though the life of nonpossession that most Hindu ascetics lived even 50 years ago is almost non-existent today, at the same time, many renunciants are learning to navigate a world of material things in a way that can minimize their attachments to it as they seek to continue to pursue an ascetic life.

Asha Devi ▶ Shri Anandi Ma

Asha Jani ▶ Shri Anandi Ma

Asha Ma ▶ Shri Anandi Ma

Asharamas ▶ Mahābhārata

References 1. Baumard N et al (2015) Increased affluence explains the emergence of ascetic wisdoms and moralizing religions. Curr Biol 25(1):10–15 2. Bhagat MG (1976) Ancient Indian asceticism. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Ashram ▶ Auroville

A¯śrama

Asita Vaktra ▶ Kālāmukha

A¯śrama Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The notion has two meanings in ancient India, it can refer to a place where holy people live such as a hermitage, and it can designate a mode of life or more specifically four stages of life. The term is related to another term śrana, a word that means to be weary, tired, or exhausted in both a physical or mental sense. Ancient texts connect the term with evil and death. A secondary meaning of śrana suggests to labor, to toil, or to exert oneself. This strenuous type of activity is closely related to the Vedic sacrifice and is related to the ritual activities of austerity (tapas) and praise (arcanal). Thus, there is a sense that a person toils when performing a sacrifice. The deity Prajāpati is described as toiling when creating; even his creative sexual relation with the earth is depicted as toiling. With these types of etymological associations, āśrama developed into a religious exertion. Brāhmaṇical thinkers further developed āśrama to refer to human habits and lifestyles. The evolution of the term ceased when four modes of life were identified. These are classified as student (brahmacarya), householder (gārhasthya), hermit (vānaprasthya), and renouncer (saṃnyāsa). This classification should not be confused with the stages of life. Each of the four modes of life is an authentic way of living in classical India, although the householder mode is comprehended as the basis of the others. The major socioreligious duties of a typical householder were offering sacrifices and procreating sons. The lifestyle of the hermit has fallen into

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disuse and eclipsed by that of the renouncer. It should also be noted that the Brāhmaṇical writers intended their theologically constructed concept for the upper reaches of Indian society in a cultural effort to be inclusive with respect to the lifestyle choices that people make. Moreover, the creators of āśrama wanted to include additional modes of life beyond that of the householder. It was an orthodox teaching that all males are born with three debts owed to (1) the gods, (2) the seers, and (3) the ancestors. These debts are repaid by, respectively, offering sacrifices, offering hospitality, and procreating sons. The ethical notion of the three debts is paid with assistance from the four stages of life that enable a male Hindu to meet his ethical and cultural obligations as a responsible member of society. Although the concept was originated during the fifth-century BCE, it was a century later before it became an established part of the orthodox dharmaśāstric tradition. The āśrama system was originally only three with the fourth added later. By adding a fourth mode of life to the fundamental three, this calls one’s attention to the classification system in ancient India where “the-plusone” represents totality, creating a new form of completeness. Actually, three and four symbolically represent wholeness, but number four is associated with the notion of the fourfold dharma, which represents the fullness and perfection of dharma. The historical Buddha, for instance, condensed his teachings to the Four Noble Truths. The fourfold classification of āśramas presupposes that the person making the choice of lifestyle is a young, rational, mature, and educated male. The opportune time to decide is after the conclusion of Vedic studentship, which itself does not count as a lifestyle. The post-initiation period of study is only considered a temporary period that does not count as an āśrama, whereas a true lifestyle is considered a permanent mode of life that a person adopts until death. Each of the four styles is considered a legitimate mode of life that is based on the free choice of the individual. As much as the āśramas theoretically involved choice, what was created diminished or eliminated choice because the structure was established

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to encourage people to adopt marriage and the lifestyle of a householder, which is a choice that would create the most stable society. The four āśramas were conceived as lifestyles that accompanied a person as they matured and got older. If conceived as a normal progression of life, then each stage demands different responsibilities and duties. As a person progresses from one stage to another, each step involves the closing of one phase of life and the start of a new stage. Each stage of life involves certain subclasses. The student stage includes the initiate who studies the gāyatrī verse for three nights and abstains from salt, a student of 48 years who devotes 12 years to each Veda collection, a person dedicated to his wife who avoids having affairs with the wives of others, and the perpetual student who lives with his teacher until death. The four subclasses of the householder stage include a farmer or trader who offers sacrifices and seeks his true self, a person who sacrifices without officiating at a sacrifice, is generous, and learns but does not teach. Another subclass of householder is the opposite of the previous one. Finally, a householder who uses purified water in rites lives on what he collects each day. The hermit āśrama divides into someone who tends sacred fires and offers the five great sacrifices, the second type of hermit uses different materials to keep the fire going, the third subtype has matted hair and wears rags and performs ritual activity like the first subtype of hermit, and the fourth type feigns insanity while eating withered leaves and rotten fruit, tends the sacred fires, and does not perform the five great sacrifices. The renouncer begs food from family members (kuṭīcara), whereas the bahūdaka type of renouncer carries a triple staff, a water pot, a bowl, and other modest belongings. The haṃsa carries a single staff and similar items like the bahūdaka, is restricted with respect to how long he can stay in a village or town, and performs austerities. Finally, the paramahaṃsa is without a staff, shaves his head, wears a loincloth, acts like an insane person, lacks the merger belongings of the previous renouncers, lives a desolate existence, and achieves liberation from the world and the cycle of causation. The single item shared by each of the āśramas except for the student stage is seeking the

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self, which suggests that reaching liberation is the primary impetus of these subclassifications of each stage of life. It can also be observed that the only non-ritual stage is that of the renouncer who was forbidden to have or tend a fire. Another interesting feature of the āśramas is that three of them require celibacy except for a householder. The emphasis on celibacy probably reflects the attitude of Brahmin creators of the classification who were sympathetic and supported celibacy. It suggests that they wanted to expand the notion of āśramas in additional ways to accommodate themselves beyond simply restricting their choice to that of a householder. What they created was located within the cultural sphere of dharma, although they broadened it to be more inclusive. The sexual life of a hermit was a bit confusing because some authorities allowed him to have a wife and family, while other sources insisted on a life of celibacy. The hermit āśrama became obsolete for indiscernible reasons. It might have been related to its redundant appearance to the renouncer stage, which grew in prominence as the ideal holy person. Moreover, the development of additional subdivisions of the renouncer stage gave it more possibilities for absorbing other notions of holiness. An additional possibility was the disagreement over clashing values such as celibacy, procreation, and ritual. Around the first century of the common era, a major change occurred in the system. This change is reflected in the view that the āśramas were no longer permanent vocations but rather temporary stages of life. A typical male now progressed from studentship to married life. Once family obligations are met, he retires to the forest with or without his wife to contemplate the meaning of life and finally become a renouncer. Thus, celibacy comes at the beginning and latter part of a male’s life. But this does not suggest that the system is devoid of tensions. The cultural tension between renouncer and householder was created by a figure – a renouncer – who lives on the margins of society, does not work, cannot offer hospitality, does not perform beneficial rituals, or makes useful contributions to the improvement of society. These

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differences were areas of tension between the renouncer and householder. The renouncer was perceived to be a free person, whereas the householder was burdened with working to support a family and thus tied to a social network that depended on the male householder’s ability to earn a living. Although attaining liberation was important to a renouncer and religious leaders, the Brāhmaṇical writers stressed the importance of the stage of a householder with its social and ritual obligations and as the foundation of Indian culture and society. As these remarks indicate, there is an important connection between four āśramas and four varṇas (castes). In fact, the close relationship between them is expressed as the varṇāśrama dharma. According to the Vaikhānasa Dharmasūtra (1. 1), the stage of renunciation is reserved for members of the Brahmin, Kṣhatriya, and Vaiśhya varṇas, whereas the Śūdras are completely excluded from any of the four stages of life because of a religious presupposition that believes that they should refrain from any type of ascetic lifestyle. By considering the operation of the four āśramas, it is clear that Brahmins are free to adopt any of the four stages, Kṣhatriya can chose any three, and the Vaiśhyas are allowed to select just two of the stages. It is obvious that these restrictions were built into the system by learned Brahmins for members of the Brahmin caste. It is only the Brahmin caste that can select the hermit and renouncer stages, which implies that only the Brahmin caste opened an opportunity to achieve liberation. Despite this social handicap, there is historical evidence to prove that lower-caste members did choose the ascetic lifestyle and were recognized as renouncers by the civil authorities. But a consensus conviction arose by the fourth- or fifth-century CE that the stage of the renouncer should be restricted to only Brahmins. Besides its association with varṇas of classical India, there was also a connection to the four puruṣārthas (four aims of life), which are dharma (law, order), artha (material goods), kāma (desire, pleasure), and mokṣa (liberation). The āśramas and puruṣārthas parallel each other and are theologically interrelated notions. As one

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proceeds through the stages of life, the aims of life change. But the central importance of dharma as an aim of life is accepted as the most significant in comparison to the other three aims of life because it is the foundation for everything else, whereas artha and kāma are mainly significant for the welfare of a person’s body. In the householder stage of life, kāma is of utmost importance. By the medieval period in India, it was generally accepted that adhering to the four āśramas was the preferred way to organize and live one’s life. To live outside of the stages of life was to locate oneself on the fringes of society and to raise moral and ethical questions about one’s character. Yet, an influential figure like Śaṅkara could argue that a person who achieves knowledge of Brahman transcends the āśrama scheme.

References 1. Basu J (1964) The role of Āśramas in the life of ancient Hindus. J Indian Hist 42:847–876 2. Dumont L (1960) World renunciation in Indian religions. Contrib Indian Sociol 4:33–62 3. Gangadharan N (1976) The antiquity of the Institution of the Four Āśramas. Bull Tradit Cult 149–159 4. Gonda J (1976) Triads in the Veda. North-Holland, Amsterdam 5. Heesterman JC (1982) Householder and Wanderer. In: Madan TN (ed) Way of life: king, householder, renouncer: essays in honour of Louis Dumont. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, pp 151–174 6. Malamoud C (1982) On the rhetoric and semantics of Puruṣārthas. In: Madan TN (ed) Way of life: king, householder, renouncer: essays in honour of Louis Dumont. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, pp 33–54 7. Modi PM (1935) The development of Āśramas. In: Proceedings and transactions of the seventh all India oriental conference, Baroda. 1933, pp 315–316 8. Olivelle P (1993) The Āśrama system: the history and hermeneutics of a religious institution. Oxford University Press, New York 9. Olivelle P (2008) Celibacy in classical Hinduism. In: Olson C (ed) Celibacy and religious traditions. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 151–164 10. Sharma A (1982) The Puruṣārthas: a study of Hindu axiology. Asian Studies Center, Michigan State University, East Lansing 11. Van Troy J (1964) The origin of asceticism and the Āśrama dharma. Bhāratī 8(1):1–26

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Assimilation ▶ Syncretism

A¯stika Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonym Iśvaravadin; Orthodox; Theist; Vedavadin

Assimilation

God, of another world) ([1], p. 161) and that of nāstika “na (not) + āstika.” The word āstika is in use, in Indian philosophy and religions with different meanings. V S Apte interprets the term as meaning “knowing that which exist” or “pious” ([2], p. 240). In modern times, scholars have made a classification of schools of Indian philosophy and Indian texts accordingly as they are āstika or nāstika. Let us consider briefly how the terms have been interpreted by Indian philosophers from ancient times. These terms have been variously interpreted, and there is no inanimity of opinion in this regard. The central question that arises, as following from the etymological meaning of the words āstika and nāstika, what is it that is being affirmed or denied? The question has been variously answered giving rise to different interpretations of the word.

Definition Āstika is basically the philosophy or religions or persons who accept the authority of the Vedas or existence of God (Iśvara) or believe in soul or life after death (janmāntara or paraloka).

Introduction The Sanskrit word āstika is used in common parlance to denote peoples or systems of philosophy or religion which accept the existence of God as the Supreme Being, and the Sanskrit word nāstika as the negative of āstika denotes the opposite of āstika. But the meaning of the word āstika is not so simple in the Indian tradition and has been given different meanings and interpretations by Indian philosophers and thinkers owing allegiance to different schools of Indian philosophy from the ancient times.

Etymological Meaning Āstika is a Sanskrit adjective (and noun) that is derived from asti. The literal meaning of the word āstika, according to M Williams, is “there is, there exists” (or one who believes in the existence of

Various Interpretations of the Word a¯stika Find in Manusmṛti 2.11, the following statement defining what it is to be nastika “any twice-born who disregards these two roots [ śruti and smṛti] on the basis of the science of logic should be excluded by the righteous as a nāstika, a reviler of the Veda” ([3], p.168). While analyzing this definition, Medhatithi (ninth century), the South Indian commentator of Manusmṛti, raises the question whether the Vedas are illogical. For anyone who ridicules or scorns the Vedas employing arguments from tarkasastra or the science of logic is branded as nāstika by Manu. Medhātithi interprets Manu’s reference to the science of logic as meaning the science of logic embraced by the Buddhists, Cārvākas, and likeminded philosopher, regarded as nāstika, whose avowed position is that Vedic injunction is inconsistent with dharma. Medhātithi has mainly Vedic rituals in mind when he gives his own interpretation of astika on the basis of Manusmṛti. As Medhātithi puts it, “a nāstika is one who says, there is no other world; there is no [purpose in] gift-giving; there is no [purpose in] sacrificing” ([3], p. 168). It may be mentioned here modern scholars, depending on Manusmṛti,

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have classified those schools of Indian philosophy which accept the authority of the Vedas has astika and those which do not has nāstika. On the basis of this criterion, they regard Nyaya, Vaiśeṣika, Saṁkhya, Yoga, Mīmaṁsa, and Vedanta as āstika philosophy and Buddhist, Jaina, Cārvāka, and Ājīvika as nāstika philosophy. Haribhadra the Jaina philosopher of the sixth century does not go along with the Manusmṛti, in that he does not accept Manu’s statement for determining whether anyone is āstika or nāstika. Andrew Nicholson is of the opinion that there is no mention in Haribhadra’s writings, of the acceptance of Vedas or the existence of God as a test of someone’s being a āstika or nāstika ([3], p. 172). Jaina Philosopher Manibhadra seems to be in agreement with what Haribhadra says in clarification of the concepts of āstika and nāstika. According to Haribhadra, anyone who accepts the existence of the other world, transmigration of soul, and existence of virtue (punya) and vice (papa) ([4], p. 46) is āstika. By the same token, anyone who denies any of this is nāstika. For both Haribhadra and Manibhadra, the designations āstika and nāstika have application in the context of performance of rituals or moral actions. Some actions lead to merit and some actions, like violence, lead to demerit. Let us now consider what the grammarian say about the meanings of āstika and nāstika. The definition of what it is to be āstika or nāstika is not there in Panini’s Astadhyayi but only as simply derivation of the words āstika and nāstika. Grammarians Jayāditya and Vāmana of the seventh century are more forthcoming in this regard. They go beyond grammatical niceties to offer substantive interpretations of the word āstika and nāstika. These two grammarian Jayāditya and Vāmana, who belong to the Paninian tradition, offer the following definition in their text Kāśikā Vṛtti: “The āstika is the one who believes that “there exists another world,” The opposite of him is the nāstika” ([3], p. 173). This definition partially coincides with those definitions offered by Medhātithi, Haribhadra, and Manibhadra, who go farther than these diminished versions of the grammarians. The existence of life after death in

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another world is usually taken to carry with it the implication of a moral order with concepts of merit and demerit, reward and punishment, etc. The grammarians’ definition of āstika and nāstika seems to deny or remains silent on such an implication. It is interesting to know that the Jaina Philosopher Haribhadra and Manibhadra claim their philosophy to fall in the āstika category. They are in favor of restricting the application of the term nāstika only to the materialists Lokāyata School ([3], p. 173). In a similar way, most Buddhist philosophers did not want their philosophy to be labeled as nāstika, and there is textual evidence in favor of this. Asaṅga in his text Bodhisattvabhumi, which belongs to the Yogācāra Buddhism, is critical of two extreme positions taken up by some Buddhists who, Asaṅga claims, misrepresent or distort the teachings of the Buddha. First, he targets those Buddhists who affirm the existence of what a Buddhist should not admit to exist. Asaṅga did not mention any philosopher in particular, but seems to have in mind the Hinayāna Abhidharma School who embrace a doctrine of constituent elements as having existence on their own, that is to say, independent of the mind ([3], p. 174). Asaṅga is extremely critical in his texts Bodhisattvabhumi, of a category of Buddhists who go in for universal negation (sarvavaināśika). These Buddhists do not admit the existence of anything. Asaṅga does not mince his words when he attacks these Buddhists whom he regards as the most extreme kind of nāstika (pradhāna nāstikah). Later Buddhists understood Asaṅga to be attacking the Mādhyamika school of Buddhism when he vehemently criticizes the extreme nāstika among the Buddhists. The six systems of Indian philosophy mainly Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika, Sāṁkhya, Yoga, Mīmāṁsā, and Vedanta accept the authority of the Vedas and are usually regarded as āstika philosophy. Admitting the existence of God however did not prove to be a determining factor for the application of the term āstika to these systems ([5], p. 179). Sāṁkhya, for instance, does not admit the existence of God. But still is regarded as āstika philosophy. The system of Purva Mīmāṁsā does

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not explicitly deny the existence of God, but neither does it raise the question of the existence of God. It is clear from the above discussion that there is no uniform meaning attached to the terms āstika and nāstika through the whole gamut of Indian philosophy.

Cross-References ▶ Jainism ▶ Lokāyata ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Veda ▶ Vedānta

References 1. Williams M (2006) A Sanskrit English dictionary. MLBD, Delhi 2. Apte VS (1965) A practical Sanskrit dictionary. MLBD, Delhi 3. Nicholson AJ (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York 4. Doniger W (2014) On Hinduism. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Kuiper K (2011) The culture of India. Britannica Educational Publishing, New York

Astronomy Subhash Kak Department of Computer Science, School of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA

Synonyms Cosmos; Jyotiṣa; Universe

Definition Scientific study of celestial bodies.

Astronomy

Introduction The sources of Indian astronomical tradition include archaeological sites, as well as scientific, astrological, and literary texts. Due to precession of the earth, the seasons shift at a rate of about a month every 2,000 years. Some Vedic notices mark the beginning of the year and that of the vernal equinox in Orion; this was the case around 4500 B.C.E. There are other astronomical references from the subsequent millennia. This indicates the memory of a long period of time over which astronomy developed into a science [1, 8]. Fire altars, with astronomical basis, have been found in the third millennium cities of India. The texts that describe their designs are conservatively dated to the first millennium B.C.E., but their contents appear to be much older. In the historical period, astronomical observatories were part of temple complexes where the king was consecrated. For example, Udayagiri is an astronomical site connected with the Classical age of the Gupta dynasty (320–500 C.E.), which is located a few kilometers from Vidiśā in central India. The imperial Guptas enlarged the site, an ancient hilly observatory going back at least to the second century B.C.E. at which observations were facilitated by the geographical features of the hill, into a sacred landscape to draw royal authority. Indian astronomy is characterized by the concept of ages of successive larger durations, which is an example of the pervasive idea of recursion, or repetition of patterns across space, scale, and time. An example of this is the division of the ecliptic into 27 star segments (nakṣatras), with which the moon is conjoined in its monthly circuit, each of which is further subdivided into 27 subsegments (upa-nakṣatras), and the successive divisions of the day into smaller measures of 30 units. The idea of recursion underlies the concept of the sacred landscape and it is embodied in Indian art, providing an archaeoastronomical window on sacred and monumental architecture [7]. It appears that this was an old idea because intricate spiral patterns, indicating recursion, are also found in the paintings of the Mesolithic period.

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Astronomy and Ritual Vedic ritual was based on the times for the full and the new moons, solstices, and the equinoxes. There were two years: the ritual year started with the winter solstice (mahāvrata) and the civil one started with the spring equinox (viśuva). The passage of the rising of the sun in its northward course from the winter solstice to the summer solstice (viśuvant) was called gavām ayana, or the sun’s walk. The solar year was divided into two ayanas: in the uttarāyana, the sun travels north; in the dakṣiṇāyana, it travels south. The movement of the moon was marked by its nightly conjunction with one of the 27 or 28 nakṣatras (star or star cluster). The Ṛgveda 1.164 also speaks of another tradition of dividing the zodiac into 12 equal parts. It appears that these divisions were called the Ādityas. The incommensurability between the lunar and the solar reckonings led to the search for everincreasing cycles to synchronize the motions of the sun and the moon. This is how the yuga astronomical model was born. In the lunar month, there were separate traditions of counting the beginning of the month by the full-moon day and the new-moon day. During the earliest times in India, there existed a centennial calendar with a cycle of 2,700 years. Called the Saptarṣi calendar, it is still in use in several parts of India. Its current beginning is taken to be 3076 B.C.E. Notices by the Greek historians Pliny and Arrian suggest that, during the Mauryan times, the calendar used in India began in 6676 B.C.E. It is very likely that this calendar was the Old Saptarṣi calendar with a beginning at 6676 B.C.E. Other major Indian eras are that have wide currency are Kaliyuga (3102 B.C.E.), Vikrama (58 B.C.E.), and Śaka (78 C.E.). The shifting of seasons through the year and the shifting of the North Pole make it possible to date several other statements in the Vedic books [10]. Thus, the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa statement that the Kṛttikā never swerve from the east corresponds to 2950 B.C.E. The Maitrāyaṇīya Brāhmaṇa Upanishad refers to the winter solstice being at the midpoint of the

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Śraviṣṭhā (Delphini) segment and the summer solstice at the beginning of Māgha. This indicates 1660 B.C.E. The Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa, the text that describes some of the astronomical knowledge of the times of altar ritual, has an internal date of c. 1350 B.C. E., obtained from its assertion that the winter solstice was at the asterism Śraviṣṭhā (beta Delphini). These dates are not to be taken as the time of the extant version of the text. The changes in the beginning of the Nakṣatra lists come down to the time of Varāhamihira (550 C.E.) when the vernal equinox was in Aśvini. The foundation of Vedic cosmology is the notions of bandhu (homologies or binding between the outer and the inner). In the Āyurveda medical system associated with the Vedas, the 360 days of the year were taken to be mapped to the 360 bones of the developing fetus, which later fuse into the 206 bones of the person. It was estimated correctly that the sun and the moon were approximately 108 times their respective diameters from the earth (perhaps from the discovery that the angular size of a pole removed 108 times its height is the same as that of the sun and the moon), and this number was used in sacred architecture. The distance to the sanctum sanctorum of the temple from the gate and the perimeter of the temple were taken to be 54 and 180 units, which are one-half each of 108 and 360. Homologies at many levels are at the basis of the idea of recursion, or repetition in scale and time. The astronomical basis of the Vedic ritual was the reconciliation of the lunar and solar years [5, 6]. Texts of the Vedic and succeeding periods provide crucial understanding of the astronomy and the archaeoastronomy of the historical period throughout India. The medieval period was characterized by pilgrimage centers that created sacred space mirroring conceptions of the cosmos [13]. Sacred templearchitecture served religious and political ends. The sacred ground for Vedic ritual is the precursor to the temple. The Vedic observances were connected with the circuits of the sun and the moon. The altar ritual was associated with the east–west axis and its origins can be traced to

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priests who maintained different day counts with respect to the solstices and the equinoxes. Specific days were marked with ritual observances that were done at different times of the day. In the ritual at home, the householder employed three altars that are circular (earth), half-moon (atmosphere), and square (sky), which are like the head, the heart, and the body of the Cosmic Man (Puruṣa) (Fig. 1). In the Agnicayana, the great ritual of the Vedic times that forms a major portion of the narrative of the Yajurveda, the atmosphere and the sky altars are built afresh in a great ceremony to the east. This ritual is based upon the Vedic division of the universe into three parts of earth, atmosphere, and sky that are assigned numbers 21, 78, and 261, respectively. The numerical mapping is maintained by placement of 21 pebbles around the earth altar, sets of 13 pebbles around each of 6 intermediate (13  6 ¼ 78) altars, and 261 pebbles around the great new sky altar called the Uttara-vedi, which is built in the shape of a falcon; these numbers add up to 360, which is symbolic representation of the year. The proportions related to these three numbers, and others related to the motions of the planets, and angles related to the sightings of specific stars are reflected in the plans of the temples of the historical period [7]. The Agnicayana altar is the prototype of the temple and of the tradition of architecture (Vāstu) (Fig. 2). The altar is first built of 1,000 bricks in five layers (that symbolically represent the five divisions of the year, the five physical elements, Astronomy, Fig. 1 The three altars of the Vedic house: circular (earth, body), half-moon (atmosphere, prāṇa), and square (sky, consciousness)

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as well as five senses) to specific designs. The altar construction is in a sequence whose details are matched to the reconciliation of the lunar and solar years by means of intercalary months. Vedic ritual was generally performed at an altar. The altar design was based on astronomical numbers related to the reconciliation of the lunar and solar years. The fire altars symbolized the universe and there were three types of altars representing the earth, the space, and the sky. The altar for the earth was drawn as circular, whereas the sky (or heaven) altar was drawn as square. The geometric problems of circulature of a square and that of squaring a circle are a result of equating the earth and the sky altars. These problems are among the earliest considered in ancient geometry. The basic square shape was modified to several forms, such as falcon and turtle. The construction of these altars required the solution to geometric and algebraic problems. The main altar was an area that was taken to be equivalent to the nominal year of 360 days. The number of syllables in the Ṛgveda confirms the textual references that the book was to represent a symbolic altar. According to various early texts, the number of syllables in the Ṛgveda is 432,000, which is the number of muhūrtas (1 day ¼ 30 muhūrtas) in 40 years. In reality the syllable count is somewhat less because certain syllables are supposed to be left unspoken. The verse count of the Ṛgveda may be viewed as the number of sky days in 40 years or

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Astronomy, Fig. 2 The falcon altar of the Agnicayana altar

261  40 ¼ 10,440, and the verse count of all the Vedas is 261  78 ¼ 20,358. The Ṛgveda is divided into 10 books with a total of 1,017 hymns. These books may be seen as a five-layered altar (with two books in each layer). Yājñavalkya is one of the foremost figures in the earliest period of Indian astronomy. There is no unanimity about his time, and his true period may be the second millennium B.C.E. He is credited with the school that put together the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Many dialogues of Yājñavalkya with his disciples and with rival sages are preserved in the Vedic literature. Legends connect him to the sun; this may be a slanted reference to his discovery of two important facts about the motions of the sun. In the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa, Yājñavalkya advances two important theories: first, that a cycle of 95 years is required to reconcile the lunar and the solar years which indicates that the length of the year was known to a great deal of accuracy; second, that the circuit of the sun is asymmetric in its four quarters. The proportion for the two halves of the year described by him is 176:189. The altar ritual dealt with the difference between the 2 years: [1] lunar, which is a fraction more than 354 days (360 tithis), and [2] solar, which is in excess of 365 days (between 371 and 372 tithis). In the ritual of altar construction in progressively increasing areas, the residual excess in 95 years adds up to 89 tithis; it appears that this was distributed in some manner over the 95-year

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period. The 95-year cycle corresponds to the tropical year being equal to 365.24675 days.

Lagadha and the Veda¯n˙ga Jyotisa ˙ The Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa of Lagadha is available in two recensions with minor differences that belong to the schools of the Ṛgveda and Yajurveda which, from the language used, appear to have been edited a few centuries later [4, 10]. The date of the text is from the statement that the winter solstice was at the beginning of the asterism Śraviṣṭhā (beta Delphini) and the summer solstice at the midpoint of Āśleṣā. According to the Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa, in a yuga there are 5 solar years, 67 lunar sidereal cycles, 1830 days, 1835 sidereal days, 62 synodic months, 1860 tithis, 135 solar nakṣatras, 1809 lunar nakṣatras, and 1768 risings of the moon. It also gives ingenious rules to determine the positions of the nakṣatras, the sun, and the moon at any time. A lunar month is divided into 30 tithis. The solar day is divided into 124 parts and also into 603 kalās. The measurement of time, by the use of a clepsydra, was in the unit of nāḍikā which was the 60th part of a day. The units used were picked to allow for the use of integers in various calculations. The Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa is a lunisolar system where the movements of the moon across the naksatras in the sky identify the days and the

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position of the sun, and the 12 months of the year. In this system, intercalary months need to be added and other corrections made in order to make the sun’s northward course begin in the correct month. Although the Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa says that the yuga of 5 years has 1830 civil days and 62 lunar synodic months, in reality the correct number of days is 1826 and an additional day should be added to the 62 synodic months. The length of the year was measured from one winter solstice to another and this was taken to be 366 days. Since the year was divided into six equal seasons of 61 days the civil count of 1830 was a convention. The number of civil days in the yuga was corrected in the two extra intercalary months that were employed. Lagadha gives the ratio of the longest to the shortest day to be 3:2. This is true for northwestern India and one may conclude that he belonged to that region. By examining early Vedic sources the stages of the development of the earliest astronomy become apparent. After the Ṛgvedic stage comes the period of the Brāhmaṇas in which Lagadha’s astronomy may be placed. The third stage is early Siddhāntic and early Purāṇic astronomy.

Astronomical Siddha¯ntas The astronomical texts may be divided into three types: siddhāntas, karaṇas, and koṣṭhakas. While the siddhāntas are comprehensive and commence the calculations from the kalpa or a yuga, the karaṇas are practical manuals to facilitate calculations from a specific epoch with zero corrections at that point. The koṣṭhakas or saraṇis are astronomical tables for the casting of horoscopes by astrologers. There are also texts that focus only on instruments. In the siddhāntas, the calculations are not done with respect to the nakṣatras but rather with respect to the 12 signs of the zodiac. There is speculation that this change arose out of the interaction with the Greeks, but the 12-division zodiac was a part of the early Indian astronomical tradition. The mean longitudes were computed from the number of days elapsed from the beginning of

Astronomy

long periods called the kalpa and the yuga, with the current yuga (Kaliyuga) taken to have commenced on 17/18 February 3102 B.C. Planetary motions were computed using epicyclic and eccentric circles. Eclipses were computed more accurately by applying corrections due to parallax. Computations were based on arithmetic, geometric, and algebraic techniques and plane and spherical trigonometry was also used. The problems dealt with in the siddhāntas include (i) the determination of the longitudes of the planets and also of the ascending and descending nodes of the moon, (ii) corrections of these computations with the passage of time, (iii) lunar and solar eclipses, (iv) problems relating to the shadow, (v) the phases of the moon, (vi) helical rising and setting of the planets, (vii) occultation of stars and planets, and (viii) astronomical instruments. The Sūrya Siddhānta is one of the earliest extant siddhāntas, but it has been recast several times. Varāhamihira (c. 505–587) in his Pañcasiddhāntika contrasts it with four other ancient texts which are Paitāmaha Siddhānta, the Pauliśa and Romaka Siddhāntas, and the Vāsiṣṭha Siddhānta. The concepts of the śīghrocca and mandocca cycles are peculiar to Indian astronomy. They indicate that the motion of the planets was taken to be fundamentally around the sun, which, together, in turn, was taken to go around the earth. The mandocca, in the case of the sun and the moon, is the apogee where the angular motion is the slowest, and in the case of the other planets, it is the aphelion point of the orbit. For the superior planets, the śīghrocca coincides with the mean place of the sun, and in the case of an inferior planet, it is an imaginary point moving around the earth with the same angular velocity as the angular velocity of the planet round the sun; its direction from the earth is always parallel to the line joining the sun and the inferior planet. The mandocca point serves to slow down the motion from the apogee to the perigee and speed up the motion from the perigee to the apogee. It is a representation of the nonuniform motion of the body, and so it can be seen as a direct development of the idea of the nonuniform motion of the sun and the moon.

Astronomy

The śīghrocca maps the motion of the planet around the sun to the corresponding set of points around the earth. The sun, with its winds that hold the solar system together, in turn, goes around the earth. The antecedents of this system can be seen in the earlier texts.

Nature of the Planetary System The Āryabhaṭīya of Āryabhaṭa (b. 476 C.E.) is a milestone of astronomy for two reasons. In it the earth is taken to spin on its axis and the orbits of the planets are considered with respect to the sun. This idea of a spinning earth causing night and day was a major advance in astronomy. Since the inner planets were already seen close to the sun, it made it easy to refer the orbital motions with respect to the sun. In contrast to this, in the Greek view the planets and stars were on concentric crystalline spheres centered on the earth. Each planet, the sun, and the moon were on their own sphere; the stars were placed on the largest sphere surrounding all of the rest. The Āryabhaṭīya is divided into four parts. The first part, Gītikā, provides basic definitions and important astronomical parameters. It mentions the number of rotations of the earth and the revolutions of the sun, moon, and the planets in a period of 4,320,000 years. This is a partially heliocentric system. The second part, Gaṇita, deals with mathematics. The third part, Kālakriyā, deals with the determination of the true position of the sun, the moon, and the planets by means of eccentric circles and epicycles. The fourth part, Gola, deals with planetary motions on the celestial sphere and gives rules relating to various problems of spherical astronomy [12]. The Āryabhaṭīya is based on excellent planetary parameters based on observations made around 512 C.E. which are superior to those of others [2]. Āryabhaṭa made fundamental improvements over the prevailing Sūrya-siddhānta techniques for determining the position of planets. The earlier methods used four corrections for the superior planets and five for the inferior planets; Āryabhaṭa reduced the number of corrections for

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the inferior planets to three and improved the accuracy of the results for the superior planets. Unlike the epicycles of Greek astronomers, which remain the same in size at all places, Āryabhaṭa’s epicycles vary in size from place to place. The theory of planetary motion in the Āryabhaṭīya is based on the following ideas: the mean planets revolve in geocentric orbits, the true planets move in eccentric circles or in epicycles, and planets have equal linear motion in their respective orbits. The epicycle technique of Āryabhaṭa is different from that of Ptolemy and it appears to be derived from an old Indian tradition [2]. Āryabhaṭa described relativity of motion and space. This is what he said about relativity of motion: “Like a person in a boat moving forward who sees the stationary objects on the bank of the river as moving backwards, the stationary stars at the celestial equator appear to be moving westwards. An illusion is created similarly that the entire structure of asterisms together with the planets is moving exactly towards the west of Lanka that causes their rising and setting.” He has this to say on relativity of space: “The gods (residing at the Meru mountain, North Pole) and the demons (residing at the Baḍavāmukha, South Pole) consider themselves positively and permanently below each other.” Āryabhata considered the orbit of the sky as 4.32 million times greater than the orbit of the sun. The Purāṇas consider the size of the universe to be 500 million yojanas (or over 4.5 billion miles). They also speak of other universes beyond ours. The conception of such a large size and noncentrality of earth for the universe sets this tradition apart from Western astronomy. A pure heliocentrism is to be found in the following statement in the Viṣṇu Purāṇa: “The sun is stationed for all time, in the middle of the day. The rising and the setting of the sun being perpetually opposite to each other, people speak of the rising of the sun where they see it; and, where the sun disappears, there, to them, is his setting. Of the sun, which is always in one and the same place, there is neither setting nor rising.” Another prominent astronomer after Āryabhaṭa was Brahmagupta who wrote the

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Brāhma-Sphuṭa-Siddhānta (BSS) (628 C.E.) and the Khaṇḍakhādyaka. His contributions include methods for calculating the position of heavenly bodies over time, their rising and setting, conjunctions, and solar and lunar eclipses. He argued that bodies fall towards the earth as it is in the nature of the earth to attract bodies, just as it is in the nature of water to flow. The Siddhānta-Śiromaṇi (SS) (1150 C.E.) of Bhāskara (1114–1185) became the standard text for many years. The astronomy of SS is in two parts. The first part covers topics such as mean longitudes of the planets, true longitudes of the planets, problems of diurnal rotation, syzygies, eclipses, latitudes of the planets, the sunrise equation, the moon’s crescent, conjunctions of the planets with each other, conjunctions of the planets with the fixed stars, and the paths of the sun and the moon. The second part contains 13 chapters on topics such as nature of the sphere, cosmography and geography, planetary mean motion, eccentric epicyclic model of the planets, the armillary sphere, spherical trigonometry, calculating the lunar crescent, astronomical instruments, the seasons, and problems of astronomical calculations. He spoke of the earth’s gravitational attraction on other bodies. The many mathematician-astronomer of the Kerala School flourished during the years of the Karṇāṭaka (Vijayanagara) empire. The two most prominent names of this school are Mādhava (c. 1340–1425) and Nīlakanṭha Somayāji (c. 1444–1545). Their contributions include power series for trigonometric functions, demonstration that π is irrational, and contributions to calculus [3, 9]. Nīlakanṭha improved the model for the planets Mercury and Venus and presented a version of the Āryabhaṭa’s scheme where the five planets orbit the sun and in turn they all orbit the earth [14]. Nīlakanṭha’s book Tantrasaṅgraha consists of eight sections: (i) Madhyama (mean planets), (ii) Sphuṭa (true planets), (iii) Chāyā (gnomonic shadow), (iv) Candragrahaṇa (lunar eclipse), (v) Ravigrahaṇa (solar eclipse), (vi) Vyatipata (when the sum of the longitudes of the sun and the moon is equal and their declinations are equal in magnitude and direction), (vii) Dṛkkarma (reduction to

Astronomy

observation), and (viii) Śṛṅgonnati (elevation of the moon’s horns).

Observatories and Instruments Udayagiri (“hill of [sun]-rise”) is one of the principal ancient astronomical observatories of India. It is located at 23 310 N latitude on the Tropic of Cancer in Madhya Pradesh, about 50 km from Bhopal, near Vidisha, Besnagar, and Sānchi. An ancient site that goes back to at least the second century B.C.E., it was substantially enlarged during the reign of the Gupta Emperor Candragupta II Vikramāditya (r. 375–414). This site is associated with 20 cave temples that have been cut into rock; 19 of these temples are from the period of Chandragupta’s reign. It appears that the ancient name of Udayagiri was Viṣṇupādagiri, or the “hill of the footprint of Viṣṇu,” and the name Udayagiri is after the Paramāra ruler Udayāditya (c. 1070–1093). The hill is shaped like a foot. A saddle connects the northern and southern hills, and a passageway is located at the place where the northern hill meets the saddle. The Gupta period additions and embellishments at Udayagiri were concentrated around this passage. Most of the cave temples are located around the passageway. On the summer solstice day, there was an alignment of the sun’s movement with the passageway. The day mentioned in the dated Chandragupta II Vikramāditya period inscription in cave 6 has been calculated to be very close to the summer solstice of the year 402 C.E. On this day, the shadow of the Iron Pillar of Delhi, which was originally located at the entrance of the passageway, fell in the direction of the reclining Viṣṇu panel. On the northern hilltop, there exists a flat platform commanding a majestic view of the sky. Several astronomical marks have been identified at this platform, indicating that this was the site of the ancient astronomical observatory. The instruments that were used in Indian astronomy include the water clock (ghaṭi yantra), gnomon (śaṅku), cross-staff (yaṣṭi yantra), armillary sphere (gola-yantra), board for sun’s altitude (phalaka yantra), sundial (kapāla yantra), and astrolabe.

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In early eighteenth century, Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II of Jaipur (r. 1699–1743) built five masonry observatories called Jantar Mantar in Delhi, Jaipur, Ujjain, Mathura, and Varanasi [11]. The Jantar Mantar consists of the Rāma Yantra (a cylindrical structure with an open top and a pillar in its center to measure the altitude of the sun), the Rāśivalaya Yantra (a group of 12 instruments to determine celestial latitude and longitude), the Jaya Prakāśa (a concave hemisphere), the Laghu Samrāṭ Yantra (small sundial), the Samrāṭ Yantra (a huge equinoctial dial), the Cakra Yantra (upright metal circles to find the right ascension and declination of a planet), the Digaṃśa Yantra (a pillar surrounded by two circular walls), the Kapāla Yantra (two sunken hemispheres to determine the position of the sun relative to the planets and the zodiac), the Ṣaṣṭāṃśa Yantra (to display a pinhole image of the sun over a 60-degree meridian scale), and the Nāḍīvalaya Yantra (a cylindrical dial).

Spread of Indian Astronomical Ideas Indian astronomical and cosmological ideas have exercised much influence due to their consideration of time periods that were much greater than those used in the West. The Indian tradition speaks about the relativity of time and space in a variety of ways. The Purāṇas state that the universe is infinite and it has countless solar-like systems. Indian astronomical ideas accompanied the spread of Buddhism into China in early centuries C.E. Starting around 772, the siddhāntas were translated into Arabic as sindhind. The translations of Āryabhaṭa’s Āryabhaṭīya as Arajbahar and Brahmagupta’s BSS as Zij al-Sindhind had far-reaching influence on subsequent Arabic works and through them on European astronomy. The Arabic scholar al-Khwarizmi (c. 780–850 C.E.) is known to have written two works, one based on Indian astronomy (Zij) and one on arithmetic. A Latin translation of this second work (Algorithmi De Numero Indorum) was made in Spain around the eleventh century; this translation played a crucial role in introducing the

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Indian place-value system numerals and the corresponding computational methods into Europe. Knowledge of the results of the Kerala School of astronomy and mathematics may also have been transmitted to Europe through traders and Jesuit missionaries [3].

Cross-References ▶ Mathematics ▶ Navagraha ▶ Numbers ▶ Science

References 1. Abhyankar KD (2008) Pre-siddhantic Indian astronomy. I-SERVE, Hyderabad 2. Billard R (1971) L’astronomie Indienne. Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient, Paris 3. Joseph GV (2000) The crest of the peacock: the non-european roots of mathematics. Princeton University Press, Princeton 4. Kak S (1995) The astronomy of the age of geometric altars. Q J R Astron Soc 36:385–396 5. Kak S (2000) Birth and early development of Indian astronomy. In: Selin H (ed) Astronomy across cultures: the history of non-western astronomy. Kluwer Academic, Dordrecht 6. Kak S (2010) India. In: Ruggles C, Cotte M (eds) Heritage sites of astronomy and archaeoastronomy in the context of the UNESCO World heritage convention: a thematic study. ICOMOS and IAU, Paris 7. Kak S (2012) The astronomical code of the Ṛgveda, 3rd edn. Oklahoma State University, Stillwater 8. Rao SB (2000) Indian astronomy: an introduction. Universities Press, Hyderabad 9. Sarma KV, Ramasubramanian K, Srinivas MD, Sriram MS (2010) Gaṇita-Yukti-Bhāṣā of Jyeṣṭhadeva. Springer, Berlin 10. Sastry TSK (1985) Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa of Lagadha. Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 11. Sharma VN (1995) Sawai Jai Singh and his astronomy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 12. Shukla KS, Sarma DV (1976) Āryabhaṭīya of Āryabhaṭa. Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 13. Singh RPB, Malville JM (1995) Cosmic order and cityscape of Varanasi (Kashi): sun images and cultural astronomy. Natl Geogr J India 41:69–88 14. Sriram MS, Ramasubramanian K, Srinivas MD (2002) 500 years of Tantrasaṅgraha. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla

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Aśvamedha Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The Sanskrit term aśva means horse, while medha stands for sacrifice. With wings of an eagle and forelegs of an antelope, the Ṛg Veda (1.163.1–3) recounts the birth of the horse from the ocean or from a celestial source. According to some accounts, the horse is fashioned from the sun by the gods. Ancient Indians stressed the swiftness of the horse, an advantage in warfare. The sacrifice of a horse was a major rite and represented a very generous gift to the gods from a sacrifice because of its inherent value. The ancient horse sacrifice was both a famous rite and an infrequent one because the horse was considered a very valuable animal that was owned primarily by the upper castes. Since the horse was a valuable animal, it was not sacrificed for an unimportant reason. The importance of the horse is evident in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (13.1.6.1) where it states that it is preeminent over all animals, it is associated with the creative and sacrificial deity Prajāpati (13.2.2.1–13), and has the greatest quantity of ojas or life force (13.1.3.6). The Taittirīya Brāhmaṇa (2.6.13.3) connects the horse with the warrior god Indra, and the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (4.9) associates the animal with the Kṣatriya caste. When a king performs the horse sacrifice (aśvamedha), the act is a demonstration of his power but also consolidates and expands his power. After a horse is selected to be sacrificed, it wanders freely for a year, although it is guarded by armed youths, whose purpose is to protect the horse from danger. The horse wanders in a northeastern direction, which is symbolic of victory and invincibility. As the horse wanders, the territory traversed comes into contact with a divine power that is inherent in the animal. It also means that the king asserts ownership of the traversed territory. The young men that guard the horse as it wanders for a year must themselves observe certain

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prohibitions such as not bathing and not having sexual intercourse for a year. The horse must also avoid having sexual relations with a mare for a year, a procedure that is intended to enhance the potency of both the horse and the king. At the conclusion of its year of wandering, the horse is brought into the sacrificial arena where the primary queen anoints it before it is killed. Then a brahman and hotṛ priests engage in a riddle competition. According to a Ṛg Vedic hymn (1.161), a goat leads the horse to the sacrifice. The goat is a share for Pūṣan, charioteer of the sun, and announces the sacrifice to the gods. The horse is then covered by a garment and slain. After the killing of the animal, the queen circumambulates the animal three times in a counterclockwise direction. The chief queen then approaches the dead horse, and both the queen and horse are covered with her lying next to the inert animal. Then, the queen has symbolic sexual intercourse with the animal. Meanwhile, the priest, maidens, and other wives indulge in a ribald dialogue. The primary wives of the king take 101 needles to mark the path of the sacrificial knife. Additional needles numbering now 303 represent the union of the people with the royal power, the regions of space, and a bridge to heaven for the sacrifice. Finally, the horse is cut up and cooked. The Ṛg Veda (10. 46) contains a funerary hymn that bids farewell to the horse that is described as traveling to heaven, putting on a new body, and living happily in heaven. Some scholars interpreting this sacrifice view the sexual encounter between the queen and the horse as a symbolic gesture; others interpret it literally. What seems to be neglected by the literalists is the following evidence: If the horse is dead before the alleged sexual encounter between the queen and horse, the sexual relationship must have been symbolic. The overall purpose of the symbolic sexual act is the promotion of fertility, whereas the ribald dialogue is an attempt to also capture the power released in sexual—actual or symbolic—intercourse. The fertility is to be promoted throughout the kingdom. This is another responsibility of the king because the welfare of his land and people depends on fertile land and a growing population. The welfare of the people

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also depends on the king maintaining order within the realm. In the Bṛhadāranyaka Upaniṣad (1.2.7), the aśvamedha appears as an example of a mental sacrifice that can be performed mentally by an ascetic. By the power of his imagination, the ascetic imagines the horse in his mind wandering free for a year. At the crucial moment, the renouncer mentally sacrifices the horse in his mind, playing the roles of priest, sacrificer, and victim with the intention of winning liberation. The aśvamedha is one of several internal sacrifices that can be performed by a renouncer. In Vedic religious history, the aśvamedha played an important role as a model for the puruṣamedha (human sacrifice) that was a symbolic offering of a human victim, although there is a variety of scholarly opinion about this sacrifice. In addition to the influence of the aśvamedha, the puruṣamedha models itself on the Puruṣasūkta (10.90), a late Vedic creation hymn that depicts the gods sacrificing a primordial, giant, male figure. From different parts of this figure’s body, there originates the four major castes, moving from the upper part of its body with its mouth becoming the Brahmin caste, his arms made into the warrior caste, his thighs forming the worker caste, and his feet giving birth to the servant caste. This hymn depicts a sacrifice as the primordial act of creative violence by the gods that constructs a reality instead of simply symbolizing it. The human sacrifice borrows some features from the horse sacrifice such as the victim being released for a year to wander freely, all his desires are gratified except for sexual relations, and the intended victim is guarded for a year. The first wife of the patron of the sacrifice lies down near the victim, and they are covered by a cloth. Then, a theological discussion occurs among the priests. Priestly authorities assert that a human sacrifice helps a sacrificer attain everything that he cannot achieve by means of the horse sacrifice. The human sacrifice is a 5-day event with each day equivalent to a different season of the year and part of the cosmos. The number five is indicative of a totality that corresponds to the entire cosmos. By performing the sacrifice, the patron attains the three-tiered world (loka) and the four regions of

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the universe. This is equivalent to asserting that the sacrificer attains everything in the universe. When the patron’s wife reclines near the victim, her action implies a symbolic copulation, which is intended to symbolize fertility, renewal, and continuance of cosmic generative forces. Meanwhile, the sacrificer is attempting to secure a place in the rhythm of the cosmos. These cosmic goals for performing the human sacrifice are also germane to the horse sacrifice. The horse sacrifice and the human sacrifice also share social significance by their ability to unify different social groups. This unity involves each participant achieving a unity with the gods, a uniting of the participants among themselves, and the wandering of the victim who unites the entire territory traversed by the victim and the sacred power attached to him. Moreover, the human victim, who is a living representative of the cosmic Puruṣa, is akin to the navel of the cosmic man, which is a symbolic mark of the cord that links generations and is symbolic of the continuity of society. The sacrifice in both rites is healed by the hymns recited at the event and becomes free through the oblation. The sacrificer’s being is transformed into that of a deity, which is reminiscent of the cosmic man, the origin of all created things. This represents the flow of the sacrifice, which represents an infinite series of births and deaths forming a circle without end. If the human sacrifice represents a reenactment of the creation of the cosmos, the horse sacrifice overlaps symbolically by stressing fertility. These two interrelated rites manifest the continual struggle between being and nonbeing that occurs in ancient Vedic culture. And it is the sacrifice that makes this struggle between two opposing forces successful and maintains order.

References 1. Dumont PE (1927) L’aśvamedha: Description du sacrifice solennel du cheval dans le culte vedique. Paul Geuthner, Paris 2. Dumont PE (1948) The horse-sacrifice in the TaittirīyaBrāhmaṇa. Proc Amer Philos Soc 92(6):447–503 3. Gonda J (1960) Die Religionen Indiens I: Veda und älterer Hinduismus. W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart

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150 4. Gonda J (1969) Ancient Indian kingship from the religious point of view. E. J. Brill, Leiden 5. Heesterman JC (1957) The ancient Indian Royal consecration: the Rājasūya described according to the Yajus texts and annotated. Mouton, The Hague 6. Jamison SW (1996) Sacrificed wife/Sacrificer’s wife: women, ritual, and hospitality in ancient India. Oxford University Press, New York 7. Kirfel W (1951) Der Aśvamedha und der Puruṣamedha. In: Beiträge zue indischen Philogie und Altertumskunde, Walter Schubring zum 70 Geburtstag dargebracht von der deutschen Indologie. Hamburg, Cram, pp 39–50 8. Pulvel J (1970) Aspects of equine functionality. In: Pulvel J (ed) Myth and law among the indo-Europeans. University of California Press, Berkeley, pp 159–172 9. Schlingloff D (1969) Menschenopfer in Kausambī. Indo-Iranian J II:175–189

Atharva Veda R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

The ancient Indian civilization is primarily illustrious in the world history for its precious contribution of four Vedas: the Rigveda, Sama Veda, the Yajur Veda, and the Atharva Veda. The knowledge of Vedas was inherited from Guru to Shishya (disciple), down the ages, in the tradition of hearing, memorizing, and transferring the text, and for this feature these scriptures are called Shruti (something that is heard) too. The Vedas are believed to be the words of the Almighty and store the canons of Hindu religion, philosophy, and culture in them. Sanskrit expression Atharva Veda consists of two terms – atharvanas and veda – denoting the storehouse of knowledge. Expressed in the Vedic Sanskrit, the Atharva Veda comprises 730 hymns and 6,000 mantras, arranged in 20 books. Approximately a sixth of its content is borrowed from the Rigveda, which is the oldest among the Vedas. The Rigveda, the Taittiriya Brahmana (3.12.9.1), the Aitareya Brahmana (5.32–33), and several other texts of Vedic and later Vedic era recognize

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only three Vedas. The acceptance to the Atharva Veda to the category of Veda, according to Olson, “comes around the second half of the first millennium B.C.E.” [1]. There are many other views on the fixation of its date and existence, but now it is universally accepted as the fourth Veda. Standing younger in comparison to other Vedas, Atharva Veda, as generally expected in the origin and development of knowledge tradition, focuses the practical aspects of humanity, and encompasses the trajectories of sociocultural life a little greater than that of theoretical and theological bearing in its content that is pragmatic, and presents the practical knowledge on the day today issues of human life and society and to some extent material issues like health and wealth. Like that with the other Vedas, there are two main components of the Atharva Veda too – the Gyankand (metaphysics) and the Karmakanda (the practical aspect). The Atharva Veda has its distinct explanatory code called the Atharva Samhita. The Vedic philosophy is also found in the Aaranyak and Upanishads or Vedanta. (By virtue of manifesting the Vedic knowledge, the Upanishads are also called Vedanta, i.e., the ultimate analysis of the Vedas.) Excluding the Atharva Veda, the other three Vedas are, collectively, called Vedatrayi (the Veda trinity). The prime factor behind the exclusion of the Atharva Veda from the metaphysical and spiritual association of the three other Vedas is its being the storehouse of practical knowledge in comparison to hardcore metaphysics and spirituality, and it’s more worldly and practical approach. The Atharva Veda deals both with the theory of the Hindu view of life and its pragmatic side of living life in accordance with the ethical and human values. Perhaps, it is the reason why Laurie Patton finds it as “the Veda of magical formulas” [2]. To feel the pulse of the knowledge enshrined in the Atharva Veda, the following random sampling of the maxims mentioned in it is worth mentioning. They offer relevant corroboration to Atharva Veda’s realistic cognizance of the worldly life vis a vis the manifestation of metaphysics: 1. Madhumati Vachumudeyam (16/2/2) (speak sweet words): Numerous reverberations in the

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later day literatures have followed this epigrammatic dictum down the ages since the prevalence of the Atharva Veda. Matabhumih putroaham prithavyah (12/1/12) (the earth is mother, and we are the off springs): The Earth is deified in Hinduism. The Atharva Veda conveys the message of fraternity across the entire human race. It is more relevant in the contemporary times when diverse fragmentations and dividing tendencies are seen across the cultures. It reflects the connotations that patriotism is not enough. Kritam me dakshinhaste jayo me savya hast (7/52/8): It states that we should do our duty with the right hand and get the victory with the left. One should be more inclined for doing the expected duties, than taking the reward of it. The sense is that the action oriented person is very likely to get over problems of life, and thus it motivates the mankind toward devotion to duty. Tameva vidvan na vibhay mrityoh (7/52/8): It means that death has no meaning for a truly learned person, i.e., the person who is convinced of the immortality of the soul and the destructibility of the corporeal frame, i.e., the transient body accepts death naturally in the course of life. Ramanta punya lakshmeeyah paapista aneetvaan (7/15/4): It connotes that the righteous one who does good deeds acquires an enlivening results of the riches, whereas the sinner is destined to suffer in the long run. Brahmacharyen tapas mrityumpadyanat (11/7/19): It suggests that by dint of the successful practice of celibacy, its practitioner gets over the death too, that is, to say the penance of Brahmacharya (celibacy) renders longevity.

These hymns of the Atharva Veda offer the specimen of knowledge and practical wisdom that mirrors life and suggests the trajectories of amity and fraternity in the sociocultural milieu of the Vedic time. The educative hymns of the Atharva Veda suit not only the followers of this text but also the followers of other sects and sometimes even the atheists. Moreover, the Atharva Veda is very interesting in content. It has the remedies of different kinds of ailments,

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magical practices in religion, and the knowledge of herbs and medicines. Vedic Scholar Kenneth Zysk finds it as one of oldest records of religious medicines and relates its practical knowledge with the “earliest forms of folk healing of IndoEuropean antiquity” [3]. Most of the hymns of the Atharva Veda associate with the welfare of human life. Sometimes they relate to magic spells, sometimes the prescriptions for curing the ailments of human being and even the cattle stocks. Prescriptions for the economic upliftment and welfare are also visible in the content of the Atharva Veda. Ayurveda, the Indian medicinal therapy, directly relates to Atharva Veda as its source. Charaka Samhita and Sushruta Samhita, the seminal texts in the Ayurveda therapy, are closely associated with the Atharva Veda. Indeed, the Atharva Veda is a sheltering tree for the seekers of truth, wisdom, and practical success in every walk of life. The Vedatrayee is remarkable merely for culture, religion, and philosophy in theory, whereas the Atharva Veda brings forth a compendium of applied knowledge and wisdom at par with the spiritual and philosophical canons.

References 1. Olson C (2007) The many colors of Hinduism. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, p. 13 2. Patton L (2004) Veda and Upanishad. In: Mittal S, Thursby G (eds) The Hindu World. Routledge, New York, p. 38 3. Zysk K (1993) Religious medicine: the history and evolution of Indian medicine. Routledge, New York, x–xii

Atheism ▶ Cārvāka

¯ tma¯ A ▶ Ātman (Hinduism)

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A¯tman (Hinduism) Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India

Synonyms Ātmā; Self; Soul

Definition The way ātman is predominantly understood in Hindu spirituality is derived from the Upaniṣads. It is an ontological principle that represents the human “essence” at the microcosmic level, the true and everlasting being in a living person, the true human self, distinct from the body and identical with the cosmic principle brahman. While the body dies and is subject to pain and pleasure, the ātman is immortal and unaffected by pain, pleasure, etc.

Introduction The concept of the ātman is perhaps the crest jewel of Hindu spiritual philosophy. This concept occupies such an important place in Hindu theology that being a Hindu is almost synonymous with believing in the doctrine of the ātman. Belief in this doctrine in fact constitutes the cornerstone of difference between Hinduism and nāstika schools of thought such as Buddhism or Cārvāka. The concept of the atman as we understand it today was articulated in the Upaniṣads. The discourse on the self was immortalized in the famous dialogues between Yājñavalkya and others (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad), Āruṇi and Śvetaketu (Chāndogya Upaniṣad), Prajāpati and Indra (Chāndogya Upaniṣad), and Yama and Naciketā (Kaṭha Upaniṣad). However, it has a prehistory in the Saṅhitā and Brāhmaṇa portions of the Vedas. The first section of this essay will trace that history briefly. The second section examines the meaning

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of ātman as used in the Upaniṣads, qualities of the ātman, the locus of the ātman, the discourse on knowing the ātman, and the issue of the brahmanātman identity. Subsequent to the Upaniṣads, the six systems of Hindu philosophy each conceived of the self in a particular way. Others, such as the Buddhists or the Cārvākas, denied the way ātman was defined and accepted within Hinduism. The last section deals briefly with the position of the six āstika schools and the Buddhists and Cārvākas regarding the ātman.

The Pre-Upanisadic Evolution of the Concept It is well-known that the speculations on the ātman began long before the Upanisadic portions of the Vedas were composed. However, there are variations between the pre-Upanisadic and the Upanisadic usage of the term. The Vedic and the Brahmanic usages lack sharply defined contours and are often found in a state of flux of meanings. However, once in a while, a few sudden remarks are also found that at least match with the direction in which the concept of ātman was to later develop in the Upaniṣads. According to Louis Renou, since the Ṛgveda, the word ātman denotes “something which is at the base of the ‘animated’ character of living beings. . .” ([4], p. 151). In the Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, the word ātmanvant means “animated.” It designates all beings endowed with life. It is also used as an epithet to yakṣa to denote the “animated mystery” that resides in the body or in the heart of man ([4], p. 153). From an etymological point of view, ātman is often explained as “breath,” drawing especially from the similarity with German terms like “atmen,” meaning “to breathe.” However, Renou warns against such an etymological derivation of usage that could be deceptive. He concedes that the “most immediately accessible use of ātman is that one which connects the term with the wind on the cosmic plane; the Aśvins cross the space ātmeva vātah. . . ‘like the wind (which is the correlative of) ātman’. . .” ([4], p. 151). However, Renou is critical of equating ātman with breath

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based on the later correspondence between prāṇa and vāta. According to him, the correlation between ātman and vāta is secondary and would virtually disappear after the Ṛgveda Saṅhitā and that it expressed only rough approximations that would be substituted by concrete ideas of the constituent elements of being. In the Atharvaveda, not only does the correlation of ātman and wind or breath disappear, but in fact, ātman is presented as distinct from breath. Another possible meaning of ātman as “essence” is perhaps expressed when in the older part of the Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, it is said of Varuṇa “the wind which is thy ātman.” Later, it is also said, for instance, of Soma that he is the ātman of the sacrifice, thus expressing a more general connotation. According to Renou, in the later part of the Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, the ātman at times represents a kind of elementary substance and comes near to the notion of “person.” Renou notes new contrasts that are posited to the ātman in the Atharvaveda, for example, with indriya (sense organs) and especially with tanu (body). More significantly, here ātman in the sense of the “person” is now being distinguished from external entities, such as “father, son, wife,” “children” or “cattle,” “cows,” etc. New connections are also introduced, for instance, with antarikṣa (in the Upaniṣads, this will evolve into its connection with the more subtle ākāśa). Renou also notes, citing Paul Deussen, that suddenly in a verse appears “an upaniṣadic accent”: “free from desire, wise, immortal, self-existent, satisfied with sap, not deficient in any respect – knowing that wise, unaging, young atman, one is not afraid of death” ([4], p. 153). While the Brāhmaṇas inherit these meanings, they especially develop the use of ātman as a reflexive pronoun. They also use the word as meaning body. According to Renou, ātman “in the Brāhmaṇas is not at all unitary or simple notion. It is not the body, nor the person, nor the soul, nor the breath, but something participating in all these elements” ([4], p. 156). Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa X.6.3.2 recounts the teachings of Śāndilya: we are called to meditate upon the ātman as, among other things, “made up of intelligence,” “with a form of light,” “ethereal

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in nature,” “swift as thought,” “this golden puruṣa in the heart,” “greater than the sky, greater than the earth. . .greater than all existing things.” Renou points out that “only the identification with the brahman is missing. . .or at the most it is implied,” whereas this identification will be explicitly declared in Chāndogya Upaniṣad III.14.4 where the same teachings by Śāndilya are resumed and amplified ([4], p. 156).

A¯tman in the Upanisads ˙ Meaning of A¯tman In ancient India, the quest for a fundamental principle in the universe took a turn inward – into the inner life of human beings. In contrast to the earlier part of the Vedas, where the focus was more on rituals, Upanisadic thought was predominantly occupied with the idea of the self. The great idea expressed in the Upaniṣads is that of the identity of the fundamental cosmic principle, brahman, and its microcosmic counterpart, ātman (although some later schools of Hindu thought do not accept an absolute identity between the two, see third section below). Renou argues that while ātman and brahman were seldom associated together before the Upaniṣads, the discovery of this identity between ātman and the cosmic principle catapulted the concept of ātman to unprecedented heights. The correlation between brahman and ātman is discussed in later sections of the essay. For the time being, it may be noted that the predominant meaning of ātman as used in the Upaniṣads is that of an ontological principle that represented the human “essence” at the microcosmic level, the true and everlasting being in a living person, the true human self, distinct from the body, and identical with the cosmic principle. The distinction of the ātman from the body is something to be noted. We already saw that in the pre-Upanisadic literature, ātman was being used in opposition to the body and again at times, also as synonymous with the body. In the Upaniṣads, ātman is understood as distinct and in some senses the opposite of all matter, including the body. The characteristic of matter is that it is perishable, whereas ātman is by its very nature immortal.

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Matter is insentient; ātman is of the nature of consciousness. Body is material, and so is the mind, in the Upanisadic framework. In fact, the mind is referred to as subtle body. Body and mind are subject to decay and are insentient. It is important to note that in the Upaniṣads, mind by itself is insentient; it can act only because of the ātman which is consciousness behind it. The distinction between mind and ātman is also to be noted. This, however, should not be taken to mean that the Upaniṣads preach about a transcendent self only. This self which is transcendent is also immanent in that it is the substance of which the universe is made. More of this will be elaborated in the course of the essay. There is, however, another point to be noted. One may bring up the issue of verses II.1.1-5.1 from the Taittirīya Upaniṣad where a particular process of progressive reflection is taking place revolving around the concept of “ātmā.” In these verses, it is first stated that humans are the product of the essence of food; hence, food (anna) is the self (ātmā). Subsequently, it is said that there is another inner self – the vital force or breath (prāṇa). Thereafter, it is declared that there is yet another inner self – the mind (manas). Then it is said that right knowledge (vijñāna) constitutes the self that is even interior to the mind. Finally, it is stated that the yet inner self to vijñāna is bliss (ānanda). The Upanisadic verses in question use the word “ātmā,” meaning self, for each of these layers of annamaya, prāṇamaya, manomaya, vijñānamaya, and ānandamaya. In his commentary, Śaṃkara used the term “kośa” instead of “ātmā” to distinguish these layers from the ātman, the real self. Hence, today, this idea is popularly known as the concept of the pañca kośa. It can be said that these verses present their teaching in such a way that it demands the direct involvement of a pupil in a progression of knowledge from a proposition to a better proposition. If one is asked to think of one’s self, one is likely to think of one’s body (annamaya) at first, and subsequently, upon reflection, find that there is something deeper and subtler that appears to be the self. It is thus that one progresses toward knowledge. Hence, it can be argued that when Taittirīya Upaniṣad II.1.1-5.1 refer to the annamaya, prāṇamaya, manomaya,

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etc., ātmās, they do not indicate the ātman but our ordinary sense of selfhood; and the objective of these verses is to push the seeker into a deeper probe, pointing toward the more and more subtle. Qualities of the A¯tman It is difficult to speak of the ātman in terms of its qualities, because, by its very nature, it is without attributes. However, the Upaniṣads do speak about certain characteristics of the ātman by virtue of which it is possible to distinguish the self from all that is not the self, for example, the body. The most fundamental characteristic of the ātman is its immortality. It is neither born nor does it die; it is unborn, constant, eternal, and primeval; it is not killed even when the body is killed (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.18). It knows no old age or decay (Chāndogya Upaniṣad VIII.1.5, Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad III.5.1, Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV.5.15). It is everlasting because it is not the effect of any cause; hence it is unconditioned. It does not originate from anything (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.18); it is self-existent. The ātman is pure and effulgent (Munḍaka Upaniṣad III.1.5) and free from all evils (Chāndogya Upaniṣad VIII.1.5). It is beyond hunger, thirst, pain, sorrow, and delusion (Chāndogya Upaniṣad VIII.1.5, Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad III.5.1, Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV.5.15). It is unattached and unfettered (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV.5.15). The self is subtler than the subtle and greater than the great (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.20). It is at once smaller than a grain of rice or barley, than a mustard seed, millet grain, or millet kernel but larger than the earth, the intermediate region, the sky, and all the worlds put together (Chāndogya Upaniṣad III.14.3). This self is omniscient and all-knowing (Munḍaka Upaniṣad II.2.7). It is of the nature of bliss (ānandarūpam) (Munḍaka Upaniṣad II.2.7). The Seat of the A¯tman But where is the ātman located? It has entered into the bodies up to the tip of the nails (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.7) and resides there (Munḍaka Upaniṣad III.1.5). The ātman within the body is homologous to a razor in a case (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.7). Just as

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fire which sustains the world is at its source, similarly ātman is at the source of the body (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.7). This self is antarataram – innermost (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.8); it is within all (eṣa ta ātmā sarvāntarah) (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad III.5.1). However, one can say that its special place of “hiding” is the human heart (not the physical organ). One finds in the Upaniṣads statements like: the ātman lies deep within one’s heart (antarhṛdaye) (Chāndogya Upaniṣad III.14.3-4); it lies hidden in the heart of every being (nihito guhāyām) (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.20). In these contexts, guhā (cave) in the Upaniṣads is used as synonymous with the cave of the heart (hṛdaya). The word guhā has the added import of depth as well as concealment and points toward the hidden aspect of the ātman. Why was this need to emphasize the hidden nature of ātman? Is it then not possible to know the ātman? Before moving on to the issue of knowing the ātman, one brief remark needs to be made about the heart as the special locus of the ātman. The ātman is not merely lodged in the cavity of the heart, but it is also the place where it is most suitable to perceive it. This objection may be (and was perhaps) raised that if the ātman is omnipresent in the body, then how could any one place be its special locus? Śaṃkara’s Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya I.2.11 answers that there is no contradiction between teaching about any one place as the locus for realizing the self and the fact of its omnipresence. Knowing the A¯tman One of the fundamental points of investigation of the Upanisadic seers was: What is that, knowing which one knows all? Chāndogya Upaniṣad VI.1.4 brings up the analogy of knowing all that is made of clay by virtue of knowing a lump of clay; and Chāndogya Upaniṣad VI.1.5-6 repeats the same point by using the analogies of gold and objects made of gold and a (iron) nail cutter and all other iron objects. In all these verses, Uddālaka Āruṇi’s refrain to his son Śvetaketu is that all transformation (vikāra) is name (nāma) only; the reality in these three cases are clay, gold, and iron respectively. In other words, names and forms are

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ever changing; but the substance is the same; it is constant; therefore, it is the only reality (satyam). Knowing the unchanging substance alone makes known all the changing forms made of that substance. Then how to know this substance of which all is made? The Upaniṣads immediately present a challenge: the fact that the ātman is imperceptible (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV.5.15). Nobody can see the ātman (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.7). When it is viewed, it is seen only in its aspects, performing certain functions (like speaking, seeing, etc.); therefore, all such vision is incomplete. It cannot be seen in its totality. Why? The answer to this is related to the other great question of the Upaniṣads: How to know the Knower (vijñātāramare kena vijānīyāt)? Clarifying his preceding statement that after realizing the oneness of existence, one loses consciousness (saṃjñā), Yājñavalkya says that one smells, sees, hears, speaks, thinks, or knows something when there is duality, when oneness is realized what should one smell and through what, what should one see and through what, etc., “through what should one know That owing to which all this is known – through what, O Maitreyī, should one know the Knower?” (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad II.4.14). Yājñavalkya more or less repeats this (with some additional statements) to Maitreyī before he leaves home as a renunciate (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad IV.5.15). All knowledge presupposes a split between the subject and object of knowledge, where the knower is the subject and the known the object. But brahman/ātman is not an object of knowledge, like a table or a chair. It is, on the contrary, through the self that the table and the chair are known. It is through the self that all is known (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad I.4.7); therefore, the self is the eternal subject of all knowledge. And the knower can never know himself – at least, not in the same way as one knows a table or a chair. To use a Vedantic analogy – it is on account of the eyes that we see the world, but the eyes cannot see themselves; while the fact that we see is proof that the eyes exist! As Yājñavalkya put it to Uṣasta: one cannot see that which is the witness of the seeing, one cannot hear that which is the hearer of

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hearing, think that which is the thinker of thought, know that which is the knower of knowledge – this is the self that is within all (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad III.4.2). In other words, the ātman cannot be known through the senses, the mind, or the intellect. The self-existent one (svayambhu) made the senses outgoing; that is why one sees the outer objects but not the inner self (antarātman); a certain wise man (dhīrah) desiring immortality turns his sight inwards and sees the self within (Kaṭha Upaniṣad IV.1). A desireless man perceives the glory of the self (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.20). Desires make the mind go outward, making it chase objects in the external world; hence, on account of desires, one fails to withdraw the mind within, which is a precondition for the perception of the ātman. This effulgent and pure self within the body is attainable through the constant practice of truth, austerity, complete knowledge (about the true nature of the self), and continence (Munḍaka Upaniṣad III.1.5). Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.23 adds another dimension: the self cannot be attained through study, intellection, or hearing; it can be known only through the self to which the seeker prays; it is known when the self reveals it true nature. And the result of perceiving the self is cessation of grief – perceiving this self as bodiless within bodies, as unchanging in the midst of the changing, as great and all-pervading, the wise man (dhīrah) does not grieve (Kaṭha Upaniṣad II.22). The unknowability of the ātman as an object is perhaps the reason why instruction about it is usually cryptic; it is spoken of obliquely with the help of referents, as it cannot be objectified (as is the case in Yājñavalkya’s dialogues in the Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad or the conversation between Āruṇi and Śvetaketu in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad). Moreover, the aspirant is also required to intuit or perceive the ātman himself (as shown in the Indra-Prajāpati episode in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad). A precondition for this perception is the preparation of the mind through purification. Brahman and A¯tman The identity of the macrocosmic principle brahman and its microcosmic counterpart ātman is

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stated in many an Upanisadic verse. For example, Chāndogya Upaniṣad III.14.4, which amplifies Śāndilya’s teachings as we found in Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa X.6.3.2, states that “this ātman of mine within the heart. . .is Brahman. . .” In Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad III.5.1, Kahola asks Yājñavalkya to explain that ātman within all which is the most evident and direct brahman (sākṣādaparokṣādbrahma). In a similar vein, Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad II.15 states that when one realizes the reality of brahman as the very reality of ātman, one becomes free from all bondages. Secondly, the qualities that are attributed to ātman are the same qualities that are attributed to brahman. For example, brahman is the ātman that has no sin, no decrepitude, no death, no sorrow, no hunger, and no thirst (Chāndogya Upaniṣad VIII.1.5). Brahman is great and self-effulgent; it is subtler than the subtle, farther than the far-off yet near at hand (Munḍaka Upaniṣad III. 1. 7). Brahman after having created (the universe) entered into that very thing; it became the formed and the formless, the sentient and the insentient, etc. (Taittirīya Upaniṣad II.6.1). While it is immanent, it is to be found especially within the cave of the heart (nihitam guhāyām) (Munḍaka Upaniṣad III. 1. 7). The brahman-ātman is the knower, the eternal subject of all knowledge, that can never be the object of knowledge, yet it is through this that everything else is known. Keṇa Upaniṣad I.2 describes brahman as the ear of the ear, mind of the mind, speech of the speech, eye of the eye, etc., that is, brahman is that on account of which knowledge itself is possible. Keṇa Upaniṣad I.4 cites the ancient people saying that brahman is indeed different from the known and above the unknown. In other words, it is neither known nor unknown, because anything that is known is limited, on the other hand, brahman being unknown would make knowledge itself an impossibility, as it is through brahman that we know, brahman is the real knower. Brahman cannot be uttered by speech, comprehended by the mind, seen with the eyes, and so on (Keṇa Upaniṣad I.5-9). Munḍaka Upaniṣad III.1.8 repeats that brahman cannot be grasped through the eyes, speech, and other senses; the indivisible brahman can only be

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perceived by the one, engaged in meditation, whose mind has become pure and whose intellect is favorable (by being transparent and tranquil, explains Śaṃkara in his commentary). The greatest statement of the identity of the macrocosmic brahman and the microcosmic ātman is perhaps “tat tvam asi” that appears as a refrain in the sixth chapter of the Chāndogya Upaniṣad. It is one of the Upanisadic mahāvākyas (great sayings) and is generally accepted to mean “you are that,” where “that” (tat) refers to pure being or brahman. However, there is some debate regarding it that should be mentioned. While the Advaita “school” of Vedānta deduces absolute identity between the two on the basis of this statement, the Dvaita thinkers (see below), for instance, question this interpretation and offer their own alternative meanings like “you are like that,” “you are (attached) to that,” “you are dependent on that,” “you are of the nature of that,” and so on, mainly invoking grammatical grounds ([1], p. 109). On the other hand, modern scholars too invoke a different interpretation on grammatical grounds. According to Joel Brereton, for instance, contextually as well as syntactically, it is not convincing that tad stands for sat, that is, being. He would rather translate “tat tvam asi” as “in that way are you. . .” [1]. Patrick Olivelle agrees with Brereton and prefers to translate “tat tvam asi” as “that’s how you are” ([3], p. 560). On the other hand, there are scholars who would give philosophical coherence precedence over grammatical rules (see discussion in [2], pp. 32–33, fn. 16). While, there could be debates – mainly grammatical as they appear – on the meaning of this famous mahāvākya, the other verses cited above show other instances where brahman-ātman identity is established, at times even quite explicitly.

A¯tman According to Different Schools of Thought The A¯stika Schools of Thought The six schools of Hindu philosophy (darśana) – Vedānta, Mīmāṃsā, Sāṃkhya, Yoga, Nyāya, and Vaiśeṣika – that developed mostly after the Upaniṣads are āstika, in that they accept the

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authority of the Vedas. However, drawing from the same source Upaniṣads, they vary in their conceptualization of the self. There are several schools within Vedanta, most prominent among which are the three – Advaita (non-dualism), Viśiṣṭādvaita (qualified nondualism), and Dvaita (dualism). There are several philosophers within each of these schools, and the history of development of the ideas of each school is long drawn. Here we shall discuss only some representative ideas. These three mainly differ in their ideas about the relationship between brahman and the ātman. The Advaitin Śaṃkara, for instance, explains it thus: he uses the word jīva to denote the individual self which is a subjectobject complex. “Its subject-element is Pure Consciousness and is called the Sākṣin [witness]. Its object-element is the internal organ called the antahkaraṇa [the inner instrument of cognition, consisting of manas, buddhi etc.] which is bhautika as it is composed of all the five elements. . .” ([5], p. 252). The former, that is, the pure self (which is consciousness and Sākṣin) is Brahman, and this identity is realized in liberation. Rāmānuja, the most prominent name in the Viśiṣṭādvaita tradition, on the other hand, proposes the philosophy of non-dualism qualified by difference. To put it briefly, for him “Unity means realization of being a vital member of [the] organic whole. God or the Absolute is this whole. He is the immanent controller...God is the soul of nature. God is also the soul of souls. Our souls are souls in relation to our bodies, but in relation to God, they become His body and He is their soul. The relation between the soul and the body is that of inner separability. . .” ([5], p. 346). On the other hand, Madhva, the dualist, accepts many of Rāmānuja’s ideas, but his views are divergent on many fundamental counts. For him, difference is so great a fact that he advocates five kinds of differences – that between soul and God, between soul and soul, between soul and matter, between God and matter, and finally, between matter and matter. For Madhva, God is the repository of infinitely good qualities; He is the creator, preserver, and destroyer; He is transcendent, as well as immanent as the inner

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controller; the human soul is by nature conscious and blissful but is subject to pain and imperfections on account of its association with the body, sense organs, minds, etc. Madhva accepts Rāmānuja’s distinction between matter, soul, and God but rejects his view that the differences between these three have no separate existence but are mere qualifications of identity. According to Madhva, matter, souls, and God are three distinct entities, and their differences constitute their unique natures, respectively [5]. The other schools too have variations within themselves, but here we shall consider only some representative views. Among the Mīmāṃsakas, Kumārila holds that “the self is of the nature of pure consciousness and is illumined by itself” ([6], p. 236). Some scholars disagree with this view, while some others uphold it (for details, see [6], p. 236). Sāṃkhya philosophy, on the other hand, rejects the idea of a single absolute self and instead postulates the existence of a plurality of individual souls. It postulates two co-present co-eternal realities – puruṣa and prakṛti. Puruṣa is the soul, the self, and the spirit; it is pure consciousness, distinct from the body, sense organs, etc. However, there are numerous puruṣas; as many individuals, so many are puruṣas as their souls or real selves. Prakṛti is the uncaused root cause of the universe. (One may doubt if Sāṃkhya can be regarded as consistent with the teachings of the Upaniṣads. Despite evident differences between the teachings of the Upaniṣads and those of Sāṃkhya, the issue is intricate and cannot be resolved unequivocally. See [5], p. 149, p. 31.) According to Sāṃkhya, the self is an object of inference and “can be inferred from its reflection (pratibimba) in buddhi as its original (bimba)” ([6], p. 260). The perception of the self is an impossibility, because of the split between puruṣa and prakṛti. According to Pātañjala Yoga, however, the self can be perceived through higher intuition, but this perception is like the pure self, the subject, intuiting itself through its reflection, the empirical self or the object, in buddhi. Vaiśeṣikas like Kaṇāda hold that the pure self can be perceived but not as an object of ordinary perception; it cannot be perceived through the manas. But it can be perceived by higher

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intuition – a particular kind of conjunction between the self and manas, and this conjunction occurs as a result of a particular power (dharma) born of meditation [6]. For the Naiyāyika, the self is a permanent substance, a substratum to qualities like cognition, pleasure, pain, desire, aversion, and effort. All Naiyāyikas agree that the self is an object of inference; it can be inferred from its qualities as their substratum. Generally speaking, the Naiyāyikas do not believe that the self can be perceived as it cannot be both “subject and object of the same act of knowledge” ([6], p. 259). But some Naiyāyikas hold that it is the object of perception as well; however, this perception is a special kind of perception (akin to what the Vaiśeṣikas hold). The Na¯stika Schools of Thought A prominent critic of the Vedantic notion of the self is Buddhism. They deny the existence of any self as the āstika schools would understand it. According to the Mādhyamika school of Buddhism, the true nature of things is empty of an intrinsic essence (śūnya). While the most common approach to interpreting this śūnyavāda is to consider it as a doctrine of void or emptiness, counter views to this also exist. Chandradhar Sharma, for example, holds that śūnya does not mean “empty void” but “indescribable” as it is beyond the four categories of the intellect ([5], pp. 86–87). The Yogācāra Buddhists go one step further and say that the self is nothing but a stream of constantly changing consciousness lacking in any core substance. The Yogācāras, therefore, hold that the self is but a series of cognitions, where these cognitions alone are ultimately real, and there is no self apart from these cognitions. Sadānanda, the author of Vedāntasāra, speaks of four kinds of Cārvākas: (1) those who identify the self with the gross body, (2) those who identify it with the external sense organs, (3) the ones who identify the self with the vital force, and (4) those who equate the self with the mind (Vedāntasāra III.124-27). Some also identify the self with the sons or dear ones (Vedāntasāra III.123). Jayanta Bhaṭṭa says that the Cārvākas regard “consciousness as a by-product of unconscious elements, e.g., earth, water, fire, and air.” ([6], p. 223)

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Hence, the Cārvākas do not hold the self to be an independent, self-existent, conscious entity, as do the Upaniṣads. Therefore, the Cārvākas believe that the ātman as the Upaniṣads understand it does not exist at all; it can neither be perceived through the sense organs or the mind nor inferred (inference is not a means of valid knowledge according to Cārvākas; however, they find no mark of inference either) [6].

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Āstika ▶ Atharva Veda ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇas ▶ Cārvāka ▶ Darśana, Overview of Six Schools ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Mādhva ▶ Mahā-vākya ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Mīmāṃsā as Introspective Literature and as Philosophy ▶ Navyā-Nyāya ▶ Nyāya ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Śarīra (Body) ▶ Sat ▶ Satyabhāmā ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vaiśeṣika ▶ Vedānta, Overview ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Brereton JP (1986) “Tat Tvam Asi” in context. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 136(1):98–109 2. Ganeri J (2007) The concealed art of the soul: theories of self and practices of truth in Indian ethics and epistemology. Oxford University Press, New York

159 3. Olivelle P (ed & trans) (1998) The early Upaniṣads: annotated text and translation. Oxford University Press, New York 4. Renou L (1952) On the word ātman. Vak 2:151–157 5. Sharma C (1987) A critical survey of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 6. Sinha J (1958) Indian psychology. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

¯ tmaniksepa A ˙ ▶ Prapatti

¯ tmasamarpana A ˙ ▶ Prapatti

Atya¯śramavratins ▶ Pāśupatas

Aum Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction According to Hinduism, reflection upon and realization of an inner sound leads to development on the spiritual path. Similar claims are found in many traditions, religions, and philosophies worldwide ([1], p. 24). This inner sound represents the infinite reality that is unnamed and indescribable. However, interestingly this Supreme One has different expressions in human languages across cultures. Some call it AUM (in Hinduism), Allah (in Islam), God, the Father (in Christianity),

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Aum

Aum, Table 1 Linguistic expressions for the Almighty in different religions Linguistic expressions AUM, naad, akash bani, and sruti Nada and udgit Akshar Aum Aum, namo The music of spheres Sraosha Kalma and kalam-iqadim Word and water of life Hu and the divine wine Hari ras and amrit Naam, akhand kirtan, and sacha shabd

Aum, Table 2 Phonemes constituting the Almighty

Works/ scriptures Vedas

Cultures/ religions Hinduism

Religion Hinduism

Phonemes [a], [u], [m]

Similar sound [a] and [m]

Upanishads Bhagavad Gita Mahayana Agamas Taught by Pythagoras Zoroaster Qur’an

Hinduism Hinduism

Islam

[a], [m], [i], [n]

[a] and [m]

Christianity

[a], [m], [e], [n]

[a] and [m]

Bible Sufism Saints and mystics Guru Granth Sahib

Buddhism Jainism Greek Zoroastrian Islam Christianity Islam Indian Mysticism Sikhism

Hu (in Sufism), Shabd (in Sikhism), Tao (in Taoism), and Word of the Almighty, Consciousness, Awareness, Self, Brahman, and the like. The list is virtually endless. Some representative names of this kind can be found in Table 1. When we study the three largest religions of the world based on the number of adherents they have – Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism – we find that the linguistic expression for the Almighty often consists of some of the same phonemes: nasal and vowel sounds ([2], p. cli). In Hinduism, there are two vowel sounds, or a diphthong and a nasal, and in Islam and Christianity, there are two vowels and two nasal sounds. Even in Buddhism, Sikhism, and Jainism, all revere and recite Aum. Perhaps no other sound evokes South Asian religions as precisely as this monosyllabic mantra. This sound is ubiquitous and is employed in recitation, ritual, and meditation (Table 2). Phonetically, when we analyze the similar sounds for the ultimate reality found in the majority of the religions, we find that the vowel [a] and nasal [m] span the mouth (from larynx to lips). All audible sounds are produced in between this space, starting from the root of the tongue and ending at the two lips. The back of the mouth

Description Back vowel and bilabial nasal Front and back vowel and bilabial and alveolar nasal Front and back vowel and bilabial and alveolar nasal

and throat are responsible for the vowel [a] and bilabial [m] is produced with the lips. Some Hindu traditions thus generalize that the sounds [a], [u], and [m] encompass all sounds, and all words in all human languages.

Constitution of Aum/Om The origin of Aum and its veneration among Hindus are perhaps as old as the Hindu religion. Interestingly, Aum is said to represent the essence of the Vedas and other ancient scriptures ([17, 21], p. 72). This compressed single utterance is the part of Hindu auditory culture, which is believed to reveal that this sound is the universe in itself, the audible embodiment of ultimate reality. Its reverberation is said to keep the worlds in motion. According to the Taittiriya Upanishad, the whole universe is Aum. The average Hindu may not be interested in the history and constitution of this sound; rather he/she is more likely to consider it the distillation of the wisdom of the Vedas, and so beyond human origin. According to Sankara, the medieval Hindu theologian, Aum is prior to everything. It is the audible realization of the absolute reality [3]. Aum, orthographically also written as Om (and ૐ, in Sanskrit), is a Sanskrit word made up of vowels [a] and [u], or a diphthong [au], and nasal [m]. The phonemes [a], [u], and [m] represent the Vedas, natural elements, the Hindu trinity, and time ([26], p. 104). According to Sanskrit

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phonology, Aum is a single mantra made up of akar (shaped things), ukar (shapeless things), makar (neither shapeless nor shaped things), ardhamantra (monosyllable), bindu (dot), nada (sound), kala (crescent), and shakti (energy) [25]. The Chandogya Upanishad states that as leaves can be held together by a spike, similarly all things in the world are held together by Aum. Further, the Bhagavad Gita (8.13) states that while uttering the single syllable Aum, the soul which departs from the dead body mingles with the eternal Brahman. According to Hindu scriptures particularly the Taittiriya Upanishad, Chandogya Upanishad, and Mundaka Upanishad, Aum is a sweet, delicate, and easily attainable sound, and the Omkar, or Om symbol, is a remedy for the soul. Therefore, it is considered worthy of singing at an increasingly higher, rising pitch (Table 3) ([19], p. 87). The threefold division of time – that is, the past, present, and future – also represents three different stages of the mind: [a] the waking state, represented by the large lower curve; [u] the dream state, represented by the lower curve; and [m] the state of deep sleep, represented by the upper curve. Furthermore, the bindu or “dot” represents the absolute and fourth state of consciousness known as turiya, which is responsible for illuminating all of the other three states. Maya or “illusion” is represented by the semicircle, and it keeps apart the dot from the three curves, indicating that the absolute is pure, infinite, and unaffected by illusion. Thus, Aum symbolizes the entire universe and Brahman, the ultimate reality from which the universe springs. In Hindu scriptures, the physical form of Lord Ganesha (who has the head of an elephant) is formed in the shape of AUM. The head or face of Ganesh is identified with the upper curve, and

the lower curve constitutes his belly, whereas his trunk is represented by the twisted curve ([23], p. 108).

Sound Metaphysics of Aum In Hinduism, the sonic aspects and sounding of scriptures are considered so important that sonality creates a third space habitus which mediates between binary oppositions, such as emic/ etic, orality/literacy, meaning/meaningless, shape/shapeless, and the like. The Vedas passed on their ancient wisdom from one generation to another as shruti (literally “heard”) through this auditory culture. Likewise, sonality also provides us with a tale of the origin of Aum. In the Mandukya Upanishad, there is a hymn that narrates the origin of the sound Aum. When formless Shiva (a member of the Trimurti or “Hindu Trinity”) assumes form and dances as Lord Nataraja, he holds in his upper hand a small rattle drum and beats it. The beating produces the primordial sound, and thus pranava (Aum) is produced. Later on this sound fills the universe and modifies matter and space. Following that occurs the evolution of the subtle and gross universe with all entities, along with space and time. Many Hindus believe that if one pronounces the three sounds that constitute it accurately, then he/she can understand the entire cycle of the universe, as Aum in itself contains everything [6, 16, 20]. During chanting sound [a], a vibration is felt near the navel or abdomen. While uttering [u] and [m], the sound vibration can be felt in the chest and the head, respectively. The reproductive and creative organs are located in the lower abdomen; therefore, vibration in the abdomen

Aum, Table 3 AUM and its sound representation Letter A

Veda Rig Veda

Elements Water, earth

Trinity Brahma

Time Past

U

Yajur Veda

Space, air

Vishnu

Present

M

Sama Veda

Fire

Mahesha / Shiva

Future

Quality Rajas “Passion, active, confused” Sattva “Goodness, constructive, harmonious” Tamas “Darkness, destructive, chaotic”

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represents creation. The lungs preserve the human body through breath, and the vibration in the chest symbolizes preservation. The vibration in the head symbolizes destruction, because every idea first takes birth in the mind, and it can be destroyed first mentally. However, some Hindu scriptures, particularly the Upanishads, attribute to Aum the divine property of the origin of the universe. It is seen as the source of existence in which there are cyclic dimensions of space and time. The three phonemes in Aum – [a], [u], and [m] – are also called the three syllable Veda because the Devanagari script follows an alphasyllabary system in which the onset and nucleus constitute a syllable. The first syllable [a] represents absolute infinity. It is Brahman, the Unknown, which is indestructible. According to the Aitareya Aranyaka, the sound [a] is the whole of speech. As it is manifested through mutes and sibilants, it becomes manifold and various ([15], p. 54). If it is uttered in a whisper it is the prana, or breath. If it is uttered, forcefully, that is the body – sharira. Therefore, it is hidden as the previous body encapsulated in the prana of the current body. But when spoken out loud, it is the current body, and visible, for the physical body is visible. The sound [a] is also a suffix in every Sanskrit consonant sound. Therefore, in every spoken syllable, word, phrase, or sentence, there exists Brahman. Lord Krishna in the Bhagavad Gita states: “I am the letter [a] among the vowels of the alphabet and the dwanda compound in relation to the words collectively” ([7], p. 201). “I am indestructible time. I am the Dispenser facing everywhere.” The sound [u] combines the life breath, prana, and speech, vac, together into our consciousness giving rise to maya, or illusion. The phoneme [u] is the unfolding maya. It is the measure of things as our consciousness molds out forms in the formless ([4], p. 56). A hymn in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad states: “[u] is the universal song. The vital breath prana is called ut, for by vital breath is this whole creation upheld and supported. The universal song, verily, is speech.” In the Chandogya Upanishad, it is stated that the syllable Aum is a syllable of permission; when

Aum

someone permits anything, he/she utters Aum. Further, in the Vijnana Bhairawa Tantra, there is a dialogue between Lord Shiva and Bhairavi where Shiva emphasizes the correct pronunciation and recitation of pranava, or Aum, “the sacred syllable.” He states: “O Bhairavi, by perfect recitation of pranava or the sacred syllable aum, and by contemplating the void at the end of the protracted phase of it, and by the most eminent energy of the void, the yogi attains the void.” In Hinduism, there are three pranavas, which are associated with three branches of the Hindu philosophical tradition: the vedic pranava (Aum), the saiva pranava (Hum), and the sakta pranava (Hrim). Each should be chanted 7–11 times according to the procedures associated with the ritual. The sounds constituting Aum are not language specific, but they are found in almost all languages across cultures. When one pronounces Aum, the sound remains steady, and it can be held for the longest duration per breath for the longest consecutive sequence of breaths ([12], p. 206). According to some scientific analyses of the acoustics of the Aum chant with respect to its effect on the nervous system, while chanting the Aum mantra, the brain stabilizes and one can remove worldly thought and increase one’s energy. The chanting also increases concentration to the extent that long-time practitioners can easily listen to, modify, and synchronize it with their heartbeats.

Aum in Hindu Hymns and Prayers In Hinduism, it is believed that without Aum no sacred chant is complete and thus has no power. Aum is a life-giving breath for every hymn and mantra ([22], p. 45). The Gayatri mantra, a prayer to the Supreme Entity in the form of the Sun, incorporates all the ideas of Aum symbolism. Aum is always prefixed to Gayatri mantra along with seven vyahrities. Further, these vyahrities are mentally installed in the seven chakras, starting from the muladhara to ajna. Also the glory of Aum is found in the Vedas, Upanishads, and Bhagavad Gita. A hymn in Rig Veda states that seers and gods, by the power of

Aum

Vedic chants, got the Sun out of darkness and the Sun of divine truth, the divine syllable Aum ([10], p. 87). Further, Aum is described as a bull of chants, and the three worlds, Bhuh, Bhuvah, and Svah, are formed with Aum. In the Chandogya and Brihadaranyaka Upanishads, the origin of this mantra and its manifestation are elaborated. In the Taittiriya Upanishad, the syllable Aum is described as Brahman and it is pointed out that Aum is the most sacred mantra, capable of illuminating all the faculties of intellect. Further, it states that the physical world is a representation of Aum. There is a dialogue between Satyakama and Pippalada in the Prashna Upanishad where the glory of the worship of Aum is explained. Pippalada explains that Aum is recommended for worship in Saguna Brahman, the “form with its attributes” and also in Nirguna Brahman, or “formless attributes.” In the Katha Upanishad, Aum is declared to be parabrahman, or “the Supreme Reality.” A conversation between Nachiketa and Yama (the god of death) reveals that Aum is verily Brahman and one who obtains it can get whatever he/she desires. The Narayanopanishad of the Atharva Veda says that the syllable Aum is the Supreme Lord, and the yogi who utters Aum becomes free from the bondage of repeated material birth. Chapters one to thirteen of the Chandogya Upanishad sing the glory of Aum: the syllable Aum is udgita and is to be meditated upon. The yoga sūtra of Patanjali manifests Aum as God ([24], p. 23). Lord Krishna in the Bhagavad Gita states that, “One who thinks of me at the time of ultimate transit, by repeating the word Aum attains, the highest state of samadhi” ([18], p. 102; [27], p. 69). According to the Linga purana, Lord Shiva is stationed in the letters Aum and Uma. In the Skanda Purana, Vamadeva seeks blessings in the form of Aum. Adi Sankara commences his Navaratnamalika Stotra of the divine mother as omkara panjara sukim: “The divine mother is captivated as a parrot in the cage of Omkar.” The Mandukya Upanishad glorifies the syllable Aum and declares that Aum is everything, including space and time. In the Sama Veda, Aum is conceived as Nada Brahman, or as self-luminous

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Brahman manifest in Nada, or sound ([13, 14], p. 53). In the Prashna Upanishad, it is advised to meditate on the three sounds of Aum. A practitioner who meditates on [a] takes rebirth to live and lead a pious life, full of love, and faith, whereas someone who meditates on the two sounds [a] and [u] reaches the lunar world, full of pleasure, and is reborn. But those who meditate on [a], [u], and [m] are freed from sin, just as a snake sheds its skin; and they attain the supreme bliss through seeing the Lord ([11], p. 98). The Amritabindu Upanishad instructs worshipers to repeat Aum until it reverberates in their heart. Further, the Mandukya Upanishad states that meditation upon Aum gives benefits to the practitioner: the meditator attains waking personality, mind and intellect, and prajna and turiya ([8], p. 94). Adi Shankara’s commentary, Panchikarana, brings cosmology and spirituality closer together. He states that Brahman transforms itself into five elements: earth, water, fire, air, and ether [5]. In the gross world, these elements cannot exist by themselves. Each faculty of a human being is linked to a particular element and to a power, and this power is stored by meditation on the Aum, through which transformation takes place: from waking to dream and then from deep sleep to the supreme. While practicing and meditating on Aum, one can establish a relationship between the gross and the sublime ([9], p. 32).

Cross-References ▶ Mantra ▶ Sonic Theology

References 1. Beck GL (1993) Sonic theology: Hinduism and sacred sound. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia 2. Bloomfield M (1889) On the etymology of the particle OM. Proceedings of the American Oriental Society. J Am Orient Soc 14(1890):cl–clii 3. Brown NW (1968) The creative role of Vāc in the rig veda. In: Heesterman (ed) Pratidānam. American Oriental Society, Michigan, pp 393–397

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164 4. Bryant E (2009) The yoga Sūtras of Patañjali. North Point Press, New York 5. Bühler G (ed) (1892–1894) Āpastambīya-DharmaSūtra: aphorisms on the sacred law of the Hindus by Āpastamba. Bombay Sanskrit series, vol 44. Bombay, p 50 6. Bull M, Back L (2003) Into sound. In: Bull M, Back L (eds) The auditory culture reader. Berg, Oxford/New York, pp 1–24 7. Cardona G (1997) Pāṇini, a survey of research. Mouton, The Hague 8. Cohen S (2008) Text and authority in the older Upaniṣads. Brill, Leiden/Boston 9. Collins B (2014) The head beneath the altar: Hindu mythology and the critique of sacrifice. Michigan State University Press, East Lansing 10. Doniger W (trans) (1981) The rig veda: an anthology. Penguin Books, London/New York 11. Doniger O’Flaherty W (ed) (1980) Karma and rebirth in classical Indian traditions. University of California Press, Berkeley 12. Gerety FMM (2017) Melody, mantra, and meaninglessness: towards a history of OM. In: Thompson G, Payne R (eds) Beyond meaning: essays honoring the life and work of Frits Staal. Contemporary issues in Buddhist studies series. University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu 13. Houben JEM (2000) The ritual pragmatics of a Vedic hymn: the ‘riddle hymn’ and the Pravargya ritual. J Am Orient Soc 120:499–536 14. Jamison S, Brereton J (trans) (2014) The rigveda: the earliest religious poetry of India, vol 3. Oxford University Press, New York 15. Keith AB (ed and trans) (1909) The Aitareya Āraṇyaka. Clarendon Press, Oxford 16. Killingley D (1986) Oṃ: the sacred syllable in the Veda. In: Lipner JJ (ed) A net cast wide: investigations into Indian thought in memory of David Friedman. Grevatt & Grevatt, Newcastle upon Tyne, pp 14–33 17. Macdonell AA (1897) The vedic mythology. K.J. Trübner, Strassburg 18. Malinar A (2007) The Bhagavadgītā: doctrines and contexts. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge/New York 19. Michaels A (2004) Hinduism (trans: Harshav B). Princeton University Press, Princeton 20. Ouseparampil SV (1977) The history and mystery of OM. J Dharma II(4):438–459 21. Padoux A (1990) Vāc: the concept of the word in selected Hindu Tantras (trans: Gontier J). State University of New York Press, Albany 22. Pollock S (2006) The language of the gods in the world of men: Sanskrit, culture, and power in premodern India. University of California Press, Berkeley 23. Smith BK (1989) Reflections on resemblance, ritual, and religion. Oxford University Press, New York 24. von Roth R, Whitney WD (eds) (1856) Atharvaveda Saṃhitā (School of the Śaunakas). F. Dümmler, Berlin

Auroville 25. Watkins C (1970) Language of the gods and language of men: remarks on some Indo-European metalinguistic traditions. In: Puhvel J (ed) Myth and law among the Indo-Europeans. University of California Press, Berkeley, pp 1–17 26. Wilke A, Moebus O (2011) Sound and communication: an aesthetic cultural history of Sanskrit Hinduism. De Gruyter, Berlin 27. Zaehner RC (1969) The Bhagavad-Gītā, with a commentary based on the original sources. Clarendon Press, Oxford

Further Reading Flood G (1996) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge/New York Olivelle P (trans) (1992) Saṃnyāsa Upaniṣads: Hindu scriptures on asceticism and renunciation. Oxford University Press, New York

Auroville Debashish Banerji East-West Psychology, California Institute of Integral Studies, San Francisco, CA, USA Academic Affairs, University of Philosophical Research, Los Angeles, CA, USA

Synonyms Ashram; Conscious evolution; Intentional communities; Spiritual anarchism; Utopian communities

Definition An experimental spiritual community based on the ideas of Sri Aurobindo and the Mother.

Introduction Auroville is an experimental township in Viluppuram district in the state of Tamil Nadu, close to Puducherry, South India. In the words of the Auroville website: “Auroville is a universal township in the making for a population of up to

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50,000 people from around the world” ([1], last accessed 9/30/2013). Founded by Sri Aurobindo’s spiritual companion and collaborator, Mirra Alfassa (1878–1973), also known as the Mother, the name of the town, as explained by her, means both “the city of Dawn” and “the city of Sri Aurobindo.” At present (2013), Auroville has about 2300 residents and about 100 communities spread over around 20 square kilometers ([2], last accessed 9/30/2013). Indians form the largest single nationality represented, followed by the French and the Germans. There are close to 20 guesthouses. The planned circular demarcation of Auroville includes 9 Tamil villages, with a population of 11,000, of which about 5000 are employed in Auroville ([3], p. 2, last accessed 9/30/2013).

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wrote a short manifesto titled A Dream. In its first paragraph, she wrote: There should be somewhere upon earth, a place that no nation could claim as its sole property, a place where all beings of goodwill, sincere in their aspiration, could live freely as citizens of the world, obeying one single authority, that of the supreme Truth; a place of peace, concord, harmony, where all the fighting instincts of man would be used exclusively to conquer the causes of his suffering and misery, to surmount his weakness and ignorance, to triumph over his limitations and incapacities: a place where the needs of the spirit and the care for progress would get precedence over the satisfaction of desires and passions, the seeking for pleasures and material enjoyment. ([8], last accessed: 10/1/2013) The Mother began developing the plan for Auroville from 1964 and the official inauguration of the town was done on 28th February, 1968. ([9], last accessed: 10/1/2013)

Origins The roots of Auroville are in the teachings of Sri Aurobindo (1872–1950), the Indian yogi and guru, who lived in Puducherry and around whom an ashram (the Sri Aurobindo Ashram) developed. Sri Aurobindo’s views encompassed a transformed social context supporting endeavors toward a change of human consciousness ([4], pp. 247–249). In his social and political writings, Sri Aurobindo envisages a possibility of human unity based on a free confederation of nations ([5], pp. 533–547). The spiritual teaching of Sri Aurobindo aims at the development of a “gnostic society” in which humans who have realized spiritual unity express themselves as many beings with a supracosmic organ of knowledge (vijnana), which he called “supermind” ([6], pp. 1066–1070). To facilitate this realization, Sri Aurobindo’s political philosophy espouses a form of spiritual anarchism, leading to a society without external government ([4], p. 219). Combining these ideals, the Mother, wrote: “Auroville wants to be the first realization of human unity based on the teaching of Sri Aurobindo, where men of all countries would be at home” ([7], last accessed: 10/1/2013). The idea that was to crystallize as Auroville was expressed by the Mother in 1954, when she

Charter of Auroville The inauguration of Auroville consisted of the Charter of Auroville (composed by the Mother) read out in French by her from her room in Pondicherry and broadcast live. The charter was then read in 16 languages at the amphitheater near the physical center of Auroville, where 5000 persons were gathered. Soil from 124 nations and 23 Indian states was placed by youth from those countries and states in a raised marble urn, symbolizing a lotus bud rising from the earth. The charter of Auroville, in its English form, reads: 1. Auroville belongs to nobody in particular. Auroville belongs to humanity as a whole. But to live in Auroville, one must be a willing servitor of the Divine Consciousness. 2. Auroville will be the place of an unending education, of constant progress, and a youth that never ages. 3. Auroville wants to be the bridge between the past and the future. Taking advantage of all discoveries from without and from within, Auroville will boldly spring toward future realizations.

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4. Auroville will be a site of material and spiritual researches for a living embodiment of an actual human unity ([10], last accessed: 10/1/2013).

Plan The original plan of Auroville was conceived by the Mother in 1968 [image] in the form of a galaxy radiating in spiraling sectors from a circular center. At the center of Auroville is a zone representing peace and unity and containing a spherical temple to the Divine Mother (Matrimandir), representing the soul of the city, the amphitheater with the lotus urn which featured in the inauguration and a banyan tree (Tree of Unity), which was present at that site prior to the inauguration. Around this center, the circular extension is divided into four sectors or zones: Cultural, industrial, international, and residential. The cultural zone is meant to provide multiple facilities for culture and education, combining multicultural, traditional, modern, and futuristic modalities. The industrial zone houses the administrative structures and common facilities for small-scale industries meant to give expression to the skills and interests of residents and to make Auroville financially self-sustaining. The international zone houses pavilions for nations and states with an identifiable cultural history. These pavilions showcase the culture of the nation or state through exhibitions, performances, and educational facilities. The purpose of these pavilions is to facilitate the attainment of cultural unity through experience and sharing. The residential zone is the living area for Auroville residents and emphasizes research into multiple expressions of architectural and interior design and experiments in environmental activities and energy production [11].

Matrimandir: The Soul of a City In the Mother’s plan of 1965, Auroville, the city, would develop around a physical center which she designated as a Park of Unity, with a site for

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concentration of consciousness at its center, which would be the soul of the city. This center was later named Matrimandir or the Mother’s Temple by the Mother. In 1970, the Mother gave directions to the French architect Roger Anger for the inner chamber of the structure and collaborated with him for its design. The structure was to be a slightly flattened golden sphere surrounded by 12 gardens and encircled by a lake. Symbolically, the architect had 3 ideas in mind with this structure’s external design – a cosmic egg (Brahmanda), a full-blown lotus with the 12 gardens representing 12 petals, and a radiating golden sun emerging from matter. The inner chamber is a circular room with 12 facets, having 12 cylindrical columns halfway from the center, and a crystal globe resting on a “cube stand” made up by four upright gilded symbols of Sri Aurobindo [image] at the center of the room. A single vertical beam of light falls on the crystal from the ceiling above. During the day this beam is a ray of sunlight tracked by a heliostat. Electric spotlights create a similar effect at night and on cloudy days. The Matrimandir’s foundation stone was laid on 21st February, 1971. The building was completed in May 2008 ([12], last accessed: 10/1/2013).

Social Features Auroville has a number of unique features as an experimental township: 1. There is no individual property ownership in Auroville. Those who build homes in Auroville do not own them but have a preferential right to occupancy. 2. There is no money exchange within Auroville. Instead there is a credit account system, where work is translated to credits and exchanged for purchases and utilities. 3. Education, medical services, and cultural events are made available without charge to residents. 4. There are no formal religions in Auroville. In the Mother’s words, “Auroville is for those who want to live a life essentially divine but

Auroville

who renounce all religions whether they be ancient, modern or of the future.” 5. Each Aurovilian freely chooses his/her field of work and the unit in which this work is to be done. The range of activities includes construction, manufacture, printing, sewing, cottage industries, agriculture, education, grass roots technological research, and other services required by the community ([11, 13], p.).

Sustainability The idea of Auroville, as conceived by the Mother, included an aspiration for perfection in social, spiritual, and environmental consciousness. Thus practices for sustainable living have formed an important part of Auroville research, planning, and implementation from the start. Following the Mother’s guidelines, the use of technology in Auroville caters to a simple lifestyle and a harmonious relationship with the environment. Though Auroville was situated in a barren over-cultivated area with very poor water drainage, land and water conservation work has transformed these conditions. Around the inhabited area of Auroville, a planned forest area forms a greenbelt providing a protected natural habitat with weather control. The residential areas are divided into small decentralized communities, reducing the need for construction and maintenance of large-scale municipal systems. Aside from electricity – though some communities produce their own, most draw from the state electric supply – the communities are selfcontained with localized water and wastewater management systems. Solar technology is widely used for water pumping and heating, including providing the energy for the main kitchen supporting the food needs for the entire township. Solar photovoltaic panels, custom designed by Aurovilians, supply some of the electric needs. Over 400 residences presently have their electric power needs met solely by solar energy. A few projects have also developed around the use of wind energy in strategic locations.

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Architects, planners, and product designers in Auroville have focused their research and innovations around sustainability. The use of ferrocement and pressed stabilized unbaked earth blocks are some of the innovations in construction. Architectural and landscape design take account of the environment, utilizing its natural features while preserving its soil fertility and water retention, with rainwater harvesting incorporated into the designs. For internal transportation, Auroville is considering the development of electric vehicles (cars, bicycles, and motorcycles) that will reduce the carbon footprint and create a healthier natural environment ([13], last accessed: 10/1/2013).

Governance Auroville was legally established as part of a Trust, the Sri Aurobindo Society, founded by the Mother in Pondicherry, though governance was directed by the Mother, aided by the Administrative Committee of Auroville and a secretary. After the Mother’s death in 1973, Aurovilians requested legal independence from the Society and created the Auroville Trust for this purpose. The Sri Aurobindo Society’s refusal to transfer property rights to the Auroville Trust led to a 6-year bitter struggle which was finally resolved in 1980 with the intervention of the Indian Government. In 1988, the Government changed the legal status of Auroville to a Foundation made up of three components: (1) a resident’s assembly, made up of all Aurovilians above the age of eighteen; (2) a governing board, made up of nine appointees, of whom two are representatives of the Indian Government and one is an Aurovilian; and (3) an international advisory council, composed of up to five members who are concerned with the ideals of human unity, peace, and progress. The resident’s assembly is represented by a working committee of seven members. This is, at present, the real executive organ of Auroville. It is assisted by a variety of working groups that operate with a high degree of autonomy. Major community decisions are usually taken in meetings open to all

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residents, with consensus as the preferred mode of decision ([11, 12], p.).

Cross-References ▶ Nationalism (Hinduism) ▶ Neo Vedānta ▶ Psychological Method ▶ Sri Aurobindo ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. http://www.auroville.org/av_brief.htm 2. http://www.auroville.org/society/av_population.htm 3. Meier J (2006) Being Aurovilian: constructions of self, spirituality and India in an international community, J@rgonia 10/2006. http://research.jyu.fi/jargonia/ artikkelit/jargonia10.pdf 4. Sri Aurobindo (1997) The human cycle. Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry 5. Sri Aurobindo (1997) The ideal of human unity. Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry 6. Sri Aurobindo (2005) The life divine. Sri Aurobindo Ashram, Pondicherry 7. http://www.auroville.org/vision/maonav_selected.htm 8. http://www.auroville.org/vision/adream.htm 9. http://www.auroville.org/vision/inauguration.htm 10. http://www.auroville.org/vision/charter.htm 11. Edited and published by Alain G (1992) Auroville: a dream takes shape. Sri Aurobindo Ashram Press, Pondicherry 12. http://www.auroville.org/thecity/matrimandir/mm_ soul.htm 13. http://www.auroville.org/research/AV_Sustainabil ity_Study_Project_by_Visiting_Students.pdf

Auspiciousness Frédérique Apffel-Marglin Department of Anthropology, Smith College, Northamtpon, MA, USA

Synonyms Mangala; Shubha

Auspiciousness

Definition The regeneration of the polity, the land, the sea, and the lineage; the absence of calamities such as epidemics, floods, famines, etc.

Introduction Auspiciousness has been the term normally used to render Sanskrit or vernacular terms such as mangala or shubha in English. These terms can sometimes, not always, refer to things or activities that are emphatically different from terms such a shuddha or pavitra or saucha usually rendered in English as purity [3]. A clear illustration of the difference between these two sets of terms is the festival of Raja Parba, that is, the festival of the menses of the earth, the sea, and women, celebrated all over rural Orissa by all castes except Brahmins. In Assam and Bengal this festival is called ambuvaci and is a variant of the Orissan festival. Briefly, Raja Parba is typically celebrated at the onset of the monsoon in mid-June during 4 days. During these 4 days the male heads of households in the villages depart and head toward a forest grove with a goddess shrine where they set up large tents. Usually there is only one tent per village and all the men, regardless of caste, sleep in the same tent. They bring with them cooking utensils and food and sacrifice rams to the goddess and cook the meat for large communal feasts shared among all the men of a village. Meanwhile the women take over all public space in the villages, the girls swing on dolis (swings) attached to tree branches, food is exchanged by the women among households, and swing songs are sung by women and girls. Many women visit the goddess shrine in the grove but do not spend the night there. Women and men stop all productive work, such as plowing for the men and pounding rice for the women, or having sexual relations among other productive activities. The words of a farmer at the site of Haracandi’s grove a few kilometers south of Puri Jagannath vividly capture what this festival is about:

Auspiciousness The Mother (ma), the earth and women are the same thing in different forms. During the four days of Raja, the earth, the Mother, is bleeding. We think that women are bleeding too, not really but symbolically (shanketika) and that the Mother bleeds through them. During the menses (raja) of the earth women do no work; they play and sing with their friends. The sole reason is for them to rest, just like during their monthly period when they do no work and must not be disturbed, must not be touched, they are untouchable then. When the Goddess is bleeding we also stop all work in the fields, and not only we farmers but all other men: blacksmiths, carpenters, potters, washermen, barbers, fishermen, etc. It is incumbent upon us that we should please the Goddess and women at this time.

The 4 days of the festival corresponds to the 4 days observed by women of menstruating age monthly. During those days the women do not cook or engage in any other type of work and stay apart from their husbands and observe other restrictions. On the fourth day they take a purifying bath that signifies the end of their menstrual condition. During Raja Parba the goddess follows the same pattern. In the words of Sisulata Pallei, the wife of a farmer in a coastal village in Orissa, speaking on the third day of the festival, she says the following, commenting on how the image of Goddess Haracandi is treated by the pandas at her shrine in the grove: Haracandi is at her menses; three days are gone and tomorrow is Thakurani Gadua (the bath of the Lady). Just like the girls and women do, She will also take a bath. Red color will be thrown on her so it will appear as if she is bleeding. Pouring this red on her, they will treat her as if she were menstruating. . .The priest will show it to the pilgrims and say: “this is the blood of Thakurani”. People out of joy and happiness will drink that water. . . Our minds are happy during our menses, but we feel a little bit bad because we cannot wash and are dirty. . .Menstrual blood is not dirty (maila) though, we just feel dirty because we cannot wash and bathe. . . if we touch it we become untouchable and polluted (mara). . . But menses are a happy thing. If a girl does not get her periods it is such a bad thing; she can’t have children, she can’t marry, nothing will happen, nothing. It is inauspicious (amangala.)

Both men and women also spoke of what would happen if they did not respect the menstruation of women and the earth. They spoke of what

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happened to Draupadi in the Mahabharata at the dice game as she was wagered by the head of the five Pandavas, one of her five husbands. Duhsasana of the opposing Kaurava clan dragged her by her loosened hair into the public hall where the game was taking place, indicating that she was menstruating. He tried to disrobe her in public, an act often interpreted by scholars as an attempted rape. Draupadi famously cursed Duhsasana to not rebind her hair until she could mix it with his blood. The result was the total destruction of the Kaurava clan, leaving not a single heir alive to continue that lineage. The calamities that would befall people if the menses of the goddess and of women were not respected extend from the continuation of the lineage to the productivity of the land (and the sea) in the form of abundant crops and the lack of disasters such as floods and famine. The auspiciousness of women’s and the goddess’ menses includes both what moderns might refer to as the realms of society and that of nature. Those two aspects of reality are not seen as separate and mutually exclusive ones but rather as one phenomenon [1, 8]. It is of course significant that this festival takes place at the time of the onset of the monsoon when the hot, fallow season comes to an end and articulates with the coming of the rains. The Sanskrit (and Oriya) word ritu means both an articulation between the seasons and menses. Menses are spoken of as fallow times both for women and for the earth. During the hot season the earth lies fallow, hot and dry, like women at their menses. The fallow time is necessary to what comes after, namely, the time of regeneration. The yearly rhythm of the seasons, of the alternation between dry and wet, synchronizes with the rhythms of women’s menses, their alternation between fallow times and productive times. Men as well synchronize their activities with the rhythms of the seasons abstaining from any productive activities during Raja Parba. A lack of synchronization through a lack of respecting these ritus of women, the earth, and the sea brings about what is spoken of as inauspiciousness (amangala) as well as ill fortune (durbhagya).

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This regeneration of the powers of what many of the men refer to as srusti karttri or Adishakti, the creative aspect of the goddess and of women, manifests itself through the land, the sea, and through women. To let these rest, to not touch them, to not have them work, to give them gifts, and to please them at this crucial articulation of the seasons and of women’s rhythms ensure the regeneration of the lineage, of the land, and of the sea. Furthermore, it must be noted that these actions are carried out by men and women regardless of caste differences. All castes, even the socalled untouchable ones such as barbers and washermen, sleep in the same tents and share the same food at the same meal. Humans are then spoken of as the children of the goddess, under her protection, all brothers and sisters. As several men expressed it during the festival, there is then no feeling of high and low. At the festival men sleep, feast, play, and sing all together, regardless of their castes. The regeneration of the land, of the sea, and of women’s creative powers are the fruits of these observances and the opposite results from their violation as the example given so often of Duhsasana’s violation of Draupadi’s menses illustrates. The foregoing might lead one to think that women and the goddess are particularly bearers of auspiciousness. Although this is true, auspiciousness is associated more generally with the regeneration or renewal of both the human and nonhuman realms. To give a specific illustration of this, we will turn to one of India’s four dhammas (pilgrimage sites) located at four cardinal points in the subcontinent, the temple of Jagannath in Puri Orissa on the eastern coast of the subcontinent. This twelfth-century temple is vast and is served by over 10,000 temple servants. The temple in Hinduism is a microcosm of the realm or kingdom and thus its life can tell us a great deal about most aspects of a Hindu polity, especially at a time when such polities have essentially vanished from the contemporary scene. Before turning to the specifics of Jagannath temple, let us first speak of the ideal vision of temple as microcosm of the polity. There is a continuity between the bodily and agricultural processes briefly described with the

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Festival of Raja Parba and the establishment of a great Hindu temple. Converting uncultivable land into cultivable land is the task of a Hindu king. The ideal king conquers a territory, builds a temple, and proceeds to drain the land and construct reservoirs to irrigate it. The king then gives these now valuable lands to the deity of the temple as well as to Brahmins. Such a kingdom is illuminated by the sacrificial fires of the Brahmin priests and is full of temples in whose land reservoirs guarantee plentiful harvests. Agriculture is central since food is seen as the root of all living beings and the fount of all human activities [13]. There is a chain of being in the world consisting of the production and consumption of food through repeated transformative and refining processes. Those begin with the cooking of the seed in the earth by the heat of the sun and the water of the rain and of irrigation. After the harvest, the grain is cooked in temple kitchen fires and then offered to the deities. The gods consume the essence of this food through its fragrance born upward through the air. These food offerings shower blessings on humans in return through the gods’ leavings or prasad. Humans are nourished and sustained through those leavings freely distributed to them [13]. The kingdom was maintained by such a divine food chain. This food chain forms a complete cycle in which the deities are the lynchpins. From the earth rises the sap into the plants that are then harvested and variously processed by humans who offer it to the gods who inhale the food’s fragrance. At the end of this continuously ascending path from the earth to the heavens, the food returns and begins a downward path as the leftovers of the deities. These are eaten by the humans whose bodies drain themselves of the impure leftovers which return to the earth. It is in the earth that the impure leftovers such as the dead parts shed by the body are recycled into new life. The earth is the transformative matrix with the power to regenerate. The upward and downward path of this chain has its counterpart in the social hierarchy. Those closer to the purity of the deities are higher, while those on the downward path of the return path of the deities’ leftovers are lower. However, those lower on the chain are the

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ones who renew and regenerate life. The hierarchy is circular, for at nodal points the lowest become the highest and the highest become the lowest. The maintenance of such a chain of life necessitates the whole spectrum of Hindu society. The deities enable the ascending path of the chain of food to begin its return journey in order to sustain human life. They stand at the apex and the turning point of this chain. The deities’ requirement of pure cooked food enables humans to be sustained. The whole gamut of castes is necessary to complete this chain of life from its upward journey and then its downward movement and finally its return to the earth in the form of impure bodily effluvia. The earth is both the end and the beginning of this circular cycle of life. The largest festivals that take place at Jagannath temple are the 12-yearly Nabakalebara festival (festival of the New Body) and the yearly festival of Ratha Jatra. During the 12-yearly Nabakalebara festival, the deities die and new ones are fashioned and given life. This festival takes place when the intercalary month to make the lunar and solar calendar synchronize is the month of Ashadha. It is a much enlarged version of the yearly festival of Ratha Jatra, when the deities sicken and then recover. These festivals address the issues of illness and health, life and death. The outcomes of these festivals are the auspicious states of new life and health, respectively. During the deities’ illness and death/new body, they are in the charge of a group of temple servant descendants from tribals whose involvement in the daily puja during normal times would pollute the temple. The images enshrined in Jagannath temple are those of Lord Jagannath, considered by many to be a form of Vishnu, his sister Subhadra, and his elder brother Balabhadra, as well as the pillarshaped Sudarshana. These images are made of neem wood. Jagannath’s origin story shows him to be originally a tribal deity of the Shabaras who was brought to Puri by a Brahmin envoy of the legendary founder of the cult, King Indraduymna. This Brahmin envoy married the daughter of the tribal chief and their descendants are today a category of temple servants called daitas. That appellation is related to the Sanskrit word daitya,

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meaning “demon.” These daita temple servants are in charge of the deities during their yearly period of illness and their 12 yearly death and rebirth in the shape of new images carved from newly cut neem trees. They are considered to be blood relatives of the deities and during the deities’ period of seclusion (anasara) when their outer coverings and paintings are removed, the daitas carry out a worship in the Shabara or tribal fashion. For this worship the daitas take up residence in the inner sanctum and even sleep there. They offer the deities only raw food that they previously taste to ascertain that the fruits offered are ripe. This treatment of the deities during their period of seclusion when pilgrims cannot enter the temple to see them (have darshan) is in total contravention of their treatment during normal times by Brahmin priests. The Brahmin priests offer the deities cooked food without previously tasting it which would render the offering impure and unsuitable, and at night, after the deities are sung to sleep, all temple servants exit and the temple gates are closed and sealed for the night. No one is to sleep in the temple at night. Should a daita inadvertently touch the deities during normal times, the temple would be polluted and require extensive purification. The period of seclusion begins with the daitas drenching the images with the water from the well of Goddess Sitala, goddess of smallpox and other pox diseases. During Nabakalebara this period lasts a month longer during which the daitas as well as some Brahmin priests search for the new darus or neem trees, out of which the new images will be fashioned. When the new images are ready and their cloth and painted coverings are finished, in great secrecy and dread, an old blindfolded daita removes from a center cavity in the old images a secret object called the brahmapadartha (translated as “soul substance”) which he then places in a similar cavity in the new images. It is only then that the old images are cut into pieces and buried in the outer compound of the temple. The daitas and their families then observe 10 days of death impurity as the blood relatives of the deities. At its conclusion, the new images are then carried outside the temple where three huge wooden chariots are awaiting them. During the

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yearly Ratha Jatra festival, only the outer cloth coverings and paintings are replaced. The King of Puri then performs an action that has deep reverberation in this temple and the polity at large. Accompanied by agnates and his purohits (king’s priests and teachers), the king ascends into the three chariots and with a broom sweeps their platform. He also holds a pot whose water he sprinkles after having swept. The king becomes a sweeper, a hadi, at that moment when hundreds of thousands of pilgrims witness his actions. He is then the lowest of the low, but simultaneously he is hailed as the moving Vishnu (calanti Vishnu). It is at this moment that the assembled throng grasps the huge ropes attached to each chariots and drag them down the main road some 2 km away to another temple called Gundicha. One by one the chariots are pulled by thousands of hands on a journey during which the deities are visible and accessible to all regardless of their caste status or their purity. Offerings of various kind fly through the air and crash onto the chariots, thrown by anonymous hands. All the carefully maintained separations and all the rules of purity and pollution are abolished during the journey of the deities on the road. After a stay of a week in Gundicha’s temple, the deities are replaced on the chariots, the king once more performs his sweeping and then the chariots are dragged in the opposite direction back to the main temple. The images are then returned to the inner sanctum and the pilgrims are once more allowed to enter and witness their new youth (naba jaubana) in the case of Ratha Jatra and their new bodies (nabakalebara) in the 12-yearly festival. The daily puja in the temple is once again carried out by Brahmin priests and the daitas are no longer in charge. The largest festivals of the temple and the kingdom are rituals of regeneration when the deities are immersed in an undifferentiated sea of people outside of the temple, the Brahmins take a backstage role and the tribal daitas take charge of the deities and the rituals where all rules of purity and pollution are contravened. The action of the king of sweeping and sprinkling the platform of the chariots are the actions of Goddess

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Sitala when she removes smallpox. Popular images of Sitala show on her head a winnowing basket full of pulse called in Sanskrit masurika, a word also meaning pox since those have the size and shape of a pulse grain. She gives the disease when she is angry shaking her head, flinging pulses all around. She removes the disease with a broom that sweeps away the pox/pulses and water from a pot, cooling the fever of the diseased person. The king’s actions, punctuating the movements of the deities to and from the temple of Gundicha, removes the deities’ disease of smallpox contracted when they were bathed with the water of her well at the start of the festival. The stay in the temple of Gundicha, empty but for that short period, refers to leaving the disease, also called gundi in Oriya meaning pox, in that temple. Those festivals are grand enactments of regeneration where the deities’ illness and death and their return to health and to new life embody the regeneration of the realm, of the kingdom, of its lands, and of its people. Regeneration brings about a state of auspiciousness and it requires an immersion in both an undifferentiated state and an inversion of status. It corresponds to the earth’s node in the chain or cycle of life discussed above, where all leftovers, effluvias, disease, and death are transformed through such an immersion into the auspicious state of regenerated life [1]. The regeneration of women, the earth, and the sea’s powers of generativity in the festival of Raja Parba and the regeneration of the kingdom through the temple deities’ illness, death, health, and new life have their existence outside of the pure/impure nexus in the auspicious/inauspicious nexus. Anthropological theory has offered varied theories to account for this type of practice which is found in many societies. Max Gluckman has called them “rituals of rebellion” in which the stresses and tensions of the social structure find a safety valve [6]. Victor Turner sees such rituals as part of the liminal phase of rites of passage characterized by egalitarianism and what he calls “communitas” [12]. For both Gluckman and Turner “the social structure” is the pivotal construct that determines their understanding of practices that seem to flaunt it. Turner writes that

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liminality is “where social structure is not,” where the latter negatively defines liminality. The assumption underlying such explanations is that there is such a thing as “the social structure,” separate from the nonhuman world and from the deities. It separates and then privileges human relations making them into an essentialist object. As discussed above, in the ideal Hindu polity, the relationship between humans, the nonhuman world, and the deities is a dynamic, changing, pulsating phenomenon which in fact may not best be named as a “social structure” since the social is only one of its aspects. The chain or cycle of life discussed above does not separate something social from something moderns call “natural” and “supernatural.” The earth, the land, the waters, the sun, the plants, etc. as well as the deities and the humans are all entangled. Without the deities and their requirement of receiving pure foods from the humans and the earth, there would be no polity, no kingdom, and no life. Kingship – Kshatra – is concerned with the conquest, protection, well-being, and generativity of the realm which includes the land with its mountains, rivers and forests, animals, plants, people, and deities, among many others. There has been a great deal of scholarship on the meaning of Kshatra and its relationship to the Brahmins and the spiritual domain that the Indian anthropologist T. N. Madan has so ably summarized [9]. In particular the question of whether Kshatra is secular or not has concerned many scholars. One of the problems with this aspect of the scholarship is that the spiritual has tended to be understood mainly in terms of the values of purity and impurity, auspiciousness/inauspiciousness being subsumed under those concepts. The French anthropologist Louis Dumont saw the requirement of impure action on the part of the king through the wielding of force while at the same time seeing the king as the preserver of social hierarchy and thus the principle of the pure and the impure, as a paradox. Dumont saw an absolute disjunction between status and power in India, surmounting the seeming difficulty through notions of the encompassed and the encompassing that attempt to reunite these

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opposites under one hierarchical umbrella [5]. The Dutch indologist J. C. Heesterman speaks of kingship as being suspended between sacrality and secularity, divinity and mortal humanity [7]. Madeleine Biardeau, a French indologist, recognizes the secular content of kingship but hardly allows it any autonomy [2]. However, the French indologist Francis Zimmermann masterfully developed the ecological theme of the chain of life that starts in the cooking in the earth and moves upward to feed the gods [13]. Those scholarly conundrums about kingship seem to evaporate once one realizes that the axis of purity and impurity does not exhaust the social-cum-naturalcum-spiritual landscape. It is also well to remember, as the scholarship of Nicholas Dirks does, that British colonial practices such as census taking with their classificatory schemes along with the destruction of kingship have created a rigid, linear, and ossified “caste hierarchy” [4]. Gloria Raheja breaks with the older scholarly legacy with her notion of shifting positionality in which, according to context, principles that she names centrality, mutuality, and hierarchy are at play [10]. In such a perspective practices that do not follow one single logic cease to become problematic. A. K Ramanujan in his justly famous essay “Is there an Indian way of thinking?” saw context sensitivity as being pervasive in the Indic subcontinent as well as radically opposed to the demand for consistency characteristic of European thought [11]. In this Indic world the land, the body, the body politic, and the deities are all part of a vast chain or cycle of life. This cycle of life is one in which illness and death, in other words degeneration, are not seen as absolutely opposed to their contrary, namely, regeneration and new life, but in fact as part of this cycle. One could even say as a necessary part of the cycle of life. This aspect can be concretely apprehended during Ratha Jatra through the fact that the daitas who care for the deities during their illness (and death) are blood relatives of the deities, thus intimately connected to them rather than excluded and shunned. The treatment of smallpox during the colonial phase

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and after independence was carried out in a Eurocentric fashion that saw the disease as an enemy to be exterminated and understood the resistance to the State’s vaccination campaign on the part of many rural folks in the name of Goddess Sitala as ignorant and superstitious. The British had outlawed the very effective practice of variolation in the subcontinent in the nineteenth century, dealing a deathblow to an efficacious Indic manner of controlling smallpox outbreaks while singing hymns to Goddess Sitala. Smallpox as the visitation of the goddess and its cure as her departure was not part of the British and Britisheducated newly independent Indian elite horizon of understanding. Death and degeneration became seen as the enemy to be destroyed. This modern Eurocentric vision violates the non-dualistic and ecological Indic one.

References 1. Apffel-Marglin F (2008) Rhythms of life: enacting the World with the goddesses of Orissa. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Biardeau M (1989) Hinduism: the anthropology of a civilization. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 3. Carman J, Apffel-Marglin F (eds) (1985) Purity and auspiciousness in Indian society. E.J. Brill, Leiden 4. Dirks N (2001) Dirks, Nicholas (2001) Castes of mind: colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 5. Dumont L (1966) Homo hierarchicus: the caste system and its implications. University of Chicago Press 6. Gluckman M (1963) Order and rebellion in tribal Africa. Cohen and West, London 7. Heestermann JC (1985) The inner conflict of tradition. Chicago University Press, Chicago 8. Hiltebeitel A (1976) The ritual of battle: Krishna in the Mahabharata. Cornell University Press, Ithaca 9. Madan TN (1987) Non-renunciation: themes and interpretations of Hindu culture. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 10. Raheja GG (1988) The poison in the gift: ritual, prestation, and the dominant caste in a north Indian village. Chicago University Press, Chicago 11. Ramanujan AK (1990) Is there an Indian way of thinking? In: Marriott MK (ed) India through Hindu categories. Sage, New Delhi 12. Turner V (1966) The ritual process: structure and antistructure. Aldine, Chicago 13. Zimmermann F (1987) The jungle and the aroma of meats: an ecological theme in Hindu medicine. University of California Press, Berkeley

Austerity

Austerity ▶ Asceticism (Hinduism)

Autobiography ▶ Hagiography

Avidya¯ Carl Olson Religious Studies, Alllegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The Sanskrit term avidyā means ignorance, nescience, or lack of knowledge. It becomes a central problem in life in various Upaniṣadic texts in comparison with the Vedas. Avidyā continues to be a root problem for later philosophical schools. Oftentimes, thinkers make a simple equation: avidyā (ignorance) equals being in a state of bondage and knowledge (vidyā) equals freedom. This equation is germane to those thinkers convinced that knowledge is the key to unlock the door of liberation and plays a more minor role with devotional types of thinking. In the ancient Chāndogya Upaniṣad, the teacher Uddālaka emphatically states to his student “tat tvam asi” (that you are). This unequitable assertion means that the self (ātman) and Brahman, ultimate reality, are identical, arguing that they are both characterized as pure consciousness (cit). This seems a simple enough teaching to grasp. What is the problem? The fundamental problem that obscures this knowledge is avidyā (ignorance). This ignorance is metaphorically akin to a dark film of scum that covers the pure water beneath it in a pond. The pure water is always there beneath the dark scum. To see the pure water, an aspirant must remove the dark film (ignorance), which hides the pure water. In some Upaniṣads, ignorance represents an entire attitude

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toward life because an ignorant person mistakes the relative or things of the world for the real, which causes one to be in a state of bondage. When a person sees things dualistically, which is one’s normal mode of knowing, one is superimposing on reality a duality that is false. Thus, it is essential that one overcomes false knowledge, which involves removing ignorance and attaining release from the cycle of death and rebirth. In the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (2.3.3-9), the self (ātman) is concealed by five sheaths that are like five concentric circles that coincide with the grosser exterior to the subtler interior. The physical body is the most gross and exterior sheath, which is followed by the breath (prāṇa), mind (manas), senses, consciousness (vijñāna), and finally bliss (ānanda). Sages view these sheaths as a covering of ignorance. It is the duty of the student to get beyond the outer sheaths to the real self, which is blissful in nature. There is a path that an aspiring student can follow that is basically a way of knowledge (vidyā) that represents the path to bliss in many Upaniṣadic texts. The path and goal is sometimes expressed in the following way: the self that realizes Brahman through knowing becomes Brahman. This spiritual formula is analogous to having a very valuable jewel attached to a necklace around one’s neck. After a time, one becomes distraught because one thinks that one has lost the precious jewel, but you encounter a friend who calls one’s attention to the fact that the jewel is still hanging from one’s neck. This anecdote suggests that nothing has really changed except one’s awareness, which disperses one’s ignorance. Upaniṣadic philosophers often resort to metaphors to convey their teaching about the fact that Brahman is the one reality. They argue that everything else besides Brahman is relative and dependent, suggesting that the world is unreal (māyā) as it appears to humans. This is illustrated nicely by the metaphor of blindness. In this narrative, three blind men are placed at different parts of an elephant and asked to describe what they feel. The first blind man feels the side of the animal and reports that it is a wall. The second blind man feels the tail and says that it is like a rope, whereas the third blind man grabs the trunk of the pachyderm

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and concludes that it is akin to a tree. The point of this narrative is that these three blind men are representative of all humankind who are subject to viewing things from the perspective of māyā (illusion), which hides the real nature of the world. Even though māyā obscures the world and its true nature from inquiring observers, the reason that the real nature of the world is hidden from humans is ultimately traceable to ignorance (avidyā). The reference to blindness continues in the Kaṭha Upaniṣad (2.1-5) when the text compares those living in ignorance as deluded, blind, benighted people who are led by someone who is blind. This image suggests that ignorance signifies an entire attitude toward life – an attitude that mistakes the relative or things in this world as what is real or absolute. This erroneous notion is the cause of bondage within the world. It is analogous to wearing eyeglasses with distorted lenses and receiving a false view of life. When new lenses (knowledge) replace the distorted lenses (ignorance), one sees the world for what it really is. The distorted lenses represent seeing everything dualistically, whereas the corrected lenses enable one to perceive everything monistically or non-dually. The goal of the aspirant is to overcome ignorance and gain liberation from rebirth that is fueled by ignorance. In the Bhagavad Gītā, it is possible to find references to avidyā that mirror those found in the Upaniṣads, although blindness gives way to darkness as a more favorite metaphor for ignorance in the Gītā (12.11; 14.8). Not only does ignorance fool creatures, but it unhinges one’s mind, makes one captive to delusions, promotes obsessive lust, and causes one to fall into hell upon death (16.16). Moreover, ignorance contributes to being led astray and binds one with fecklessness, sloth, and sleepiness (14.8). In the Sāṃkhyakārika of the Sāṃkhya school of philosophy, a dualistic system, the self (puruṣa) is not bound to the world; it only appears to be in bondage due to indiscriminate knowledge. The self (puruṣa) interacts with matter (prakṛti) to bring about and cooperate for the release of the self (puruṣa). Moreover, the self is the only principle that benefits because it is always free, whereas matter functions only for the sake of the

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self. Another dualistic text the Yoga Sūtras (2.2327) differs from Sāṃkhya by asserting that the evolution of the world is due to ignorance and not to the interaction of the self and matter. For the Sāṃkhya school, knowledge amounts to the discovering of the truth about the self that it is already free. This knowledge becomes pure, incontrovertible, and absolute and leads to liberation. This is a knowledge (jñāna) that recognizes the absolute separation of matter and self. This knowledge lies in the intellect (buddhi) after a regimen of study and analysis of the principles (tattvas) that constitute the manifest world. But we must reverse our common process of knowing that will result in a basic reorientation of a person. This type of knowing process represents an intuitive realization or discrimination that separates pure consciousness, a characteristic of the self, from whatever is not consciousness. In contrast to the dualistic Sāṃkhya system of philosophy, there stands the Advaita Vedānta of Śaṅkara (eighth-century figure), whose philosophy recalls the thought of some of the Upaniṣadic sages by viewing ignorance as the root problem of life. Śaṅkara distinguishes between two kinds of knowledge: higher and lower. The higher type of knowledge is reached immediately and intuitively. It is characterized as self-validating, implying that no other types of knowledge can refute it. Once this type of knowledge is achieved, other types of knowledge are understood to be compromised by ignorance (avidyā). The content of lower knowledge is the phenomenal world, although it is not without value even when compared to higher knowledge because it can provide one with useful know-how for everyday living. The lower form of knowledge is valid as long as one has not realized the reality of Brahman, the non-dual reality. Śaṅkara classifies six forms of lower knowledge, which are basically forms of ignorance. These six types of knowledge include the following: perception, comparison, noncognition, inference, postulation, and testimony. These six means of knowing commonly share a basic presupposition: there is a distinction between the knower and what is known. Because they thus represent a subject/object type of knowledge, all six forms

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are dualistic forms of knowledge and tainted with ignorance to some degree. In contrast to the six forms of knowledge, the higher mode of knowledge is grounded in pure consciousness (cit) that realizes that Brahman is the sole reality and everything else is unreal (māyā). Knowledge contrary to this basic realization is stained by ignorance. By following a path that includes hearing, reflection, and meditation, Śaṅkara states that the intuitive knowledge gained utterly destroys ignorance and desires. Later Advaitins conceived of ignorance as having some part in the creation of the world. Intending to save devotional Hinduism from Śaṅkara’s non-dualistic system, Rāmānuja (1050–1137) espouses a qualified nondualism (viśiṣṭādvaita) because Brahman is not devoid of characteristics, but is qualified by the self and the world (prakṛti). Nonetheless, Rāmānuja asserts that the self (ātman) is in a state of bondage because of ignorance (avidyā) and karma. The root of ignorance is the mistaken belief that there is a plurality, which conceals the true nature of Brahman. For Rāmānuja, knowledge only is insufficient to overcome ignorance because he thinks that devotion is also essential for liberating oneself from ignorance and karma. Devotional love leads the self to be completely subservient to god with whom the self takes refuge or to whom the self totally surrenders (prapatti), which provokes the grace of god that illumines the devotee’s heart. When released by god’s grace, the devotee becomes free of everything that concealed their true nature and blissfully experiences Brahman, who is depicted as a personal god. In contrast to Rāmānuja, Mādhva (c. 1238–1317) offers an unqualified dualism (dvaita) that argues for the difference between god, self, and world. The self and world are dependent upon god, who is the only independent reality. Moreover, souls are distinct from each other, which is true even regarding ignorance. There is thus no single common notion of ignorance (avidyā) that results in bondage. The soul that is in bondage is a mere reflection of Brahman, illustrating the dependent nature of the soul rather than Brahman’s identity with it. In the final

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analysis, liberation can only be obtained by the grace of god, although a path of knowledge is presupposed to this event. Although it is not exactly clear what role ignorance plays in the situation, Madhva believes that some souls are damned to eternal bondage. In a general survey of Hindu thought, avidyā (ignorance) becomes less of a basic existential problem for a person or cause of bondage to the cycle of rebirth as devotional schools of thought and movements developed in Hinduism. Avidyā plays a more significant role in philosophies that stress the importance of knowledge to win liberation and is less important in devotional thought where the deity plays a more essential role in the process of liberation.

References 1. Dasgupta S (1962–1969) A history of Indian philosophy, 5 vols. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2. Isayesa N (1993) Shankara and Indian philosophy. State University of New York Press, Albany 3. Larson GJ (1969) Classical Sāṃkhya: an interpretation of its history and meaning. Motilal Banarsidass, Dehi 4. Olson C (2002) Indian philosophy and postmodern thinkers: dialogues on the margins of culture. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 5. Whicher I (1998) The integrity of the yoga darśana: a reconsideration of classical yoga. State University of New York Press, Albany

Avvaiya¯r Varadaraja V. Raman Physics and Humanity, Rochester Institute of Technology, Rochester, NY, USA

Name and Persons The name of this poetess is variously spelt as Auvaiyār and Avvaiyār, with or without the r mark. The word Auvaiyār literally means a venerable woman of a certain age. But in the Tamil world, it usually refers to a poetess who is held in high regard and with great affection. There is

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some confusion regarding the name and personage of Auvaiyār. Books on Tamil literature tell us that there were at least two Auvaiyārs, perhaps even three, all with poetic gifts and keen intellect, who bore this name at various periods in Tamil history.

The First Auvaiya¯r She belonged to the first and second century CE. This was the time of the first Sangam period. She is credited with several poems in the poetic anthologies of the period: Natṟṟinai, Kuṟuntokai, Akanānuru, and Puṟanānuru. She was a court poet in a small realm. In one of her poems, there is reference to the custom by which a warrior king, if he died while fleeing from the battlefield, used to be cut to pieces right there and buried under the green grass. According to one legend, once when she was in the temple of Tirukkovilur, she had a vision of a demon being slain by Lord Shiva.

The Second Auvaiya¯r The best known of the Auvaiyārs is believed to have lived in the ninth–tenth century. The names are related to two major poets of the Tamil literary tradition. Tradition says that she was the sister of the poet Tiruvalluvar whose couplets are reckoned as the most precious gems of Tamil literature, but this has been disputed by many scholars. This Auvaiyār is remembered especially through two extraordinarily insightful anthologies of wit and wisdom. These are called Āthichoodi and Konṟai Vendan. These two works have acquired extraordinary prestige in Tamil culture. It has been said that during many centuries when writing on palm leaves was in vogue, children began their education by reciting and writing the maxims of Auvaiyār. Auvai’s precepts are nondenominational, though there is the customary invocation to the Almighty at the beginning. In the Auvai-inspired tradition, the letters of the alphabet introduce the young to values and wisdom rather than to apples, boys, cats, and dogs.

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A¯thichoodi This is a compendium of maxims and advice. It begins with a simple line: aṟam cheiyya virumbu: Desire (develop a wish) to do whatever is proper. The Tamil word aṟam corresponds to the Sanskrit dharma (that which is proper and righteous). Auvaiyār does not simply advise us to follow the righteous path. Rather she asks us to want to do it. She thus reveals a deep understanding of human psychology. Once the desire is implanted in the heart and mind, action will follow spontaneously. It is difficult to think of a more powerful mantra to inspire young minds. Other nuggets in this treasury include never give up learning, that is to say, keep a lifelong interest for acquiring knowledge. Some other injunctions from Auvaiyār include: Hinder not charity: this reminds us that some people, instead of helping, stand in the way of doing good. Refrain from hurtful words: a recommendation to curb verbal expressions of anger. Deride not numbers and letters: This is so appropriate in an age of anti-intellectualism. First share, then eat: This is the most succinct expression of charity. Then she says, Speak not ill of others: an admonition against slander and idle gossip. Don’t give up zest for life.

Konrai Vendan ¯ This is a companion work to Āthichoodi. It is called another mound of maxims. In this work, each maxim is a string of four terse words. The genius of the Tamil language sparkles in 18 precious nuggets in rhythmic meters. The work begins with annaiyum pitāvum munnari deivam: Mother and father are the first Gods to be reckoned. Unlike other ancient works, the invocation is not to any God, but to mother and father. This powerful idea was so ingrained in the tradition that to this day people of all ages in the Tamil world venerate father and mother as in few other cultures.

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Then we are reminded that it is good to worship in a house of prayer. This is a gentle reminder that religion is not a private affair but a communitybased institution. In such nuggets, we see her deep understanding of society and religion. In the same work, we are advised to forget promptly an unattainable desire: another sound advice for peace of mind, for it is no secret that countless people waste their lives and emotions chasing unattainable goals. Auvai does not speak of ātmas (souls), devas (godlings), or mantras (mystical chants). Nor does she tell us how to achieve moksha (spiritual liberation). She is a down-to-earth teacher who utters profound wisdom as common sense. She shows the path for balanced and meaningful living without metaphysical preaching.

Most Famous Quote There is a story to the effect that once she was resting in the shade of a tree when a lad on a branch was plucking fruits. She asked him to drop for her a fruit from a branch. “Do you want a hot or a cold one?” the boy asked teasingly. Auvai was puzzled, and did not know what to say. The lad threw down a fruit saying he was letting her have a hot fruit. Still she did not know what he meant. When the fruit fell to the ground she blew the sands away. “Is it so hot you have to cool it?” the lad asked. Then she realized the joke. Auvai was humble in her appraisal of her own knowledge. “What is learned has the measure of a fistful of mud,” she reflected, “What is not learned is vast as the world.” Incidentally, this piece of wisdom was uttered centuries later by the great mathematician-physicist Pierre Simon de Laplace when he murmured on his deathbed: “Ce que nous connaissons est peu de chose; ce que nous ignorons est immense: What we know is but little; what we don’t know is immense.” Another interesting anecdote associated with this Auvaiyār’s life is the following. Once she was told by a priest not to sit in a temple with her legs pointing in the direction of the icon of Almighty, a not uncommon matronly posture in the Tamil world. Auvaiyār promptly asked the man to please show her a direction which pointed

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to a place where the Almighty was not present. He realized he was confusing the icon for the Divine.

Choice to Be a Senior The blessed Auvaiyār was a child prodigy who is said to have talked poetically at the age of 4. She grew up to be a lovely lass, but when her father began to seek a beau to marry her off, she prayed to the Almighty to transform her into a wrinkled old grandma, white hair, curved spine and all, for wedded wifehood was not her goal in life. The boon was granted, so says the legend, and the dainty damsel was metamorphosed into an aged lady. Eventually she became the doyenne of Tamil poetry. This is in sharp contrast to the normal feminine obsession to look younger than what the calendar reveals! So it is that no one knows how the lady looked in her youth: artists have always sketched her as a grandmotherly matron: indeed, that is what the name Auvai signifies. Auvai was not a saint in the religious sense of the world, but she has been called thus by later generations. She is perhaps the only secular poetess in the world who has been enshrined in temples. She richly deserves this honor, not only for having enriched her language with verbal gems but also because those who enlighten the world through wisdom and values are deserving of veneration. They are the vehicles through which the Divine speaks to us.

General Auvaiyār stands tall among the poetesses of the world, though she is seldom recognized as such, even within India. Centuries ago she expressed the enlightened idea: “There are but two castes: the high and the low. To the high belong those that are generous of heart; the low are those that never share.” Auvaiyār is regarded as the closest to Sarasvati – goddess of learning – in flesh and blood. The Tamil people recall with respect and affection this wise woman of keen intelligence who had the gift for encapsulating great truths in

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pithy sayings, verbal vitamins as it were that jolt us to awareness. Nowhere is the Shakespearean phrase “brevity is the soul of wit (wisdom)” more tellingly exemplified than in this ancient poetess. There is an imposing statute of this extraordinary poetess on Marina Beach in Chennai, standing on a pedestal, holding a staff in one hand and a sheaf of written works in the other.

The Third Auvaiya¯r Another poetess bearing the Auvai name is said to have been present, along with several other scholars of distinction, at the coronation of the Chozha king Kulothunga. As was customary, the authors present gave long and laudatory proclamations on the monarch who was being crowned. But Auvaiyār simply said varambuyara! The phrase simply means may the ridge in the tilled land (varambu) be raised (become taller) (uyara)! Everyone in the hall was puzzled as to what this had to do with the king or the kingdom. Eventually the matter was clarified: When the ridges are taller, it would facilitate flow of more water in the fields. This, in turn would lead to richer harvests. That would be conducive to supporting more people. More people would mean greater support for the king. What is impressive here is the terseness of a dictum that is pregnant with much meaning. It is also an insightful commentary on the complexity of the causal chain. That raising the height of the ridges in the field would result in the king of the realm becoming more powerful is by no means self-evident. But Auvai’s exposition of the causeeffect links puts that into evidence. A number of other sayings are also attributed to this poetess. She is said to have listed the miseries of life as poverty, incurable disease, unrequited love, and receiving food from those without faith. In her own poetic way, she declared that if it was rare to get human birth, it was even more rare to be born without a physical blemish, and rarer still be born with a good and clear mind. But rarest of all is birth with a sound mind with charitable inclinations. Other works of this Auvaiyār bear such

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titles as Kalvi olukkam, Asathikkovai, and Arun tamizh-malai.

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Auvaiya¯r and Lord Ganesha

Koenraad Elst Mortsel, Belgium

This Auvaiyār has also left behind an esoteric poem on Lord Ganesha, entitled Vināyagar Āgaval. It is an important work in the Tamil Shaiva corpus. The work talks about spirituality and ethical code and a good deal of Siddha philosophy. The work refers to tantric practices and kundaliní chakra and much more in the mystic realm. There are references to goddess and the ascetic mode. Ganesha is said to have come as a mother. It is clear that this Auvaiyār was more than a mere poetess. She was well acquainted, perhaps even participated, in occult practices. The first few lines of this long poem (as translated by Layne Little) are: The anklets on the red lotus feet of the cool baby elephant sing many songs. The golden waist chain and fine skirts resting upon his rainbow waist beautifully shining. His weighty tusk!

In another hymn she meditated on Lord Ganesha thus: Is anything ever beyond reach for those who deeply meditate

Ayodhyā is a town on the Sarayu river, a northern tributary of the Gaṅgā, north from Allahabad in eastern Uttar Pradesh. It is deemed to house the birthplace of Rāma (Rāma Janmabhūmi) and of several Jaina Tīrthaṁkaras including the very first, and to have been visited by Mahāvīra Jīna and by the Buddha ([23], p. 19). The latter considered himself a reincarnation of Rāma as per Dāśaratha Jātaka and Anāmaka Jātaka ([17], p. 11). It is also central to Sikhism, with Guru Govind Singh claiming Rama as a direct paternal ancestor of both founder Gurū Nānak and himself. Nanak went on pilgrimage to Ayodhya, where he claimed to have had Rama’s darśan (sighting of the deity) [28]. A few years later, in 1528, Bābar, founder of the Moghul dynasty, invaded the area and had a mosque built by his lieutenant Mīr Bāqī on the site deemed Rama’s birthplace. The town is currently best known for the controversy about this site, adorned till 1992 by the Bābrī Masjid, since then by a makeshift Rama temple.

On the exalted feet of Uma’s son Whose words are always sweet and wise? The huge elephant’s majestic gait And swift horse’s gallop Must yield for this senior lady The great Lord Ganapati.

References 1. Purnalingam Pillai, Tamil Literature (1994) New Delhi, Madras: Asian Educational Services 2. Raman VV (2015) Auvaiyār’s Atticcūdi: transliteration, translation, and brief notes. Kindle Books 3. Pruiksma T (2009) Give, eat, and live: poems by Avvaiyar. Red Hen Press, Pasadena 4. Little L. Avaiyar’s Vinayagar Agaval. http://www. levity.com/alchemy/vinayaga.html 5. Periakaruppa R (2012) Avvaiyar (Tamil). Sahitya Akademi, Delhi

Modern History Unanimous Belief Since the oldest extant testimony, by East India Company agent William Finch in 1608 [8], the site was treated as Rama’s birthplace, thus attracting numerous Hindu pilgrims. Neither he nor Austrian Jesuit Joseph Tieffenthaler in ca. 1768 mentions a mosque: what caught their eye was the Hindu pilgrimage and festivities around Rama’s birthday, though they duly note the story of a temple demolition by either Babar or Aurangzeb. These were more conspicuous than the pedestrian use (if any at all) of the mosque. Muslim records do insist on the existence of the mosque, but significantly call it Masjid-iJanmasthān, “mosque of the birthplace” [19].

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When the British secured their colonial power position, Hindus tried to acquire the birthplace through the judicial route. In these proceedings, the question never was whether there had been a temple and then its demolition. This scenario was commonly assumed until the 1980s, not specifically a Hindu tradition: local Muslims from the Moghul and British period thought likewise, as did European travelers and the British authorities. In 1886, British judge FEA Chamier ruled against a Hindu demand to hand the mosque over for Hindu worship: “It is most unfortunate that a Masjid should have been built on land specially held sacred by the Hindus, but as that event occurred 356 years ago, it is too late now to agree with the grievance” ([15], p. 69). Note that all the parties to the dispute accepted that the mosque had been built in forcible replacement of a temple. “Liberating” a Hindu Pilgrimage Site In 1936, after riots over the site, the British closed down the mosque. It stood empty until Hindus surreptitiously installed idols for worship in 1949. From then on, it became functionally a Hindu temple, though at first with restrictions: only a priest could go in to perform the rituals. In 1983, a Court Order removed the locks and allowed the masses in for worship. Still in 1983, in Muzaffarnagar, a committee for the “liberation” of the birthplace (Śrī Rāma Janmabhūmi Mukti Yajña Samiti) was formed, with Dau Dayal Khanna, former Minister in the Congress government of Uttar Pradesh, as general secretary; Mahant Avaidyanath (former MP for the Hindū Mahāsabhā) as president; and given prestige by the active membership of Gulzarilal Nanda, retired Congress politician and twice interim Prime Minister. Describing the mosques superimposed on Rāma Janmabhūmi, on Kṛṣṇa Janmasthān in Mathurā and on Kāśī Viśvanāth in Vārāṇasī as challenges to Hindu self-esteem, the committee passed a resolution for their liberation. Remark the absence at this stage of the Bhāratīya Janatā Party (BJP, Indian People’s Party), that would lay claim to the Ayodhya cause only in 1989.

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Concretely this meant the Hindu demand for the replacement of mosque architecture with temple architecture, implying the demolition of the Babri “structure.” This led to a huge agitation, increasingly guided on the Hindu side by the Viśva Hindū Pariṣad (VHP, Hindu World Council, like the BJP a member of the Saṅgh Parivār or “family” of the Rāṣṭrīya Svayamsevak Saṅgh/ “National Volunteer Corps”/RSS) and on the Muslim side by the Babri Masjid Action Committee. The Controversy Now, a local quarrel about a religious site became a national affair with international ramifications. Between 1988 and 1993, we saw numerous street riots; a political crisis including the fall of VP Singh’s Central Government in 1990 and the rise of the pro-temple BJP from 2 seats before the elections of 1989 to 121 after those of 1991; the occasion for starting the Satanic Verses affair, with the ban on Salman Rushdie’s novel as bargaining chip for the cancellation of a Muslim “march on Ayodhya”; the demolition of the mosque building on 6 December 1992 by Hindu activists defying the orders of their more prudent leaders (pace [18]); more political crisis with the dismissal of four BJP state governments; and a crescendo of revenge violence spilling over to Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the UK, culminating in a new model of terrorism on March 12, 1993, when simultaneous explosions at different localities in Mumbai killed hundreds. The sheer size of the terror shocked everyone into introspection and self-control, so India became peaceful for almost 7 years. The very next round of communal violence was again Ayodhya-related, though: the Godhra murder of 58 pilgrims returning from there in 2002, with subsequent revenge operations. Why the Affair Became So Prominent A crucial role was played by a media polemic featuring a school of Marxist historians from Jawaharlal Nehru University. In 1991, the Chandra Shekhar and Narasimha Rao governments temporarily channeled it into a scholars’ debate (pro-mosque case in [27], pro-temple

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in [10]), but that was broken off without conclusion and especially without being able to overrule the impression created by the JNU historians’ first strike. Against the old consensus, the “eminent historians” had started arguing that there never had been a temple on the site. In a statement issued in 1989, The Political Abuse of History, they argued that this consensus, now rebaptized “the Hindutva claim,” was based on concocted data. Immediately, most scholars of related fields and India-watchers abroad started saying that the old consensus (of which many had not even known) was but a figment of the Hindu extremist imagination. Scholars, who had earlier upheld it and even added material to it, reversed course to follow the new party line (e.g., [30], p. 161; vide [7], p. 21). The Encyclopaedia Britannica disowned in later editions what it still had articulated in its 1989 edition (entry Ayodhyā): “Rama’s birthplace is marked by a mosque, erected by the Moghul emperor Babar in 1528 on the site of an earlier temple.” Worse, among politicians the presumption gained ground that, now that scholarship had spoken out, everyone would have to abide by it. In reality, these academics had only let their ideological predilections prevail over actual expertise. They never had even one new fact at their disposal when overruling the otherwise unchallenged centuries-old consensus. This became clear and undeniable when one after another, each of the Eminent Historians collapsed when put on the stand in Court ([14], pp. 240–261). So, politicians who had earlier been willing to allow a Hindu temple to come up again at the site (in the 1980s the Congress Party’s official position [21]), now developed cold feet. Suddenly it seemed that the Bābrī Masjid had become the last bulwark of secularism besieged by irrational forces. This contributed substantially to the shrillness of the controversy, making it acquire a Holy War character, needlessly dramatic and bloody. Strangely, the Eminent Historians’ narrative was not just wrong about its history. Dragging in history, whether well-founded or not, was an uncalled-for diversion to begin with. Hindus had claimed the site because it was their place of

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pilgrimage in the present. Politicians had sought a workable compromise because they saw Hindus going there now. Father Tieffenthaler could not get certainty from his local informants about whether the culprit had been Babar or Aurangzeb because they didn’t care; they cared for their own Rama worship in their own lifetimes. You can make a sensible choice between an exceptional pilgrimage site for millions from one community and a humdrum place of worship for a handful from another community without even considering the negative motive that may have lain behind the construction of that humdrum building long ago. Court Verdict When the logic of confrontation had run its course and the Mumbai bomb attacks had served as a call to let it rest, the affair reverted to the Allahabad High Court, that had since 1950 been entertaining a Hindu and later also a Muslim request for ownership of the site. In 2002–2003, it had radar searches and excavations carried out. Earlier excavations by AK Narain and by BB Lal near the site had already indicated a preexisting temple, but now nothing impeded a full excavation. This brought to light the foundation of a huge eleventh-century temple and earlier layers of human habitation stretching back to the 2nd millennium BCE. The artificial doubt about the temple’s existence created in the late 1980s had been cleared for good, the old consensus scientifically confirmed. On September 30, 2010, the Court gave its verdict. The contentious territory was divided in three equal parts. The Friends of Rāma Lalla (baby Rama), an ad hoc organ of the VHP, would get the portion where the central dome of the Babri Masjid used to be, and where the idols of Rama and Sita are now kept in a makeshift temple. The place outside the former mosque where for centuries the Hindus had used an open-air altar (witnessed by Tieffenthaler ([5], pp. 178–180)), is allotted to the Nirmohi Ākhāṛā, the local establishment of the Rāmānandī sect. The remaining one-third was allotted to the Muslim claimant, the local Sunni Waqf Board, though the verdict denied its claim of ever having been in possession

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of the Babri Masjid. The more credible Muslim candidate as title holder, Javed Hussain, the mosque’s caretaker until 1935, had never filed a suit. Many observers pleaded that dividing the land would only reproduce the situation before 1936, when Hindus and Muslims worshiped side by side and fought pitched battles. Moreover, all claimants wanted the entire territory for themselves, so each appealed to the Supreme Court. Its verdict came on 9 November 2019 (exactly 30 years after the first stone had been laid) and confirmed the allotment of the contentious site to the Hindu side for construction of a Rama birth place temple. The Muslim side was given space for a mosque elsewhere in town. The construction of the new temple, planned since long, was started forthwith.

Ancient History The Solar Dynasty’s Capital The Purāṇas (“Antiquities”), a vast Sanskrit corpus committed to writing in the 1st millennium CE but building on older traditions, contain kinglists taking us back to pre-Vedic days. These are an imperfect source but basically historical, consistent with the occasional historical data preserved in other texts. They start with the Flood and the landing in Manāli (Himācal) by Manu, who then set up his kingdom in Ayodhya. While Manu’s most successful children would start kingdoms elsewhere, his eldest son Ikṣvāku continued to rule from Ayodhyā as the founder of the Sūryavaṁśa or Solar Dynasty. Scions of his, also ruling from there, included Daśaratha and his son, born inside the hereditary royal palace: Rāma. This is the setting presupposed and reconfirmed in the epic Rāmāyaṇa by Vālmīki. A problem is the chronology: the excavators had found nothing beyond 1300 BCE at the site, whereas the king-lists, though vague, at any rate date Rama beyond 2000 BCE. Proving Religion The first question concerning Ayodhya addresses Rama’s historicity: Is this story about the Solar Dynasty true? It is ancient, yes, with sculptures

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depicting Ramayana scenes dating back to the second century BCE ([14], p. 8) and literary references to the Puranas’ dynastic history dating back to the Ṛg-Veda, beyond 1000 BCE. The tradition about Rama’s life and rulership in Ayodhya is solid since several thousand years. It is the rule rather than the exception for the founding stories of religions to be indeterminate as to historical accurateness, yet officially unquestioned. Thus, Catholics believe that the Virgin Mary appeared to the girl Bernadette Soubirou in 1858 in Lourdes, France, where the (often militantly) secularist government has always provided protection and facilities to the site and its many pilgrims without making these services dependent on proof. The Muslims believe that Adam built, and Abraham rebuilt, the Ka’ba, and that Mohammed merely restored a preexisting monotheistic cult. This story is unlikely and at any rate totally unproven. Yet the Indian Republic facilitates the Hajj pilgrimage to the Ka’ba without asking these pilgrims for any proof. Therefore, according to the secular authorities, the existence of a belief must simply be taken cognizance of, not questioned. On the contrary, they even disregard or overrule scholarly proof against such beliefs, absent in Rama’s case but present in the state-approved Christian claim that the apostle Thomas landed in Kerala in 52 CE and was murdered by Brahmins near Chennai. According to the only original source about his presumed life east of the Holy Land, the Acts of Thomas, he came to a desert-like Persian-speaking part of “India” (¼ Asia), not quite Kerala, and died there by execution after he had spurned the local king’s offer of mere banishment. Whereas the Rama story at least has a textual tradition in its support, Thomas does not even have that [1]. Yet the Indian ruling politicians, including those of the supposedly antiminority BJP, have a firm tradition of paying lip service to this invented tradition about Thomas. Leading Indian media even reject articles setting the record straight [26]. So, for public policy, the question of whether the Hindu literary tradition about Ayodhya is true, does not normally arise. It is a measure of India’s double standards that it is asked in the present

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case. Yet, historians are free to wonder, and any skeptic will sensibly remark that this status of being unchallenged does not make the story true. Indeed, there is no hard proof for it, only literary testimony. But there is no case against this belief either. Location Concerning the location of Rama’s birthplace, in the only sources we have about him, viz. the cluster of Rama narratives and the Puranic kinglists, there is a near consensus that it is Ayodhya. The one exception is the Rama narrative in the Buddhist Jātaka 461 (Dāśaratha Jātaka, last centuries BCE), which locates the dynasty’s court in Kāśī. The story’s main point is to claim Rama as an earlier incarnation of the Buddha, which testifies to the importance Rama already enjoyed in the collective imagination during the last centuries BCE. Further, which particular site within Ayodhya? No scripture contains a map, though a hilltop is a logical place for a seat of royalty. Plausibility is the most that is available, and historians will mistrust even that. After all, if someone wanted to plant a tradition, he would care to make it plausible. Moreover, there is even legitimate doubt whether the present-day Ayodhya was meant. Hindu tradition itself (chiefly the Skanda Purāṇa) has it that some time after Rama’s passing, his city was abandoned by its population and later rediscovered by one Vikramāditya. Traditionalists take this name to refer to the founder of the Vikram Saṁvat calendar in 57 BCE, while secularists identify it as the honorific of Chandragupta II, ca. 400 CE. Skeptics may say that this tradition masks a purely arbitrary identification of a convenient site with the prestigious but by then legendary and lost Ayodhya. However, Buddhist and Jain sources, often better datable than epic and Puranic data, assure a continuity in their location of Saketa/Ayodhyā (names for different parts of the city or for the whole city) from centuries before the first to centuries after the second Vikramāditya. Likewise, another Buddhist testimony mentions an inundation: “The early Buddhist

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literature, however, mentions the occurrence of flood at the place” ([23], p. 16). This may or may not refer to a flood claimed to have taken place in the early 2nd millennium BC due to tectonic events, which must conveniently have destroyed the really ancient (pre-mid-2nd millennium BC) archaeological evidence of Rama’s and ultimately Manu’s Ayodhya: “The floods had washed away the constructions of this period. All the archaeological remains (. . .) were of the post-flood period and nothing before” ([13], p. 80). The motive behind such hypotheses may be pro-Hindu, viz. to augment the antiquity of the “real” Ayodhya and fit the Puranic timeline, but risks smashing the Hindus’ own window; for if true, the search for Rama’s historical Ayodhya can start all over.

Medieval History Architecture at the Site After the Court-ordered excavations, the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) submitted its report [2]. It throws unprecedented light on the construction and demolition history of the site. We quote from its summary: Excavation at the disputed site of Rama Janmabhumi – Babri Masjid was carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India from 12 March 2003 to 7 August 2003. (. . .) 82 trenches were excavated to verify the anomalies mentioned in the report of the Ground Penetrating Radar Survey (. . .) The site has also proved to be significant for taking back its antiquarian remains for the first time to the middle of the thirteenth century BC. (. . .) during the early medieval period (eleventh - twelfth century AD) a huge structure, nearly 50 m in northsouth orientation, was constructed which seems to have been short lived, as only four of the fifty pillar bases exposed during the excavation belong to this level with a brick crush floor. On the remains of the above structure was constructed a massive structure with at least three structural phases and three successive floors attached with it. The architectural members of the earlier short lived massive structure with stencil cut foliage pattern and other decorative motifs were reused in the construction of the monumental structure having a huge pillared hall (or two halls) which is different from residential structures, providing sufficient evidence of a construction of public usage which remained under

Ayodhya existence for a long time during the period VII (Medieval-Sultanate level – twelfth to sixteenth century AD) It was over the top of this construction during the early sixteenth century, the disputed structure was constructed directly resting over it.

There is no doubt that the building below the mosque had been constructed as a Hindu temple: Now, viewing in totality and taking into account the archaeological evidence of a massive structure just below the structure and evidence of continuity in structural phases from the tenth century onwards upto the construction of the disputed structure along with the yield of stone and decorated bricks as well as mutilated sculpture of divine couple and carved architectural members including foliage patterns, āmalaka [a fruit motif], kāpotapālī [a ‘dovecot’ frieze or cornice] doorjamb with semi-circular pilaster, broken octagonal shaft of black schist pillar, lotus motif, circular shrine having pranāla (waterchute) in the north, (. . .) are indicative of remains which are distinctive features found associated with the temples of north India. ([2], summary)

This ought to lay to rest all doubts about a preexisting temple at the site. What we have is several layers of construction starting in the 2nd millennium BCE, with the last two being two successive Hindu temples, large and even larger, and then the Babri Masjid. Still, some unknowns remain. Islamic Theology of Iconoclasm The one subject towering over the whole Ayodhya debate, the elephant in the room carefully left unmentioned even by the Hindu parties involved, is the Islamic theology of iconoclasm. Sita Ram Goel’s two-volume Hindu Temples, What Happened to Them? documents the fact of Islamic iconoclasm and its theological motivation in great detail, citing purely from Muslim sources. It lists 1862 Indian cases of mosques standing on the sites of demolished temples, verifiable instances as a standing challenge to those who deny this history. Even now, not a single item in the list has been shown to be incorrect. Goel traces the practice to the precedent behavior of Mohammed, the single most decisive source of authority in Islamic jurisprudence. The second mosque of Islam (we have no relevant data on the first), the main mosque of Medina, was built on a

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Pagan graveyard after digging up the bodies and chopping down a grove of date trees, a sacrilege according to Arab Pagan ethics. But the really important precedent is the Ka’ba, where the Prophet and his nephew Ali destroyed all the 360 idols with their own hands, thus turning it into a mosque. (Ibn Ishaq tra. [12], p. 552, [9], pp. 354–358). Hundreds of Muslim rulers emulated their Prophet and destroyed idols and idol-houses in the lands they conquered, typically accompanying the act with an appropriate line from the Qur’ān [17: 81/83]: “The truth has come and falsehood has passed away. Verily, falsehood is bound to pass away,” which Mohammed himself had uttered when breaking the Ka’ba idols. A minor fact of interest here is that the data could support a hitherto unmentioned scenario: the major temple just underneath the Babri Masjid, seems to have been built in replacement of an earlier temple, and this because the latter also got demolished, viz. by an earlier Muslim conqueror known to have been both an iconoclast and a conqueror of Ayodhya ca. 1030: Salar Masud Ghaznavi, Mahmud Ghaznavi’s nephew. He was soon to be defeated by a Hindu alliance, including the philosopher-king Rājā Bhoja, in the 1034 battle of Bahraich. This is of no consequence to the present controversy, but it completes the reconstruction of local religio-political history in respect of temple destruction and replacement. Under the Delhi Sultanate The refusal to face the seriousness of Islamic iconoclasm, claimed to be a mere “perversion” of Islam’s real tenets ([11], p. 73), has landed the Hindu polemicists in a tight corner. It has made them maintain that the Hindu temple from ca. 1100 was still standing at the time of Babar’s arrival in 1528, that is, after 334 years of Muslim rule. The transition between the major temple from ca. 1100 and Babar’s mosque of 1528 remains to be reconstructed. In between, we have the decisive Muslim conquest by Mohammed Ghori in 1192. After he entered Delhi, his lieutenants continued eastward, conquering most of the Gangetic plain in the subsequent years. They made no compromise with the Infidels and demolished every

A

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incarnation of Heathenism they came across, most famously the numerous temples of Vārāṇasī and the Buddhist university of Nālandā. Subsequently, this entire area became part of the Delhi Sultanate with Ayodhya as a provincial capital, right under the governor’s eye. Could a major Hindu temple have survived there? An architecturally Hindu structure may perhaps have survived, but on condition that it served as a mosque. When Muslim invaders destroyed a Pagan place of worship, several scenarios were possible. Commonly, it was destroyed, but sometimes, the preceding structure was simply taken over. Thus, in Constantinople, the Aya Sophia cathedral was expropriated and turned into a mosque. The Ka’ba itself set this model: as an ancient Pagan temple, it was “freed” of its 360 idols by Mohammed and then turned into the principal site of Islam. There are also halfway scenarios: part-destruction and part-integration into the new mosque, such as the Ummayad mosque in Damascus, or the Gyanvapi mosque in Varanasi, built on and partly incorporating the original Kāśī Viśvanāth temple, if only to show off the victory over Infidelism. In the Babri Masjid too, 14 temple pillars were incorporated. In this case, the major temple, from which the pillars had been taken, may have come to be used as a mosque in 1194, like the Aya Sophia. Antitemple campaigner Syed Shahabuddin explains how after several forays into the region by Muslim invaders, “Ayodhya (. . .) was finally taken in 1194 AD. Assuming that the local dynasty had constructed a temple on the site where Babri Masjid stands (. . .), how did the mandir survive the ‘fanatical zeal’ of the Afghans and the Turks for nearly 350 years?” ([24], p. 190). As for the temple at the site, “Was it at the pinnacle of its glory when the Turks and Pathans took Ayodhya in 1194? Did they destroy it? If they did, then Babar cannot be accused and then no temple existed when Babar or Mir Baqi constructed the Babri Masjid” ([25], p. 199). Shahabuddin’s point is valid. If there really was an Islamic practice of iconoclasm, then the massive conquest in 1194 would have been the

Ayodhya

occasion for it. Which indeed it was, for example, in Ayodhya: “Two tombs attributed to Paigambars Sis and Ayub (i.e., patriarchs Seth and Job) occupy the site where the extraordinary ‘toothbrush’ tree of Buddha had once stood, according to Fa Hien and Huen Tsang” ([6], p. 185). In some cases, monuments still pinpoint the time of destruction as that of the Ghurid invasion: “The ancient Jain temple of Adinath was destroyed by Maqdoom Shah Jooran Ghori, a commander of Mohammed Ghori, who later had his own tomb built on top of the ruins of Adinath, which survives till this day as Shah Jooran ka Tila” ([6], p. 185). It would be strange, if a Rama temple had survived where the Ādināth temple perished. Since Ayodhya was a provincial capital, opportunities for wresting the site from Muslim control were fewer than in the case of the outlying Somnath temple, which was rebuilt again and again. Only times of infighting among the Muslim elite could give rebellious Hindus a chance; most of the time, they were in no position to challenge Muslim power by maintaining an idol temple. More likely, as affirmed by BMAC advocate Suraj Bhan [4], “a mosque belonging to the Sultanate period was expanded to build the Babri Masjid.” This does not alter the moral case for the temple, though. Whether demolished by Shah Juran Ghori in 1194 or by Babar in 1528, the temple became the victim of Islamic iconoclasm in either event. The site was still taken from Hindus by Muslims, and the Hindu claim is still one for restoration of what was once theirs and has remained their place of pilgrimage all through. Babar This scenario raises new questions. If a (functional if not architectural) mosque stood at the disputed site under the Sultanate, why did Babar have to build a new mosque on it? A mere redesigning of an unperturbed existing mosque would hardly justify renaming it after oneself, would it? Let us first get the record straight regarding a fallacious claim precluding this question: “Nor is there any reference in Babar’s memoirs to the

Ayodhya

destruction of any temple in Ayodhya” ([16], repr. [22]: I: 31). This is a false proof e silentio, for there is no source extant that should have furnished such a testimony. The part of the diary comprising Babar’s stay in Ayodhya has gone missing during Babar’s lifetime itself, as noted by its first English translator, Mrs. Beveridge: “the pages for five months after 28 March 1528 when Babar noted his arrival (. . .) causes a narrative gap (. . .) There is no reliable account for these months” ([3], p. 309). Possibly Babar did encounter a Hindu presence at the site, for example, because in the turmoil of the war between the Sultanate and the incoming Moghuls, Hindus had managed to recover it. We may have to envisage the possibility that by 1528, the Sultanate mosque had become what the Babri Masjid was in 1949–1992: a mosque building serving as a temple; or even a temple building used as a mosque but then turned into a temple again. An alternative hypothesis is that the mosque predates Babar. It was built in the Sharqi style developed ca. 1300, so Sushil Srivastava and R. Nath, reckoned among the anti- and the protemple camp, respectively, have suggested the building belongs to the Sultanate period: “architectural design does help us to conclude that the mosque belongs to a period before Babur” ([29], p. 92). And: “It is quite probable (. . .) that a mosque was first raised during the Sultanate period (. . .) on the site of the most important temple associated with the life of Rama, and Mir Baqi just restored that mosque during his occupation of Ayodhya” ([20], p. 38, emphasis in the original). So, we still have several probabilities rather than certainties. Salar Masud Ghaznavi may have destroyed the preceding temple in 1030; Shah Juran Ghori may have destroyed the major temple in 1194; and Babar may have destroyed a former mosque in 1528. But we know for sure that a Hindu temple has existed at the site, that Hindu pilgrims would never leave it alone, and that a mosque could only come up at this intensely Hindu site by forcefully imposing it. Whatever

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Babar and the others have done, it was a case of Islamic iconoclasm.

A References 1. Ananthakrishnan G (2006) Thomas’s visit under doubt. Times of India, 26 Dec 2006 2. Archeological Survey of India (2003) Ayodhyā, 2002–2003: examination at the disputed site. Delhi 3. Beveridge AS (trans), Hiro D (ed) (2006) Babur Nama, Journal of Emperor Babur. Penguin 4. Bhan S (2003) In outlook, 6 Sep 2003, cited in Noorani 2003:xxviii 5. Chatterjee AK (1990a) Ram Janmabhoomi: some more evidence. Indian Express, 27 March 1990, repr. in Goel 1998. pp 176–182 6. Chatterjee AK (1990b) The temple and the mosque. Indian Express, 2 May 1990, repr. in Goel 1998. pp 184–189 7. Elst K (2002) Ayodhya: the case against the temple. Voice of India, Delhi 8. Foster W (1921) Early travels in India 1583–1619. Oxford University Press, London 9. Goel SR (1993 (1991)) Hindu temples, what happened to them, vol 2, 2nd edn. Voice of India, Delhi 10. Goel SR (1998 (1990)) Hindu temples, what happened to them, vol 1, 2nd edn. Voice of India, Delhi 11. Golwalkar MS (1996 (1966)) Bunch of thoughts. Sahitya Sindhu Prakashan, Bangalore 12. Guillaume A (1987) The life of Mohammed. A translation of Ibn Ishāq’s Sīrat Rasūl Allāh (reprint). OUP, Karachi 13. Hari DK, Hema Hari DK (2010) Ayodhya, war and peace. Bharath Gyan & Sri Sri Publications Trust, Bangalore 14. Jain M (2013) Rama’s Ayodhya. Aryan Books International, Delhi 15. Jain M (2016) The battle for Rama. Aryan Books International, Delhi 16. JNU Historians (1989) The political abuse of history: Babri Masjid Rāma Janmabhūmi dispute. JNU Centre for Historical Studies, Delhi 17. Lal BB (2008) Rama, His Historicity, Mandir and Setu. Aryan Books, Delhi 18. Liberhan MS (2009) Report of the Liberhan Ayodhya Commission of enquiry. Government of India, Delhi 19. Narain H (1993) The Ayodhyā Temple/Mosque dispute. Focus on Muslim sources. Penman, Delhi 20. Nath R (1991) The Baburi Masjid of Ayodhya. Historical Research Documentation Programme, Jaipur 21. Noorani AG (1989) Congress agreed to Ram Shilanyas. Radiance, November 1989, repr. Engineer 1990, pp 149–155 22. Noorani AG (2003) The Babri Masjid question 1528–2003, 2 vols. Tulika Books, Delhi 23. Pandey LP (2009) Ayodhyā, the Abode of Rāma and the Dharmaksetra of Lord Buddha and the Jain

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24.

25. 26.

27.

28. 29. 30.

Tirthankaras. A historical and cultural study. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi Shahabuddin S (1990a) The basic issue. Indian Express, 27 March 1990, repr. in Goel 1998. pp 189–193 Shahabuddin S (1990b) Ram Janmabhoomi. Indian Express, 28 July 1990, repr. in Goel 1998. pp 198–201 Sharan I (2010) The Myth of Saint Thomas and the Mylapore Shiva Temple, 3rd edn. Voice of India, Delhi. (1991) Sharma RS et al (1991) Ramjanmabhumi-Babri Masjid: a historians’ report to the nation. People’s Publishing House, Delhi Singh R (1991) Sikkh Itihās men Rāma Janmabhūmi. Bhārat-Bhāratī, Delhi Srivastava S (1991) The disputed mosque. Vistaar, Delhi Van der Veer P (1994) Religious nationalism, Hindus and Muslims in India. University of California Press

Further Reading 31. Engineer AA (ed) (1990) Babri Masjid Ram Janmabhumi controversy. Ajanta Publications, Delhi

¯ yurma¯nam A ▶ Longevity

Azhwar ▶ Āḻvār

B

Babri Masjid (Ba¯barī Masjid) Neha Khetrapal Army Public School, Allahabad, India

Synonyms Mosque of Babur

Definition The Babri Masjid dispute is the most complex issue in India as it got the entire country in the grip of Hindu-Muslim communal tension for nearly three decades. The issue exemplifies the deterioration of communal peace in the country and assumed significance right after independence before culminating into the demolition of the masjid. The demolition was followed by intercommunal riots between Hindu and Muslim communities resulting in the death of more than 2,000 people across the country.

Babri Masjid and the Hindu-Muslim Dispute The Babri Masjid or Babri Mosque is a threedome structure that was constructed in the city

of Ayodhya, which is located in the state of Uttar Pradesh, during the sixteenth century. It was built by Baqi Tashqandi also known as Mir Baqi, following orders issued by the Mughal emperor, Babur. The Muslim Mughal Empire, which ruled most of north India from the sixteenth to the mideighteenth century [1], was founded by Babur [2]. It is important to underscore that contrary to the portrayals of political parties in India, Babur was neither an Islamic missionary nor a Muslim hero. Contemporary historians rather believe that Ayodhya was known as Saketa in the olden times and that it was a Buddhist pilgrimage place. Nevertheless, the mosque symbolizes a popular Ayodhya Ramjanmabhoomi-Babri Masjid dispute between the Hindus and the Muslims that is characterized by political, historical, and socioreligious debates. Muslims consider the mosque as their place of worship, while the Hindus believe that Mir Baqi demolished or modified a Hindu temple, called the Ramjanmabhoomi Temple, to build the mosque. Furthermore, the mosque is located on birthplace of Lord Rama [3], a Hindu deity, and hence the mosque was also known as the Masjidi-Janmasthan (mosque of the birthplace) before the 1940s [4, 5]. Even though the beliefs of Hindus are not supported by any tangible evidence, the mosque was brought down on December 6, 1992 by a group of armed Hindu fundamentalists (locally known as Kar Sevaks) in an illegal manner [6].

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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A Brief Chronological History Preceding the Demolition The very first signs of trouble between Muslims and Hindus were reported back in 1855. This was just the beginning of communal disharmony in India. Later, British colonialists played an instrumental role in stirring the Babri Masjid dispute. They built a fence around the monument in 1859 and permitted Hindus to enter the monument from the East gate and Muslims from the North gate. The British colonial courts allowed petitions from both the religious groups probably in an attempt to keep the dispute alive for years after 1859. The signs of the Hindu-Muslim dispute appeared again just after independence in 1949 when an offshoot of the right-wing Hindu nationalist party called the Akhil Bharatiya Ramayana Mahasabha (ABRM) initiated activation for taking over the control of the disputed site. The ABRM organized recitation of Ramcharitmanas or the story of Lord Rama over a 9-day period. Toward the end of the recitation, Hindu activists broke into the masjid and placed statues of Lord Ram and Laxman and Goddess Sita [7]. The general Hindu masses were then led to believe that the idols appeared as a miracle [8]. Taking charge of the situation, the then Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru, requested the chief minister of the state, Shri Govind Ballabh Pant, to get the statues removed. However, Hindu nationalists dismissed the request and resisted efforts at removal. Both religious groups filed civil suits in an attempt to gain control of the site. Thereafter, the gates of the mosque were locked by the government even though the statues remained inside the premises and the Hindu priests continued to worship daily. Tension resurfaced in 1980s when Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), another right-wing Hindu nationalist organization [9], started a movement to take control of the disputed site with a view to build a temple. An important political party of India known as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appeared at the forefront of the movement. Later in 1986, a district judge ordered the gates to be opened and permitted Hindus to pray inside the de facto temple. Building on these developments, a BJP leader organized a pilgrimage procession to Ayodhya in order to garner further support for the

Babri Masjid (Ba¯barī Masjid)

movement giving way to violent communal riots in many Indian cities. In the midst of this communal crisis, a large number of Hindu activists tried to attack the mosque where they had to face the local police. The movement lost momentum for sometime after this incident. On December 6, 1992, VHP and its associates and the BJP organized a major rally around the mosque. Politicians and the party leaders delivered provocative speeches at the rally that ultimately resulted in demolition [10]. This was followed by the installation of a platform for the idol of Lord Ram.

Consequences of the Demolition All this while, Muslims continued to express their anger at the destruction of the disputed structure. The demolition was instrumental in creating a new Muslim identity in India. Many elite and educated Muslims did not fully identify themselves with the larger community in the predemolition phase as the general Muslim masses were considered to be poor, illiterate, and orthodox. However, the pilgrimage procession and the communal riots successfully united all Muslims irrespective of their educational background and socioeconomic status. This “new Muslim identity” sprung from a shared sense of insecurity and increased profiling by the Hindutva forces. United Muslims became more politically aware and showed increased participation in the electoral processes. This meant that Muslim concerns entered the domain of rights and entitlements for the first time in the postindependence era. On parallel lines, the new Muslim identity fueled the establishment of organizations that were devoted to furthering the educational, economic, and social development of poor Muslims wherein most of the assistance was offered by the rich and middle-class Muslims. Thus, the destruction of Babri Masjid, on one hand, intensified the Hindu-Muslim dispute, and on the other hand, it promoted the reconstruction of the Muslim community. Conclusively but sadly, the demolition of the mosque was a sign of religious fundamentalism in India, a country

Ba¯dara¯yana ˙

that prides itself for religious tolerance and democracy.

Cross-References ▶ Religious Tourism

References 1. Böröcz J (2010) The European Union and global social change: a critical geopolitical-economic analysis. Routledge, London/New York 2. Dale SF (2004) The garden of the eight paradises: Bābur and the culture of empire in Central Asia, Afghanistan and India (1483–1530). Brill, Leiden 3. Misra M (2007) Vishnu’s crowded temple: India since the Great Rebellion. Penguin Books, London 4. Pollet G (1995) Indian epic values: Rāmāyaṇa and its impact. Proceedings of the 8th international Rāmāyaṇa conference. Peeters Publications, Leuven 5. Gilly TA, Gilinskiy Y, Sergevnin V (2009) The ethics of terrorism: innovative approaches from an international perspective. Charles C. Thomas Publisher Limited, Springfield 6. Fuller CJ (2004) The camphor flame: popular Hinduism and society in India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. Jha K, Jha DK (2012) Ayodhya: the dark night. Harper Collins, India 8. Bacchetta P (2000) Sacred space in conflict in India: the Babri masjid affair. Growth Chang 31(2):255–284 9. Katju M (2003) Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. Orient Longman Private Limited, India 10. Islam SS (1997) The tragedy of the Babri Masjid: an expression of militant Hindu fundamentalism in India. J Muslim Minority Affairs 17(2):345–351

Ba¯dara¯yana ˙ Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Historical Details Bādarāyaṇa was a Vedic theologian who is commonly credited with the authorship of the

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canonical Vedānta text, the Śārīraka- or BrahmaSūtra. Nothing is known about his life and personality, and he can only provisionally be dated to the first several centuries of the common era. Even his name is just a patronym, meaning “the son of Bādari” and “the grandson of Badara.” His significance for Indian philosophy and theology, on the other hand, is massive, not only through the Brahma-Sūtra, but also because of the doctrine of the impersonal origin of the Veda, with which he is credited in the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra. Although it is common for commenters on the Brahma-Sūtra to refer to its author as the sūtrakāra, “author of the aphorisms,” Śaṅkara himself at the end of his commentary (4.4.22) identifies this sūrakāra with “the venerable Bādarāyaṇa.” This identification is echoed by Śaṅkara’s student Padmapāda in the second introductory verse to his Pañca-pādikā: “Homage to the sage by the name of Bādarāyaṇa, an abode of tranquility and an embodiment of the sun for the cluster of lotuses that constitute the summit of scripture.” Furthermore, from the time of the other great commentator on Śaṅkara’s Śārīraka-Bhāṣya, the ninth century Vācaspati Miśra, Bādarāyaṇa becomes identified with the author of the Mahābhārata, Vedavyāsa, who is also commonly considered the editor of the Vedas and an incarnation of Kṛṣṇa. The fifth introductory verse to Vācaspati’s Bhāmati runs: “Homage to Vyāsa, the author of the aphorisms on Brahman, a rival creator [to Brahmā] and an incarnation of Lord Hari’s power of knowledge” ([5, 8], p. 96). The later commentators on Śaṅkara’s Bhāṣya, such as Ānandagiri and Govindānanda, as well as other Vedāntins including Rāmānuja, Madhva, Vallabha, Śrīnivāsa, and Baladeva, all follow this tradition of identifying Bādarāyaṇa with Vyāsa [3]. This identification is common in the Purāṇic tradition, including the Bhāgavata. It is conveniently summarized by Madhva and Baladeva in the introduction to their Brahma-Sūtra commentaries. At the end of the age of Dvāpara, the Vedas are forgotten, and the gods pray to Nārāyaṇa for their restoration. Nārāyaṇa is born as KṛṣṇaDvaipāyana Vyāsa, restores the Veda, divides it

B

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into four – Ṛg, Yajur, Sāma, and Atharvā – and begins the various branches of their transmission (śākhā). Many dimwits, however, misunderstand the Vedas and promote erroneous teachings in their name, and so Vyāsa writes the BrahmaSūtra to present the correct conclusions and dispose of these wrong ideas by treating them as prima facie views [6, 8]. One reason for this Bādarāyaṇa-Vyāsa identification may be the fact that Bādarāyaṇa is approvingly quoted five times in the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra, traditionally attributed to Jaimini, whereas Jaimini is quoted 11 times in the Brahma-Sūtra and often refuted. The Purāṇic tradition says that Vyāsa entrusted the four Vedas and the Itihāsa-Purāṇa to five of his students and that Jaimini was made the teacher of the Sāma Veda. It might have been natural for Vedāntins to follow the Purāṇic tradition and identify the respected Bādarāyaṇa of the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra with Vyāsa the teacher of Jaimini. The attribution of the integral Brahma-Sūtra to a single author, Bādarāyaṇa, is not without problems either. The core of the Brahma-Sūtra was a systematization of the Chāndogya Upaniṣad of the Sāma Veda tradition, to which Bādarāyaṇa himself likely belonged, and it must have been quite an early text. However, the final redaction in which competing philosophies are refuted could not have been finished before the fifth century A.D. Furthermore, Bādarāyaṇa himself is quoted in the text as one of several Vedāntins. While his views can generally be identified with the correct conclusion or siddhānta in each of these cases, this is an indication enough that the final text was put together after him. Finally, the great Advaitin Sureśvara claimed that an integral Sūtra text comprising both the Mīmāṁsā- and the BrahmaSūtras was written by Jaimini [3].

The Impersonal Origin of the Veda As I mentioned before, Bādarāyaṇa is referred to five times in the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra. By far the most important of these references is 1.1.5: “The relation of the word to its meaning is innate (autpattika). Knowledge of such meaning is had

Ba¯dara¯yana ˙

through instruction, which is infallible regarding imperceptible things. It is a reliable warrant, according to Bādarāyaṇa, because it is independent.” This statement is known as the autpattikasūtra, after the first word, and forms the core doctrine that unifies Mīmāṁsā and Vedānta in a single field of Vedic theology. The doctrine says, first, that words of the Sanskrit language in which the Vedas are written have an innate relation with the things that they stand for, and most directly they stand for universals or categories of things (ākṛti, shape or configuration). That this relationship is innate means that it is based neither on human convention nor on divine will. There never happened in history an event when someone said, “let this thing be called ‘a ball,’ that thing ‘a cow’ and that yonder thing ‘dharma.’” The basic, nontechnical meanings of words (in the Sanskrit language), which impose upon our understanding on hearing, are meanings which words have always had, since the (non)beginning of time. This is meant to remove intentionality (vivakṣā) from the sphere of language, such that it is not that speakers refer to things arbitrarily by means of words, but words refer to objects directly. Second, there was no point in time where an author, human or divine, composed the Vedas, but they have existed as they are now for all eternity. Because of these two reasons, the Vedas are a reliable warrant, pramāṇa, for all matters that are not liable to perception: they reveal their objects directly just as percepts do. In effect, this removes the testimonial character of knowledge from linguistic utterances of the Vedic kind. This is the seed of veda-apauruṣeyatva or the doctrine that the Veda has no author, human or divine. The term apauruṣeya appears for the first time as a gloss of Bādarāyaṇa’s autpattika in the excerpt of the commentary of Vṛttikāra that is included by Śabara in his Bhāṣya on the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra 1.1.5. Bādarāyaṇa’s doctrine of nonintentionality of Vedic words and no author of the Veda is shared by Mīmāṁsakas and Vedāntins, but not by other orthodox Hindu schools, such as Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika and Sāṅkhya-Yoga. Even Advaita Vedāntins, who were alone in claiming that the study of the

Ba¯dara¯yana ˙

Upaniṣads and Brahman did not require the prior study of the Brāhmaṇas and dharma, accepted this doctrine as a shared commitment. Pādmapāda, for instance, says in his Pañca-pādikā: “The two factors established in the autpattika-sūtra, the independence of the Upaniṣads on the account of the eternal word-meaning relationship, and their validity on the account of their non-personal origin, apply here [in the study of Brahman] as well, because they are required” ([9], pp. 205–206). The development of this doctrine, however, took diverging roads in the two schools. The great Mīmāṁsaka Kumārila Bhaṭṭa (seventh century A.D.), for instance, argued based on this principle that: (1) there is no such thing as omniscience at all: since both the Buddha and the Upaniṣadic Iśvara are persons, they could not possibly be omniscient, because persons are generally prone to cheat; (2) not only is there no divine agent that related words to their meanings, but the world itself was never created, and is now the same it has always been; (3) the Vedas have been transmitted through the schools for all eternity. Mīmāṁsakas also argued that personal names that appear in the Veda as historical figures are not really names, but properly formed general nouns that just sound identical to such personal names. They also claimed that the names of the Vedic schools, such as Kāṭhaka, are just traditionally associated with famous expounders of parts of the Veda and are not properly Vedic [2, 4]. Vedāntins, on the other hand, committed to the doctrine of periodic destructions and recreations of the world, argued that the Veda, though logically coexistent with Brahman, eternally emanates from the omniscient Brahman. This emanation, says Śaṅkara, is natural to Brahman and effortless like breathing and is not an intentional act. The Veda is eternal and constitutes something like a collection of (Platonic) ideas or forms on which the demiurge Brahmā contemplates at the beginning of creation to propagate the world with beings and objects in their likeness. The word that is the Veda, therefore, is a creative principle participating in the origin of the world. Brahmā also creates the Vedic sages who intuit the Vedic hymns that are eternally associated with their names and appear in every cycle anew.

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Thus, the personal names in the Veda related to hymns and the schools, such as Viśvāmitra and Kāṭhaka, are simultaneously ahistorical and historical: they refer to ideal divine beings or posts, but these posts are occupied in every creation cycle by individual souls who intuit and proclaim the same Vedic texts. These arguments are developed under BS 1.1.3, śāstra-yonitvāt, which in Śaṅkara’s reading means: “Brahman is omniscient, because of being the source of scripture,” and in the devatādhikaraṇam (BS 1.3.26–30) [1, 7]. For Bādarāyaṇa as a Vedānta theologian, see the entry on the Brahma-Sūtra.

Cross-References ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahmā ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Meaning (Hinduism) ▶ Vācaspati Miśra ▶ Vedas, Overview ▶ Vyāsa

References 1. Bose R (2004) Vedānta-Pārijāta-Saurabha of Nimbārka and Vedānta-Kaustubha of Śrīnivāsa: English Translation. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 2. Jha G (Trans) (1907) Ślokavārttika of Kumārila Bhaṭṭa. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 3. Nakamura H (1983) A history of early Vedānta philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Jha G (Trans) (1933) Shabara-Bhāshya, in three volumes. Oriental Institute, Baroda 5. Sankaranarayanan S (2003) Bādarāyaṇa and Vyāsa as authors of the Brahmasūtras—a historical analysis. Adyar Libr Bull 67:91–146 6. Subba Rau S (Trans) (1904) The Vedanta-Sutras with the commentary of Madhwacharya. Thompson and Co, Madras 7. Swami G (Trans) (1965) Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya of Śrī Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata 8. Vasu SC (Trans) (2002) The Vedāntasūtras of Bādarāyaṇa, with the commentary of Baladeva. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, Delhi 9. Venkataramiah D (Trans) (1948) The Pañcapādikā of Padmapāda. Oriental Institute, Baroda

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Badu Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Bahina¯ba¯ī ˙ Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Abhaṅga – Literally, that never gets broken. A typical Marathi devotional song; Advaita – non-duality; Gosāvī – a mendicant; Kīrtana – a religious gathering, where a person sings devotional poetry and narrates religious stories accompanied by music; Kīrtankar – the main singer/ narrator in the Kīrtana; Sadgurū – the spiritual guide; Samādhi – a state of self-realization; Śāstra – sacred scriptures of the Hindus; Tirthā – a place of pilgrimage; Vārkarī – a person who undertakes an annual pilgrimage. Annual pilgrimage to Viṭṭhala shrine at Paṇḍharpūr became one of the features of Vaiṣṇava movement in Medieval Maharashtra

Definition Bahiṇābaī (1628–1700 A.D.), a saint poetess of medieval Maharashtra, was a contemporary of Tukārāma (1608–1650 A.D.), the well-known Marathi saint poet in the Bhakti tradition. Her poetry, coming from the perspective of a woman, gives a valuable insight into the gender discrimination that the women were subjected to during her period. It also proves that medieval Bhakti poetry had provided a platform for women to come forward and articulate themselves. Bhakti also became a channel to transcend the gender exclusion.

Badu Chandidas

Life of Bahina¯baī ˙ We find most of information about her life from her own Abhaṅgas. She was born at a Village named Devagāva near Verul in a Brahmin family. Her father’s name was Āūjī Kuḷkarnī and her mother’s name was Jānakī. At around 8 years of age, she was married to 30-year-old Gangādhara, who was astrologer by profession. Due to financial difficulties and debt, her parents had to leave their village along with Bahiṇābaī and her husband. They wandered around different places like Siṅgaṇāpur, Rahimatpur, and Kolhāpur ([2], pp. 22–23). At Kolhāpur, a Brahmin named Hirāmabhat gave a cow and a calf as a donation to Bahiṇābaī’s family. Bahiṇābaī got very fond of the calf and the cow. The calf was so attached to her that it used to accompany her everywhere including the Kīrtana. One day, some people objected to calf sitting in the Kīrtana when there was not enough room for men and women. The calf was dragged out and Bahiṇābaī started weeping. Jayarām Gosāvī, the Kīrtankar intervened, the calf was brought in, and the Gosāvī caressed both Bahiṇābaī and the calf. This was not liked by some people. When this news reached to Bahiṇābaī’s husband, he got very angry and beat her. She was regularly subjected to violence by her husband during the early phase of her life ([1], pp. 11–14). During this period, the Vārkarī tradition was spreading rapidly in Maharashtra. Bahiṇābaī accepted Tukārāma, the famous poet saint of the tradition as her Gurū ([2], p. 25). She was regular at the Kīrtana and probably at the same time she started composing her devotional songs. Due to her saintly conduct, she became well known and people started visiting her. This made her husband jealous as he felt that people are not giving a learned Brahmin like him proper respect, but to his wife who had accepted Tukārāma, the Sūdra, as her Gurū. His hatred for her increased so much that he decided to leave her. But he fell sick and was nursed back to health by Bahiṇābaī. This had pacified his anger to some extent ([2], pp. 26 and 27). From Kolhapur, they went to Dehu, the town of Tukārāma. Here they stayed and she used to listen to Tukārāma’s Kīrtana. She mentions her spiritual

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ecstasy while listening to him. Here a Brahmin named Mambājī Gosāvī insisted that Bahiṇābaī and her husband should become his disciples, but they refused by stating that Tukārāma is already their Gurū. This made him furious. He insulted them and tried to excommunicate them. He even stole Bhaniabai’s cow, tied her in his home, kept her hungry, and mercilessly beat her up ([1], pp. 31–33). Bahiṇābaī’s Abhaṅgas does not give information about her later life; probably she came in contact with Samartha sampradāya of Rāmadāsa ([5], pp. 112 and 113). It is most likely that she had returned to her birthplace along her family ([3], p. 33). She does give an account of her impeding death in Niryānpar Abhaṅgas, the Abhaṅgas of liberation ([2], p. 32).

Bhakti in Bahina¯baī’s Poetry ˙ Bahiṇābaī gave credit to her poetic inspiration to the divine ([1], p. 44). She mentions Bhakti as the highest means of liberation ([1], p. 85). Her inclination towards spirituality at an early age is mentioned by her as when the girls of her age used to play, she used to remain engrossed in the devotion ([1], p. 36). She describes Bhakti as all engrossing: eyes contemplating God, his praises on lips, ears listening to the Śāstra, hands used for service, and feet walking around the image of God. She describes the longing of a devotee for God is like restlessness of a fish out of water ([1], pp. 85 and 86). She also expresses that the spiritual ecstasy cannot be explained and her joy was so great that she was driven to silence ([1], p. 44). One cannot find Bhakti in the market nor in the forest but can be found by the perfect and right thinking ([1], p. 120). She also mentions that it was the faith in God that gives hope during the trouble times ([1], p. 36). Her Abhaṅgas reveal the tension between empty Brahminical elitism and emotion-filled Bhakti tradition ([4], p. 140). Her husband’s anger due to her increasing popularity is already mentioned above. She feels sad that her family is more inclined towards worldly pleasure and material possessions. Even her husband was only

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indulging in outward show of spirituality. Disgusted at this, she wanted to become an ascetic, but this was not allowed by the society as she was a woman. Thus she feels trapped and even thought of committing suicide ([1], p. 38). Gurū is very important in the Bhakti tradition; Bahiṇābaī says that one does not have to read the Vedas and Śāstras, does not have to perform austerities, neither worship idols or go for pilgrimage, but it is only through Sadgurū that one gets deliverance ([1], p. 95).

Who Is a Saint? Association with the saints is of great importance in bhakti, as it believes to purify the heart. Bahiṇābaī says that the saints are true rafts and enables one to cross the ocean of worldly existence. He, whose heart suffers over the sorrow of others, is indeed a saint. He has conquered his pride and dispels the doubts and is kind to all the creatures. A saint is like a great physician, who prescribe a small medicine, i.e., rejection of sensual desire, and cures the diseases of worldly life ([1], pp. 109–114). She also cautions that as an association with the saint will purify; similarly, the association with evil people will make one evil ([1], p. 113). There are false saints who make an appearance of a saint but they are full of desires ([1], p. 119).

Narratives of Gender Discrimination She was subjected to domestic violence at the hands of her husband is already mentioned. Her helplessness and submission is obvious in her writings. She narrates her plight of being beaten violently, tied in a bundle and being thrown aside ([1], p. 14). She seems to be struggling against the psychosocial conditioning that she had received from the patriarchal, Brahminical tradition as she says that the Vedas and the Purāṇas have very low opinion about the women, and women’s body is considered as something that brings disaster. Then what chance she has of acquiring the spiritual riches?

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She states that accumulated sins of her past births had made her a woman. She feels uneasy about the restrictions put on women by the tradition and complains that the God has no compassion for her. She also feels torn between her inclination towards renunciation and her duty towards her husband as discarding husband goes against the dictates of the tradition, but finally able to blend together her duties as a wife with her Bhakti ([4], p. 157).

Reflection of Contemporary Society in Her Poetry Mambājī Gosāvī harassing Bahiṇābaī and her family for the reason of accepting Tukārāma, a Sūdra cultivator, as her Gurū is already mentioned. Bhakti movement had provided a platform for the downtrodden to articulate their grievances, and the voices of protest against the Brahminical hegemony are scattered across the medieval Bhakti literature. At the same time, there are voices in it that strengthens the oppressive caste structure. Though Bahiṇābaī, by her act of accepting Tukārāma had showed the courage of breaking the caste tradition and suffered for it, she showers high praise on the Brahmins. She says that among all the castes, the Brahmin is indeed the highest; they are like Gods and should be worshipped with reverence ([1], pp. 124 and 125). However, she also says that mere birth does not determine the Brahminhood and gives an example like Vyāsa and Nārada who were not born as a Brahmin but acquired Brahminhood due to their qualities ([1], p. 127). For her, a Brahmin is someone who had reached beyond the duality and sees the divine in each and everything. He alone, who knows Brahma, is a Brāhman ([1], pp. 130–132).

makes philosophy easily comprehensible by using easy symbolism. She describes the relation between the individual soul and the universal soul as when the jar is broken, the space in the jar merges with the universal space, so when the body disappears, the individual soul and the universal soul enter the sphere of illusory. She describes the Advaita by a simple example like the Gangā have its distinct identity only so long it does not merge with the ocean, similarly a human mind works upward towards Brahman, and after reaching the summit, it dissolves ([1], pp. 108–110). She philosophize that it is the self-knowledge that is actual pilgrimage and she had bathed in the Tirthā of self-knowledge and purified herself during the last 12 births ([1], p. 49). She is assertive about her self-control and tells her mind that her organs are her slaves and anger, covetousness, pride, and envy are enemies. Man is put into difficulty due to his evil intentions, but she had conquered her mind and one can achieve freedom from desires by restraining desire ([1], pp. 74–77). Her description of impeding death and previous births in Nirvanpar Abhaṅgas cannot be a rationalized except raising a question if she was an accomplished Yogi? To have knowledge of previous lives is a sign of great Yogī ([4], p. 162). Bahiṇābaī did not renounce the family for spiritual progress but achieved reconciliation between her worldly and spiritual life ([4], p. 159). Her autobiographical Abhaṅgas and her narration of the difficulties faced by a woman in the traditional Hindu society have an important place in the Marathi Bhakti literature. She also narrates that during her time, the Vārkarī Sampradāya had reached its zenith with Tukārāma becoming the crown of a temple, the foundation of which was laid by Jňâneśvar ([1], p. 114).

Philosophy Cross-References Bahiṇābaī’s compositions show the influence of Vedanta and have a strong Advaitic streaks in them ([4], p. 145). Probably she has acquired the knowledge from the Kīrtana. She describes “Samādhi” and nature of soul ([1], p. 106). She

▶ Bhakti ▶ Janābāi ▶ Viṭhobā [Viṭṭhala] ▶ Women, Overview

Bahuchara Mata (Deity of Transgenders)

References 1. Abbott J (1985) Bahina Bai. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi. (First Published 1929) 2. Bahadur K (1998) Bahina Bai and her abhaṅgas. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 3. Jawdekar S (2003) Sant Bahiṇābaīcha Gāthā. Continental Prakashan, Pune. (First published 1979) 4. McGee M (1996) Bahiṇābaī: the ordinary life of an exceptional woman, or, the exceptional life of an ordinary woman. In: Rosen S (ed) Vaiṣṇavī, women and the worship of Krishna. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 5. Patgankar V (2015) Marathi Santkaviyatrinchā Ithihas. Sahitya Academy, New Delhi

Bahuchara Mata (Deity of Transgenders) Susan Deborah Selvaraj Department of English, M. E. S. College of Arts and Commerce, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Bahuchara mata is a Hindu goddess of fertility with origins in Gujarat and worshipped largely by the transgender community, widely known as hijra in many parts of India. Her temple is located in Becharaji town in the district of Mehsana in Gujarat [2]. One of the popular myths that surround her is that she is worshipped by the people of the Brahmin caste, Charan in Gujarat [6]. The women of the Charan community are regarded as divine goddesses [3]. The narrative of the myth goes like this: Bahuchara was travelling with her sisters when a thief named Bapiya attacked them. Bahuchara cursed the thief with impotency, while severing her breasts and self-immolating herself as a symbol of casting away her feminity. Bapiya could free himself from curse of impotency if he worshipped the mata by taking on the role of a woman by dressing and acting like one [2]. In another myth, there was a king who prayed to Bahuchara Mata for a son, but he was born an impotent. The goddess Bahuchara mata appeared to the prince named Jetho and ordered him to

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sever his genitals, dress himself with women’s clothes, and become her devotee [2]. The myths of Bahuchara involve some form of change in gender which explains her popularity with the hijra community. Many heterosexual men who worship in her temple also wear women’s clothing to seek her blessings. The hijras believe that the blessing of the goddess gives them the power to bless and curse people and in her name they bless the newborn infants and couples on their wedding. The hijras also seek alms at the temple of Bahuchara Mata and in return bless the devotees who visit the temple [5].

Iconography of the Goddess Like many of the gods and goddesses, Bahuchara mata is depicted with four hands and seated on a rooster, which is much bigger than the goddess herself. In her upper right hand, she carries a sword; a book of scripture on her upper left, her lower right has an open palm in the form of abhay hasta mudra and on her lower left, a trident [3]. These elements of her iconography symbolize a balance between the violent, represented by the sword; the “balance of the trinities of creation, preservation and destruction,” represented by the trident; “learning and knowledge” represented by the scripture and blessing, represented by “the abhay hasta mudra” [3]. Many Indian gods and goddesses have their own vehicles which are usually depicted in their iconographies and Bahuchara is no exception. Many transwomen in India have a small corner of their homes dedicated to Bahuchara mata, which they worship every day.

Bahuchara Mata and Transwomen in India Bahuchara mata is a Hindu Brahmin goddess but largely worshipped by people in and around Gujarat and also by transwomen who are generally excluded in the caste hierarchy. The hijra community comprises of transwomen from diverse communities, castes, religions, and socioeconomic backgrounds. But the various myths

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and folktales that surround the Mata always depict some form of change in gender and sex. In the Bapiya folktale, the goddess cuts her breasts off to strip herself of her feminity, which is a dominant feminine marker and Bapiya had to worship her dressing up as a woman for him to be free of his curse [3]. The goddess is a source of strength and courage to the hijra community especially during the emasculation operation, when the male genitals are severed by an old midwife; the time of the operation is decided after praying to Bahuchara mata [1]. The hijra utters the name of the goddess while she undergoes the process of emasculation which is done without a local anesthesia. Calling upon the name of Bahuchara mata implies that the whole ritual brings together the hijra and the goddess, “transforming her into a devotee” [3] through the nirvana process [4]. For 41 days after the operation, the hijra convalesces with minimal food intake and seeks the blessings of mata. After 41 days are complete, the hijra is finally initiated into the community and adorns herself in the manner of a woman, wearing feminine clothing, jewelry, make-up, flowers, and other religious markers that women wear. The ceremony after the end of 41 days is exclusively dedicated to Bahuchara mata, where the hijra pledges allegiance to the community in front of the picture of Bahuchara mata.

Bajrang 4. Pattanaik D (2002) The man who was a woman and other queer tales from Hindu lore. Harrington Park Press, New York, p 100 5. Rowland DL, Incrocci L (eds) (2008) Handbook of sexual and gender identity disorders. Wiley, New York 6. Shah AM, Shroff RG (1958) The Vahivanca Barots of Gujarat: a caste of genealogists and mythographers. J Am Folk Lore 71:246

Bajrang ▶ Hanumān (Hanumant, Hanūman)

Ba¯rhaspatya ▶ Lokāyata

Basava Robert J. Zydenbos Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, Ludwig- MaximiliansUniversität München, Munich, Germany

Conclusion The origins of Bahuchara mata and the connection with the transwomen community in India remain unclear, but she has become a part of the collective conscious of the hijra community in India.

References 1. Abbott E (2001) A History of celibacy. Cambridge: The Lutterworth Press., p. 329 2. Dharmadhikari A (2015) The Hindu goddess worshipped by India’s transgender community. Posted May 07, 2015 3. Kanodia K (2016) Bahuchara Mata. IMW J Relig Stud 7(1). http://digitalcommons.usu.edu/imwjournal/vol7/ iss1/4

Introduction Basava (ca. 1134–1196) is considered the most important person in the history of Vīraśaivism, a major reformatory movement in Śaiva Hinduism that developed in what today is known as Karnataka state in South India. He is either seen as the founder of the sector as the reorganizer of an already existing sect which received its classically codified form at his hands. He is also spoken of in Vīraśaiva literature as Basavēśvara (“lord Basava,” when an author wishes to express exceptional respect) or Basavaṇṇa (“elder brother Basava,” to express a feeling of intimate friendship).

Basava

Life It is unfortunate that a person of such great religious, social, and literary importance as Basava has not mentioned more about himself in his hundreds of vacanas. The vacanas give an excellent picture of his inner development, his mystical concerns, and his desired socioreligious reforms, but they reveal rather little about the concrete details of his external life. Later generations of followers of the new religion evidently felt a lack, and this led to the creation of hagiographical accounts of Basava’s life. The account that can be culled from the four works that are known as the Śūnyasampādanes (the fourteenth century) still makes a reasonably realistic impression: these works are compilations of vacanas by various authors, arranged in such a way as to suggest that these vacanas are recorded fragments of discussions that took place between the early śivaśaraṇas (for instance, several vacanas by Akka Mahādēvi and Allamaprabhu are arranged as if they are parts of the debate which finally led to Mahādēvi’s acceptance in the Vīraśaiva community). The Basavapurāṇa of Bhīmakavi (1369), which is a Kannada adaptation of an earlier work of the same title in Telugu by Pālkuriki Sōmanātha, however, is more imaginative, as works of the pan-Indian purāṇa genre generally are. Certain statements about Basava that are found in this text are considered untenable by modern researchers. Yet it remains a popular source of ideas about Basava’s life. Little is known about the facts of his life, and for some time it was actually doubted whether Basava as a real person had ever lived at all ([9], p. 20). There are a few inscriptions that testify that he was indeed a historical person, but these contain hardly any details about his life. Most of what is currently believed about his life is drawn from hagiographical writings that were composed some time after his death, such as the Basavapurāṇa of Bhīmakavi (the fourteenth century) and, more importantly, the Basavarājadēvara ragaḷe of Harihara (the late twelfth century). The Basavapurāṇa says that Basava was born in the year 1106 C.E. (Śaka era 1026), on the third day of the light half of the month of Vaiśākha (this

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day is celebrated as Basava jayaṃti or the birthday of Basava). On the other hand, there is also a belief that he died at the young age of 36 in the year 1168; hence, some researchers believe that he lived 1132–1168 ([9], p. 20). More common datings by recent scholarship are 1106–1168 and 1134–1196. Some details are common to all the hagiographies. He was born in an orthodox Śaiva Brahmin family [5] in the agrahāra or Brahmin settlement Bāgēvāḍi, in what today is the Bijapur district of Karnataka; his father’s name was Mādirāja (or Mādimarasa, or Mādarasa) and his mother’s Mādāṃbe (or Mādāṃbike, or Mādalāṃbike), and he is said to have had an elder brother named Dēvarāja. According to Harihara, he lost both his parents while he was still young and grew up in the custody of his grandmother, where he became well acquainted with Sanskrit language and literature ([9], p. 21). Already at a young age, he is said to have developed a strong distaste for what he considered internal contradictions in traditional Vedic ritualism and hierarchical social thought. This culminated, according to Bhīmakavi, in his rejecting his sacred thread, the janivāra, shortly after his orthodox upanayana initiation and left Bāgēvāḍi for Kūḍalasaṃgama (or Kappaḍisaṃgama), because he felt it was a karmalate, a “creeper of karma” ([13], p. 147). According to Harihara, this resistance against orthodoxy developed only gradually, in the course of time, after several conflicts with other Brahmins in the agrahāra. At Kūḍalasaṃgama, Basava received religious guidance from a local priest, Īśānyaguru, who possibly familiarized Basava with popular developments within Śaivism, such as the Lakulīśa and Pāśupata schools. Bhīmakavi claims that Īśānyaguru initiated Basava with an iṣṭaliṅga when the latter was still an infant and in very poor health, thus saving his life. The Siṃgirājapurāṇa says that he received his initiation from one Jātavēdamuni. According to Harihara, before Basava left for Maṃgaḷavāḍa, where he was to take up a position as treasurer of the local ruler, Śiva himself ordered his vehicle Nandi to initiate Basava. After accepting the position of treasurer and thus becoming settled in worldly life, he married two women, Gaṃgādēvi,

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daughter of a high-ranking official, and Nīlalōcane (Harihara calls her Māyidēvi), another official’s daughter. In spite of the great social prestige which he enjoyed, he remained a deeply religious and innerly humble person, known for his hospitality toward wandering Śaiva mendicants. In the course of time, his relationship with the king Bijjaḷa, a ruler of the Kalachuri dynasty, who was an orthodox Śaiva and therefore a bhavi, an unbeliever, worsened. Basava’s disdain for religious orthodoxy had grown so strong that it was hard for him to fully respect the king. He soon became a victim of palace intrigues in which it was claimed that instead of bowing to the king, he bowed to the image of Nandi on the king’s ring, that he polluted the ritual purity of the court by coming there after having visited untouchables and having shared meals with them, or that he misappropriated funds from the treasury for charity to mendicants, which turned out not to be true ([9], pp. 22–25). The early history of the Vīraśaiva community took a dramatic turn after Basava presided over a wedding ceremony between the daughter of erstwhile Brahmin Madhuvayya and the son of the erstwhile untouchable Haraḷayya. Bijjaḷa saw this as an open challenge to the established social order, and to set an example he had Madhuvayya’s and Haraḷayya’s eyes put out. The Basavapurāṇa states that one of Basava’s followers, who had been reprimanded by Basava for honoring Brahmins, wanted to make up for this misstep, with the help of a few friends who killed Bijjaḷa and then took his own life. It is unclear to what extent Basava approved of this deed; Bijjaḷa’s death is recorded to have occurred in 1167, and some sources say that Basava passed away not long afterwards ([9], p. 26). Bijjaḷa’s followers are reported to have taken revenge on Basava’s followers. Later, puranic literature ascribes various miracles to Basava. For instance, when a few robbers appear, disguised as Śaiva mendicants carrying small eggplants under their clothing instead of liṅgas, Basava turns the eggplants into real liṅgas, or when he is accused of having misappropriated funds for giving food to mendicants, he shows the king the treasury, which contains more money

Basava

than it should ([9], pp. 28–29). Another source says that Basava’s health in his childhood was in serious danger until a mendicant passed by and cured him by giving him liṅgadīkṣe with an iṣṭaliṅga; he fervently worshipped the iṣṭaliṅga and developed into a brilliant pupil who excelled his teachers in learning [3].

As an Author Basava’s achievements lie not only in the religious and social sphere but also, and very prominently so, in the literary. More than is the case with any other author, his name is associated with a particular literary genre that is unique for the Kannada language, known as vacana (literally “utterance”). The vacana is a literary form that developed in Kannada and that can best be described as a short prose poem; it has an internal structure that is not based on sound (e.g., meter or rhyme, as in conventional poetry) but on meaning, with a recurrence of syntactic patterns. This form was not Basava’s invention: already decades before him, vacanas were being composed in Kannada by other Śaiva authors, but it was Basava, together with his companions in the early Vīraśaiva community, who cultivated and perfected the form. A vacana can be only a few lines in length or, rarely, a few pages at the most. Altogether, many thousands of vacanas by early Vīraśaiva authors have been preserved; today these have been edited and published by the Government of Karnataka in recognition of their value for the cultural history of this part of India. The latest comprehensive edition of vacanas composed by Basava contains 1415 of them [4], and 1272 of these have been translated into English in the most comprehensive volume of translated vacanas by Basava to date [2]. Ever since the early editorial work of the Kannada scholar P.G. Haḷakaṭṭi, it has been customary to group Basava’s vacanas in six categories, corresponding to the six sthalas of the Vīraśaiva ṣaṭsthala system (see the article on “Vīraśaivism”), according to which the religious aspirant proceeds on the spiritual path through six stages of development, from simple faith to the experience and full conviction

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that she/he is essentially one with God (the experience of aikya, “oneness”). Thus, it is has become common to find vacanas of Basava classified as “vacanas expressive of the bhaktasthala,” “vacanas of the aikyasthala,” etc., although in some cases it is not easy to thus classify the texts and in some cases scholars have argued that a single vacana is expressive of more than one sthala. Vacanas by their very nature are highly personal outpourings of feeling and thought, and the style and mood of the vacanas of the early authors are highly individualistic and characteristic of their personalities. Not surprisingly, the individualness of the authors is underlined by the presence of a so-called aṃkita or “signature”: a word or short phrase that is unique for the author, usually a name or epithet of God (Śiva) or of a venerable person. Thus, Allamaprabhu used the aṃkita guhēśvara (“lord of the cave”), Akka Mahādēvi used cennamallikārjunadēva (“God who is white like the beautiful jasmine”), and Basava used kūḍalasaṃgamadēva, “God of Kūḍalasaṃgama.” In a popular English translation by A.K. Ramanujan of classical vacanas by various authors [10], this has been almost literally translated as “lord of the meeting rivers,” which has a fine poetic effect but obscures a topographical reference: Kūḍalasaṃgama is a location where an ancient Śaiva temple stood, which was a favorite place of religious retreat for Basava. In comparison to the vacanas of other authors, Basava stands out by their highly personal, emotional intensity. Their subject matter is a rather limited number of ideas: the hollowness of prestige on the basis of birth; the dignity of labor; the shallowness of traditional religious ritualism and of common varieties of superstition; Śiva as the one source of the entire universe, whereby all in the universe is intimately interconnected; his own (Basava’s) littleness in comparison with the divine, and his insignificance in comparison with the spiritual greatness of wandering Śaiva mendicants, and thence the value of humbleness; and the ecstatic delight that comes with the realization that all is Śiva. All these ideas receive relatively little intellectual elaboration but are placed in highly

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concrete, very illustrative contexts with images taken from common everyday life and are presented with very intense emotionality, often with stunning literary beauty. Basava is commonly considered one of the great literary geniuses in the Kannada language, and passages from some of his vacanas are known to all cultured users of the language.

Social Ideals Basava was born in an orthodox Śaiva Brahmin family, and this simple fact gave him a high, privileged status in society. Further, he rose to a ministerial position at the court of king Bijjaḷa, which meant that besides his religiously high ritual status he also enjoyed a politically high status. What is striking in his writings, the vacanas, is that although he was in this doubly privileged position in his society, he felt that neither of these two kinds of privilege was a thing which he cherished or of which he was proud. Quite on the contrary, one finds innumerable statements in the vacanas where he expresses total disregard of such privileges as well as contempt for those who pride themselves on possessing them ([15], pp. 38–43). He had a deep mystical yearning: his first and foremost goal in life was to experience Śiva, and his earlier life had proven to him that his orthodox high-caste milieu did not offer the means for achieving this goal. In numerous vacanas, he makes fun of people who believe in the efficacy of Vedic rituals; this he does sometimes jestingly and humorously, sometimes bitterly ([15], pp. 38–39, 41). In recent times, it has become popular to speak about Basava’s socioreligious reforms as a “revolution” (krānti) and Basava as a “revolutionary” (krāntikāri) and to see in his vision of an ideal society a forerunner of socialism [1, 11]. Such statements serve to assert that the Vīraśaiva religion is “modern” and “progressive” and thereby superior to other systems of religious thought. They have a propagandistic value in a religion that actively proselytizes. The risk that lies in such a depiction is that Basava’s thoughts may be evaluated according to alien criteria and

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that the total value of the religion is reduced to only a few features, which, while being significant and important, have an instrumental significance and have no religious goals in themselves. The “socialism” of Basava is not the goal of Vīraśaivism but a consequence of Basava’s religious teachings: if the entire cosmos is Śiva, then everything essentially partakes of the same holiness. Where Basava differs from earlier monistic thinkers in India is that he consistently and radically applied this principle in his dealings with all people, disregarding traditional hierarchical and discriminatory distinctions between various castes in his society and between the sexes. By treating all people as essentially equal and recognizing the worth of individual persons, one cultivates humility and self-criticism, as is amply testified in many of his writings, and innerly opens oneself to a wider range of experiences of life. Although he was highly critical of a number of traditional practices in orthodox high-caste Śaiva Hinduism, his “revolution” did not entail a wholesale devaluation of the traditional lifestyle. Quite the contrary, it represented an attempt at spreading certain high-caste values (such as nonviolence and vegetarianism) to broader sections of society [17].

Status Within the Vīraśaiva community, Basava is generally considered the most venerable person of the entire tradition, even if at times his status is a matter of some controversy. The controversy is bound up with the social history of the community, elements of which have a divisive influence even today. These elements revolve precisely around Basava’s ideas about socioreligious reform which have gained him such fame also far beyond the limits of the community. It is clear that he held the ancient stratification of Hindu society in the four Vedic varṇas and the many more jātis or castes in deep contempt. But this does not mean that he rejected totally all religious and cultural values that are traditionally associated with the

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Brahmin castes. His socioreligious “revolution” did not mean a disowning of “Brahminical” culture but, rather, was an attempt at spreading high-caste cultural values (such as the high value that is accorded to education and higher learning or the propagation of vegetarianism) among all strata of the population. His revolution was not an overthrowing of a more highly refined culture, but a revolution from the top downwards [17], in which certain devices that helped preserve the social privileges of select smaller groups (such as the temple cult, with its associated priesthood) were devalued (without, however, being totally condemned) and the dignity of the work of the traditionally lower strata of society was given due recognition. This program of spreading traditionally high-caste values is found most clearly in the writings of Basava’s nephew Cennabasava, who more than the other early authors showed a concern for a theoretical formulation of the new religion and for a demonstration of its position as a further development in the continued tradition of Śaiva Hinduism [8]. Nevertheless, certain sections of the community with a high-caste background were, and still are, less eager to surrender their traditional social and ritual privileges. This tendency expresses itself in several ways. The Vīraśaiva community is organized in a large number of maṭhas (often translated as “monasteries”), religious centers that are headed by high-ranking religious authorities (called maṭhādhipatis and commonly addressed and spoken about as svāmis, “lords”). Although many of the maṭhas are strongly associated with specific sections of the Vīraśaiva community, there is a marked distinction in attitudes toward persons from outside those sections. A group of five maṭhas continues traditional high-caste mannerisms and exclusiveness, holding on to the classical Brahminical varṇāśrama concept of society. It is therefore not surprising that Basava’s standing in Vīraśaiva history is strongly downplayed in this milieu. This is clearly the attitude of a minority. But even outside this minority, and in spite of Basava’s powerfully worded social and religious egalitarianism, large differences in the level of education and economic status exist

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within the community, while social and political activists evoke Basava as an icon for the continued need for the upliftment of the masses. Especially in northern Karnataka, it is not uncommon at political rallies to see the traditional depiction of the crowned Basava displayed alongside B.R. Ambedkar (the prominent Indian politician and architect of the Indian constitution, hero of the low castes formerly known as “untouchables”) and the Buddha (Ambedkar propagated a reimported Buddhism as a means of socioreligious emancipation for the lowest castes). This is to signal that Basava’s teachings reach out also to the socially downtrodden. Generally, wherever Basava’s name is prominently displayed (in the names of religious and social organizations, publishing houses, etc.), it indicates a desire of the people who are involved to disregard traditional social backgrounds and privileges or underprivilegedness. Among such Vīraśaivas who wish to strongly emphasize the social aspects of Basava’s reforms, one finds a tendency to speak of themselves not as “Vīraśaivas” but as “Liṅgāyatas” and about their religion as “Liṅgāyatism” or even “Basavaism” [7]. They clearly attempt to distinguish themselves from such persons in the community who wish to downplay Basava’s social ideals and steer toward a more conventional and orthodox kind of Śaivism (see the article on “Liṅgāyata”). Today, Basava’s personality still holds a fascination for millions of people. The life of Basava has been the subject of many stories and novels as well as some two-dozen modern plays written in Kannada such as G. Karnad’s Taledaṃḍa and P. Lankesh’s Saṃkrāṃti. The best known play on Basava is Mahācaitra by H.S. Shivaprakash, in which the author looked at Basava’s life from a Marxist perspective. Although critics consider it one of the foremost modern plays in the language, it evoked great resistance in certain sections of the Vīraśaiva community, which led to its being removed from university syllabi by court order, which indicates how important the image of Basava as a religious personality still is.

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Cross-References ▶ Liṅgāyata ▶ Vīraśaivism

B References 1. Ciṃtāmaṇi (1977) Yugapravartaka Basavaṇṇanavaru, 4th edn. Taraḷabāḷu Prakāśana, Sirigere [in Kannada] 2. Deveerappa H (ed) (1967) Vacanas of Basavaṇṇa (trans: Menezes LMA, Angadi SM). Annana Balaga, Sirigere 3. Javarēgauḍa D (1998) Basava beḷaku, 3rd edn. Bangalore University, Bangalore; [first published 1984] [in Kannada] 4. Kalaburgi MM (2001) Basavaṇṇanavara vacanasaṃpuṭa. Samagra vacanasaṃpuṭa 1, 2nd edn. Kannaḍa Book Authority, Bangalore; [first published 1993] [in Kannada] 5. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Basavaṇṇavaru yāva mūlada brāhmaṇaru?. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, 3rd edn, vol III. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 364–369 [in Kannada] 6. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Pañcācāryaru: eraḍu ṭippaṇigaḷu. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, 3rd edn, vol III. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 305–309 [in Kannada] 7. Mahādēvi M (n.d.) Basavaism. A perfect method of teaching the art of life (perfection). Viswakalyana Mission, Bangalore 8. Mallēdēvaru J (ed) (1991) Cannabasavaṇṇanavaru. Jagadguru Sri Shivarathreeshwara Granthamale, Mysore 9. Nārāyaṇa PV (1988) Kāla, prabhāva, jīvana, vyaktitva ityādi. In: Sītārāmayya, pp 1–43 10. Ramanujan AK (1973) Speaking of Śiva. Penguin, Harmondsworth 11. Schouten JP (1991) Revolution of the mystics. On the social aspects of Vīraśaivism. Kok Pharos, Kampen 12. Shankar DA (trans) (2001/2003) Shoonyasampadane of Shivaganaprasadi Mahadevaiah (Abridged and translated), vols 1 and 2. Jagadguru Sri Shivarathreeswara Granthamala, Mysore 13. Sītārāmayya V (1988) Samīkṣe. In: Sītārāmayya, pp 140–158 14. Sītārāmayya V, Veṃkaṭasubbayya G (eds) (1988) Basavēśvara. IBH, Bangalore 15. Sri Shivakumara Shivacharya (1967) Introduction. In: Deveerappa, pp 15–71 16. Tippērudrasvāmi H (ed) (1995) Basavēśvara vacana dīpike. Jagadguru Sri Shivarathreeshwara Granthamale, Mysore [in Kannada] 17. Zydenbos RJ (1997) Vīraśaivism, caste, revolution, etc. J Am Orient Soc 117.3:525–535

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Basham, A. L. Sanghavi Hemali Department of History, K.J.Somaiya College of Arts and Commerce, Mumbai, India

A Distinguished Indologist Arthur Llewellyn Basham (1914–1986) was a distinguished English Indologist of the twentieth century. He is known for his in-depth study of Indian and Asian culture. Basham or “Bash” as he was fondly called by his friends and colleagues was born on 24 May 1914 in Loughton, Essex, England. Ancient India and South Asia remained the focus of his researches. Basham emphasized “India deserves a larger share of the credit than she is usually given and she has deeply affected the religious life of most of Asia and has contributed to the culture not only of South-East Asia but of many other parts of the world.” His research combined Sanskritic learning with a wide historical perspective. His book The wonder that was India (see) has been a significant contribution to the field of Indian cultural studies. First published in 1954, the book surveys the history and culture of Indian continent till the advent of the Muslim rule. The work covers many aspects of glorious ancient Indian past such as culture, religion, governance, social evolution, tradition, languages, philosophy, and science. It covers a chronology from 3000 BC–1565 AD. The book was meant for Western audience. It has been widely used in the field of Indology. Basham’s clear and lucid prose in the work has made ancient Indian history and culture accessible to a wider audience. The work has been republished many times and translated into a dozen languages including Spanish, Russian, and Polish. It has become a companion to all students of ancient Indian history. Covering vast scope, the work was and remains a masterpiece of synthesis. Basham won an Ouseley scholarship to study oriental languages at the London School of Oriental and African Studies and graduated with first

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class honors in Indo-Aryan studies in 1941. He worked in the civil defense department during World War II. He was appointed as lecturer in the history of India at the School of Oriental and African Studies in 1948. He completed his Ph.D. under L.D. Barnett in 1950 with a thesis that has become the classic study of a forgotten ancient Indian religion, “The History and Doctrines of the Ȃjǐvikas” (see) which was published the following year. He was made reader in the History of India in 1953 and rose to the rank of Professor in the history of South Asia in University of London in 1957. In 1965 he moved to Australia and became the foundation professor and head of the new department of Asian Civilizations at the Australian National University, Canberra. His inspiration and leadership contributed greatly to the expansion of Asian studies at Australian National University. Basham was appointed Swami Vivekananda Professor in Oriental Studies at the Asiatic Society of Calcutta in September 1985. He died in Calcutta in India on 27 January 1986. Through his supervision of as many as hundred doctoral students, both at the School of Oriental and African Studies and at the Australian National University, he exercised a broad influence in his field. Another major work written by him was The Origins and Development of Classical Hinduism (see). The work was compiled and expanded posthumously by his student Kenneth G. Zysk. It was compilation of his last lectures delivered in January 1986. It traces the religious and philosophical life of India from the time of the Indus culture from the perspective of the crystallization of classical Hinduism. In his edited book A Cultural History of India (see), he points out that no land on earth has such a long cultural continuity as India. It contains articles of 30 scholars. It presents a comprehensive survey of Indian culture, covering such aspects as religion, philosophy, social organization, literature, art, architecture, music, and science. His fine scholarship gets reflected in his works. He also edited The civilizations of Monsoon Asia (see), a study of the history and culture of South Asia and Southeast Asia. Basham’s approach to the study of Indian

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religions and Hinduism in particular may be characterized as traditional Indology, with personal intuition for its combined history, philology, and phenomenology. His writings are marked by easy and elegant style. He wrote about 50 research articles, numerous review articles, and contributions to encyclopedias. Basham held several visiting professorships in the United States of America and India in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1935 he had published a collection of his poetry entitled Proem and Golden Furrow, a novel, in 1939. As a keen promoter of oriental studies, Basham had been elected a fellow of many learned societies in Britain, Australia, and India. He organized a conference on the date of Kanishka at School of Oriental and African Studies in 1960. He was director of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland in 1964–1965. He was president of the 28th International Congress of Orientalists at Canberra, Australia, in 1971. In 1976 he was elected vicepresident of the Asian Studies Association of Australia. In 1979 he was president of the First International Conference on Traditional Asian Medicine, held in Canberra. This meeting led to the formation of the International Association for the Study of Traditional Asian Medicine. He also served as president of International Association of Buddhist Studies from1981 to 1985. His contribution to scholarship was recognized by a D.Litt. from the University of London (1966), honorary doctorates from the universities of Kurukshetra (1965) and Nava Nalanda Mahavihara (1977) as well as the Bimala Churn Law gold medal of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta in 1975.

6. Kenneth B, Basham AL (1986) Bull Sch Orient Afr Stud 49(03):561–562 7. Maity SK (1997) Professor A.L.Basham–my guruji and problems and perspectives of ancient Indian history and culture. Abhinav, New Delhi 8. Maity SK, Upendra T, Narain AK (1988) Studies in orientology. Y.K., Agra

References

Definition

1. Basham AL (1951) History and doctrines of the Ȃjǐvikas: a vanished Indian religion. Luzac, London 2. Basham AL (ed) (1974) The civilizations of monsoon Asia. Angus and Robertson, London 3. Basham AL (1990) In: Zysk KG (ed) The origins and development of classical Hinduism. Oxford, New Delhi 4. Basham AL (2004) The wonder that was India. Picador, London 5. Basham AL (2015) A cultural history of India. Oxford, New York

A musical tradition found primarily in Bangladesh and West Bengal, India, in which aspirants celebrate the material body as a divine gateway of realization. The most famous Bāul was undoubtedly Lālan Fakir (d. 1890), although there are many other singers and mystics both before and after him who have greatly contributed to the tradition.

Ba¯ul Fakir/Fakira¯nī ▶ Bāuls

Ba¯ul Sa¯dhu/Sa¯dhika¯ ▶ Bāuls

Ba¯uls Keith Edward Cantú Religious Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA

Synonyms Bāul fakir/fakirānī; Bāul sādhu/sādhikā; Lālanpanthī

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The Syncretic Tradition of the Ba¯uls The history of the Bāuls of Bengal includes centuries of religious innovation in which many of Sufism’s most potent symbols have been merged with preexistent Śaiva-Śākta, Vaiṣṇava, and Buddhist “Sahajiyā” cosmologies to create a heterodox folk tradition highly unique to Bangladesh and West Bengal, India ([1], p. 271) ([2], pp. 116–117). Individuals who practice this tradition of bhakti or devotional yoga are called Bāuls and can be from any religious background or jāt (caste, birth-religion). The Bāuls of Bangladesh are distinguished by their greater reverence for the songs of Lālan Fakir, whose continued significance in the region cannot be underrated. Indeed, arguably no folk poet has made a more substantial contribution to modern Bengali literature ([1], p. 277). In West Bengal, however, the tradition appears to be more decentralized, and the songs of other Bāul poets such as Bhabā Pāglā [3] and Rāj Kṛṣṇa [4] are at least as prevalent as those of Lālan. The songs of other poets such as Pāñja Shah [21] and Duddu Shah (one of Lālan’s pupils) [26] and independent compositions are performed in Bangladesh as well, although Lālan’s songs are usually given preeminence at most festivals given his cultural status. The broader oral tradition of the Bāuls, proclaimed in 2005 by UNESCO as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, combines musical artistry with ascetic practice in a context that is not bounded by the confines of sectarian religion. The tradition, despite its century-old roots, remains very much alive today, although there have been considerable changes in the Bāul image as constructed by modern society [5]. Many of the more traditional or ādi members of the Lālan-panthī sect or sampradāy in Bangladesh make their dwellings not in typical homes but in ākhṛā or hermitage dwellings scattered throughout the country. These firstorder devotees, or Bāul Fakirs (men) and Fakirānīs (women), typically do not work but devote themselves fully to memorizing and performing songs, engaging in ritualized prayer or meditation, and practicing forms of Haṭhayoga (especially prāṇāyāma). Poorer Bāuls often eke

Ba¯uls

out a living through subsistence on alms or by singing popular Bāul songs at large festivals [33], while more established Bāuls are financially supported by students and devotees who desire to learn about the deeper aspects of the tradition. Many of the most popular Bāuls come from other vocations such as truck- or rickshawdriving, instrument-making, or even military service. Many Bāuls also work and some live a married life, although the nature of the marriage often differs somewhat to its correlate among adherents to the country’s orthodox religious groups, especially since marriage among Bāuls can also be used to consecrate a couple to the practice of sexual rituals (yugal-sādhanā). Working for money is sometimes discouraged by more radical Bāuls who stress a literal conception of jyānte-marā, or “alive-while-dead” that refers to one’s liminal relationship with saṃsāra, a simple Bengali term for family that also evokes the Buddhist wheel of worldly existence. Most senior Bāuls, however, emphasize that the relationship between self-sovereignty (svādhinatā) and the teacher path (guru-pada) needs to be negotiated by the individual, often recognize that not everyone is at a stage of life that is conducive to the Bāul lifestyle (jīban-dhārā) or path of initiation (bhek or khilāphat). The lyrics of Bāul songs contain themes or symbols that relate to striving for attainment (sādhanā) and can include everything from alphabetical numerologies to sexual symbolism as derived from medieval Tantric scripture and syncretic oral tradition. This is especially the case in the songs of Lālan, early versions of which were later committed to writing and are found in the notebooks of the celebrated Nobel laureate Rabindranath Tagore ([1], p. 277). It is clear from his songs – and the singers who interpret them today – that Lālan and other Bāuls envisioned a human race free from the social barriers of one’s religious birth-group (jāt), whether Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist, Christian, or any other religion. This radical line of thinking at least partially contributed to the “Bengali Renaissance” that saw an indigenous form of humanism flourish in the arts and literature of colonial Bengal.

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Ba¯ul Cosmology No systematic outline of Lālan Fakir’s cosmological doctrines was written in his lifetime. Instead, these doctrines were encoded in “cosmogonic riddles” that are functionally and inextricably linked to bodily practices and expressed through the medium of song. Bāul poetry contains elements of Buddhism, Vaiṣṇavism (and to a lesser degree, Śaivism and Śaktism), and Islamic mysticism. The genealogical connection between Bāul tradition and Buddhist Caryāpada literature can be easily traced, and much of the terminology and techniques operative in the songs can also be traced back to earlier sources in Buddhism. However, Lālan Fakir’s contribution is notable in that he took these connections a step further by bridging Buddhist Tantric cosmology with its counterparts in Vaiṣṇava and even Sufi literature to create a human-centered system accessible to all, irrespective of religious birth-group. In some cases, these cosmologies are blended inextricably in a single song, although many songs have a predominant esthetic bhāb (< Sanskrit bhāva, “attitude,” “being”) that informs the metaphors used. Whereas many religious cosmologies emphasize a “top-down” approach to reality (i.e., the “spiritual world” as imperfectly reflected in the “physical”), Bāul songs favor a “bottom-up” approach (i.e., the “material world” as imperfectly reflected in the “spiritual”). While this distinction may seem technical, it is deceivingly simple and is the crux upon which rests a central key to interpreting his songs. Bāul theories of ontology are based on a dichotomy also present in traditional Indic categories of knowledge: anumān “hearsay,” “conjecture” vs. bartamān “present,” “self-evident” [8]. The latter category (bartamān) is always privileged among Bāul Fakirs, and the locus of determining what is “present” is through the body. In other words, the human reproductive system – as understood by Bāul Fakirs in the nineteenth century – is the basis of Lālan’s cosmology. As such, it could be argued that Bāul tradition is ultimately more concerned with proto-empirical experimentation than religious abstractions, yet the language used to

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communicate these principles is undoubtedly filled with some of the most stunning religious poetry imaginable. Bāul Fakirs often deify and anthropomorphize a primal cosmogonic substance (bastu, < Sanskrit vastu). This substance was “made up of two elements, light (nūr; a symbolic word for semen) and water (nīr, a symbolic word for menstrual blood)” ([1], p. 282). These two elements were separated through a process of “churning” (akin to the Vedic churning of the milk ocean for soma), which again is related to a bartamān sense to the sexual sādhanā of separating “female semen” from “menstrual blood to produce a concentrated form of the adhar mānuṣ” [“uncatchable person,” < Sanskrit a + root dhā]) ([1], p. 282). The equation of light with seed can be traced back to the Vedas, but “it is probably the Buddhist tantric conception of bodhicitta (thought of enlightenment) as semen, and (prabhāsvara) (clear light), that most influenced the Bāul equation of the Supreme with light and semen, given the fact that the roots of the Bāul tradition are in Buddhist tantrism” ([1], p. 283). The nuances of this relationship between Bāul tradition and Buddhist Tantra are further discussed below.

Orality and the Written Word When considering the Bāul tradition as present in modern-day Bangladesh and West Bengal, India, one is struck by the general lack of emphasis on traditional scriptures, specifically on the Qur’ān, the Vedas, the Bible, or any number of orthodox sacred texts currently and historically circulating in wider Bengal. Oral recitation of orthodox scripture among the Bāuls appears to have been replaced by oral (and most often aural) recitation of Bāul songs, which are often regarded as sacred utterances through the medium of ecstatic song. It is “mainly through these songs that they give literary expression to their beliefs and practices; only rarely do they compose any treatises” ([6], p. 187). Nevertheless, there is a parallel written tradition since Bāul songs are often also recorded in carefully preserved notebooks or diaries. Indeed, notebooks of Lālan Fakir’s songs are

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thought to be “the earliest manuscript evidence of Bāul songs that have been discovered” ([6], p. 189). Through both oral and written mediums, Bāul songs thus challenge the listener to examine “the arising of language” that creates distinctions between different religious names and symbols. Language is thought to emerge from individual mental states of being, attitude, or presence (bhāb). When the mind abides at the source in the silent realm of “uncatchable thought,” the mind is not limited by the formation of language, as expressed in this verse of the following Bāul song: maner bhāb prakāśite bhāṣār uday trijagate man ādite adhar cinte bhāṣā bākya nāhi pābe As expressed from the attitude of the mind, language arises in the three worlds. At the source in uncatchable thought, the mind is at a loss for words || (From āpnār āpni fānā hale tāre jānā jābe by Lālan Fakir, trans. Cantú)

Bāul songs are therefore independent of traditional scriptures, yet they nevertheless do contain many elements that are pulled directly from sacred texts such as the Qur’ān, the Upaniṣads, Vaiṣṇava and Buddhist Sahajiyā texts, and other Tantras [23]. The functional meaning of these songs is often not analogous to their corresponding meaning in orthodox scripture, as the language is subject to numerous puns and cleverly encoded language. There is however a similarity to more orthodox scriptural modes of memorization, which are utilized by Bāuls to progress in personal sādhanā. The more songs one receives, internalizes, and constantly repeats, the more he or she is thought to further understand the fullest scope of their esoteric content and transformative power.

The Ba¯uls and Vaisnava Tradition ˙˙ The Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavas are often portrayed as the primary orthodox counterpart to the Bāul and Sahajiyā traditions [19], with the term “Sahajiyā” being mostly a post hoc scholarly category used to

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connect disparate traditions that also form the veritable core of Bāul cosmology [7, 8]. Indeed, Bengali Bāul songs and medieval Vaiṣṇava and Buddhist Sahajiyā literature both utilize the concept of svarūpa (Bengali svarūp) “inherent form” to describe the mechanics of the yogic or subtle body, kuṇḍalinī, and the cakras [9, 35]. In this, the Bāuls are not unique but rather are participating in a long discourse of Vaiṣṇava theistic philosophy centered around this technical term. For example, Barbara Holdrege explains how the concept of the svarūpa was also used by the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava tradition in their descriptions of the three aspects of Godhead, including Kṛṣṇa as svayam Bhagavān or “Bhagavān himself” ([10], p. 33). The Bāuls, freely elaborating upon the motif of sensual love (ras) between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, expand the orthodox Vaiṣṇava conception of divine embodiment to include both male and female principles within the aspirant’s body. Lālan Fakir, as the Bāul poet par excellence, composed numerous songs with Vaiṣṇavainflected lyrics [20, 24, 25]. Though much of Lālan’s life remains shrouded in mystery, it is known that he lived in the nineteenth century in the village of Cheuriya in what is now Kushtia district, Bangladesh ([1], p. 267). This is an important detail, especially since many Bāuls take pride in the fact that Kushtia was once considered part of a wider Nadia cultural zone that also encompassed Nabadwip, the riverine town in modern West Bengal where the fifteenth-century Vaiṣṇava bhakti reformer Caitanya Mahāprabhu once resided [11]. The link with Caitanya is still stressed today, for some Bāuls in Bangladesh trace Lālan’s own guru lineage through Dervish Sirāj Sāi back to Caitanya himself. Lālan even composed a well-known song about the “three madmen” (tin pāgala halo melā nadeya sei) that colorfully paints a historical portrait of Caitanya and two other of his contemporary Vaiṣṇava bhakti reformers, Advaita Ācarya and Nityānanda. This reference not only connects Lālan with the Bāuls who practice in West Bengal today but also ironically sets him at odds with more orthodox Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava traditions as well as the more reformist International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), whose

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members also hold Caitanya in great esteem and often strictly reject what they perceive as heterodox interpretations of his teachings.

The Ba¯uls and Islamic Tradition Bāul songs are not limited to Vaiṣṇava symbolism; many of them also actively utilize Sufi, Buddhist (Sahajiyā), and indigenous metaphors [27] to construct a unified path of attainment (sādhanā) accessible to any human being regardless of birthgroup (jāt). This innovation, along with the songs’ celebration of human divinity and sexuality has brought Lālan and other Bāuls condemnation from both Hindu and Muslim religious leaders alike. As early as 1926, an Islamic fatwa (legal decision) was issued against the Bāuls which singled out Lālan as “the number one foe” ([1], p. 268) and called for the destruction of the Bāul tradition. Conditions have been improving for the Bāuls in recent years, but nevertheless many obstacles to their free expression remain. Their practices still face persecution in many regional contexts, especially in some areas of rural Bangladesh where Bāuls are often considered to be a threat to normative Islam. Since Bāul tradition is certainly not limited to Hinduism, it is necessary to also describe how Sufi elements came to be integrated with the Vaiṣṇava framework in Bengal. A great starting point to understand this syncretic phenomenon is to examine Lālan’s relationship with Sufism through his own title (“Fakir,” Bengali: phakir) and that of his guru, Dervish Sirāj Sāi. Lālan always refers to Sirāj Sāi as a dervish (Bengali: darbeś) in his songs but never uses the title to describe himself (Lālan’s bhaṇitā, if it even gives a title rather than a diminutive or humorous adjective, only ever has “Fakir” or “sāi” before or after his name). Hak writes that Bengali “dervish”-hood (i.e., earning the title of darbeś, or the variant spelling darbbeś) indicated an especially advanced stage of Sufi practice that emphasized “the practical aspect of gnosis” and required “knowledge in nine subjects” ([12], p. 414). These subjects are outlined in a poem titled Darbeśī Mahal “Dervish Palace” in the Talināmā/

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Śahdaulāpīranāma of Śekh Cād, a poet who lived in Comilla (in modern Bangladesh) during the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries C.E. and who composed numerous works on Islamic mysticism ([13], pp. 41–86). The nine subjects are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

The discernment of the dervishes (darbbeś) The worship of Khodā (God) The discourses on subtle bodies (tan) The essence (tattva) of the self The essence of mental examination (dilere dekhan) The subject of the subtle nerves (nāḍī) The location of semen (bindu) Familiarity with the six subtle centers (ṣaṭcakra) That which is called “Brahmatattva” ([12], p. 415.

Given the respect attached to such a title, it is possible that Dervish Sirāj Sāi would have been competent in the above nine forms of knowledge and would have engaged extensively in the “practical aspect of gnosis” that included an examination of the Tantric svarūpa and its subtle physiology. The integration of this elaborate system of Sufi-inflected practice among the Bāuls of Bengal is the culmination of a lengthy historical process spanning over five centuries [31]. The first influx of Sufism to Bengal most likely came in the eleventh century C.E. with the visit of Shah Sultan Rumi, while by the twelfth century, the Chishti and Suhrawardi orders had “gained sufficient ground” and “succeeded in attracting a considerable number of Indian people to accept their tenets” ([14], p. 168). In subsequent centuries, the Qadadiri, Naqshbandi, and Madari orders also came to be a driving force in Bengal, and by the fifteenth century, there were as many as seven Sufi orders (with the addition of the Adhami and Qadiri orders) operating in the region ([14], p. 169). The unique variations of Sufism that this influx created in medieval Bengal have been extensively documented in the scholarship of Ahmad Śarīph, Richard Eaton, Asim Roy, Enamul Hak, M. R. Tarafdar, S.B. Das Gupta,

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David Cashin, and Hans Harder, not to mention several other Bengali scholars in India and Bangladesh who have also published extensively on the subject. A large corpus of texts survives (including, among many others, such works as the Yoga Kalandar, Nabi-Baṃśa, Jñāna-Sāgar, Jñāna-Pradīp, and Ādya Paricay) that reflects Sufism’s historical interaction with Hindu and Buddhist yogic traditions in South Asia in subsequent centuries (cf. the scholarship of Carl Ernst) [29, 36]. Śarīph in particular seems to have captured this syncretic process in Bengal most succinctly and argues that it led to the creation of Bāul tradition: It was not possible for all the Sufi adepts that entered India to avoid being swayed by India’s spiritual doctrines (tattva) and practices (sādhanā). The locals also who were initiated by them were unable to leave their previous traditions of nondualist thought and yogic precepts. It is believed that at that time the now-diminished Buddhist society’s “yogic-kāya-sādhanā” doctrines were still current among these people. As a result, Sufi Islam was able to strike a compromise with the path of yoga and other prevailing paths of spiritual sādhanā. As harmony with Sufism increased, in the course of time the Sahajiyā and Bāul traditions were also created as a result. ([13], ā [translation from Bengali by author])

In other words, Bengali Sufism “adapted to itself the basic template of the yogic body as formulated by the Nātha cult ([28, 30, 38]) and reconfigured it within the parameters of Indo-Islamic thought” ([15], p. 353). It is important to add that these cults were hardly exclusive, as there appears to have been great fluidity between VaiṣṇavaSahajiyā, Nātha, and Sufi practice in Bengal during the premodern period.

The Ba¯uls and Tantric Buddhist Tradition Prior to the rise of Vaiṣṇavism in the fifteenth century CE, Tantric forms of Buddhism are believed to have dominated the landscape of Bengal, from the proto-university of Vikramaśīla to the stupas of Chittagong. Furthermore, many of the songs that reflect a more Vaiṣṇava or Islamic bhāva use alternative motifs to thinly mask

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Buddhist concepts, such as using the Persian pākpāñjātan “five holy people” to represent the dhyānī-buddha “buddhas of meditation” ([1], pp. 284–285). Most convincing of all, however, are the sexual practices of Bāul Fakirs that clearly demonstrate continuity with medieval Buddhist Tantra. Many of these earlier Buddhist concepts can be detected in the surviving Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna literature of medieval Buddhism, where they reflect their original contexts [34]. As such, Buddhist literature provides a kind of “control variable” by which innovative elements later incorporated by Bāul Fakirs can be better understood. Another striking connection with Buddhist Tantra is the technical use of the Sanskrit term sahaja (Bengali sahaj), a word that bears technical meanings as varied as “innate,” “inborn,” or even “spontaneous” but that has a specific sexual connotation in Bāul songs. Bāul Fakirs strive physically to catch the “innate person” (sahaj mānuṣ) through sexual ritual during a woman’s menstrual period ([16], p. 82), a practice that seems to share a strong affinity with the vajrolī-mudrā of medieval Rājayoga literature [37]. As attested by textual and ethnographic work [1, 8], the “innate person” is supposed to be attracted to the śakti in menstrual blood and descend from the sahasrār cakra (Sanskrit: sahasrāra-cakra) to the confluence of the three primary channels or nāḍīs of the subtle body, a confluence that is known as the triveṇi. The “innate person” is then supposed to be caught, separated from the menstrual blood, and brought back up to the male aspirant’s sahasrār cakra, although the question as to whether this is physically possible is debated [17]. In any event, the term sahaja has been operative for at least a millennium and received a surge in the twentieth century thanks to Bengali scholars who celebrated it as an indication of their spiritual heritage and Tibetologists who noted its ritual importance [18]. The Bāul conception of the sahaj mānuṣ clearly participates in this same historical trajectory, and as such, Bāul tradition at least partially owes much of its sexual terminology to Tantric Buddhist origins.

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Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Haṭhayoga ▶ Samatha (Buddhism) ▶ Tantra ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Salomon C (1991) The cosmogonic riddles of Lalan Fakir. In: Appadurai A, Korom F, Mills M (eds) Gender, genre and power in south asian expressive traditions. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, pp 267–304 2. Roy A (1983) The islamic syncretistic tradition in Bengal. Princeton University Press, Princeton 3. Lorea CE (2016) Folklore, religion and the songs of a Bengali madman: a journey between performance and the politics of cultural representation. Brill, Leiden 4. Openshaw J (2010) Writing the self: the life and philosophy of a dissenting Bengali Baul Guru. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Urban H (1999) The politics of madness: the construction and manipulation of the “Baul” image in modern Bengal. J South Asian Stud 22(1):13–46 6. Salomon C (1995) The Bāuls. In: Lopez D Jr (ed) Religions in India in practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton, pp 187–208 7. Dimock E (1966) The place of the hidden moon: erotic mysticism in the Vaiṣṇava-sahajiyā Cult of Bengal. University of Chicago, Chicago/London 8. Openshaw J (2002) Seeking Bāuls of Bengal. University of Cambridge, Cambridge 9. Bhaṭṭācārya U (1981) Bāṅglār Bāul O Bāul Gān. Orient Book Company, Calcutta 10. Holdrege B (2015) Bhakti and embodiment: fashioning divine bodies and devotional bodies in Kṛṣṇa Bhakti. Routledge, London and New York 11. Dimock E (1999) In: Stewart T (ed) Caitanya caritāmṛta of Kṛṣṇadāsa Kavirāja: a translation and commentary. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 12. Hak ME (1975) A history of Sufi-ism in Bengal. Asiatic Society of Bangladesh, Dhaka 13. Śarīph A (1969) Bāṅglār sūphī sāhitya. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 14. Gupta D, Bhusan S (1969) Obscure religions cults. Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta 15. Hatley S (2007) Mapping the esoteric body in the Islamic yoga of Bengal. Hist Relig 46(4):351–368 16. White DG (2003) Kiss of the Yoginī: “tantric sex” in its South Asian contexts. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London

211 17. Mallinson J (2013) Yoga and sex: what is the purpose of Vajrolīmudrā? Paper presented at Yoga in Transformation academic conference in Vienna, Austria on 20 Sept 2013 18. Davidson R (2002) Reframing Sahaja: genre, representation, ritual and lineage. J Indian Philos 30(1):45–83 19. Bose MM (1930) The post-Caitanya Sahajiā cult of Bengal. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 20. Dāś M, Mahāpātra P (eds) (1958) Lālan-gītikā. Calcutta University, Calcutta 21. Haque KR (ed) (1990) Marami kabi Panju Shah: jiban o kabya. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 22. Jhā ŚN (1995) Cāri-Candra Bhed: use of the four Moons. In: Mind, body, and society: life and mentality in colonial Bengal (trans: Openshaw J). Oxford University Press, Calcutta 23. Sharīf A (1973) Bāul Tattva. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 24. Tālib MĀ (1976) Lālan Śāh o Lālan Gītikā, vol 2. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 25. Hossain FA (Mantoo Shah) (2008) Lālon Sangīt, vol 1–3. Lalon Majar Sharif, Kushtia 26. Jāhāṅgīr BK (1964) Bāul gān o Duddu Śah. Bangla Academy, Dhaka 27. Das RP (1992) Problematic aspects of the sexual rituals of the Bāuls of Bengal. J Am Orient Soc 112(3):388–432 28. Djurdjevic G (2008) Masters of magical powers: Nāth Yogis in the light of esoteric notions. VDM Verlag, Saarbrücken, Germany 29. Ernst C (2005) Situating sufism and Yoga. J R Asiat Soc 15(1):15–43. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 30. Mallinson J (2014) Nāth Saṃpradāya. In: Brill encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 3. Brill, Leiden 31. Eaton R (1993) The rise of Islam and the Bengal frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, Berkeley 32. Cashin D (1995) The ocean of love: middle Bengali Sufi literature and the fakirs of Bengal. Stockholm University, Stockholm 33. Capwell C (1986) The music of the Bāuls of Bengal. Kent State University Press, Kent 34. Wallace VA (2001) The inner Kālacakratantra: a Buddhist tantric view of the individual. Oxford University Press, New York 35. Silburn L (1983) La Kuṇḍalinī, Ou, L’énergie Des Profondeurs: Étude D’ensemble D’après Les Textes Du Śivaïsme Non Dualiste Du Kaśmir. Deux océans, Paris 36. Ernst C (2003) The Islamization of yoga in the Amṛtakuṇḍa translations. J R Asiat Soc G B Irel 13(2):199–226 37. Birch J (2013) Rājayoga: the reincarnations of the king of all Yogas. Hindu Studies 17(3):399–442 38. White DG (1996) The alchemical body: siddha traditions in medieval India. University of Chicago Press, Chicago

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Besant, Annie Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

Annie Besant (1847–1933) was a controversial figure in the latter half of the nineteenth century in England and India. Over the course of her public career, Besant was a mother, social reformer, freethinker, feminist, author, atheist, secularist, Neo-Malthusian, president of the Theosophical Society, establisher of colleges in India, martyr, president of the Indian National Congress, deified as a goddess, and finally demonized by many Indians. Born into a middle-class family to a father who was a scientist and religious skeptic and a pious Anglican mother, Annie Besant lost her father at an early age, forcing her mother to arrange for her daughter to be taught by a wealthy widow so that there would be money to pay for her brother’s education at Harrow. Besant was not handicapped by her education by Amy Marry, a maiden of economic means. In her autobiography, she imagines herself becoming a religious leader while being educated in an Evangelical type of faith, but she regrets a lack of a conversion experience. Reflecting on her childhood when she was religious, she calls herself a pious prig and blames the Roman Catholic Church for making her an unbeliever and antagonist. In 1862, she confesses to developing her latent esthetic emotion and her hidden life of weekly communion, ecstatic meditation, and self-inflicted flagellation. On Easter 1866, she met Frank Besant, a Cambridge graduate and clergyman who became her husband. She admits to being naïve about marriage in her autobiography. At the age of 20, she gets married but admits to not being in love with Besant, having attempted to break her engagement. Admitting to being clueless about marriage and unfit for the role, she attempts to write a book on saints and some short stories that earns her some royalties but learns that the money is not hers under English law. She gives birth to a son in

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1869 and a daughter in 1870. Her unhappy marriage motivates her to think about suicide. During her leisure time, she reads heretical and orthodox religious works that increases her skepticism, becoming puzzled over the existence of evil and misery and increasing her doubts. In 1873, she gives her first lecture to an empty church, which gives her a feeling of delight and power. During this time, she had health problems to accompany her barren marriage. After refusing to conform to church observances with respect to the sacrament of communion, she won a legal separation from her husband, won custody of her daughter, admitted to feeling free, and became a governess. In 1874, Besant makes her way to London where she meets Charles Bradlaugh, joins his National Secular Society, adopts an atheistic philosophy, and becomes a radical reformer. The issues that concerned her and motivated her lectures were secularism, birth control, women’s rights, marriage reform, socialism, trade unionism, and imperialism. As a freethinker and social reformer, she wrote essays for Bradlaugh’s newspaper, the National Reformer, under the nom de guerre of Ajax after a statue of him crying for light and gave public lectures, transforming the divorcee into a public figure. During her initial public lecture on August 25, 1874, at the Co-operative Institute, she spoke about the political status of women. Her basic ideological position at this point of her life was grounded in her avowed atheism as evident in her autobiography that she explains as an acceptance of the unity of substance beneath the diversity of phenomena. According to her conception, matter is the same as spirit, the universe is eternal, and there is no personal god. She clarifies her position by stating, “Atheism is without God. It does not assert no God.” What this assertion from her autobiography means is that an atheist neither affirms nor denies that about which she knows nothing. Since there is no evidence for the existence of God, atheism is a perfectly rational position, although she is concerned about morals, whose foundation is utility because they promote general welfare and happiness. Besant admits to not being convinced of the truth of evolution, although she is concerned about the

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bestial tendencies among humans in the forms of lust and greed, which must be eradicated by humans to preserve the social bond that unities society. Besides atheism, Besant would also add Malthusian thought on population and starvation to her intellectual stance that equated large families with pauperism and thus should be limited. Malthusian thought is central to the first major public controversy of her career with the republication of a book entitled the Fruits of Philosophy: An Essay on the Population Question by Charles Knowlton with the subtitled being added by Besant and Charles Bradlaugh, who were charged by authorities with obscenity. Before being charged, the pair of freethinkers gave copies to the police department, city solicitor, and local magistrates and publicly announced their intention to sell copies. On April 7, 1877, they were arrested and taken into custody. During their trial, they combined birth control with Malthusian theory. They were eventually acquitted on a legal technicality. Besant was motivated to compose an up-dated guide to explain contraceptive methods and to establish a Malthusian League to disseminate information about birth control. Examining overpopulation and its effects in her pamphlet “Law of Population,” Besant argued that birth control was the only solution to the problem. This position was especially radical for the Victorian period of British history during which references to sexuality were morally reprehensible. But Besant painted a picture of a dire situation with raising population, falling wages, high unemployment, and increasing food prices. To increase the practical value of the pamphlet, she included a description of birth control techniques and uses the famine situation in India as a justification for contraception. Besant’s views about contraception overlapped with her feminism. She urged English women to agitate for legal reform based on equal rights with males. She painted a negative portrait of a woman’s situation because they had to submit to corporal punishment administered by their husbands, did not have rights of property and no rights with regard to the guardianship of their children, had limited rights to a divorce, and lacked redress in the event of marital rape. Thus,

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women lost control of their bodies when they married. While lecturing on these points, Besant’s husband began legal procedures in 1887 to win custody of their daughter because of Besant’s radical positions that rendered her unfit to be a parent, and was successful in his endeavor, an outcome that Annie attributed to Christianity. In 1889, Besant meets Helena Blavatsky, Russian émigré, spiritualist, and co-founder along with Colonel Henry Olcott of the Theosophical Society. Besant reads the Russian’s book Secret Doctrine and writes a positive review of the book for the National Reformer. On May 8, 1891, she joins Theosophy because, according to her autobiography, it promotes a universal brotherhood, advances study of Aryan literature and philosophy, and strives to investigate unexplained laws of nature and latent human physical powers. Moreover, although the founders deny the existence of a personal God, they allow freedom of religious belief. Under the influence of Blavatsky, Besant renounces her Neo-Malthusianism in April of 1891 because it is incompatible with the view that humans are spiritual beings. Eventually, Besant becomes the president of the Theosophical Society that is headquartered in Madras (Chennai). The move to India is momentous for Besant’s career because she becomes involved in Indian politics by her commitment to anticolonial nationalism. During her tenure in India, Besant becomes Indianized and follows Hindu living and dietary customs. She dons a distinctive white sari, a color associated with death and widowhood in India. Lecturing to packed venues, she spoke positively about Hinduism, which was refreshing to Indians after the negative attacks by Christian missionaries over the years. Besant urged a spiritual renewal and personally connected with her audiences by referring to India as a mother figure. In 1898, she helped to establish Central Hindu College (which later became Benares Hindu University) that included a curriculum of traditional topics and western science, while she also established Central Hindu Girls’ School to create better wives in 1904. In addition to these efforts to promote education, Besant begins to speak critically about

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social issues like child marriage and seclusion. She also advocates Indian self-rule. The year 1913 marked a dark period for Besant because of a custody trial involving an Indian boy Krishnamurti, acclaimed as a new World Teacher by the Theosophical Society run by Besant. The trial was salacious because it included charges of pederasty against Chares W. Leadbeater, a longtime associate of Besant. The case evoked vehement criticism of the society and its leadership in both England and India. Besant would eventually win the case on appeal to the Privy Council in London. Krishnamurti would later renounce his title and earn a living by lecturing and writing on religious subjects outside the orbit of the Theosophical Society. Following the controversial trial, Besant started a new weekly newspaper Commonweal in 1914 and a daily paper the New India to promote Indian self-rule. Having become the paper with the largest daily circulation, the latter publication was persecuted by the government for its perceived seditious writings and asked to pay a security payment of Rs. 2000 that was later increased to Rs. 10,000. These legal maneuvers did not deter Besant, who found herself transformed into a martyr. She was propelled into national prominence when authorities decided to intern her in 1917, an action that confirmed her credentials as a genuine nationalist and motivated women to publicly protest the unfair treatment along with leading intellectuals. During 1917, she gave an address to the Indian National Congress and was elected president at the age of 70, an unprecedented event because she was a foreigner and a woman. Actually, her female gender helped to shape and establish her political authority. Besant encouraged this connection in the minds of people by using maternal images linking herself with mother India. Some viewed her as an incarnation of Bharata Mata (Mother India) which she denied. But this denial did not stop people from associating her with a maternal image that was powerful and nurturing. Besant was also identified with Hindu goddess figures like Sarasvati, Durgā, Kālī, and Shakti (female energy). Throughout her rise to political prominence, Besant remained

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loyal to the British Empire, thinking that self-rule for India should involve continuing its link with Great Britain. From her perspective, imperialism was not necessarily evil and could enhance the evolution of humanity. Her idealized conception of imperialism included a foundation in mutual consent and common interest instead of domination and exploitation. From her lofty leadership role in India, Besant eventually fell when she took the wrong position on an incident that stunned the nation of India, which witnessed Indians acting against the repressive Rowlett Act. Besant took a stance directly contrary to Gandhi’s call for massive civil disobedience to protest the law. With large numbers of people in the streets at Amritsar, General Dyer ordered his troops to fire on unarmed civilians, an action resulting in the deaths of hundreds of protesters. In response to the outrage this engendered, Besant defended the use of deadly force by Dyer and his troops because she argued that it was a situation of self-defense. In addition, Gandhi’s use of civil disobedience was a failure. Gandhi responded critically to Besant, while most nationalist became alienated from her. Besant also lost support from Indians when she endorsed the Montague-Chelmsford reforms of 1919 that granted some power on the provincial level of government but did not grant home rule sought by the people. Indians began to view her as an old lady defending British rule. In addition to being perceived with suspicion, she was demonized as Pūtanā, for instance, who tried to kill the infant Kṛṣṇa. Falling from deification as a mother goddess to the status of a demon, Besant’s Home Rule League suffered many defections as her former followers supported Gandhi.

References 1. Anderson NF (2008) Mother Besant’ and Indian national politics. J Imp Commonw Hist 30(3):27–54 2. Besant A (1893) An autobiography. T. Fisher Unwin, London 3. Besant A (1887) The law of population: its consequences and its bearing upon human conduct and morals. Freethought Publishing Company, London

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙ 4. Besant A (1887) Why I do not believe in god. Freethought Publishing Company, London 5. Sreenivas M (2015) Birth control in the shadow of empire: the trials of Annie Besant 1877–1878. Fem Stud 41(3):509–537 6. Taylor A (1992) Annie Besant: a biography. Oxford University Press, Oxford

Bhaga ▶ Sūrya (Sun)

Bhagava¯n ▶ Viṣṇu

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙ Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition One of the 18 mahāpurāṇas, the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is a very important text for the cult of Kṛṣṇa, for the theology and thought of the bhāgavata school, and more generally for vaiṣṇava devotion (bhakti).

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙ The Bhāgavata Purāṇa is the most revered source for the current vaiṣṇava of the bhāgavatas, the followers of the Bhagavat, that is, Kṛṣṇa, considered not as a simple hypostasis of Viṣṇu, but as the supreme deity, through the well-known mechanism of henotheism, the adoration of one god without denying the parallel existence of other gods not being in competition with the main deity, or, more properly,

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kathenotheism, the adoration of one god at a time as supreme deity without denying the parallel existence of other gods not being in competition with the main deity and including a tendency to consider different gods as supreme in a sort of virtuous competition between them. Probably it is the most known title of a single purāṇa for the mainstream audience, very appreciated not only as a religious source, but even for its literary qualities. In comparison with other mahāpurāṇas, “main purāṇas” (there are current lists of 18 mahāpurāṇas, “main purāṇas,” and 18 upapurāṇas, “minor purāṇas”), it is not really an encyclopedic work, but a somewhat heterogeneous and partially chaotic arrangement of different literary genres and various different contents. On the contrary, the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is in great part at least a unitary work, whose keyword, its main theme, is the figure of ViṣṇuKṛṣṇa, the Bhagavat, the Glorious Lord chanted in the Bhagavad Gītā, the famous devotional poem contained within the sixth book (Bhīṣmaparvan) of the Mahābhārata, “Great poem of the descendants of Bharata,” the major Sanskrit epic poem. In one of the lists of the 18 mahāpurāṇas, contained in the Padma Purāṇa (3, 62, 2–8), the group of the main purāṇas is equated with the limbs of the body of a particular form of Viṣṇu: the Brahma Purāṇa is the head, the Padma Purāṇa is the heart, the Viṣṇu Purāṇa is the right arm, the Śiva Purāṇa is the left arm, the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is the thighs, the Nārada Purāṇa is the navel, the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa is the right leg, the Agni Purāṇa is the left leg, the Bhaviṣya Purāṇa is the right knee, the Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa is the left knee, the Liṅga Purāṇa is the right ankle, the Varāha Purāṇa is the left ankle, the Skanda Purāṇa is the body hair, the Vāmana Purāṇa is the skin, the Kūrma Purāṇa is the back, the Matsya Purāṇa is the fat, the Garuḍa Purāṇa is the marrow, and the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa is the bones (Dange [1], vol. 4 [1989]: 1135). Some followers of śākta schools replace the Bhāgavata Purāṇa with the Devībhāgavata Purāṇa, a bulky work in 12 skandhas and 318 adhyāyas, revealed by Viṣṇu disguised as Vyāsa at the beginning of every dvāparayuga and expounded by Kṛṣṇa

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Dvaipāyana (the Vyāsa of present era) to his own son Śuka. Another feature puts our text in a different position with reference to other purāṇas: the Bhāgavata Purāṇa does not follow the framework of the so-called five properties. According to this framework, each purāṇa should conform to five main properties and should contain five major themes: (1) sarga, emanation of the universe in a manifest form; (2) pratisarga, renewal of the manifestation; (3) vaṃśa, genealogies of gods and ancient seers; (4) manvantara, epochs of patriarchs; and (5) vaṃśānucarita, genealogies of kings of the solar and lunar dynasties [2]. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa (2, 10, 1; 12, 7, 9–10) follows a different broader framework, including ten themes (daśalakṣaṇa): (1) sarga, emanation of the subtle elements of reality; (2) visarga, emanation of the gross elements of reality; (3) sthāna (or sthiti, or vṛtti), maintenance of the divine order, being the source of sustenance of beings; (4) poṣaṇa (or rakṣā), wellbeing or protection; (5) ūti (or hetu), yearn for action, conditioned by past merits and demerits, or cause of the persistence of the phenomenic world; (6) manvantara, epochs of patriarchs; (7) īśānukathā, narration of the accomplishments of the Lord Viṣṇu; (8) nirodha, physical destruction; (9) mukti, liberation; and (10) āśraya (or apāśraya), the ultimate reality, the ultimate refuge. A variant of the list has vaṃśa lacking in the preceding list, vaṃśānucarita in place of īśānukathā, and finally saṃsthā, physical annihilation, this term including in it both nirodha and mukti. The most ancient commentary to the Bhāgavata Purāṇa (Bhāvārthadīpikā, “Lamp of the subject matter [of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa],” by Śrīdhara Svāmin, fourteenth–fifteenth century CE) tries to balance the two concurrent lists and proposes to consider the text as treating the themes of the lists in the parts (skandha) 3–12, with the skandhas working 1–2 as a sort of Introduction to the whole work (12 skandhas, 335 lectures, adhyāya, 14.579 strophes according to Gītā Press edition). More than ¼ of the work belongs to the tenth skandha alone ([3]: 141 f. 26). The content of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa will be examined according to the edition of

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙

Veṅkateśvara Mudraṇālaya (Bombay, reprinted [4]), perhaps the most authoritative printed edition, surely the most diffused one, in concurrence with the edition of the Gītā Press ([5]; other editions [6–9]; editio princeps with French translation [10]). The external context of the text is represented by the assembly of the seers, ṛṣi, in the sacred forest of Naimiṣa, where, at the request of Śaunaka, Sūta sings the praise of Kṛṣṇa, describing his various descents on earth, avatāra. The first skandha (19 adhyāyas) describes the 22 descents on earth, avatāra, of Viṣṇu-Kṛṣṇa and sings the praise of the devotion toward him (adhyāya 3). Starting from a reference to the final sequence of events in the Mahābhārata, it is narrated the retirement of Parīkṣit along the shore of the Gaṅgā. The narrative frame considers that during this period Parīkṣit is questioned by Śuka, son and disciple of Vyāsa: the answers of Parīkṣit are the main content of the text. The second skandha (10 adhyāyas) contains some recommendations for those who, like the same Parīkṣit, are waiting for death. The path of discipline, yoga, joined with devotion, bhakti, is the main way to obtain liberation, mokṣa. A distinction is suggested between two levels of manifestation of the Lord, a gross one as Bhagavat and a subtle one within one’s own heart. Another main theme concerned is the origin of the world, cosmogony; the section concludes with a synthesis of the work in only four strophes (Catuḥślokībhāgavata, adhyāya 9) and with the list of themes quoted above. The third skandha (33 adhyāyas) introduces the figure of the epic hero Vidura, the younger brother of Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Pāṇḍu, who during a pilgrimage to holy places meets Uddhava on the shore of the Yamunā and is questioned by him about the war narrated in the Mahābhārata and Kṛṣṇa’s death. Vidura is then persuaded by Uddhava to go to Haridvāra, where he is instructed by Maitreya. The section concerns again cosmogony; the different divisions of time (adhyāya 11); treats the avatāra of the boar, Varāha (adhyāyas 13–19); then the story of the sage Kapila, the mythical founder of the sāṃkhya school (Kapilopakhyāna, adhyāyas 25–33). The

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙

story of Kapila contains an exposition of both sāṃkhyadarśana (adhyāyas 26–27) and of its twin school, the eightfolded yogadarśana (adhyāya 28). The fourth skandha (31 adhyāyas) has a section about the mythical cycle of eternal love of the divine couple, Śiva and Satī, and the episode of the destruction of Dakṣa’s sacrifice (adhyāyas 2–7), followed by the story of Dhruva, the son of Uttānapāda and grandson of Manu Svāyambhuva devotee of Viṣṇu, identified with the polar star (adhyāyas 8–12), and the story of Pṛthu, the universal emperor (cakravartin) son of Vena, considered as an avatāra of Viṣṇu (adhyāyas 15–23). The section ends with the story of the ten sons of Prācīnabarhis by a daughter of Varuṇa, the ten Pracetas brothers, ancestors of Dakṣa. The fifth skandha (26 adhyāyas) begins with the story of Manu’s son Priyavrata, whose chariot separated with its wheels the seven continents (dvīpa), of his son Agnīdhra, of his grandson Nābhi, and of his great-grandchild Ṛṣabha, a partial descent on earth of the Supreme Lord. It contains the story of Ṛṣabha’s elder son, Bharata, the hero eponymous of Indian people and country and the allegory of the forest of transmigration (saṃsāra, presented also in the Nārada Purāṇa 1, 32), then the myth of the descent on earth of the celestial Gaṅgā (adhyāya 17), and the description of the different continents (dvīpa), of the seven inferior regions (tala: Atala, Vitala, Sutala, Talātala, Mahātala, Rasātala, Pātāla) and of the 28 hells (naraka), constituting the mythical geography or sacred cosmography of ancient India (for a parallel, see Mahābhārata 6, 12–13). The sixth skandha (19 adhyāyas) contains, as an occasion to celebrate the glory and salvific power of the divine name, the famous story of the devotee of Viṣṇu named Ajāmila, who was saved for having pronounced the sacred name of Nārāyaṇa (even if he really invoked his namesake son, not the supreme deity with the same name; adhyāyas 1–3); then the story of the offspring of the patriarch Dakṣa, the 1000 Haryaśvas and the 60 daughters; and the account of the fight of the god Indra against Vṛtra (following Indra’s killing of Viśvārūpa and Tvaṣṭṛ’s sacrifice resulting in the birth of Vṛtra; Vṛtra’s devotion to Viṣṇu is

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explained with the story of king Citraketu, one of Vṛtra’s former existences; adhyāyas 10–13). The section ends with the story of the birth of the Maruts. The seventh skandha (15 adhyāyas) is dedicated mainly to a myth much loved by vaiṣṇava devotion, the story of the pious prince Prahlāda, devotee of Viṣṇu, of his father the king Hiraṇyakaśhipu, a hater of Viṣṇu, and a fierce opponent of Prahlāda’s devotion toward the supreme god (for a parallel see Viṣṇu Purāṇa 1, 17–20; analysis [11, 12]). As a result Hiraṇyakaśhipu is killed by the awful avatāra of Viṣṇu in half-leonine shape, Narasiṃha (adhyāyas 3–10). The skandha concludes with the exposition of the rules proper to the four stages of life (āśrama): student, householder, dweller in the forest, and renouncer (brahmacārin, gṛhastha, vanaprastha, saṃnyāsin). The eighth skandha (24 adhyāyas) contains the account of the past and future epochs of patriarchs (manvantara), the six Manus of the past (Svāyambhuva, Svārociṣa, Uttama, Tāmasa, Raivata, Cakṣuṣa) and the seven of the future (Sāvarṇi, Dakṣa Sāvarṇi, Brahma Sāvarṇi, Dharma Sāvarṇi, Rudra Sāvarṇi, Deva Sāvarṇi, Indra Sāvarṇi), and another story much venerated by vaiṣṇava devotion, the episode of the king of elephants liberated by Viṣṇu from the assault by an alligator (Gajendramokṣa, adhyāyas 2–4), and then the narration of three avatāras: the tortoise, Kūrma, during the episode of the churning of the ocean (amṛtamanthana), along with the manifestation of Viṣṇu as the Enchantress, Mohinī (adhyāyas 6–7, see [13]); the dwarf, Vāmana, who steals the supremacy on the triple world defeating the asura Bali (adhyāyas 15–23); and finally the fish, Matsya, who saves Manu Vaivasvata from the deluge (adhyāya 24). The ninth skandha (24 adhyāyas) treats the present manvantara, under the patronage of Śrāddhadeva Manu or Manu Vaivasvata, and celebrates the two dynasties, the solar one and the lunar one, sūryavaṃśa, whose forefather is Ikṣvāku, and candravaṃśa whose forefather is Purūravas, son of Budha and Manu’s daughter Iḷā. A number of stories are narrated, having as their main characters the seer Sagara, the celestial

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river goddess Gaṅgā, Rāma son of Daśaratha (adhyāyas 10–11), Paraśurāma (Rāma with the axe) (adhyāyas 15–16), and the king Yayāti and his son Puru (adhyāyas 18–19) and ending with the story of Yadu and the birth of Kṛṣṇa, son of Vasudeva and Devakī. The tenth skandha (90 adhyāyas) is entirely dedicated to the celebration of the life of Kṛṣṇa, with a lot of parallel passages in the Harivaṃśa and in the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, from his infancy to his death. Particular relevance is attributed to the amorous deeds of Kṛṣṇa with the milkmaids (gopī) in the sacred forest of Vṛndāvana (rāsalīlā, adhyāyas 29–33; see [14]), full of a mystical mood permeated with erotism (the ultimate source of such later works as the Gītagovinda by Jayadeva, twelfth century CE, and the Sūrsāgar by Sūrdās, 1483–1563). The tableau is completed with the narration of the deeds of Kṛṣṇa at Mathurā, the killing of his uncle Kaṃsa, the foundation of his capital town Dvārakā, the wedding of Kṛṣṇa with Rukmiṇī, the birth of his son Pradyumna, and the deeds of Pradyumna’s son, Aniruddha. Near the end of this section (adhyāya 87), there is a hymn of praise (Vedastuti), in which at the end of a period of dissolution of the universe (pralaya), a group of “hearings,” śruti, being the personifications of the Vedas, are charged with the task of waking up from his sleep the Supreme Lord. The eleventh skandha (31 adhyāyas) narrates the destruction of the people of the Yādavas, the descendants of Yadu, and the death of Kṛṣṇa and his coming back to his heaven Vaikuṇṭha. The last words of Kṛṣṇa to his friend and devotee Uddhava are contained in a devotional poem included in this section (Uddhavagītā, adhyāyas 7–29). This “chant,” gītā, comprehends a narration of the story of the ascetic, avadhūta, Dattātreya (later on celebrated as a sort of syncretic deity, see Rigopoulos [15]) and of his 24 preceptors (adhyāyas 7–9, for a parallel see Skanda Purāṇa 6, 184, 11–6, 185, 91, where the preceptors are 6) and 2 smaller gītās, the chant of the wild goose (Haṃsagītā, adhyāya 13) and the chant of the begging monk (Bhikṣugītā, adhyāya 23). The amorous devotion for Kṛṣṇa in this section is

Bha¯gavata Pura¯na ˙

presented as a sort of spiritual discipline, yoga, including 12 abstensions, yama, and 12 obligations, niyama, in place of the 5 yamas and 5 niyamas described in Patañjali’s Yogasūtra. The twelfth skandha (13 adhyāyas) resumes the theme of the dynasties already presented in the ninth skandha and enlightens the features of the present dark age, kaliyuga, preceding the destruction of the world, pralaya. In the form of prophecy, a list is given of the dynasties that will reign in Magadha in the future (Nandas, Mauryas, Śuṅgas, Kaṇvas, Āndhras, then śūdra and mleccha minor dynasties). In this dark age the efficacy of the celebration of the sacred name of the Lord is at its best. The section ends with the description of the death of king Parīkṣit and the consequent sacrifice of snakes, sarpasattra, arranged by his son Janamejaya, followed by three chapters on the figure of Mārkaṇḍeya, a summary of the entire text, and the celebration of its supremacy above all other purāṇas. Much debated is the question whether the Bhāgavata Purāṇa is really an ancient text or a compilation authored by the grammarian Vopadeva (thirteenth century CE; see [16, 17]; for an index see [18]); another theme of some interest in the field of the exegesis and critical analysis of the text is the question of its being interchangeable in some lists with the Devībhāgavata Purāṇa, a problem referred to above. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa has been considered as a sort of commentary on the Rgvedic gāyatrī mantra, due to the fact that its first strophe ends with the word dhīmahi (see Madhusūdana Sarasvatī’s Bhāgavatapurāṇaprathamaślokavyākhyā). Some relevant comments on the work apart from Śrīdhara Svāmin’s Bhāvārthadipikā quoted above are: Kramasandarbha (Jīva Gosvāmin, sixteenth century CE, school of Caitanya), Śukapakṣīyā (Sudarśanācārya, fourteenth century CE, viśiṣṭādvaita school), Padaratnāvalī (Vijayadhvajatīrtha, dvaita school), Siddhāntapradīpa (Śukadeva, school of Nimbārka), Subodhinī (Vallabhācārya, śuddhādvaita school). For some relevant studies, see [19–53].

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Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Henotheism (Hinduism) ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Radha ▶ Rukmiṇī ▶ Viṣṇu

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1. Dange SA (1986–1990) Encyclopaedia of puranic beliefs and practices, vol 5. Navrang, New Delhi 2. Kirfel W (1927) Das Purāṇa Pañcalakṣaṇa: Versuch einer Textgeschichte. K Schröder, Bonn 3. Rocher L (1986) The Purāṇas. In: Gonda J (ed) A history of Indian literature, vol II, fasc. 3. O. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 4. Sharma RN (1987) Śrīmadbhāgavatamahāpurāṇam. Nag Publishers, Delhi 5. (1941) Bhāgavatapurāṇa. Gītā Press, Gorakhpur 6. Shastri JL (1983) Bhāgavatapurāṇa with commentary Bhāvārthabodhinī by Śrīdharasvāmin. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Dikshitar VRR (1937) Bhāgavatapurāṇa. V Ramaswami Sastrulu, Madras 8. Śāstrī K (1965) Bhāgavatapurāṇa. Śrībhāgavatavidyāpīṭha, Ahmedabad 9. Bechert H (1976) The Bhāgavata Purāṇa: the birch manuscript in the state and university library in Göttingen. With a concordance by M Prasad. International Academy of Indian Culture, New Delhi 10. Burnouf E (1840–1898) Le Bhâgavata purâṇa ou histoire poétique de Krǐchṇa, traduit et publié. Imprimerie Royale [later Nationale], Paris [5 vols., vol. 4 by Hauvette-Besnault E L; vol 5 by HauvetteBesnault E L and Roussel A] 11. Hacker P (1957) Prahlāda: Werden und Wandlung einer Idealgestalt. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz 9:1–147 12. Hacker P (1959) Prahlāda: Werden und Wandlung einer Idealgestalt. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz 13:149–153 13. Bedekar V (1967) The legend of the churning of the ocean in the epics and Purāṇas. Purāṇa 9(1):7–61 14. Hauvette-Besnault E-L (1865) Pantchâdhyâyî ou Les cinq chapitres sur les amours de Chrishna avec les Gopîs. J Asiat 6(5):373–445 15. Rigopoulos A (1988) Dattātreya, the immortal guru, Yogin, and Avatāra: a study of the transformative and

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Bhairavikas Gottesliebe in Kult und Mystik des Visnuismus. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden Rukmani TS (1970) A critical study of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, with special reference to bhakti. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi Vyas R (1974) The synthetic philosophy of the Bhāgavata. Meharchand Lachhmandas, Delhi Nadkarni DS (1975) Textual restoration in the Bhāgavata-Purāṇa: with special reference to metrical anomalies. Popular Prakashan, Bombay Nayak A (1978) La méditation dans le Bhâgavata Purâna. Dervy-Livres, Paris Anand S (1979) Saguṇa or nirguṇa. Purāṇa 21:40–63 Hospital CG (1980) Līlā in Bhāgavata Purāṇa. Purāṇa 22:4–22 Anand S (1980) Bhakti, the Bhāgavata way to god. Purāṇa 22:187–211 Dange SS (1984) The Bhāgavata purāṇa: mytho-social study. Ajanta Publications, Delhi Prasad SS (1984) The Bhāgavata purāṇa: a literary study. Capital Pub House, Delhi Sheridan DP (1986) The advaitic theism of the Bhāgavata purāṇa. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi Kirsti E (1997) Epic narratives in the Hoysaḷa temples: the Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata, and Bhāgavata Purāṇa in Haḷebīd, Belūr, and Amṛtapura. Brill, Leiden Jarow EHR (2003) Tales for the dying: the death narrative of the Bhāgavata-Purāṇa. State University of New York Press, Albany Gupta RM, Valpey KR (eds) (2013) The Bhāgavata Purāṇa: sacred text and living tradition. Columbia University Press, New York Ojha PC (2014) Flora in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, Delhi Holdrege BA (2015) Bhakti and embodiment: fashioning divine bodies and devotional bodies in Kṛṣṇa bhakti. Routledge, London/New York Bryant EF (2017) Bhakti yoga: tales and teachings from the Bhagavata Purana. North Point Press, New York

Bhajans ▶ Kirtan in North America

Bhakti Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Dāsya Bhakti – A devotion in which a devotee considers himself as a servant of the God. Jňāna mārga – Intellectual, meditative way of reaching the divine. Karma mārga – The way of dedicating all actions to God. Madhura Bhakti – A devotion in which the God is perceived as a lover. Mokṣa/Mukti – Liberation from the cycle of birth and death. Nirguṇa Brahman – The supreme soul who is believed to be without attributes. Saguṇa Brahman – The God with the attributes. Sākhya Bhakti – A devotion when the God is perceived as a friend. Vātsalya – A love between mother and child.

Bhairavikas

Definition

▶ Kāpālikas

The word “Bhakti” is derived from the Sanskrit word bhaj which means to serve, honor, revere, love, and adore ([17], p. 743). In the Indian Dharmic traditions, Bhakti is understood as loving devotion to God. As the feeling of surrendering to the divine is inherent in the growth of religious beliefs, it is difficult to trace the beginning of Bhakti. But the expressions of similar feelings are found in the Vedas, the oldest known Sanskrit

Bhajana or Bhajan (“Worship Song”) ▶ Music

Bhakti

texts ([15], p. 03). The Indian religious traditions had undergone phenomenal growth and changes since the days of the Vedas, yet Bhakti remained an integral part of it and has grown in importance. As we move from the Vedic period (Approx. 1500–500 BC) [11] to the period of the compositions of the epics and the Purāṇas (roughly 500 BC–500 AD) ([32], pp. 147, 151) and further to the medieval period of the Indian history (eleventh to eighteenth century), Bhakti was expressed in more and more articulate and multifarious manner and acquired many dimensions. Being an emotion, Bhakti cannot be stereotyped. Devotees form varied psychological relations with the image of divine that they conceive in their mind and thus we have varieties of Bhakti. Hinduism being liberal in accepting varied theological beliefs had facilitated the expression of Bhakti in numerous manners.

Bhakti in the Historic Context and Bhakti Literature Hinduism is a naturally evolved religion and it is difficult to trace its beginning and so is the case with Bhakti, which is intertwined in it. Expressions of the reverential feelings for the divine in the Vedas are already refereed above. Such sentiments are also found in the Upaniṣads ([5], p. 249). But it is the Purāṇas and the Indian epics (the Rāmayāṇa and the Mahābhārata) that deals extensively with the themes of Bhakti and expresses it in multifarious manner. The Purāṇas are believed to be 18 and among them, the most popular are the Bhāgavata Mahapurāṇa, the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, and the Śiva Purāṇa. Apart from these, there are Nārada Bhakti Sūtra and Śaṇḍilya Bhakti Sūtra dealing with the themes of Bhakti. All these texts are in Sanskrit. It is the medieval period of Indian history which had witnessed the vernacularization of the bhakti on large scale, with Nāyaṉmārs and Āḷvārs taking the lead. They were Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava wondering mystic poets of the southern India, who composed and sang the mystic devotional poetry in Tamil during the fifth to ninth century ([33], pp. 33–35).

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The wave of devotional emotionalism swept across the country during this period and the God was addressed in most loving intimate terms as a lover, child, mother, friend, and master. Though medieval Bhakti literature often reveres the Vedas, the themes for these literary creations and translations were mostly drawn from the Indian epics and the Purāṇas. Significant portion of the Bhakti poetry is also independent and spontaneous and goes beyond the ideas given by the classical Hinduism of the ancient Sanskrit texts. Apart from the predominating emotionalism, another salient feature of this medieval vernacular Bhakti literature is that it challenged the exclusive privilege of the Brāhmins and preached religious socialism. By proclaiming that the God dwells in each individual and anyone can attain him through sincere devotion, religion is brought to the downtrodden. Out of the different ways of attaining the God like Jňāna, Bhakti, and Karma, Bhakti is considered as simple, direct, and more effective. In Bhakti, one can establish a direct contact with the God by abolishing the intermediaries. One does not have to abandon the family, neither one had to go through the difficult austerities. These aspects had attracted the large number of people from different social background. There is lot of flexibility in Bhakti, as it can be done anywhere and anytime and in way that suits one; like singing the devotional songs, worshiping the idol, or even by praying silently. The Bhāgavata Mahapurāṇa describes the navalakṣaṇa, i.e., nine processes of Bhakti, i.e., hearing about the God, chanting his name, remembering him, serving his feet, offering worship, offering prayers, becoming the servant, becoming the best friend, and surrendering everything ([25], pp. 223, 224). One can choose the way that suits him/her. As Bhakti became open to all, poets cutting across the caste and gender composed a devotional poetry of high degree and enriched the vernacular literature. Raidās (fifteenth to sixteenth century) was cobbler. Cokhāmeḷā and Nāmdev (both thirteenth to fourteenth century) were from the low caste. Women like Äṇɖāḷ (eighth century) and Mirābaī (fifteenth to sixteenth century) are also regarded as poetess of high degree. All of

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them are acknowledged as saint poets and their devotional poems are still sung with reverence across the country. Through their poetry, one can understand their grievances and aspirations. As the medieval Bhakti poetry facilitated the articulation of grievances and aspirations of the oppressed and also challenged the exclusion of the lower castes, many times it is termed as the Bhakti movement. The Bhakti poetry, however, was not inspired by a singular, common ideology, neither a uniform view be taken of the divergent religion-intellectual development under the common designation, Bhakti movement ([22], p. 67). The message of Bhakti poets with regard to social justice is not uniform. The saint poets like Kabīr spoke against the caste discrimination, but the saint like Tulsīdās were in favor of upholding the Brahiminical order ([22], p. 2). Nevertheless, it provided a platform for the oppressed sections like the Sūdras and women to articulate their feelings. The medieval Bhakti poets popularized the simple devotion in contrast to the rituals as a way of spiritual progress. Many of them were also sarcastic about the bookish scriptural knowledge without sincere devotion. As the Bhakti poets preached their ideas in the simple languages of the people, the spiritual life became more vernacularized, challenging the privileged position of Sanskrit language as the language of theological/spiritual discourse. The literary creations of Jňâneśvar, Kabīr, Tulsīdās, Mirābaī, and Basava are masterpieces of creative expression in vernaculars. The Marathi Bhakti poets like Jňâneśvar and Eknāth are quite assertive about their pride of Marathi language. Kabīr expresses the thoughts similar to the Vedanta in a simple language and pokes fun at rote learning of the scriptures. In the North India, the theme of Bhakti had so predominating influence over Hindi literature that the period (1375–1700 AD) is generally considered as Bhakti Kal, i.e., the Bhakti period ([23], p. 13). Bhakti and the linguistic assertion in the vernacular also became a rallying point for identity formation. Pride of Marathi language and Hinduism expressed by the Bhakti saints of Maharashtra had contributed to the rise of Maratha nationalism in the seventeenth to eighteenth

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century ([12], pp. 94–105). In Punjab, the Bhakti movement gradually led to the formation of distinct creed of Sikhism and later Khālsā, which uphold the ideal of saint-soldier, and stood against the oppression of the imperial Mughals. The hagiographical accounts of many Bhakti poets give impression that Bhakti poets in one part of the country were familiar with the Bhakti tradition in the other parts of the country. Nāmdev (thirteenth to fourteenth century) and Nānak (fifteenth to sixteenth century) toured far and wide. Tukārāma (seventeenth century) mentions Raidas and Kabīr, the popular Bhakti poet saints of the North India ([1], p. 682). Some of the compositions of Nāmdev have found place in the Gurū Granth Sāhib of the Sikhs. Thus idea of Bhakti and its expression had contributed to cultural and religious unification of the country. Coming of Islam on large scale in the medieval period also acted as a catalyst for the growth of the Bhakti movement. It shattered the Brāhmaṇa– Kṣatriya political power centers, which were the instruments of caste oppression and thus facilitated the voices of egalitarianism within Hinduism to surface with vigor. Islam being a proselytizing religion was also attracting the oppressed low caste from the Hinduism. As a reaction, the Hindus themselves tried to set their house in order ([5], p. 254). Breaking of temples also provided stimulus for the growth of vernacular poetry. As temples and monasteries were demolished, it is the heart which became the shrine of the divine ([21], p. 7). Claiming Bhakti to be superior to any other way of reaching the divine, Bhakti poetry at a time regards a low caste devotee higher than a non-devoted Brāhmaṇas ([31], p. 200). Accomplishment in Bhakti facilitated the breaking of the caste barriers. Tukārāma, a Sūdra, was accepted as spiritual Gurū by Bahiṇābaī, a Brāhmaṇa woman ([18], p. 111). According to the Bhagavadgītā, gender/caste differences becomes irrelevant in Bhakti ([19], p. 252). This idea facilitated women to come forward and challenge the gendered oppression and exclusion in the medieval Bhakti poetry. Mirābaī refused to consider herself inferior to men. Janābāī (thirteenth to fourteenth century)

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consoles women by saying that one should not become sad for being born as a woman ([14], p. 39). Muktābāī, the young sister of Jňâneśvar, was accepted as Gurū by an accomplished Yogi like Cāṅgadeva due to her superior spiritual accomplishments ([7], p. 377). Thus Bhakti became a ladder for climbing upward in the social hierarchy for women and Sūdra both. The tolerant atmosphere created by Bhakti traditions also facilitated Hindu-Muslim acculturation. Muslims poets like Raskhan and Rahim (sixteenth to seventeenth century) composed devotional poetry using Hindu themes and addressing the popular Hindu gods like Kṛṣṇa. The Muslim mystics like Sekih Muhammad (sixteenth to seventeenth century) wrote a work titled “Yogsangrām” on the Hindu philosophy in Marathi ([13], pp. 274–292). A Muslim poetess named Taj (seventeenth century) was so mesmerized by Kṛṣṇa that she expressed her desire to become a Hindu to stay with him ([8], p. 293).

Approaches of Bhakti Two broad perceptions about the divine in the Bhakti tradition are Nirguṇa and Saguṇa. In the Nirguṇa tradition, the divine is perceived as formless and without any attributes. In Saguṇa Bhakti, the God takes different forms according to the approach of a devotee. It is the Saguṇa image and portrayal of the activities of the divine in the Saguṇa form that had provided lot of subject matter for Bhakti literature. However, there is no exclusivity in these two approaches. The Bhagavadgītā states that worship of the formless God and the God with form reaches the same destination. However, it does proclaims the superiority of Saguṇa as the path of Nirguṇa is difficult for the mortals ([19], p. 293). The Bhāgavata Mahapurāṇa also states that formless God takes different forms to please his devotes as the devotee wants to enjoy the Bhakti ([27], p. 305). Śaṅkara (believed to be eighth to ninth century) states that the guṇas, i.e., qualities are attributed to Nirguṇa Brahman for the purpose of upāsanā (devotion), but he uses the word Bhakti for Nirguṇa Bhakti alone and sets it apart from

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upāsanā of Saguṇa ([22], p. 149). For him, Saguṇa upāsanā is a preparatory step for the Nirguṇa Bhakti. Jňâneśvar (thirteenth century) expresses the idea that Saguṇa and Nirguṇa are same ([2], p. 53). Eknāth (sixteenth century) states that idol worship is prescribed for those who are not able to perceive the divine in everyone ([31], p. 1208). Rāmdāsa (seventeenth century) believed that one can reach Nirguṇa through Saguṇa ([10], p. 118). Rāmānuja (eleventh to twelfth century) disagrees with Śaṅkara’s postulation of Brahman being Nirguṇa. He tried to elevate Saguṇa Viṣṇu to the level of the highest Brahman ([22], p. 160). It is Saguṇa Bhakti that occupies major writing space in the Bhakti literature. But as already referred, many times Saguṇa and Nirguṇa are referred as the same. There are very few like Kabīr who were very critical of the Saguṇa worship. In the Saguṇa Bhakti, if the divine is perceived as a lover, then it is called Madhura Bhakti. Gopis, the cowherd women depicted in the Bhāgavataa Mahpurāṇa, are the example of this kind of Bhakti as they perceived Kṛṣṇa as their paramour. If the god is perceived either as a mother or as a child, then it is termed as Vātsalya Bhakti. Worship of child Kṛṣṇa which is popular across the country comes under this category. In Sākhya Bhakti, God is a friend, and in Dāsya Bhakti, God is a master. Sublimation of human emotions like love and affectation to the divine is an important part of Bhakti. Apart from the above classifications based on the approaches, there are different ways of dedicating oneself to the God like Navalakṣaṇa Bhakti (the nine ways of Bhakti) which is mentioned earlier. The mediation in Bhakti is also of different types. The very ordinary person can mediate on the God as an image; the aspirant of middling type, as within himself; and the best of aspirants, as everywhere ([29], p. 189). Thus seeing the divine everywhere and in each and everything is the highest level of Bhakti. It divinizes the whole universe. Rāmānuja lays down two separate modes of Sādhanā; Bhakti and prapatti. The mere act of surrender is enough in prapatti, and meditation,

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knowledge, and spiritual experience are declared essential for Bhakti ([22], pp. 152, 153). The Bhagavadgītā also describes the four types of devotes: one who is in distress, another is the seeker of knowledge, third is the seeker for wealth, and the fourth is the man of wisdom. Out of these, the man of wisdom is the best ([19], p. 219). Thus intellectualized Bhakti is considered as superior. In line with the spirit of assimilation prevailing in the Indian religious tradition, the Saguṇa and Nirguṇa perceptions coexisted in the Bhakti tradition.

Jňa¯na, Bhakti, Karma, Yoga, and Moksa ˙ Mokṣa, i.e., the liberation from the cycle of birth and death is considered as an ultimate aim of life in the Dharmic tradition. There are different Mārgas (ways) to achieve this, namely, Jňāna, Bhakti, and Karma. These mārgas are also known as the Yogas, like Bhaki mārga is also known as Bhakti yoga. Yoga means union and Bhakti yoga symbolizes union with the divine through Bhakti. Apart from these, there is also Aṣṭāṅga yoga, i.e., yoga with eight limbs. It is also known as classical yoga or simply yoga. Śaṅkara is considered as the main exponent of Jňāna. According to him, the world we see is Māyā, i.e., illusion, which is the result of Avidyā, i.e., ignorance. Once this Avidyā is removed, the soul will realize (acquire Jňāna) that there is there is only one Nirguṇa Brahman, and there is no difference between the inner self and the Brahman. His belief is known as Advaita, i.e., monism or nondualism, and he describes Bhakti as an inquiry and a search after the real form of one’s self (Svasūrpa) ([22], p. 148) According to him, it is Bhakti that sustains the aspirant in his search after the self and he reaches the highest stage of Jňāna – nisṭhā or the state of abiding in the knowledge of the self. Here there is no contradiction between Bhakti and Jňāna, and the two are identified with each other ([22], pp. 147–149). According to him, Saguṇa forms of the divine is also Māyā created by the Nirguṇa Brahman for favoring the aspirants ([20], pp. 80, 81).

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According to Rāmānuja, Bhakti will lead to the close proximity to the divine but not complete merging of the devotee and the divine. Thus he rejects the Advaita and qualifies it by stating that individual souls are part of the Brahman, but not the Brahman. For Śaṅkara, Bhakti will lead to Jňāna, which for him is the ultimate stage of realization of the divine. According to Rāmānuja, the Bhakti that comes after Jňāna is a superior Bhakti than the Bhakti of an ignorant ([22], p. 153). Thus Bhakti and Jňāna become inseparable as one leads to another. The blissful experience of Bhakti is believed to be complete in itself, and many times Bhakti saint like Tukārāma rejects Mokṣa, as they want to enjoy the Bhakti ([1], p. 351). Thus Mokṣa is made subordinate to Bhakti. Engrossed in Bhakti, they narrate the intuitive experience of merging with the divine. Like Tukārāma says, I have dissolved God, the self, and the world. To become one luminous being. ([6], p. 151)

Rahim says that the path towards the God is narrow, and one will not get Hari (another name of Kṛṣṇa) if one does not loose himself ([16], p. 89). This paradox of enjoying the merging of personality yet retaining the distinction as a devotee is difficult to explain and that is the reason that many Bhakti poets like Rahim admits the difficulty to narrate the spiritual experience and states that nature of the divine is incomprehensible and inexplicable ([16], p. 21). The Jňāna mārga is considered to be suitable for a person with a contemplative bent of mind and Bhakti mārga for a person with the emotive bent of mind. But there cannot be a watertight compartmentalization between emotion and intellect. A conscious use of intellect modifies emotion and can direct psychic energy to fruitful use. A Jňāni will not devote his psychic energy to enquire into the nature of the divine unless he has devotion in his heart. It is faith and devotion that sustains his strenuous intellectual journey. The experience of Bhakti and self-realization are intuitive experiences. Thus the intellectual curiosity and Bhakti goes hand in hand. A devotee may start with the narrow perception of god being in the idol, but due to the parallel application of

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emotion and intellect, gradually his vision expands, and finally he reaches a stage where he sees the divine in each and everything ([24], pp. 126–140). Thus beginning might be different, but there is hardly any difference between a Jňāni and a Bhakta. Inside the mind, the devotion and intellectual inquiry on the nature of divinity may start simultaneously. Intoxicated in Bhakti, a devotee may dance in joy. In Jňāna Yoga, a devotee may go into deep meditation and feel being absorbed in the divine bliss. But both are believed to experience the divine bliss. Emotions can be unruly and intellect by consciously directing our psychic energy gives shape to our emotions. Attempts of a devotee to sublimate his emotions to the divine in Bhakti involve exercising of intellect. Though Bhakti is an emotion, that emotion is influenced by the perception of divine that devotees have in his mind. This perception comes due to the exercise of intellect and is subjected to change as a devotee progresses on the path of Bhakti. It is only knowledge or perception about the nature of God that will generate Bhakti. One cannot love something that one does not know or imagine. Thus there is no antagonism between devotion and knowledge, and Bhakti is a combination of knowledge and love ([22], p. 155). The Vaiṣṇava achāryas like Rāmānuja had not projected bhakti as a religious principle as opposed to Jňāna. They either equated it with Jňāna or desired it as necessary constituent ([22], p. 159). Jňāna, the awareness of the nature of divine, is important in Bhakti, and an ill-informed devotee is likely to go astray or remain stuck up at the primitive level. The Bhagavadgītā says that worshippers of the spirits go to them but devotes of the God goes to him ([19], p. 248). A seeker is rewarded according to his faith and so it is important to have faith at the right place. Swami Vivekananda says that when a devotee thinks that his perception of the divine is ultimate truth and other perceptions are false, then it is a Bhakti at lower level and leads to fanaticism. ([30], p. 4). In Karma Yoga, one is expected to dedicate all his actions to divine without expecting the fruit of labor ([19], pp. 144, 145). But being always aware of the divine and considering oneself only an agency of the divine will is also Jňāna and Bhakti

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both. One is simultaneously engaged in action and Bhakti both, with Jňāna acting as a torch bearer. Thus a person can be a Bhakta, Jňāna, and Karma Yogi at the same time. Depending on the inclination, one may choose what suits him, but one path is not exclusive of others. Aṣṭāṅga yoga, i.e., yoga with the eight limbs, is also considered as one of the way of realizing the divine. Here the highest aim is to reach the stage of Citta – vṛtt-nirodhaḥ, stilling the changing state of mind ([3], p. 10). But the highest stage of Yoga can only be achieved through Īśvara – praṇidhānād, devotion to God ([3], p. 81). Thus Bhakti plays a significant role here too. The Bhāgavata Mahapurāṇa, which extols the Saguṇa Bhakti, states that the blissful joy that one gets in the Bhakti is higher than the stage of a Yogi. The Yogis who have attained the highest stage in Yoga and whose mind remains merged with the Brahman are willing to connect with the senses to enjoy the līlā, i.e., pastime of Kṛṣṇa ([28], p. 359). The bliss of sensual contact with Kṛṣṇa is far superior to any bliss that one gets in by connecting with the atman, our true self ([4], p. 146). It promotes Bhakti as the easiest and better way of achieving the supreme bliss and states that when people become disillusioned with other path of achieving liberation, they turn towards Bhakti ([4], p. 147). Bhakti, Jňāna, Karma, and Yoga stands interwoven in the Bhagavadgītā. In the discourse on the Bhakti yoga, not only bhakti is clearly connected with Jňāna and yoga but both the Bhakta and the Jňāni are described in similar terms ([19], pp. 296, 297). The virtues attributed to the Bhakta are the same as those attributed to the Yogi, and the true Yogi is also called Bhakta. Chanting of god’s name is highly praised in Bhakti. The Bhāgavata Mahapurāṇa narrates the story of a sinful Brahmin named Ajāmila, who is saved from the clutches of Yama, the God of death because he called out his son, who was named Nārāyaṇa. Hearing the name Nārāyaṇa, the God sent his messengers and saved him ([26], pp. 70–124). Apparently superstitious, probably it was a deliberate attempt to attract the people towards Bhakti and give hope for the sinners. It is also believed that a sinful person will turn away from evil if he is inclined to Bhakti ([19],

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pp. 250–252). Listening about the līlā of Viṣṇu and chanting the name of Kṛṣṇa believed to clean the heart ([4], p. 527). The Bhakti is inclusive and projected as superior to anything else. The Gods who are considered as the highest in the Saguṇa tradition also submit themselves to Bhakti. The Mahābhārata mentions Nārāyaṇa (Viṣṇu) and Rudra (Śiva) as soul of each other and thus adore each other ([9], p. 152). The numerous temples scattered across India, the vast Bhakti literature, numerous pilgrimage centers, the popular devotional channels on television are indicative that the Bhakti and the practices surrounding it play a very significant part in defining Hinduism.

Cross-References ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Gīta Govinda ▶ Jīva Gosvāmin ▶ Kabīr ▶ Sūrdās

References 1. Benare G (2000) Sarth Sri Tukārāmachi Gatha. Sharda Sahitya, Pune. (First published in 1998) 2. Bhave V (1996) Dhyandevachi Bhajne. Paramdham Prakashan, Pawanar, Wardha 3. Bryant EF (2009) The Yoga Sūtra of Patanjali. North Point Press, New York 4. Bryant EF (2017) Bhakti Yoga, tales and teachings from the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. North Point Press, New York 5. Chandra S (2016) Medieval India, Delhi Sultanate (1206–1526). Har-Anand Publications, New Delhi. (First published in 1997) 6. Chitre D (2013) Says Tuka, selected poems of Tukaram. Poetrywala, Mumbai. (First published in 1991) 7. Deshpande AN (1996) Prachin Marathi Vangmayacha Itihas, Bhag 2. Venus Prakashan, Pune. (First Published in 1969) 8. Dinakr RS (2009) Sanskritike Char Adhaya. Lokbharati, Illahabad. (First published in 1956) 9. Ganguil KM (2008) The Mahābhārata, vol IV. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 10. Gosawi RR (1981) Srisamrath ani Samarthsampradaya. Vinas Prakashan, Pune

Bhakti 11. https://www.britannica.com/place/India/Early-Vedicperiod#ref485126. Accessed 21 Dec 2018 12. Khangai R (2014) Bhakti and identity: ‘Maharashtra Dharma’ in Marathi Bhakti poetry. J Interdiscip Policy Res Action 7(3–4):95–105 13. Khangai R (2017) Yogsangram, the 17th century Marathi manuscript. In: Palit PK, Saha SP (eds) Manuscript and Indian culture. Kaveri Books, New Delhi 14. Khole V (2017) Saint Janābāī ani anya madhyyugin saint kaviyatri yanchi kavita. Sahitya Akadami, New Delhi 15. Miller J (1993) Bhakti and the Ṛg Veda-does it appear there or not. In: Werner K (ed) Love divine, studies in Bhakti and devotional mysticism. Curzon Press Ltd., Richmond 16. Mishra V, Govind R (2010) Rahim Grantawali. Vani Prakashan, New Delhi 17. Monier WM (2011) A Sanskrit English dictionary. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi. (First published in 1899) 18. Patangankar V (2015) Marathi Sant Kavyitrincha Itihas. Sahitya Akadami, New Delhi 19. Radhakrishnan S (2004) The Bhagavadgītā. HarperCollins, New Delhi. (First Published in 1948) 20. Sankaracharya (2000) Brhama Sūtra Bhāsya. Advatia Ashrama, Mayavati, Champawat, Himalayas. (Translated by Swami Gambhirananda, First published in 1965) 21. Sen K (1974) Medieval mysticism of India. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 22. Sharma K (1987) Bhakti and Bhakti movement. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt Ltd., New Delhi 23. Shukl R (2015) Hindi Sahitya Ka Itihas. Vani Prakashan, New Delhi. (First published in 2011) 24. Swami Prabhupāda A.C. Bhaktivedanta (2017) Śrīmad Bhāgavatam, eleventh canto, Part I. The Bhaktivedanata Book Trust, Mumbai. (First published in 1980) 25. Swami Prabhupāda A.C. Bhaktivedanta (2017) Śrīmad Bhāgavatam, seventh canto. The Bhaktivedanata Book Trust, Mumbai. (First published in 1980) 26. Swami Prabhupāda A.C. Bhaktivedanta (2017) Śrīmad Bhāgavatam, sixth canto. The Bhaktivedanata Book Trust, Mumbai. (First published in 1980) 27. Swami Prabhupāda A.C. Bhaktivedanta (2017) Śrīmad Bhāgavatam, third canto, Part 2. The Bhaktivedanata Book Trust, Mumbai. (First published in 1980) 28. Swami Prabhupāda A.C. Bhaktivedanta (2017) Śrīmad Bhāgavatam, twelfth canto. The Bhaktivedanata Book Trust, Mumbai. (First published in 1980) 29. Swami Tapasyanda (1990) Bhakti schools of Vedanta. Sri Ramkrishna Math, Mylapore, Chennai 30. Swami Vivekananda (2006) Bhakti Yoga. Advaita Ashram, Kolkata 31. Tandle D (2002) Sarth Sri Eknāthi Bhāgavata. Sarswati Publication, Pune 32. Thapar R (2004) Interpreting early India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi. (First published in 2000) 33. Verma RS (1996) Singer saints of India. Sterling, New Delhi

Bhandarkar, R.G.

Bhakti Sangit (Devotional Music) ▶ Music

Bhandarkar, R.G. Sanghavi Hemali Department of History, K.J.Somaiya College of Arts and Commerce, Mumbai, India

An Indian Scholar and Social Reformer Sir Ramkrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, popularly known as R.G. Bhandarkar (1837–1925), was an Indian scholar, orientalist, and eminent social reformer. He was one of the first graduates of Bombay University in 1862 [1]. His contribution to the different branches of oriental learning has been remarkable. He was Saṃskṛt (see) scholar and the pioneer of Indological research in India. He was a pioneer in applying Western methods to the study of Saṃskṛt and allied languages. He was born in Malvan in Maharashtra on 6 July 1837. He completed his schooling at Ratnagiri. He continued his studies at Elphinstone Institute in Mumbai. He received B.A. in first division in 1862. He completed his postgraduation with English and Saṃskṛt in 1863. He received Ph.D. from University of Göttingen in 1885. He had a brilliant academic career and won several scholarships and awards for success in the various examinations. Primarily a student of Mathematics, Bhandarkar switched over to Saṃskṛt and Indology. He held the Professorship of Oriental languages at Elphinstone College, Mumbai, from 1867 to 1872. As a teacher he stressed that the students should take pride in the ancient culture. His method of teaching and masterly exposition of the subject made the classes crowded. He worked as headmaster of Government schools at Hyderabad and Ratnagiri. He had keen interest in the study of English language and literature, history, philosophy, natural science, and Saṃskṛt and was

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master of several disciplines. Bhandarkar had the honor of being the first speaker in Wilson Philological Lectures Series instituted by the Bombay University in 1876. His career was devoted to researches and publications. As a member of the Syndicate (1873–1882), he took the leading part in regulating the affairs of the Bombay University. He was appointed as Professor of Saṃskṛt at the Deccan College at Poona in 1882. The synthetical methods of Bhandarkar gave a fresh impetus to the advancement of Saṃskṛt education on new lines. He was in favor of imparting religious and moral instructions to students in educational institutions. He retired as Vice-chancellor of Bombay University in 1894. Under his guidance, the Bombay University acquired all-India status for its tradition of modern Saṃskṛt scholars. He served as Chancellor at Mahila Vidyapith (Women University) in 1916. He attended international conferences on Oriental studies held in London (1874) and Vienna (1886). He was elected to Council of India as a nonofficial member in 1903. He was knighted C.I.E. in 1911. During his student days, he became member of a secret society of social reformers, namely, Paramahansa Sabha. He dominated the social reform movement in Maharashtra in the second half of the nineteenth century [3]. He was closely associated with Prarthana Samaj (Prayer Society) (see) a socioreligious reform organization in Western India. Prarthana Samaj stood for human values in religion. At his instance in 1870, the Prarthana Samaj started an evening school for the backward classes. Under his able guidance, Prarthana Samaj worked for the religious and social well-being of the people of India. He believed that social reforms must precede political reforms, and throughout his long life he upheld the cause of social reforms. He stood for reforms like denunciation of the caste system, encouragement of widow remarriage, encouragement of female education, and abolition of child marriage. He was associated with the establishment of female high school in Poona. He presided over conference of the depressed classes in 1912. He considered the religious reform as the basis for social reform in India. He stressed that social reforms should be based on the principle of truth, justice, and reason.

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His writings are marked by a wide range of his researches as well as originality. He was particularly associated with editing critical texts and study of inscriptions, Indian history and chronology, religion and culture, grammar, philology, and manuscriptology. He acquired fame for the first and second textbooks in Saṃskṛt which made the study of the subject easy. He rendered valuable services to the old Marathi literature by reviving the study of the medieval saint (see) poets [2]. He was known for his boldness and love of truth. To accept the truth from wherever it comes was Bhandarkar’s ideal. With him there was the emergence of Bhandarkar School in the Oriental studies. The renowned Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute was founded in Pune on his birthday 6 July 1917 in his honor. The institute was established to promote spirit of inquiry into the literary, social, and political history of India. The versatility and varied interests of Bhandarkar are apparent in his writings which have all been considered standard works in their respective fields. He combined in him the qualities of critical scholarship, profound scholarship, dispassionate judgment, and independence. Through his works, he reconstructed the political history of the Deccan of the Sātavāhanas and the history of Vaiṣṇavism (see) and other sects. He made two valuable contributions in the field of political history through his monographs – A Peep into the early History of India [4] and Early History of the Deccan. He emphasized on the importance of truth and impartiality in historical and Indological studies. Bhandarkar’s report on the search for Saṃskṛt manuscripts published in six volumes, a monumental research work is a source for the history of ancient Indian literature. He contributed articles to journals like Indian antiquary. He is remembered for his thorough and precise writings on Indological subjects. Malathi Madhava a Saṃskṛt play published by him was appreciated for the critical insight. He was a profound scholar of Indian religion and philosophy. To Bhandarkar, religion is inseparable from humanity. His work Vaishanavism, Saivism and Minor Religious Systems published in 1913 is considered a classical work. Bhandarkar’s Dharmapara Lekha va Vyakhyane

is an important contribution to the study of religious thought in India. He applied critical and comparative method to the study of religion. He was a member of Bombay branch of Asiatic Society. He died on 14 August 1925. He stands as representative of India’s cultural heritage.

References 1. Tikekar A (2006) The Cloister’s pale: a biography of the University of Mumbai. Popular Prakashan, Mumbai 2. Phadke HA (1968) R.G. Bhandarkar. National Book Trust, New Delhi 3. Phadke YD (1975) Social reformers of Maharashtra. Maharashtra Information Centre, New Delhi 4. Utgirkar NB, Paranjpe VG (1933) Collected works of sir R.G. Bhandarkar, vol Vol. 1. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune

Bharanya¯sa ˙ ▶ Prapatti

Bharat Dharma Mahamandal Mithilesh Kumar Jha Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Guwahati, Assam, India

Synonyms Bharat Dharma Mahamandala; Shri Bharat Dharma Mahamandala; The Mahamandala

Definition Shri Bharat Dharma Mahamandala is one of the earliest organizations of Hindus, which undertook the task of mobilizing the Hindu communities and asserting the continuous relevance of Sanatan Dharma. The major objective of the

Bharat Dharma Mahamandal

Mahamandala was to educate the Hindu’s selfdefense and the significance of their “true” religion. Hinduism in modern era has been subjected to various interpretations. These interpretations have never been free from political as well as emotional considerations. Starting from early nineteenth century, there began a number of socioreligious reform movements in India. These samaj and sansthas were formed in order to “reform” Hinduism. Many of them wanted to change or “reform” the organization of Hindu’s social and religious life. But there were many Hindus who were opposed to such changes or “reforms” introduced by these organizations. In such a context, representing the opinions of no-changers, Bharat Dharma Mahamandala opposed the various organizations such as Arya Samaj and Brahmo Samaj and their advocacy for reform in Hinduism. The Mahamandala claims to be the “All India SocioReligious Association of the Sanatanists, Recognised by the Imperial Government, Hindu Ruling Princes, All religious Heads and All Hindu Communities” ([1], p. 25).

Bharat Dharma Mahamandala: Formation and Key Objectives The formation of socioreligious reformist sects and organizations since the beginning of the nineteenth century in India and their critique of orthodox practices in Hinduism triggered strong emotions among many educated Hindus in defense of Hindu orthodoxy. They began to articulate and assert such practices as eternal or sanatan. Although, they were critical of social evils like dowry but in the religious practices, they justified its continuous relevance. The organized efforts to protect and promote Hindu orthodoxy through the formation of Bharat Dharma Mahamandala was started in Punjab ([2], p. 316, [3], p. 77). In Punjab, such organization was led by one Brahmin cook, Pandit Din Dayalu Sharma, for 15 years. He is said to have very little or no formal education but was a great orator and organizer. Being deeply hurt by the rhetoric of Arya Samajis and other reformist organizations, he mobilized the people of Punjab and persuaded

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them to lead their life in the orthodox fashion. He is also said to have worked for the census of 1881. In the year 1882, he formed the Panchayat Taraqqi Hunood (The Council for the Advancement of the Hindus). The following year he changed the name of the organization to Society Rafahi-i-Am in order to include other religions, particularly Muslims. Society also published a monthly paper, Hariyana, to propagate its message. In later years, he worked in Mathura and also travelled to Lahore and came into contact with prominent Hindus of Punjab and North Western Provinces. This motivated him to form an umbrella organization to protect the interests of Hindu community. In 1895, Sanatan Dharma Sabha was formed in Haridwar and in Delhi ([2], p. 316). In 1896, Swami Gyananandji formed Nigamagam Mandali in Mathura. There were formations of Dharma Mahamandalis in various provinces of India including in Bengal to protect and promote Sanatan Dharma. In South India, Pandit Shastirji Pade founded Bharat Dharma Mahaparishad. All of them, while working toward a common cause of protection of Hindu’s orthodoxy and socioreligious ways of living, were not connected to each other (Ibid). So there was the need to form an all India organization for the protection of Hindu interests and for the promotion of Sanatan Dharma. There have been many such attempts since the last decades of nineteenth century. To bring the divided Hindu community under one organization, a small group of Din Dayalu’s associates gathered in the princely states of Kapurthala to form Bharat Dharma Mahamandala. To that purpose a small committee was formed, with Din Dayalu as its chairman. They met in Haridwar, and the first meeting of the Mahamandala was set for May 29–31, 1887 ([3], p. 78). This meeting started on Ganga Dashmi when Haridwar was filled with pilgrims. In this meeting they “focused on the need to protect varnashramadharma, the traditional pattern of religious duties as expressed in the caste system, on the urgency for religious preaching, for Sanatan Dharma Sabhas, and for the defence of Hinduism from critics both within the community and outside of it” ([3], p. 79). Until 1900, many such meetings were held in Mathura

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(1889 and 1899), Delhi (1890 and 1893), Benares (1892), Amritsar (1896), and Kapurthala (1897). The focus of Mahamandala during these years was to strengthen and expand the organization, to bring the divided Hindu community together, to promote Vedic literature and propagate the value of Sanatan Dharma, to represent the Hindu interests before the government and to criticize its interference with Hindu customs, and to establish a Hindu college in Delhi. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya gets associated with the Mahamandala and its activities during this period. In August 1900, the Mahamandala annual conference was organized in Delhi. This conference of Mahamandala was organized at a much grander level which is said to be attended by over 800 Dharma sabhas and more than one hundred thousand delegates from different parts of the country. The Maharaja of Darbhanga, who was also made the lifelong President of Mahamandala, came to attend the meeting on his special train. There was a procession carrying Vedas in which the president walked barefoot. The headquarter of the Mahamandala under the leadership of Swami Gyananandji moved to Benares in 1903 from Mathura, which remains the headquarter of the organization. The Bharat Dharma Mahamandala and its various provincial and local sabhas and smaitis were united in their efforts to achieve the fourfold objectives of: (a) creating Socio-religious harmony and solidarity in the Hindu race; (b) preserving the Sanatan Dharma and Sanatan Society by protecting it from un-Shastric influence and making all Hindus acquainted with the principles of Santan Dharma; (c) training Sadhus and Brahman teachers and preachers of Sanatan Dharma and maintaining the College of Divinity for the same cause; (d) and, propagating the all-embracing and Catholic Spirit of Sanatan Dharma for bringing within its spiritual fold the entire civilized world. ([1], pp. 166–167)

Some other major objectives Mahamandala are said to be:

of

the

(a) To promote Hindu religious education in accordance with the Sanatan Dharma, to diffuse the

(b) (c)

(d) (e)

(f)

knowledge of Vedas, Smritis, Purans and other Hindu Shastras and to introduce in the light of such knowledge, useful reforms into Hindu Life and Society. To promote and enrich the Sanskrit and Hindi literature in all the branches. To introduce such useful reforms as may be warranted by the Shastras in the management of the Hindu Charitable institutions and Tirthas, i.e. sacred places. To establish, affiliate and control Branch Sabhas in different parts of India. To found and maintain new and to support the existing Hindu Colleges, Schools, Libraries and publishing establishments in consonance with object of the Association. To adopt all proper and lawful means and measures to carry out the above objects. ([2], pp. 317–318)

The works of the Mahamandala are distributed among the five key departments: The Preaching Department, The Religious Endowments Department, The Department of Sacred Learning, The Library and Research Department, and The Publishing Department (ibid). The Mahamandala publishes few magazines, like Sarvodaya, Mahamandala Magazine, and Vidya Ratnakar, besides the several provincial Mahamandala magazines published in the vernacular languages even one in Urdu. It also published various edition of old and rare Hindu religious texts – Upanishads, Vedas, Smritis, Puranas, Tantras, and other Hindu philosophical treatises and various booklets on the approved rule of conducts for Hindu women, youth, child, or students. They did publish a number of such texts on character building in Hindi, English, Bengali, and other vernacular languages of India for free distribution. In these enterprises they were largely supported by the donations and endowments of the Hindu princes and landlords [4–7].

The Mahamandala: Socioreligious and Political Activities The major focus of Mahamandala was to defend the orthodox practices or what they call the Sanatan Dharma of Hindus. To this regard the major thrust of the Mahamandala was to conduct rituals, establishing religious centers in different

Bharat Dharma Mahamandal

parts of the country, managing them, and carrying out extensive program of repair to numerous existing temple, shrines, and pilgrimage sites and monasteries. Their contributions in the renovation of Kedarnath temple and Joshi Matha are widely appreciated. They fought against the “unjust” buildings of the mosques. They also focused on uplifting woman through education, founding almshouses for the indigent women, widow’s homes, and the publication of journals, books, and tracts for women. They contributed immensely in the revival of several Mathas and Sanskrit centers of learning like – Sarada Matha, Govardhana Matha, Sringeri Matha, Kanyakubja Pathshala, Mithila Vidyapith, Kashmir Vidyapith, Ujjain Vidyapith, and Mathura Vidyapith. The platform of Mahamandala was extensively used by the Maharaja of Darbhanga and Madan Mohan Malaviya for the establishment of Banaras Hindu University. The Mahamandala, started as a small association of few Hindus to defend Hindu orthodoxy, has grown into an all India level umbrella organization by the year 1930s. Its provincial associations covered the length and breadth of India – from Calcutta in the east to Karachi in the west and from Madras in the south to Srinagar in the north. There were over 950 registered branches of the Mahamandala which followed its rule besides over 150 sabhas of various kinds which were associated with it and its activities. The Mahamandala “lobbied with the government over issues that supported orthodoxy and on questions that threatened their interests. The Mahamandala sent delegations to the Viceroy and fought various legislation on marriage, divorce, cow protection, and opposed dams on the Ganges River, in short anything that appeared to threaten the practice of ‘proper’ Hindiuism. They could and did mobilize public opinion through their extensive organizational structure” ([3], p. 81). The Mahamandala, especially from the decades of the 1920s, began to present its view on significant national and political issues as well. For example, regarding the debates on Swaraj or Swarajya, the Mahamandala resolutely established its ideals in ancient Puranic texts and

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literatures. It was critical of the policies followed by many nationalist leaders and political parties particularly their views about Hindu Muslim relations. It is believed that Swarajya could not be achieved until the adequate emphasis was given on the building of Hindu character. In its opinion the Hindu character alone can be the basis of Swarajya. They wanted to build that ideal Hindu character in accordance with the ideals of Dharma, Artha, Kama, and Moksha. And without that, in their opinion imagination and articulation of Swarajya would be nothing but a mere talk in the air. In their understanding of Swarajya, while freedom from the foreign servitude was considered essential, equal stress was given to mental and intellectual Swarajya. They firmly believed that without such mental and intellectual freedom, physical Swarajya will remain a hollow ([1], pp. 1–13). Their articulations of Sanatan Dharma as world religion establish a link between Hindu religion and the other religions of the world. They came up with the publication of The World’s Eternal religion. They also mobilized fund and resources for the construction of Hall of All Religion to establish world peace and harmony. In a sense, attempts were to give the Sanatan Dharma a cosmopolitan character. They believed that “although the paths of several religions are different according to the different temperaments of humanity still the ultimate goal being one, it may not be impossible to drink from the same spiritual stream, and treasures the heart with the same spiritual treasury in proportion to the ability of the recipient” ([1], p. 18).

Conclusion The Bharat Dharma Mahamandala did play a crucial role in reawakening the Hindu consciousness and in defending the Sanatan Dharma from the onslaughts of numerous socioreligious reform organizations within Hinduism. Funded mainly by the Hindu rulers and wealthy landlords and merchants, the Mahamandala was perhaps the most successful and resourceful orthodox organization in the whole subcontinent. Its programs and

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activities touched upon every aspect of the Hindu interests. It remained very successful to the north of Vindhyas but was able to penetrate Deccan and Dravidian South as well. Although, in the later years it is Hindu Mahasabha and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh which came to represent the interests of the Hindus, it is Bharat Dharma Mahamandala which laid the foundation work in defense of Hinduism and Hindu interests. Its contributions in the publication and promotion of Hindu’s religious literature are immense. So are its contributions in the constructions, maintenance, and repair works of the numerous Hindu shrines, mathas, and monasteries [4–7]. While the other socioreligious reform movements in nineteenth-century India worked to moderate and reform Hindu orthodoxy, the Mahamandala worked tirelessly in its defense and promotion. In its political outlook, it remained highly conservative and often reactionary. By and large it represented the interests of the Hindu rulers and wealthy landlords. Factionalism and inner rivalry among them characterized the organizational structure of the Mahamandala and obstructed its functioning. And perhaps that was the reason it could not adequately align with the aspirations of even the majority of Hindus. However, it laid the foundation for the revival of Hinduism, which in later decades grew from strength to strength, albeit through the other organizations and institutions.

Cross-References ▶ Brahmo Samaj ▶ Hindu Mahasabha ▶ Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

Bharat Dharma Mahamandala 3. Jones KW (1989) Socio-religious reform movements in British India. The new Cambridge history of India, III.1. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 4. Shri Bharat Dharma Mahamandal (1937) Shri Bharat Dharma Mahamandal and its activities. Shri Lakshminarayan Press, Benares 5. The Publication Department (n.d.) The world’s eternal religion. Bharat Dharma Mahamandal, Benares 6. Patel HK (2009) Aspects of the history of Bharat Dharma Mahamandal. In: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, vol 70 (2009–2010), pp 604–613 7. The Secretary In-charge, Bharat Dharma Mahamandal (1937) Sri Bharat Dharma Mahamandal and its activities. Lakshmi Narayan Press, Benares

Bharat Dharma Mahamandala ▶ Bharat Dharma Mahamandal

Bha¯rata Ma¯ta¯ Banibrata Mahanta Department of English, Faculty of Arts, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh, India

Definition Bhārata Mātā is a compound word made up of the modifier Bhārata (referring to what roughly corresponds to modern India) and the root word Mātā (meaning mother). It can be translated as Mother India and is usually personified as a mother goddess representative of the nation. Like the goddess Durgā, she is usually accompanied by a vāhana, and the colors of the Indian national flag often form part of her depiction, either as the flag in her hand or as the colors of her robes or as background.

References The Genesis of the Icon 1. Dayanand S (1923) The report of the Sri Bharat Dharma Mahamandal for the year 1922. Bharat Dharma Press, Benares 2. Farquhar JN (1915) Modern religious movements in India. The Macmillan Company, New York

Bhārata Mātā is a relatively modern goddess, whose genesis can be traced back to the time of the colonial rule in India as well as into times

Bha¯rata Ma¯ta¯

preceding it. The conception and visualization of the goddess were spurred by an attempt to embody the nation as an icon and to position it as the rallying point for the diverse population of the country that was, at that time, under the British rule. The representation of the nation thus effected and propagated during the freedom struggle is looked at, variously, as both a cohesive and divisive feature of Indian nationalism. The history of the icon is also a record of sociocultural change, demonstrating shifts in thought and practice. The imaging and embodiment of the icon can be traced back to multiple impulses: the idea of the divine feminine in Hindu religious tradition, the sacredness attributed to the earth in this tradition, and the engagement between Indian nationalism and Western modernity. The Divine Feminine in Hindu Religious Tradition The goddess tradition in Hindu religion, predicated on the concept of the divine feminine, is evident from the earliest times to the present. The Indus Valley Civilization is characterized by the presence of numerous female terracotta figurines. This was followed by the Vedic phase, in which goddesses were a progressively dwindling presence. In the course of time, various pre-vedic deities were integrated into mainstream tradition, and goddess worship was revived and assimilated into the Vedic religion. Since then, the goddess tradition has survived and proliferated and has been an important presence in the religious lives of people in the Indian subcontinent. The goddess tradition in the Hindu religion has convergences as well as divergences. Each goddess in the Hindu pantheon, it is held, is the manifestation of a common form – they are multiple facets of the great goddess; yet, they also have mythologies, identities, and meanings of their own. The Sacredness of the Earth in Hindu Religion Like other religions, the Hindu religion too attributes sacredness to the earth. The earliest references to this are to be found in the ṚgVeda, which comprises celebratory hymns dedicated to the

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goddess Pṛthvī. These hymns celebrate the beauty and fertility of the earth, of which Pṛthvī is a personification. Pṛthvī is both a goddess and nature, the earth itself. Here Pṛthvī is mostly mentioned in conjunction with Dyaus, the god who personifies the sky. She is warm and nurturing, and her fertility and motherly qualities are repeatedly emphasized. Pṛthvī is mentioned in medieval mythology, too, and is later associated with Viṣṇu, as is Bhūdevi, whose name means “the earth goddess.” Bhūdevi’s attributes are different from those of Pṛthvī; she is portrayed as a less powerful figure dependent on Viṣṇu. Different ideas of the identification of the goddess with the earth or with cosmos can be found in the figure of Mahādevi, who is variously identified as prakṛti (nature), one who creates the universe out of her own body, whose womb contains the whole universe, and who is the world itself. She is also referred to as Māhi and Dharā. This idea of the earth as goddess is also expressed in the conception of Bhārata Mātā. Indian Nationalism and Western Modernity The engagement between Western modernity and Indian nationalism in the colonial times may be discussed in terms of two factors. The first is the creation of India’s cartographic shape by the British, and the second is the cultural shape that is given to this cartographic form by the Indian nationalists. In the course of this development, nationalist discourse becomes complementary to cultural identity. The identity thus fashioned divided the social space into the public and the private. While the nationalists conceded the superiority of the West in the public, material domain, the private sphere was considered inviolate, and the symbolic essence of the nation’s culture was sought to be located here; the image of the ideal woman as the nurturer and progenitor of this culture was an integral part of this construction. The ideological fashioning of the concept of the Indian woman and her distinct cultural identity can subsequently be seen represented through figures that were supposed to embody the ideals of Indian womanhood, like Sati and Savitri. In

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addition, the lineage of mother goddesses in the Hindu religion also provided the impetus for the institutionalized entry of nation as mother into the Hindu pantheon. The creation of Bhārata Mātā is a part of this narrative of the nation, which designates to the female a sense of passive expectancy and denial thus positing the male, by contrast, as the strong, active, virile savior/protector. It is thus that the three strands come together.

The History of the Icon during the Freedom Movement and after The Pre-Independence Phase The initial creative deployment of these impulses is to be seen in Bengal. Bhudev Mukhopadhyay’s Unabimsa Purana (1866), which has the character of Adi-Bhārati, and Kiran Chandra Bandyopadhyay’s play Bharata Mata (1873) are among the earliest known examples of this portraiture. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay’s novel Anandamath (1882), which narrates the struggle between Hindus and the Yavan (Muslims, and later the British), is an extension of the paradigm of the earth as mother goddess, wherein all the santān (literally offspring, here referring to sons) worship Viṣṇu and are devoted to the service of their motherland, which, in this case, is Bengal. The religious framework is used to shape the ideological focus, that of the gendered nation, the santān being the masculine subjects who pledge to protect her. They are presented as a combination of valor and celibate asceticism, and the goal of liberating the motherland is portrayed as a religious duty that takes precedence over the personal and the familial. Bankim uses the images of Jagadḍātri, Kāli, and Durgā to interpret the nation in transition – mother as she was, mother as she is, and mother as she will be. The naked, disheveled Kali is depicted as the present state of the region, and the santān vow not to rest till they have freed their motherland. Abanindranath Tagore’s 1905 conception of undivided Bengal, Banga Mātā, is a four-armed deity wearing saffron robes, holding a book, paddy, a garland, and a white cloth in each of

Bha¯rata Ma¯ta¯

her four hands. She is painted against the backdrop of an azure sky, and her feet rest on the green earth. Both these images, originally local in their conception, became the bases for the image of Bhārata Mātā. Post-Anandamath, the idea of the region as mother was broadened to depict the entire nation, and Banga Mātā too was rechristened as Bhārata Mātā. Cartography was seen as an emblem of the rational and scientific nature of the West. The idea of nation as mother was a cultural tradition that existed in India prior to the British occupation. The amalgamation of the cartographic and the cultural was achieved in 1936, at the Bhārata Mātā Mandir, Varanasi, built by Babu Shiv Prasād Gupt, where the deity of Bhārata Mātā, as she is called, is depicted as a marble relief map of the Indian subcontinent and is housed within the precincts of the mandir, and darṡan, pujā, and ārti become an integral part of the dynamics of the deity. The temple is thus ceremonially/religiously marked, and the form of Bhārata Mātā located within it is established as sacred, highlighting the context of the tradition, establishing the dynamics of interaction between itself and the community, and also marking its subjects accordingly in terms of the relationship between the icon and the devotee. Mahatma Gandhi’s speech on the occasion of the inauguration of the temple talks of the mandir as a tīrth and of Bharat-ḅhakti as an essential attribute of the Indian. It is a novel attempt to create a new, composite national identity. While its conception as the political articulation of an anti-colonial consciousness is admirable, its expression of nationalism, largely in terms of Hindu upper-caste symbols, has conceptual limitations and contradictions and is therefore not as inclusive as it purports to be. India, also referred to as Jambudwip, Āryāvart, and more recently as Bhārata, has been at the center of a debate as to what its central civilizational values are. The debates became more urgent in the nineteenth century, when the country as we know it today was clearly demarcated by the British. Two approaches are evident in these contestations. On the one hand was the idea of a civilization which had developed since ancient

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times within the framework of ideals and experiences rooted in Hindu sensibilities. On the other hand, there was the idea of a modern and culturally diverse India that advocated a secular polity and civic nationalism. These ideas are contested and debated even today. The tradition of imagining the national territory of India as a mother/ goddess has been used on both the sides, leading to the interplay between religion and nationalism. Mahatma Gandhi’s message on the occasion of the inauguration of the Bhārata Mātā Mandir at Varanasi shows how he too employs the specific religio-cultural discourse of Hinduism, even though his vision and message are one of integrative secularism, where all religions, castes, and creeds participate. It can, however, be critiqued on the grounds that it does not take the heterogeneity of the population into account, treating them as an undifferentiated, amorphous mass. It thus universalizes the culture of the dominant/religious majority as the culture of the nation. The Post-Independence Phase The theme of motherland as goddess is still very much in currency in India today, and the contours of its meaning are being continually reframed. However, the foundational implication of membership of a particular community has the possibility of essentializing the idea of nationalism. The discourse of the Bhārata Mātā Mandir at Haridwar, established in 1983, is framed in terms of this essentialist approach. The idol of Bhārata Mātā, with a milk urn in one hand and sheaves of grain in the other hand, amalgamates the symbolic aspects of the white revolution and the green revolution. There is a lotus-like cakra behind the deity and a ṡakti yantra at her feet. On the floor in front of the deity is a map of India, on which are marked the mountain ranges, rivers, and important Hindu pilgrimage centers. The eight-storied temple, populated by images of gods, saints, nationalists, and virtuous women, aims to familiarize the people of the country with the culture they have forgotten – the Hindu religious culture of Bhārata – and to edify visitors about the glorious tradition of the motherland. Swami Satyamitranand, the founder of the temple,

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presents in it the multifarious dimensions of the culture and religion of the country in accordance with the vision of a dominant cultural nationalism. Whether depicted as a destitute widow or a distraught goddess or an enslaved woman, there is no one way in which Bhārata Mātā has been visualized. However, later images are of a beatific mother goddess with a halo around her, draped in a saree, with two/four arms, sitting on or standing beside a lion, often superimposed on the map of India or with the map as background. Subsequent images of Bhārata Mātā that have come up all over the country seem to draw from this position and reinforce it. Various images/temples of Bhārata Mātā that have come up in places as diverse as Moga (Punjab), Bhaderwah (Jammu and Kashmir), Bangalore (Karnataka), Mount Abu (Rajasthan), Narela (Haryana), Gargoti (Maharashtra), Raebareli and Gorakhpur (Uttar Pradesh), Nellore (Andhra Pradesh), and Kanyakumari and Dharmapuri (Tamil Nadu) in India, as also in Brampton (Ontario) in Canada, are mostly patterned on the cultural nationalist lines evident in the conception of the Bhārata Mātā Mandir at Haridwar. An interesting aspect of the icon is the Bhārata Mātā pūjā that is held in some places in India. In Itarsi (Madhya Pradesh), two pūjās are held during the ṡārdīya navrātra every year. Both pūjās follow the rituals that are prescribed for the worship of goddess Durga. The older pūjā, with a history of more than 50 years, is organized by the Dalit community on the outskirts of the town; there is a more recent pūjā, instituted a decade back, organized in an upper caste locality, directly influenced by the contours and dynamics of the deity at Haridwar.

Conclusion While other national symbols like the national flag or national animal are icons in the metaphorical sense, the icon of Bhārata Mātā becomes the basis for a discourse of the sacred evocation of a modern nation that is divinely ordained and takes its origins from a narrative that locates itself in the past. Religious visual culture is a powerful

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element in the structuration of cultures of belief. The icon of Bhārata Mātā is, in its conception, a national cultus – the religion of a nation – that is both venerated and contested as it has moved from inclusive patriotism to exclusive nationalism. The journey of the icon continues in present times, as big corporate houses now add a different meaning to Bhārata Mātā with new statues of the deity being built at Yanam (Puducherry) and at Aamby Valley, Mumbai (Maharashtra).

Cross-References ▶ Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Pūjā ▶ Temple Architecture and Space ▶ Vāhana

References 1. Altekar AS (1956) The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization: From Prehistoric Times to the Present Day. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi. Print. 2. Anderson B (1991) Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso, London. Print 3. Bhattacharyya NN (1999) Indian Mother Goddess. Manohar Publishers, New Delhi. Print 4. Chakrabarti K (2001) Religious processes: the Purānas and the making of a regional tradition. OUP, New Delhi. Print 5. Chatterji Bankimcandra (1882) Anandamath or the Sacred Brotherhood. Trans Julius J Lipner (2005). OUP, New Delhi. Print 6. Chatterjee P (1999) The nation and its fragments: colonial and postcolonial histories. 1986. The Partha Chatterjee Omnibus. OUP, New Delhi. Print 7. Giddens A (2010) The nation-state in the global age. In: Parekh B (ed) Re-imagining India and other essays. Orient Blackswan, Hyderabad, pp 211–224. Print 8. Hawley JS, Wulff DM (eds) (1998) Devi: goddesses of India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi. Print 9. Kinsley D (1987) Hindu goddesses: visions of the divine feminine in the hindu religious tradition. Archives Publishers, New Delhi. Print 10. Milford-Lutzker M-A (2008) The politicization of an icon: Durga/Kali/Bhārata Mātā and her transformations. In: Shimkhada D, Herman PK (eds) The

Bharatnatyam constant and changing faces of the goddess: goddess traditions of Asia. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle. Print 11. Mishra SV, Ray HP (2017) The archaeology of sacred spaces: the temple in western India, 2nd century BC to 8th century BC. Routledge, Abingdon/New York. Print 12. Ramaswamy S (2010) The goddess and the nation: mapping mother India. Duke University Press, Durham/London. Print

Bharatnatyam R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Bharatnatyam is made of two Sanskrit expressions – “Bharata” and “Natyam.” In this case, “Natyam, in Sanskrit, means dance and “Bharata” is a mnemonic form comprising “bha,” “ra,” and “ta,” which, respectively, denote “bhava” that is emotion and feelings; “raga” that is melody; and “tala” that is rhythm. Thus, traditionally the word Bharatnatyam refers to a dance form where “bhava,” “raga,” and “tala” are expressed. In Indian tradition, “dance and drama are so intimately fused that in texts like Harivansha and Karpuramanjari the expression used is ‘dance a drama’ to mean perform a play” [1]. With a history of approximately 2000 years, Bharatnatyam is one of the leading classical dance genre in India, standing almost a meta dance form. It is the source and originator of many other performing and visual art forms. Many a classical dance sculpture and painting in Indian history and culture extend credit to it. In mythology, its origin goes back to an incident as Brahma’s instructions to Bharata Muni towards creating a code on theater. Bharata Muni, on Brahma’s instructions, documented the sacrosanct steps in the Natya genre, and categorically mentioned it in the Natyashastra. The cult of Bharatnatyam got developed and flourished in

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the temples of South India. The practitioners of this dance are called the Devadasis or the servants of God. They used to be a kind of “the temple dancers.” The Devadasis used to receive the royal patronage also. With the passage of time, almost every Hindu temple in the southern part of India observed the practice of Bharatnatyam. Conventionally, the Bharatnatyam form is a solo performance by a female dancer. As Bharatnatyam comes in the category of lasya dance form as per the guidelines of the Natyashastra, the performance is essentially done by the women artists, but the gurus are the veteran men, who sing the lines of the background song and play the music on cymbals. The Guru, this way, keeps a control and watch on the rhythm concerned without dancing himself. Calambur Sivaramamurti, C.M. Naim, Balwant Gargi et al. wrote in the Encyclopedia Britannica that the “Bharatanatyam (also called dasi attam) has survived to the present through the devadasis, temple dancing girls who devoted their lives to their gods through this medium. Muslim invasions from the north destroyed the powerful Hindu kingdoms in the south but could not disrupt their arts, which took shelter in the temples. After the sixteenth century the Muslims overpowered the south completely until the British came, thus giving a setback to Hindu dance. Slowly the institution of devadasi fell into disrepute, and temple dancing girls became synonymous with prostitutes” [2]. The credit of reviving Bharatnatyam in the later decades of the nineteenth century goes to Chinniyah, Punniah, Vadivelu, and Shivanandam, two brothers. They reinvigorated the practices of Bharatnatyam on the patterns mentioned in the classical texts, and surveying the records from temples. Thus the original dasi attam could see a new form. The cycle of Bharatnatyam starts with Alarippu (invocation). The steps of Jathi Swaram (note combinations), Shabdam (notes and lyrics), and Varnam (a combination of pure dance and abhinaya) follow it. Padams and Javalis, in the form of comic interludes, are also combined with

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this dance pattern. The accompanist artists in the performance of the Bharatnatyam are generally a singer, a music maestro, and the guru who directs and controls the performance. The performance of bharata natyam spans approximately for two hours, with six sequential components. It begins with allarippu. Literatally allarippu means an act of decorating with flowers, it is a prologue in the pattern of invocative gesture. The dancer appears on the stage in her full grace and magnificence. The second step is called jatisvaram (Comprising two words – jati and svaram). The jatisvaram phase has to show a brilliant conflagration of the phrases of dance, and the introduction of the musical sounds. The third phase is known as shabdam. The shabdam includes the singing of words as a preparation phase for the main dance performance by the gesture and body language (abhinaya). Varnam appears as the fourth part which becomes the perfect blend of expressive and pure dance. The phase of Varnam is followed by padams. The Padams is a song series, where a tune with the songs, the performer dramatizes the contexts and texts by facial expressions and hand gestures. The accompanying singer with the performer sings the line again and again, and the dancer enacts the contradictory meanings. The performance in this series concludes with tillana. The tillana appears as a pure dance with meaningless musical syllables chanted to punctuate the rhythm. The performing dancer leaps up, and jumps forth and back in the state of ultimate pleasure. This is a kind of ecstasy blending the physical and spiritual trajectories of the human soul, and shows the patterns of culmination of all arts in the supreme bliss. Eminent danseuse Rukmini Devi has the credit of restoring the glory of Bharatnatyam, and popularizing it in the contemporary times. Bala Saraswati and Poniah Pillai are the eminent practitioners of Bharatnatyam. In the recent years, a sincere revival is seen in the practice of the Bharatnatyam. Besides the bigger and branded events and carnivals, we find its performance in college fetes and celebrations as well.

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References 1. Kantak VY (1988) Bharata and western concept of drama. In: Kushwaha MS (ed) Indian poetics and western thought. Argo, Lucknow 2. Sivaramamurti C, Naim CM, Gargi B et al. Encyclopedia britannica. https://www.britannica.com/art/SouthAsian-arts. Accessed 11 Sept 2018

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Samskrit. Hence, the colloquial Samskrit is easy and understandable to the common man. The plays of the famous Samskrit poets like Kālidāsa are enacted even today that denotes the amount of influence on the people as well as the later poets. The main and the influential part of the Samskrit literature: Kāvyas can be mainly divided into three parts.

Further Reading Horrwitz EP (1912) The Indian theatre: a brief history of Sanskrit Drama. Blackie and Sons, London Khokar M (1984) Traditions of Indian classical dance. Clarion Books, New Delhi Kilger G (1993) Bharata Natyam in cultural perspective. Manohar American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi Singh RP (2014) Reading gender discourses in Natyashastra. In: Singh A (ed) Gender roles in postmodern world. Yking, Jaipur Balasaraswati T (1976) Bharata Natyam. NCPA Q J 4(4):1–8 Vatsyayan K (1977) Classical Indian dance in literature and the arts. Sangeet Natak Akademi, New Delhi Dace W (1963) The concept of “rasa” in Sanskrit dramatic theory. Educ Theatr J 15(3):249

Bha¯ravi Udayana Hegde Karnataka Samskrit University, Bengaluru, KA, India

Synonyms Dāmodara

Introduction Samskrit literature is renowned as one of the oldest and precious literatures available in the world today. This literature started flowing from the very ancient Vedas (Vedic texts) and got a strong foundation in the form of Laukika texts like Ramayana and Mahabharata. The Samskrit Vāṅmaya (literature) is not just the texts that are written. It is said that the Goddess Sarasvatī who incarnated in the form of Vedas came into the earth in the form of colloquial

a. Gadya kāvyas (prose) b. Padya kāvyas (poetry) c. Champu kāvyas These kāvyas are further divided into Mahakāvyas and Khanda kāvyas. There are five Mahakāvyas, namely, (a) Raghuvaṃśam, (b) Kumārasambhavam, (c) Kirātārjunīyam, (d) Śiśupālavadham, and (e) Naiṣadhīyacaritam.

Family Background and Childhood Bhāravi [1] (sixth century) is a Samskrit poet, the author of Kirātārjunīyam, and one of the classical Samskrit epics classified as a Mahakāvya. “Bhāravi” means “luster of the sun.” His original name was Dāmodara. True to his name, the poet Bhāravi is the shining sun in the splendid sky of Samskrit literature. There are poets in Sanskrit who have earned unsullied reputation by a single work; Bhāravi tops that list. His Kirātārjunīyam is one among the five Mahakāvyas of Samskrit literature. This epic poem has inspired many poets, starting from Māgha. Bhāravi was a child prodigy. His untainted talent, however, was not enough to earn him praise from his own father. Dāmodara was presented to the world as a good-for-nothing dullard. With age, he became increasingly embittered by this. It did not take long for it to turn to rage, so much so that he planned to murder his father. One night, when his parents were talking, he decided to eavesdrop. To his surprise, he found out that his father was speaking highly of him. His father had only been following the traditional saying, “Praise your children, but not in their presence.” This filled Dāmodara with remorse. He understood his father’s intentions – it was only to ensure

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he didn’t become complacent. Feeling sorry, he approached his father the next day during the study hour and asked, “What is the punishment for one who plots his own father’s murder?” His father intuitively grasped where this question came from. He replied, “6 months in his fatherin-law’s house.” Dāmodara left for his wife’s parents’ home immediately. During the first few days of his stay, he enjoyed royal treatment. As days rolled on, however, “royal” gave way to “real.” “A beggar lives a better life,” he mused. When he was at his most miserable moment, his thoughts took the shape of this verse. śvaśuragṛhanivāsaḥ svargatulyo narāṇāṃ. yadibhavati dināni trīṇi vā pañca sapta । dadhimadhughṛtadhārā kṣīrasārapravāhaḥ. taduparidinamekaṃ pādarakṣāprayogaḥ ।॥

Meaning: Stay at one’s father-in-law’s house is heavenly. If it lasts for three, no five, no, a week, maximum. Sumptuous meals guaranteed – with milk, ghee, curd, honey. Overstay by a day – food gives way to footwear.

Life and Works Bhāravi [4] probably hailed from Southern India and flourished during the reigns of King Durvinita of the Western Ganga dynasty and King Simhavishnu of the Pallava dynasty. His Kiratarjuniya was based on an episode from the third parvan, or section, of the long Sanskrit epic Mahabharata. His poetry, characterized by its lofty expression and intricate style, may have influenced the eighth-century poet Magha. In 18 cantos, Bhāravi described the Pāṇḍava prince Arjuna’s encounter and ensuing combat with a kirata, or wild mountaineer, who in the end proves to be the god Shiva. For his valor and penance, Shiva awards the ascetic hero with a coveted weapon of the Pāśupata Hindu sect. The 15th chitrakavya, or canto, is known for its verbal complexity; the 14th stanza contains elaborate rhythmic consonance, and the 25th features anagrammatic internal rhyme. As with most Samskrit poets, very few concrete details are available about Bhāravi’s life, and inferences must be made from references to him. He is mentioned in a Cālukya inscription of

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634 C.E., along with Kālidāsa, as a famous poet, found at Aihole, located in present day Karnataka. yenāyoji na veśma sthiramarthavidhau vivekinā jinaveśma । sa vijayatāṃ ravikīrtiḥ kavitāśritakālidāsabhāravikīrtiḥ ॥

The inscription merely indicates that Bhāravi was recognized in the Calukya empire as a great poet, who may have lived at any time before it was written. The Calukyas had succeeded the Vakatakas in Maharastra and Andhra in the +6, but their capital was further South, in Karnataka. A [2] further reference is found in other inscriptions, of the Gāṅgeya King Durvinita, where the King himself claims to have written a commentary on the fifteenth canto of Bhāravi’s Kiratarjuniya (this is a canto of citrakavya, for which a commentary is especially useful). The Gāṅgeyas (or Gangas) ruled the Southern part of Karnataka from the +4, usually as feudatories of the Pallavas, who in that period ruled over an empire which extended from coast to coast across India, immediately South of the Vakataka dominions. The date of Durvinita has been contested by historians but is usually placed in the second half of the +6. He also claims to have made a (Sanskrit) version of the Brhatkatha, though none of his works appear to have survived. It is sometimes supposed that Bhāravi lived at his court (at Talavanapura on the upper Kaveri) but that is simply a conjecture. The only definite statement we have is that by Dandin, where he mentions Bhāravi as having been a friend of one of his ancestors. Dandin lived at the Pallava capital, Kanci, and from the references to historical events in the autobiographical introduction to his Avanitisundari, we find he was born in the middle of the +7 (c. +650–660). His great-grandfather, Damodara, was a writer who was patronized by Durvinita, also by Simhavisnu Pallava (reigned c. +580–600). The poet DaNDin, who was born during the seventh century, reports that his great-grandfather was a friend of Bhāravi and was introduced by him to a King Vishnuvardhana, before receiving patronage from Durvinita and King Simhavishnu

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of the Pallava dynasty. This is unlikely to be Vishnuvardhana II (673–682 C.E.) and is more likely to be Yasodharman Vishnuvardhana, placing Bhāravi’s fluorite in c.530–550 C.E.

Influence The Kirātārjunīya, [3] an epic poem in 18 cantos, is his only known work. It is regarded to be the most powerful poem in the Sanskrit language. A. K. Warder considers it the “most perfect epic available to us,” over AśvaghoSha’s Buddhacarita, noting his greater force of expression, with more concentration and polish in every detail. Despite using extremely difficult language and rejoicing in the finer points of Sanskrit grammar, he achieves conciseness and directness. His alliteration, “crisp texture of sound,” and choice of meter closely correspond to the narrative. His poetry is characterized by its intricate styles and ethereal expressions. Like Kālidāsa for his similes (upamā) and Daṇḍin for his wordplay (padalālityam), Bhāravi is known for his “weight of meaning” (arthagauravam). He influenced the eighth-century C.E. poet Magha.

Cross-References ▶ Kalidasa

References 1. Warder AK (2004) Indian Kāvya literature, part 1. Motilal Banarsidass Publ, Delhi. ISBN: 978-81208-0445-6 2. Kale MR (1966) The Kirātārjunīya of Bhāravi. Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-0573-9 3. Jaddipal VV (ed) (2008) Mahākavi Bhāravipraṇītaṃ Kirātārjunīyam (Traisargikam) Nṛsiṃha-PrakāśavarṣaJonarājakṛtābhiḥ ṭīkābhiḥ vibhūṣitam. Amara Grantha Publications, Delhi. ISBN: 8187322470 4. The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica (2017) Bharavi. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc. https://www. britannica.com/biography/Bharavi. Accessed 31 Mar 2018

Bha¯skara

Bha¯skara Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Life and Works Bhāskara was a famed Vedāntin whose doctrine is known as aupādhika-bhedābheda-vāda, the doctrine of accidental difference and non-difference. He might have been a younger contemporary of Śaṅkara, in any case not much latter than him, since he refuted Śaṅkara in his works but was refuted by Vācaspati Miśra in turn. In all probability, therefore, he flourished between 750 and 850 A.D. He was most likely from Kashmir because his commentary on the Bhagavad-Gītā (BG) generally follows readings from the so-called Kashmir recension, which has additional verses and many different readings than the vulgate text, and has not had currency outside of Kashmir or with non-Kashmiri authors. An alternative account locates Bhāskara in South India and is based on a remark by the Advaitin Ānandānubhāva, who refers to Bhāskara as a “deplorable, contemptible lad from Karnataka . . . whose book the pandits from Kashmir did not accept . . . because they discovered hatred toward the Paramahaṁsas and lack of skill in scripture” ([6], p. 3; [9], pp. 282–283). Ānandānubhāva’s acrimonious remark was in response to Bhāskara’s attitude toward Śaṅkara and Advaita Vedānta in general. Bhāskara was thoroughly repulsed by Śaṅkara’s doctrine, and he was the first to describe it as māyā-vāda or the doctrine of illusion, a lexeme that other non-Advaita Vedāntins continued to use in that derogatory sense. Bhāskara further claimed that the proponents of the doctrine of illusion rely on Buddhist theories and go against the teachings of

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the Brahma-Sūtra (BS). “Expatiating on the contradictory and groundless māyā-vāda, propagated by the Buddhists, they have misled the world” ([8], pp. 120–121). Bhāskara wrote a commentary on the Brahma-Sūtra, which has been preserved in full and published, on the Bhagavad-Gītā, of which the first nine chapters are partially preserved in two manuscripts and have been published, and on the Chāndogya Upaniṣad, which has not been found so far but is explicitly referred to in his BS commentary on 3.1.8 and 4.3.13 ([1], pp. 187–191; [4, 6, 9]). It is inferable from his works that was a tridaṇḍin, a Brahmin who carried a triple staff and continued bearing the Brahminical insignia and performing ritual throughout his life ([3]; [6], p. 2). Although Bhāskara was quite influential and is often mentioned by name by later authors [7], even more so than Śaṅkara outside of Vedāntic circles, it does not seem that he had many followers, and no school of Vedānta in the institutional sense is associated with his name. Although he himself was commonly studied, there are no known works that support his doctrine ([4], p. xxvi). From Bhāskara’s commentary on the BG 7.19–20, it would appear that he was a Vaiṣṇava. There he says that those who are intent on liberation from rebirth worship solely Nārāyaṇa and not the other gods. “Those who worship the other divinities—Rudra, Āditya, Durgā, Gaṇeśa etc.—by relying on the respective rules of fasting etc., prompted by their own nature consisting in habits acquired in previous lives, and whose thoughts are intent on these other divinities, do not attain cessation of rebirth through that.” This seems like a rejection of the smārta system of worship in favor of Vaiṣṇavism but is complicated by the comment on BG 9.26, where Kṛṣṇa says that he accepts offerings of leaves, flowers, fruits, and water if they are offered with devotion. Bhāskara glosses “leaf” with “bilva, etc.,” and bilva leaves nowadays are commonly offered in Śaiva, not Vaiṣṇava temples.

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Bha¯skara’s Theology Bhāskara developed his theology around the three standard categories of Vedānta: Brahman, the individual Self, and the world. His understanding of Brahman is quite typically Vedāntic. Brahman is the cause of the creation of the world, “that which makes things grow.” Its essential characteristics are Being, consciousness, infinitude, and bliss, but in relation to the world, Brahman being both its efficient and material cause has the characteristics of omnipotence and omniscience. Brahman’s omnipotence, sarva-śaktitva, includes Brahman having the powers of being the agent and the object of enjoyment, bhoktṛ-śakti and bhogya-śakti, which are the principles behind the individual Selves and the world, respectively. That is, through the first, Brahman transforms in the individual Selves (jīva-pariṇāma), and through the second, it transforms into the insentient world (acetana-pariṇāma) ([6], pp. 56–67). In its essential nature, the individual Self or jīva is Brahman, and after liberation it does not maintain its separate existence. In its accidental nature, on the other hand, it is related to Brahman both as distinct and nondistinct from it. It is individuated through a combination of three factors, which have the status of upādhi or accidental determinants: ignorance, consisting in the false idea of its being different from Brahman; desire, which has the nature of habits formed through many lives in transmigration; and karma, the results of previous action. In this accidental state, the Self is minute in size, aṇu, and is an agent of action and enjoyment, which are necessary for the functioning of the law of karma. For exercising such agency, the jīva requires a body and senses, which are also considered its accidental determinants, upādhis. In its essential state, it is just consciousness, and its size is limitless, vibhu. Though this difference from Brahman is accidental, it is real, not illusory as is the case in Advaita Vedānta. However, even while different from Brahman, the individual Self is still essentially non-different—it is still Brahman itself—and is also non-different in the state of universal dissolution between creation cycles ([6], pp. 67–74).

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The world, jagat, is a transformation of the insentient principle or Brahman’s bhogya-śakti. Because this power is non-different from Brahman, the world is Brahman as its state of an effect, kārya, but it is different from Brahman in its state as the cause, kāraṇa. Through this distinction, Brahman becomes the cause of the insentient world, remaining itself sentient and unaffected by it. This can be compared to the growth of insentient hair and nails from a sentient body. At dissolution, the insentient world is reabsorbed into the sentient Brahman and is essentially nondifferent from it. Unlike the individual Selves, however, whose difference from Brahman is accidental—it is Brahman itself individuated through the complex of ignorance, desire, and karma—the world’s difference from Brahman is simultaneously essentially different, as the product is different from its cause, and essentially nondifferent, as the product is the cause ([6], pp. 74–80). Through this interplay of difference and non-difference, Bhāskara’s Vedānta is known as bhedābheda-vāda, according to which Brahman is one in its causal state but many in its effected state.

Religious Practice and Liberation Bhāskara’s doctrine of religious practice is known as jñāna-karma-sammucaya-vāda or the doctrine of simultaneous practice of knowledge and action in the pursuit of liberation. We should clarify what Bhāskara meant by the two words, knowledge and action. Knowledge with regard to Brahman is of two kinds. The first is scriptural knowledge, specifically from the Upaniṣads, which concerns the nature of Brahman and is strictly informative, much like perception that discloses an object and facilitates ascertaining its nature. Such knowledge must be followed by the second form of jñāna, which is meditational absorption in Brahman, upāsana, which is again facilitated by the Upaniṣads. Action with regard to the pursuit of liberation refers, first, to the performance of ritual and, second, to the practices of the respective āśramas, such as charity, recitation of the Veda, austerity, etc. Both these must be performed

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without the desire for the results which they otherwise bring, such as heaven, in which case they are called nitya-karma or obligatory action. While most Vedāntins have either rejected the model of conjoined practice or have made action an auxiliary to knowledge, facilitating its appearance, Bhāskara’s standpoint was unique insofar as he thought that action and meditative absorption were equally important for attaining liberation. His doctrine is, therefore, better described as upāsana-karma-samuccaya, the combination of meditation and action ([5]; [6], pp. 86–88). Such meditation consists in contemplating Brahman as one’s Self, and with regard to Brahman, meditation is of two kinds. The meditation on Brahman in its causal, formless aspect (kāraṇa-rūpa, nirguṇa/nirākāra), along with the performance of action, results in the destruction of the past accumulated karma and prevents the creation of new karma but does not destroy the karma that had started bearing fruits. One is properly liberated when such karma had been exhausted through experience, after death, at which point the accidental difference between Brahman and the individual Self is undone and only the unity of Brahman obtains. In opposition to Śaṅkara, however, Bhāskara claimed that such liberation did not involve an absence of experience of bliss. Particularly striking is the following statement from his commentary on BS 1.1.3: “On your [Advaitin’s] view, liberation is without awareness and without enjoyment, since the only remainder is bare consciousness. And, some say, better to be a jackal in the forest than this.” The second meditation on Brahman refers to its formed aspect, saguṇa or kārya. Such meditation culminates in the attainment of the highest realm in the created universe, the so-called brahmaloka. Those who attain brahma-loka are eventually also liberated: at the end of the present creation cycle, they attain full liberation along with kārya-brahman, who is Hiraṇyagarbha the world Self (BSBh 4.3.14/5). As scholars have correctly noticed, Bhāskara rejected the possibility of jīvan-mukti or living liberation. In his orthodox Brahma-Sūtra understanding, liberation was a real attainment, not

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figurative as was with Śaṅkara, and it was contradictory to think that one could both be embodied and liberated [2]. This scholarly consensus needs to be modulated to a degree, however, because Bhāskara did think there was a sense in which the idea of jīvan-mukti was justified. During life, one could be liberated from the psychological torments that were forms of desire and its products. “There are two kinds of liberation. The first is the freedom from attachment, aversion, and illusion, as well as from their corollaries such as madness, in the state when one is alive (jīvad-avasthā). The second is the absolute freedom that follows after death” (BSBh 4.1.14).

243 7. Nakamura H (1968) Bhāskara, the Vedāntin, in Buddhist literature. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 48/49: 119–122 8. Nakamura H (1983) A history of early Vedānta philosophy, vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 9. Raghavan V (1968) Bhāskara’s Gītā-Bhāṣya. Wiener Zeitschrift Für Die Kunde Süd-Und Ostasiens Und Archiv Für Indische Philosophie 12–13:281–294

Bhavabhuti R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Bhedābheda ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahman ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Jīvan-mukti ▶ Maya ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Sūrya (Sun) ▶ Vedānta, Overview

References 1. van Buitenen JAB (1988) Studies in Indian literature and philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 2. Deodhar L (2004) Bhāskara’s refutation of Jīvanmukti. In: Hino S, Wada T (eds) Three mountains and seven rivers: prof. Musashi Tachikawa’s felicitation volume. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 3. Ingalls DHH (1967) Bhāskara the Vedāntin. Philos East West 17:61–67 4. Kato T (2011) The first two chapters of Bhāskara’s Śārīrakamīmāṁsābhāṣya: critically edited with an introduction, notes and an appendix. Philosophischen Fakultät der Martin-Luther-Universität HalleWittenberg, Halle-Wittenberg 5. Kato T (2013) Bhāskara’s concept of Jñānakarmasamuccaya. Indologica Taurinensia 39:137–153 6. Khanna AB (1998) Bhāskarācārya: a study with special reference to his Brahmasūtrabhāṣya. Amar Granth Publications, Delhi

Bhavabhuti is an Indian Sanskrit dramatist and scholar from the eighth century. He was born to Nilkantha and Jatikarini in a learned Brahmin family of Padmapura, in the Vidarbha region of Central India, which falls in the current Gondia district of Maharashtra, adjoining the state of Madhya Pradesh. As far as Bhavabhuti’s education is concerned, he was educated at Padmapura, a place located approximately 42 kilometers southwest of Godoor, India. Paramhans Dnyananidhi was his Guru. Bhavabhuti is famous for his three Sanskrit plays: MalatiMadhava, Uttarramcharitam (the story of later life of Rama), and Mahaviracharita (the story of highly courageous). Although authentic historical sources are not found, yet based on literary inferences Bhavabhuti seems to have been the court poet of King Yashovarman of Kanauj, and also as one of the associates of the king who had fought with Lalitaditya Muktapida, the king of Kashmir. Moreover, on the basis of Kalhan’s Rajatrangini, it may be inferred that Bhavabhuti and Vikpatiraja were patronized by King Yashovarman of Kanauj. Vikpatiraja has given several references of Bhavabhuti in his works. There is also a view that Vikpatiraja was junior to Bhavabhuti. Of Bhavabhuti’s three plays, Mahaviracharitam is said to be the first. Mahaviracharitam revolves around the early life and exploits of Lord

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Rama. Being the first play of the playwright, it lacks that refinement of the playwright that we observe in the later two plays. Bhavabhuti seems to have made some conspicuous alterations from the original story of Ramayana as offered by Valmiki. For example, he has presented Kaikeyi as innocent and not responsible for Rama’s exile, making Surpanakha come in the false guise as Manthara, plotting of Malyavan, and Bali allying with Ravana and killed by Rama in a fair battle. The play is composed of seven acts, but some scholars argue that the play was left incomplete after the 46th verse, and later, it was completed by some other writer(s) to make it span in seven acts. In Mahaviracharitam, Bhavabhuti mentions Rama as a Mahavira, a warrior fighting with Parasuram, Bali, and Ravana. The next play MalatiMadhava, spanning in ten acts, comprises two plots: the main and the subplot. The main plot offers a love tale of Malati and Madhav, while the subplot revolves around the romance of Makaranda and Mayantika. The fascinating love stories with certain illustrations of the events of horror make it an outstanding and innovative text in Sanskrit literature. Uttaramacharita by Bhavabhuti is a masterpiece and the best of his works. The introduction of the new characters like Tamasa Vasanti and Aetrei in the meta text of Ramakatha shows Bhavabhuti’s literary experiments. Uttaramacharita deals with the account of the later life of Rama. It offers several instances of an unconventional portrayal of Rama, which is quite a deviation from the erstwhile customary Ramakatha based on the sources of Valmiki’s Ramayana. Bhavabhuti is adept in the portrayal of Rasas, i.e., feelings or emotions. The way he has described Rama being ruthless in the banishment of Sita and then Rama’s bewailing can rarely be found in Sanskrit dramas. Similarly, the audience can explore the illustration of Vira Rasa (heroism) as exposed in Rama’s courageous speech, Raudra Rasa (anger) in Parasurama’s speech, and Vibhatsa Rasa (disgust) in describing the demons and their dead bodies. It is a notable fact that Bhavabhuti seldom used humor in his works, and therefore, Vidusaka, an integral part of Sanskrit plays, is not found in his plays. Bhavabhuti

Bhavabhuti

refers to Kautilya’s “Arthashastra” for several illustrations of the plots in his plays. Such references are visible in MalatiMadhava and Mahavircharitam with reference to the selection of words and ideas. Similarities with Arthashastra may also be seen in the policies of Ravana’s minister Malayavana and the policies suggested by Kautilya in the Arthashastra. These factual and stylistic experiments of Bhavabhuti have received mixed criticism over the years. Ashley Steenbergen finds that “despite harsh criticism of Bhavabhuti’s non-traditional style of writing, modern critics applaud his unique works and view him as one of the best playwrights of early India” [1]. In the tradition of Sanskrit drama, Bhavabhuti emerges as a sui generis voice that offers many experiments in negotiating content and style. He is the exponent of a tradition where the conventional notion of Sanskrit play under the canons set by Kalidas is questioned. Readers can easily draw the inferences of gender justice, feminist thoughts, dignity of individual and freedom of decision making to every character in Bhavabhuti’s writing, especially expressed in Uttaramacharitam. Portrayal of the situations of horror, terror, and uncanny, up to some extent, stand as a new practices in the pervading Sanskrit literary tradition. The instances of offering human flesh to supernatural beings like “Pishacha” and that of showing the acts of human sacrifice are nothing but dramatic innovations. The trajectories of postmodernism and even the canons of postpostmodernist critical thinking are also visible in the literary oeuvre of Bhavabhuti. Sanskrit scholars have found his work immortal and ranking to those of Kalidasa. Even then, it seems that Bhavabhuti gave little importance to critics of his period who strictly adhered to the rules of Sanskrit dramas while judging Kavya or poetry. He followed his own methods while composing poetry or writing his plays, which is reflected in his famous play Malati Madhav. In “Bhavabhuti and Sanskrit Literary Criticism,” critic Tapasvi Nandi has offered a study showing the inspiration of Sanskrit litterateurs from Bhavabhuti. Tapasvi Nandi finds that “critic after critic, as we will go to observe, have sought inspiration from B(sic) to substantiate their theory.

Bheda¯bheda

True, there were exceptions. Änandavardhana for example does not turn to B(sic), and obviously therefore the Locana of Abhinavagupta, it being a commentary on the Dhvanyãloka, omits B. (sic), though of course, Abhinavagupta has sparingly quoted from B. (sic), in his commentary on the Nãtyaéãstra of Bharata, viz. Abhinav” [2]. Thus, Bhavabhuti comes up as an illustrious and sui generis figure in Sanskrit literature.

References 1. Steenbergen A (2016) ‘Bhavabhuti’. Mahavidya: scholarly resources for the study of Hinduism. Para 10. http:// www.mahavidya.ca/2016/04/26/bhavabhuti/. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020 2. Nandi T (1996) Bhavabhuti and Sanskrit literary criticism. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 77(1/4):141–165. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020

Bha¯vana¯ ▶ Dhyāna ▶ Meditation (Hinduism)

Bheda¯bheda Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Definition A blanket term covering several schools of Vedānta.

Origin in the Brahma Sūtra The Vedāntic theology of bhedābheda, the doctrine of difference and non-difference, is certainly the oldest systematic form of Vedānta. It

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concerns the relationship between Brahman the principal category of Vedānta with the individual Selves on the one hand and with the world on the other. The doctrine of bhedābheda is evident in the text of the Brahma sūtra (BS) itself, and it seems that it developed as a response to the soulmatter dualism of Sāṅkhya. At its barest, the doctrine says that both the individual Selves and the world are in some way simultaneously different from and identical with Brahman. Let us see how this looked like on both sides in the BS. In BS 1.4.20-22, three Vedāntins are referenced on how it may be justified that the Upaniṣads sometimes talk both about the individual and the Supreme Self, jīvātman and Paramātman, in the frame of single textual units by using the same term for both. The case in point is Yājñavalkya’s teaching to Maitreyī from Bṛhad-āraṇyaka Upaniṣad 2.4 and 4.5, and the Sāṅkhyan opponent insists that Yājñavalkya throughout the dialogue refers to the individual Sāṅkhyan Self, puruṣa. In sūtra 20, Āśmarathya says that the Supreme Self can be indicated in passages that explicitly denote the individual Self, and then in the next two sūtras, two possibilities are stated as to how it may be ontologically justified to describe the Supreme in words that refer to the individual: Auḍulomi says that the individual Self that rises from the body at liberation attains the nature of Brahman; Kāśakṛtsna says that the Supreme Self resides in the individual Self as its inner Self. The two are obviously interpreted very differently by the commentators, but both try to explain in what way are the Supreme and the individual Selves different yet simultaneously non-different. We may cautiously trace the two major variants of the bhedābheda doctrine – accidental or aupādhika and essential or svābhāvika difference – to Auḍulomi and Kāśakṛtsna, respectively, though both are open to either interpretation: (1) while embodied, the individual Self is different from Brahman, but at liberation, all differences vanish; (2) the individual Selves are essentially different from Brahman in transmigration and liberation, but their existence and functioning are dependent on Brahman in the same way as the functioning of the body is dependent

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on the Self, and it is therefore justified to see the jīvātman as non-different from the Paramātman. The second side of the doctrine of bhedābheda concerned Brahman’s relationship to the world. One of the core Vedāntic doctrines was that Brahman was both the efficient and the material cause of the world, nimitta- and upādāna-karaṇa. On the side of the material cause, this came to mean that Brahman in some way transforms itself to become the world. The challenge to this doctrine again came from Sāṅkhyan thinkers, who claimed that Brahman cannot be the material cause of the world because the two, Brahman as the cause and the world as its effect, have mutually exclusive characteristics: Brahman is sentient, fine, infinite, and pure, whereas the world is non-sentient, gross, limited, and impure (BS 2.1.4). This was a formidable challenge, because Vedāntins and Sāṅkhyans had a shared commitment to the doctrine of satkāryavāda or the notion that the cause along with its characteristics persists in the effect. The Sāṅkhya challenge was also very much common sense: in the world, a potter the efficient cause and clay the material cause are obviously different; why shouldn’t the same be the case with Brahman and prakṛti? The baseline Vedāntic response to this challenge was to claim that there were cases where the causeeffect relation obtained between things that do have mutually exclusive characteristics and the paradigmatic case was that between a sentient body and insentient nails and hair that grow from it (BS 2.1.6). While maintaining, thus, that it was cogent to think that Brahman was the material cause of the world, Vedāntins have, however, differed on the specifics of the precise relationship of the world the effect to Brahman the cause. Bhedābheda developed as a doctrine that argued broadly that the world is simultaneously different and non-different from Brahman, that is, that it was Brahman on the one hand, while having its own surplus of characteristic on the other.

Bhartrprapan˜ca’s Bheda¯bheda ˙ The first systematic bhedābheda theologian whose doctrine we know in some detail and to

Bheda¯bheda

whom we can trace the major bhedābheda arguments was Bhartṛprapañca (ca. 550 AD). Bhartṛprapañca began by proposing that there are several forms of simultaneous difference and non-difference that can be observed in general, that is, in common things of the world, and that can be applied to Brahman through analogical reasoning. A thing could be one and many through the universal-particular or speciesindividual relationship (sāmānya-viśeṣa): cows, for instance, are numerous in number, but they are one as species. A second case is that of unity that is more than the sum of its parts (aṁśa-aṁśin), a relationship that obtains, for instance, between a tree and its leaves, branches, etc. or between the wheel and its hub, the rim, and spokes. Next, difference and non-difference obtain between a thing and its states (avasthā-avasthāvat), the classical example being that of the ocean and its waves, drops, foam, etc. The causal relationship (kārya-kāraṇa), such as that between clay and pots, is the fourth case in point. A fifth possible case was that between powers or faculties and their possessor (śakti-śaktimat): for instance, the faculty of vision is different from the cognitive agent, which has several such faculties, yet simultaneously identical with it. Bhartṛprapañca, however, relied primarily on the notion of states and their possessor to account for Brahman’s relation to the world and the individual Selves. He held that there was a single, non-dual Brahman, properly called Paramātman or the Supreme Self, that has two states – a causal state in which it is prone to transformations and an effected state in which it exists as actual transformations – but which as itself is beyond both. The transformations of Brahman are real, and to them Brahman is what the ocean is to drops of water, waves, foam, bubbles, etc. The transformation of Brahman proceeds along two lines. In terms of creation of the physical world, Brahman is a state of undifferentiated potentiality, avyākṛta, which transforms into the manifold of the world by way of evolution of the five common elements and into all the details of creation. The second line of transformation is that of consciousness, and it proceeds from another

Bheda¯bheda

causal state of Brahman which is called Antaryāmin or Īśvara, the inner controller, and which Bhartṛprapañca describes as a slightly agitated state of the supreme Brahman. This Antaryāmin transforms into the individual Selves which are generally called jīva or vijñānātman. The two transformations come together in the embodied individual, where the first line makes for what is called “adjuncts” (upādhi) of the embodied Self: the elements that form its gross body and the active and cognitive functions that form its subtle body. They are nonessential to the Self – hence adjuncts – but they do alter it. It may be worthwhile here to think of the standard example of an upādhi in Indian logic, dampness, which is nonessential to wood but which alters fire as wood’s function by causing smoke. The transformation of the Supreme Self into individual Selves happens to a part of Brahman, cut off from it through the power of ignorance, avidyā. Ignorance had several roles in Bhartṛprapañca’s doctrine, and here it refers to a cosmic principle that seems equivalent to Brahman’s causal state as the first point in its material transformation, the avyākṛta. The part cut off from the Supreme Self becomes like a desert, a blemish of a part of the earth, but not the whole of it. The Self cut off from Brahman becomes further a jīva because of three intertwined factors that alter its nature as Brahman and are upādhi of the first order: impressions of previous experiences since time immemorial that have become habits (vāsanā, scent); desires (kāma) formed through habituation; and karma the results of previous action performed through desire. These three are kind of a no man’s land, because they are neither transformations of Brahman’s consciousness nor products of Brahman’s materiality, but what happens when the two get together. They are able, however, to reach the Self and alter it, “like flower scent that is put in a basket or distilled in oil that remains there even when the flower has been removed.” Through their medium, even external objects affect the Self. Yet they are not essential to the Self, because their relationship with it is that of contact, and a contact can be broken. This makes

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the individual Self dual in nature: essentially Brahman insofar as being its real product, but an agent and enjoyer of the results of action, liable to rebirth, insofar as alienated from Brahman ([5], pp. 128–52; [3], pp. 79–94).

Historical Development and Prominent Proponents Bhedābheda developed in several directions after the BS and Bhartṛprapañca. Bhāskara (ca. 750–850 AD) essentially continued Bhartṛprapañca’s line, and his theology is commonly known as aupādhika-bhedābheda, accidental difference and non-difference. In his understanding, the world was essentially both different and non-different from Brahman, but the difference of the individual Selves was accidental: upon liberation, they were Brahman pure and simple [4]. Nimbārka’s doctrine (ca. twelfth century), on the other hand, was known as svārūpikabhedābheda, essential difference and nondifference. In Nimbārka’s theology, the world and the individual Selves were different from Brahman and having characteristics of their own, but were dependent on Brahman for their existence and action, in virtue of which they were nondifferent from Brahman as well [1]. Another famous bhedābheda-vādin was Jīva Gosvāmin (1517–1608), a follower of Śri Caitanya, whose doctrine became known as acintya-bhedābheda-vāda, an inconceivable difference and non-difference. The “inconceivable” in Jīva’s doctrine referred to the fifth of Bhartṛprapañca possible cases, that of power or śakti and its possessor. The notion of śakti, in fact, became the paradigmatic case of bhedābheda and largely replaced the state-possessor relationship, because śakti as a category was widely defined as something that is not a substance on its own, without independent existence, yet has characteristics of its own. The individual Selves and matter became such śaktis already with Bhāskara and Nimbārka. Jīva Gosvāmin exploited the epistemological connotation of the notion of śakti: that Brahman had such śaktis was inconceivable insofar as Brahman is a supersensible entity not liable

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to drawing inferences, yet had to be postulated in order to account for the evidential state of affairs of there being a world of multiplicity that has characteristics different from Brahman but is affirmed as having Brahman as its cause [2]. Yet another famous bhedābheda-vādin was Vijñānabhikṣu (sixteenth century), who laid stress on the notion of separation and non-separation, vibhāga and avibhāga. Vijñānabhikṣu claimed that the individual Selves are not separate from Brahman before and after the creation of the world, as well as after liberation, yet that they are separate during the existence of the world. Furthermore, by separation he did not mean a full distinction of two things, but difference in characteristics [6].

Bhiksubha¯va ˙

Bhiksubha¯va ˙ ▶ Saṃnyāsa

Bhīma Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Cross-References ▶ Acintyabhedābheda ▶ Bādarāyaṇa ▶ Bhāskara ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahman ▶ Caitanya ▶ Jīva Gosvāmin ▶ Nimbārka ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vedānta, Overview

Artha; Dharma; Kama; Vṛkodara

Definition Bhīma is one of the important characters in the Indian epic Mahābhārata. He was the second Pāṇḍavā and also known as Vṛkodara, the wolf belly, for his rapacious appetite. He was born to Kuntī from the wind God. He stands out as the strongest of all the Pāṇḍavās and always comes out as the protector of the family.

Bhīma, the Protector of the Family References 1. Bose R (2004) Vedānta-Pārijāta-Saurabha of Nimbārka and Vedānta-Kaustubha of Śrīnivāsa: English Translation. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi. (Three Volumes) 2. Gupta R (2007) The Caitanya Vaiṣṇava Vedānta of Jīva Gosvāmin: when knowledge meets devotion. Routledge, London/New York 3. Hiriyanna M (1957) Indian philosophical studies 1. Kalyalaya Publishers, Mysore 4. Khanna AB (1998) Bhāskarācārya: a study with special reference to his Brahmasūtrabhāṣya. Amar Granth Publications, Delhi 5. Nakamura H (2004) A history of early Vedānta philosophy, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 6. Nicholson AJ (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York

The Kauravas and the Pāṇḍavās were cousins and there was a rivalry among them. As a child strong Bhīma often beat up Duryodhana and his brothers. Unable to match him in the straight fight, Duryodhana tried to assassinate Bhīma by poisoning him and throwing him in the river, but he survived ([1], p. 265). When Duryodhana tried to burn the Pāṇḍavās along with their mother in the house of lac, everybody escaped through the tunnel. When they grew tired, Bhīma carried his mother and other four brothers on his shoulders, arms, and hip ([1], p. 292). He killed the demon named Hiḍimba, who was eager to devour them ([1], p. 299). He

Bhīma

also cohabited with Hiḍimba’s sister Hiḍimbā and produced a son she named Ghaṭotkaca, who sacrificed his life in the final war, so that Arjuna remained safe. Bhīma seems to be fond of wrestling with the demons as he also kills demons named Baka and Jaṭāsura. During the bridegroom choice of Draupadī, though it was Arjuna who won the contest, it was Bhīma and Arjuna who jointly fights with the assembled suitors and who were angry at them and wanted to kill them ([1], p. 354). It was Bhīma’s strength that the family seems to be always counting upon. During the period of exile, he was caught by a huge boa, who was about to devour him. Bhīma does not feel sad for his own loss of life but feels sad that he could not fulfill the wishes of his mother and that his brothers will be depressed at his death ([2], p. 562). Apart from the brute strength, another significant aspect of his personality was his sharp tongue. When Karṇa challenges Arjuna to a duel during the friendly contest for the princes and it is revealed that he is a son of a charioteer, Bhīma insults him badly and says that he should be holding the whip rather than challenging a prince ([1], p. 281).

A Dutiful, Devoted Husband During the episode of the dice game, when Draupadī was staked and was dragged to the assembly hall, he gets very angry with Yudhiṣṭhira for putting Draupadī as stake and says that he will burn his hands ([2], p. 144). He is pacified by Arjuna. When Duḥśāsana drags Draupadī and tries to disrobe her, he vows that he will kill Duḥśāsana and drink his blood ([2], p. 146). He also vows that he will break Duryodhana’s thigh as Duryodhana makes an obscene gesture to Draupadī in the assembly hall ([2], p. 151). The poet describes his anger, “. . .flames of fire burst forth from all the orifices of his body, as from the hollows of a tree that is on fire” ([2], p. 151). He keeps his promises. Thus he is a heroic husband who kills the tormentors of his wife. He also kills Kǐcaka who molests Draupadī during the period of incognito. He is also devoted to her and

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takes a great risk for bringing celestial flower for her ([2], p. 512).

Bhīma’s Concept of Dharma When the Pāṇḍavās lost their kingdom and were expelled to forest, he urges Yudhiṣṭhira to fight and win back their kingdom and gives more importance to “Artha,” i.e., the wealth which he says is the source of everything else, i.e., Dharma and Kama (duty and enjoyment). He says that it was because of Yudhiṣṭhira that everything was taken away from them and he did not kill Dhṛtarāṣţra’s sons as he was restrained by Yudhiṣṭhira. He says that allowing the wicked to snatch your property is an act of a coward and even calls Yudhiṣṭhira impotent and crippled one. According to him the forgiveness shown by the Pāṇḍavās is treated as weakness by the Kauravas. He says that it will be better even if they die fighting. His notion of “Dharma” is different than Yudhiṣṭhira. He says, “A Law that is a scourge for both ourselves and our allies is a vice” ([2], p. 287), which in a simple term means excess of virtue may turn into vice. He suggests that a balance should be maintained between Dharma, Artha, and Kama, i.e., duty, wealth, and enjoyment. A person giving excess of importance to any one of this is not a wise person. According to him the special Dharma of Kṣatriya is strength. He taunts Yudhiṣṭhira that his gentleness is like a Brahmin and why he was born as a Kṣatriya? He even advocates deceit to win back the kingdom and says that even the Gods conquered the Asuras, the demons by deceit ([2], p. 289). According to him for Kṣatriyas, there is no Dharma other than that of fighting. He reminds Yudhiṣṭhira that he is known as a truthful and virtuous king and Duryodhana is known as incarnation of evil, and if he fights a war now, people will support him. But he finally submits to the wishes of his elder brother, as Yudhiṣṭhira says that while playing the dice, he agreed that if he loses the game, the Pāṇḍavās will spend 12 years in forest and 1 year incognito. He considers that he is duty bound to keep his promise, which he considers as his Dharma, and he

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regards Dharma as superior to immortality, life, kingdom, sons, fame, and wealth. He also says that the actions that are undertaken only by courage may bring pain and the acts should be well advised, well planned, and well executed. He also says that if they attack Duryodhana now, they may not win, because Duryodhana is supported by many formidable warriors like Bhīṣma, Droṇa, and Karṇa. This silences Bhīma, as he understands that Yudhiṣṭhira is being practical.

Bhīma Was Not a Warmonger Before the war starts, the possibilities of peaceful settlement were explored, and here we find Bhīma also supporting the peace. He was willing to forgo his vows and Draupadī’s humiliation. When Kṛṣṇa goes to Duryodhana to explore the possibility of peaceful settlement, Bhīma advises him to speak in such a way that the Kurus resort to peace. He says that Duryodhana is intolerant and angry and should not be addressed in strong words. Bhīma seems to have good understanding of the nature of his opponents as he says about Duryodhana, “. . .he’d die before sharing his wealth, and he will not give up what he thinks is his” ([3], p. 349). He understands that peace with someone like him is extremely difficult. He also agrees to live under Duryodhana’s control to avoid destruction of linage. Thus he appears to be overcome with compassion, a trait which rarely surfaces in his behavior.

Ferocious Bhīma But once the war starts, he goes all out to create havoc in the ranks and file of Kauravas. He kills all the hundred sons of Dhṛtarāṣţra. He brutally rips open the chest of Duḥśāsana and drinks his blood ([5], p. 335). Many times he crosses a limit of Kṣatriya code of conduct. His drinking of blood is already mentioned, and in the final dual, he hits at the thighs of Duryodhana, which was forbidden in the mace fight ([5], p. 627). He also stamps on the head of the fallen Duryodhana. Thus he do not

Bhīma

seems to be much bothered about the proper or improper behavior. Kǐcaka, the tormentor of Draupadī, was also killed very mercilessly by him, and his body was mutilated by pushing his limbs and head into his torso ([4], p. 61).

Bhīma’s Pragmatism After the war, Yudhiṣṭhira was filled with remorse for causing violence and holding himself responsible for it and wanted to become as ascetic. Bhīṣma, Arjuna, and many others including Bhīma tries to pacify him and urges him to rule over the kingdom. Bhīma scolds Yudhiṣṭhira for being fickle minded. Bhīma says that it is a weakness of the human mind that while living in the present happiness, we recollect the past miseries and while suffering we recollect past happiness. One should not use one’s memory to become sad during the time of happiness. He reminds Yudhiṣṭhira about Draupadī’s humiliation and also the dreadful war that they fought. He says that though the war with Bhīṣma and Droṇa is over, he had to fight a battle with his own depressing mood, and in this battle, arrows, friends, and relatives will not be necessary; it is to be fought with mind alone ([6], p. 39). Here Bhīma appears to be mentally strong as well and is able to focus his mind on those thoughts that bring joy and happiness in life. We do not even find him lamenting the death of his son Ghaṭotkaca. After the war, Yudhiṣṭhira took good care of Dhṛtarāṣţra and Gāndhārī, but sharp-tongued Bhīma does not hesitate to taunt Dhṛtarāṣţra and reminds him that he had killed his sons ([7], p. 887). Thus hurt by this remark, Dhṛtarāṣţra along with Gāndhārī decides to withdraw to forest. In spite of the occasional crudeness on his part, Bhīma comes out as a simple, loving family man who takes great efforts to ensure the welfare and safety of his family. He is also a personification of the very ferocious side of the warrior. Bhīma’s acts seem to be residual of the remote past, when the society had not developed a refined sense of chivalry.

Bhīsma ˙

Cross-References ▶ Arjuna ▶ Dharma ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Nīyoga ▶ Pāṇḍava

References 1. van Buitenen JAB(1973) The Mahābhārata, vol 1. The book of the beginning. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata, vol 2, (2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 3. van Buitenen JAB (1978) The Mahābhārata, vol 3, (4. The book of Virāṭa, 5. The book of the effort). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 3. Parimal Publications, Delhi 5. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 6. Parimal Publications, Delhi 6. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 7. Parimal Publications, Delhi 7. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 9. Parimal Publications, Delhi

Bhīsma ˙ Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Nīyoga – A practice referred in the ancient Sanskrit text, by which a woman is allowed to produce a son from a man other than her husband in special circumstances Pitāmaha – Meaning great grandfather and Bhīṣma is fondly refereed as Pitāmaha

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Svyaṃvara – Literary “self-choice of a groom,” a ceremony during which the maidens selected their groom out of the assembled suitors Vasus – The celestial demigods

B Definition Bhīṣma is one of the important characters in the Indian epic Mahābhārata. Blessed with a long life he is lovingly called Pitāmaha, i.e., great grandfather. He plays a role of a regent and loving elderly figure in the epic. He remains a celibate throughout his life, a virtue which is greatly appreciated in the Indian tradition and which is supposed to bring great rewards in this life and hereafter. We find nobility like dedication to duty, self-sacrifice personified in his character.

Devavrata Becomes Bhīsma ˙ Vasu named Dyaus stole a cow of sage Vasiṣṭha and was cursed to be born among the mortals ([1], 222). He was born to the river Ganges from Śaṃtanu, the king of Hāstinapur, and was named Devavrata. Ganges leaves Śaṃtanu after Devavrata’s birth. Devavrata grows up and becomes an expert in handling of weapons and master of scriptures. King Śaṃtanu nominates him as successor. One day the king sees a beautiful girl named Satyavatī, the daughter of the king of Niṣādas, the fishermen community. Infatuated by her beauty and sweet fragrance, the king proposes to marry her. Satyavatī’s father puts a condition that the son that will be born to Satyavatī should succeed the throne. Śaṃtanu was unwilling to disregard Devavrata, who was capable in all respect. Sad at heart and pining for love, Śaṃtanu comes back. When Devavrata gets a hint about it, he himself goes to Satyavatī’s father, agrees to the condition put forward by him, and asks for the hand of Satyavatī for his father. But now the king of Niṣāda expresses a fear that even though Devavrata may relinquish his right to the throne, his sons may fight for it in the future. Eager to

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ensure happiness of his father and to nullify any possibility of conflict in the future, Devavrata now takes a vow that he will be a celibate throughout the life. He also promises that he will protect whoever sits on the throne of Hāstinapur. At this the celestial beings rain flowers on him and said “He is Bhīṣma, the Awesome one” (1,226). Devavrata is known as Bhīṣma thereafter. Satyavatī now becomes queen of Hāstinapur and gives birth to two sons. Thus Bhīṣma’s series of sacrifices starts when he is quite young, making him a fatherly figure. The elderly responsibilities seem to be superimposed on him, and he continues on the same path throughout his long life. He does not marry, but is a matchmaker. He does not have his own children but continues to raise the children of others. He goes on fighting for protecting the throne of Hāstinapur till the very end of his life.

Amba¯ Episode After the demise of king Śaṃtanu, Satyavatī’s son, Citrāngad becomes the king, but he dies soon. Her second son, child Vicitravīrya, becomes the king with Bhīṣma acting as a regent. When Vicitravīrya grew up, Bhīṣma takes the responsibility of finding brides for him ([1], 228). He forcibly carries away three princess of Kāśi from the Svyaṃvara, after defeating the assembled suitors. Ambā, the eldest princess was in love with king Śālva and she plans to choose him during the Svyaṃvara. But, by defeating him along with the other suitors and forcibly carrying her, Bhīṣma spoiled her plans. Bhīṣma carried the three princesses to Hāstinapur to be married to Vicitravīrya. When Ambā revealed her love for Śālva, Bhīṣma allowed her to go and other two princesses became Vicitravīrya’s wives (1,230). Released by Bhīṣma, Ambā happily went to Śālva, but he refused to accept her as she was won by Bhīṣma after defeating him. She now asked Bhīṣma to marry her, but he refuses to compromise on his vow of celibacy. Enraged, she tries to punish Bhīṣma by all means, but

Bhīsma ˙

fails. She performs severe austerities to acquire enough power to kill Bhīṣma. Pleased at her austerity, god Śiva gives her a boon that she will be able to kill him in the next birth ([2], 40). Ambā immolates herself and, in the next birth, became Śikhaṇḍin, who was born as a girl but later turns into a man. During the final war, he becomes the cause of Bhīṣma’s death.

Bhīsma, the Regent ˙ Vicitravīrya was only a child when he becomes the king and it was Bhīṣma who governed the kingdom ([1], 227). This responsibility he had to shoulder for a long time. Vicitravīrya also dies a premature death, leaving the throne vacant as no son was born to him. Satyavatī asked Bhīṣma to rule the kingdom and also produce sons on Vicitravīrya’s widows ([1], 231). But Bhīṣma refused to compromise on his vow of celibacy once again. Sage Vyāsa, the premarital son of Satyavatī, was called, and by performing Nīyoga, he produced two sons on the widows and a son on the maid of Vicitravīrya ([1], 236).The sons were named Dhṛtarāṣţra, Pāṇḍu, and Vidura. Along with looking after the kingdom, the responsibility of bringing them up also fell on Bhīṣma’s shoulders. As Dhṛtarāṣţra was blind, Pāṇḍu becomes the king, but he also dies early, and Dhṛtarāṣţra becomes the ruler while Bhīṣma continues to monitor the affairs of the state. Later Dhṛtarāṣţra’s 100 sons, known as the Kauravas, and Pāṇḍu’s five sons known as the Pāṇḍavās grew up together under the care of Bhīṣma. Though he brought up three generations of Kurus with loving care, he could not prevent the growth of enmity between the Kauravas and the Pāṇḍavās. He could not put checks on the evil schemes of Duryodhana, the eldest son of Dhṛtarāṣţra, who tried to eliminate the Pāṇḍavās to secure the throne. Even when Draupadī was dragged in the assembly hall and an attempt was made to disrobe her, he tried to hide behind the argument that “Law is subtle” and did not decisively come forward to protect her (2,149).

Bhīsma ˙

Why Did Bhīsma Always Make Sacrifice? ˙ As the epic grew over a long period, the characters grew with it and were shaped with the intention of presenting an ideal. Bhīṣma stands out as a celibate, self-sacrificing, learned, brave, and loving elder. He is at pain due to the conflict between the cousins, but not able to resolve it. Dange says that probably Bhīṣma’s mother was of an obscure origin or he was found on the bank of the river by Śaṃtanu and brought up by him. He felt excessive gratitude toward Śaṃtanu and his progenies and throughout his life remained caretaker of the throne. He was brave but helpless and “Too loyal to pay heed to justice” ([3], 94) and so did not take a stand when Draupadī was molested in the assembly hall. It was this complex of being born to obscure mother which had probably affected his behavior, when he could not take stand against the injustice, nor did he thought he is entitled to rule and sit on the throne, but sought satisfaction only by serving the throne as he felt indebted. Was his sacrifice for Śaṃtanu also an attempt of showing gratitude? Śaṃtanu’s consent to his sacrifice is also unusual of a father.

Bhīsma ’s Dilemma ˙ Bhīṣma seems to have been used by the people. Satyavatī sends him to find brides for her son Vicitravīrya. Counting on his valor, Duryodhana prepares for the war. Though Bhīṣma was regent for a very long period, his influence on the Hāstinapur polity was considerably reduced as Duryodhana grew up. Due to his pledge, he was compelled to fight on the side of the evil and finally sought to resolve the ethical dilemma by giving clue to his own death. Ambā episode and Draupadī’s molestation raise questions if he became indifferent to women because he denied himself love of a woman! Though Bhīṣma’s voluntarily relinquishing the throne is highly eulogized, by doing that he had deprived the people of his kingdom of capable leadership for satisfying the lust of his aged father.

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Though serving faithfully, Bhīṣma did not assert himself at the right time in the court and thus leaves a political vacuum, which was filled by Śakuni, Karṇa, and Duryodhana. He was more concerned with honoring the exact words of promise that he made to Satyavati’s father rather than the spirit in which he made them. Thus Bhīṣma’s silence and helplessness slowly brought the destruction of the very clan that he was pledged to protect. Bhīṣma confesses his helplessness just before the war when he says, A man is the servant of wealth ([2], 213).

Bhīṣma in spite of all his gallantry and wisdom appears to be just a pawn in the hands of the destiny, and it justifies philosophy of predestination and limitations of human will. He loved the Pāṇḍavās, but felt duty bound to serve Duryodhana and finally achieved nothing positive, but witnessed the destruction of his own clan. At the time of the final war also, though he tries to convince Duryodhana to hand over the Pāṇḍavā’s kingdom to them, nobody listens to him. When the war becomes inevitable, he became commander in chief of the Kaurava army and killed large number of soldiers. As he realized that the Pāṇḍavās cannot win the war so long he is alive, he reveals the key to his death and thus sacrifices himself, with the hope that probably after his demise the enmity between the Kaurava and the Pāṇḍavās will be over and peace will prevail. But this also did not come true.

Conclusion Bhīṣma’s life is full of many contrasts. In spite of being brahmacārī (a celibate), he was attached to the kingdom, not for the sake of personal enjoyment, but to serve it. He never sat on the throne, but always wielded the power. It was only when Duryodhana had grown up that his authority has diminished considerably. People who live life like an average mortal are checked easily, as they are aware of their own limitations. But people, who become larger than

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life, like living legends, are in a position to do greater harm not only by wrong action but by inaction as well, as Bhīṣma’s inaction at crucial time shows. By not taking strong stand against the policies of Duryodhana, Bhīṣma stands partly responsible for the war and destruction. Unreasonable devotion to our own perception of duty can sometimes turn into an evil. By trying to understand the characters in the epics, we can understand the peculiarities of the human behavior around us. Who had not seen capable people being exploited by flattering their ego?

Cross-References ▶ Arjuna ▶ Dharma ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Nīyoga

References 1. van Buitenen JAB (1973) The Mahābhārata, volume 1 (1. The book of the beginning). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Debroy B (2012) The Mahabharata, vol 5. Penguin, New Delhi 3. Dange SA (2002) Myths from the Mahabharata, vol 3. Aryan Books International, New Delhi 4. van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata, volume 2 (2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago

Bhoga Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Bhoga is an ambiguous Sanskrit word. Etymologically, the word bhoga is a nominal item

Bhoga

derived from the verbal root bhuj-; the semantic range of this word spans those of “consume” and “enjoy” in English. The colloquial meaning of the term bhoga links it chiefly to the food offered to gods and goddesses and the enjoyment of earthly pleasure. The denotative meaning is associated with concepts such as delight, enjoyment, consumption, indulgence, experience, and sensual pleasure, whereas one of the connotative meanings suggests that bhoga means “pleasure without attachment.” Another connotative meaning suggests the distinctive feature of the Indian concept of property, while assessing the value of a dhana (“capital”) to the relevant swami (“possessor”), bhogaadhikaaras (“rights of possession”) are discussed. In Hindu mythology, Lord Ganesha is the god of enjoyment and happiness; therefore, bhoga has a mythological connection to Lord Ganesha ([4], p. 52). In the Shvetashvatara Upanishad (1.12), the living entity has been described as bhoktaa bhogyam (“the enjoyer of nature”). This entry will discuss both the denotative and connotative meanings of the term bhoga; however, the emphasis will be on religious meanings.

Bhoga in Yoga The layman equates the term bhoga with indulgence in sensual pleasure that prevents a yogi from self-realizing himself ([1], p. 205). The practitioners of yoga believe that bhoga is a type of pleasure without attachment – a requirement for a sound mind and body – and they attain it using yoga asana, a practice aimed at physical enjoyment and benefits. Therefore, sometimes practitioners of yoga are referred to as bhogis, rather than yogis; however, this concept is not equal to the Western concepts of “the power yoga” or of “yoga as exercise,” aimed at nurturing and nourishing the body more than enlightenment. However, the yogic philosophers are against this usage of bhogis, as they believe that it gives a connotation of overindulgence in biological needs and material desires. And they argue that such overindulgence is a hindrance to the union with the higher self. However, some describe bhoga as a synonym of bliss, and they argue that

Bhoga

bhoga does not refer to superficial enjoyment, but an experience on all planes of existence described by Patanjali in the Yoga Sūtras ([3], p. 97). A bhogi runs after pleasure which satisfies his senses and immediate requirements, whereas a yogi remains indifferent to pains and pleasures.

Bhoga in the Bhagavad Gita The term bhoga has been used in different connotations in the Bhagavad Gita. For example, bhoga as “enjoyment/material enjoyment” in shlokas [2–35(101)] and [6(140)], as “sense enjoyment” in shlokas [42–43(228)], as “necessities of life” in shloka [12(309)], as “reason of distress” in shloka [22(490)], as “pleasures of the gods” in shloka [20(730)], and as “sexual pleasure/sense gratification” in shlokas [11–12(998)]. Krishna says that persons who are attached to bhoga must know that ye hi samsparsajā bhogāh which means “enjoyment which is derived from the senses brings misery” ([2], pp. 148–172). Mythologically, there is a story associated with the god Krishna which provides a totally different connotation to the term bhoga. Once, in order to save his followers from the fury of rain god Indra, Krishna lifted the Govardhan mountain on his little finger for 7 days. During that period, Krishna did not eat anything, and since he used to have 8 meals in a day, the followers, in order to compensate that loss, prepared 56 (8 types of food daily for 7 days) kinds of food: 7 drinks, 7 types of dry fruits, 7 types of cereals, 7 types of fruits, 7 vegetables, 7 sweets, 7 sauces or pickles, and 7 namkeen. This bhoga (“special food”) is known as annakut, and even today it is celebrated as goardhan pooja. The following heading will discuss the relationship between bhoga and food in detail.

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Since God resides in food, what you are eating is god, and one who eats is also god. The bhoga offered to Hindu gods is mostly vegetarian, chiefly milk and fruits. But different gods like different types of food, so the bhoga offered to them is also varied. Shiva, a yogi, is offered raw unprocessed milk, and Vishnu, a householder, is offered processed food for bhoga. The bhoga offered to Hindu goddesses is mostly blood sacrifices. Since goddesses are raktvilaasini, one who loves blood, their bhoga is buffaloes, goats, and birds ([5], p. 78). In the Bhagavata Purana, Bhudevi desired to drink human blood. It is believed that the reason behind the wars in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana is that goddess is thirsty. Alakshmi, the goddess of misery, is offered a lemon and seven chilies outside the house, whereas her sister Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, gets sweet bhoga inside the house.

Bhoga and Sambhoga Often, bhoga and sambhoga are considered semantically equivalent words. However, bhoga is specifically related to individual pleasurable consumption, and sambhoga is associated with communal pleasure consumption with simultaneity and reciprocity. Many link sambhoga with sexual and vaginal-penile intercourse. Osho, in his book Sambhog Se Samadhi Ki Aur (“from sexual intercourse towards enlightenment”), guides readers to move from carnal pleasure to spiritual journey. However, it is crucial to maintain that in Hinduism even sambhoga (“sexual intercourse”) for the birth of a child is considered as bhoga, and if it is for simply sexual pleasure, then it is bhogvaasanaa (“the desire for sex”).

References Bhoga and Food In Hinduism, the food offered to gods and goddesses is known as bhoga ([6], p. 102). The Upanishads give a lot of importance to food so much so that it is believed that god is life and life is food.

1. Dwivedi AV (2015) Gods in Indian popular jokes. In: Murray SB, Light AU (eds) God and popular culture: a behind-the-scenes look at the entertainment industry’s most influential figure, vol 2. Praeger, Santa Barbara 2. Ganeri A (2009) Hindu. Franklin Watts, London 3. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin

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4. Klostermaier KK (2007) A survey of Hinduism. State University of New York Press, Albany 5. Radhakrishnan SS (1927) The Hindu view of life. G. Allen & Unwin, London 6. Rasamandala D (2008) Hinduism. Smart Apple Media, North Mankato

Bioethics in Hinduism

Bhūdevī

Defining Bioethics

▶ Āṇṭāḷ

Bioethics is the application of ethics to the field of medicine and healthcare. The term bioethics is derived from Greek word bios, which means life and ethos or behavior. It was coined in 1926 by Fritz Jahr in an article about a “bioethical imperative” regarding the use of animals and plants in scientific research. It is a field of study concerned with the ethics and philosophical implications of certain biological and medical procedures, technologies, and treatments applied in modern medicine. “Bioethics, a special branch of applied ethics, can be defined as the study of the ethical and moral implications arising from biological and medical research. Bioethics is concerned with human health and human-subjects research and sets forth standards and principles that have become the model for work in medicine and research.” (Turner). There is a religious and traditional value system followed by a society, which might go through a transformation with the advancement of technology and modernization. In this context, the medical advancements, which seemingly cross ethical boundaries, have been widely discussed in bioethics. As has been rightly suggested, “Religion may have been downplayed in the academy, but in clinical settings and public policy arenas, it indirectly and explicitly continues to permeate the experiences of those actually engaged in bioethical struggles at the bedside” (S. Bhattacharyya). Religious and moral values often compel humans to review their medicinal and other advancements. In other words, bioethics raises concern over such interference with the human body, human dignity, and other ethical and moral implications of new discoveries in the biomedical field in the name of

Bíbhatsu ▶ Arjuna

Bioethics (Hinduism) Richa Yadav Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Biomedical ethics; Environmental ethics; Medical ethics

Definition: Bioethics Bioethics discusses those ethical questions which arise out of concern for impact on human subjectivity and its long-term ethical implications on the society. One of the major objectives of the discipline is to frame a normative ethics. Bioethics deals with all the ethical dilemmas which arise when the human body is treated medically in an unnatural or artificial way or when values to which we are committed are brought into conflict so that the honoring of one value necessitates the violation of the other.

In this entry, firstly, a short analysis of the meaning of bioethics is given; secondly, an outline of basic tenets of Hindu ethics is explicated; and thirdly, various bioethical issues are examined in the light of Hindu ethical values.

Bioethics (Hinduism)

advancement of science and warns us that there might be serious repercussions for the society’s value system. Bioethics deals with questions such as how to define life and death and related issues like the use of contraception, pregnancy termination, end-of-life care, and physician-assisted suicide. It also deals with the appropriateness of methods like prenatal diagnosis for sex selection of the fetus, stem cell research, human genome project, cloning, organ transplants, genetic engineering, etc. Assisted reproductive technologies in regard to areas such as donor gametes, in vitro fertilization (IVF) which allows one woman to donate her oocytes and embryos to another, reproductive technology like embryo cryopreservation and thawing techniques, developments in gamete intrafallopian transfers (GIFT), and zygote intrafallopian transfers (ZIFT) are at the forefront of bioethical debates. Bioethics, as a body of knowledge helps researchers further explore the role of religions and value systems in the practice of medicine and bioethics, especially in regard to “cultural competency,” a term utilized by healthcare professionals that acknowledges the need of being sensitive to the different cultural, socioeconomic backgrounds, and belief systems of their patients. Although when it comes to “the Hindu” perspective on bioethics, there is no central, overarching authority figure or governing body which explicates Hindu perspective (Bhattacharya), yet much has been said about Hindu ethical values in the Hindu scriptures, to draw some conclusions about bioethics (Crawford). Some authors have pointed out that the Hindu scriptures do not have systematic discussions of moral doctrines, but its various significant tenets could be put together to reconstruct into models of systematic ethics (Crawford). Before we delineate Hindu perspective on bioethics, it’s important to revisit the main tenets of Hinduism.

Seminal Concepts of Hindu Dharma The ultimate goal of human life moksha, the duty or karma, theory of rebirth or transmigration of

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soul, and sole guiding principle dharma are some of the central ideas of Hindu philosophy. These ideas together encourage humans to practice good conduct and thoughts as one has to bear the consequences of one’s karma or actions accumulated in this birth. Where theory of karma defines one’s character and disposition, the doctrine of transmigration of soul postulates the existence of an innermost self or atman for all beings; when the self becomes involved with matter due to ignorance and illusion, one gets into a vicious cycle of birth and death. The force of karma operates as a guideline of an ethical system associated with principles of righteous conduct and moral values inherent in the concept of dharma. What is dharma for an individual? The Sanskrit word for ethics is dharma which means “to hold.” It signifies that of which upholds or embodies law, custom, and religion; it helps in attaining the highest ideal of liberation or moksha which serves as the ultimate standard of right conduct. Moksha is central to Indian philosophy which signifies complete divinity, and dharma aims at divinity under human condition (Dandekar). Actions most distinctively oriented to moksha are those characterized by truth, sacrifice, and renunciation. Thus, dharma incorporates the metaphysical and practical wisdom of the Hindus, and it embodies cosmic order, sacred law, and religious duty (Crawford). The concept of dharma implies that “should” and “is” are one – that one should do what one’s nature inclines one to do (O’Flaherty). The concept “encompasses all the regulations which securely guarantee material and spiritual welfare, both for the individual and for the society” (Gächter, Kuppuswamy). Dharma can thereby transcend a human life to a state of timeless bliss is “jnana” or knowledge. For the Hindu philosophy, knowledge of truth provides a means of escaping this repetitive cycle of birth, death, and rebirth. And one of the main requirements for true knowledge is to lead an ethical and moral life of purity, discipline, and balance. This leads to other major teachings in the Hinduism – the concept of non-violence or ahimsa toward other human beings and other

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species is. It professes the sacredness of all lives. It is believed in Hinduism that practicing ahimsa or non-violence is not confined to being kind to humans, but it also involves protecting all animals, insects, and the environment as well. In Hinduism, safeguarding the environment too is an integral part of the “dharma.” In other words, the highest spiritual goal of the Hindu is to transcend the limitation of his individuality, the empirical self, which binds him to his phenomenal world (Dandekar). A full-fledged system of medicine evolved within the complex ethos of Vedic culture. Scriptures abound with several examples of curative efficacy of herbs and plants; details of procedures for surgery; methods for stopping hemorrhage, bone setting, and hydrotherapy; etc. These beliefs led to the emergence of “Ayurveda” or Hindu way of treating ailing bodies as a holistic approach to medicine. Ayurveda views an individual as an integrated whole, grounded in nature: a microcosm within the macrocosm. It regards health and healing as acts of nature; therefore, it is inclusive of all the factors like diet, climate, soil, season, time, and place. Health is multidimensional – physical, mental, social, and spiritual – and is identified as a positive state, and not just the absence of disease (Crawford). In its classical form, Ayurveda relies on humoral diagnostics (based on a tripartite system of mind-body typologies) and a therapeutic armamentarium that involves a combination of internal medicine or kayachikitsa, herbal remedies or dravyaguna, and rejuvenation programs or rasayana such as purification or sodhana and elimination or pancakarma (Zimmermann). Ayurveda is discussed in the most important texts in ancient Indian medical ethics which are the Caraka Samhita and the Sushruta Samhita. These books discuss a lot of ethical standards for the physician before one even begins to treat one’s patients. It is stated that the physician should lead the life of a celibate, speak only the truth, eat no meat, be free from envy, and carry no arms. Physicians should try to relieve patients, should not desert or injure them, and should never cause another’s death (Dandekar).

Bioethics (Hinduism)

Hindu Perspective on Bioethics In Hindu thought, humans are part of nature as they share the basic five elements of earth, air, water, fire, and space. Such a view would not see religion, ecology, and ethics as separate domains of life. It comprehends everything done by humans as a part of their dharma – to treat creation with respect and to conserve and preserve all beings and natural resources on earth. Hindu philosophy itself is an all-encompassing, integral philosophy. If modern bioethical concerns are examined in the light of Hinduism, it would not be difficult to assume that a value system which encourages purity and celibacy as a part of one’s dharma would encourage self-restraint rather than artificial birth control methods. Issues like contraception, abortion, prenatal diagnosis for sex selection, human cloning, suicide, and euthanasia would all be seen as unacceptable. As Hindu thought views humans as a part of the whole universe, instead of getting identified with material objects and pleasures, every Hindu is encouraged to strive for the highest ideal of moksha. Hindu dharma does not affirm interference with the natural law as it emphasizes that bodily ailments are due to mental and physical disbalance or impurity of thought. So diseases are a part of one’s own karma. Hindu doctrine accepts suffering as inevitable, and the belief that illness is instigated by bad karma further encourages them to a willingness to accept life’s circumstances as defined by one’s karma. A person who commits suicide will be burdened with karmic punishment because he/she has violated the principle of non-violence and, at the same time, has prolonged his/her journey of numerous cycles of birth is which one has to clear for one’s spiritual progress. The importance of male children to carry on the family name and care for elderly is sanctioned by Hindu dharma. It is believed that only the male child can perform the death and ancestral rites “sraddhha.” Ayurveda advises that intercourse on certain days produces sons. Diet and other religious activities of a pregnant woman were believed to influence the sex, physical features, and character of the offspring. Pumsavana rites

Bioethics (Hinduism)

that were practiced to alter the sex of a recently conceived embryo and ensure the birth of a male child are discussed in the texts of Ayurveda. Yet, nowhere in scriptures has it been suggested that female child should be aborted in order to carry on one’s dharma. Thus, Hindu view on abortion would be considered immoral as it is violence to kill an unborn child and is completely without foundation in the Hindu scriptures, which look upon abortion and infanticide as grave forms of murder. The Sanskrit terminology regarding abortion is illustrative for the classical Hindu view on this matter. Abortion is denominated by garbhahatya or pregnancy destruction, bhrūṇahatya or the killer of an embryo, or the killer of a learned Brahmin. The belief is that the dead embryo might have been a male who could have brought great benefits to the humans by his knowledge. This explains the semantic linkage between killing an embryo and killing a Brahmin [2]. It seems that there is a single situation when traditional Hinduism finds abortion morally acceptable: when the life of the mother is in peril. In Sushruta Saṃhitā, Sushruta considers that the doctor who assists at birth must act with respect and care both for mother and fetus, but the same text stipulates that “it is best to cause the miscarriage of the fetus, for no means must be neglected which can prevent the loss of the mother” (Lipner). The doctrine of reincarnation and ahimsa or non-violence both strongly would discourage any interference with human birth as it would firstly lead to suffering of the soul as it would be deprived of the opportunities its potential human existence would have given it to earn good karma, and secondly, it’s inappropriate to indulge in killing lives for one’s own spiritual progress (Stephens, Christopher F. C. Jordens, Ian H. Kerridge and Rachel A. Ankeny). Human intervention with bodies as done in cloning and genetic engineering also introduces severe disturbances into the karmic cycle of life. The Vedas, universally regarded by Hindus as revealed and authoritative sacred texts, represent abortion as morally reprehensible. The Kaushitaki Upanishad, for example, includes abortion in a list of crimes that includes any type of murder. Abortion

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thwarts the unfolding of karma and consequently interrupts the journey toward liberation. In modern times, organ donation offers a great possibility to other human lives and is seen as a noble act. If we examine the modern concept of organ donation in the framework of Hindu view, Hindu way of life emphasizes that it is every individual’s responsibility to make sure the body is kept healthy, leading a balanced life through yoga as it is used for attaining the highest ideal of moksha. It would not be permissive of developing a culture where humans fail to take care of their body and look forward to others for donating their organs for one’s own longevity. On similar lines, Ayurveda, despite its emphasis on the humoral basis of health and disease, also recognized external causes that provided a better account than endogenous causes – that is, humoral imbalance – to explain some medical conditions. Illnesses might be caused by the sins or shortcomings of a previous existence. Human longevity was also explained by this idea of karma. The doctrine encouraged inner acceptance of the disease and gave a ready-made explanation of its cause, but nowhere is a person advised to submit to illness without attempting its cure. Suicide, in the West, typically raises questions about deviance and mental disorder. Hindu traditions that consider suicide are concerned with a different set of questions, which focuses on cultural values. Religious suicides of ascetics and pilgrims and the self-immolation of a widow on the funeral pyre of her husband – an act that has come to be known as Sati, after the Sanskrit term for the “righteous woman” who undertakes it – were not discussed in medical contexts but in a social setting. Many issues that remain concerns in modern medical practice were recognized and addressed by Hindu religious texts, codes of conduct, and Sanskrit treatises of Ayurveda before they even arose. The medical texts in Hindu scriptures discussed responsibilities of the physician to society. The medical theory was primarily humoral, incorporated a moral basis for explaining health and illness of individuals. The Hindu view of life is neither too strict nor irrational. It strikes a balance, based on the need of the circumstances of the people involved; hence, there are no genuine

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dilemmas [1]. Hindu bioethics holds the individual responsible and gives preventive medicine a moral status. Given the goal of life as moksha, the individual is under obligation to maintain physical and mental fitness in order to facilitate that end [1]. Hindu view together builds the intrinsic connection between rationality and morality for Hindus. A truly rational person is bound to demonstrate qualities that are moral.

Religious Values and Opposing Modern Trend in the Society It has been rightly pointed out that it is one thing to speak for the tradition based on what is given in the Hindu scriptures, but it’s presumptive to draw conclusions about modern bioethics from what we know about the most ancient way of life – Hindu dharma. Crawford is alleged of being doing “creative bioethics” from what he takes to be a Hindu perspective. Therefore, the acceptability of this procedure to modern Hindus may well be a debatable point (Perret). The belief in the virtue of abstinence from sex is pervasive in Hindu scriptures. At the same time, there is plenty of quite explicit evidence of eroticism in Hindu literature, arts, and religious rituals. Hindu epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata and mythology have numerous examples of mystic ways of childbirth like how Kunti, Madri, and Gandhari overcome challenges of infertility using reproductive technology (Bhattacharya). Examples of organ implant of Shiva’s son as Ganesha, the story of Dadhichi, the “first body donor” of Indian tradition who donated his bones for the welfare of others, give us another perspective which is quite opposed to Hindu view. In many of its points, the social law estranges itself from the traditional Hindu view. In contemporary India, abortion has been legal since 1971. Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act allows abortion if the continuance of the pregnancy involves a risk to the life of the pregnant woman or will injure her physical or mental health or if the child will suffer physical or mental abnormalities or the pregnancy is caused by rape or the failure of a birth control device. According to Consortium

Bioethics (Hinduism)

on National Consensus on medical abortions in India, millions of abortions take place annually. The key reason for it is a strong bias for male child confirming by prenatal sex determination diagnostic techniques. Though being banned, it is still operated secretly in some private clinics which offer prenatal sex screenings. In recent years, transplantation of vital organs from unrelated impoverished live donors, done for profit, is also quite prevalent. A growing number of infertile couples and other individuals desiring children are seeking to fulfill their desire for parenthood transnationally through the use of donor gametes and a surrogate. The number of “fertility tourists” from developed countries to low-income countries is growing phenomenally. Indian women, too, are participating as (re)producers in these “crossings,” turning India into the surrogacy outsourcing capital of the world in the globalized bioeconomy of assisted reproduction (Agnihotri). The ethos of modern times has changed drastically. Society has become increasingly pluralistic from a religious point of view and is not guided by religious principles. More and more people are excluding the religious and moral precepts from their lives [7]. In other words, religious perspective can provide a guideline, but in the modern world, where people are ambitious and materialistic and are driven by the principles of consumerism and convenience, issues of bioethics remain relevant as never before in today’s context. Another debatable question in bioethics is about considering religion and culture while dealing with a patient for a physician; each religion will prescribe its own way to deal with circumstances. Yet, it is always debatable if healthcare professionals should prefer giving culturally specified care to a patient or go by the dictates of what humanity expects them to do at that very moment to save the life of a patient. In a critical situation of life and death, is it appropriate to take their patient’s perspectives and commitments into serious consideration, especially when clear-cut guidelines are not offered by their religion? In this context, Hindu scripture is not prescriptive or dogmatic. Instead, it provides insight into how to approach ethical dilemmas. Hinduism provides an exemplary model for how individuals can

Biography

function, communicate, and make difficult moral decisions in and among the dilemmas of life.

References 1. Crawford SC (2001) Hindu bioethics for the twentyfirst century. J Hindu-Christ Stud 14:Article 9. Available at: https://doi.org/10.7825/2164-6279.1252 2. Patton LL (2002) Mantras and miscarriage: controlling birth in the late Vedic period. In: Patton LL (ed) Jewels of authority: women and textual tradition in Hindu India. Oxford University Press, New York

Further Reading 1. Agnihotri JG (2012) Reproductive biocrossings: Indian egg donors and surrogates in the globalized fertility market. Int J Fem Approaches Bioethics 5(1):25–51. University of Toronto Press 2. Alla S (2011) Care and access in early. Hindu Bioethics 5(1):96–108 3. Barbre JK (2007) Reviewed. Magical progeny, modern technology: a Hindu bioethics of assisted reproductive technology by Swasti Bhattacharyya J Relig Health 46(2):339–340 4. Bhattacharyya S (2010) Magical progeny, modern technology: a Hindu bioethics of assisted reproductive technology. Hindu bioethics for the twenty-first century. Suny series in religious study 5. Chandrasekhar S (1994) India’s abortion experience. University of North Texas Press, Denton 6. Crawford CS (2001) Hindu bioethics for the twentyfirst century. J Hindu Christ Stud 14:Article 9 7. Damian C-I (2010) Abortion from the perspective of eastern religions: Hinduism and Buddhism. Rom J Bioeth 8(1):124–136 8. Coward H, Sidhu T (1996) Bioethics for clinicians: 19. Hinduism and Sikhism. CMAJ 163(9):1167–1170. 31 Oct 2000 9. Crawford SC (1996) Dilemmas of Life and Death! Hindu Ethics in a North American Context. J Relig Ethics 24(2):295–303. State University of New York Press, New York 10. Dandekar RN (1963) Dharma. The first end of man. In: Theodore de Bary W et al (eds) Sources of Indian tradition. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 216–235 11. Dandekar DN (1994) Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. 75(1/4):XVII-pp. XXIII Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 12. Gächter O (1998) Evil and suffering in Hinduism. Anthropos 93(4/6):393–403. Anthropos Institute 13. Gauchhwal BS (1964) The sphere and significance of ethics, morality, and religion in Hindu tradition. Philos East West 13(4):339–359. University of Hawaii Press 14. Jain S (2003) The right to family planning, contraception and abortion: the Hindu view. In: Maguire DC (ed) Sacred rights: the case for contraception and abortion in world religions. Oxford University Press, New York

261 15. Kuppuswamy B (1975) A modern review of Hindu dharma. J Dharma 1:118–136 16. Lipner JJ, Coward HG, Young KK (1989) The classical Hindu view on abortion and the moral status of the unborn, Hindu ethics: purity, abortion, and euthanasia. State University of New York Press, Albany 17. Macklin R (2012) A global ethics approach to vulnerability. Int J Fem Approaches Bioethics 5(2, Special Issue on Vulnerability University of Toronto Press):64–81 18. O’Flaherty WD (1980) The origins of evil in Hindu mythology. University of California Press, Berkely 19. Perrett RW (2006) Review. Hindu bioethics for the twenty-first century by S. Cromwell Crawford. J Relig 86(1):140–142. The University of Chicago Press 20. Prebish CS (1996) Ambiguity and Conflict in the Study of Buddhist Ethics: An Introduction. The Journal of Religious Ethics, 24(2):295–303. Blackwell Publishing Ltd on behalf of Journal of Religious Ethics, Inc 21. The President’s Council on Bioethics (2003) Choosing sex of children. Popul Dev Rev 29(4):751–760. Population Council 22. Radhakrishnan S (1968) The principal Upanishads. Allen & Unwin, London, pp 113–145 23. Reddy S (2002) Global perspectives on complementary and alternative medicine, The annals of the American academy of political and social science, vol 583. Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Thousand Oaks, pp 97–121 24. Stephens M, Jordens CFC, Kerridge IH, Ankeny RA (2010) Religious perspectives on abortion and a secular response. J Relig Health 49(4):513–535 25. Tai M C-t, Lin CS (2001) Developing a culturally relevant bioethics for Asian people. J Med Ethics 27(1):51–54. BMJ 26. Turner TR (2012) Ethical issues in human population biology. Curr Anthropol 53(S5):S222–S232. The biological anthropology of living human populations: world histories, national styles, and international networks The University of Chicago Press on behalf of Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research 27. Veatch RM (1989) Medical ethics. Jones and Bartlett, Boston, p 17 28. Wujastyk D (1998) The roots of ayurveda. Penguin, New Delhi 29. Zimmermann F (1987) The jungle and the aroma of meats: an ecological theme in Hindu medicine. University of California Press, Berkeley 30. Zysk KG (1991) Asceticism and healing in ancient India. Oxford University Press, New York, p 118

Biography ▶ Hagiography

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Biomedical Ethics ▶ Bioethics (Hinduism)

Birth Control Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Hinduism divides a person’s life into four agebased life stages: Brahmacharya (bachelor stage; 0–25 years), Grihastha (married stage; 26–50 years), Vanaprastha (retirement stage; 51–75 years), and Sannyasa (renounced stage; 76–100 years) ([1], p. 201). In the Grihastha stage, a person’s duties and responsibilities of having a family are discussed, and this stage is considered as the most important stage in a person’s life. The traditional codes of conduct mentioned in the Manusmriti generally guide a Hindu in terms of sex and sexuality, and marriage and childbirth, and any deviation from these rules results in the rejection by the family and community ([2], p. 89). Birth control methods, such as abortion and the use of contraceptives, are generally not approved by the Hindu scriptures as it is believed that the life enters into the human embryo as soon as it gets fertilized. However, the Garbha Upanishad states that in the seventh month, jivan (“life”) enters into the body inside the womb. In classical Hindu texts, abortion is compared to the killing of a priest and a terrible sin than patricide and matricide. And it is said that if a woman aborts a child, she will lose her caste ([3], p. 104). In the Puranas, toll collectors and ferrymen are ordered not to collect any money from the pregnant women, and in the Mahabharata, a pregnant woman is considered

Biomedical Ethics

equal to a Brahmin, cow, and king, and once she arrives, everyone must give her a way to pass. However, arguments for birth control and family planning are found in some scriptures. Traditionally, the eldest son takes part in the Hindu funeral rites; therefore, it is prescribed that one should not use any contraception till one has had a son. M. K. Gandhi, the father of India, once advocated “sexonly-for-procreation” in Harijan in 1936 as an effective means of birth control.

Discussion Ashwatthama, a legendary immortal in the epic Mahabharata, was cursed by Krishna to eternal suffering and immortality because he killed Uttara’s fetus. Later on, the fetus was raised from the dead by the blessings of Lord Krishna and born as Parikshit. So the Hindu scriptures and religious texts from the oldest times criticized and condemned the practice of garbha batta (“womb killing”) and bhrunaghna (“slayer of an embryo”), and killing of an embryo is considered as a sin. However, abortion is only permitted if the mother’s life is in danger. For medicinal purposes and only to save the life of the mother, the Sushruta Samhita describes what can be done during complications in delivery: If the fetus is dead or alive, it is to be removed from the mother’s womb, while doing the surgical removal, it is cautioned that no harm should be caused to the mother. The miscarriage of the fetus is suggested when the situation is irredeemable, and the utmost care should be taken to prevent the loss of the mother ([2], p. 178). In Hinduism, the purpose of human life is to make progress toward liberation from rebirth, and birth control practices such as abortion obstruct this path ([4], p. 67). Since the soul gets attached to the stillborn matter during conception, any artificial means to destroy the fetus will only obstruct the divine design where each soul is unfolding for its karmic destiny. There is a narrative of King Yayati which informs us that on a request of his wife’s maid Sharmishtha, for giving her a son, King Yayati made a sexual relationship with her. Sharmishtha convinced King Yayati arguing that

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it would be against Dharma to reject her request for the son. From this story, one can infer that the use of contraception is also equivalent to the killing of an embryo. In the Rig Veda, the fetus is described with divine reverence, and a reference Samhita Vishnu (“protector of the stillborn child”) is used for it. Caraka states that when the semen and menstrual blood meet in the womb, the soul descends. In the Mahabharata, we have a reference which states that Abhimanyu learns the art of war while he was still in the womb. However, the menace of birth control, such as abortion, was prophesized in the Puranas with reference to the Kaliyuga (“the present age”); it states: the life of the people will be miserable because of the dominance of Tamoguna (“false virtue”) and vice, and people will freely commit abortion. Marriage will become a means of seeking pleasure, and womanhood will become a synonym of lust ([5], pp. 513–535). There is no consensus in the Hindu scriptures regarding birth control – some praise large families, whereas others recommend small families. However, the majority of the religious texts instruct us to procreate and save the fetus. But procreation within marriage is only accepted because a child born out of wedlock would bring dishonor to the family ([3], p. 117). The famous example of Kunti from the Mahabharata informs us about the fate of the unwanted child, Karna. So abortion is only prescribed to save the family honor and/or the unwanted child. Some Upanishads and the Satyarth Prakash provide information about when and how one should make sexual relationship with one’s partner to avoid childbirth. Also, the Satyarth Prakash gives tips and calculations for the birth of a son. In 1971, the constitution of India legalizes abortion despite having a huge protest against it to curb the population explosion ([6], p. 78).

References 1. Hazra RC (1987) Studies in the Purāṇic records on Hindu rites and customs. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi. Print 2. Roy AS (2000) Customs and ceremonies in Hindu marriages. Trafford, Ottawa. Print

263 3. Franda MF (1972) Militant Hindu opposition to family planning in India. American Universities Field Staff, Hanover. Print 4. Crawford SC (1995) The ethics of abortion. In: Dilemmas of life and death: Hindu ethics in a North American context. State University of New York Press, New York 5. Stephens M, Jordens C, Kerridge I, Ankeny RA (2010) Religious perspectives on abortion and a secular response. J Relig Health 49(4D):513–535 6. Dubois JA (2016) Hindu manners, customs and ceremonies. Routledge, Abington/Oxon. Print

Blending ▶ Syncretism

Brahma ▶ Kabīr

Brahma¯ Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Definition The Hindu creator god.

Introduction Brahmā is an important deity in Hindu mythology where he plays the role of the creator of the world, a disseminator of knowledge, and a mediator between the gods and other figures who threaten them. He is found often in early Buddhist literature, is very well represented in the mythology of the epics and Purāṇas, and even occurs as a side

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figure in Bollywood cinema and contemporary Indian art. But he has never been worshipped as extensively as other prominent Hindu deities. Images of him are very common in temples where the principal divinity is Viṣṇu or Śiva, and they continue to be so today. This means that even if Brahmā may not have been worshipped much as the center of a cult in his own right, his presence is everywhere in temples and sculptures, and his roles have always been widely publicized in Sanskrit and vernacular literature. Thus, he is widely known even where he may not have a profile as a deity who is worshipped as an object of devotion, except in Thailand where he functions like Gaṇeśa in India.

Emergence as a Hindu Deity and Position in the Hindu Pantheon Brahmā is not a deity with any profile in Vedic literature, though his name does occur about one dozen times. A neuter word brahman is found often in the earliest Vedic literature and seems to denote the power that resides in the sacrifice to make it efficacious, and still later in the Upaniṣads as the spiritual ground of creation that is not in itself implicated in the creation but is identical with the real self which is the foundation of personhood. Brahmā the god is a masculine figure, as is the word, and he may correspond in some measure to the brahmā priest, whose sole job in the large-scale sacrifice was to oversee the activity of the other priests in order to see that no mistakes were made and to take expiatory measures if there were mistakes. Brahmā’s name comes up in the Upaniṣads occasionally, and in one famous passage (Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad, [1], p. 305), a clear distinction is drawn between him and the metaphysical brahman neuter. The god Brahmā sits on a couch and those who want to find the brahman must come and ask questions of the other Brahmā. This does not mean, however, that he personifies this other brahman, though it is likely he does represent in his later

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mythological roles the brahman as the powergiving efficacy to the sacrifice. It is in passages from the Buddhist Pāli Canon that the first real evidence of Brahmā emerging into the developing Hindu pantheon is given. In several repeated passages (Dīgha Nikāya, [2], p. 31), he is called: “Brahmā, Great Brahmā, Conqueror, Unconquered, All-Seeing, Controller, Lord, Maker, Creator, Chief, Assigner, Master of Himself, Father of All That Will Be” (brahmā mahābrahmā abhibhū anabhibhūto aññadatthudaso vasavattī issaro kattā nimmātā seṭṭho sajitā vasī pitā bhūtabhavyānam). Whether these are individual names or attributes descriptive of the name Brahmā is not relevant, nor is the often grandiose manner in which brāhmaṇical deities are treated in Buddhist literature, only to be deflated when they encounter the Buddha himself. The very combination of a series of epithets like this is indicative of a deity whose functions cover a range of spheres, though it is not clear what can be made of names like “Conqueror” and “Unconquered.” The rest however predominantly indicate his function as creator, his connection with knowledge (All-Seeing) and with self-control, likely indicating that he was here being correlated exactly with how the brahmin in the period in which these texts were composed wished himself to be seen ([3], pp. 13–14). They tell us how Brahmā must have been conceived between 400 and 200 B.C.E. and suggest that along with Indra he was a prominent god among the brahmins and that his role as creator had been firmly established. It has recently been argued ([4], pp. 3–7) that this is an image of Brahmā in an early brāhmaṇical synthesis where he integrated values defined by “worldly engagement in saṃsāra” (pravṛtti) and “disengagement from saṃsāra” (nivṛtti) and this capacity to straddle the sets of values associated with these names had widened his divine persona to such an extent that he could be regarded as a supreme deity. In later Hindu literature, pravṛtti and nivṛtti values were regarded as being incompatible, and Brahmā’s role as creator was simply of a figure who embodied pravṛtti values, Viṣṇu

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and Śiva, becoming the supreme deities, embodying both. It is in the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa that he really emerges as a deity in a newly systematized form of Hindu mythology (different from what had existed in Vedic literature). Here he is depicted in two basic roles: creator of the universe in virtually every possible mode and disseminator of Vedic and other forms of knowledge. The former becomes more systematized in the Purāṇas, and though the latter is still much associated with him, it is overshadowed by his role as creator. This role for Brahmā was to a large extent derived from the Vedic creator god, Prajāpati, “Lord of Progeny,” and everywhere in the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas Brahmā is called Prajāpati. Emphasis on creation by sexual procreation is an important aspect of Prajāpati’s mythological role, and this has flowed through to Brahmā who creates in part through progenation, though his modes of creation are much broader than this, reflecting the different theories of creation developed especially in the Mahābhārata and then systematized in the Purāṇas.

Brahma¯’s Role in Mythology In the highly developed mythology of post-Vedic Hindu texts, Brahmā is above all portrayed as the creator of the world(s), as a figure who oversees the correct course of the world during the period when it is created, and, rather humorously, as a figure who is unable to control his sexual desires. The first two of these in particular give rise to other lesser functions, but collectively they offer a picture of a multifunctioned god, but one who is profiled as being approached for help, but not for devotion. In the Mahābhārata he is depicted as creating in a number of different ways, reflecting his absorption of the roles of the god Prajāpati in Vedic literature: as in Mahābhārata 1, 1, 27–36 ([5], p. 21), where an egg is born in the primeval ocean, out of which Brahmā emerges, or as in 3,

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185, 148–152 ([6], p. 585) where he assigns Manu the task of creating and gives him the power to do so, or as in 12, 160, 11–21 ([7], p. 583) where he is born from a bottomless ocean and then emits the parts of the cosmos from his own body. He gives birth to nine sons who procreate with Dakṣas’s daughters and then Brahmā applies/arranges the Law as it was taught in the Vedas. The latter means that his act of creation is applied not just to animate and inanimate objects but also to sources of knowledge (the Vedas, treatises on law) and the cosmology of the universe, how it is organized in terms of social classes and laws. Once created he assumes a responsibility for the continuation of the world until the end of the kalpa, when it should rightfully be destroyed, before the recreation, but in the precise division of labor operative in Hindu mythology, it is Śiva who effects the destruction. Besides describing his various acts of creation, there are passages in the Mahābhārata attempting to abstract the creation and its motivation back to a single principle. This principle is called ahaṃkāra or “ego,” and it implies that creation itself is essentially some kind of act of individuation, where things are given a capacity to have an identity, mentally distinguishing them from something else. Brahmā himself is frequently identified ([3], Chap. 4) with this psychological principle, an identification that further connects him with pravṛtti values. From the perspective of the dominant values defining Hinduism, his identification with ahaṃkāra places him directly within the realm of worldly concerns associated with ritual behavior and the householder life, irrespective of whether he has some kind of connection with the neuter brahman of the Upaniṣads, who represents non-worldly values and therefore asceticism. As such he is also identified with rajas ([3], Chap. 4), one of the three cosmic/psychological strands central to the Sāṃkhyā philosophy and the scheme of creation developed in the Purāṇas, a word which conveys the sense of impetuosity, activity, and desire and which overlaps in meaning with ahaṃkāra. It provides the motivation for him to create, but Brahmā can never really go

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beyond the world of desire and activity, unlike Viṣṇu, Śiva, and the goddess, both of whom stand within and outside of the world of rajas and the ahaṃkāra.

Brahma¯ as Preserver of the World Brahmā is not so much preserver of the world as the figure who creates the conditions to enable the world (including the heaven and the space between heaven and earth) to continue until the correctly ordained time for its destruction. He creates the daṇḍa, the staff of punishment that symbolizes the king’s capacity to rule by use of force, and the Vedas which the background knowledge giving guidance for people to live. He is even given responsibility for establishing kingship in the well-known myth of Pṛthu (Mahābhārata. 12, 59, [7], pp. 304–312), and in the version of this myth found in the Mārkaṇdeya Purāṇa, Brahmā milks the earth for her riches and then > devised a means of livelihood for the people’s prosperity and created economic success arising manual work. After that, plants arose which would ripen after cultivation. Then, when their livelihood was successfully established, the Lord himself established boundaries of behavior consistent with custom and their characteristics and the rules of the classes and the stages of life ¼ ([8], pp. 245–246). This function led to him being called Vidhātṛ and Dhātṛ, both names having the sense of > to lay down, ordain, create ¼ with vidhātṛ also suggesting creation by making distinctions within an undifferentiated whole such as the primeval ocean, leading on to distinctions between social classes and functions. This could be regarded as an extension of his more general creative role, but he also plays a mediatory role between Viṣṇu and other gods and humans who are being severely harassed by a demonic figure, and whose activity threatens to impose adharma or the reversal of the correct order of things on the world instead of dharma. In most cases this demonic figure performs austerities specifically to gain tapas or “fiery energy” he can use to burn physical objects, even to the extent of threatening the very existence of the

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earth. But before his power becomes too great, Brahmā intervenes and offers him a boon, where the demon will normally ask for invulnerability, which is granted with one possible escape clause enabling the demon to be killed. Viṣṇu is usually assigned the task of killing him and the right cosmic order is restored again. On several occasions it is the personified earth who approaches (Mahābhārata. [5], p. 137) Brahmā, when she is overrun with demonic figures who threaten to overturn the lawful order, does not engage in physical action himself but directs other figures, often the gods in general, to rectify the situation, usually with violence involving the death of the demon. Brahmā mollifies the demon by giving him a boon and then mediates with the gods to organize his destruction, once again standing within the model of the brahmā priest who oversees the correct order of the sacrifice while requiring others to undertake the necessary action.

Sexuality and Excess Desire One aspect of Brahmā’s creator role is creation through sexual intercourse, which he undertakes with his wife and sometimes even his daughter, following the lead of the god Prajāpati in earlier Vedic literature who attempted to have sex with his daughter and was shot with an arrow by Rudra. In one instance from the Matsya Purāṇa ([4], pp. 14–47; [9], pp. 12–15), a woman is born after the earth and the other material components have been created. From Brahmā’s body which split in half was born a man and a woman named Śatarūpa. He lusted after her, and when she walked around him, he became greatly agitated and grew three more heads, one for each direction. He lost all the power he had built up from his austerities and this was transformed into desire. He ordered his sons to create by progenation and then he married Śataṛūpa and cursed Kāma the god of love to be killed by Śiva, as it was he who had caused Brahmā’s excess desire. Another manifestation of this is represented by the occasions when he lusts after Śiva’s wife Pārvatī at a time when he has been officiating at

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their wedding. He sees Pārvaṭī’s toes and becomes overwhelmed with lust, or in another instance he sees her walking around him and he grows a head in each direction which enables him to keep seeing her without himself moving. In response Śiva punishes Brahmā, usually by cutting off one of his heads. There are several versions of this myth and they are mainly found in Purāṇic texts dealing with the god Śiva, who is often depicted in conflict with Brahmā, angry at the latter god’s excessive desire which seems always to be expressed in a sexual sense. Such instances as this stand in sharp contrast with Brahmā’s frequent aloofness from worldly affairs and his reluctance to become involved in physical action, which he usually leaves to others. But it is wholly consistent with his close connection with both the ahaṃkāra and rajas that is often given as his motivation for creating the world. These manifest functionally as individuality and desire, respectively, and are an essential component psychologically of what drives the householder to reproduce, and Brahmā is in some measure the paradigm of the householder who is also a member of the brahmin class. In the realm of myth, he exaggerates this aspect of the householder function, but it is inseparable from his role as creator – in whatever form this might take – and so makes full sense within his larger mythological persona.

Worship and Cult In spite of his importance in Hindu mythology, Brahmā seems never to have been worshipped as an object of devotion like Viṣṇu, Śiva, the goddess, and Gaṇeśa. There are a number of passages in the Mahābhārata ([5], pp. 97, 110; [6], p. 586) and the Purāṇas where individuals, usually sages, take refuge in Brahmā and bow to him in a manner normally associated with acts of devotion. The Buddhist Jātakas also know of devotees of Brahmā. But in Hindu texts this devotion is usually done in order to achieve a particular goal Brahmā is capable of helping with, and the specific kind of devotional relationship that can flow from this, where the supplicant becomes an

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ongoing devotee, is usually not forthcoming. The likely reason for this is that Brahmā was always presented as being too aloof, that he was depicted as an old man, and that he was not concerned with the kind of localized problems village worshippers seek help with from village goddesses. In a few contexts ([8], p. 225) where Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva are connected in the trimūrti – a theological construction defining the cosmic division of labor of creation, preservation, and destruction – Brahmā is placed above the other two gods in a manner suggesting the composer of that text held him to be the supreme deity in the pantheon. He creates as Brahmā, preserves as Viṣṇu, and destroys as Śiva, in a theological formula that can easily be applied to whichever god is regarded as supreme. But this in no way translates into an approachable figure who can express devotion in a manner required of any deity who receives worship in the form of a pūjā. As a consequence of this and despite his frequent appearance in literature, sculpture, and painting, in the last 500 years, there is little evidence of practical worship of him. No ritual texts include instructions for his worship, nor are there any known inscriptions which prescribe material support to be given for ongoing pūjās directed to him. There is one famous temple dedicated to him at Pushkar in Rajasthan which is still active and is visited by many people, but possibly because it is Brahmā’s only living temple rather than just a site for worship of that god. About 10 other shrines, especially in Rajasthan, to Brahmā have been noted in archeological surveys, but these fade into insignificance when compared to the thousands of temples dedicated to the major Hindu gods. In Karnataka he is said to be worshipped by the Tulus under the name of Brahmadeva and Bomma, and Brahmadeva pillars are also known in parts of Karnataka. The only exception here is the recent worship of Brahmā in Thailand. While Hindu gods have long been worshipped in Southeast Asia, it is only in the last 50 years that Brahmā shrines have been springing up all over Thailand, and there are even websites celebrating the god and describing his pūjā. Of these shrines the most famous is located

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at Erawan in Bangkok, first constructed in 1956 and then rebuilt in 2006, when the Thai prime minister visited it and conducted a pūjā there. On reading the websites ([10]) dealing with Brahmā worship in Thailand, the impression is given that he functions like Gaṇeśa in India, a god who creates and removes obstacles.

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇa (Brahmin/Brahman) ▶ Cosmogony (Hinduism) ▶ Cosmology (Hinduism) ▶ Demon (Hinduism) ▶ Dharma ▶ Nivṛtti ▶ Prajāpati ▶ Pravṛtti ▶ Śiva ▶ Tapas ▶ Tribal Epics ▶ Trimūrti ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Hume RE (1968) The thirteen principal upaniṣhads. Oxford University Press, Madras (1921) 2. Rhys Davids TW (1969) Dialogues of the Buddha, part 1. Luzac, London (1899) 3. Bailey G (1983) The mythology of Brahmā. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 4. McGovern N (2011) Brahmā: an early and ultimately doomed attempt at a brahmanical synthesis. J Indian Philos 40(1):1–23 5. Van Buitenen JAB (1973) The Mahābhārata. The book of the beginning, vol 1. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata, vol 2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest, University of Chicago Press, Chicago 7. Fitzgerald JF (2004) The Mahābhārata, vol 7. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 8. Pargiter FE (1969) The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa. Translated with notes. Indological Book House, Delhi (1st edn, 1904) 9. Joshi KL et al (2007) Matsya Mahāpurāṇa, chapters: 1–150, vol 1. Parimal Publications, Delhi 10. Erawan Shrine in Bangkok. http://www.bangkok.com/ shrines/erawan-shrine.htm

Brahma Kumaris

Brahma Kumaris Lawrence A. Babb Anthropology and Sociology; Asian Languages and Civilizations, Amherst College, Amherst, MA, USA

Definition A modern Hindu sect.

Introduction Established by a Sindhi businessman of Hindu background named Dada Lekhraj (1876–1969) and a small group of followers in 1937, the Brahma Kumaris (meaning “Daughters of Brahma,” with male members known as “Brahma Kumars”) are a modern religious movement combining elements of Hinduism with millenarian and feminist ideas. Its public face is that of an educational institution, the Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University, which is headquartered at Mount Abu and locally represented by “Raja Yoga Centers” throughout India and in many other countries.

History Lekhraj was a well-off businessman from Hyderabad, now in Pakistan. In the mid-1930s, he experienced a series of extraordinary visions in which he witnessed the future destruction of the world and the creation of a post-destruction earthly paradise in which a small number of godlike human beings would exist in a state of perfect happiness. His accounts of his visions attracted a mostly female following drawn from his family and social milieu in Hyderabad, and this group became the core around which the movement crystallized. From the start, Lekhraj and his followers were deeply stigmatized by members of Lekhraj’s community in Hyderabad who objected to Lekhraj’s encouragement of married women to take vows of

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chastity and suspected him of sexual improprieties with his female devotees. In reaction, they shifted to Karachi where they entered a state of self-imposed isolation from the surrounding society. The remarkable solidarity of the movement’s core leadership, a key factor in its later success, was forged during this period of social implosion. After independence and partition, they moved from Pakistan to their current headquarters at Mount Abu in India. In the early 1950s they abandoned their former seclusion and began the phase of vigorous proselytization, at first in India and, beginning in the 1970s, in foreign countries.

Beliefs At the heart of Brahma Kumaris teachings is the belief that the true essence of every person is a genderless and indestructible soul that transmigrates from one human (never nonhuman) body to another. The purpose of their meditational system, which they call “Raja Yoga,” is to foster awareness of one’s true nature as a soul (“soul consciousness” as opposed to “body consciousness”). Drawing from the well-known Hindu fouryuga scheme, the Brahma Kumaris further teach that the history of the world takes the form of repeating four-stage cycles of physical and moral decline that begin with a golden age and end in our current degraded age of overpopulation, conflict, impurity, and patriarchy (seen as a symptom of “body consciousness”). In a major departure from Hindu belief, however, the Brahma Kumaris also maintain that the total cycle is only 5,000 years long and that each such cycle is an exact replica of all the others down to the smallest detail. At the cycle’s very end is a brief fifth era of about 100 years during which the Brahma Kumaris prepare the world for the cataclysm to come. The world is now in this fifth age. Only the souls of the Brahma Kumaris will be reborn in the paradise to come, while others will remain in a state of suspended animation, to be reborn only later in the cycle during the periods of suffering. The society of the golden age will be highly stratified but without gender discrimination, and those most successful in spiritual attainment and service to

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the Brahma Kumaris movement (in particular the movement’s core leadership) will be its rulers. Presiding over the entire process is the Supreme Soul, known as Shiv (Shiva) Baba, who alone among souls is never embodied. During most of the 5,000-year cycle, humans are quite unaware of history’s destination, but as the end approaches, the Supreme Soul enters the body of Dada Lekhraj in order to warn of the holocaust ahead and to impart knowledge of how to achieve rebirth in the paradise to follow. As creator of this new world, Lekhraj is identified with the worldcreating deity Brahma, which is why his followers are called Daughters of Brahma. There is little time remaining, so those who wish to enjoy the paradise to come must take urgent measures. Specifically, they must purify themselves by joining the Brahma Kumaris and adopting their way of life, which is founded on chastity, vegetarianism, and the cultivation of soul-consciousness in meditation.

Current Status The movement’s global membership is mostly female and is claimed to be around 900,000 ([6], p. 80), a figure impossible to verify. The most committed members are considered “surrendered”; they give their lives over completely to the movement and reside in the movement’s many Raja Yoga Centers (said to number over 8,500 in 110 countries [6], p. 80). They are surrounded by a much larger self-identifying membership of varying degrees of commitment. The movement’s cohesion is attributable to the stability of the senior leadership, members’ frequent pilgrimage to the movement’s Mount Abu headquarters, and the daily reading and study of exactly the same teachings and exhortations from Shiv Baba (delivered in by Lekhraj in trance until his death and by an entranced member of the senior leadership since then) in each and every movement center. In recent decades, the movement has downplayed its core beliefs to external audiences in favor of an emphasis on the cultivation of “positive thinking” and the stress-reducing therapeutic benefits of Raja Yoga and “spirituality.” Also, having secured an affiliation as a faith-based

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NGO with the United Nations in 1980, the movement has sought to project the institutional persona of an organization dedicated to promoting world peace and environmental responsibility. These goals represent a significant departure from the movement’s founding belief in the inevitability and desirability of the imminent destruction of the world, seen as the gateway to a future earthly paradise.

Cross-References ▶ Brahma ▶ Women, Overview ▶ Yoga, Overview

Suggested Reading 1. Babb L (1986) Redemptive encounters: three modern styles in the Hindu tradition. University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles 2. Chander J (1983) AdiDev: the first man. Om Shanti Press, Mount Abu 3. Musselwhite R (2009) Possessing knowledge: organizational boundaries among the Brahma Kumaris. Dissertation, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill 4. Ramsey T (2009) Custodians of purity. Dissertation, Monash University 5. Walliss J (2002) The Brahma Kumaris as a ‘reflexive tradition. Ashgate, Burlington 6. Whaling F (2012) Understanding the Brahma Kumaris. Dunedin, Edinburgh

Brahma Sūtras (Veda¯nta Sūtras) Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Introduction: Author, Composition, Date, and Sources Brahma Sūtra (BS) is the most canonical work of the Vedānta school of theology and philosophy. It

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belongs to the genre of sūtra literature or texts that outline a knowledge system in a string of short, topically arranged statements – sūtras or aphorisms, literally strings – providing thereby the venue of interpretation in which the system develops. As its name says, the BS is a systematization of the doctrine of Brahman from the Upaniṣads. Unlike the other sūtra compositions, whose statements, though short, are generally easy to read, the statements of the BS are not only terse but very cryptic as well: it has been said many times that they are impossible to read without a commentary. While that may be a bit of an exaggeration, it is nevertheless true that the BS leaves the impression of being intentionally esoteric. The BS is sometimes called “the science of deliberation on Brahman” (Brahma-vicāra-śāstra) or the “science of deliberation on the Upaniṣads” (Vedānta-vicāra-śāstra). Its oldest name seems to have been Śārīraka or “the book about the embodied.” This name has been interpreted differently by the commentators. Śaṅkara says that the book is so called because it intends to teach that the individual embodied Self is, in fact, Brahman, the supreme Self that is one for all. Rāmānuja, on the other hand, takes the “embodied” to stand for Brahman directly, through the fact that Brahman is the true Self of the world and the individual Selves, who constitute Brahman’s body. In contradistinction to the Mīmāṁsā Sūtra (MS), the BS is also called “the book of 4 chapters,” Catur-Lakṣaṇī (the MS being Dvādaśa-lakṣaṇī, “the book of 12 chapters”), and “inquiry into Brahman,” Brahma-Mīmāṁsā (the MS being Karma-Mīmāṁsā, “inquiry into ritual action”) ([18], pp. 425–428). The author of the BS is commonly called by the commentators simply the “author of the aphorisms,” sūtrakāra, and the oldest preserved commentary, that of Śaṅkara, explicitly identifies this sūtrakāra with “the venerable Bādarāyaṇa” (BSBh 4.4.22). From the time of Śaṅkara’s second commentator, the ninth-century Vācaspati Miśra, Bādarāyaṇa is identified with Vedavyāsa the author of the Mahābhārata ([23], p. 96; 17). Both identifications are, nevertheless, problematic. The structure of the BS is such that the text has likely undergone several recensions before assuming the form on which the

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commentaries were written. Bādarāyaṇa is, in fact, quoted several times in the BS along with a few other Vedāntins, and while his views are generally conclusive, this indicates that the final text was put together after him. Śaṅkara’s student Sureśvara, in fact, attributed the BS not to Bādarāyaṇa but to Jaimini ([18], pp. 396–398). The identification of Bādarāyaṇa with Vyāsa may be a conflation of the Purāṇic tradition that makes Jaimini a student of Vyāsa, and the fact that Bādarāyaṇa is regarded highly in the MS traditionally attributed to Jaimini. Scholars have considered the question of the composition of the BS in some detail. It has since long been recognized that the BS looks very much like a systematization of the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (ChU). Paul Deussen was probably the first to notice that in the first chapter of the text, 12 of the 28 topical passages were from the ChU, while no other Upaniṣad supplied more than 4. Further, the passages from each Upaniṣad were discussed in the order as they appear in their texts, which prompted Deussen to suggest that Bādarāyaṇa or a follower of his inserted 16 passages from other Upaniṣads into an earlier work that systematized the ChU, keeping the principle that the original order of the extracts should be maintained ([10], pp. 27–29; also [11], pp. 120–122). The dominance of the ChU appears even more striking in the other three chapters. For instance, the whole first section of the third chapter is based on the doctrine of five fires as discussed in the fifth book of the ChU. The third section of the same chapter, further, deals with five sections of the ChU, again in the order in which they appear in the Upaniṣad [12]. S. K. Belvalkar went farthest in proposing that there could have been a Chāndogya-Brahma Sūtra and a Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka-Brahma Sūtra, etc. The Brahma Sūtra that became the normative was the Chāndogya one, written by Jaimini, in which Bādarāyaṇa or his students introduced passages from the other Upaniṣads as side illustrations ([1], p. 152). The goal in doing this was to secure the harmony within the ChU but use materials from the other Upaniṣads as supporting evidence [1–3]. A third and final recension, Belvalkar suggested, included refutation of the doctrines of other schools of philosophy. While

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this is an appealing proposition, it is not one without difficulties, the chief one being the allimportant role of the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (TU), which supplies the definition of Brahman as the topic of the treatise, the paradigmatic brahmavidyā, and much of the technical terminology. While the ChU core can hardly be questioned, the TU is so structural to the text that it is hard to imagine that the BS was not a novel undertaking predicated on the view that all Upaniṣads form a coherent corpus and should speak in a single voice. In fact, it is apparent from the text that the BS comes in a line of an already established tradition. Along with Bādarāyaṇa, seven other Vedāntins are quoted by name: Bādari, Kāśakṛtsna, Kārṣṇājini, Auḍulomi, Ātreya, Āśmarathya, and Jaimini. It is very likely that they were authors of earlier sūtra compositions, on which the sūtrakāra drew and which he in effect replaced. This process can be compared to the composition of another great sūtra work, the Aṣtādhyāyī Sanskrit grammar of Pāṇini, whose genius drew on and replaced a number of earlier works ([15], p. 79). This argument can be further supported by considering the relationship of the BS with another canonical Vedānta work, the BhagavadGītā [28]. In verse four of chapter thirteen, the BG says that the field and its knower, kṣetra and kṣetra-jña, standing for the body and the Self, have been described “variously and severally” by sages in Vedic compositions, as well through sound reasoning “in words that form strings about Brahman” (brahma sūtra-padaiś caiva hetumadbhir viniścitaiḥ). Topical passages from the BG, on the other hand, are discussed in the BS: sūtra 2.3.45 refers to BG 15.7, and 4.2.21 discusses BG 8.25. If the BG reference is to the present BS, then there is an apparent circularity: the two works refer to one another. Śaṅkara interprets the verse as referring to reasoning within the Upaniṣads, but the Upaniṣads do not mention sūtra as a genre of Vedic texts, and the context of the verse – knowledge of the embodied and its body – is a clear allusion to the old name Śārīraka. Other traditional commentators on the Gītā have read brahma sūtra-padaiḥ as an explicit reference to the present BS, presumably under the

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assumption that the author of the two was the same Vyāsa, which does not involve the said circularity. However, the final text of BS seems to postdate the early fifth-century AD, and the time of the Buddhist philosopher Vasubandhu, the exponent of Vijñānavāda, since BS 2.2.28–32, refutes Vijñānavāda, whereas the BG is earlier by roughly half a millennium. Several scholars have, therefore, suggested that the BG verse refers to multiple older brahma sūtras, perhaps by the Vedāntins that are named in the BS, which were used by the sūtrakāra to produce his own treatise [15, 17]. The BS could not have been finalized much later than the fifth century either, because we know for a fact that several prominent Vedāntins wrote commentaries on the BS before the eighthcentury Advaitin Śaṅkara. Along with the principal Upaniṣads, of which only the Kena and Māṇḍukya are absent, the BS refers occasionally to passages from the Vedic Saṁhitās and Brāhmaṇas. Several sūtras refer to the smṛti corpus: the BG, Mahābhārata, Kūrma Purāṇa, Manu, etc. Finally, important features of the BS doctrine, such as the unity of the individual brahma-vidyās and the uniformity of the notion of Brahman throughout the brahma-vidyās, are derived from theological principles of the MS.

Commentarial Tradition The BS is one of the most influential and commented upon works in Indian intellectual history. From the commentaries of Śaṅkara, Bhāskara, and Rāmānuja, it is evident that there were several pre-Śaṅkara expositions of the BS that have not survived to our time. Some of them were not readily available even in Rāmānuja’s days, but paraphrases and direct quotes are not uncommon in the three Bhāṣyas. Prominent names include Upavarṣa, Bodhāyana, Vṛttikāra, Brahmānandin, Vākyakāra, Bhāṣyakāra, Dramiḍa, etc. Several of these are generic titles meaning “a commentator,” and scholars have debated precise identifications [19, 22]. It is, further, inferable that the practice was to write a commentary on the MS and BS as a single śāstra.

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Here we provide a short catalog of the most influential commentaries and sub-commentaries on the BS that have been preserved and are available in print: • The Advaitin Śaṅkara (ca. 700–750 AD) wrote the Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya [27]. His immediate student Padmapāda wrote a commentary on the first four sūtras, called Pañcapādikā [30], which was further commented upon by Prakāśātman (eleventh century) in his Vivaraṇa. Vācaspati Miśra wrote the first full commentary on the Bhāṣya, called Bhāmatī [26], and Advaita Vedānta is generally divided in two schools that follow the Vivaraṇa and the Bhāmatī, respectively. • The Bhedābheda-Vādin Bhāskara (ca. 750–850) wrote a Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya, which was very influential but had no sub-commentaries, as no school of Vedānta in the institutional sense is associated with Bhāskara’s name. • The Viśiṣṭādvaitin Rāmānuja (ca. 1077–1157) wrote three commentaries on the BS, Śrībhāṣya [16], his longest and principal work, which was commented upon by Sudarśana Sūri (late thirteenth–early fourteenth century) in the longer Śruta-Prakāśikā and the shorter Śruta-Pradīpikā; VedāntaDīpa, a briefer and simpler comment; and Vedānta-Sāra, which attempts to provide the meaning of the sūtras and their topical passages in as few words as possible ([6], pp. 52–60). • The Dvaitin Madhva (1238–1318) wrote four compositions on the BS: Brahma-SūtraBhāṣya [25]; Anu-Vyākhyāna, a polemical running commentary of 1985 verses; Anu-Bhāṣya, a summary in 32 verses; and Nyāya-Vivaraṇa, a prose summary. Jayatīrtha (ca. 1365–1388) wrote commentaries on all except the AnuBhāṣya, the most important of which is the Nyāya-Sudhā on the Anu-Vyākhyāna ([24], pp. 97–127, 251–254). • The Bhedābheda-Vādin Nimbārka (date uncertain, possibly the twelfth century) wrote the Vedānta-Pārijāta-Saurabha, a very short commentary restricted to making sense of the terse sūtras and identifying their topical

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•

• •

• •

texts. Nimbārka’s immediate follower Śrīnivāsa wrote the Vedānta-Kaustubha, which was commented upon by Keśava Kāśmīrī (ca. early sixteenth century) in his Prabhā [4]. The Śaiva Śrīkaṇṭha (date unknown, postRāmānuja, pre-Śrīpati) wrote the BrahmaSūtra-Bhāṣya, which was commented upon by Appaya Dīkṣita (sixteenth–seventeenth century) in the Śivārka-Maṇi-Dīpikā [8, 9]. The Vīraśaiva Śrīpati (ca. 1350) wrote the Śrīkara-Bhāṣya [14]. The Śuddhādvaita-Vādin Vallabha (1479–1531) wrote the Anu-Bhāṣya. It has been argued that this commentary was incomplete and that it was completed by Vallabha’s son Viṭṭhalanātha (1516–1586) [5]. The Bhedābheda-Vādin Vijñānabhikṣu (ca. sixteenth century) wrote the Vijñānāmṛta [20]. The Acintya-Bhedābheda-Vādin Baladeva Vidyābhūṣaṇa (ca. 1700–1793), a follower of Caitanya, wrote the Govinda-Bhāṣya [29].

Mention should be made here that the early Caitanya Vaiṣṇavas considered the Bhāgavata Purāṇa to be a “natural” commentary on the BS that is intuited by the same agent Vyāsa [13]. The Bhāgavata, in fact, explicitly draws on the BS in its first verse, opening with the BS statement that Brahman is that from which proceed creation, maintenance, and destruction of beings (BS 1.1.2: janmādy asya yataḥ) and describing itself as the essence of all Upaniṣads (12.13.15: sarva-vedānta-sāraṁ hi śrī-bhāgavatam iṣyate). In the twentieth century, the Bengali intellectual Rampada Chattopadhyay attempted to demonstrate in his 2,200-page Brahmasūtra O Śrīmad Bhāgavata how the Bhāgavata commented on specific sūtras of the BS. Particularly interesting is Chattopadhyay’s suggestion that the commentators on the BS such as Śaṅkara and Rāmānuja have emphasized Brahman’s feature of consciousness from the canonical definition of Brahman as sat-cit-ānanda, Being, consciousness, bliss, but that it was only the Bhāgavata that made a full portray of Brahman’s feature of bliss ([7], pp. 217–218).

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Themes and Structure The BS is made of four chapters (adhyāya), each having four sections (pāda). The sections are composed of statements (sūtras) that are organized in headings (adhikaraṇa). The headings can consist of a single sūtra, though commonly they are longer. The number of sūtras is not uniform across the commentaries – for instance, in Śaṅkara’s Bhāṣya there are 555 sūtras, whereas in Rāmānuja’s 545 – nor are the sūtras read uniformly: occasionally the different commentaries read different words, join two sūtras in one, or split a single sūtra in two. With that said, the text is relatively coherent. The adhikaraṇas are sections in which a single topic is discussed, such as a particular Upaniṣadic passage. The structure of an adhikaraṇa is generally said to consist of five elements: (1) positing of a topic under discussion, viṣaya, generally a topical Upaniṣadic passage, viṣaya-vākya, as a preliminary thesis; (2) a doubt, saṁśaya, with respect to the topic; (3) a prima facie view, pūrva-pakṣa; this may be followed by an uttara-pakṣa or a preliminary conclusion; (4) a conclusion, siddhānta, affirmation of the thesis through clarifying the doubt and overturning the prima facie view; and (5) coherence, saṅgati, of the topic, which is its pertinence for Brahman the theme of the śāstra and appropriateness for the chapter and the section ([29], pp. 4–5). Given that an adhikaraṇa may consist of a single sūtra, a commentator will generally supply many of these five as implied but not expressed. In the longer adhikaraṇas, any sūtra may express a prima facie view or part of the conclusion, and often the commentators differ as to what is the case. What sūtras constitute an adhikaraṇa is also not uniform across the commentarial tradition: Śaṅkara’s commentary, for instance, has 191 adhikaraṇas, whereas Rāmānuja’s has 156. The content of the BS is generally divided in three topics: tattva or the nature of Brahman and its relation to the world and the individual Selves, discussed in the first two chapters; sādhana or the process of liberation, discussed in the third chapter, called sādhanādhyāya; and phala or puruṣārtha, liberation from rebirth as the highest

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human good, discussed in the fourth chapter, called phalādhyāya. While this division is roughly justified, we should note that the real topic of the first chapter is not so much a positive definition of Brahman – indeed, we learn more about the essential characteristics of Brahman in the third chapter, when there appears the need to standardize the idea of Brahman across the Upaniṣadic meditations – but the fact that it is Brahman that is discussed in the individual Upaniṣadic texts, not the prakṛti or puruṣa of Sāṅkhya: thus the chapter is called samanvayādhyāya, the chapter on common meaning. The second chapter is all about Brahman in its causal role, in the context of which the various Upaniṣadic creation accounts are standardized; a pan-Upaniṣadic doctrine of the individual Self is developed, occasioned by the fact that the Self is not created but spoken as such metaphorically; Sāṅkhyan objections to Brahman’s being both the material and the instrumental cause are answered, etc. Sāṅkhya is throughout the dialogue partner, but in the second section, all the other contemporary rival doctrines of causality are discussed: Nyāya, Vaiśeṣika, Buddhism, Jainism, Pāśupata, and Pāñcarātra. Thus, the second chapter is called avirodhādhyāya, on absence of contradiction, in the Upaniṣads internally and by opposing doctrines. In the following sections, we reconstruct these three topics, drawing on several commentaries as much as it is necessary to make sense of the sūtras, looking at their topical passages, and with a view to internal coherence of the text. (The sūtra references are given according to Nimbārka’s commentary.)

Ontology Brahman is defined at the very opening of the BS (1.1.2): “It is that from which proceed origination etc.” This is a reference to the TU 3.1.1: “That from which these beings are born, on which, once born, they live, and into which they pass upon death, know that distinctly, it is Brahman” (All references to the Upaniṣads are to Olivelle’s edition [21]). The etc. in the sūtra, thus, stands for

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maintenance and destruction. The key characteristic of Brahman, then, is that it is the great cause or the first principle. The sūtrakāra presents the details of the notion of Brahman through distinguishing it from the pradhāna/prakṛti of Sāṅkhya. The main divide between the two is theological: whereas Brahman is known from scripture (1.1.3), pradhāna is a non-scriptural entity (aśabda), and the sūtrakāra refers to it as the “inferable cause,” ānumānika (1.4.1), which is a direct jab at the Sāṅkya-Kārika’s claim that supersensible things are known through inference that is based on general observation (kārikā 6). We may illustrate the theological nature of such arguments by looking at sūtra 1.1.5, īkṣater nāśabdam, which says that the non-scriptural principle (pradhāna) cannot be the first cause, since the action of reflection is mentioned. This is not a statement to the effect that the first cause must be a sentient principle but a reference to the statement in the sixth chapter of the ChU, which says that Being reflected or visualized before creating the world: “And it thought to itself: ‘Let me become many. Let me propagate myself.’” Pradhāna is an insentient principle, and it fails the scriptural test. Similar is the case with the determination of Brahman as bliss in another famous sūtra, 1.1.13: ānandamayo ‘bhyāsāt, “That which is bliss abundant is Brahman, because of repetition.” This is a denial that the individual Self or puruṣa of Sāṅkhya is the reference of the Taittirīya text that describes five successively higher layers of personhood – the person of food, of vital breath, of mind, of cognition, and of bliss – because the Taittirīya proceeds to repeat “bliss” explicitly in association with Brahman throughout its second and third chapters and says that it is Brahman that causes bliss (ānandayati, 2.7), that is, makes the individual Selves blissful. Although the sūtrakāra does not explicitly state these two characteristics of Brahman as essential, beyond its being the cause, well until the third chapter, we learn from this that Brahman is a sentient and a blissful principle. The sūtrakāra, still, does engage in philosophical reasoning about causality, with the general claim that Brahman fits best the requirements of

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the first principle in virtue of its characteristics (2.1.35), and it is in dialogue with Sāṅkhya that the Vedāntic theory of causation develops. It is, nevertheless, required several times to remind the interlocutors that scripture is the only means of knowing Brahman. For instance, sūtras 2.1.11–12 say that reasoning is inconclusive, and one never gets to avoid all undesirable consequences of a causal theory solely through reasoning. Particularly underwhelming is 2.1.26, which answers the objection, if Brahman is the cause that transforms into the world the effect, all of Brahman would have to transform, since Brahman is a partless entity. The answer is, the Upaniṣads say that Brahman does transform, and that is the knockdown argument. While the sūtrakāra proposes a reasonable theory in the next few sūtras (on which below), the general tendency of the philosophical reasoning is to show that the Sāṅkhya notion of causality faces the same objections (2.1.10, 2.1.28) and that the competing causal principles make a little sense under our common understanding of causality. The sūtrakāra shares the general theory of causality with Sāṅkhya, the doctrine of satkārya-vāda, which says that the effect is not a new thing but a transformation and a continuation of the cause, and this is explicitly affirmed in 2.1.7. He does, however, take an exception with the claim that the effect must share the characteristics of the cause. This exception was a direct result of the Vedāntic presupposition that Brahman was a single cause, one without a second, as the ChU puts it (6.2.1: ekam evādvitīyam). In Indian philosophies, generally three kinds of causes are discussed: an efficient cause (nimittakāraṇa), such as a potter; a material cause (upādāna-kāraṇa), for instance, clay; and an instrumental or assisting cause (sahakārin), such as the potter’s wheel. The BS presupposition was that Brahman was both the efficient and the material cause, and an explicit claim was that Brahman’s causality did not require an instrumental cause (2.1.23). The Sāṅkhya opponent of the BS claimed that it was not possible for Brahman to be the material cause of the world, because the world as the effect was radically different from Brahman as the cause (2.1.4). The commentators

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are quite unanimous in interpreting what this objection meant: the world is evidently insentient, impure, and full of suffering, whereas Brahman is essentially sentient, pure, and bliss solid: it is not right that the first be an effect of the second. The reply of the sūtrakāra was that precisely such cases of causal relations where the effect was radically different from the cause were in evidence (2.1.6). The commentators give several instances of such cases, most of which fail to impress – worms produced from honey, dung beetle from dung, etc. – but two of which are quite appealing: insentient hair that grows from a sentient body and the insentient cobweb that a sentient spider produces. Such cases, then, are proof enough that there is no requirement that the effect be of the same nature as the cause. It must be real, sat or Being, and insofar such is the case, Vedānta endorses satkārya-vāda equally as Sāṅkhya; however, the effect has a surplus of characteristics beyond sat that are not shared with the cause, and the sūtrakāra is careful to point out that the objection as to the different nature of the effect from the cause can be made just as equally against the pradhāna, for its transformations also have characteristics that pradhāna does not have (2.1.10). Brahman as a unique cause that does not require an external factor for its transformation, an instrumental cause, is compared to milk, which turns into curd on its own, without the intervention of another agent (2.1.23). While we may be suspect of this example, since it does not exclude agents other than milk – the transformation of milk into curd is caused by bacteria present in the milk – the BS point is that Brahman, like milk, is constitutionally such a thing which, left to its own internal devices, would transform into its product, without the external intervention of another thing, such as the addition of whey. In answer to the aforementioned objection about Brahman being partless, the sūtrakāra says that Brahman is a principle which is sarvopetā, furnished with “everything” (2.1.29). This is a reference to Śāṇḍilya’s teachings from the ChU 3.14, which say that Brahman which is “everything,” sarvam, possesses “all actions, all desires, all smells, and all tastes” and that its resolves are

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“true” and effortlessly realized. Clearly the idea is that Brahman, though single, has internal faculties that facilitate its diversification, and it is in relation to this sūtra that the pan-Vedāntic doctrine of Brahman’s omnipotence, sarva-śakti, develops. The single Brahman possesses all kinds of powers, śakti, and it is significant that the category of śakti in Brahmanical thought was universally understood as something that resides in a thing as its feature, yet is not a different thing itself. One of the objections to Brahman’s being the cause facilitates out considering its relation to the individual Self. The objection says, on the proposed account of causality, if pradhāna is not the cause, there obtains the fault of Brahman acting to its own detriment. This is so because Brahman is expressly identified with the individual Self in texts such as “This Self is Brahman,” ayam ātmā brahma (BĀU 2.5.19), and “You are that,” tat tvam asi (ChU 6.8.7ff). If Brahman is the cause of the world, which is a place of suffering, then Brahman inflicts its own suffering through creating the world (2.1.20). The sūtrakāra’s reply is telling: Brahman is something more (adhikam) than the individual Self, because the two are expressly said to be different. The commentators read a reference to the Madhyandina recension of the BĀU (Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa [ŚPB] 14.6.7.30), in the section about the inner controller (antaryāmin): “He who is within the Self, residing in it, whom the Self does not know, whose body the Self is, who controls the Self within, he is your Self, the inner controller, the immortal.” We find essentially the same doctrine in the fourth section of the third chapter, where Bādarāyaṇa argues against the Mīmāṁsā reading of the Upaniṣads as providing knowledge of an eternal Self that is the ritual agent which survives death and enjoys the results of ritual in the hereafter, making thus the Upaniṣads subordinate to the Brāhmaṇas and not an independent corpus. Bādarāyaṇa’s crucial claim is that the Upaniṣads teach “the higher” (adhika) Self (3.4.8) as their main topic: it is from this higher Self that liberation of the highest good is attained (3.4.1). The sūtrakāra, thus, affirmed that Brahman and the individual Self were different, and such a state of affairs was also a necessary requirement for the

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BS soteriology, as we will see under the last heading. Now, in another sense it was crucial to affirm that the individual Self was Brahman, for the simple reason that only in this way would the final attainment be permanent. As we will see later, the BS replaced dharma the ritual action as the principal factor in the attainment of the highest good with Brahman: Brahman was eternal, and its desires and resolves were effortlessly accomplished. One could enjoy a result which was permanent and blissful only if one was essentially Brahman. The individual Self, thus, had to be simultaneously identical with and different from Brahman, bhedābheda. Sūtras 1.4.20–22 discuss how it can be justified that the Higher Self is denoted in some Upaniṣadic passages through words that stand for the individual Self, by referencing the opinions of three earlier Vedāntins, and one of them is pertinent for their ontological relationship: Auḍulomi said that the individual Self that rises from the body at liberation attains the nature of Brahman (1.4.21). We will see what that precisely meant later. Elsewhere the individual Selves are described as “parts,” aṁśa, of Brahman, with the justification that they are many (2.3.42). Clearly this is not intended to present a partitive relationship: sūtra 2.3.45 says that the Selves are like illumination, whereas the Supreme is not of that kind. If we understand this through the common simile of Brahman being like the sun to which the Selves are the sunrays, we can take aṁśa best in the sense of an “extension.” The Selves, then, are kind of an attributive awareness of Brahman, through which Brahman is vicariously and not directly related to the world of suffering, just as the sun contacts filth through its rays but individually remains aloof. The individual Self is minute in extension (2.3.19): this is also in contrast to the Sāṅkhya doctrine about the Self as all-pervading. It resides in the heart (2.3.24) and is substantive consciousness (2.3.18), but by its attributive awareness it extends through the body (2.3.25), like a “drop of sandal paste” that is applied to a spot and refreshes the whole body (2.3.23) or like the scent that extends beyond the flower (2.3.26). In embodiment, its attributive awareness is contracted and

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limited to the body, but in liberation it expands, and one can be aware of multiple bodies created at one’s will. Directly against Sāṅkhya’s claim that the Self is the agent of experience but not of action, which is performed by the guṇas of prakṛti, the BS affirms that the Self is an agent and essentially so for two reasons: without its being an agent, scriptural injunctions and prohibitions on whose performance or otherwise good and bad karma are consequent would make no sense, and one would experience the results of actions that one had not performed (2.3.32); liberation would also be impossible, as one could not perform the Upaniṣadic meditations that are the means of liberation (2.3.38). This statement of agency needs to be modulated, in two directions. First, there are texts which affirm agency to prakṛti and deny it to the Self, and they do so having in view instrumentality. The Self is like a carpenter who uses instruments in his work, and agency in that sense depends on perspective: from the standpoint of the instrument that directly contacts wood, it may be said that the carpenter is not an agent; from the standpoint of his initiative and effort, he definitely is an agent (2.3.38–39). Second, the agency of the Self is dependent on Brahman, who is, we should remember, the inner controller. It does not depend on the whims of Brahman, though, since that would nullify agency, and Brahman makes one act by having in view effort and initiative (2.3.40–41). Thus, a complex notion of agency obtains: the Self first expresses an initiative, which is taken into consideration and approved by Brahman and executed by instruments which are products of Brahman’s transformation into the world, such as the intellect. This brings us to the final point: in deliberating on an action, Brahman has regard not only to effort and initiative but to the past karma of an individual as well, which implies that not all initiative can be sanctioned. This is discussed in the part of the BS that is commonly said to deal with theodicy (2.1.31–35). The question is, why would Brahman, who is by definition āpta-kāma or he whose desires are fully satisfied, want to create the world? What purpose would Brahman need to achieve? The answer of the sūtrakāra is that

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creation is not a purposeful action but a “sport,” something one does out of sheer joy, like a king who goes out to play ball (Rāmānuja), like someone infatuated with happiness who gets up to dance (Baladeva), or even more basically, like breathing that just happens (Śaṅkara). But, does the absence of intention absolve the agent of the consequences of her action? The world is a place of suffering and inequality: is Brahman not responsible for this? No, because in creating such inequality, Brahman has regard to the individual karma of the various living beings, and their karmas are all different because embodiment does not have an initial point where everyone would begin from square one: inequality is coeval with time, it is without a beginning. If karma and embodiment are without a beginning, they are not without an end. We move now, therefore, to the doctrine of practice for attaining liberation.

Practice: The Doctrine of Vidya¯ The challenge for the sūtrakāra in defining the Upaniṣads as a canon distinct from the Brāhmaṇas was to show how they serve human goals independent of ritual. This specific difference of the Upaniṣads was found in the doctrine of vidyā and upāsana, both of which I translate as meditation. Strictly speaking, vidyās are specific Upaniṣadic sections that engage “hidden connections” between two distinct things that are seen as identical. Such vidyās could either constitute a single section in one Upaniṣad or be repeated in several places. The first may be illustrated with the famous identification of the sacrificial horse and the Universe at the opening of the Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka Upaniṣad (BĀU). An example of the second is the Śāṇḍilya-vidyā, Śāṇḍilya’s teaching about how the whole world is Brahman, most prominent in the ChU 3.14, but also repeated in the ŚPB and the BĀU. Whether they are one-off or repeated, these vidyās constitute units, in the same way as sacrifices described in different Vedic texts are single ritual models: they aim at the same result, such as attaining Brahman; they have the same form, for

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instance, they are about Vaiśvānara the universal Self and involve the same details; they start with the same injunction, for instance, that one should meditate on this universal Self; and they share the same name. They are constituted as units by way of combining the details mentioned in the different texts (3.3.1, drawing on MS 2.4.9). Vedāntins of different backgrounds quite unanimously used the term upāsana as a synonym for vidyā and understood the intended meaning of both to be meditation. If any distinction at all should be drawn between the two, vidyā seems to stand more generally for the constituted textual ideality of an Upaniṣadic meditation, whereas upāsana indicates its facticity in practice. This, however, is a tenuous distinction and it should not be pursued consistently. BS exclusively used vidyā, but in the commentarial corpus, upāsana became the term of art and for a good reason: the related etymology of upāsana with upaniṣad. The unique feature of the Upaniṣads, then, was expressed in their title: they were meditational texts. Let us briefly illustrate how an Upaniṣadic vidyā would have looked like through the aforementioned identification of the sacrificial horse and the Universe. We list some of the identifications drawn in BĀU 1.1.1: the horse’s head is dawn; its torso is the year; its limbs and joints are the seasons, months, and fortnights; its feet are days and nights; its sight is the sun; its breath is the wind; its gaping mouth is the fire common to all men; its underbelly is the earth; its abdomen is the intermediate space; its flanks are the quarters; its bones are the stars; its flesh are the clouds; and its intestines are the rivers. It is apparent that the horse is likened to spatiotemporal categories and to elements significant for the world of Vedic sacrifice, and in Śaṅkara’s reading, the BĀU presents an identification of the sacrificial horse with the highest divinity of the Vedic worldview, Prajāpati (BĀUBh on 1.1.1). The meditation consists in visualizing these correlations: to be specific, it consists in seeing or mentally imposing these spatiotemporal and Vedic categories in or to a specific horse, one which is to be sacrificed in an actual ritual performance.

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Two criteria of classifying the Upaniṣadic vidyās can be inferred from the BS. The vidyās are means of attaining something desirable to men, and they can be classified in terms of the intended result (3.4.1). A second and a more basic criterion is the nature of the correspondence between the correlated things: the correlation can be either real or symbolic (4.1.4; 4.3.14). The meditation on the Aśvamedha sacrificial horse is a good example of the second: the head of the horse is not really dawn, but dawn is mentally imposed over the horse’s head and meditated on as such in virtue of some resemblance between the two. Śaṅkara says, for instance, that primacy is a feature both of dawn and the horse’s head, and this is ground enough for the one to be visualized as the other (BĀUBh 1.1.1). In the commentarial corpus, these became known as pratīkopāsana, symbolic meditations. The sūtrakāra calls the symbolic meditations kāmya, optional, with a clear allusion to the optional, desire-based rituals that are performed for specific results (3.3.58–64). They are classified further as (1) performed within a broader ritual or as (2) performed independently. The term for the first was aṅgāvabaddha meditations, meditations pertaining to subsidiary elements of a ritual and meant to either enhance the result of the ritual or bring some added value (3.3.53). The meditation on the sacrificial horse can again be adduced as an example. In the Aśvamedha sacrifice, the sacrificial horse was a subsidiary element, subordinate to the principal element that was the ritual action, which was performed for a specific result. If the ritual, however, was accompanied by the meditation on the horse as Prajāpati, then the meditation became the principal element; the horse was embellished through that meditation, and the meditation-ritual complex brought the attainment of the highest heaven, the world of Prajāpati. The insertion of this meditation was optional, contingent on the desire of the sacrificer for another result. This meditation would be, thus, both kāmya and aṅgāvabaddha. The second group of kāmya meditations, those independent of ritual, can be best defined negatively, through two characteristics: (1) they were strictly Upaniṣadic meditations, not tied to ritual

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subsidiaries and not to be performed in a ritual context (2) and their results were, however, of the variety which ritual would bring, not the attainment of Brahman. We give two instances: • ChU 3.1.5.2: “He who knows thus the wind as the child of the quarters will not mourn the loss of a son.” • ChU 7.1.5 “He who meditates on Brahman as name obtains freedom of movement as far as name reaches.” Such meditations are, in fact, interspersed in the Upaniṣads alongside the meditations for the attainment of Brahman. They were also based on symbolic likeness, pratīka. When Vedāntins talk about pratīkopāsanas, they generally have these independent Upaniṣadic meditations in mind and even more restrictedly the meditations in which the symbolic counterpart is Brahman (4.1.4 and commentaries). It is clear, however, that the meditations on ritual subsidiaries were also seen as symbolic in nature. If a meditation was not symbolic and it promised the attainment of Brahman, it was a brahmavidyā. Thus, all the remaining Upaniṣadic meditations (not optional and symbolic) were meditations on Brahman proper, because they resulted in attaining Brahman. This was essentially a negative characterization, but it was combined with a positive one: a brahma-vidyā was a meditation on Brahman as one’s Self. “As the Self, because that is what they admit and teach; but, not as a symbol, because the symbol is not the Self” (4.1.3–4). There are, then, Upaniṣadic passages that identify one’s Self with Brahman, and they constitute brahma-vidyā. The negative characterization, however, was more basic, and that was to accommodate one Upaniṣadic vidyā which did not fit the Brahman-as-the-Self paradigm. That was the famed pañcāgni-vidyā, the knowledge of five fires from the ChU 5.3–10 and BĀU 6.2, which was somewhat of an oddball for the BS classification because it did not correlate two distinct things so that it could be a meditation of one thing as another. It was a depiction of saṁsāra, but it promised the attainment of Brahman to those who know the process of rebirth, through

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the same path of the gods (deva-yāna, on which more below) which was associated with the common brahma-vidyās. The sūtrakāra, therefore, emphasized the “not as a symbol” principle: if a meditation is not symbolic and it promises the attainment of Brahman, it is a brahma-vidyā (4.3.14–15). A definition of brahma-vidyā in terms of scriptural theology would be: it is the textual ideality of a specific meditation on Brahman, to be reconstructed through combining the meditational details of its various iterations as well as some other elements common to all brahma-vidyās, and to be applied optionally to the other brahmavidyās in an outlined procedure, resulting eventually in the attainment of Brahman. We are already familiar with the combination of details, but let us see how all of it was supposed to work. Let us begin with an exemplary list of brahma-vidyās discussed in the BS and the commentaries: • Śāṇḍilya-vidyā in ChU 3.14 and ŚPB 10.3, the teaching of Śāṇḍilya about the innermost Self as Brahman • Bhūma-vidyā in ChU 7, the teaching of Sanatkumāra to Nārada about Brahman that is plenitude • Sad-vidyā in ChU 6, the instruction of Uddālaka Āruṇi to his son Śvetaketu on how Being is everything • Upakosala-vidyā in ChU 4.10–15, the teaching of Upakosala Kāmalāyana to Satyakāma Jābāla about the person in the sun and in the eye • Ānandamaya-vidyā in TU 2, otherwise also known simply as Brahma-vidyā, discussing what became the essential positive nature of Brahman • Vaiśvānara-vidyā in ChU 5.11–18 and BĀU 5.9, the teaching of the king Aśvapati to six householder Brahmins about the Self which is common to all • Akṣara-vidyā in BĀU 3.8, Yājñavaklya’s teaching to Gārgī about the imperishable Brahman • Dahara-vidyā in ChU 8.1–6, containing the teaching about the small space in the city of Brahman that is the heart

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• Madhu-vidyā in BĀU 2.5, the teaching of Dadhyañc Ātharvaṇa to the two Aśvins about the brilliant immortal person within everything • Pañcāgni-vidyā in ChU 5.3–10 and BĀU 6.2, delineating the process of rebirth This is, of course, a bit of a medley of texts and topics, and some work had to be done not only to standardize the individual vidyās but to normalize them across the board as well so that all would be equal meditations that bring one to Brahman. A template brahma-vidyā was worked out to which they would all conform, keeping their individual details so that one could be practiced as per one’s preferences. First of all, they all had to aim at attaining Brahman through the so-called deva-yāna or the course of the gods: as we have seen, it was precisely because of the deva-yāna that the pañcāgnividyā, which does not so much as mention Brahman, made the brahma-vidyā cut. The course, on the other hand, was not mentioned in several vidyās, so there it had to be inserted. Thus, ascending through the course of the gods becomes a part of all brahma-vidyās. By the principle of reciprocity, knowing Brahman is inserted in the pañcāgnividyā, if someone ascends through the deva-yāna, he must be a knower of Brahman (3,3,31). A second thing to normalize was Brahman itself, and that was necessary to make sure that the object of meditation and the attained result were identical. A single conception of Brahman was to permeate the vidyās, and so the notion of Brahman was standardized through inserting Brahman’s “essential characteristics,” culled from a few texts where Brahman is defined. First to be inserted were Brahman’s positive characteristics, which the sūtrakāra calls “bliss and the rest” (3.3.11). This referred to the well-known characterization of Brahman as Being, knowledge, limitless, and Bliss, from the second chapter of the Taittirīya. A second set of universal characteristics of Brahman were the negative characteristics in Yājñavaklya’s teachings to Gārgī, the teaching about the imperishable Brahman from the BĀU 3.8, which distinguishes Brahman from

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the finite beings that are its perishable products (3.3.33). Both insertions were justified by an appeal to a principle of the MS, which stipulates that all characteristics essential to a primary element in a ritual follow that primary wherever it may appear (MS 3.3.9). Thus, it is only in the third chapter that we learn about the essential characteristics of Brahman, beyond its being the cause of everything. Conspicuously absent from this construed notion of Brahman was its being the cause of everything, which was all-important in the first two chapters. We will see why under the next heading. Once the vidyās have been standardized with the deva-yāna and the essential notion of Brahman, the surplus characteristics of Brahman in the individual vidyās were peculiar to them. Because the attainment as their integral part in all of them is the same – Brahman through the deva-yāna – only one brahma-vidyā should be practiced by an individual practitioner: whereas the kāmya meditations which bring ritual-like attainments can be combined as one desires, the more the merrier, one brahma-vidyā brings the same attainment as any other, and therefore they were theorized as options to one another (3.3.57–8). The next question was, How was a brahmavidyā to be practiced? In terms of type of awareness, the meditation on Brahman was a fixed concentration, dhyāna, mulling over an idea (4.1.6). In terms of content, the meditational thought that one would have mulled over would have been a self-identification with Brahman through any of the standardized brahmavidyās. Meditation on Brahman was to be practiced strictly in a sitting posture, but there was no restriction in terms of place: it was to be practiced “wherever concentration is possible” (4.1.7; 4.1.11). This is a clear giveaway that the paradigmatic meditator on Brahman would have been a householder. Along the same lines, the meditation was supposed to be accompanied by ritual and other religious practices, which included the daily Agnihotra and practices such as charity and austerity for the individual āśramas (4.1.16; 3.4.33).

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Ritual in the pursuit of liberation would foster meditation, and the individual āśramas were supposed to continue performing their individual duties under the provision that they are conducive to liberation, which provision was traced to BĀU 4.4.22. Charity was the duty of the householders and austerity and fasting of the renunciants, while sacrifice consisting of the daily Agnihotra was to be performed by everyone, the only exemption being “one Vedic branch some of whose members never light up the fire” (3.4.15). The reference is to Vājasaneyin renunciants who would take up renunciation without ever marrying. Along with their āśrama duties, all aspirants after liberation were expected to cultivate virtues which were enjoined in the BĀU, immediately following the previous provision: calm, self-control, forbearance, etc., thus, became mandatory virtues (3.4.27). Finally, meditation on Brahman was supposed to be practiced through one’s whole life (4.1.1; 4.1.13). This last stipulation is immediately relevant to considering the results of meditation, as it answered the question; What should one do when the meditational practice has borne fruit? The question was prompted by the assumption that there comes a point in life when the meditation has become perfect and one has become a vidvān, a knower of Brahman (3.2.24). The commentators do not say much about how this achievement was supposed to look like. A lexeme that is characteristically used is “steady recollection” (dhruvānusmṛti), which implies that once one had experienced Brahman, such awareness had to be actively maintained: one is still in saṁsāra up until reaching brahma-loka, for which purpose the practice of meditation had to continue till one’s final breath, along with Agnihotra and religious duties that nurture it.

The Goal What happens when one has become vidvān, on the other hand, is depicted in detail. First, one becomes immediately free from the past bad

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karma which has not started bearing fruits, whereas the new karma which one would otherwise create does not stick (4.1.13). The past good karma is also gone, either immediately or at death, but one must live through the karma that has started bearing fruits: there was no such thing as liberation before death (4.1.14–15). In terms of practice, everything was supposed to remain the same as well – one had to continue meditating and practicing ritual and one’s āśrama duties. In fact, the concern was more how to keep in some way the reality of the good and bad karma which one is freed from at the attainment of Brahman: such karma is not really destroyed but redistributed to one’s friends and enemies, respectively (4.1.17). Finally, when death comes, one’s cognitive functions, life breath and the subtle elements forming the subtle body, progressively withdraw and gather around the Self. The Self at that point enters the heart, from which 108 channels shoot forth in different directions (4.2.1–7). He who performed solely ritual takes any of the lower channels and gradually attains the world of the forefathers, pitṛ-loka, through the course of the forefathers known also as the southern course (pitṛ-yāna, dakṣiṇāyana), and eventually returns to earth when the good karma has been exhausted. For the vidvān, on the other hand, the top channel that forms a continuum with the sunrays lightens up (4.2.16), at which point begins his ascension through the course of the gods, known also as the northern or upward course (deva-yāna, uttarāyana). Since the course of the gods is mentioned in several Upaniṣadic passages in a variety of detail, for the sūtrakāra it was important to standardize it as the single course through which all knowers of Brahman achieve Brahman. The course of the gods delineates the progress of the knower of Brahman from entering the channel that goes from the top of the head and all the way to brahma-loka, through a medley of intermediate stages that are of a very heterogeneous character, such as “flame,” “the waxing fortnight of the moon,” “lightning,” various divinities, the sun

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and the moon, etc. These were interpreted as guiding agents, which were, according to the commentators, supposed to preclude the possibility that they be seen as road signs or rest areas (4.3.4). The manner of standardizing the course to the world of Brahman was through combining the details mentioned in the different texts, in the same way in which the details of meditations are combined (4.3.1). And, when all the details are worked out, the course would look like this: Flame ⇨ Day ⇨ Waxing fortnight ⇨ Six months of northern solar course ⇨ Year ⇨ Vāyu ⇨ Sun ⇨ Moon ⇨ Lightning ⇨ “Nonhuman person” [assisted successively by Varuṇa, Indra, Prajāpati] ⇨ Brahma-loka ¼ end of saṁsāra.

Throughout the course, the accommodating agent, the “highway,” were the sunrays that form a continuum between the heart and the sun that is the door of brahma-loka. When the vidvān reaches the world of Brahman, that is the end of saṁsāra (4.2.8). Now the question presents itself: What is this world of Brahman and which Brahman does the knower of Brahman attain? The eighth chapter of the ChU described brahma-loka as a place of heavenly delights, but it was the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad (KṣU; Book 1, Chapters 3 through 7), commonly referred to on this point by the commentators, that gave the most graphic description, and we may summarize what it had to say with profit. Once the knower of Brahman passes on from the world of Prajāpati toward brahma-loka, 500 celestial nymphs dispatched by Brahman greet him with garlands, lotions, cosmetic powders, clothes, and fruits. His first stop is at a lake by the name of Āra, which he must cross with his mind, and if his knowledge is imperfect, he drowns there. A watchman greets him next, and he comes to a river by the name of Vijarā, which he also must cross with his mind: should he succeed, this is the exact point at which his saṁsāra ends. When the deva-yāna itinerant finally meets Brahman, who is sitting on a throne, Brahman asks him the question: “Why are you?” (KṣU 1.5) and he replies: “You are the Self of all beings, and I am who you are” (KṣU 1.6). After some more chitchat, Brahman finally tells him: “You

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have truly attained my world, it is yours” (KṣU 1.7). Already by the time of the BS, such descriptions were not agreeable to all Vedāntins, and there appears the question: To which Brahman does the liberated Self go to via the path of the gods? A certain Bādari apparently advanced the view that the vidvān is lead to Brahman which is the effect, kārya-brahma. This in later Vedānta became synonymous with Hiraṇyagarbha, corresponding to Brahmā the demiurge in the Purāṇic tradition. Since Brahman was omnipresent, Bādari claimed that actions such as motion and attainment are not possible in relation to it, and therefore the ultimate endpoint of the path of the gods was Prajāpati, who can be named Brahman on the account of being the firstborn and closest to Brahman (4.3.7–8). The going to brahma-loka was, however, accommodated by the invention of the doctrine of gradual liberation: at the end of the universe, Hiraṇyagarbha himself is liberated, and along with him, the deva-yāna itinerant attains the supreme Brahman (4.3.9). This view was opposed by Jaimini, who claimed that the supreme Brahman is attained by those who meditate on it, because that was the primary meaning of the word brahma (4.3.11). Bādarāyaṇa disagreed with both. It was wrong to start from a supreme versus effected Brahman distinction and then decide who goes where or at all: the significant distinction was between symbolic and nonsymbolic meditations. If one’s meditation was not based on a symbolic representation, one would attain Brahman even if such meditation was on the effected Brahman, as in the case of those who meditate by means of the pañcāgni-vidyā. On the other hand, claiming that going to the supreme Brahman makes no sense jeopardized those texts that do talk about attaining the supreme or the highest light (4.3.14). Bādarāyaṇa was, in other words, uncompromisingly theological in his approach. Liberation, thus, meant reaching Brahman, and that also involved becoming Brahman. There remained the task to specify what that precisely meant: Did liberation involve attaining a novel state of affairs desirable to men, as in Mīmāṁsā?

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If so, how could such a state be eternal? What kind of Brahman did one become? What was the experience of liberation precisely like? Here we should bear in mind that the principal element in a Vedic ritual was the action of sacrificing or offering and the good which was desirable to man was ultimately the result of that principal element and theorized as a novel state. The goal of the Mīmāṁsakas in advancing such a theory was to remove any contingency that could have occurred because of a personal whim. No human or divine factor ought to have a say whether one will get a result or not: if the action was done properly and all the contingencies were accounted for, the result had to follow just as in any mundane enterprise such as agriculture. This brought with itself the problem of impermanency: the ritual action is an action, and the results produced by action are not permanent. Therefore, while the doctrine of vidyā as a unit was constructed in the image of ritual, the sūtrakāra replaced action with Brahman as the principal factor in any Vedic undertaking, ritualistic or meditational (3.2.38). Brahman became the court of final jurisdiction at which an enterprise was judged. The reasoning behind this was simple: Brahman is the repository of all desires which one could possibly obtain through the performance of ritual, and all its intentions come to pass by necessity, satya-kāma and satyasaṅkalpa. Brahman is eternal and it is also one’s Self, to be realized through meditation. If one could become Brahman, one would obtain both all desires and the requisite permanence at the same time. The issue of permanency also meant that the final attainment could not be quite a new or an adventitious state. Liberation, thus, was a manifestation of an essential personal character but one that is presently not experienced (4.4.1). Thus, the attainment was neither novel nor quite not novel. It was becoming what one could essentially become, when liberated from all that was adventitious to one’s real nature, a sculpture carved out from the same omnipresent slab, not one constructed through addition. However, this was not the procedure of separation in the Sāṅkhya manner, in which the Self eventually remains in

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isolation from matter, but a literal modeling, becoming a replica of the ideal model that is Brahman. Final liberation meant achieving “the highest similarity,” paramaṁ sāmyam, to the meditational model that was Brahman. One becomes of the same kind as Brahman. Here we should address, finally, the question about the absence of Brahman as the cause in the standardized brahma-vidyā. Brahman’s being the cause was useless for the purpose of meditation, because becoming Brahman involved being able to do everything Brahman was able to do, except creating the world (4.4.17). Brahman’s causality was, thus, an accommodating feature for the experience of liberation, insofar as one had to proceed somehow from Brahman – be Brahman – but it had no real role in the meditational model of Brahman that one would emulate, because that feature was ontologically unavailable. Two key ideas describe the state of liberation: independence and pleasure (bhoga). The two were directly based on the seventh and eighth chapter of the Chāndogya, respectively. One becomes independent, without a master, a sovereign to oneself, which gets to mean that one can travel in all the heavenly spheres and enjoy all the desires positively affirmed in the eighth of Chāndogya – the worlds of one’s forefathers, perfumes and garlands, women, and chariots – by one’s mere will, in bodies – multiple bodies at the same time – which one creates by mere will and then pervades by one’s awareness, “as a lamp pervades space which is contiguous with it” (4.4.8–15). Liberation, thus, becomes sovereignty in which one becomes Brahman in kind, that is, with enjoyment equal to that of Brahman, but without the ability to create (4.4.21). It was, finally, a state of “no return,” anāvṛtti, which is a reference to the end of the eighth chapter of ChU and most certainly a counterposition to the attainments of ritual, in which one had the gods as masters and had to continue sacrificing, rising, and falling to earth to no end. One of the final sūtras, a particularly obscure one (4.4.19), is interpreted by Nimbārka, Śrīnivāsa, and Rāmānuja as positing a more essential kind of pleasure, bliss, or ānanda,

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which consists in intuiting Brahman in its essential features. It is hard to adjudicate whether the sūtrakāra did mean this, but we should bear in mind that the most essential positive characteristic of Brahman to be inserted in all brahma-vidyās was precisely bliss, and Nimbārka’s formulation virtually mirrors the paradigmatic meditation, only that now the notion has become an intuition. The topical text quoted on this sūtra is right from the bliss section of the Taittirīya (2.7): “He [Brahman] is flavor (rasa), and obtaining flavor one becomes blissful.” Finally, liberation undoubtedly involved going to a specific place, much like the experience of heaven in Mīmāṁsā. It could not be enjoyed right here and right now.

Cross-References ▶ Acintyabhedābheda ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Appayya Dīkṣita ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Bādarāyaṇa ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhāskara ▶ Bhedābheda ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇas ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya) ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Nimbārka ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Śuddhādvaita ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vācaspati Miśra ▶ Vallabhācārya ▶ Vedānta, Overview ▶ Vīraśaivism ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta ▶ Vyāsa

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References 1. Belvalkar SK (1918) The multiple authorships of the Vedānta Sūtras. Indian Philos Rev 2:141–154 2. Belvalkar SK (1927) Jaimini’s Śārīraka-Sūtra. In: Aus Indiens Kultur: Festgabe Richard von Garbe. Palm & Enke, Erlangen 3. Belvalkar SK (1929) Shree Gopal Baau Mallik lectures on Vedānta philosophy. Bilvakuñja Publishing House, Poona 4. Bose R (2004) Vedānta-Pārijāta-Saurabha of Nimbārka and Vedānta-Kaustubha of Śrīnivāsa: English translation. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 5. Buchta D (2016) Devotion and karmic Extripation in late Vedānta: Viṭṭhalanātha and Baladeva Vidyābhūṣaṇa on Brahmasūtra 4.1.13–19. J Hindu Studies 9:29–55 6. Carman JB (1974) The theology of Rāmānuja: an essay in interreligious understanding. Yale University Press, New Haven/London 7. Chattopadhyay R (1992) A Vaiṣṇava interpretation of the Brahmasūtras: Vedānta and theism. E.J. Brill, Leiden/New York/Köln 8. Chauduri R (1959) Doctrine of Srikantha: first English translation of Srikantha-Bhasya or commentary of Srikantha. Institute of Oriental Learning, Calcutta 9. Chauduri R (1962) Doctrine of Srikantha and other monotheistic schools of the Vedānta. Institute of Oriental Learning, Calcutta 10. Deussen P (1908) The philosophy of the Upanishads. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh 11. Deussen P (1912) The system of the Vedânta. The Open Court Publishing Company, Chicago 12. Faddegon B (1923) The chapter (III, 3), the method of exegesis, in the Vedānta-Sūtra. Acta Orient (Netherlands) 1:105–113 13. Gupta R (2007) The Caitanya Vaiṣṇava Vedānta of Jīva Gosvāmin: when knowledge meets devotion. Routledge, London/New York 14. Hayavadana Rao C (1936) The Śrīkara Bhāṣya: being the Vīraśaiva commentary on the Vedānta-Sūtras, by Śrīpati. Introduction, vol 1. Bangalore Press, Bangalore 15. Karmarkar RD (1921) The relation of the Bhagavadgītā and the Bādarāyaṇa Sūtras. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 3(2):73–79 16. Karmarkar RD (1959) Śrībhāṣya of Rāmānuja, 3 vols. University of Poona Sanskrit and Prakrit Series. University of Poona, Poona 17. Mirashi VV (1923) The traditional author of the Vedānta Sūtras – Bādarāyaṇa or Kṛṣṇa Dvaipāyana? In: Proceedings and transactions of the second oriental conference, pp 463–470 18. Nakamura H (1983) A history of early Vedānta philosophy, vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 19. Nakamura H (2004) A history of early Vedānta philosophy, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Brahman 20. Nicholson AJ (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York 21. Olivelle P (1998) The early Upaniṣads. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 22. Pandey SL (1983) Pre-Śaṁkara Advaita philosophy. Allahabad philosophical series 2. Darshan Peeth, Allahabad 23. Sankaranarayanan S (2003) Bādarāyaṇa and Vyāsa as authors of the Brahmasūtras – a historical analysis. Adyar Libr Bull 67:91–146 24. Sharma BNK (1981) History of the Dvaita school of Vedānta and its literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 25. Subba Rau S (1904) The Vedanta-sutras with the commentary of Madhwacharya. Thompson and Co., Madras 26. Suryanarayana Sastri SS, Raja CK (1933) The Bhāmatī of Vācaspati on Śaṅkara’s Brahmasutrabhāṣya (Catussūtrī). Theosophical Pub. House, Madras 27. Swami G (1965) Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya of Śrī Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata 28. van Buitenen JAB (1981) The Bhagavad-Gītā in the Mahābhārata. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 29. Vasu SC (2002) The Vedāntasūtras of Bādarāyaṇa, with the commentary of Baladeva. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., Delhi 30. Venkataramiah D (1948) The Pañcapādikā of Padmapāda. Gaekwad’s oriental series, vol CVII. Oriental Institute, Baroda

Brahman Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Definition The first principle; the cause of creation, maintenance, and destruction of beings.

Introduction Brahman is one of the most common ideas in Hinduism, persistent throughout its history, and it may generally be defined as the first cause in the creation of the world. Its canonical definition is

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given in the Brahma-Sūtra 1.1.2 (derived from the Taittirīya Upaniṣad 3.1.1 and repeated in the Bhāgavata 1.1.1) as that from which proceed the creation, sustenance, and destruction of beings. It is, thus, the most general ontological principle, and in theistic Vedānta it is also identified with personal divinity such as Viṣṇu or Kṛṣṇa. The earliest uses of Brahman, however, are not as straightforward as our initial paragraph suggests. In the early Vedic corpus, Bráhman (with the acute accent on the first syllable) was solely associated with a hymn that an inspired poet would fashion, or a charm or a sacrificial formula that a priest would use in a ritual, through which the gods would be strengthened, or otherwise help would be derived for achieving a purpose, such as getting rid of one’s enemies, of evil spirits, or of danger in general. Bráhman was, further, commonly and explicitly identified with speech (vāc), and the poet or priest that utters such speech was called brahmán (with the acute accent on the last syllable) through association ([1], pp. 1–10). Brahman was, thus, a complex of related ideas of inspired speech that had creative power and was associated with men who utter it. The early scholarship on Brahman has recognized this complex and has focused on what Bráhman meant in the various early Vedic texts and how it developed to stand for the great ground of Being and origin of everything: the investigation of Brahman the origin commonly proceeded through searching after the origin of Brahman and through negotiating the space between Bráhman the holy speech and Brahman the universal principle. In many cases, the arena of such polemics was comparative Indo-European linguistics. Without going into the details, we may point out two views that were at the extreme not only conceptually but methodologically as well. Paul Thieme claimed that the original import of Bráhman was a “formulation” that was created specifically for ritual use. In other words, Bráhman was a poetic creation. By implication, brahmán was a “formulator” in the sense of Brahman that creates [2]. Jan Gonda, on the other hand, was much more willing to side with the native tradition that always interpreted Brahman as the power that makes things grow: “To my mind, brahman is a

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more or less definite power . . . which often, and especially in the more ancient texts, manifests itself as word, as ritual . . . sacred or magical word” ([3], p. 70). As hinted above, the native tradition had consistently related Brahman to a principle which is itself great and makes other things grow, and its etymology was associated with the root √bṛṁh, meaning “to grow” or “to make things grow” ([3], p. 20). This etymology is found, for instance, in the Viṣṇu Purāṇa 3.3.31: “It is called Brahman because it is great and because it makes things grow” ([3], p. 19). Śaṅkara likewise says in his commentary on the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (2.1.1) [12]: “It is Brahman because it is the greatest.” The association of Brahman with speech as a creative principle, however, was not lost on the native tradition, and Brahman is occasionally identified with the Veda, with the performance of ritual, and through that with growth. In such contexts, it is explicitly called śabda-brahman or the verbal Brahman. One such case is in the third chapter of the Bhagavad-Gītā [10], which delineates a primordial social contract between the gods and the humans, forged by the highest Vedic divinity Prajāpati, in which men are obliged to offer sacrifices for the gods and the gods to reward men by pouring rain. Verses 14–15 say that beings grow from grain, grain grows from rain, rain is produced through sacrifice, sacrifice is rooted in action, and action is rooted in “Brahman.” Brahman on its part is rooted in the “imperishable.” Śaṅkara and most other commentators identify “Brahman” with the Veda and the “imperishable” with Brahman itself. The speech that is Brahman, thus, makes things grow through laying out ritual performances that cause rain, and through that food, but is itself an effect of Brahman the first principle. In the philosophy of the grammarians and of the Vedāntin Maṇḍana Miśra, however, Brahman the first principle itself was speech in nature. Bhartṛhari’s Vākyapadīya famously opens with the statement that Brahman which has no origin and end and which itself is the origin of the world is essentially verbal (śabda-tattvam), whereas the external things are its apparent transformations. This is another śabda-brahman that is, further,

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commonly identified with the Vedic praṇava, the holy sound Om.

Brahman in the Upanisads and the ˙ Brahma-Sūtra It was in the Upaniṣads, however, that the notion of Brahman became the central object of reflection. In the Upaniṣadic corpus, as the BrahmaSūtra (BS) had systematized it, Brahman in the most general sense is the first principle from which individual beings are born. The locus classicus of this canonical determination of Brahman was Taittirīya Upaniṣad (TU) 3.1.1: “That from which these beings are born, on which, being born, they live, and into which they return at death, try to know that distinctly: it is Brahman.” This passage provided the definition of Brahman in the tradition of Vedānta because it was the topical text for the Brahma-Sūtra statement that Brahman is that from which proceed creation, maintenance, and destruction of beings (BS 1.1.2). Creation passages with different degrees of elaboration and a significant variety of detail are, otherwise, found throughout the Upaniṣads, and this principle from which creation proceeds is variously called “the great being” (mahān bhūta, Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka Upaniṣad [BĀU] 2.4.10; 4.5.11), “the imperishable” (akṣara, Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad [MU] 1.1.7), “Being” (sat, satyam, Chāndogya Upaniṣad [ChU] 6, TU 2.6), and “the Self” (ātman, TU 2.1.1) and is implicitly or explicitly identified with Brahman. The beings that are created from Brahman include further creation principles that are associated with colors, the combination of which produces all the details of the world (ChU 6: heat, water, and food, corresponding to red, white, and black), the five elements (TU 2.1.1: space, air, fire, water, and earth), the four Vedas and other items of scriptural and ritual significance (BĀU 2.4.10; 4.5.11), the social classes and Vedic deities (BĀU 1.4.9–15), or simply “the whole” or “everything” (sarvam, BĀU 1.4.10). The Taittirīya definition of Brahman as the cause was itself found in a wider context,

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however, and it was commonly taken by Vedāntins as not informative enough. It was the positing of the category – Brahman is the great cause of things – but not a distinguishing definition or a determinate description, such that it would be sufficiently clear just how that great cause was different from other possible causes. Four characteristics are further predicated of Brahman in the TU that define Brahman in its peculiar character. TU 2.1.1 contains the famous statement satyaṁ jñānam anantam brahma, which says that Brahman is Being, consciousness, and limitless. Further, the whole third chapter of the Upaniṣad is an identification of Brahman the cause of beings with ānanda, bliss. These four characteristics provided the positive definition of Brahman for Vedānta in general: Brahman the cause was conscious, blissful, and a unique, single cause. While Vedāntins have differed widely on what precise relation obtains between Brahman and the four characteristics and on what kind of a thing this Brahman is, as we shall see later, the definition itself was common to all Vedāntins since it provided the paradigmatic positive determination of Brahman. From this derived the popular characterization of Brahman as sac-cidānanda, Being, consciousness, and bliss. Another Upaniṣadic text of central importance for the Brahma-Sūtra notion of Brahman was Yājñavalkya’s dialogue with Gārgī Vācaknavī in BĀU 3.8. There, Gārgī challenges Yājñavalkya to tell her about that on which all things above the sky, below the earth, and in between are woven warp and woof. Yājñavalkya says that it is the imperishable, akṣara, and proceeds to describe it in thoroughly negative terms: “That, Gārgī, is the imperishable, and Brahmins refer to it like this – it is neither coarse nor fine; it is neither short nor long; it has neither blood nor fat; it is without shadow or darkness; it is without air or space; it is without contact; it has no taste or smell; it is without sight or hearing; it is without speech or mind; it is without energy, breath, or mouth; it is beyond measure; it has nothing within it or outside of it; it does not eat anything; and no one eats it” ([4], p. 91). The MU (1.1.7) explicitly described this akṣara as the origin from which beings are born and through that identified the

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imperishable with Brahman: “As a spider spins out threads, then draws them into itself; As plants sprout out from the earth; As head and body hair grows from a living man; So from the imperishable all things here spring” ([4], p. 437). The Bhagavad-Gītā likewise identified the imperishable with the highest Brahman (8.3: akṣaraṁ brahma paramam). The intention of describing Brahman in such negative terms was to communicate that Brahman was essentially different from the beings that it creates. These two textual loci were the most important for the Brahma-Sūtra notion, which intended to define Brahman essentially through the means of analogy with its creation, by combining such positive and negative characteristics. Two sūtras in the BS were key to this: 3.3.11 and 3.3.33 [9]. Without going into the technical details, these two sūtras say that whenever Brahman is mentioned in the various Upaniṣadic texts that serve as props for meditation, the proper characteristics of Brahman are to be “read in” these texts because they form the general or essential notion of Brahman. Sūtra 3.3.11 states the positive characteristics, “bliss and the rest,” whereas sūtra 3.3.33 refers to the “imperishable.” They, thus, point to the Taittirīya and the Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka positive and negative characterizations of Brahman as equally determinative of the notion. Yājñavalkya’s theological contest at the sacrifice of Janaka provided two more related mainstays which were influential in different ways in the schools of Vedānta but concerned specifically Brahman’s relation to the individual Selves. One was the identification of Brahman with the cognitive agent within each individual, the inner Self or antarātman, most explicitly stated in BĀU 3.4. There, on the insistence of Uṣasta Cākrāyaṇa to tell him about that Brahman which is known immediately (sākṣād aparokṣāt brahma) as the Self within all, Yājñavalkya describes this Brahman as the principle that accommodates seeing, hearing, thinking, and knowing in general but that cannot itself become an object of these cognitive processes. The second is in BĀU 3.7, where Yājñavalkya responds to the question of Uddālaka Āruṇi about the string (sūtra) that keeps the world and all

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beings together, as well as the inner controller (antaryāmin) that guides them from within. Yājñavalkya identifies the inner controller with the Self within Uddālaka, which is also present in the elements of creation, in the heavenly bodies such as the sun, the moon, and the stars, in natural phenomena such as light and darkness, in the functions of life such as respiration, and in the cognitive faculties: it is this Self that controls all of them from within, unbeknownst to them. Then Yājñavalkya proceeds to describe this inner controller as the inner Self that is the principle that accommodates cognition but is itself not known: “He sees, but he can’t be seen; he hears, but he can’t be heard; he thinks, but he can’t be thought of; he perceives, but he can’t be perceived. Besides him, there is no one who sees, no one who hears, no one who thinks, and no one who perceives. It is this self of yours who is the inner controller, the immortal” ([4], p. 89). The notions of antarātman and antaryāmin are clearly identified. This theme of the inner Self and the inner controller became one of the key problems in the schools of Vedānta, which were divided into monistic and pluralistic theologies. The question about Brahman being the inner Self was whether Brahman was the only Self, there being no individual Selves ultimately distinct from Brahman, or whether Brahman was the inner Self and controller of the individual Selves that kept their separate existence. While Vedāntins have generally recognized that the Upaniṣads affirmed the identity between Brahman and the Self, several schools of Vedānta understood this identity as qualitative rather than quantitative, and they interpreted the identity statements as promoting assimilative identification through meditation. An all-important sūtra in this regard is BS 4.1.3, which points to Upaniṣadic texts that understand and teach Brahman or the Supreme Self (paramātman, parama-puruṣa) as one’s own Self. The theistic commentators such as Nimbārka, Rāmānuja, and Śrīnivāsa have interpreted this sūtra as a statement of meditation that promotes some form of unity between the individual Self and Brahman that does not abolish the separate

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existence of the first, such as that of an attribute to a substratum. The Upaniṣads themselves were far from unanimous in this regard. While Yājñavalkya’s teachings in the BĀU easily lend themselves to monistic interpretations, there are Upaniṣadic passages that explicitly promote a form of dualism. Some of them crucially concern Brahman and the Self in the state of liberation from embodiment. An often-quoted passage from the MU (3.1.1-3, the first two verses also in Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad [ŚU] 4.6-7 and the very first taken from the Ṛgveda 1.164.20) says that two friendly birds reside on the same tree, and the one eats its sweet fig fruits, while the other just observes. The analogy is clearly between the individual Self and Brahman, who is called here a goldencolored Person, the creator, the Lord, and Brahman the source; the tree represents the body and the sweet figs – karma. The Upaniṣad proceeds to say that the bird that represents the individual Self suffers, being ignorant of the Lord, but when it sees him, its suffering disappears, it becomes freed from the good and bad karma and attains paramaṁ sāmyam, the highest sameness or similarity. A triangulation of passages from some of the oldest Upaniṣads indicates that the qualitative rather than the quantitative identity between Brahman and the individual Self was the norm. TU 2.1.1 that provided the definition of Brahman as Being, knowledge, and limitless proceeds to claiming how he who knows these characteristics as present both in the cavity of one’s own heart and in the highest heaven “enjoys all desires with the wise Brahman.” This text was the topical passage for the Brahma-Sūtra understanding of liberation as a state where one had become equal to Brahman in all respect, primarily in the power of enjoyment, but excluding the ability to interfere in the functioning of the world (BS 4.4.21). The idea of liberation as a state of enjoying all desires was most thoroughly elaborated in the last chapter of the ChU. There, the claim is that he who had discovered the Self “that is free from evil, free from old age and death, free from sorrow, free from hunger and thirst; the Self whose desires and intentions are real” (ChU 8.7.1) – taken by

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Vedāntins to refer to Brahman – becomes similarly one “whose desires and intentions are real,” satya-kāma and satya-saṅkalpa, that is, wins the ability to fulfill one’s desires and intentions by the mere thought. This was further specified as the ability to have one’s ancestors appear before oneself at one’s will, the ability to enjoy things such as perfumes and garlands, food and drink, music, and women through sheer intention, as well as unimpeded motion through the Vedic heavens (ChU 8.2.1-10, 8.3.4, 8.12.2). More specifically, liberation was a state of non-return to the human world of performing sacrifices for the gods, on the account of attaining the world of Brahman, brahma-loka, where one remains in some form of an unembodied state but not quite shapeless, like “the wind is without a body, and so are the rain-cloud, lightning and thunder” (ChU 8.12.2). This world of Brahman is graphically described in the first chapter of the Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad (KU), and for our purposes it is important to note that Brahman itself is presented as personified. Brahman sits on a couch called amitaujas, “of limitless might,” which is identified with life breath and is made of various Vedic chants. The liberated Self approaches this Brahman, sits on its couch, and on Brahman’s question “Who are you?” concludes its reply with “You yourself are the Self of every being, and I am who you are.” After some more discussion, Brahman concludes, “You have truly attained my world, it is yours.” Despite the explicit identification of the individual with Brahman, this is clearly a case of qualitative identity, “the highest similarity,” which is further confirmed by the description of the attained state: “When one comes to know this, he wins the same victory and success that Brahman has” (KU 1.7). In the Brahma-Sūtra, already, Bādari had rejected such personal Brahman as the first principle, for several reasons, the main being that it makes no sense for the omnipresent Brahman to be localized in brahma-loka. The Brahman in brahma-loka was, rather, the so-called kāryabrahman, Brahman as the effect or the universal soul called Hiraṇyagarbha that animates the whole world as life breath, prāṇa (BS 4.3.6-10). Śaṅkara’s Advaita Vedānta had endorsed this

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interpretation, but Bādarāyaṇa himself had rejected it (BS 4.3.14), and in the theistic schools of Vedānta Brahman was in any case identified with a personal divinity, such as Viṣṇu, and brahma-loka with a sphere beyond the created world. In the later Upaniṣads, there are several passages based on which two other characteristics are commonly predicated to Brahman in Vedānta: omnipotence (sarvaśakti) and omniscience (sarvajña). The first is in the ŚU 6.8, which says that the Supreme has various innate capacities (śakti) and proceeds to list three: knowledge, power, and action (jñāna, bala, kriyā). The Upaniṣad directly presents such capacities as the means through which the divinity creates the world in its various details: “Who alone, himself without color, wielding his power [śakti] creates variously countless colors, and in whom the universe comes together at the beginning and dissolves in the end – may he furnish us with lucid intelligence” (ŚU 4.1, [4], p. 423). That Brahman possesses śaktis of various kinds through which it vicariously transforms itself into the world became an important determination of Brahman in several schools of Vedānta, and even Śaṅkara commonly describes Brahman as omnipotent. The ŚU also describes the divinity which through its greatness creates the world, explicitly called the wheel of Brahman, as omniscient, sarvavid (6.1-2). The commonplace reference for Brahman’s omniscience in later Vedānta texts, however, came from verse 1.1.9 of the MU. That verse is also situated in a creation passage, and it describes the imperishable Brahman (akṣara) from which the creation proceeds as sarvajña and sarvavid, omniscient.

Brahman in Veda¯nta In systematic thought, Brahman was the specific domain of the schools of Vedānta that developed through the medium of commentaries on the Upaniṣads and the Brahma-Sūtra. Although all the schools of Vedānta drew on the same Upaniṣadic data, and addressed the same question about Brahman in its relation to the individual

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Selves on the one hand and the world on the other, their ideas about Brahman differed widely. Here we will look briefly at the founders of the three most prominent schools of Vedānta: the Advaitin Śaṅkara, the Viśiṣṭādvaitin Rāmānuja, and the Dvaitin Madhva. Śaṅkara’s (ca. 700–750) theology identified Brahman with the cause from which all beings are created, according to the standard Taittirīya definition. Such determination of Brahman, however, was not informative enough in Śaṅkara’s eyes to distinguish Brahman the first cause from competing candidates, such as the atoms of Vaiśeṣika or the prakṛti of Sāṅkhya (TUBh 2.1.1). In fact, in later Advaita Vedānta, causality is commonly described as a taṭastha-lakṣaṇa or an accidental characteristic of Brahman. Śaṅkara, therefore, claimed that Brahman in its specific nature was defined in three sets of characteristics stated in Upaniṣadic texts (BSBh 4.1.2) [13]. The first were characteristics that present Brahman as “the light of consciousness,” and these are the positive qualities from the Brahma-Sūtra systematization: Being, consciousness, bliss, and limitless. Brahman, however, did not belong to the genus of causes, and Śaṅkara’s theology did not take these qualities as characteristics the collocation of which would make a determinate description of Brahman, a particular of a genus, but as defining features whose purpose was to jointly delimit Brahman as a thing sui generis. For that to be the case, Brahman’s qualities could not be characteristics such as common things have, for instance, color, but features that are identical with Brahman as constitutive of its nature. This was the idea behind Śaṅkara’s habitual descriptions of Brahman as nirviśeṣa, having no distinguishing characteristics (TUBh 2.1.1). Brahman’s Being, for instance, was not like the being of any object, such as a clay pot, an object to which being was predicated as a characteristic so long as the object was existent: Brahman was Being that is predicated to everything, the Being that never ceases to be. Likewise, Brahman’s consciousness was not any content of awareness that can be predicated of a subject, but it was the “light of consciousness” that makes cognition possible yet does not admit of the subject-object distinction

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on which cognitive content depended. Finally, Brahman’s being bliss did not involve any experiential bliss, and to Śaṅkara’s mind this bliss was but synonymous with freedom from transmigration (BĀUBh 3.9.28.7) [11]. The second and the third set were the negative characteristics of Brahman, such as “unborn, deathless, beyond hunger and thirst” etc., whose purpose were to deny any change in Brahman on the one hand and to present it as thoroughly different from its creation on the other. These negative characteristics of Brahman were related to the positive as their determinants – the Being and consciousness that is Brahman is not liable to change – and through that had a massive hermeneutic significance in Śaṅkara’s system. Since Brahman was a permanently changeless thing, the Upaniṣadic descriptions of creation where Brahman was that from which real things proceed could not be read as statements that have full truth value, since Brahman’s transformation into such things would be contradictory to Brahman’s being permanently changeless. The Upaniṣadic descriptions of creation, then, had to be read not as accounts of real creation but as illustrations of causality that should intimate not that Brahman transforms into everything but that everything just was Brahman. It was such kind of cause that Brahman was, and the talk of transformation into beings in the Upaniṣads was just the closest approximation of causality that one could comprehend (BSBh 2.1.14). The negative characteristics were similarly related to Brahman’s feature of consciousness, specifically through the Self of every individual being. The Upaniṣadic accounts of creation say that Brahman, having created the world, entered into it as the cognitive agent, that is, as the Self of every individual being. The negative characteristics of Brahman applied to the feature of consciousness were meant to prevent cognitive agency from obtaining as an essential characteristic of the cognitive agent. To put it differently, Brahman in its feature of consciousness was each and every individual Self, not, however, as individual nor as the Self that cognizes content of awareness but as the pure awareness that makes cognition possible (TUBh 2.1.1).

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The two essential features of Brahman, however, had some internal uneasiness. As Being, Brahman was essentially causal, that great plentitude that is coordinated with everything as the only real thing, and through that it was external. As consciousness, Brahman was inner, to which the great external Brahman seemed like a second entity. This external Brahman is commonly described by Śaṅkara as Īśvara, with omnipotence and omniscience as the important characteristics. It was, therefore, in the identity statements of the Upaniṣads, such as the tat tvam asi, “You are that,” in ChU 6.8.7ff, and ahaṁ brahmāsmi, “I am Brahman,” in BĀU 1.4.10, that Brahman was most directly defined. Brahman’s being the inner Self of the cognitive agent prevented Brahman from being causal and external, and Brahman’s being great prevented there being a second entity to the inner Self. This was, then, the only absolutely true statement about Brahman, “I myself am Brahman,” the light of consciousness, eternal, pure, and bliss in the sense of being ever free. Brahman’s being the cause, its entering the creation as the Self, etc. was just a way of facilitating the subject’s understanding that the Being, consciousness and bliss that is Brahman is nothing but myself (BSBh 2.1.22). (Here we will not go into the details of Śaṅkara’s cosmology where the question of Brahman’s relation to ignorance or avidyā becomes important, and the reader should look at the entry on Śaṅkara.) Rāmānuja’s (ca. 1077–1157) theology of Brahman was radically different from that of Śaṅkara. For Rāmānuja, Brahman was a personal divinity, identical with Viṣṇu: he refers to him predominantly as Puruṣottama, the supreme person. The most common way for Rāmānuja to describe Brahman was through the so-called ubhaya-liṅgatva or the fact that Brahman possesses two kinds of characteristics: “superlative auspicious qualities” (niratiśaya-kalyāṇa-guṇa) and “freedom from imperfections” or “opposition to everything defiling” (nikhila-heya-pratyanīka) ([5], pp. 65–76). Another classification that Rāmānuja occasionally makes divides the characteristics of Brahman into essential and natural. The first, svarūpa-nirūpaṇa-dharma, is five in number and is the canonical characteristics from

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the BS: Being, consciousness, limitless, bliss, and purity. The last of these, purity or amalatva, may be understood as a collective noun that includes the full set of the negative characteristics of Brahman from the BS, and it seems to be equivalent to the freedom from imperfections in the first classification ([5], pp. 88–113). Purity and infinity distinguish Brahman from the individual selves and the world, and thus Brahman essentially or substantively is Being that is unlimited and unconditional consciousness and bliss in nature. Consciousness and bliss are also constitutive of the essential nature of the individual selves, and matter is Being – Rāmānuja is a realist, unlike Śaṅkara – but they are not essential in the same way as in Brahman’s case. Brahman’s Being is changeless, unlike that of matter, and the consciousness of the individual selves is liable to contraction occasioned by embodiment. The two are, also, entities essentially dependent on Brahman, unlike Brahman that is essentially independent. The group of “natural” (svabhāva) characteristics seems to include relational characteristics which Brahman has “naturally” but which he can exhibit only in relation to other beings. We may illustrate these with the characteristic of saulabhya or accessibility, which became one the most important divine attributes in postRāmānuja Śrīvaiṣṇava theology: Brahman is accessible naturally, but the manifestation of his accessibility is contingent on there being other living beings that intend to approach him ([5], pp. 96–97). This rubric, the “natural” characteristics of Brahman, is equivalent to what Rāmānuja calls the “superlative auspicious qualities” and includes two sets of characteristics that the later tradition has subsumed under the notions of supremacy (paratva) or lordship (īśitṛtva) and accessibility (saulabhya) ([5], pp. 77–87). The first consists of six characteristics that made their entrance into Vedānta from the Pañcarātra system as the defining features of the category of Bhagavān or God: knowledge (jñāna), power (bala), majesty (aiśvarya), capacity (śakti), valor (vīrya), and splendor (tejas). Commentators interpret this knowledge as omniscience to distinguish it from the essential jñāna or consciousness. The

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second set consists of characteristics such as compassion and generosity. The classification that involves a limited number of characteristics notwithstanding, however, Rāmānuja was in the habit of describing the auspicious qualities as “infinite.” Rāmānuja was, like Śaṅkara, a monist but of a very different kind. The world and the individual Selves in this ontology were real entities, constituting “the body” of Brahman. By a “body,” Rāmānuja meant any dependent reality that a conscious being can use for its own purpose, as its extension of a sort. The body and the embodied formed a unit of entities that kept their separate being yet constituted an organic whole. Thus, central to Rāmānuja’s theology of Brahman’s relationship to the world and the individual Selves was Yājñavalkya’s teaching about the inner dweller, the antaryāmin, that controls everything from within. Brahman was the universal Self to which everything else was a body. Rāmānuja referred to other similar kinds of relations to illustrate this notion of organic whole, such as modes and mode-possessor (prakāra-prakārin), parts and part-possessor (aṁśa-aṁśin), subordinate and principal (guṇa-guṇin), supported and support (ādheya-ādhāra), ruled and ruler (niyamyaniyantṛ), etc. His system is commonly called viśiṣṭādvaita or “non-duality of the qualified,” through one of these relations, namely, the substantive-adjective or viśeṣya-viśeṣaṇa-bhāva. Rāmānuja also accepted the BS doctrine of Brahman as the material cause of the world, but Brahman was such a cause through having matter as its mode, in virtue of which the shortcomings of the world did not affect Brahman’s essential nature ([5], pp. 114–157). Finally, Brahman for Rāmānuja was most specifically Nārāyaṇa, the personal divinity that has his own body in the direct sense, a body that is a permanent divine form characterized by beauty, grace, and similar superlative features and dwells in a celestial abode with consorts, retinue, etc., the “supreme place,” paramam padam, of Viṣṇu ([5], pp. 167–175). Madhva (1238–1317) was another famed Vedāntin, an uncompromising pluralist and a realist. He was the only founder of a school of

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Vedānta who claimed that Brahman could not possibly be the material cause of the world: Brahman’s essential nature was consciousness and bliss, and it was unthinkable that the insentient world that is the locus of suffering could be a transformation of a cause so different from it. For Madhva, then, Brahman was just the efficient cause of the world, and there obtained absolute difference between Brahman and the two other principles of reality, the insentient matter and the sentient individual Selves. Madhva’s doctrine is known as prapañca-bheda, a fivefold absolute difference between Brahman and the individual Self, Brahman and insentient matter, the various individual Selves, insentient matter and the individual Selves, and the various material entities ([6], p. 73). What distinguishes Brahman as one among the several coeval reals is its independence. Brahman is an independent principle, svatantra, omniscient and omnipotent, whereas the insentient matter and the individual sentient Selves are dependent on Brahman ([7], pp. 36–41). Although insentient matter is the stuff of creation and is coeval with Brahman, unlike the Sāṅkhyan prakṛti, it is not in itself able to evolve the world, and it requires the guidance and control of Brahman. Likewise, although the individual Selves are essentially knowledge in nature and possess agency, these are obscured by ignorance, a feature of matter that is an “inscrutable power of Brahman,” such that without the intervention of Brahman the individual Self remains in bondage. Since matter is itself insentient, though, even this feature of obscuring the knowledge of the individual Selves depends on the will of Brahman. Thus, both the individual Selves and matter are dependent principles, asvatantra, incapable of independent action without the sanction of Brahman ([8], p. 100). Brahman is, therefore, immanent in the world in a sense that is much more direct than in any other brand of Vedānta. Madhva further argued that Brahman is an entity that essentially possesses diverse positive characteristics. Even if one were to assume that Brahman is without positive characteristics, nirviśeṣa, that would still be a positive determination insofar as Brahman would be characterized as

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different from everything else. “Having no distinguishing features” was a distinguishing feature, and such being the case, there is no reason why Brahman would not have other kinds of characteristics that are positive in a more straightforward manner ([8], pp. 115–121). Madhva’s realist ontology, in fact, required that Brahman be a qualified entity, saviśeṣa, and have characteristics of various kinds. As the efficient cause, Brahman must be both omniscient and omnipotent, as well as possessed of a will to create. The negative descriptions of Brahman throughout the Upaniṣads were denials that Brahman has characteristics that are products of the material cause of the world, prakṛti. For instance, the statements that Brahman is formless are denials that Brahman possesses a form composed of the five elements of creation, but not a denial that Brahman may have his own form that possesses hands, feet, a face, etc., made of Brahman’s own trans-material nature. This trans-material nature was constituted, in fact, by the classical positive characteristic of Brahman: Being, consciousness, and bliss. “Viṣṇu’s eternal and innate body is faultless consciousness and bliss,” said Madhva ([6], pp. 94–95). Like Rāmānuja, Madhva was also a Vaiṣṇava and Brahman for him was simply Viṣṇu. In an important sense, however, Madhva was a non-dualist. He argued that the characteristics of Brahman were not qualities different from Brahman and standing in some sort of a relationship to it. Rather, Brahman was a single substance that is for practical purposes described through the attribution of diverse characteristics. These characteristics are explicative, but not constitutive of Brahman, much after the fashion of attribution of omnipresence to space. Central in this regard was the notion of viśeṣa or specific difference, which for Madhva was an intrinsic capacity of a thing to be a homogenous whole yet be described as a substance that has various attributes ([6], pp. 95–97).

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Aum

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▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhāskara ▶ Bhedābheda ▶ Brahmā ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ God, Overview ▶ Mādhva ▶ Nimbārka ▶ Rāma ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vāc ▶ Vedānta, Overview

References 1. Griswold HDW (1900) Brahman: a study in the history of indian philosophy. The Macmillan Company, New York 2. Brereton J (2004) Bráhman, Brahmán, and Sacrificer. In: Griffiths A, Houben JEM (eds) The vedas: text, language & ritual. Egbert Forsten, Groningen, pp 325–344 3. Gonda J (1950) Notes on Brahman. J.L. Beyers, Utrecht 4. Olivelle P (1998) The early Upaniṣads. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 5. Carman JB (1974) The theology of Rāmānuja: an essay in interreligious understanding. Yale Publications in Religion 18. Yale University Press, New Haven/London 6. Raghavachar SS (1959) Śrīmad-Viṣṇu-TattvaVinirṇaya of Śrī Madhvācārya. Sri Ramakrishna Ashrama, Mangalore 7. Sharma BNK (1962) Philosophy of Śrī Madhvācārya. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 8. Sharma BNK (1997) Madhva’s teachings in his own words. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai 9. Bose R (2004) Vedānta-Pārijāta-Saurabha of Nimbārka and Vedānta-Kaustubha of Śrīnivāsa: English translation. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 10. van Buitenen JAB (1981) The Bhagavad-Gītā in the Mahābhārata. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 11. Mādhavānanda S (1950) The Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad with the commentary of Śaṅkarācārya [BAUBh]. Advaita Ashrama, Mayavati 12. Swami G (1937) Eight Upaniṣads: volume one (Īśā, Kena, Kaṭha, Taittirīya [TUBh]). With the commentary of Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta 13. Swami G (1965) Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya of Śrī Śaṅkarācārya [BSBh]. Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta

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Bra¯hmana ˙ ▶ Pallava Dynasty

Bra¯hmana (Brahmin/ ˙ Brahman) Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition A brāhmaṇa (brahmana, brahmin, in popular spelling) is a member of one of the four social groups named after their symbolic color (varṇa): the priest, brāhmaṇa, associated with white, symbol of purity, whose social mission is to learn and transmit knowledge. The role of the brāhmaṇa as a model of ethic behavior cannot be underestimated, even in extrabrahmanical systems of values, such as in Buddhist world.

Bra¯hmana (Brahmin/Brahman) ˙ A brāhmaṇa (brahmana, brahmin, in popular spelling) is a member of one of the four social groups named after their symbolic color (varṇa): the priest, brāhmaṇa, associated with white, symbol of purity, whose social mission is to learn and transmit knowledge; the warrior, kṣatriya, associated with red, symbol of the blood of enemies, whose social mission is to defend the society from external and internal enemies; the folk people, vaiśya, associated with yellow, symbol of gold, whose social mission is to produce, increase, and exchange wealth within society; the servant, śūdra, associated with black, symbol of submission, whose social mission is to serve the members of the three preceding groups, according to the order of groups and stages of life

Bra¯hmana ˙

(varṇāśramadharma) idealized in such normative texts as the Code of Manu (Manusmṛti, also known as Mānavadharmaśāstra). The etymology of the term is clearly bound to root bṛh, “to be thick,” “grow great or strong,” and “increase” (in the causative “to make big or fat or strong,” “increase,” “expand,” “further,” and “promote”), and to brahman, etymologically “growth,” “expansion,” and subsequently “sacred word,” divine essence and source from which all created things emanate or with which they are identified and to which they return (see [1–3]), and obviously with Brahmā, the divine demiurge, responsible for the manifestation of the universe. Within Hindu axiology, a much-debated question regards the role and nature of the brāhmaṇa: is it bound only to birth and so in a certain sense a feature independent from behavior, or has it to do with individual conduct (see Mahābhārata 3, 179)? According to the texts relative to domestic ritual (Gṛya Sūtra), six are the duties of brāhmaṇas: teaching, studying, offering sacrifice, officiating at sacrifice, giving gifts, and accepting gifts. Teaching is best, and the accepting of gifts is the lowest of the six duties. Acting as intermediaries between temple deities and devotees, as well as in occasion of rite of passage rituals such as solemnizing a wedding with hymns and prayers, brāhmaṇas are a class of professionals of the religious practice. From the conceptual point of view, two great contrasts are related to this class: (1) the contrast between the sphere of the sacred word and power (brahman) and the sphere of the secular word and power (kṣatra), opposing brāhmaṇas and kṣatriyas, the brahmin and the king, and (2) the contrast between the way of active life within the world (pravṛtti) proper of the brāhmaṇa and the contemplative life of the coming out of the world (nivṛtti) proper of the renouncer (saṃnyāsin; see [4, 5]). As far as their duties are concerned, often it is said (as in Gautama Dharmasūtra 9, 24–25) that eight virtues are more important than the obligation to perform rites, these virtues being truthfulness, conduct proper to a noble one, teaching only to virtuous men, follow rules of ritual purification, study of the Vedas with delight, harmlessness,

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gentleness together with a steadfast attitude and self-control, and liberality toward everyone. Brāhmaṇas most inculcate in their disciples compassion, patience, lack of envy, purification, tranquility, auspicious disposition, generosity, and lack of greed, and for them, it is more important to lead a virtuous life than perform rites and rituals. They must not accept weapons, poison, or liquor as gifts. Apart from the mission of studying and teaching, a brāhmaṇa should accept any occupation to sustain himself but avoid the occupations of a servant (śūdra); commerce and trading are generally accepted as a job only in case of necessity, but in any case, the trade of human beings, meat, skins, weapons, barren cows, sesame seeds, pepper, and merits should be avoided. The most relevant challenge imposed on brāḥmaṇas is the moral need to maintain a virtuous conduct even in times of distress (āpaddharma), if they fail to do so, they will lose their moral legitimacy upon society, and this was the case in more than one occasion. The figure of the brāhmaṇa, beyond the individual behavior of any single priest, is an ideal that Indian society is unwilling to abandon. Even in Buddhist context, where the critic to Vedic lore is everywhere to be found, an attempt is made to save the ideal of the brāhmaṇa resorting to the expedient consisting in the distinction between the hereditary role of the priest, a role devoid of real value according to Buddhist teaching, and the virtuous character of the ideal priest, being bound to a rigid moral code. So a brāhmaṇa is not to be defined by birth, but rather by his perpetually renewed acceptance of a virtuous code of conduct. Brāhmaṇhood is not defined by birth, but by conduct. In such a way the ideals of the brāhmaṇa are protected, even in societies based upon extrabrahmanical systems of values (see [6–12]).

Cross-References ▶ Brahmā ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇas ▶ Bioethics (Hinduism)

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References 1. Renou L, Silburn L (1949) Sur la notion de brahman. J Asiat 237:7–46 2. Gonda J (1950) Notes on brahman. JL Beyers, Utrecht 3. Thieme P (1952) Brahman. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 102: 91–129 4. Olivelle P (2012) Ascetics and Brahmins: studies in ideologies and institutions. Anthem Press, New Delhi 5. Bronkhorst J (2016) How the Brahmins won: from Alexander to the Guptas. Brill, Leiden 6. Nair BN (1959) The dynamic Brahmin; a study of the Brahmin's personality in Indian culture with special reference to South India. Popular Book Depot, Bombay 7. Sharma RN (1977) Brahmins through the ages: their social, religious, cultural, political, and economic life. Ajanta Publications, Delhi 8. Parpola M (2000) Kerala Brahmins in transition: a study of a Nampūtiri family. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki 9. Figueira DM (2002) Aryans, Jews, Brahmins: theorizing authority through myths of identity. State University of New York Press, New York 10. Arnold DA (2005) Buddhists, brahmins, and belief: epistemology in south Asian philosophy of religion. Columbia University Press, New York 11. Toshakhānī Ś (2010) Rites and rituals of Kashmiri Brahmins. Pentagon Press, New Delhi 12. Tambs-Lyche H (2011) Business Brahmins: the Gauda Saraswat Brahmins of south Kanara. Manohar Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi

Bra¯hmanas ˙ Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition The Brāḥmaṇas are the ritual textbooks regarding the details of Vedic sacrifice (yajña), concerning the explanation of a ritual by a learned priest. The main subject of the Brāhmaṇas is injunction (vidhi), all other topics being subservient to it. The most famous (and the most extended too) Brāhmaṇa is the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa.

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Bra¯hmanas ˙ The term Veda covers the vast body of literature made up of four different literary genres known as “collections,” “priestly texts,” “texts of the forest,” and “exoteric teachings,” respectively, Saṃhitā, Brāhmaṇa, Āraṇyaka, and Upaniṣad. The Saṃhitās are composed in verse and contain what can be a hymn (Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, Sāmaveda Saṃhitā) or a sacrificial or magic formula (Yajurveda Saṃhitā, Atharvaveda Saṃhitā), both the genres being collectively called mantra, in opposition to the prose part of the Vedic lore, being known as Brāhmaṇa in a large acceptation of the term, encompassing Brāhmaṇas, Āraṇyakas, and Upaniṣads as distinct from the Saṃhitās. Within the vast corpus of the prose part of the Veda, the Brāḥmaṇas properly said, in the strict acceptation of the term, are the starting point of a wide and deep process of hermeneutics involving the need to explain the difficult meaning and secret knowledge of the Vedic Saṃhitās, from a lot of different points of view: ritual, philosophical, theological, symbolical, allegorical, and so on. Commentators have not offered any clear definition of this word. Sāyaṇa has only said in the introduction of his commentary on the Ṛgveda that all that which in tradition is not a hymn or a mantra is a Brāhmaṇa and conversely that which is not Brāhmaṇa is a mantra. The two terms mantra and Brāhmaṇa seem to be reciprocally exclusive. The term Brāhmaṇa has been variously interpreted by the scholars. It is derived from the root bṛh “to grow” and “to expand”, and it is connected with the word brahman which alludes to both Veda and mantra (brahma vai mantraḥ). Thus the word Brāhmaṇa may etymologically mean “that which relates to brahman or the Veda”; its normal acceptation is “sacerdotal or priestly text,” “teaching relating to brahman and to the office of a priest (brāhmaṇa).” In other words, the term Brāhmaṇa means the explanation of a ritual by a learned priest. Later this word came to mean a collection of such explanations by the priests on the science of sacrifice. The Brāḥmaṇas are thus the ritual textbooks regarding the details of Vedic sacrifice (yajña). According to Bhaṭṭa Bhāskara (ad Taittirīya Saṃhitā 1, 5, 1), a

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Brāhmaṇa is simply “the explanation of a ritual act and of the relative formulas (mantra).” It is not a theoretical interpretation at all; on the contrary, Brāhmaṇas are deemed as mandatory injunctions for the performance of sacrificial rites, dealing with the following six topics according to Āpastamba: injunctions for the performance of particular rites (vidhi), explanatory remarks on the meaning of mantras and particular rites (arthavāda), criticism and refutation of the opponents’ views (ninda), praise or eulogy (praśaṃsā), performance of sacrificial rites in former times (purākalpa), and finally deeds of others (parakṛti). It is to be noted that the distinction between vidhi and arthavāda prefigures the classical distinction between the school of the first exegesis, pūrvamīmāṃsā, dealing with the portion of the Veda having to do with ritual act (karmakāṇḍa), and the second exegesis, uttaramīmāṃsā or vedānta, dealing with the portion of the Veda having to do with knowledge (jñānakāṇḍa). The main subject of the Brāhmaṇas is injunction (vidhi), all other topics being subservient to it. They may be classified differently. Śabarasvāmin, in his commentary to Mīmāṃsāsūtra, has summed up their subjects into ten following heads: reason (hetu), etymology (nirvacana), censure (ninda), praise (praśaṃsā), doubt (saṃśaya), injunction (vidhi), deeds of others (parakriya), legendary background (purākalpa), practice of accurate determination (vyavadhāraṇakalpanā), and finally comparison (upamāna) (see [1–10]). Originally, there were numerous Brāhmaṇas, but only a few of them have survived to us. There are a number of lost Brāhmaṇas which are quoted in the available Sanskrit literature. For each Saṃhitā, there are corresponding Brāhmaṇas; the principal are (1) for Ṛgveda Saṃhitā, Aitareya Brāhmaṇa (40 “lectures,” adhyāya, centered upon soma sacrifice) and Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa also known as Śāṅkhāyana Brāhmaṇa (30 lectures, content partially parallel with the preceding one; see [11– 15]); (2a) for Śuklayajurveda Saṃhitā, Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (the wider of all, counting 100 lectures in the Mādhyaṃdina recension, 104 in the Kāṇva recension; see [16–19]); (2b) for Kṛṣṇayajurveda Saṃhitā, Taittirīyabrāhmaṇa (3 books called

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“ogdoads,” aṣṭaka); (3) for Sāmaveda Saṃhitā, Adbhuta Brāhmaṇa, Ārṣeya Brāhmaṇa, Chāndogya Brāhmaṇa, Devatādhyāya Brāhmaṇa, Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa, Paṇcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa, Śaḍviṃśa Brāhmaṇa, Sāmavidhāna Brāhmaṇa, Śāṭyāyana Brāhmaṇa, and Vaṃśa Brāhmaṇa (the really important ones are Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa and Paṇcaviṃśa Brāhmaṇa; this latter also known as Tāṇḍyamahā Brāhmaṇa or Mahā Brāhmaṇa or Prauḍha Brāhmaṇa; the other ones being known as anubrāhmaṇa “secondary Brāhmaṇas”; see [20, 21]); and (4) for Atharvaveda Saṃhitā, Gopatha Brāhmaṇa (in great part a compilation from preceding texts, including paraphrases or quotations from various Brāhmaṇas such as Aitareya, Kauṣītaki, Śatapatha). We have fragments of a lost Brāhmaṇa for the Kāṭhaka Saṃhitā (Agnyādheya Brāhmaṇa, Amā Brāhmaṇa) (see [22]).

Cross-References ▶ Brahmā ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇas

297 10. Tilak SK (1990) Cultural gleanings from the Brāhmaṇa literature. Yaska Publishers & Distributors, Delhi 11. Shende NJ (1963) The Hotṛ and other priests in the Brāhmaṇas of the Ṛgveda. J Univ Bombay 32:122–153 12. Mylius K (1976) Die vedischen Identifikationen am Beispiel des Kauṣītaki-Brāhmaṇa. Klio 58:145–166 13. Verpoorten J-M (1977) L’ordre des mots dans l’Aitareya-Brāhmaṇa. Les Belles Lettres, Paris/Liége 14. Gonda J (1979) A propos of the Mantras in the Pravargya Sections of the Ṛgvedic Brāhmaṇas. Indo Iran J 21:235–271 15. Dange S (1986) Ritual variation and the principle of “Sampad” (from the Aitareya-Brāhmaṇa). Adyar Libr Bull 50:498–511 16. Minard A (1949–1956) Trois Enigmes sur les Cents Chemins. Recherches sur le Śatapatha-Brāhmaṇa. Tome I, Annales de l’Université de Lyon, Fasc. 17, Paris 1949; Tome II, Publications de l’Institut de Civilisation Indienne, fasc. 3, Paris 1956 17. Drury N (1981) The sacrificial ritual in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 18. Gonda J (1988) Mantra interpretation in the ŚatapathaBrāhmaṇa. Brill, Leiden 19. Verma N (1992) The etymologies in the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa. Nag Publishers, Delhi 20. Gayatonde SN (1967) Miscellaneous information in the myths of the Sāmaveda-Brāhmaṇas. Bharatīya Vidyā 27:59–85 21. Doniger W (1985) Tales of sex and violence. Folklore, sacrifice, and danger in the Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 22. Gosh B (1935) Collection of the fragments of lost Brāhmaṇas. Modern Publishing Syndicate, Calcutta

References 1. Lévi S (1898) La doctrine du sacrifice dans les Brāhmaṇas. E. Leroux, Paris 2. Banerjea AC (1963) Studies in the Brāhmaṇas. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 3. Devasthali GV (1965) Religion and mythology of the Brāhmaṇas. University of Poona, Poona 4. Varenne J (1967) Mythes et légendes extraits des Brāhmaṇa. Gallimard, Paris 5. Thite GU (1975) Sacrifice in the Brāhmaṇa-texts. University of Poona, Poona 6. Biardeau M, Malamoud C (1976) Le sacrifice dans l’Inde ancienne. École Pratique des Hautes Études, Paris 7. Bodewitz HW (1976) The daily evening and morning offering (Agnihotra) according to the Brāhmaṇas. Brill, Leiden 8. Klaus K (1986) Die altindische Kosmologie, nach den Brāhmaṇas dargestellt. Indica and Tibetica, Bonn 9. Malamoud C (1989) Cuire le monde, Rite et pensée dans l’Inde ancienne. Éditions La Découverte, Paris

Brahmo Samaj Narasingha Sil Department of Social Science/History, Western Oregon University, Monmouth, OR, USA

The Brahmo Samaj (Brahma Samāj) or the Society of the Worshippers of Brahma (Brahman), the Supreme Being, began as a private association of brahmin (the highest varna of the Hindu society) intellectuals discoursing on and searching for the essence of Hindu religion. It evolved from a private club named Society of Friends or Atmiya Sabha founded by Rammohan Roy (1772–1833) in 1816 in Calcutta. This tiny body of educated men mostly from elite brahmin families of early

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colonial Bengal evolved into the Brahmo Samaj as a modernized and reformed Hindu religion or Brahmoism. But it was never a unified single brotherhood of like-minded men. On the other hand, it was an association that underwent tangled, vexing but vibrant, phases of transformation from an antiquarian and purely spiritual body into a socio-spiritual organization and then regressed into mysticism and apolitical and asocial quiescence. It was led, inevitably, to its subsequent obsolescence under the impact of rising neoHinduism and nationalism from the latter part of the nineteenth century through the first part of the twentieth. Rammohan Roy’s brahmin family of Radhanagar near Krishnanagar in the Hooghly District (now Burdwan) of early colonial Bengal had long connections with the Mughal government. He learned Bengali and rudimentary Sanskrit at his village pāṭhśālā [rural elementary school] and took lessons in Persian from a Moulavī [Islamic teacher] at home for a couple of years. Afterward, he was sent by his parents to a Madrassa in Patna where he studied Arabic and read the Korān, Sūfī literature, as well as the works of Euclid, Porphyry, Aflatun [Plato], and Aristu [Aristotle]. It was thus, as the philosopher Dr. Brajendranath Seal (1864–1938) writes, “Islamic culture, the culture of Baghdad and Bassora [Basra], filtered through an Indian Madrassa, that first woke the boy’s mind” ([1], p. 137). Upon his return home, the talented boy composed a draft in Persian, titled most probably, Manazaratul Adiyan [Discussions on Various Religions], “calling in question the validity of the idolatrous system of the Hindus” to the utter chagrin of his Vaiṣṇava father Ramkanta. Consequently, the precocious and stubborn skeptic left home (c. 1788/89) and embarked on an adventurous peregrination that, reportedly, took him to join a group of Buddhist pilgrims to Tibet, and after tarrying in this Himalayan region for about 2 years, he returned home for a while only to be dispatched by his parents to Benares to study Sanskrit and the Hindu scriptures, especially the Prasthānatraya [the three canonical Vedānta Śāstras] – the Upaṇiṣads – and the Brahma Sūtras

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with Śaṅkarācārya’s (c. 700–820) bhāṣya [commentary]. The Benares period (a few years from mid- to late 1790s but not known precisely) was followed by further developments in Rammohan’s life: his return home at Langalpara (his father had relocated here from Radhanagar) where he learned to manage his parental property; his temporary move to Calcutta in 1797 where he became a moneylender; his father’s death (1803); his publication of a treatise in Persian titled Tuhfat-ulMuwahhidin [A Gift to Monotheists] (1804); and his self-study from 1796 in the English language with “extraordinary diligence,” to quote Sivanath Sastri (1847–1919) ([2], p. 12). He took service under the East India Company as the Dewan [Revenue Officer] to Mr. Thomas Woodforde, Acting Collector of Jalalpur (later renamed Faridpur), Dacca, on March 7, 1803, but left on May 14 of the same year following Woodforde’s illness. Upon Woodforde’s recovery and his new appointment as Registrar of Murshidabad Court of Appeal and Circuit in February 1804, Roy joined him there. The Tuhfat was published at Murshidabad. Next year, he met John Digby, Acting Magistrate of Ramgarh (Hazaribagh) near Ranchi, and became the Seristadar [Chief Clerk] of the Fauzdari Court (August–October 1806) and thereafter Digby’s personal secretary [Munshi] (January–June 1808). The following year he became an Assistant to John Digby in his new position as the Collector of Revenue at Rangpur in northern Bengal. At Rangpur, Rammohan devoted his evenings in religious discussions with Hindus, Muslims, and Jains. He also studied Sanskrit with Pandit Sivanath Misra, the Jain scripture Kalpasūtra on his own, and some Tantric works with the help of his boyhood acquaintance Hariharānanda Tīrthasvāmī (Nandakumar of Malpara, Hooghly District). Meanwhile, his self-induced but desultory study of English language and literature since 1796 began in earnest during his association with Digby ([3], pp. 24, 57). Following his permanent relocation to Calcutta upon his retirement from Government Service in 1814, Rammohan founded the Atmiya Sabha [Society of the Likeminded] in 1815 at his

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Maniktala garden retreat (113 Upper Circular Road). This private association, created for “the dissemination of religious truth and the promotion of free discussions of theological subjects,” was supported by a number of worthies of the metropolis like Dwarakanath Tagore (1794–1846) of Jorasanko, Prasanna Kumar Tagore (1801–1868) of Pathuriaghata, Kalinath Munshi (1801–1840) and Baikunthanath Munshi (1806–1855) of Taki, Brindaban Mitra and Kashinath Mallik (d. 1864) of Sinduria Patti, Rājā Kalishankar Ghosal of Bhukailas, and Annadaprasad Banerjee of Telinipara, Hugli, and Baidyanath Mukherjee. The venue of the Atmiya Sabha was relocated to Roy’s residence, the Shimla House, at 85 Amherst Street in 1817, and finally to the home of Beharilal Chaubey at Burrabazar (formerly a part of Sutanuti). Here in a famous debate on idol worship with a Madras brahmin named Subramanya Shastri, Rammohan scored a Pyrrhic victory: his triumphed over his adversary only to confront a powerful orthodox reaction led by the Calcutta luminary Radhakanta Dev (1784–1867) that affected the popularity of his Atmiya Sabha as the number of participants in its meeting began to dwindle leading to its discontinuance after 1819. But this setback did not deter the indomitable and prolific Roy from publishing his works that had begun since the founding of the Atmiya Sabha – Bengali translation of the Kena, Īśa, Kaṭha, Maṇḍuka, and Māṇḍukya Upaniṣads (1816–1819) – for educating readers about the real basis of Hindu faith. He even started a Vedanta College in 1816. In 1820, he sprang a surprise among his associates and acquaintances by publishing The Precepts of Jesus, the Guide to Peace and Happiness – a collection of Jesus’s moral and spiritual teachings as recorded in the four Gospels occluding the narrative of the miracles. Rammohan’s treatise provoked hostile criticism of the Baptist missionaries of Serampore [some 14 miles north of Calcutta], William Carey (1761–1834) and Joshua Marshman (1768–1828), who were upset to notice a heathen tampering with God’s Word by divesting the Gospels of their holy arcana. Roy was further drawn into controversy for having influenced a young

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Baptist missionary at Serampore, William Adam (1796–1881), to Unitarian doctrine leading to the latter’s conversion. Rammohan confronted spirited attacks from the Baptist media, The Friend of India and Samāchār Darpaṇ. He responded to them vigorously in his own journal Brahmanical Magazine, assailing Trinitarian Christianity as “no better than Hindu polytheism” ([2], p. 22), to the utter dismay of the Christian scholar Dr. Robert Tytler (1787–1838), Professor of the Hindu College and a Surgeon of the Bengal Medical Service. Roy’s publication on Jesus and his close association with Adam caused him, willy-nilly, to be entangled with the Christian Unitarian movement despite his distinct identification as a Hindu Unitarian. He explained in his The Answer of a Hindoo (1827) written under a pseudonym that he frequented Unitarian place of worship because he was weary and wary of the doctrine of ManGod or God-Man of the iniquitous brahmins as well as the Trinitarian Christians and also because the teachings of the Unitarian Christians conformed to those of the Hindu Vedas. However, despite his support, Adam’s project failed to elicit support from the native worthies of the town, thus met with its undeserving and untimely demise, so to speak. The failure of Adam’s Unitarian Church led indirectly to the birth of the Brahma Sabha [Congregation of the Worshipers of the Supreme Being]. Reportedly Rammohan was prompted by his followers Chandrasekhar Deb (1810–1879) and Tarachand Chakravarti (1804–1855) to call a meeting of his friends, at which it was decided to procure a place for the unsectarian worship of the One True God. Consequently, the house of Firiṅgī Kamal Basu at 48 Upper Chitpore Road was rented. Paṇḍit Ramchandra Vidyāvāgīś (1785–1844), younger brother of Roy’s learned associate at Rangpur, Hariharānanda Tīrthasvāmī (monastic name of Nandakumar Vidyālaṅkār), served as the minister [āchārya] and Tarachand Chakravarti the secretary. The Brahma Sabha came to be called Brahma (Brahmo) Samaj in the first printed sermon of the Vidyāvāgīś on August 20, 1828 ([3], p. 239). It met every Saturday evening; it was open to all who came

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to listen to the service chanting ślokas from the Upaniṣads and singing of theistic hymnody, there being neither membership nor creed ([4], p. 33). On January 23, 1830, the Sabha was moved to a new building on a plot of land at 55 Upper Chitpore Road purchased by Roy and a few of his intimate associates from the owner Kaliprasad Kar. It was now placed in the hands of three trustees – Baikunthanath Roy, Radhaprasad Roy (b. 1800), and Ramanath Tagore (1800–1877) – as provided in the Trust-Deed (January 8, 1830). It reaffirmed egalitarianism, “worship and adoration of the Eternal, Unsearchable, and Immutable Being who is the Author and Preserver of the Universe,” ban on all kinds of object or image worship, and the appointment of resident superintendent ([1], pp. 80–81). The Brahma Samaj was launched in a troubled time. Rammohan had incurred the ire of the Trinitarian Christians – Catholic and Protestant – as well as Hindu conservatives and indigenousists for his Anglicist propensities and programs. The conservative Hindus founded an organization called Dharma Sabha [Society of Religion] on January 17, 1830, under the leadership of Radhakanta Dev (1784–1867) and his close associate, the noted journalist Bhavanicharan Bandyopadhyay (1787–1848), editor of the Sabha’s mouthpiece Samāchār Chandrikā ([4], p. 32). As a matter of fact, the Dharma Sabha was concerned that Roy’s religious reform, however well intentioned, was unduly pro-Christian and hence potentially subversive. The conservative Dharma Sabha took no notice of the fact that as early as 1825 Roy had started the Vedanta College for teaching the monotheistic doctrines of the Vedanta that “rightly handled and rightly explained” could lead “his countrymen out of their prevailing superstition and idolatry into pure and elevated Theism” ([3], p. 190). Rammohan’s interpretation of the Vedanta combated the Conservative Christian missionaries’ total rejection of the Vedanta as well as its indiscriminate retention by the Conservative Hindus. Roy’s theistic church based on his rigorous and rational hermeneutic was in fact a rational and ethical pristine Hinduism corrupted by the

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brahmin priest craft. He sought to purge this caste controlled political spirituality by his reconstructed authentic Hindu religion that envisioned God as the “almighty superintendent of the universe.” He similarly critiqued Christianity as preached by the missionaries for its superstition and error. For him, Christianity was a “simple code of religion and morality. . .calculated to elevate men’s ideas to high and liberal notions of one God.” Thus, Christian religion is neither radically different nor superior to the religion of the Hindus ([4], p. 32). Rammohan’s ethical and humanistic Hinduism or Brahmoism running parallel to Unitarian worldview led inevitably to his concern for the abuses and injustices of the social inferiors. As the Unitarians exerted for the industrial proletariat in England so the Brahmos turned to the plight of the Hindu proletariat, that is, women, especially widows, who are victims of the Sutte [Satī], burning of the widows alive along with the corpses of their dead husbands. Ever since his witnessing the burning of his elder brother Jagamohan’s widow in 1812, Rammohan began to feel the utter need for the abolition of the Suttee or the practice, mostly among the high caste Hindus, of. He was vindicated by the abolition of this revolting practice by the Governor General Lord William Bentinck’s (1774–1839, r. 1828–1835) Regulation of December 4, 1829. Likewise, he was opposed to polygamy. Kishori Chand Mitra (1822–1873) astutely called Rammohan “a religious Benthamite” whose religious creed was marked by a tendency to “promote the maximization of human happiness and the minimization of human misery” (cited in [5], p. 43). Soon Rammohan’s attention was diverted to nonreligious issues and undertakings. A couple of years back, he had been requested by the Mughal Emperor of Delhi Akbar II (r. 1806–1837) to act as the imperial Elchi [Envoy] to England carrying the Emperor’s appeal for raising his stipends. He invested Rammohan with the exalted title of Rājā. Even though the Governor General refused to recognize Roy’s new moniker and imperial mission, he, nevertheless, traveled (November 15, 1830– April 8, 1831) as a “private individual” and

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arranged for a promise of the Emperor’s enhanced stipend with the Court of Directors of the East India Company. He was also feasted and feted by several British and French celebrities including the famous polymath and philosopher Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832), King William IV (r. 1830–1837), and King Louis Philippe (r. 1830–1848) of France. Sadly, he succumbed to a sudden attack of meningitis in Bristol on September 27, 1833. Rammohan’s untimely demise affected the Brahmo Sabha adversely. It declined steadily during 1833–1843 due to the lack of leadership, but fortunately it lingered on, thanks to Dwarakanath Tagore’s generosity. The only person to carry on the Sabha’s ritual activities was the loyal Vidyāvāgīś. It was Dwarakanath’s talented son Debendranath Tagore (1817–1905) who resuscitated the moribund Sabha ([5], p. 45). He founded a scholarly association called Tattvabodhini Sabha [Truth-Seeking Society] on October 6, 1839, as the nucleus for the revamped Brahmo Samaj that he formally joined with a newly formulated Brahmo Covenant on December 21, 1843. The Brahmo Samaj became a spiritual fraternity. The religion of the Brahmo Samaj was Vedānta Pratipādya Dharma [The True Religion as Expounded in the Vedānta]. The Samaj’s organ Tattvabodhinī Patrikā in its maiden issue declared the great “object of the publication of that journal to be that extraction of the essence of the sastras, for the communication of the knowledge of God and the true mode of worshiping Him, as well as for showing that His worship was the best of all kinds of Divine Worship” (cited in [6], p. 30). The Samaj was perceived as a liberal religious institution but attracted the sympathy of the conservative and liberal Hindus (e.g., the diehard Hindu Radhakanta Dev and the militant radical Akshaykumar Datta, 1820–1886), especially from the bhadralok class, that is, the educated middle class. Debendranath appeared on the scene at a crucial juncture of declining Brahmoism, the sad fate of the creed of Rammohan’s most ingenious Hindu reformation, that hurled a powerful assault against the age-old caste- and superstition-ridden

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brāhmiṇism as well as dealt energetically and proactively with Christian evangelism. Arguably, the Scottish Presbyterian Alexander Duff (1806–1878) was the founder of one of the finest schools of higher learning in Calcutta, the General Assembly’s Institution that later blossomed into the famous Scottish Church College in north Calcutta. He was “immensely successful in awakening the minds of Bengali youth and moderately successful in his attempts to convince them of the validity of Christian gospel”. Among his coverts were such brilliant young men as Krishnamohan Banerjee (1813–1885), Lalbehari De (1824–1892), Michael Madhusudan Datta (1824–1873), and several others. A troubling fallout of Duff’s missionary exertion was a massive missionary ideological assault on Hinduism. In 1833, Krishnamohan Banerjee published a critique of the late Rammohan’s claim for “the divine origin of the Upanishads.” Banerjee argued that “the God of the Vedant. . .is neither a Creator nor a Moral Benefactor. He is not a moral Being at all and cannot therefore, be regarded with moral feeling” (cited in [7], p. 161). This provided the context for Debendranath’s assuming leadership of the Brahmo Sabha. Under Debendranath’s leadership, the Brahmo Samaj began to expand beyond the borders of the city to eastern Bengal. In 1846, the Samaj opened a branch in Dacca and thence continued to expand throughout the region during the 1850s and 1860s, appealing especially to the Bengali youth. “They brought with them a restlessness, a sharp rejection of their parents’ values, and a militancy not found among the older Brahmos” ([4], p. 34). One of the most prominent and creative newcomers to the Samaj in 1857 was a charismatic and eloquent young man from a respectable Vaiṣṇava family of the Baidya caste, Keshabchandra Sen (1838–1884), son of Debendranath’s friend Pearymohan (1814–1848). However, both the upright veteran and the flamboyant young activist formed an uneasy alliance. Yet Tagore continued to indulge the young man’s growing rebellious independence. Three years after his joining Tagore’s Samaj in September 1860, Keshab founded a weekly

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small discussion group comprising his select followers. Tagore did not object to this unusual formation of a faction within the Samaj and even supplied it the name of Sangat [Companions] Sabha. The members of this group held their meetings at Sen’s ancestral home to discuss his ideas of social radicalism and religious universalism. They secretly celebrated intercaste marriage in 1862, the same year that Debendranath anointed Keshab as the Pradhān Āchārya [Chief Minister] of the Samaj on April 13 and honored him with the moniker of Brahmānanda [One whose Delight is in God] ([2], p. 88). The magnanimous Maharṣi even provided shelter to Keshab’s family in the Tagore mansion after they had been ousted from home by their irate relatives following Sen’s open affiliation with the Brahmo Samaj. Furthermore, Debendranath permitted Sen’s Sangat Sabha to meet at a new location, the Calcutta College on Chitpore Road (an institution for higher education started on March 1, 1862, by Debendranath in response to Keshab’s program of educational reform). Following the damage to the Brahmo Samaj building by cyclone on October 5, 1864, the Samaj meetings shifted to the Tagore residence under Debendranath’s direct control. Henceforth began a tension between Debendranath’s personal leadership of the Samaj and the rising popularity of his brilliant protégé with a radically different outlook. The Maharṣi’s Brahmo Samaj was guided by his two abiding principles: (1) “that [it is] a purely Hindu institution intended principally for Hindus and representing the highest form of Hinduism; (2) secondly, that its mission is chiefly religious as distinguished from social, and that questions of social reform properly belonged to individual tastes and inclinations” ([2], p. 119; see also [8]). He allowed only the bearers of upabīta [brahminical sacred thread] to conduct services to which Āchārya Keshab objected and segregated his followers from the rest of Samaj members. However, though Tagore and his cohorts also looked with apprehension on Keshab’s growing interest in the religion of the missionaries, especially in Jesus, he was a helpless onlooker of Sen’s activities. On July 23, 1865, Keshab delivered a lecture remonstrating against

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what he felt to be “the high-handed dealings of the authorities of the Calcutta Brahmo Samaj, and the failure of the younger party to introduce something like constitutional control over its affairs” ([2], p. 106). Later in the same year, he visited eastern Bengal along with the Brahmo missionary and an erstwhile Vaiṣṇava Vijaykrishna Goswāmī (1841–1899) and delivered some provocative lectures against the Samaj. He further fanned discontent in the Samaj in his pamphlet titled True Faith that castigated restraint, calculations, and prudence practiced by the elders as the “arithmetic of fools” ([2], p. 109). On January 1, 1866, the Keshavites celebrated an intercaste marriage introducing a novel ritual, a Christian marital vow binding the contracting parties, in total defiance of the Samaj’s Hindu ritual. On May 5, 1866, Sen delivered his lecture on Jesus Christ, Asia and Europe in Calcutta Medical College eulogizing Jesus, thus widening the chasm between the angry “Young Turks” and the Samaj establishment and scandalizing the leading Hindu residents of the city. As if to aggravate the critical atmosphere further, he delivered another lecture (based most probably on the ideas of the French philosopher of eclecticism Victor Cousin [1792–1867] or the historian Thomas Carlyle [1795–1881]) explaining the functions of the great prophets, including those who preceded and came after Christ, who was just one great, if not the only, prophet. The division of the Brahmo Samaj along generational and ideological lines was solemnized on November 11, 1866, at the Calcutta College, when the Brahmo Samaj of India [Bhāratvarṣīya Brāhmo Samāj] was launched, with “God above as the President [and] Keshub Chunder Sen as its virtual Secretary” ([2], p. 115). The six principal tenets of this new church were (1) the universe is the temple of God, (2) wisdom is the pure land of pilgrimage, (3) truth is the everlasting Scripture, (4) faith is the root of all religions, (5) love is spiritual culture, and (6) destruction of selfishness is true asceticism. Additionally, Hemendrakumar Tagore’s (1844–1884) Brāhmo Anuṣṭhān [Brahmo Rituals] was adopted as the code of rituals and practices. Soon after this schism, Debendranath Tagore’s Brahmo Samaj

Brahmo Samaj

came to be known as the Adi [Prime] Brahmo Samaj. The odyssey of the Brahmo Samaj of India was entangled with the vicissitudes of Keshab’s thoughts about reformation of the soul paripassu his social reform projects. In 1867, his theistic church began with a trumpet call in the Indian Mirror (started in August 1861) “Brahmos, Arise” and embarked on an evangelical venture on the Christian missionary model – spreading Brahmo gospels throughout India. Consequently, the Samaj multiplied in 65 branches with a membership numbering 560, 25 of whom were women. These activities of external success of the Samaj generated in some members a sense of the loss of their inner yearning for peace and comfort, in other words spiritual hunger. Sen realized the need for a spiritual solace for his members introduced the rule of holding diurnal service in his own house. These religious devotional experiences as well as his association with Vijaykrishna Gosvāmī (a direct descendant of Advaita Āchārya [1434–1539], the celebrated elder companion of Śrī Chaitanya Mahāprabhu [1486–1534]) directed his attention to Vaiṣṇavic piety. Even though formerly he had been wary and leery of Vaiṣṇava emotional exuberance and mocked at their saṁkīrtana [group singing of God’s name accompanied by khol [clay drum] and kartal [cymbals], now he came to appreciate the efficacy of Vaiṣṇava mode of singing for propagating Brahmoism. This innovation “meant the opening of a new world of religious feeling, it laid the foundation of a new spiritual relationship with the most popular of the recent prophets of India, the apostle of Bhakti, namely, Chaitanya” ([9], p. 122). The emotional devotional orientation of the originally highly rational and intellectual faith resulted in Sen’s virtual deification. As Sivanath Sastri has it, “in utter self-abasement men began to prostrate themselves. . .at the feet of Mr. Sen, and prayers were offered to him for intercession on behalf of sinners” ([2], p. 144). Such practices of “man-worship in the Brahmo Samaj” triggered an intra-Samaj dissension that, despite Sen’s repeated demurs, slowly began to escalate. Fortunately, this development tapered

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down and, following the consecration of Keshab’s newly constructed chapel [Mandir] in 95 Keshab Sen Street (at the corner of current Āchārya Prafullachandra Road and), and his declaration of the principles of the new church on August 22, 1869, together with his initiation of 21 brilliant graduates of Calcutta University. The declaration of the principles, highlighting the worship of “Only God without a second,” prohibition of the worship of any material object, of condemnation of books or objects revered and worshiped by any sect, and of caste discrimination, harked back to the principles of the late Rammohan Roy. In 1870, Sen left for England where he was received by his acquaintances and admirers with fanfare; he even met Queen Victoria, the Empress of India (r. 1837–1901). Upon his return 8 months later, he devoted himself to social work, especially for the peasants through a new organization called the India Reform Association, with a view to improving the life of the peasants of Bengal. He also began a Bengali journal titled Sulabh Samāchār [Low-Priced Newspaper]. By 1872, the Brahmo Samaj of India had spread almost throughout the subcontinent. However, there were murmurs of discontent, a premonition of the oncoming time of disquiet. Keshab was embarrassed by the passage of the Brahmo Marriage Act of 1872 that recognized the Brahmos as non-Hindu thereby encouraging the radical faction of the Samaj to ask for legalization of intercaste marriage as well as for equal rights for women. Keshab did not approve of such a degree of social change and thus turned away from his hitherto cherished social projects. Keshab the Brahmo social activist of the 1860s was turning into a Vaiṣṇava mystic and ascetic in the 1870s. The progressives or constitutionalists within the Samaj had begun questioning Sen’s leadership and formed a faction named Samadarśī [Proponents of Equity] and launched a monthly magazine bearing the same title in November 1874. Then, Keshab’s chance encounter in March 1875 with the priest of Dakshineswar Kali temple, Ramakrishna Paramahaṁsa (1836–1886), was a major turning point in life. He, however, was drawn to the Paramahaṁsa less by his nectar-like talk [kathāmṛta] than for his

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song, samādhi, dance, and, above all, by his unbridled wackiness as a God-mad [divyonmād] bhakta. Keshab must have found the only way to overcome opposition and acquire total freedom of action was to imitate the Kali priest and become Godman ([10], pp. 224, 632). Thus, Ramakrishna as the popularly acclaimed Avatāra [Incarnation] inspired Sen to proclaim himself a Messiah in defiance of Brahmo teachings against incarnations ([6], p. 85). Tensions escalated in February 1878 when Keshab announced the marriage of his underage daughter Suniti to the Mahārājā of Cooch Bihar, Nripendra Narain Bhūpa Bāhādur, claiming that the matrimony was arranged because of a divine command or Ādeś, even though this marriage violated the Brahmo Marriage Act of 1872 because of the girl’s underage and the proposed use of Hindu idolatrous ritual as required by the groom’s family. On May 15, 1878, at a public meeting, the second schism in the Brahma community was solemnized with the formation of the renegade Sadharan Brahmo Samaj [People’s Brahmo Samaj] in the Town Hall, Calcutta with an administrative structure of high officers: Anandamohan Basu (1847–1907) as President, Shibchandra Deb (1811–1890) Secretary, and Umeschandra Datta (1840–1907) Assistant Secretary. “This meeting,” so ran the formal statement adopted on that day, “. . .does humbly establish. . .the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, with a view to. . .secure the representation of the views and harmonious co-operation of the General Brahmo Community, in all that affects the progress of the Theistic Church in India” ([2], p. 185). The characteristic features of this Samaj are universality, spirituality (“living and loving communion with the Indwelling Presence”), sociality (mindful of mundane concerns and welfare: “harmony between reverence and freedom, conservation and progress”), independence (“contemplation of the Supreme Being” by “spiritual endowment”), immediacy (“in direct loving communion of the soul with the Supreme” without mediation), and catholicity (universality) ([11], pp. 102–104). The Samaj built its permanent home at 211 Cornwallis

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Street (now Bidhan Sarani), Calcutta and opened for business on January 22, 1881. The indomitable Keshab was bent considerably but not broken. Though considerably weakened by his diabetes, Sen, nevertheless, continued to move in the direction of bhakti and universal religious ideology. He led a saṁkīrtana [communal devotional chorus of the Vaiṣṇavas] through the streets of Calcutta. His “ideas moved towards an attempt to synthesize the world’s religions, blending elements of different faiths into a single set of rituals and beliefs” ([4], p. 37). In January 1881, he founded the Navavidhān (New Dispensation) theistic church symbolized by the Hindu trident [triśul], the Christian Cross, and the Islamic crescent. In March of that year, a newspaper of the new church, also titled New Dispensation, appeared, and 3 years later a new code named Nava Saṁhitā replaced the existing Brāhma Dharma introduced by Debendranath Tagore. However, the founder’s health and mental state was deteriorating fast. Keshab was increasingly assailed by voice and vision while his physical pain and suffering mounted by the days. His essays on the pagal in the journal New Dispensation (1881) coinciding with the rapid degeneration of the “fatal malady” (diabetes) betray his obsession with the interface between madness and spirituality ([7], pp. 278–281). A victim of severe psychosomatic trauma, the erstwhile avant garde intellectual and orator was regressing into a passive devotional prapatti or “Complete self-surrender” that Sen considered “the most striking miracle in the world’s history” (cited in [7], p. 269). Keshab died on January 8, 1884, at his home in Calcutta. The Navavidhān movement carried on under the leadership of his younger cousin Protap Chunder Mozoomdar (1840–1905). Although Protap earned world recognition as an erudite and eloquent spiritual master, the odyssey of New Dispensation or even of the Sadharan Brahmo Samaj under Rajnarayan Basu (1826–1899) or Sivanath Sastri got caught up with a new wave of secular religion at the turn of the century, nationalism, that was stimulated by

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the national heritage of the Indians in general – Sanātana Hindu religion.

References 1. Asitabha D (2010) Raja Rammohan Roy creator of the new Indian age. Readers Service, Kolkata 2. Sastri S (1912) History of the Brahmo Samaj. Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, Kolkata 3. Collet SD (1962) In: Biswas DK (ed) The life and letters of Raja Rammohun Roy, 3rd edn. Sadharan Brahmo Samaj, Kolkata 4. Jones KW (1989) The new Cambridge history of India. III. 1. Socio-religious reform movements in British India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK 5. Mukherjee A (1993) The religious ferment in Bengal. In: Majumdar RC (ed) Renascent Bengal (1817–1857). The Asiatic Society, Calcutta, pp 40–52 6. Chattopadhyay K (1983) Brahmo reform movement: some social and economic aspects. Papyrus, Calcutta 7. Kopf D (1979) The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of the modern Indian mind. Princeton University Press, Princeton 8. Bose R (1870) The adi Brahmo Samaj, its views and principles. The Adi Brahmo Samaj Press, Calcutta 9. Mozoomdar PC (1887) The life and teachings of Keshub Chunder Sen. Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta 10. Nikhilananda S (1984) The gospel of Sri Ramakrishna. Ramakrishna Vivekananda Center, New York 11. Sastri PS (1910) The mission of the Brahmo Samaj or the theistic church of modern India. Kuntaline Press, Calcutta

Brahmotsava Richard H. Davis Religion and Asian Studies, Bard College, Annandale-on-Hudson, NY, USA

Synonyms Mahotsava; Temple festival

Definition Large-scale multiple-day festivals celebrated in most large Hindu temples in southern India.

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Introduction Brahmotsavas are large-scale multiple-day festivals celebrated in most large Hindu temples in southern India. The most characteristic feature of the brahmotsava is the procession, in which images of the deities, beautifully ornamented and riding on great floats, emerge from the temple to parade in and around the surrounding community. The purposes of such a procession are to dramatize the cosmic sovereignty of the gods and to allow direct contact between them and their devotees.

The Structure of Brahmotsavas The Sanskrit term utsava denotes a festival and combines widely to refer to a variety of celebratory public events, such as the ancient vasantotsava (the “spring festival” devoted to the god of love). Hindu temples of southern India may conduct regular daily festivals (nityotsava), fortnightly festivals (pakshotsava), monthly festival (masotsava), and one or more annual “great festivals.” Older texts denote the large annual festivals as mahotsava; brahmotsava is a more recent term. The modern usage points to the idea that an original festival was performed by the god Brahman, directed toward Shiva, Vishnu, Murugan, the Goddess, or whatever deity is considered Supreme. The structure of the brahmotsava or mahotsava is outlined in numerous medieval ritual guidebooks, such as the Shaiva Agamas and the Vaishnava Samhitas. According to Aghorashiva’s Mahotsavavidhi, a Shaiva work probably of the twelfth century, a 9-day festival should begin with the raising of a special festival flag, inscribed with the mount of the primary deity, which is the bull Nandin for Shaiva temples. In Vaishnava temples the banner figure will be Vishnu’s eagle mount Garuda, while for Murugan it will be the peacock. Along with the flag raising, the mahotsava is set in motion with a ceremony of drumming and dancing, in which the chief drummer proceeds around the temple, accompanied by

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female temple dancers, performing distinctive drum rhythms and dances at each of the eight directions. Aghorashiva specifies that the officiating priest should then invite all persons, all deities, and even the oceans and mountains to be present at the great festival. The raised banner, the resounding drum, and the priest’s proclamation all signal that the mahotsava is an inclusive event meant for all. The close of the mahotsava is signaled by the lowering of the festival flag and also by a final bathing ceremony (tirthasnana). This purificatory bath may involve a procession by the deities and devotees to a riverside or holy bathing place or water may be brought in pots from a sacred water source. In either case, this final bath is meant to remove any pollution contracted during the festival and to insure that the festival brings about auspicious results for all participants. In between the raising and lowering of the banner, a variety of regular daily rites are performed in and around the temple, such as regular offerings of tribute (balidana) and Vedic-style fire rites. During the festival, the temple should undertake to provide food for devotees and the needy, often on a large scale. But the most important of the regular practices during the mahotsava are the twice-daily processions (yatra), when the deities travel beyond the temple confines. In South Indian temples, the central deity resides within the innermost sanctum, the garbhagriha, in a fixed or immobile icon (acalamurti). This will usually be a stone Shiva linga in a Shaiva temple or a stone sculpture of Vishnu in a Vaishnava one. For purposes of the procession, the deity may also inhabit mobile forms (calamurti), most often bronze sculptural forms representing the gods in beautiful anthropomorphic form. Twice each day during the mahotsava, the processional icons are carefully dressed in bright silk clothing, lavishly adorned with jewelry and flower garlands, and placed on their conveyances (vahanas). These conveyances may be palanquins, portable shrines, or powerful animal forms such as lion, horse, elephant, or bull. In Tamilnad the animal vehicles are wooden

Brahmotsava

representations, colorfully painted or covered in silver or gold plate. In Kerala, images often ride on living elephants as their mounts. Most dramatic of the conveyances, though, are the great chariots (rathas), massive wooden carts weighing many tons, fitted with high decorative superstructures, in which the deities ride. To transport the chariots in their circumambulations of the temple requires hundreds of devotees pulling on long thick ropes.

Modern Brahmotsava Practices Festival processions are grand, regal affairs, in which the central god of the temple tours his or her domain as the ruler of all. The deity travels with an entourage of humans and other gods. In Shaiva festivals, Shiva is accompanied in his processions by his wife Parvati, his two sons Ganesha and Murugan, and his favored devotee Chandesha, each in image form, all riding their own vehicles. Brahmin priests may ride on the floats or walk alongside them, to receive offerings on behalf of the deities. Other humans march along as well, carrying regalia such as banners, scepters, umbrellas, chowry fans, and lamps. Elephants, camels, and bullocks, all dressed in their finery, lead the larger processions. Devotees assemble along the route to see and be seen by the processing deities, and some present gifts to the gods as they pass. For chariot processions in larger towns and cities, the crowds reach into the hundreds of thousands. In modern southern India, large active temples may feature several brahmotsavas each year. The Minakshi-Sundareshvara temple in Madurai, for instance, holds six major festivals each year. The number and scale of brahmotsavas can serve as an index of the size, resources, and ambitions of a temple. The medium-size Murugan temple in Kalugumalai, a regional market city south of Madurai, puts on four major festivals a year, while a smaller rural temple might be able to mount just one annual festival. Within the general structure of the brahmotsava, as outlined in the medieval priestly

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guides, there is a great deal of variety among individual temple practices. Each temple develops its own distinctive festival culture. Temples integrate their own local traditions, the mythical narratives related in the sthalapuranas or “histories of the place.” So at MinakshiSundareshvara temple in Madurai, the grandest of the six annual festivals, held in the month of Chittrai (April to May), enacts the story of Minakshi, the princess-become-goddess, in a series of dramatic episodes: her crowning as queen of Madurai, her almost successful attempt to conquer every direction of the cosmos, her final defeat at the hand of Shiva, their subsequent marriage, and their royal tour of their shared dominion in two great chariots. The Pankuni festival, the most venerable brahmotsava of the large Ranganatha temple at Sri Rangam, centers around the wanderings and romances of the central temple deity, Vishnu Ranganatha, which take him 50 or more miles in a series of processional visits to several goddesses in their local temples. Along with the affairs and weddings of the gods, other popular festival events might include lamp festivals, a boating festival during the hot months, a mock hunting expedition where the icon deities pursue simulated game, and entertainments where the gods and others enjoy musical and dance performances. South Indian temples in Tamilnad also incorporate into their festivals the traditions of the early medieval Tamil devotional saints, the Shaiva nayanmars and the Vaishnava alvars. Many festivals include opportunities for the recitation of their devotional hymns, and the saints may also appear in icon form, accompanying in procession the gods they praised in their poetry. Temple festivals seek to convey a vision of cosmic order, with the gods ruling over all and their human subjects occupying suitable positions within a broad hierarchical social order. But precisely because festival processions enact a model of social order, they are often highly contested events, as recent anthropological studies have shown. Different groups compete for what they see as their rightful places in this processional

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order. Communities previously excluded, like Dalits, might struggle to gain the right to help pull the chariot or to march in the procession. Different persons or groups may jockey to be closer to the deities during the procession or to receive the favors or honors that the deities may distribute during the festival. Clashes may involve the precise route of processions and thus the right to serve the deity in different neighborhoods, with the social distinction that such service may bring.

Brahmotsavas Beyond India From medieval times to the present, the brahmotsava has enjoyed its paradigmatic expression in the Hindu temples of southern India. However, in recent times Hindu communities settling in other parts of the world have also sought to replicate the Hindu temple festival in new their homelands, whether this be Singapore, continental Europe, the United Kingdom, or North America. Here, of course, new negotiations are required, with local officials, over matters like fire regulations and processional routes through city streets. Yet these recreated Hindu diaspora brahmotsavas serve their participants as a reminder of the home culture of southern India, and they display to a larger public the presence of Indian communities in new multiethnic urban landscapes.

Cross-References ▶ Āḻvār ▶ Brahman ▶ Image

References 1. Barazer-Billoret M-L (1999) La grande fete du temple (mahotsava) d’apres les agama sivaites. U. F. R. Orient Monde Arabe, Paris III – Sorbonne-Nouvelle, Paris 2. Colas G (1996) Visnu, ses images et ses feux. Presses de l’Ecole francaise d’Extreme-Orient, Paris

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308 3. Davis RH (2002) Chola Bronzes in procession. In: Dehejia V (ed) The sensuous and the sacred: Chola Bronzes from South India. American Federation of Arts, New York, pp 46–63 4. Davis RH (2009) A priest’s guide to the great festival: aghorasiva’s mahotsavavidhi. Oxford University Press, New York 5. Fuller CJ (1984) Servants of the goddess: the priests of a South Indian temple. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 6. Good A (2004) Worship and the ceremonial economy of a royal South Indian temple. Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston 7. Hudson DD (1977) Siva, Minaksi, Visnu–reflections on a popular myth in Madurai. Indian Econ Soc Hist Rev 14:107–118 8. Husken U, Michaels A (eds) (2013) South Asian festivals on the move. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 9. Jacobsen KA (ed) (2008) South Asian religions on display: religious processions in South Asia and in the diaspora, Routledge South Asian religion series. Routledge, London 10. Kaali S (1999) Spatializing history: subaltern carnivalizations of space in Tiruppuvanam, Tamil Nadu. Subaltern Stud 10:126–200 11. L’Hernault F, Reiniche M-L (1999) Tiruvannamalai: un lieu saint sivaite du Sud del l’Inde, 3. Rites et fetes. Ecole francaise d’Extreme-Orient, Paris 12. Mines DP (2005) Fierce gods: inequality, ritual, and the politics of dignity in a South Indian village. Indiana University Press, Bloomington 13. Pillay KK (1953) The sucindram temple. Kalakshetra Publications, Adyar, Madras 14. Smith HD (1975) A descriptive bibliography of the printed texts of the pancaratragama. Oriental Institute, Baroda 15. Welbon GR, Yocum GE (eds) (1982) Religious festivals in South India and Sri Lanka. Manohar, New Delhi 16. Younger P (1982) Ten days of wandering and romance with lord Ranganathan: The pankuni festival in Srirankam temple, South India. Modern Asian Stud 16:623–656 17. Younger P (1995) The home of dancing Sivan: the traditions of the Hindu temple in Citamparam. Oxford University Press, New York 18. Younger P (2002) Playing host to deity: festival religion in the South Indian tradition. Oxford University Press, Oxford

Buddhi

Būloka Kailasam ▶ Citamparam (Chidambaram)

Burial (Hinduism) Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic

In Vedic India, bodies were disposed of in different ways ([11, 12]; [15], pp. 168–170); burial was one of them ([8], pp. 61–67). In fact, inhumation was the original dominant Indo-Aryan funeral practice ([28], p. 151), and traces of it are found in Vedic literature ([25], pp. 232–233). There are some surprisingly detailed parallels between Vedic funeral customs and old Indo-European ones ([34], pp. 365–366). Archeological excavations of Sintashta-culture graves (from Chelyabinsk, Russia) have helped scholars decipher some puzzling Ṛgvedic verses about burial practices ([2], pp. 408–409). This knowledge provides clear evidence that inhumation was the earliest form of funeral practiced by Vedic Indians. Although burial was soon replaced by cremation (antyeṣṭi) as the standard Vedic and, later, Hindu funeral custom ([14], p. 74), burial has never disappeared completely from Hindu society. On the contrary, inhumation is much more common among today’s Hindus than is generally believed. It is practiced by many communities, either regularly as a standard funeral practice or occasionally in certain situations.

Low-Caste and Scheduled-Caste Communities

Buddhi ▶ Reason (Hinduism)

Burial is by far most widespread in low-caste and, in particular, scheduled-caste (Dalit) Hindu communities. Unfortunately, no official statistical data

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about interment are available, but exhaustive research conducted by the Anthropological Survey of India, which describes 4693 Indian communities [38], indicates that burial is a standard funeral practice in most Hindu (as well as nonHindu) Dalit communities and is quite common in low-caste communities as well. Three factors, however, complicate this picture. First, in communities where burial is the normative practice, individual families that traditionally prefer cremation may exist ([37], p. 91). In other words, unlike in higher castes, whose members should all follow the same funeral customs, Dalit society allows greater liberty in deciding how to dispose of a dead body. Second, for financial reasons burial may be a common practice even in communities that clearly prefer cremation (but that deem burial acceptable; [10], p. 197). The high cost of wood means that even the simplest cremation is quite expensive and thus out of reach for most members of these communities. Third, the standard funeral practices within a community can change over time. This process (called Sanskritization) is motivated by the desire of members of lower-caste communities to move up in the local social hierarchy by emulating the customs of high-caste Hindus. Since cremation is regarded as a ritual characteristic of higher castes, many Dalit and low castes have decided to abandon their traditional funerary customs and have accepted cremation as their new standard funeral practice ([18], p. 68; [26], pp. 175–176). Apparently, burial in low-caste and Dalit Hindu communities is a complicated topic. Not only is it difficult to determine who exactly practices burial, but it is nearly impossible to generalize what such funerals look like. Contrary to high-caste Hindus, who are – at least theoretically – bound by textual prescriptions that ensure their death rituals follow a relatively uniform pattern, low castes and Dalits do not possess similar unifying normative texts. Consequently, funeral rituals in these communities are extremely diverse, and therefore, no general descriptions can be made. Nevertheless, all strata of Hindu society have one death-related concept in common: the distinction between a good and a bad death. All Hindus define

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a good death in the same terms: it should be the result of a natural death after having achieved old age; violent and premature deaths, as well as deaths from visible diseases or snakebite, are excluded ([36], pp. 38–39). The ritual consequences of a good death, however, are opposite in different communities. Whereas the good death of a high-caste Hindu leads to a pompous cremation ritual (antyeṣṭi), in low-caste and Dalit communities a good death typically means that a festive burial will follow.

High-Caste Hindus If a high-caste Hindu dies a bad death, his or her body cannot be cremated and must be disposed of in a different fashion. Burial is practically the only other option, whether it is an earth burial, or, more commonly, a water burial in which the corpse is disposed of in a river (or in rare cases in the sea). Earth burial is traditionally reserved only for small children. The texts do not agree on the age at which a child should no longer be buried and instead can be cremated in the traditional way ([25], pp. 227–228); actual practices are also quite diverse in different communities ([17], pp. 510–511). The question is clear only in the case of Brahman boys: after initiation (upanayana), they must be cremated. In all other cases of bad death, water burial should be used. Although what defines a bad death is seemingly obvious, it is still a murky issue in Hindu texts and in everyday practice. Today, there is a strong tendency to consider as many deaths as possible good deaths ([35], pp. 185–186). Thus, most people who have died a violent death (typically in a car crash or another type of accident, as a result of crime, etc.), which is theoretically a bad death, are in fact cremated. The bodies of those who have died of snakebite, of several feverish diseases, and of diseases that visibly harm the body (such as leprosy) are unequivocally disposed of in water. The bodies of young unwed girls are also commonly thrown into rivers. It must, however, be added that water burial is illegal in India. Nonetheless, this custom is still widely practiced, and the Ganges in particular suffers drastically because of it.

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Lin˙ga¯yats and Na¯ths The Liṅgāyats and the Nāths are two large, important Indian communities that traditionally bury their dead. The Liṅgāyats (also known as the Vīraśaivas), who predominantly live in the South Indian state of Karnataka, comprise a group with a complicated identity because many official Liṅgāyat representatives do not consider themselves to be Hindu. It is true that Liṅgāyat teachings and religious practice diverge from mainstream Hinduism in many key respects (e.g., Liṅgāyats do not believe in reincarnation of the soul), but nearly everyone in India (as well as Western and Indian scholars) consider Liṅgāyats to form one of many Hindu traditions, which is also clear from their history. In any case, Liṅgāyats bury their dead ([3]; [32], pp. 49–51) in elaborate rituals (which are described in detail, with accompanying mantras and photographs, in [30]). Contrary to the customs of low-caste and Dalit Hindus, who usually bury bodies in a lying position, Liṅgāyats deposit their deceased in a sitting position and place a stone over the graves, which are called samādhi and are concentrated at designated areas, Liṅgāyat cemeteries. Another community, or more precisely communities because they are spread over all India, Nepal, and Bangladesh, who traditionally bury their dead, are the Nāths, earlier better known as Jogīs or Jugīs ([7], pp. 305, 310; [19], pp. 99–102; [20], p. 49; [27], p. 410). Similar to Liṅgāyat practice, dead bodies in a sitting yogic position are deposited in graves, which are, however, rarely marked by gravestones. Typically, a few stones are put on the grave ([20], p. 50), but more elaborate and expensive samādhi may be built for a respected or wealthy member of the community. Nāths usually do not have cemeteries; they tend to bury their dead near the house where the deceased person lived. This lack of traditional burying grounds brings serious problems to Nāths living in cities, where there is no space for individual graves. Unless they still have a connection with their ancestral village where they can bury a deceased family member, many urban Nāths are now forced to deviate from their traditional funeral practice and cremate their corpses. On

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the other hand, in some places practicing cremation may help the Nāths be better accepted into upper-caste Hindu society because burial is usually understood by high-caste Hindus to be either a low-caste or Dalit custom, or, even worse, a vestige of the possible Muslim origin of the Nāths.

Ascetics and Yogis The majority of today’s Hindus are apparently unaware of the fact that in India, ascetics, yogis, and saints are traditionally buried. In fact, burial has been an organic part of Brahmanical Hinduism since early times ([1]; [15], pp. 172–174; [25], pp. 229–231; [33], pp. 176–180). There are several possible explanations for this practice. For example, during a standard Hindu cremation ritual, the funeral pyre should be ignited by the ritual fire kept in the house of the deceased person, but in the case of the ascetic, this fire is interiorized at the moment of renouncement and the physical fire extinguished. Therefore, there is no ritually appropriate fire with which the pyre could be lit. Moreover, before being initiated into an ascetic order, a candidate must perform his own death rites, because in joining the order he loses his caste status and becomes symbolically “dead” to the outside Hindu caste society ([13], p. 228; [24], p. 43). Consequently, ascetics are not bound by the social and religious rules prescribed to other Hindus. Therefore, the death and ancestor rituals of upper-caste Hindus are either not performed or replaced by different rites ([5], pp. 153–157; [7], pp. 46–54; [9], p. 37). While rites differ between orders, all share the practice of burying the body in a sitting yogic position and building a samādhi stone over the grave ([6], pp. 43–46), which, in the case of important figures and heads of the order in particular, may be quite spectacular and resemble a small temple. These samādhis are usually located in a monastery or temple complex and may attract many pilgrims who come to pay their respects, make an offering, and ask for a boon ([22], p. 318; [29]; for a similar Jaina practice, see [16], p. 8). An alternative to earth burial commonly practiced by ascetics is a water burial (jalasamādhi), in which the body is thrown into a

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river, preferably the Ganges, either in a sitting yogic position or in a stone coffin ([7], p. 46; [9], p. 37; [13], pp. 228–229). A water burial may be also elected by a living ascetic who decides to voluntarily end his live and die in this way.

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▶ Nātha Siddhas (Nāths) ▶ Rebirth (Hinduism) ▶ Saṃnyāsa ▶ Sanskritization (Hinduism) ▶ Śrāddha ▶ Vīraśaivism ▶ Yama

Conclusion The groups and customs covered in this entry represent the most important examples of Hindu burial practices. The list is thus not exhaustive; on the contrary, many other communities commonly practice burial ([4]; [21], p. 461; [23], pp. 161–183). Additionally, there are also communities in which a dying person can choose between burial and cremation. Furthermore, in some upper-caste communities, which strongly prefer the standard Hindu cremation ritual, burial can be an acceptable option if a family has financial difficulties, particularly if the grave may be located at or near a sacred place ([31], p. 187). Moreover, many Indian tribes (Ādivāsīs) bury their dead as a standard funeral practice, and several of these groups are Hinduized or semiHinduized ([39], pp. 151–170). Burial as a Hindu funeral practice is a complicated issue. Reliable data from further historical and anthropological research, particularly information about the real frequency of burial in today’s society, are needed to gain a better understanding of Hindu burial practices. Further research is not needed, however, to make one conclusion: burial is obviously a much more common practice than is generally believed. Perhaps the great Indian scholar and expert on death rituals in India S. Settar is right when he says “most Hindus do not cremate” [40].

Cross-References ▶ Adivasi ▶ Antyeṣṭi ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Kāla ▶ Liṅgāyata ▶ Mokṣa

References 1. Acharya D (2010) The Anteṣṭividhi: a manual on the last rite of the Lakulīśa Pāśupatas. J Asiat 298:133–156 2. Anthony DW (2010) The horse, the wheel and language: how Bronze-Age riders from the Eurasian steppes shaped the modern world. Princeton University Press, Princeton 3. Assayag J (1987) Le cadavre divin: célébration de la mort chez les Liṅgāyat-Vīraśaiva (Inde du Sud). L’Homme 27:93–112 4. Bouillier V (1976) Funeral observances of a group of non-ascetic Sunyasi in central Nepal. Contrib Nepalese Stud 3:36–45 5. Bouillier V (1997) Ascètes et rois: un monastère de Kanphata yogis au Népal. CNRS, Paris 6. Bouillier V (2008) Grottes et tombes: les affinités des Nāth Yogīs avec le monde souterrain. Riv Studi Sudasiatici 3:33–48 7. Bouillier V (2017) Monastic wanderers: Nāth yogī ascetics in modern South Asia. Manohar, New Delhi 8. Butzenberger K (1996) Ancient Indian conceptions on man’s destiny after death: the beginnings and the early development of the doctrine of transmigration, I. Berl Indologische Stud 9:55–118 9. Clark M (2006) The Daśanāmī-saṃnyāsīs: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order. Brill, Leiden 10. Clark-Decès I (2005) No one cries for the dead: Tamil dirges, rowdy songs, and graveyard petitions. University of California Press, Berkeley 11. Datta BN (1936) Vedic funeral customs and Indus Valley culture. Man in India 16:223–307 12. Datta BN (1937) Vedic funeral customs and Indus Valley culture. Man in India 17:1–68 13. Denton LT (1992) Varieties of Hindu female asceticism. In: Leslie J (ed) Roles and rituals for Hindu women. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 14. Falk H (2000) Bestattungsgebräuche in der Indien betreffenden Archäologie und im vedischen Schrifttum. Altorientalische Forschungen 27:68–80 15. Filippi GG (1996) Mṛtyu: concept of death in Indian traditions: transformation of the body and funeral rites. D. K. Printworld, New Delhi 16. Flügel P (2011) Burial ad sanctos at Jaina sites in India. Int J Jaina Stud (online) 7:1–37 17. Freed RS, Freed SA (1980) Rites of passage in Shanti Nagar. American Museum of Natural History, New York

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312 18. Freed RS, Freed SA (1993) Ghosts: life and death in North India. American Museum of Natural History, New York 19. Gold AG (1988) Fruitful journeys: the ways of Rajasthani pilgrims. University of California Press, Berkeley 20. Gold AG (1992) A carnival of parting: the tales of king Bharthari and king Gopi Chand as sung and told by Madhu Natisar Nath of Ghatiyali, Rajasthan. University of California Press, Berkeley 21. Gough EK (1958) Cults of the dead among the Nāyars. J Am Folk 71:446–478 22. Gross RL (2001) The sādhus of India: a study of Hindu asceticism. Rawat, Jaipur 23. Hanssen K (2018) Women, religion and the body in South Asia: living with Bengali Bauls. Routledge, London/New York 24. Hausner SL (2007) Wandering with sadhus: ascetics in the Hindu Himalayas. Indiana University Press, Bloomington 25. Kane PV (1991) History of Dharmaśāstra: ancient and mediæval religious and civil law, vol 4, 3rd edn. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 26. Kapadia K (1995) Siva and her sisters: gender, caste, and class in rural South India. Westview Press, Boulder/Oxford 27. Mallinson J (2011) Nāth sampradāya. In: Jacobsen KA, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 3. Brill, Leiden 28. Mallory JP, Adams DQ (1997) Encyclopedia of IndoEuropean culture. Fitzroy Dearborn, London 29. McLaughlin MJ (2016) Turning tomb to temple: hagiography, sacred space, and ritual activity in a thirteenth-century Hindu shrine. In: Monge RG, San Chirico KPC, Smith RJ (eds) Hagiography and religious truth: case studies in the Abrahamic and Dharmic traditions. Bloomsbury Academic, London

Burial (Hinduism) 30. Moréchand G (1975) Contribution à l’étude des rites funéraires indiens. Bull l’École Fr d’Extrême-Orient 62:55–124 31. Morinis EA (1984) Pilgrimage in the Hindu tradition: a case study of West Bengal. Oxford University Press, Delhi 32. Nandimath SC (1979) A handbook of Vīraśaivism, 2nd edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 33. Olivelle P (1995) Rules and regulations of Brahmanical asceticism: Yatidharmasamuccaya of Yādava Prakāśa. State University of New York Press, Albany 34. Parpola A (1995) The problem of the Aryans and the soma: textual-linguistic and archaeological evidence. In: Erdosy G (ed) The Indo-Aryans of ancient South Asia: language, material culture and ethnicity. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 35. Parry JP (1994) Death in Banaras. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 36. Peyer N (2004) Death and afterlife in a Tamil village: discourses of low caste women. Lit, Münster 37. Randeria S (1999) Mourning, mortuary exchange and memorialization: the creation of local communities among Dalits in Gujarat. In: Schömbucher E, Zoller CP (eds) Ways of dying: death and its meaning in South Asia. Manohar, New Delhi 38. Singh KS (1998) India’s communities, 3 vols. Oxford University Press, Delhi 39. Singh P (1970) Burial practices in ancient India: a study in the eschatological beliefs of early man as revealed by archaeological sources. Prithivi Prakashan, Varanasi 40. Sukumaran A (2017) A flame beneath the ground. In: Outlook. https://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/ story/a-flame-beneath-the-ground/298344. Accessed 2 Aug 2018

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Caitanya ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Caitanya (Chaitanya) Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Caitanya; Chaitanya Deva; Chaitanya Mahaprabhu; Gaur; Gauranga; Gaurchand; Gaurhari; Gora; Gorachand; Krishna Chaitanya; Mahaprabhu; Name at birth, Visvambhar Misra; Nimai; Nimai Pandit; Nimai Sannyasi; Sri Chaitanya; Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu; Sri Krishna Chaitanya Chaitanya (1486–1533), an influential and popular saint and mystic from sixteenth-century Bengal, holds a significant place in the religious history of India. One of the most charismatic saints of the medieval Bhakti movement, Sri Chaitanya was the

founder of a major religious cult in Bengal known as Chaitanya Vaishnavism or Gaudiya Vaishnavism, an important sect of Vaishnavism prevalent in Bengal, Odisha, Manipur, and other parts of India. Chaitanya was a scholar, a philosopher, an aesthete, and, for the Vaishnavas, God in the form of a devotee. The Gaudiya Vaishnavas regard Sri Chaitanya as the avatar (incarnation) of Sri Krishna in the Kali-Yuga. Chaitanya emphasized Namasankirtana or chanting the name of God as the most effective means of realizing the Divine. He popularized Raganuga bhakti, a form of personal devotion based on love in which the common people could express their prema-bhakti or loving devotion to God through the popular medium of kirtana (community singing) and ecstatic dancing. Chaitanya’s Raganuga mode of devotion was simple, lucid, inclusive, and participatory, in which the devotee could personally and emotionally relate to the Divine. Through the mode of Raganuga bhakti, Chaitanya wished not only to break the monopoly of the upper class, upper caste, orthodox Brahmins on religious practices, but also to spread the idea of a classless, casteless, creedless, and genderless society where religion, shorn of the rigidity of Vedic ritualism and learned incantations of Sanskrit mantras, would be accessible to all.

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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Chaitanya’s Life Sources of Chaitanya’s Life: Traditional Biographies There are seven major traditional biographies of Chaitanya that form the basic sources for the narrative of Sri Chaitanya’s life. They are: (a) Murari Gupta’s Sri Sri Krishna-Chaitanyacharitamritam, the earliest Sanskrit biography of Chaitanya; (b) Kavi Karṇapura’s Sri Caitanya-caritamrita Mahakavya and (c) Kavi Karṇapura’s later ten-act play, Sri Caitanyacandrodaya-naṭakam; (d) Vrindavandas Ṭhakur’s Caitanya-bhagavata, the earliest Bengali biography of Sri Chaitanya; (e) Locana Das’s Sri Caitanya-mangala; (f) Jayananda’s Caitanya-mangala; and (g) Krishnadasa Kaviraja’s Sri Caitanyacaritamrita. The overview of Chaitanya’s life is traditionally recapitulated as “The Early Period,” “The Middle Period,” and “The Final Period,” approximating the sequence of events found in these hagiographical texts.

The Early Period Early Life Chaitanya was born as Visvambhar, the tenth child of Sri Jagannath Misra and his wife Sachi Devi of Nabadvip in the Nadia district of Bengal (now West Bengal). A family of pious Vedic Brahmins, the Misra’s were originally from Orissa, but Jagannath’s father Sri Upendra Misra had migrated and settled in Dakha Dakshin, a village in Srihatta or Sylhet, in the Eastern part of Bengal (now Bangladesh) and raised his family of seven sons. Jagannath, his third son, later moved from Srihatta to Nabadvip, a prominent center of learning at the time. A pious Vaishnava, the young Jagannath Misra came to Nadia to study under Pandit Nilambar Chakravarti, who was a renowned astrologer of the time. Nilambar

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Chakravarti too had migrated from the Eastern part of Bengal with his family and settled in Nabadwip a few years earlier. Jagannath married Nilambar Chakravarti’s eldest daughter Sachi and settled near the Bhagirathi, a branch of the holy River Ganges in Nabadvip. In due time, Sachi gave birth to eight daughters, all of whom died at birth. Sachi’s ninth child, a son named Visvarup, survived; and, some years later, on a full moon night of early spring in the Bengali month of Phalguna (18th February, 1486 CE) Sachi’s tenth child and second son Visvambhar, who was later to become Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, was born. According to Vrindavandas’s Caitanya-bhagavata, his maternal grandfather Sri Nilambar Chakravarti gave the child his formal name: ‘Visvambhar’, meaning “He who sustains the Universe” after reading his birth signs which supposedly foretold the child’s extraordinary abilities. (Rosen, 46). The young Visvambhar was brought up in an environment of scholarship and religious piety. As a charming, intelligent and gifted boy, Visvambhar was well-loved in the neighborhood. He was affectionately called Sacinandan (Sachi’s son), Gaur (“the golden one”), Gora, Gauranga (“with limbs like molten gold”) or Gaurasundar (beautiful Gaur) for his fair complexion or Nimai as he was born under a Neem tree. As mentioned by scholars, the name Nimai (meaning the short lived one), may also have been a talisman to ward off evil, as the boy was born after eight sisters who had all died in their early infancy. (Kennedy, 14) A precocious child, the five-year-old Nimai was admitted into a pathshala (elementary school) where he learned Bengali and other subjects. In 1494, when Nimai was still a child, the sixteenyear-old Visvarup, Jagannath Misra’s eldest son, and Nimai’s elder brother, renounced family life and took the vows of sannyas. He left home forever and was heard no more. Visvarup’s sannyas had a profound impact on Nimai and his parents. The devastated parents became afraid that Nimai too might leave them if he was sent to Advaita Acharya’s renowned tol (school for higher learning) for religious training, as Visvarup had been. Jagannath and Sachi thus delayed Nimai’s education and put him in a Sanskrit tol

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under Gangadas Pandit to study Sanskrit grammar and rhetoric. Intellectually keen, Nimai was soon regarded as a child-prodigy and scholar by the people of Nabadvip. Renown as Nimai Pandit Legends tell that even at the young age of fourteen, Nimai had mastered several languages including Sanskrit, grammar, logic, rhetoric, hermeneutics, and philosophy. (Rosen, 47) Shortly after this, his father Jagannath Misra too suddenly passed away and the responsibility of the family fell on Nimai’s young shoulders. The still adolescent Nimai then opened a tol of his own in Nabadvip. During this time, he also wrote his own commentary on a portion of Sanskrit grammar known as Kalapa Vyakarana, the text of which is no longer extant. (Rosen, 47) It was also during the same period that he met a young girl named Lakshmipriya or Lakshmi Devi, the daughter of Sri Vallabha Acharya of Nabadvip and married her. Befitting his growing renown as a scholar, the people of Nabadvip now called him Nimai Pandit. His reputation as Nabadvip’s preeminent scholar grew, and Nimai embarked on an extended scholastic tour of the Eastern parts of Bengal, holding debates and teaching from town to town, so as to earn money for his academy (Rosen, 48). Everywhere in East Bengal, Nimai Pandit was received enthusiastically as an erudite scholar, a preeminent and influential author, charismatic orator, eloquent debater, and a promising and progressive intellectual leader. During this tour, he met Sri Tapan Misra, the father of Raghunath Bhatta, who later became one of the famous Six Goswamis and Chaitanya’s leading followers. He also visited his ancestral village and his extended family in Dhaka Dakshin, in Srihatta. In 1505, while Nimai was still touring East Bengal, his young wife Lakshmipriya died of snakebite. Although deeply saddened at heart, Nimai agreed to remarry at his mother’s insistence. His second wife was Vishnupriya, the devout daughter of Sri Sanatan Misra, a renowned Pandit of Nabadvip. Vishnupriya’s separation from Nimai, after he left home as a sannyasi, is much celebrated in Bengali literary and folk culture. Later, Vishnupriya

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became one of the chief female ascetics in the Gaudiya Vaishnava Sampradaya (Rosen, 48). Spiritual Initiation at Gaya In October 1508, Nimai visited Gaya, Bihar, to perform pindadan or the traditional rites of passage for his departed father. There he met Ishvar Puri, an ascetic of the Madhvacharya tradition, and took the ten-syllable Gopala mantra from him as his spiritual initiation into the Vaishnava religion. (Rosen, 48) A great change came over Nimai Pandit as he incessantly chanted the Krishna mantra; and, as the culmination of the process of his spiritual initiation, he saw a beatific vision of Lord Krishna after his return to Nabadvip. In this vision, Sri Krishna, the eternal flute-player of Vrindavan, was smiling and embracing Nimai (Rosen, 49).

The Middle Period The Great Transformation According to the hagiographical texts, Nimai Pandit was so profoundly transformed upon his return from the holy city of Gaya that from a pompous and pedantic academic preoccupied with matters of rhetoric and scholarly debate, he became an ardent devotee of Krishna and a zealous advocate of divine love for Krishna. The complete change in his behavior was a shock to the students of his tol; and, eventually, the tol had to be shut down, for Nimai could no longer instruct his students on the rules of grammar and logic. Being madly in love with Sri Krishna, he could only chant His holy name. The intensity of his fervent and ecstatic love for the Divine manifested itself in symptoms like uncontrollable crying, shaking, fainting, and falling to the ground in a trance upon chanting God’s name, so much so that, for the next six years, he became the embodiment of pure love of God for the people of Nabadvip. The Sankirtana Movement During this period, Nimai started a nightly assembly of sankirtana (congregational chanting of God’s name) in Srivasa Paṇḍit’s courtyard with the Vaishnava devotees of Nabadvip as inspired

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witnesses and faithful participants. Along with many others, the group included Advaita Acharya, Nityananda Avadhuta, Yavan Haridas, Gadadhara Pandit, Srivasa Paṇḍit, all of whom were remarkable for their own divine attributes, and became intimate companions and religious associates of Nimai. He urged his small group of enthusiastic followers to go from door to door chanting God’s name and exhorting everyone to sing the name of Hari with devotion. (Rosen, 50) The story of Nityananda’s conversion of the once wayward and reprobate brothers Jagai and Madhai to devoted followers of Nimai’s Sankirtana movement, is well known. (Rosen, 51) Also significant is Nimai’s interaction with Chand Kazi, the city magistrate of Nabadvip serving under Hussein Shah, the independent Sultan of Bengal during Nimai’s times. Acting in response to the complaints made to him by the orthodox Hindus of Nabadvip against Nimai and his associates, Chand Kazi had issued orders to stop the sankirtana by large chanting parties lead by Nimai in Nabadvip. Nimai and his followers marched in thousands to his home chanting and singing Krishna’s Holy Name as a nonviolent resistance to Chand Kazi’s orders. After interacting with Nimai, and listening to his ideas on religion, Chand Kazi himself became a follower and fully endorsed Nimai’s Sankirtana movement (Rosen, 52–53).

The Final Period Sannyas In January 1510, at the age of 24, Nimai renounced worldly life and opted for the hard, austere life of a mendicant. He was initiated into sannyas in the nearby town of Katwa by the renunciant Kesava Bharati. Bharati conferred upon the young sannyasi a new name for his ascetic life: “Krishna Chaitanya” (Krishna Consciousness). After taking sannyas, Chaitanya wished to visit Vrindavan, the setting of RadhaKrishna’s divine love; but in his God-intoxicated state he could not distinguish the road or the direction he was taking, and Nityananda tricked him into going to Santipur (near Nabadvip)

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instead. In Santipur, Chaitanya was once again reunited with his mother and other followers from Nabadvip. Sachi Devi requested him to reside in Puri, in the adjoining state of Odisha. Chaitanya went to Puri in March 1510 to visit Lord Jagannath, an incarnation of Sri Krishna. Legends tell us that he approached the famous Jagannath temple of Puri in a state of ecstasy, and fainted in ecstatic love at the sight of Lord Jagannath. At Puri, Chaitanya met the celebrated Vedantic philosopher Sri Vasudeva Sarvabhauma of Nabadvip, who lived in Puri under the patronage of King Prataparudra, ruler of Odisha. A preeminent scholar, Sri Vasudeva Sarvabhauma Bhattacharya was the founder of the Navya Nyaya (New Logic) school for which Nabadvip was so famous. Afterwards, Sri Chaitanya had a long discussion on the Upanishads and Vedanta with Sarvabhauma; and the renowned monistic philosopher was allegedly much impressed by the young ascetic’s concept of logic, and his knowledge of the scriptures. Tour of Southern India From April 1510 to May 1512, Chaitanya embarked on a grand tour of the Southern Indian states – visiting shrines, temples, and other holy places on his route. It was during his tour that Chaitanya met Sri Ramananda Ray, a learned and devout Vaishnava and the governor of Rajamundri, on the banks of the Godavari River. With Ramananda, Chaitanya discussed in profound detail the subtle aspects of prema-bhakti and Gaudiya Vaishnava thought. After this historic meeting, Chaitanya continued on his tour and stayed at the famous temple at Rangakshetra (or Srirangam) from August to November of 1510. There he met Tirumalla Bhatta, Venkata Bhatta, and his son Gopal Bhatta. Gopal Bhatta grew up to become Gopal Bhatta Goswami, one of the famous Six Goswamis of Vrindavan who were Chaitanya’s most important theologians. Chaitanya also met Prabodhananda Sarasvati in Srirangam. He later went to Udipi, famous as the residence of the Madhva ascetics, and stayed there discoursing on the Vaishnava doctrines with the Madhvas. Then, Chaitanya visited the major temples of the Deccan, including Pandharpur, the

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great Vaishnava center of the Marathas, chanting the holy name of Krishna, explaining the tenets of Gaudiya Vaishnavism, singing namasankirtana (communal singing of Sri Krishna’s Holy Name), and dancing in the streets, accompanied by hundreds of devout followers. Then, after touring the different regions of Southern India for almost two years, he returned to Puri in the summer of 1512. Two years after his return from Southern India, Chaitanya once again felt the need to visit Vrindavan. He left Puri in 1514 accompanied by a large group of disciples, and escorted by royal officials who were to ensure his safety and comfort as per the King’s orders. (Kennedy, 45) Chaitanya stopped for a while in Shantipur, near Nabadvip, and visited his mother. Then, he went to Ramkeli, a village near Gaur, the ancient capital of Bengal, followed by hundreds of devotees. At Ramkeli, Chaitanya met two pious and learned Vaishnava brothers – Rupa and Sanatana – who were working as Dabir Khas and Sakar Mallik, high officials in the then Islamic court at Gaur. Greatly inspired by Chaitanya’s teachings, the two brothers left their jobs and became Chaitanya’s followers. They would later become Rupa and Sanatana Goswami of Vrindavan, the two most important poets and theologians of the Gaudiya tradition. Their nephew Jiva Goswami too later became one of the preeminent philosophers of the Gaudiya Vaishnava sect. After meeting Rupa and Sanatana, Chaitanya discarded his plan to go to Vrindavan and returned to Puri after 8 months. Vrindavan By now, the name of Chaitanya was well known throughout the Indian subcontinent. Devotees from all over the country came to see him, worship him as their Master, and to learn from his teachings. In 1515, after attending three Ratha Yatras in Puri, where thousands came to pay homage to him, Chaitanya finally went to Vrindavan. Although overcome with bliss and ecstasy at the sight of the holy land, he visited all the sacred places associated with Krishna-lila, including Mathura. He left Vrindavan in the winter of 1516, and went to Prayag (now Allahabad) where he spent months discussing his idea of

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God and religion with Rupa Goswami. These discussions would later become the substance of Rupa Goswami’s many books that form the backbone of the Gaudiya Vaishnava tradition. Chaitanya left for Varanasi in January 1517. In Varanasi, he met Sanatana Goswami and instructed him about his new religion. He then sent Sanatana and Rupa to Vrindavan, and entrusted them with the work of writing scholarly literature explaining the basic tenets of the Gaudiya Vaishnava tradition, both in poetry and prose, and reclaiming the lost holy places of Vrindavan. Rupa and Sanatana were instructed to preach and write in detail about the new religion, and also to build temples at all the sites associated with Krishna-bhakti. While in Varanasi, Chaitanya is also said to have converted Prakasananda Sarasvati, one of the leading Vedanta scholars and renowned monists of his times, who, like Sarvabhauma, brought thousands of followers to Chaitanya’s religion through his own surrender. Later that year, Chaitanya Mahaprabhu returned back to Puri, and settled there, never to leave again. The Last Years In his last years, Sri Chaitanya lived the life of a recluse at Puri. In the company of his most intimate followers, like Ramananda Ray and Svarupa Damodara, for 18 years he lived wholly entranced by Radha-bhava, or the ecstasy of Sri Radha’s love for her Divine Lord. Mahaprabhu lived in a state of stupor, trances, and frenzied delirium for the last 12 years of his life, closely attended by a small group of chosen disciples, who read and sang to him daily and cared for him, supervising all the details of his worship, bathing, and other personal care. Sri Chaitanya spent the final six years of his life in a divyanmada (divine madness) state of euphoric ecstasy. (Rosen, 57) According to the Gaudiya theologians, this rare state of intense, rapturous spiritual ecstasy, known as mahabhava, is an exalted level of loving devotion to God. Chaitanya Mahaprabhu departed from this physical world at the age of 48, on 29th June, 1533. The end of Sri Chaitanya’s life is shrouded in mystery. His principal biographers are mostly silent about his end, terming it as

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antardhana or disappearance; while biographer Lochana Das hints that Mahaprabhu had merged into the deity of Lord Jagannath. However, Jayananda’s Chaitanya-mangala, considered unreliable by the Gaudiya Vaishnavas, attributes it to a wound on his foot, which brought on fever and finally resulted in his death. Though the facts remain unknown, common supposition is that Chaitanya Mahaprabhu’s end came by drowning in the sea in one of his fits of delirious ecstasy.

Chaitanya as God Vaishnavas of various denominations, especially Gauḍiya Vaishnavas, consider Chaitanya not as a saint but as one of the many avatars (incarnations) of Lord Sri Krishna. According to Gaudiya Vaishnava theology, Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu is the avatar of Kali-Yuga. Sri Chaitanya exhibits, as Rosen notes, all the special bodily features, ornaments, weapons, and associates that help identify each incarnation of Krishna. His main limbs (angas) or primary devotional companions are Nityananda Avadhut and Advaita Acharya; his ornaments (upangas) or intimate companions are Gadadhar Pandit and Srivasa Ṭhakur; together they form Chaitanya’s five features or the Pancha Tattva (Five Principles) of the Gaudiya Vaishnavas. His weapons (astras) are his sheer beauty, his religion of love, and his singing and dancing; and his close associates (parsadas), are the Six Goswamis, Ramananda Ray, Svarup Damodar, and others who are always by his side. (Rosen, 44) The most developed conception of Chaitanya’s divinity can be found in Krishnadasa Kaviraja’s Sri Caitanya-caritamrita. According to the Gaudiya Vaishnavas, Sri Chaitanya is unique as God for he possesses God’s highest features – he is revealed as the combined manifestation of both Krishna and Radha. Sri Chaitanya Deva is Sri Krishna with the myriad moods, complexion, emotional disposition, and inner spiritual identity of Sri Radha, Krishna’s feminine counterpart – and thus Sri Chaitanya is the supreme manifestation of all forms of Godhead (isatattva) (Rosen, 44).

Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Gaudiya Vaishnavism: Chaitanya’s Religion of Love Vaishnavism, or the worship of Vishnu and His many avatars, is one of the prominent sects of the Hindu religion whose origin can be traced to the Vedic era. The branch of Vaishnavite tradition known as Gaudiya Vaishnavism or Chaitanya Vaishnavism refers to the spiritual tradition that originated with Sri Chaitanya. Gaudiya Vaishnavism, or Chaitanya’s religion of love, was the culminating expression of the medieval Bhakti tradition. Fundamentally nonsectarian and universalist, Chaitanya’s new religion was characterized by his unlimited love for the Divine and the commoners, and his overwhelming influence on the hearts and minds of the common people. His mission was to exist not as God, but rather as a loving devotee. As JT O’Connell notes, Sri Chaitanya’s new religion of love was the most “humane” faith in his contemporary times; there was no place for fear, or force, in his faith. He believed that all people – men and women, rich and poor, pure and impure – can and should be saved through the grace of Lord Krishna (O’Connell, 54). Chaitanya wished to liberate the most sinful through his mission of love and peace. He called for ahetuki bhakti (or devotion without a cause), in other words, a pure devotion, entirely free of any expectation of personal rewards or gains. (Sen, 24) The best expression of ahetuki bhakti can be found in Chaitanya’s concept of Raganuga-bhakti, which according to the Gauḍīya Vaishnavas is the essence of religious truth. Raganuga-Bhakti In his Bhakti-rasamrita-sindhu Rupa Goswami charts out the basic tenets of Raganuga-bhakti (literally, to follow on the path of passion) as propounded by Sri Chaitanya. Reacting against the upper class brahminical practice of Vaidhibhakti, a dogmatic faith based on readings of the Sanskrit scriptures and performance of rigid Vedic rituals (Chakravarty, Web) prevalent during Chaitanya’s times, Sri Chaitanya stressed on following the path of Raganuga-bhakti, by which even a commoner, irrespective of his/her caste,

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class, creed, religion, or gender, could participate in the religious rites of Krishna-bhakti and experience the blissful phases of love of God. Instead of putting emphasis on the rules and regulations of the scriptures, Raganuga-bhakti is performed through kirtana or community singing of the Divine Name, ecstatic dance, and enactment of Krishna-lila – the songs and ballads retelling the mythical life of Lord Krishna and his divine amorous dalliance with Sri Radha and the Gopis of Vrindavan. (Chakravarty, Web). The practice of Raganuga-bhakti, Rosen notes, is motivated by a deep, inner yearning, and, therefore, it is a “pure” devotion; while Vaidhi-bhakti, motivated primarily by the fear of sin, is mixed with a sense of awe for the majestic avatars of Vishnu. Like Vaidhibhakti, the goal of Raganuga-bhakti is to achieve pure love of God or prema-bhakti, – the highest form of devotional love. But the Krishna that Chaitanya and the Raganuga-bhaktas worship is not the awe-inspiring Lord Krishna of Mahabharat, the majestic King of Dvaraka. He is Krishna, the Cowherd Prince of Vraja, the eternal Flute Player of Vrindavan, who was the dearly beloved of Sri Radhika and the Gopis, as found in the Puranas and in the poets of the Vaishnava tradition, like Jayadev, Chandidas, and Vidyapati. To achieve a spontaneous, passionate love for God, according to the Gaudiya tradition, the Raganuga-bhaktas, must follow the footsteps of those who used to reside in Vraja – or in other words, Sri Radhika and the Gopis, for it is they who are truly passionate in their desire for the Divine Lord, and, therefore, they know the essence of divine love. The Raganuga form of Krishna-bhakti considers Sri Krishna as the Supreme Lord and the only Purusha (Masculine), while all the devotees are selfeffacing supplicant women in love with the Divine Lord. The aim of the devotee in this path of devotion is to achieve, as Chaitanya is believed to have achieved, a blissful state of union with Lord Krishna through his/her emotional identification with Radha. The Gauḍiya Vaisnavite tradition founded by Chaitanya and his followers aspired for the total sublimation of the devotee’s self in order to achieve an ideal conjugality with the Lord. They considered bridal mysticism or

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sringara bhava and madhurya bhakti, in which the devotee approached the Divine Lord as an erotic lover, as the supreme form of devotion. This mode of worship, according to Chakravarty, celebrated the devotee’s relationship with the human form of the Divine Lord. In madhurya bhakti, the devotee experiences the longing of Radha and the female gopis for the archetypal lover Krishna of Vrindavan, suffers viraha or the anguish of separation from the Divine beloved, and experiences the ecstasy and bliss of supreme consummation with the Divine. To experience the emotion of madhurya bhakti, the devotee, whether male or female, then adopts the role of Radha, the female consort of Krishna, to surrender to the Divine Lord through love, thus recreating and re-enacting the idylls of Krishna-lila. (Chakravarty, Web).

Chaitanya’s Teachings Sri Siksastakam The Eight Instructions or Prayers in Sanskrit, known as Sri Siksastakam, are said to be the only original verses by Sri Chaitanya. These verses contain in a nutshell the idea of his Krishna-bhakti and its precepts. Originally, these verses were recorded by Rupa Goswami as scattered slokas in his Padyavali. Later, Krishnadasa Kaviraja grouped them together as eight consecutive slokas forming a single poem of eight verses, which he called Siksastakam, and positioned them at the end of his Sri Caitanyacaritamrita (Antya-Lila, Chapter 20) summarizing the essence of the Mahaprabhu’s life and teachings. The Eight Instructions dwell on the transformative effects of Krishna-bhakti and Krishna-Namasankirtana. Only by chanting the Divine Name a determined and dedicated practitioner can gradually cleanse his/her heart of false desires, acquire a transformative humility, and finally, as a true devotee, can taste purna-amrita – the full nectar of Divine Love so as to be a witness to Radha-bhava, the ecstatic mood of Sri Radha herself, experiencing in his/her life the pure love of God. The renowned third Verse of Sri Siksastakam, for example, gives a succinct

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exposition to Sri Chaitanya’s idea of a true devotee following Krishna-Bhakti: trinadapi sunicena taroriva sahisnuna. amanina manadena kirtaniyah sada harih. (Sri Siksastakam, Verse 3, From Sri CaitanyaCaritamrita, 1975, Original Version, Antya-Lila Chapter 20).

[One who is humble like a blade of grass, as tolerant as a tree; who gives due honor to all without desiring honor for him/herself, shall forever chant the holy name of Hari.*(Translation mime)]. Acintya-Bhedabheda Tattva The truth of Acintya-bhedabheda, or “Inconceivable Unity in Diversity” is the essence of Sri Chaitanya’s Vedantic teaching. Coined by Jiva Goswami, the term refers to the seemingly paradoxical relationship between God (saktiman) and his energies (sakti) which exists, as Chaitanya perceived it, in a perpetual state of simultaneous oneness and difference inherently inseparable from one another. Inconceivably, as Rosen notes, they are both distinct (bheda) and nondistinct (abheda) from the Lord. This aspect of reality is inconceivable (acintya) to the finite human mind as it transcends the principles of logic. (Rosen, 124).

Influence It was Chaitanya who transformed sankirtana singing, as O’Connell notes. Stressing the transformative and redemptive power of Harinamasankirtana, Mahaprabhu turned song and dance into a form of bhakti-yoga or spiritual action. In his hands Sankirtana or singing the name of the Supreme Lord, evolved into a powerful mass medium.(O’Connell, 51) Chaitanya’s mode of Krishna-bhakti, a loving devotion to God that could give the devotee a personal emotional connect to the Divine simply by chanting the Lord’s name, had an overwhelming influence on the masses. Thus, he had a large following wherever he went, with thousands of people – including Kings, scholars, high officials, people of other faiths, castes, and denominations followed him,

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singing the name of the Divine Lord, and dancing in ecstasy. According to Chaitanya’s biographers, Sri Chaitanya transmitted his teachings and ideas of a new religion to his close associates like Ramananda Ray, Rupa, and Sanatana Goswami. He himself travelled extensively in the South and Northern regions of India – visiting important religious centers in the Deccan, Prayag, Varanasi, and Vrindavan – as part of his conscious effort to spread the Krishna-bhakti movement far and wide across India. His residence in an important religious center like Puri, as O’Connell notes, where pilgrims from all parts of India came to offer their homage to Lord Jagannath, was also significant in the propagation of his new faith. Later, Chaitanya deputed his Six Goswamis of Vrindavan: Rupa (1489–1564), Sanatana (1488–1558), Raghunath Das (1495–1571), Jiva (1513–1598), Raghunath Bhatta (1505–1579), and Gopal Bhatta (1503–1578), and his other close associates to spread his teachings in oral and written form throughout India. The initial expansion of the Chaitanya movement started from Bengal, Orissa, and Vrindavan; but later the movement grew to include all of India, so much so that Sri Chaitanya’s image came to be worshiped as a deity in many parts of India. Chaitanya’s message of Krishna-bhakti spread to the world through the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKON), founded by His Divine Grace A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1896–1977), in 1966. Chaitanya’s life and teachings have inspired both scholarly and devotional writings, in the fields of theology, religion, philosophy, literature, and art. Chaitanya Mahaprabhu has also been the subject of a graphic novel in the popular Amar Chitra Katha series (Amar Chitra Katha, No. 90) and many popular films – notably, Bimal Roy’s two-part epic, Nader Nimai (Nimai of Nadia, 1960), and Kartik Chattopadhyay’s Nilachaley Mahaprabhu (Mahaprabhu at Puri, 1959) in Bengali; and Vijay Bhatt’s Sri Chaitanya Mahaprabhu (1954) in Hindi, and numerous television shows in Bengali, Odia and Hindi. Government of India’s Department of Posts issued a commemorative postage stamp

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in 1986, to celebrate Chaitanya’s 500th birth anniversary. To commemorate Sri Chaitanya’s 525th birth anniversary, a museum dedicated to his memory has been established by the Gaudiya Mission in Baghbazar, Kolkata with the stated purpose of collecting, preserving, and disseminating archival literature on Mahaprabhu and his associates.

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Caribbean and Central America, Hinduism in Prea Persaud Religion Department, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA

Introduction Further Reading 1. Chakravarty S (2013) Androgyny in worship: an analysis of Jayānanda’s Caitanya-Maṅgal in Bengal. Asian Lit Transl 1(5):1–20. https://doi.org/10.18573/j.2013. 10203 2. Kennedy MT (1925) The Chaitanya movement: a study of the Vaishnavism of Bengal. OUP, Calcutta 3. O’Connell JT (2011) Chaitanya Vaishnava devotion (bhakti) and ethics as socially integrative in Sultanate Bengal. Bangladesh e-J Sociol 8(1):51–63. cited p. 51, 54 4. Rosen SJ (2017) Śrī Chaitanya’s life and teachings: the Golden Avatāra of divine love. Lexington Books, Lanham 5. Sen AP (2019) Chaitanya: a life and legacy. Oxford University Press, New Delhi

Calculus ▶ Mathematics

Cand¯ı ˙˙

The indentured labor trade brought approximately half a million Indians to the Caribbean between 1838 and 1917 when the system was abolished. Of that number, about 144,000 Indians went to the twin island of Trinidad and Tobago between the years 1845 and 1917. Although Indians began as a minority group in Trinidad, they soon grew to represent a large portion of the population, preserving their religious traditions and making significant contributions to the culture of Trinidad. They created religious schools, modeled their temples after Presbyterian churches, developed Hindu organizations, and advocated for IndoCaribbeans at all levels of the government. As a result, the version of Hinduism that emerges in Trinidad combines the particularities of the Caribbean with the traditions of India. Hinduism in Trinidad reflects the restrictions of plantation life, tensions with the Afro-Caribbean community, the influence of both the Presbyterian Church and missionary groups from India, as well as a desire to sustain and celebrate their own hyphenated identities as Indo-Trinidadians.

▶ Devīmāhātmya

Indentured Labor

Cand¯ı Pa¯tha ˙˙ ˙ ▶ Devīmāhātmya

Caribbean ▶ Hinduism in Surinam

In 1797, Britain forcefully overtook Trinidad from the Spanish and gradually phased in English law and institutions. As the anti-slavery movement in Britain increased, pressure was put on the crown to end slavery leading to the gradual release of 20,000 slaves of African descent on the island [17]. Although the abolition of slavery was declared in 1834, slaves were required to work an “apprenticeship” period until 1840. At first, plantation owners capitalized on the newly freed

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Africans who settled or squatted on land near the plantations by providing them with high wages and offering benefits such as huts to rent. Colonialists, however, were unhappy with the power the freed slaves now held and worked to reinsert their dominance by continuing their ill treatment of the workers. Eventually Afro-Caribbeans became rebellious, refusing to work under unfavorable conditions. By 1838, sugar production decreased and the industry was in crisis. Plantation workers cited the labor shortage as the main cause, and several immigration plans were put into action to provide a steady and dependable supply of laborers. The most prominent and successful of these plans was one in which foreign laborers signed a contract to work for 5, or in some cases 10, years on the plantations with a partly paid return passage when their contracts expired [17]. Initially Chinese workers were brought to the Caribbean, but while they proved to be a hardworking and docile group, they were unsuited to the tropical heat and therefore undependable. The British then turned to India for their workforce. Although the costs associated with bringing Indian laborers were high, they were regarded as a cheaper and more controllable source of labor in the longer term than the freed Africans. The first Indians to arrive in the Caribbean were brought to Guyana in 1838, but it was not until 1845 that Indian indentured laborers were introduced to Trinidad [17]. By 1917 over half a million Indians had been brought to the Caribbean with about 144,000 going to Trinidad between 1845 and 1917, the year the indentured labor system was abolished [18]. While some of the early laborers in the Caribbean came from South India, most of the Indians in Trinidad came from the Uttar Pradesh region of North India. Although recruiters tricked many people into coming with false promises and often ignored age limitations, in general the Indians who came did so because they hoped for a better life. There were also spikes in recruitment during times of political unrest such as the 1857 Indian rebellion against the British. Ship records indicate that workers consisted of all castes, including Brahmins, but the laborers recruited

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were overwhelming male which led to tensions on the plantations. The first trip to Trinidad in 1845, for example, consisted of 225 Indians out of which only 21 were female [11]. To address this problem, colonialists experimented with various requirements including implementing a ratio of 40 women for every 100 men. Finding women to make the journey to the Caribbean, however, proved to be difficult and most women that came were widows, prostitutes, or had been abandoned by their family [1]. Sometimes wives would follow their husbands to the plantations, but a wife could not leave India without the consent of her husband. Traveling on ships was especially dangerous for women who had little protection. Verene Shepard’s book Maharani’s Misery tells the true story of Maharani, a woman who was raped and eventually died on board the ship, the Allanshaw [13]. While the death of laborers was not uncommon, this particular case is interesting because it went to trial in England to determine who was at fault for Maharani’s death. Recent publications by Gaiutra Bahadur [1] and Ramabai Espinet [2] also work to unearth the stories and struggles of female indentured laborers. Once on the plantations, Indians lived in barracks that separated them from blacks. Plantations owners worked to turn the two groups against each other, praising Indian work ethic and calling Blacks lazy and even dangerous to Indian women to ensure that Blacks and Indians did not unite in rebellion against them [15]. As a result, Indians formed a tight knit community that was united by race. Although Hindus in Trinidad may have initially tried to continue following traditions associated with their individual caste, they were unable to do so because they were a small, highly diverse group of Indians and because everyone was forced to complete the same duties even if traditionally those tasks may have been reserved for a particular caste. As Bahadur notes in her book Coolie Woman, for women contemplating marriage, caste and even religion was overlooked in favor of men who held a more prominent position within the plantation [1]. The dwindling support of the caste system combined with an increasing population of Trinidad-born Hindus who had never experienced life in India led

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younger generations of Hindus to lose nearly all notion of caste, with the notable exception of Brahmins who became village leaders and maintain an authoritative position within the community. In the early years of indentured labor, there were more South Indian laborers than North Indian. South Indians tended to display religious characteristics of Shaivism and Shaktism. Although there was a wide variety of beliefs and practices among South Indians, there was even more diversity among North Indian migrants. Hence early patterns of Hindu worship in Trinidad seemed to have been diffused and scattered with each family performing rituals they remembered their parents doing [17]. The lack of unified practices and beliefs was not just a product of the different regions that migrants came from but also the variety of languages they spoke. Very few of the migrants spoke more than one language, and the managers of the sugar estates purposely choose to put workers who spoke different languages together so that they would not unite against the owners of the plantations [17]. Collective religious activities could not be established without a common language to guide them. Gradually though, a common creolized Indian tongue was developed allowing for more shared rituals. Later complete knowledge of the original languages of the migrants was completely lost with the promotion of English in schools. Today, while mantras are still chanted in Sanskrit and bhajans, devotional songs, are sung in Hindi, most IndoTrinidadians do not speak either language, and religious services are conducted primarily in English. In general, religious activities among indentured Indians were tolerated and sometimes even facilitated by plantation managers, because they believed that it would pacify the Indians and prevent them from rebelling. Steven Vertovec notes, however, that some of the earliest Hindu activities became notorious among the colonists leading to their suppression [17]. These acts included extreme forms of self-mutilation, animal sacrifices, and even such practices as “fire walking.” These practices, deemed barbaric and crude, were banned by colonists. Despite this, some of these acts remained underground and were still

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performed by some immigrant “Madrassis.” Today, while these practices are still conducted on the margins primarily for healing purposes, the colonial disdain toward these rituals is repeated in orthodox groups such as the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha who are dismissive of these rituals and deems them to be a lower form of worship [4].

Influence of the Presbyterian Mission Presbyterian churches in Trinidad are often referred to as “East Indian churches,” because of the close relationship between the Presbyterian missionaries, who migrated from Canada to the Caribbean, and the indentured laborers [8]. Carolyn Prorok notes that while not all Christian Indians were Presbyterian, “95% of the Presbyterian population is Indian in Trinidad” [8]. Canadian missionaries concentrated their efforts in the south where the majority of the Indian population resided. The decision to focus missionary efforts on the Indian community was made by Reverend John Morton who saw an opportunity to convert the Indian laborers because of his close location to the plantation barracks. Indians were initially resistant to Morton’s efforts, because they were hesitant to mix with the African population and because of the language barriers between Morton and themselves [8]. To encourage conversions, Morton established a school on the church’s doorstop that offered specially designed lessons for Indians in broken Hindi. Morton continued to gain the trust of the laborers by visiting them in their homes, offering medical and legal advice, and continuing to develop his Hindi. New converts were trained as “native evangelists and teachers,” and Morton “took advantage of the East Indians’ great pride in their ethnic cohesiveness by providing them with their own “East Indian church” [8]. Education, however, proved to be key in gaining Indian trust and support. By 1870 Morton had established five schools in the surrounding estates, all of which were also used for Sunday school and church services. By the time Morton died in 1912, 90 East Indian congregations had been established, 63 of which Morton founded himself [8].

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Although only a small portion of Indians converted to Christianity despite Morton’s concentrated efforts, the devices used by him and other Presbyterian missionaries were influential on Hinduism on the island in two important ways. First, Hindus began to construct temples in a similar way to the churches that is in such a way that temples could function both as a sacred place and as a school. Secondly, the construction of churches which provided education specifically for Indians provided a way for Indians to remain culturally isolated [12]. In this way, missionaries not only indirectly promote the continued exclusion of Indians from the larger society, but they also provided Indians with a way to reform their own religious structures so that they could resist further conversions.

Temple Form Carolyn Prorok, who has done extensive work on the history of Hindu temples in Trinidad, argues that it is unlikely that many temples were built during the first two decades of the indentured period because many Indians returned to India during this early period and viewed their time in Trinidad as temporary. The absence of a central worshiping area, however, was devastating for Hindus who were used to having shrines they could visit. Consequently, many Hindus recreated from memory smaller versions of the shrines they attended in India within their new homes in Trinidad. By the 1860s, as the Indian population increased, more elaborate structures were built although many families continued to have small shrines within their homes. At times these rudimentary temples were built with the aid of the plantation managers who may have seen this as a way to keep the Indian workers “socio-culturally isolated and therefore more easily manipulated” [17]. Prorok divides the temples built from the 1820s until about 1917 (the end of indentureship) into two categories: simple traditional and traditional. Simple traditional temples, the most common type until the 1920s, consisted of “a bamboo/ carat or a wood/tapia structure” [7]. The

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traditional-style temples, first appearing in the 1880s, are characterized by stone or clay-brick structures. The traditional-style temples appear to have resulted from the increase in wages that the Indians received and reflect the “increasing permanence Indians felt about their settlement in Trinidad” [7]. Indians continued to arrive on the island until 1917 influencing the temple form even though the types of materials available were restricted. By the 1920s, however, the majority of the Indian population in Trinidad had been born there and did not have personal memories of India, leading to significant changes in the form and structure of Hindu temples. Prorok marks the second period of temple building as between the years 1921 and 1944. The rise in collective religious activity, the influence of the Christian missionaries, and Arya Samaj debates during this period can be clearly seen in emergence of a new temple form which Prorok names “the Koutia.” She states, “A Koutia in India usually has no sacred significance attached to it. It is a place where the person who performs the daily puja and takes care of the temple sleeps, but in Trinidad it took on the function of assembly hall” [7]. As such the koutia reflects a more organized Indian population in Trinidad and changing attitudes toward the permanence of their settlement. Koutias were originally constructed alongside traditional temples as temporary structures that were used for visiting holy men and festivals. By the 1920s, however, koutias became permanent additions. As more and more Hindu missionaries came to the island, the koutia quickly became a meeting place and a center for the community. The missionaries originally used the space to give lectures, but as Hindus struggle to attain a political presence, the koutia also became a political battleground between the religious ideologies of the Arya Samaj and the Sanatanists. One missionary’s arrival, Mehta Jaimini, an Arya Samaj who visited in 1928, led to such discontentment among resident Brahmins that six new temples can be traced back to his initial visit [7]. It was the koutia, complete with a dome and/or facade, that became the new standard temple form in the late 1950s. Their popularity was so prominent that Prorok

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terms it the “Trinidadian temple” [7]. Interestingly, the term “koutia” is still used by older IndoTrinidadians as synonymous with “temple.” In general, though, the term in present day Trinidad refers to the altars located outside Hindu homes in their own enclosures. These koutias are built away from the home so that it does not become contaminated by the cooking of meat or the presence of alcohol within the home. The “Trinidadian temple,” was a response to Christian missionary efforts and a declaration of the strength of the Hindu community. It signaled a visible shift in the Indian community’s perception of their place in the society. By dotting Trinidad’s landscape with various temples, IndoTrinidadians affirmed their intention to be permanent fixtures and challenged perceptions of Hinduism as uncivilized. Trinidadian temples with its “benches facing an altar area for the congregation to observe ritual activity, and the housing of all deities under one dome” [7] were a recognizable form that could stand on par with Christian churches. Temples also continued to act as community centers and groups began to sponsor programs that taught Hindi, Indian dance, and music. The last simple traditional-style temple was built in the 1970s, and the majority of temples that were remodeled were done so in the Trinidadian style. The oil boom in the 1970s increased the wealth of the Indian population and led to more ornate temples. Although the temple form did not change during this phase, temple services began to take on a more uniform appearance. Unlike temples in India, Trinidadian temples are generally only open on Sundays except when there are special events. Sunday service consists of puja, offerings made to the deities and the havan, or ritual fire, as well as a discourse from the pundit in which he reads from one of the religious texts, generally the Ramcharitmanas, and discusses how the lessons within the text applies to the current society.

Texts Hinduism in Trinidad is dominated by the recitation of three texts: the Ramcharitmanas, the

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Bhagavata Purana, and the Bhagavad-Gita. Of the three texts, the Ramcharitmanas, a version of the Ramayana composed by Tulsidas in 1574, is often regarded as the central text of Hinduism in the Caribbean, and Tulsidas is often referred to as “the Father of Caribbean Hinduism” [14]. In Trinidad, it is common for Hindus to greet each other by saying “Sita Ram” instead of “Namaste” or any other greeting. Sherry Ann-Singh argues that the Ramcharitmanas’ popularity can be linked to three central factors. First, the majority of indentured laborers came from Uttar Pradesh and the Bihar regions of India where there were, and still are, an abundance of followers of the bhakti tradition pervasive in Tulsidas’ version of the Ramayana. Second, the theme of exile in the text was relatable to the indentured laborers who saw their time in Trinidad as a type of exile. Rama’s insistence that his exile was necessary and the dignity with which he spent his time in the forest presented an ideal to which Indians could model themselves after. The hope of returning to India was also prevalent in the early waves of Indians in the Caribbean. Thirdly, Singh argues that the “uncomplicated nature of the story, along with a clearly established dichotomy between good and evil, rendered it an appropriate authority in the attempts of the Trinidad Hindu community at reconstruction and reconsolidation” [14]. If Indians felt Rama’s story was representative of their own lives, the White colonial oppressors as well as Blacks were cast in the role of Ravan, the powerful villain of the story. As the temple form became standardized, temples increasingly became used as a place to have discussions on the sacred texts instead of simply a place to perform puja. Textual discourses in Trinidadian temples can be divided into two types: a more formal discourse, yagna, and a weekly event, a satsang. Yagnas, typically focused on reading and explicating the Ramayana, are held anytime during the week in both Hindu homes and in temples. Yagnas, which are usually between three and nine nights, are publicized online and in local newspapers and are generally well attended. Local radio and TV stations also broadcast the sessions, and they can be heard live online which allows for Indo-Trinidadians living aboard

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to tune in and stay connected to their homeland. A yagna begins with worshipping the Ramcharitmanas, and the end is signaled by a procession, complete with the accompaniment of tassa drums, as the sacred text is returned to the pundit’s car. Although the caste system was largely dismantled in the Caribbean, Brahmins maintained their superior positions by sharing their religious knowledge. Whereas in India there is a distinction between the those who perform the rituals in temples and the those who study texts like the Vedas and the Gita, in Trinidad these roles were collapsed into one. The pundit began functioning like a Christian priest – he conducted rituals, gave lectures, and acted as a spiritual advisor. Also like well-known pastors, pundits began to build their own individual temples and amass their own following. The most popular pundits are those who can both explain the scriptures well and sing beautifully. Recently, several women pundits, or panditas, have also taken an active role in explicating the scriptures and leading yagnas.

Organizations The largest Hindu organization in Trinidad is the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha (SDMS) founded by Bhadase Sagan Maraj in 1949. Although SDMS has established numerous temples on the island and the majority of pundits are associated with the organization, its most significant contribution has been the formation of Hindu schools. Maraj was a wealthy businessman who was awarded the contract for dismantling the American army camps set up in Trinidad during World War II [18]. Using these abandoned buildings, Maraj built Hindu primary and secondary schools thereby giving Hindu children a place to receive both a secular and religious education without attending a Christian school. Maraj also used SDMS as a base to establish the first Indian political party – the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), later renamed the Democratic Labor Party (DLP). DLP was vital in defeating a campaign to create a federation of the British West Indies, led by Eric Williams, who would become Trinidad’s first

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prime minister. Maraj’s close ties with politics and the Hindu community would ensure that SDMS remained an outspoken voice for Indians and Hindus in particular in the political arena. Another influential group in Trinidad has been the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha (APS) of the Arya Samaj movement. The Arya Samaj movement was founded by Swami Dayananda Saraswati in India in 1875 [6]. Critical of Brahmins and murti worship, Arya Samaj missionaries clashed with local pundits when they first arrived in Trinidad in the early twentieth century. They would continue to have a contentious relationship with SDMS, but like SMDS, the Arya Samaj established prominent Hindu schools whose students were recognized nationwide. Although the relationship between APS and SDMS has been more cordial in recent years, APS’ ordination of Pandita Indrani Rampersad in 1993, the first nonChristian female clergy member in Trinidad, was opposed by many orthodox Sanatanists within the SDMS organization [9]. Rampersad’s ordination was followed by other Hindu organizations including Hindu Prachar Kendra, founded by Ravi Ji. The Kendra is responsible the pichakaree, a musical form similar to calypso with explicit Hindu references, competition during Phagwah and has also introduced several other practices including the Gangadhara festival in Blanchicheusse, Trinidad. This festival works to sacralize the landscape of Trinidad by recognizing a local river as a form of the Ganges. During the festival, devotees make offerings to temporary murtis along the river’s bank and perform sacraments such as the shaving of a baby’s first hair [3]. A prize is also given to a woman who has made a significant contribution to the community. In addition to these three organizations, there are also guru organizations which include Sathya Sai Baba and Swami Satchidananda’s Dattatreya temples as well as Shakti temples which tend to be disassociated from any of the previously mentioned organizations. In Trinidad, the worship of Shakti, or the cosmic energy of the universe usually associated with goddesses, is observed primarily in temples dedicated to Mother Kali. Keith McNeal argues that in Trinidad, Shakti devotion

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has been transformed from “an openly practice ritual performance observed on behalf of entire communities to a marginalized, somewhat clandestine therapeutic ritual carried out weekly on behalf of individuals and families in heterodox temples” [5]. Kali temples are often dismissed by more orthodox temples and Hindu groups as a “less realized” practice, but as McNeal notes Shakti or Kali puja has not always received the degree of the fear and disdain it does today. During the indentureship period, Kali puja was performed on behalf on the entire village, but the colonialists attempted to suppress some practices such as fire walking and animal sacrifices. Colonial contempt for these practices was transferred to orthodox Hindu groups, but Kali worship has persisted and many temples can still be found in Trinidad. Today most Kali temples are vegetarian in that they do not conduct animal sacrifices although it is still possible to find temples that do animal sacrifices. Kali temples, more than any other organization, tend to be more open to non-Indians, and it is common to find statues of Jesus, Mary, and Orisha saints within the temples, leading Kali devotees to the claim that they are more Trinidadian than any other Hindu organization because they embrace the diversity of Trinidad [16].

Lived Tradition Festivals The three largest Hindu celebrations in Trinidad are Diwali, Phagwah (Holi), and Shiva Ratri. Of these three, Diwali is the most lavishly celebrated, and it is the only one that is recognized as a national holiday. In Trinidad, Diwali commemorates the return of Ram from his 14-year exile into the forest. In the weeks leading up to the celebration, Hindu radio and TV stations play Diwali songs and broadcast yagnas, newspapers print supplements focused on the holiday and Hinduism, schools hold events, temples conduct yagnas, and there are several cultural shows over the island, many of which include a Ram Lila performance. In addition to these celebrations, the National Council for Indian Culture hosts a nine-

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night celebration on lands donated by the government, now referred to as the Diwali Nagar site. This event begins with a puja and a discourse given by a prominent pundit, and for the course of the nine nights, there is singing, dancing, and food. Local business, Hindu groups, and charitable organizations also set up displays. Every year the site is visited by thousands of people, Hindu and non-Hindus alike. The celebration of Diwali has become so ubiquitous in Trinidad that business and restaurants, even fast food restaurants like Kentucky Fried Chicken, have “Diwali Specials” and sales. Diwali is also celebrated by Hindus privately in their homes. On Diwali day, families conduct puja at home, light diyas or earthen lamps around the house, and share food among family and friends. Like Diwali, Phagwah is widely celebrated across the island although, unlike in Guyana, it is not a national holiday. This festival is often celebrated in public venues like parks where the participants can easily throw abir or colored powder on each other. There is also dancing and the chowtal competitions. Chowtal is Bhojpuri folk music genre brought by indentured laborers to the Caribbean [9]. During chowtal, singers sit in a circle with a dholak (a two-headed drum) player at one end and a dhantal (a long steel rod-based percussion instrument) player at the other. Pichakaree is another musical form that has gained popularity in recent years. Pichakaree, named after the long tubes used to pitch abir during Phagwah, are songs sung using a combination of English, Hindi, and Bhojpuri. Devised by Ravi Ji, a prominent Hindu activist and leader in Trinidad, the genre was created as a type of calypso that would allow Hindus to provide social commentary and critique. In addition to Diwali and Phagwah, popular religious celebrations include Shiva Ratri, the birthdays of Ram and Krishna, and Kartik-Nahan, a ritual in which devotees take a purifying bath in the sea. Although not an explicitly religious event, another important festival worth mentioning is Indian Arrival Day. A national holiday, Indian Arrival Day recognizes the history of indentureship and the contributions IndoTrinidadians have made to the island. For the

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celebration, Indo-Trinidadians build a replica of the ship, Fatel Razack, which brought the first Indians to Trinidad in 1845 and gather in parks or on beaches to tell the stories their ancestors. Hindu temples and organizations also work to educate the larger public on Hindu practices and beliefs brought by the laborers from India. By emphasizing the history of Indians in the Caribbean during this annual show, Indo-Trinidadians seek to celebrate both their ancestors as well as their current lives within the Caribbean. Jhandis Although the temple remains central to the practice of Hinduism in Trinidad, many rituals, including the samskaras (life-cycle rituals), associated with birth, death, and marriage continue to be performed in the home. Hindu families also conduct yearly pujas within their homes in which they erect jhandis, a flag inserted on a bamboo, in their yards. The cotton flags are usually plain in color but may also come with a picture of the deity to be placed on the flag itself. The various colors of the flags represent particular deities. A red flag, for example, is associated with either Hanuman or Durga. The flags are place in the ground as a symbol of the deity’s victory or of good over evil. For Indo-Trinidadians, though, jhandis are more than just a religious symbol. They are a marker of an identity and a reminder to the larger community of the presence of both Indians and Hinduism on the island. Although jhandi-like flags can be spotted near temples in North India, the commonness of jhandis, especially its placement near homes, is unique to the Caribbean [10]. During indentureship, jhandis were used as a type of the murti, statues that embody various forms of the Divine, because laborers had few murtis of their own. The jhandi as a symbol for Indo-Caribbean Hindus has become so commonplace; its presence can also be seen in IndoCaribbean communities in the United States.

Conclusion Despite being a minority group, Hindus in Trinidad have managed to not only preserve the

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traditions of their ancestors but have also transformed the culture of Trinidad and created a space for themselves in the larger community. Although they sometimes point out that they are still discriminated against within the society, Indo-Trinidadians are also confident in their community and their ability to continue their religious practices. In recent years, they have worked to extend their influence outside of Trinidad, with Trinidadian pundits regularly visiting Indo-Caribbean communities in the United States and Canada and IndoTrinidadians visiting other Caribbean islands with smaller Hindu populations to help them revive their traditions and preserve their history.

References 1. Bahadur G, Robert Zieger Labor History Collection (2014) Coolie woman: the odyssey of indenture. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Espinet R (2013) The swinging bridge. HarperCollins Publishers, Toronto 3. Gosine R (2013) New organizations in Trinidad and Tobago. In: Taylor P (ed) The encyclopedia of Caribbean religions. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, pp 347–348 4. McNeal K (2011) Trance and modernity in the southern Caribbean: African and Hindu popular religions in Trinidad and Tobago. University Press of Florida, Gainesville 5. McNeal K (2013) Shakti Puja in Trinidad. In: Taylor P (ed) The encyclopedia of Caribbean religions. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, pp 953–959 6. Munasinghe V (2001) Callaloo or tossed salad? East Indians and the cultural politics of identity in Trinidad. Cornell University, Ithaca 7. Prorok C (1991) Evolution of the Hindu Temple in Trinidad. Caribb Geogr 3(2):73–93 8. Prorok C (1997) The significance of material culture in historical geography: a case study of the Church as school in the diffusion of the Presbyterian mission to Trinidad. Hist Reflections 23(3):371–388 9. Rambachan A (2013) Trinidad. In: Taylor P (ed) The encyclopedia of Caribbean religions. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, pp 345–347 10. Rampersad I (2014) Hinduism in the Caribbean. In: Pratap Kumar P (ed) Contemporary Hinduism. Routledge, New York 11. Reddock R (1999) Women and family in the Caribbean: historical and contemporary considerations: with special reference to Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, Rev. edn. CARICOM, Guyana

Ca¯rva¯ka 12. Samaroo B (1975) The Presbyterian Canadian mission as an agent of integration in Trinidad during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Caribb Stud 14(4):41–55 13. Shepard V (2002) Maharani’s misery. University of the West Indies Press, Barbados 14. Singh S-A (2010) The Ramayana in Trinidad: a sociohistorical perspective. J Caribb Hist 44(2):201. Print 15. Tata R, Evans AS (1989) Racial separation versus social cohesion: the case of Trinidad–Tobago. Rev Geogr 104:23–31 16. Tsuji T (2009) Mothers as hyphenated imaginations: the feasts of Soparee Ke Mai and La Divina Pastora in Trinidad. In: Mahabir K (ed) Indian diaspora in the Caribbean. Serials Publications, New Delhi 17. Vertovec S (2001) The Hindu diaspora: comparative patterns. Routledge, New York 18. Younger P (2010) New homelands: Hindu communities in Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, South Africa, Fiji, and East Africa. Oxford University Press, Oxford

Carita ▶ Hagiography

Ca¯rva¯ka George Alfred James Philosophy and Religion, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA

Synonyms Agnosticism; Atheism; Hedonism; Lokāyata; Materialism; Secularism; Skepticism; Svabhāvavada

Definition Cārvāka is a philosophical outlook that by its apparent commitment to materialism, secularism, and hedonism stands in contrast to the best-known philosophical schools of India. While scholars find elements of Cārvāka as early as in the Vedas, it is not clear whether the outlook

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represented a formal philosophical viewpoint or whether the best known representations of Cārvāka is a caricature by orthodox philosophers of their skeptical opponents. As it is represented in summaries by other schools, Cārvāka differs from the ethical, religious, epistemological, and metaphysical views of most of the philosophical schools of India. In the view of Cārvāka, it is only the perceived that exists: “There is no world other than this; there is no heaven and no hell. . . The enjoyment of heaven lies in eating delicious food, keeping company of young women, using fine clothes, perfumes, garlands, and sandal paste. . . The pain of hell lies in the troubles that arise from enemies, weapons, diseases, while liberation (mokṣa) is death which is the cessation of life breath” ([1], p. 235). There are few sources of Cārvāka philosophy. The only apparently authentic treatise of the outlook is the Tattvopaplavasiṁha, the “upsetting of all principles,” of the seventh century A.D. Summaries of the school, however, were developed by Shankara in his Sarvasiddhantasaṁgraha (ninth century) and by Madhva in his Sarvadarśanasaṁgraha (fourteenth century), largely for the purpose of refutation ([1], p. 228). From these discussions we can see elements of Cārvāka expressed as early as in the Vedic Hymns and in the Upanishads ([1], pp. 34–36, 72–75). Recent scholarship has located the roots of Cārvāka philosophy in the early sources of Samkhya philosophy and in Tantra [2, 13]. The origin and meaning of the term is itself uncertain. Dasgupta found the meaning of the term in a possible derivation from carv, meaning to eat. He suggests that the adherents of Cārvāka would eat but accept no other religious or moral responsibilities ([3], 1, p. 79). Hiriyanna suggested that the word was the equivalent of “sweet tongued” (cāru-vāka), and derived from its superficial attractiveness ([4], p. 187). Some have suggested Cārvāka was the name of the founder of the school while others suggest that Cārvāka was the disciple of another, named Bṛihaspati. More recently, Mittal and others have argued that the presence of such thinking, which they find in Indian thought from earliest times, discredits the broad

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claim of such scholars as Radhakrishnan that Indian philosophy is essentially spiritual [5–8]. Perhaps, the heart of Cārvāka is its epistemology. While most of the philosophies of India accept at least perception, inference, and testimony as legitimate pramāṇas or avenues of knowledge, Cārvāka accepts only perception. It rejects inductive inference as a source of knowledge on the basis that it makes hasty generalizations from specific perceptions to affirmations about the past, present, and future that are beyond experience. For example, to legitimately affirm that where there is smoke there is fire would require experience of the connection of smoke with fire in all times and places. In a similar way, Cārvāka rejects deductive inference on the basis that such reasoning is always dependent upon an unqualified generalization that, again, goes beyond perceptual experience. In a deductive syllogism, it is stated, for instance, that if all S’s are P, and if Q is S, then Q is P. The truth of the conclusion that Q is P is dependent upon the unqualified generalization that all S’s are P. This, the Cārvāka argue, can never be established by perception. To the objection that the form of the syllogism is valid even if it does not establish any state of affairs in the world, the Cārvāka reply that the inference tells us nothing that is not contained in the unqualified generalization. It only begs the question, and therefore cannot be a legitimate source of knowledge ([1], pp. 236–47). Universal truths, therefore, are rejected in principal. Testimony, which for most other schools refers especially to the authority of the Vedas, is also found wanting because it proceeds beyond perceptual experience. If an authority has proven reliable in one or another specific situation, and concerning one or another particular subject, it does not follow that this authority is reliable in another situation or reliable universally. The Vedas, it claims, are replete with untruths, self-contradiction, and tautology; the authors of the Vedas are knaves and fools. From this it follows that Cārvāka will accept no doctrine of God or of any divine beings, no heaven or hell, nor any form of immortality. The

Ca¯rva¯ka

Cārvāka accept that the world of perception is material in nature in the form of earth, air, fire, and water. They reject the doctrine of ākāṣa or ether on the ground that this is not known by perception but only by inference. Consciousness is the result of the aggregation of the four elements just as the color red, which emerges in the chewing of paan, is the result of the combination of the betel leaf, areca nut, and lime, or as the intoxicating property of alcohol results from the fermentation of sugar by yeast. It is not a metaphysical reality. While it acknowledges that consciousness is experienced by the living physical body it does not accept the view that consciousness survives the body by which it is accompanied. Likewise it traces all properties of an object to the particular state of that object and not to any agency beyond or outside of it. For this reason, it is sometimes called svabhāva-vada or the school of own-nature. “The fire is hot, the water cold, refreshing cool the breeze of the morn; By whom came this variety? From their own nature [svabhāva] was it born” ([1], p. 233). The modern equivalent would perhaps be naturalism. It was also known as Lokāyata, meaning that it limits its view of what is real to the world of common experience, lokā, or the world of the common people ([1], p. 228). Thus, another modern synonym would be secularism. The rhetoric of the Cārvāka is directed largely against the priesthood who it claims have devised beliefs and rituals to keep the common people in thrall and to make a living from their naivety. Of the four principal values or ends of human life (puruṣārthas) celebrated in the Hindu religious tradition, kāma (pleasure), artha (prosperity), dharma (duty/righteousness), and mokṣa (liberation), Cārvāka accepts only the first two. The purpose of existence is the achievement of pleasure in the present life. It acknowledges, however, that pleasure is dependent upon prosperity. Thus, it endorses the pursuit of enjoyment by means of agriculture, keeping cattle, engaging in business, and political administration ([1], p. 235). The most common criticism of this school focuses upon the Cārvāka repudiation of inference

Ca¯rva¯ka

as a valid source of knowledge. The Cārvāka, it is said, denies in theory what it necessarily affirms in practice. The Cārvāka philosopher cannot avoid inference and can hardly avoid testimony as a source of knowledge in the course of philosophical discourse or in ordinary daily life. Even to communicate Cārvāka ideas, the adherent of Cārvāka is bound to use language by which it expects a listener to infer meanings from the sounds one emits in the course of conversation. Moreover, the claim that perception is the only legitimate source of knowledge is itself a generalization from individual experiences to the validity of perception as such. Without inference it offers no guarantee that perception is valid. In the writings of some Indian philosophers, Cārvāka philosophy is often the subject of ridicule and is frequently caricatured. It is not unlikely that by the denial of inference as a valid source of knowledge, the Carvaka, like David Hume (1710–1776), was simply pointing out that inductive reasoning cannot achieve certainty, and that its conclusions should be recognized as ultimately uncertain, however compelling. It is also not unlikely that the interest of Cārvāka in sensuous pleasure to the exclusion of all prudence is also a caricature. Madhva, for instance, offers as the counsel of Cārvāka that as long as one is living one should live happily and feed on ghee (clarified butter), even though he runs in debt ([1], p. 243). Because it is sometimes presented as such a crude and irresponsible hedonism, Hiriyanna has suggested that there is an air of unreality about the school ([4], p. 195). He wonders whether a viewpoint perpetuating such ideas and values actually existed as a viewpoint or school of thought (darśana), or whether it was the common, secular viewpoint to which the orthodox were opposed ([9], p. 104). On the one hand, there seems to have been a sūtra expressing this viewpoint ascribed to Bṛhaspati. It is referred to and quoted from in a variety of ancient writings, and we do find a strong philosophical refutation of inference in the Tattvopaplavasiṁha. Some scholars find elements of the Cārvāka philosophy in a variety of ancient writings of India but

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observe an absence of such thinking after the medieval period ([10], p. 70). On the other hand, in his summary of the viewpoint Madhva states: “The efforts of Cārvāka are indeed hard to be eradicated, for the majority of living beings hold by the current refrain:

C While life is yours, live joyously; None can escape Death’s searching eye: When once this frame of ours they burn, How shall it e’er again return?” ([1], p. 228) A common-sense compromise is perhaps that the Cārvāka views were held resolutely by a few, vaguely accepted by many, and opposed as well as caricatured by many of its opponents. In light of its caricatured presentation by other schools, Puligandla suggests that the Cārvāka philosophy of India probably had much in common with the Epicurean philosophy of ancient Greece. Both were philosophical materialists whose occupation with pleasure was tempered with selfdiscipline, refined taste, and genuine capacity for friendship ([11], p. 21). If this view is true, then the Cārvāka philosophy invites further comparison with the modern movement often called hedonism represented, for instance, by Jeremy Bentham. Like Cārvāka, Bentham rejected the idea of God and argued that “nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pleasure and pain.” What is good is what increases pleasure and decreases pain; what is evil is what does the opposite [12]. Bentham also decried the control of universities by religious institutions and helped found a secular college in London. Cārvāka also invites comparison with the utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill and the philosophy of Karl Marx, among others.

Cross-References ▶ God, Overview ▶ Lokāyata ▶ Mādhva ▶ Tantra, Overview

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References 1. Radhakrishnan S, Moore C (1956) A sourcebook of Indian philosophy. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2. Marwaha S (2013) Roots of Indian materialism in Tantra and pre-classical Sāṃkhya. Asian Philos 23:180–198 3. Dasgupta S (1975, reprint) A history of Indian philosophy. vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Hiriyanna M (1993, reprint) Outlines of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Chattopadhyaya D (1959) Lokayāta: a study of ancient Indian materialism. Peoples Publishing House, Delhi 6. Mittal K (1974) Materialism in Indian thought. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi 7. Shastri D (1958) A short history of Indian materialism, sensationalism and hedonism. Bookland, Calcutta 8. Shastri H (1925) Lokayata. London, Oxford 9. Müller M (1977) The six systems of Indian philosophy. AMS, New York 10. Smart N (1969) Doctrine and argument in Indian philosophy. Humanities Press, New York 11. Puligandla R (2008) Fundamentals of Indian philosophy. D.K. Printworld, Delhi 12. Bentham J (1907) An introduction to the principles of morals and legislation. Clarendon, Oxford 13. Schermerhorn R (1930) When did Indian materialism get its distinctive titles? J Am Orient Soc 50:132–138

Catakōpan ¯ ˙ ▶ Nammāḻvār

Categories ▶ Nyāya

Chaitanya Deva ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Catakōpan ¯ ˙

Chandaˆlas ˙˙ ▶ Āpad-Dharma

Chandidas Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Adi Chandidas; Ananta Badu Chandidas; Badu Chandidas; Dina Chandidas; Dvija Chandidas; Kavi Chandidas The name Chandidas is common to more than one great lyrical poet in medieval Bengali literature. Renowned as a devotional poet of fifteenthcentury Bengal, Chandidas was a pioneering exponent of the Sahajia Vaishnava cult. Primarily a humanist, Chandidas and emphasized the equality and sanctity of all humans, irrespective of caste, creed, race, religion, or gender. Chandidas’s religion was love. He stressed a passionate and absolute devotion to a personal God without any formal ceremony, rites, or rituals. One of the greatest Vaishnava poets of Bengal, Chandidas’s “padas,” or short love songs were written in praise of Krishna, the Dark Lord of Love. His poems primarily depict Radhabhava or the myriad emotions experienced by Radha in her all-absorbing love for Krishna. Chandidas’s verses on Radha and Krishna, and their legendary love-play, form a significant part of Bengali devotional literature. His love songs are greatly appreciated by both religious devotees and lovers of literature. His poetry has deeply influenced both Gaudiya

Chaitanya Mahaprabhu ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

All English transliterations and translations of Chandidas’s Bengali poems are by the author of this article.

Chandidas

Vaishnavism and the Sahajia religious traditions in Bengal, Orissa, and other parts of Eastern India.

Life Not much is known about the life of the poet. Chandidas was possibly a member of the highborn priestly class. He belonged to an upper-caste Hindu Brahmin family and was a worshipper of Goddess Basuli, a form of Chandi, the Mother Goddess. Many legends surround the poet’s life. Accordingly, Chandidas is associated with two separate villages – Chhatna in Bankura and Nanur in Birbhum. Chandidas was possibly born in the Chhatna village in Bankura and later settled in Nanur in Birbhum [1]. His life is also associated with an old shrine of Goddess Basuli in Chhatna. It is generally believed that Chandidas flourished before Sri Caitanya and met the renowned Maithili poet Vidyapati. It is also said that Sri Caitanya (1486–1533), the famed socioreligious reformer of Bengal, held Chandidas in high esteem and enjoyed listening to his “padas” along with the poems of Vidyapati and Jayadeva, with whom Chandidas’s name is habitually associated. The identity of the poet is also not clear; but many scholars identify the poet historically with Badu Chandidas of Sri-KrishnaKirtana fame. Sri-Krishna-Kirtana A remarkable poem on the Radha-Krishna legend, Sri-Krishna-Kirtana (Songs-in-Praise-of-SriKrishna) was supposedly written by Badu Chandidas in the fifteenth century. The date of composition of the text is uncertain; some scholars place Sri-Krishna-Kirtana in the late fourteenth or the early fifteenth century; some even in the sixteenth century. Basantaranjan Ray Vidvadvallabh discovered the crumbling, mutilated handwritten manuscript, with a few parts missing, from a village in Bankura in 1909. He edited the text and published it in 1916 from the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad as Sri-Krishna-Kirtana. In the bhanita or signature line mentioning the poet’s name, Chandidas describes himself as the worshipper of the deity Basuli and uses variations

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of his name – Badu Chandidas, Chandidas, and Ananta Badu Chandidas. Basantaranjan Ray believed that the name of the poet was Chandidas and presumed “Badu” to mean senior or elder. However, “Badu” may refer to the poet’s occupation; he may have been a Brahmin menial or an attendant who worked in a temple or perhaps served as a lower priest in the sacred shrine of Goddess Basuli [2]. “Badu,” derived from “Batu,” might also mean “Brahmin.” [3] The theme of the poem is Krishna’s seduction of Radha; and the love story is narrated through songs by the main characters, Radha, Krishna, and Badayi, Radha’s old great-aunt. It comprises more than 400 verses divided into 13 “episodes,” or cantos, but ends abruptly, due to the missing pages, midway into “Radha-Viraha,” as Krishna leaves Radha forlorn and goes to Mathura. A masterpiece of medieval Bengali literature, Sri-Krishna-Kirtana presents a detailed picture of rural Bengal in the preCaitanya era.

The “Chandidas” Puzzle Scholars are divided over the issue of Chandidas’s identity. They are certain that there were multiple poets who wrote under the same name. The poet’s identity is difficult to establish as a large number of Vaishnava “padas,” though not of the same literary merit, bear the name of Chandidas in their bhanita. The problem of authorship, of the numerous Vaishnava “padas” associated with the name of Chandidas, becomes more complex with the use of the same name but with different epithets – Badu Chandidas, Ananta Badu Chandidas, Adi Chandidas, Kavi Chandidas, Dvija Chandidas, Dina Chandidas – as they appear in the bhanita [4]. For some scholars, the epithets – Badu (variously meaning senior, elder, unmarried, or celibate), Adi (original), Kavi (poet), Dvija (Brahmin), Dina (humble) – all refer to the various attributes of a single poet named Chandidas. J.C. Ghosh categorically states that Badu Chandidas of the fifteenth century was well known in Caitanya’s time and his work was appreciated by Caitanya [4]. Ghosh also notes that the “Ananta” in “Ananta Badu” may have been the

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real name of the poet who called himself Chandidas as he was a servant (das) or worshipper of Goddess Basuli or Chandi. “Ananta” might even be an interpolation by either the scribe who copied the manuscript or the minstrel who sang or recited the poem [4]. Some scholars believe that there were five or more poets with the same name while some others prefer only two – Badu Chandidas of pre-Caitanya era and Dina Chandidas of post-Caitanya era. Renowned scholars like Haraprasad Shastri, Srikumar Bandyopadhyay, Gopal Halder, and others are of the opinion that there are three poets with the name Chandidas – (i) Badu Chandidas of SriKrishna-Kirtana fame who flourished in the preCaitanya age; (ii) Chandidas, a poet of high order known for his “padas” or short love poems included in the Vaishnava Padavali who also lived in the pre-Caitanya era; and (iii) Dina Chandidas who wrote poetry of lesser merit in the post-Caitanya period. But eminent literary historian Asitkumar Bandyopadhyay has identified another poet, Dvija Chandidas, who was a Sahajia poet of love and a famed poet of Ragatmika padas, in the post-Caitanya era [5]. Thus, the “Chandidas” puzzle of Bengali literature remains unresolved, and scholars of Bengali literary history currently agree to the existence of at least four poets named Chandidas – the pre-Caitanya Badu Chandidas; the preCaitanya Chandidas of Vaishnava Padavali; the post-Caitanya Dina Chandidas; and the postCaitanya Sahajia Chandidas or Dvija Chandidas [5].

Chandidas

and the Divine to be both lover and beloved at the same time – each loving the other, and each being loved by the other – mutually forming an eternal and infinite circle of interconnected, neverending love. The concept of love in Chandidas’s poems is derived from the Sahaja way of seeking union with the Divine Soul-mate. It is based on “piriti tatva,‘ [5] the Sahajia Vaishnava theory of seeking love through love, and the worship of Radha as the perfect devotee of the Dark Lord, rapturously and madly in love with Him. Chandidas uses the metaphor of Radha’s love for Krishna, and their amorous intimacy, to convey the ecstasy of divine love experienced by a true devotee. In simple unadorned language, his poetry expresses the natural, and spontaneous, emotions of both human and divine love. He explains in one of his padas, “Piriti lagiya poran chharile / Piriti miloye totha” (i.e., “It is only when we let go of life for love / Can we get love through life”). Chandidas identifies with Radha’s emotions of love and sings in her voice. Chandidas’s Radha is love incarnate – she renounces the world for her Divine Lover and surrenders her whole being in Him with an unwavering and ardent devotion. Chandidas epitomizes Radha’s absolute selfsurrender to her Divine Beloved in his poetry. He says: ‘Bandhu ki ar bolibo ami. Morone jibane janame janame Pranonath hoio tumi.’ [My love, what else should I pray for— In death and in life in all my births and rebirths My only wish is for You to be the Lord of my Life.’]

Or

Chandidas, the Poet of Love Chandidas is a mystic poet of love. His love poetry is at once physical and metaphysical, human and spiritual, simple and esoteric. For him, the world and the human heart are oceans of love; and love means a complete renunciation and absolute surrender of one’s Self into the Other. Chandidas’s God too is a lover [6]. For Chandidas, the Divine and the devotee together create and recreate a reciprocal relationship of mutual love. Chandidas imagines the devotee

‘Bandhu tumi shey amar pran. Deho mon adi tomare sonpechhi Kula sheel jati maan.’ [My love, You are my Life. I’ve surrendered my all body and soul. Family, honour, heart and being all are yours, all.]

Chandidas excels in depicting the emotion of viraha or love in separation – the agony that Radha feels when separated from Krishna is brought out palpably in “Radhar ki hoilo antare byatha / Boshiya birole thakoye ekole na shune kaharo kotha” (“Oh what pain grips Radha’s heart / She sits solitary and listens to none”).

Chandidas

The Rami-Chandidas Love Story The legends celebrate Chandidas’s love for the low-caste washerwoman and fellow poet Rami (also called Tara or Ramatara). Rami is said to have been his sadhana-sangini, or female companion-in-worship; together they followed the parakiya rasa sadhana [7], the highest form of devotion in the Sahajia Vaishnava cult. For Chandidas, the all-consuming love that Radha felt for her Divine Lover Krishna was ideally, and emotionally, akin to the love that he felt for Rami. Chandidas’s love for his Rajakini Rami was as pure, as holy, and as eternal as the pure love shared by the Divine Couple. For Sukumar Sen, the Rami-Chandidas love story has no historical basis. He traces the evolution of the RamiChandidas love legend to Chandidas’s associations with the Tantric goddess Basuli and to the folklore of Behula. According to Sen, the Yoginis or the female attendants of Basuli are called Nitya or Neta; and the story of Behula depicts Neta as the washerwoman of the Gods, and thus the association of a rajakini (washerwoman in Bengali), as a companion for Chandidas, grew. As Sen notes, it is Goddess Basuli who, according to legend, reveals the Sahaja doctrine of an innate soul mate, a companion in love and faith, to Chandidas [8]. On the other hand, feminist scholars like Susie Tharu and K. Lalita document the historicity of RamiChandidas’s love affair and corroborate the existence of Rami as a historic figure. According to Tharu and Lalita, the washerwoman Rami or Ramoni (ca. 1440) worked in the sacred shrine of Goddess Basuli in the village of Nanur near the Ajay River where the poet Chandidas was a priest. Rami used to clean the temple and, in her spare time, composed verses in praise of the deity [9]. The orthodox Hindu community thought it a sacrilege for Chandidas to fall in love with a lowcaste woman. As a result, Chandidas’s love for Rami made him an outcaste in his own village and community. Rami, a low-born, low-caste washerwoman, was by some traditions also a young widow – and so doubly barred from social interactions with high-born, upper-caste men like

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Chandidas. Immersed in his love for Rami, Chandidas neglected his temple duties and openly avowed his love for her in his poems, comparing her to the great Mother Goddesses of Hindu religion – Gayatri, the mother of all Vedas; Saraswati, the Goddess of Learning; and Parvati, the Divine Consort of Lord Shiva [10]. In one of his “padas” Chandidas even wished to touch Rami’s feet, for his world, and all its peace, lay at her feet. He says, “Shuno Rajakini Rami, / O duti choron, sheetal boliya, sharan loilam ami” (“Listen, O my washerwoman Rami, / I take refuge at your feet, finding my calm in their cool serenity”). Touching a lowcaste woman’s feet was a grievous sin for a highcaste Brahmin in those times. As punishment, Chandidas was excommunicated and discharged from his temple duties [10]. Rami too lost her home and her job and was thrown out of the village. In a society ridden with extreme religious bigotry and discriminatory authoritarian attitudes, the Rami-Chandidas love story faced terrible consequences. The orthodox Brahmins with their vainglorious notions of social and racial superiority and caste purity viewed such love as sinful and monstrous as it defiled sanctity of their “pure” caste. The village disapproved of such “improper” relationships, and both Rami and Chandidas were severely persecuted. It is not known what prompted Chandidas to transfer his allegiance from the worship of Shakti to a celebration of the Vaishnava ideal of love. Perhaps the harsh persecutions by the orthodox Brahmin community that Chandidas and Rami were forced to face played an important role. Because of his all-absorbing devotion to Rami and his disregard for the social norms, the Bengali people still endearingly refer to the lovelorn Chandidas as “Pagla or Pagol Chandi” or “Mad Chandi” – meaning a person who has lost his senses and become mad in love [1]. The Bengali epithet “Uran Chandi” or “wandering Chandi,” meaning a homeless vagabond, may also have associations with Chandidas who is supposed to have denounced his Brahmin caste and community, left his home, and became a wandering minstrel with his beloved Rami as companion.

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Death and Afterlife Chandidas’s end was tragic and gruesome [11]. By some legends, Chandidas met his death in the Kirnahar village near Nanur when the roof of his friend’s house collapsed when Chandidas was reciting his poetry to a large audience. Legends also associate the poet Chandidas with the Nawab of Gaur. By these accounts, the roof of his friend’s house was blown away by the vengeful Nawab. However, Rami’s poetry [12] records a very different end for Chandidas. Other scholars also agree that, enchanted by his love songs, the Nawab’s Begum fell in love with the poet. This incurred royal ire and led to the poet’s untimely and brutal death. Rami writes that the Nawab ordered his minions to tie Chandidas to the back of an elephant and whip him to death. Yet, in Bengali popular imagination, Chandidas lives on through his soulful songs that speak of the timeless romance between Krishna, the young cowherd prince, and Radha, the Divine Milkmaid in an idyllic landscape. Chandidas’s poetry left an indelible influence on Bengali literature, art, and religious traditions. For more than 500 years, the love poetry ascribed to Chandidas has captivated the hearts of the Bengali people. People in Birbhum still believe that the earthen mound that exists in Nanur is the site of Chandidas’s home. The Basuli Devi temple excavated at the site has been dedicated to the memory of the much loved poet. A classic Indian film, titled Chandidas, was made on his life in 1932 as a tribute to the legendary poet and his enduring work. Popular legends also celebrate the humane values that Chandidas supposedly stood for. Throughout his life, Chandidas had struggled against various discriminations to establish the freedom of personal choice in human life and the basic rights to love and to worship.

Chanting 3. Acharyya DK (2004) Bangla Sahityer Itihas (Adi O Madhya Yug). United Book Agency. p, Kolkata, p 60 4. Ghosh JC (1948) Bengali literature. Oxford University Press, London, p 39 5. Acharyya DK (2004) Bangla Sahityer Itihas (Adi O Madhya Yug). Kolkata, United Book Agency, p 83 6. Sen DC (1954) History of Bengali language and literature, 2nd edn. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, p 134 7. Mukherjee P (2018) Sahaja: in quest of the innate. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi 8. Sen S (1960) History of Bengali literature. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, p 78 9. Tharu S, Lalitha K (eds) (2004) Women writing in India, vol I. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp 84–85 10. Sen DC (1954) History of Bengali language and literature, 2nd edn. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, pp 47–48, 124 11. Chakravarti C (1978) ‘Chandidas,’ cultural leaders of India: devotional poets and mystics, part I. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, New Delhi, pp 123–126 12. Rami (2004) ‘Where have you gone?’ Poem translated by Malini Bhattacharya. In: Tharu S, Lalitha K (eds) Women writing in India, vol I. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp 85–86

Chanting ▶ Kirtan in North America

Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra Narasingha Sil Department of Social Science/History, Western Oregon University, Monmouth, OR, USA

Introduction References 1. Sen DC (1954) History of Bengali language and literature, 2nd edn. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, p 121 2. Sen S (1960) History of Bengali literature. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi, p 71

Bankim Chandra Chatterjee [Chattopadhyay] (1838–94) flourished in the so-called New Age of Bengal known popularly as the Bengal renaissance that witnessed the advent of modernity due to colonial contact and impact in post Mughal India. This modernity revealed a tension between the

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progressive English-educated reformers of the Brahmo Samāj founded by Raja Rammohan Roy (1774–1833) and the Young Bengal collective led by Henry Louis Vivian Derozio (1809–26), the Eurasian teacher of the newly founded Hindu College (1817), versus the indigenists, the upholders of India’s hallowed culture and tradition belonging to the Dharmasabhā (1830) of Bhabanicharan Bandyopadhyay (1787–1848) and the Tattvabodhinī Sabhā (1839) of Maharṣi Debendranath Tagore (1817–1905). The Act of August 2, 1858, transforming the Company Raj into the British Empire embarrassed and enraged the Bengali bābus, who had been a prop of the Raj enjoying some measure of privilege, now had no use for their new imperial master ([1], p. 71). Consequently, friendly gestures of the native elites in Bengal and elsewhere were slowly giving way to rebellious and nationalistic antagonism. For example, the Hindu Patriot, edited by Girish C. Ghosh (1829–69), publicized the atrocities of the British indigo planters toward the Bengal peasantry and helped kindle an incipient nationalist consciousness among the rural peasantry as well as the urban middle class ([2], pp. VI, IX, XIII).

Bankim’s Nationalist Consciousness Nationalist consciousness prompted construction of a mythic or imagined past of the Hindus and that enterprise was facilitated by the rapid rise of Bengali as the vernacular medium. Bankim Chandra deployed his vast rhetorical repertoire to this task of regeneration. However, his patriotic consciousness was inspired mainly by George Thompson (1804–78) of British India Society, London, who urged the Bengalis to work for the welfare of their country, study its history, and express their opinion on government measures freely while placing their trust in the efficacy of English justice ([3], pp. 83–84). Since his student days, Bankim had been profoundly influenced by Western romanticism, rationalism, and positivism and turned an atheist (see [4], pp. 14–32). As Deputy Magistrate of Baruipur (1864–66), his lack of faith in God

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caused considerable heartache to his pious assistant and admirer Kalinath Datta ([5], p. 75). He even made his debut as a novelist in the English language though the work titled Rajmohan’s Wife (1864) was a complete flop ([5], p. 617). His failure to succeed as a writer in English perhaps turned him off from the language of the foreigners and channeled his passionate interest into his native language, history, and religion in his mature years. His imbibed Western scholarship, however, never seriously conflicted with his inherited Vaiṣṇava culture, though the former enabled him to rediscover the essential merits of the latter. Thus, Bankim’s concept of bhakti was basically different from the medieval concept of total surrender to the will of God (prapatti) for receiving God’s grace (prasāda) ([6], p. 59). By the same token, though he remained convinced of the fundamental efficacy of ahiṁsā, he nevertheless recognized the legitimacy of occasional violence. As he observed in Kṛṣṇacaritra (1886), an imaginative interpretation of Kṛṣṇa’s career and character, “the saying that ‘non-violence is the highest dharma’ does not imply that it is a sin to kill under all circumstances. It is a natural law that we must take life to sustain our life.” He also posited that “physical force [vāhubal] is superior to the power of intellect, truth, and justice [and] especially in politics” ([7], Vol. II, pp. 503, 493). But “bhakti is necessary for self-development. Whosoever lacks this faculty cannot build his character” he averred ([7], Vol. II, pp. 554–556). Therefore, his rebellious stance against the British was characterized not by violent confrontation but by a peculiarly benign racial antagonism [jātibaira] that inspired the Indians to compete with the British and thereby strive to become like them. Such competitiveness called for a national identity which could be derived from something very Indian – dharma of the people. He thus declared that we are not, and cannot be, submissive, because we are an ancient people. Even to this day we read the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa, order our life in accordance with the instructions and injunctions of Manu and Yājṅavalkya, and. . .pray to God in the incomparable language of the world [Sanskrit]. ([7], Vol. II, p. 810)

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Accordingly, Bankim’s constructive jātibaira instigated a Hindu identity. As he wrote in “Bhārat-Kalaṅka: Bhāratvarṣa Parādhīn Kena?” The welfare of these millions of Hindus is my welfare. . .. There are many races in the world other than India. Their welfare cannot be ours. [In fact,] on several counts, their welfare is our doom ([7], Vol. II, p. 209).

The bottom line is: the Hindu heritage of the Indians is the foundation of their national identity and well-being. As Panikkar has observed, “that religion defined the ideological parameters of nationalism were born out of this perspective. ([8], p. 3).

Bankim’s Piety and Patriotism Interface Bankim’s religious consciousness was stimulated by the ideas of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768–1834), Johann G. Fichte (1762–1814), John Seeley (1834–95), and, above all, Auguste Comte (1798–1857). He shares with Comte’s definition of religion as the molder of one’s nature marking his existence both as an individual and in society with a common purpose. He claims for the superiority of Hinduism on Comte’s criteria ([7], Vol. II, p. 612). Bankim’s faith in Hindu religion led him to hope that “only Hinduism could bring about a synthesis of nationalism and love for all humanity.” In other words, religion had to provide an ersatz ideology of nationalism for a people whom colonial scholars never considered united enough to forge a nation state. He, however, realized that Hinduism must undergo reform and that India would progress by “Hinduism reformed, regenerated and purified” (“The Study of Hindu Philosophy” in [7], Vol. III, p. 235). Years later, he clarified his views in his article “Hindu Dharma” in Pracār (1291 BE): We must find out the essence of Hinduism, that which is the true religion, and follow it as [our] national creed. We must abjure whatever corrupt customs and traditions masquerading as religion have penetrated Hinduism....Whatever conduces man’s real and all-out physical, mental, and social upliftment is the [true] religion...These ameliorating elements constitute the core of all religions and

Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra these are present in Hindu religion more sumptuously than in all other religions. ([7], Vol. II, p. 709)

Bankim’s interest in reforming Hindu religion was an integral part of his agenda for the social improvement of Hindu society, that is, its modernization. Sadly, this project brought home the realization of the shackles of the West. The only way out of this embarrassment was to fight back with the only weapon India had – her culture, especially her religion. Hence, Bankim Chandra, like other Western-educated bhadraloks of his day, notably Harish Mukherjee, Girish Ghosh, and Kashiprasad Ghosh (1803–73), had little qualms admiring Western science and Hindu religion and tradition at the same time. Bankim’s religious consciousness had permeated his novel Ānandamaṭh, Debī Caudhurāṇī (1884), and Śītārām. This consciousness found a fuller and clearer expression in his rejoinders to Rev. William Hastings’ letters to the Calcutta daily the Statesman (see [9], pp. 347–371). In his Letters on Hinduism, written to a Bengali Positivist Jogendra Chandra Ghosh (1842–1902), Bankim proclaimed his personal views on religion as a “philosophy of life” in theory and “in practice a rule of life” that transcended all soteriological or theological concerns and sought to view religion as “a system of social culture.” (see [7], Vol. III). In fact, as he explained in Dharmatatva, “the Substance of Religion is Culture” ([7], Vol. II, pp. 525–617, here at p. 531). Bankim conceived of his land not in terms of the Western patria, “fatherland,” but in terms of mātṛbhūmi, “motherland,” imagined as the Bengali Mother Goddess, Durga – a radically different nationalist vision – Hindu matriarchal vis-à-vis the Christian patriarchal (see [10]). His controversial polemic Kṛṣṇacaritra (1886. Rev. second ed. 1892) reinvented the legendary lover God as a model for the modern Indian. His literary craftsmanship and scholarly gravitas demonstrated his appropriation and use of the rational methodology of historical investigation and literary criticism of the West. In fact, his nephew and biographer Sachish Chandra Chattopadhyay (1869–1944) remarked that “Bankim Chandra had made Śrīkṛṣṇa somewhat Western” ([9], p. 178).

Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra

Bankim’s Communalism: Real or Presumed? Several critics have faulted Bankim for his apparently communal posture. His novels, particularly Mṛnālinī (1869), Ānandamaṭh [Abbey of Bliss, 1882], and Sītārām (1887), betray anti-Muslim sentiments. Arguably Bankim was deeply influenced by the nationalist historiography of the early nineteenth century. Trained in Western intellectual tradition, the nationalist historians of Renaissance Bengal imbibed the enlightenment prejudices about Islam on the one hand and sought to reclaim the bygone Hindu glory that had received orientalist imprimatur on the other. Bankim’s senior contemporary, the populist poet Rangalal Bandyopadhyay [Banerjee] (1827–87), in his Padminīr Upākhyān (1858), had deplored the degradation of Hindu India under the Muslim rule and welcomed the British raj as the herald of Hindu regeneration. Probably Bankim’s travels in North India in 1868 had brought to his notice the ruins of Hindu temples, statues, and shrines following the Muslim invasions into these regions. Then, his apparently pro-Hindu stance was a reaction to the perceived indifference of the Muslims to modernization and Westernization which impacted the Hindus, especially the upper-class bhadralok, of Calcutta. The Muslim converts from the Hindu lower and poorer classes were largely uneducated, and the minority of upper-class Muslims remained contemptuous of the British public culture. The Hindus, on the other hand, offered a proactive response to the changing circumstances, and a vocal minority of them were deeply impacted by Western contact. Bankim Chandra proclaimed the efficacy of communal harmony for India toward the end of his life and admitted in a book review in Bangadarshan that “Bengal is the country of Hindus and Muslims, not just a Hindu country” and “in order to have real progress in Bengal it is absolutely essential that unity between Hindus and Muslims be created” ([11], p. 178). He declared in the epilogue to his novel Rājsiṁha (1882): The Hindus only are not better people nor the Muslims are on that account. The Hindus neither are worse people nor the Muslims are worse because

339 they are Muslims. The good and the bad are there equally among both of them...[O]ne who is just and righteous is the best, be he a Hindu or a Muslim. (cited in [3], p. 89)

Five years later, Bankim emphasized the efficacy of equal treatment of Hindus and Muslims alike ([12], p. 65) as well as the absolute necessity of combining patriotic love with universal love for enabling India to become the greatest nation of the future ([7], Vol. II, p. 598). Some distinguished Muslim critics have pointed out that the fact that many Muslims joined the Indian National Congress and many Hindus participated in the Khilafat movement (a pan-Islamic anti-British movement originating in Turkey and gaining momentum in India, 1919–22) goes to prove that Bankim’s novels did not have any communally deleterious impact on India’s struggle for independence ([13], pp. 145–163).

References 1. Sen R (1995) The Bengal renaissance and the changing face of men. Bengal Past Present CXIV:218–219 2. Ghosh M (ed) (1911) The life of Grish Chunder Ghose: the founder and first editor of “the Hindu patriot” and “the Bengalee”. R. Cambray & Co, Calcutta 3. Datta B (2000) Resurgent Bengal: Rammohun, Bankimchandra, Rabindranath. Minerva Associates [Publications], Calcutta 4. Flora G (1993) The evolution of positivism in Bengal: Jogendra Chandra Ghosh, Bankimchandra Chattopadhyay, Benoy Kumar Sarkar. Annali 53, fasc 2 (Supplemento 75):1–58 5. Bhattacharya A (1991) Baṁkimcandrajībanī [Life of Bankimchandra]. Ananda Publishers, Calcutta 6. Ghatak KK (1991) Hindu revivalism in Bengal: Rammohun to Ramakrishna. Minerva Associates [Publications], Calcutta 7. Chattopadhyay BC (1405–06 BE) In: Bagal JC (ed) Baṁkim racanābalī [Complete works of Bankim], 3 vols. (1360–61 BE [Bengali Era]. 13–29 impression). Sāhitya Saṁsad, Kalikata 8. Panikkar KN (2000) Secularism challenged. Dawn, 3. http://dawn.com 9. Chattopadhyay SC (1395 BE) In: Ray A, Upadhyay A (eds) Baṁkimjībanī [Life of Bankim], 4th edn. Pustak Bipaṇi, Kalikata 10. Van Bijlert VA (1999, April 24) Bankim’s mother: imagery of the Indian nation. Paper presented to the Thirty-third Bengal studies conference, Fayetteville State University. Mimeo

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340 11. Van Meter RR (1964) Bankim C[h]andra Chatterji and the Bengal renaissance. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania 12. Chatterji BC (1903) Sītārām (trans: Mukerji SC). School Book & Useful Literature Society, Calcutta 13. Sen-Bhattacharya, Supriya (1403 BE) Unabiṁśa śatābdīr svadeścintā o Baṁkimcandra [Nationalist thought in the nineteenth century and Bankim chandra]. Kalikātā Viśvavidyālay, Kalikata

Chattopadhyay, Gadadhar ▶ Ramakrishna Paramahamsa

China (Hinduism) Yang Qu Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA

While the cultural exchange between India and China is largely defined by the spread and development of Buddhism, certain Hindu practices and divinities also entered China, either through their Buddhist appropriation and disguise or through the maritime transmission carried by South Indian merchants. The Hindu elements in these scriptural and iconographical materials added both richness and dynamics to the historical transmission of religions, yet it remains problematic as to what extent we can still regard these “buddhified” practices as Hindu. Although the changing altitude of Chinese societies on the Hindu cultural remains reflects a rising pattern of reclaiming Indic influence in history, the Chinese government’s unwillingness to officially recognize Hinduism has shed shadow on the uncertain future of Hindu religious practice in China. The first mention of India in Chinese records is found in Zhang Qian’s 張騫 report about the existence of a trade route linking southwestern China to India on his return from a mission to Bactria in Central Asia as an envoy of the Han court to forge an alliance against the nomadic Xiongnu empire in 138 B.C.E., yet some

Chattopadhyay, Gadadhar

linguistic evidence suggests even earlier cultural exchange between India and China. For example, both the Chinese term Wumingzhi 無名指, which first appeared in the Book of Mencius (孟子, 400–300 B.C.E.), and the Sanskrit words anāmā/anāmikā, which had been used in Vedic literature, mean “nameless (finger)” and refer to the fourth finger [1]. Although it is difficult to judge which language is the source of origin, the uniqueness and similarities of these words in each group curtail the possibility of mere coincidence. Though the term “China” has been used in various non-Chinese languages as an exonym in reference to the successive Sinitic polities of East Asia, it is nevertheless a non-Chinese word. No imperial Chinese polity or society ever used the name “China,” or any of its variants, as an autonym. Instead, they usually employed the dynastic name, such as Han 漢 and Tang 唐, or the generic term Zhongguo 中國 to refer to their polity. The Sanskrit term Cīna, which has its earliest mentions in Mahābhārata, Rāmāyaṇa, and Arthaśāstra was imported into China through the early spread of Buddhism and was rendered as zhina 支那/脂那/ 至那. While Cīna in the early Indian epics roughly referred to a region located to the East of India in the Tibeto-Burman borderlands, by the late sixth century, both Cīna and another term Mahācīna (Great Cīna, 摩訶支那/摩訶脂那/摩訶至那) refer to parts of the Sui/Tang 隋唐 China. There have been various proposals to the origin of “Cīna/China,” including Qin 秦, Jin 晉, Jing 荆, and Yelang 夜郎; however, more convincing evidence is needed to say which is the definite answer [2]. It was largely through Buddhism that certain brahmanical rites and Hindu divinities were imported into China, and for a long time, they played merely secondary roles in various Buddhist accounts. Elements of the Vedic ritual system such as homa and abhiṣeka down -registered into householder practice and thence into Mahāyāna Buddhism; however, they did not begin to assume prominent roles in Buddhist ritual manuals and dhāraṇī scriptures until the fifth century C.E. For instance, although homa is mentioned in various Chinese documents of the fifth and sixth centuries, detailed translations and ritual manuals

China (Hinduism)

of homa did not appear until the end of the sixth century such as the Avalokiteśvaraikādaśamukhadhāraṇī-sūtra (Shiyimian guanshiyin shenzhou jing 十一面觀世音神呪經, T. 1070) of Yaśogupta 耶舍崛多. It was also during these periods that Hindu deities began to have increasing regularity and, to certain extents, cultic autonomy in Buddhist iconographical materials, such as the depictions of Maheśvara and Kārttikeya/ Skanda at the Yungang Caves 雲崗石窟 in Shanxi and the images of Vināyaka/Gaṇeśa as tutelary deities at the Mogao Caves 莫高窟 in Dunhuang. It certainly remains problematical as to what extent these deeply “buddhified” elements could still be regarded as Hindu, and one should carefully treat these concepts within a highly specific and analytic context. In Buddhist canons, Hindu deities are generally depicted as either protectors of Buddhism or the preeminent of evil and deluded beings waiting to be vanquished. In the Buddhist Trailokyavijaya myth or the “Taming of Maheśvara/Rudra” narrative, which has appeared in a great extent of Buddhist tantric texts such as the Sarvatathāgatatattva-saṃgraha—a seventh century mūlatantra consolidated over time into the Yogatantra tradition—Śiva and his entourage are depicted as dangerous demons which could only be tamed and converted to Buddhism by brute force. There is, however, an exception to this generic depiction of Hindu divinities. A Gāruḍa tantric text known as Suji Liyan Moxishouluo tian shuo (jialouluo) aweishe fa 速疾立驗魔醯首羅天說(迦樓羅)阿 尾奢法 (T. 1277.329b-331a), or The (Gāruḍa) Āveśa Rite Explained by the God Maheśvara Which Swiftly Establishes Its Efficacy, is a manual for inducing the possession of children by emissaries of Maheśvara. In this text, which was allegedly translated by Amoghavajra (Bukong 不空, 704–774 C.E.); Maheśvara/Rudra acts as both the expositor of the text’s teachings and the object of the practitioner’s invocations. Though contained in the esoteric section of the Taishō canon, The Āveśa Rite is entirely devoid of any Buddhist content and is, in fact, a Śaiva text in Chinese garb [5]. Questions remain, however, as to why and for whom it was initially translated and how it was canonized despite of its explicitly non-

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Buddhist content. The method of possession (āveśaḥ), as the hallmark of initiation in the Śaiva Kaula systems, requires the practitioner to visualize himself as Maheśvara and is also found in several other texts translated by Amoghavajra, starting with the Chinese version of the Sarvatathāgata-tattva-saṃgraha, known as Jingang Ding Yiqie Rulai Zhenshi She Dacheng Xianzheng Da Jiaowang Jing 金剛頂一切如來 真實攝大乘現證大教王經 (T. 865.218a29–c9). Therefore, one possible explanation is that The Āveśa Rite was used by Amoghavajra as a supplementary manual for practicing the method of possession (āveśaḥ) he encountered in other Buddhist texts. While some Hindu divinities were imported into China through the spread of Buddhism, there are also records of Brahmans living in early medieval China. In the middle of the eighth century, the Chinese monk, Jianzhen 鑒真 (688–763 C.E.), reported seeing three Brahmanical temples and a number of Brahman priests in the southern port city Guangzhou; he also noticed that those foreign merchants were planning a trade mission back to India. Between the ninth and thirteenth centuries, Tamil merchants were crucial actors throughout the Indian Ocean maritime circuit, and their interest in trade with China is reflected in a bilingual Tamil-Chinese inscription and some South Indian-style religious remains found on the southern coast of China, in particular, the port city Quanzhou in Fujian province. After the Mongol conquest of China, the administration of the Yuan dynasty reestablished a maritime trade bureau in Quanzhou in 1278 C.E. to encourage overseas commerce and connections. The bilingual inscription, dated March/April 1281 C.E., documents that a Tamil-speaking community built a temple in Quanzhou devoted to the Hindu god Śiva. The temple, however, was later destroyed during the Ipsah rebellion at the end of Mongol rule, which was initially caused by local Muslims’ disapproval of a “foreign temple of Buddhism” (Fanfo si 蕃佛寺), possibly the Śiva temple, built on the grounds of the former governor’s residence. Most of the remaining carvings and reliefs, including two citrakhaṇḍa pillars, were

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reused and installed in the Buddhist Kaiyuan temple 開元寺, which was originally built in the Tang period in 686 C.E., as part of a necessary renovation in 1389/1408 C.E. in the aftermath of the rebellion. The Hindu reliefs found in Quanzhou concern themselves with themes associated both with Śiva and Vishnu. Only one medallion depicts Śiva as a wandering mendicant, whereas the scenes depicted on the pillars are exclusively related to Vishnu, either as a supreme lord with his consorts Śri Devi and Bhu Devi, or in popular manifestations as Narasimha or Krishna subduing the naga Kāliya. The rather lifeless rendering of these dynamic subjects also suggest that the sculptures are not the work of Indian artisans but of stonemasons trained in the Chinese tradition who relied on south Indian bronzes to represent unfamiliar Indic iconography [4]. Rather than seen as an isolated phenomenon, the Hindu temple remains in Quanzhou should be regarded as a final manifestation of a long process of maritime dissemination of a Tamil presence in China that probably goes back to the eighth century. The religious legacy of Tamil merchants is still present in today’s Quanzhou. A sculptural panel of the Hindu goddess Kālī was placed in a small shrine in Chidian Village before it was dismantled during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The panel was later restored in the 1980s and is now being worshipped by local people as the bodhisattva Guanyin. A tall stone column of Śiva liṅgaṃ, which differs greatly from the shorter and more cylindrical south Indian counterparts, now locates in the city’s northern section as the locus of a park famous for the “Stone Bamboo Shoot.” The Gazetteer of Jinjiang 晉江縣志 records that in 1011, a local magistrate broke the column in half because of its shameful and erotic appearance, and later a local sheriff repaired it in between 1465 and 1487 [3]. Though the Kālī image is now regarded as Guanyin and the “Stone Bamboo Shoot” is no longer registered as Śiva liṅgaṃ, the destruction and reconstruction of these religious objects suggest an emergent pattern of reclaiming and transforming Indic iconography in Quanzhou. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, a number of Hindu merchants and

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compradors also lived in China during the late Qing dynasty and the Republican era but fled during the political upheavals in the Mao era. Later, the population of Indians in China gradually increased after Deng Xiaoping; then the political leader of China, introduced the economic reform in 1978. Most Indians in today’s China are traders, medical students, and expatriate workers. While students and workers from India are spread out across different parts of China, Indian traders tend to live in megacities such as Guangzhou, Shanghai, and Beijing, as well as in the emerging trading marketplaces of Shaoxing and Yiwu, where these Indians organize their religious groups and activities. However, since Hinduism is not one of the five religions officially recognized by the Chinese government, Chinese law does not permit Indians to establish any public temples. A number of Indians, therefore, organize communal religious worship and celebrate their festivals in some temporary sites shared with Sikhs. In the Shaoxing gurdvārā, for instance, Hindu divinities are worshipped and adorned alongside one of Sikh Gurū Nānak. In other cases, Indians organize small gatherings at home to perform rituals and observe the fast before dīvalī and other religious festivals [6]. Since it is hardly possible for these Indian traders to obtain permanent Chinese residency, the future of Hindu religious practice in China is still uncertain.

References 1. Zhu Q (1995) Some linguistic evidence for early cultural exchange between India and China. SINOPLATONIC papers 66 2. Wade G (2009) The Polity of Yelang (夜郎) and the origins of the name ‘China.’ SINO-PLATONIC papers 188 3. Guy J (2000) Tamil merchant guilds and the Quanzhou trade. In: Schottenhammer A (ed) The emporium of the world: maritime Quanzhou, 1000–1400. Brill, Leiden/ Boston, pp 283–308 4. Lee R (2009) Rethinking community: the Indic carvings of Quanzhou. In: Kulke H, Kesavapany K, Sakhuja V (eds) Nagapattinam to Suvarnadwipa: reflections on Chola naval expeditions to Southeast Asia. ISEAS, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp 240–270

Cilappatika¯ram (Śilappadiga¯ram, Shilappadigaram) 5. Giebel RW (2016) A Śaiva text in Chinese garb? An annotated translation of the Suji liyan Moxishouluo tian shuo aweishe fa. In: Acri A (ed) Esoteric Buddhism in mediaeval maritime Asia: networks of masters, texts, icons. ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore, pp 381–388 6. Ji P (2008) China: Indians’ new-found land. In: Kesavapany L, Mani A (eds) Rising India and Indian communities in East Asia. ISEAS, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pp 195–206

Cilappatika¯ram (Śilappadiga¯ram, Shilappadigaram) Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Among the five epics of the early Tamil literary canon – Manimegalai, Civaka Cintamani, Valayapathi, and Kundalakesi – Cilappatikaram (Cilappu + atikaram: Cilappu is derived from the word “chilampu” meaning “the jeweled anklet” and “atikaram” means “book”/“chapter”) [2] is the most popular and valued one in Tamil Nadu [3]. Cilappatikaram was composed by a Jain monk, Ilango Adigal (“Adigal” is a word denoting respect, usually adorned to most respected religious leaders and monks) [1]. He is believed to have written the epic between the first- and third-century A.D. [11]. However, tracing the period in which the epic was written is controversial. Ilango (the younger brother) and Senguttuvan (elder brother) were the two sons of the Chera King Nedunchezhiyan. The introduction to Silappadikaram (2011) reports that a soothsayer came to the court of King Nedunchezhiyan when his two sons were seated along with the king and declared that Ilango would become the next king. Realizing that his elder brother is upset about this prediction, Ilango immediately declared that he would never become the king. To prove his declaration

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right, he renounced worldly pleasures to become a Jain monk. Later, after his father’s demise, Senguttuvan succeeded the throne [1].

The Story of Cilappatikaram

C The story of Cilappatikaram centers on the character Kannaki, who is the wife of Kovalan – the children of two rich merchants. They lead a happy married life in the city of Pukar until Kovalan meets a dancer, Madhavi. He begins a life with Madhavi, deserting Kannaki. Kovalan returns to Kannaki when he exhausts all his wealth. Kannaki and Kovalan, happy about the reunion, set out to Madurai for better prospects in trade, with the company of a Jain nun (Kavunthi Adigal). To procure a capital to begin a new trade, Kannaki and Kovalan decide to sell her anklet. So, Kovalan takes one of the pairs of her anklet for selling in the city of Madurai. On the other hand, an anklet of the queen of the Pandya Kingdom is missing. To save himself from the theft he committed, the goldsmith of the palace accuses Kovalan for stealing the anklet, as the former sees the latter trying to sell an anklet resembling the queen’s. The angry king, without any investigation on the matter, orders to behead “the thief” and recover the anklet in the possession of Kovalan. Kovalan protests the decision of the king; nevertheless, he is killed. Kannaki, knowing about the injustice done to her husband, sets out to prove his innocence in the King’s court. The piece of evidence that she has is the other pair of the anklet. The anklet is a hollow tubular circular metal piece filled with expensive gems. She breaks the anklet to show the rubies that it contains. On the other hand, the anklet possessed by the queen has pearls in it. The righteous king accepts her claim and realizes that Kovalan was innocent. Both the king and the queen die at once in the wrath of Kannaki. Still angry, she tears her left breast and calls for Agni, the deity of fire. She throws her breast at the city of Madurai which was burning in the fire of Agni. She then travels to the Kongu country in a divine chariot. After a few days, she dies and is then uplifted to the heaven.

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The Structure of Cilappatikaram With a total number of 5270 lines, Cilappatikaram has three chapters – Puharkkandam, Maduraikkandam, and Vanchikkandam. Puhar, Madurai, and Vanchi are places in Tamil Nadu where parts of the story are set. Puhar, now called Poompuhar belonging to the Nagapattinam District, was a port city and a center of foreign trade [9]. However, in the epic Manimegalai, it is mentioned that the port city was destroyed due to repeated tsunamis in 500 C.E. [14]. Puharkkandam describes the Chola city of Puhar and the happy married life of Kannaki and Kovalan. Puharkkandam is further divided into ten subchapters. The second chapter of Cilappatikaram is Maduraikkandam. It describes the Pandya city of Madurai. Long before Cilappatikaram was written, Madurai seems to be known for religious diversity and was a land of temples. Due to the Jain influence, Madurai was known not merely for its religious influence but for its moral virtue – dharma. This moral virtue was of utmost importance to the people, the kings, and the deities. Cilappatikaram mentions that even the clan deity of the Pandyas – Maturapati – appears to Kannaki to console her and be in solidarity with her [15]. The misjudgment of Kolavan and his killing are described in Maduraikkandam which contains seven subchapters. The third chapter of Cilappatikaram is called Vanchikkandam. Vanchi is the capital city of the Chera Kingdom [20]. Ilango Adigal’s brother, Cheran Senguttuvan, was the most famous ruler of the Cheras [20]. Vanchi, also known as Muziris, is the ancient port city of Malabar in Kerala [6]. Kannaki attains salvation for her praiseworthy moral virtues in the city of Vanchi. Vanchikkandam contains 13 subchapters [18]. Cilappatikaram stands without any parallel in the history of Tamil language because of its abundant description about music, dance, literature, and other arts [5]. The text begins with a prologue called pathigam in which Adigal narrates the objectives of Cilappatikaram: “We shall compose a poem, with songs,/To explain these truths: even kinds, if they break/The law, have their necks wrung by dharma/ . . ./ The Cilappatikaram, the epic of the anklet, Since the anklet brings these truths to light” [12]. While describing the music

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sung in the wedding of Kannaki and Kovalan, Adigal says: “. . .Muracu drums reverberated and the Muruku (a horn like musical instrument) trembled. Conches were sounded in order (metrically)” [10].

Analyzing Cilappatikaram Parthasarathy in his brief introduction to his translation of Cilappatikaram considers the heroic Kannaki way ahead of time. To him, the meaning of breaking open her anklet is “unsexing” herself by ripping off her breast in intense anger and later transforming into the Goddess Pattini. Goddess Pattini is known for her “violent and punishing form” [8]. Kannaki’s acts of tearing her breast and breaking of her anklet and her noble chastity are all various forms of self-sacrifice, which was a philosophical principle of Jainism [16]. “Cilappatikaram deals essentially with duty, wealth and desire . . .” [4]. However, Kannaki and Goddess Pattini are considered ideal women for their noble chastity. Quite different from the portrayal of sensuality and sexuality in Greek with no reference to pleasure but power (e.g., Achilles sleeps with Briseis in Iliad 24, as Hera with Zeus in Iliad 1, but there is no word of pleasure) [17], Cilappatikaram narrates sexuality as pleasure – “a guiltless enjoyment of the senses” – which happens in the context of marriage [17]. Here is a description of a sexual act of Kovalan with Kannaki: “The bees murmured songs to their ears while they lay on a bed strewn with fragrant pollen. On the naked shoulders of his bride, Kovalan traced the form of a sugar cane . . . Kovalan was wearing a garland of jasmine buds, their hearts forced open by the bees; Kannaki a wreath of blue lotus. . . When he was satiated by love’s pleasure, Kovalan looked fondly at the radiant face of his new bride . . .” [17].

The brave character Kannaki is critiqued as a political instrument questioning social and individual justice in the Tamil country. She is also an agent of conjugal love. The entanglement of love and justice, in the familial and social terms, “asserts her righteousness in burning down the city” of Madurai [13]. The guilt of the king who killed the innocent Kovalan is to be considered a

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political concern. Kannaki questions the lack of moral and ethical concerns in the judicial system of the kingdom. Like the Tamil society which has prescribed roles for human beings by social and divine expectations (“duty and fate”) [13], Kannaki’s action of disturbing the virtue of another good wife of the king is, however, justified. When the virtue of the queen is rewarded in heaven, Kannaki, who transforms to the “goddess of faithfulness,” is rewarded in the kingdom itself, as unlike the king-husband, who committed a wrong doing, Kovalan is innocent and has suffered death. If the queen’s death is considered sati (the social practice of a wife jumping into the pyre of the husband, to kill herself), Kannaki is “an expression of Shakti, the powerful, ferocious, feminine cosmic principle” [13]. Thus according to the Tamil people, femininity is an expression of chastity and Shakti.

Influence of Cilappatikaram in Art Traditions of South India The story of Cilappatikaram is not an original one written by Ilango Adigal. The story of Kovalan and Kannaki existed as oral tradition in different parts of Tamil Nadu. Thus, this story that belongs to the oral tradition has seeped into the collective consciousness as ideals of virtue, faithfulness, and great protest. As much as there are different variations of the story, the story has been adapted in various mediums of art – films, musical opera, dance, and even sculptures – as well. The Guarantee Film Corporation produced a silent film titled Kovalan directed by R. S. Prakash in 1928. In 1929, the General Pictures Corporation produced a film with the same time, directed by A. Narayanan. A 1942 Tamil film titled Kannaki was directed by R. S. Mani and produced by the Jupiter Pictures, and a 1964 film titled Poompuhar directly addresses Cilappatikaram. Kodungallooramma is a 1968 Malayalam film based on the legendary character of Kannaki [19]. The first musical opera based on the epic of Cilappatikaram was Kovalan Charitham (1914) written by the Tamil poet and dramatist, K. V. Udayara Pillai. The Malayalam version of

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the opera was produced by P.K. Velu Pillai in 1921 and K. R. Neelakanta Pillai in 1924 [19]. In 2016 Cilappatikaram was staged in Thrissur (Kerala State) as a Kathakali performance composed by Kodungalloor Marumakan Raja [7]. Cilappatikaram seems to have influenced even the sculptors. In the Ahalia campus in Palakkad District, Kerala state, a group of traditional sculptors, has sculpted a series of sculptures representing the story of Kovalan and Kannaki. Statue of Kannaki which was installed in Marina Beach in 1968 is another example of the mythical character’s influence on art in Tamil Nadu.

References 1. Adikal I (2011) Silapadikaram (trans: Krishnamoorthy K). Indian Universities Press, Tamil Nadu 2. Chellappan K (2006) Tamil Sangam poetics and its relevance to the study of commonwealth literature. In: Balachandran K (ed) Critical essays on common wealth literature: a Festchrist to Prof. C. V. Seshadri. Sarup & Sons, New Delhi 3. Datta A (1998) Encyclopaedia of Indian literature, vol 2. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 4. Dev AD, Tiwari BB, Khanna S (2006) Indian literature: an introduction. Pearson Longman, New Delhi 5. Jayalakshmi SS (1982) Music in Silappatikaram. In: Perumal V (ed) Glimpses of Tamil culture. Berlin Tamil Sangam, Berlin 6. Kachru U (2011) India: land of billion entrepreneurs. Pearson, Delhi/Chennai/Chandigarh 7. Kaladharan V (2016) Of betrayal and revenge. The Hindu. http://www.thehindu.com/features/fridayreview/Of-betrayal-and-revenge/article13986293.ece 8. Kapferer B (1997) The feast of the sorcerer: practices of consciousness and power. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 9. Murphey R (2014) A history of Asia. Pearson, Boston 10. Nadumuri J (trans) (2011) Silappatikaram. http:// naalanda.wikidot.com/slp-eng-trans:01 11. Pandian J (2002) Supernaturalism in human life: a discourse on myth, rituals & religion. Vedam Books, New Delhi 12. Parthasarathy, translated, and with an introduction and postscript by R. (1992) The Cilappatikāram of Iḷaṅko Aṭikaḷ: an epic of South India. Columbia University Press, New York 13. Rajan RS (2003) Real and imagined women: gender, culture and postcolonialism. Routledge, London/New York 14. Rajendran N (2006) History of tsunami. In: SM Ramasamy, CJ Kumanan, BT Sivakumar, B Singh (eds)

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15.

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Cinema, Hindu Themes in Geomatics in tsunami. New India Publishing Agency, New Delhi Reynolds HB (1987) Madurai: Koyil Nakar. In: Smith B, Reynolds HB (eds) The city as a sacred center. E.J Brill, Leiden/New York/Kobenhavn/Koln Ross JI (2011) Religion and violence: an encyclopedia of faith and conflict from antiquity to the present. Routledge, London/New York Saffire P (1995) Review of Parasarathy’s translation of the Cilappatikaram of Ilanko Atikal. Butler University, Indiana Sarkar K (2010) Silappatikaram: a Tamil epic of the samgam age. http://www.tamilspider.com/resources/ 2560-Silappatikaram-A-Tamil-Epic-Sangam-Age.aspx Vijayakumar B (2010) Kodungallooramma – 1968. The Hindu. http://www.thehindu.com/features/cin ema/Kodungalloramma-1968/article15678338.ece Vimala A (2007) History and civics: Longman matriculation series. Pearson Longman, Chennai

Cinema, Hindu Themes in Veenus Jain Amity University, Noida, India

Cinema has been an integral part of global societies. In its narratives cinema reflects social, political, and economic dynamics of the international community and has made a domineering presence in the world of entertainment. Only a few decades ago cinema was not considered to be subject for intellectual and scholarly discussions; however, the status of cinema in the eyes of scholars and the intelligentsia has changed in the past couple of decades. This sudden change can be attributed to the emergence of film and cultural studies departments in Indian, British, and North American Universities. In fact cinema, “the most popular of the popular arts,” has finally come to be considered as one of the most important subjects of study to understand and interrogate religion, society, culture, and history (http://vle.du.ac.in/mod/ book/print.php?id¼8575&chapterid¼11447). This chapter is an attempt to analyze Hindu themes in cinema. It will focus on revealing that although it is the most sought after means of entertainment, cinema also deals with a variety of religious, cultural, spiritual, philosophical,

and other issues drawn from Hinduism. In India the most captivating and thrilling source of entertainment is films. With an average production of approximately 1000 movies a year, India is ranked as the largest film producing country in the world. Indian film industry produces films in almost all major languages Hindi, Bengali, Gujarati, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam, Oriya, Bhojpuri, Punjabi, and others. Only a few decades ago on an average around 11–12 million Indians used to go to watch films every day. Vijay Mishra claims that in modern India films have emerged as the “temples of desires” where devotees (viewers) go to take darshan at the shrine (cinema hall) of the “new image” that creates new gods and even new beliefs for Indian [1]. Today the popularity and viewership of Indian Cinema is still larger, thanks to the advent of TV every hold is a cinema now. There are channels and channels telecasting movies 24*7. It has become a global phenomenon of entertainment and is admired by millions of people across the length and breadth of the globe. Not only Pakistan or Asia, be it Europe or America, Australia or Africa, Indian films cater to the entertainment and interest of many, especially the Indian diasporas, and generate huge revenue everywhere. In fact Hindi cinema gives “a common language and universe of discourse” to Indians [2], cuts across regional and cultural boundaries, and plays a significant role in national integration. Hindi cinema weaves its magic from New Delhi to New York and Australia to Africa with heart touching stories, thought provoking themes extremely popular music. Amitabh Bachchan, the most successful actor of Hindi cinema, comments on the recent attention given to Hindi films across the globes: “It is not we who have changed; it is the people who are looking at us have. It could be at Deauville in France or at Marrakech in Morocco, or anywhere else for that matter, the world has decided to take our movies to heart” [3]. Cinema, like any other art form, offers a criticism of society by selecting themes its social and cultural patterns such as language, customs, behavior, tradition, mythology, legends, sensibility, spirituality, and philosophy. Not only the Bollywood but the Hollywood cinema is also

Cinema, Hindu Themes in

occasionally inspired by Hinduism and is offering Hindu theme in cinema.

Hinduism Hinduism is considered as the third largest religion on the globe which occupies over 15% of population on the globe. According to Gavin Flood, “The actual term ‘Hindu’ first occurs as a Persian geographical term for the people who lived beyond the river Indus (Sanskrit: Sindhu)” [4], more specifically in the sixth-century BCE inscription of Darius I (550–486 BCE) [5]. The term Hindu in these ancient records is a geographical term and did not refer to a religion [4]. Among the earliest known records of “Hindu” with connotations of religion may be in the seventhcentury CE Chinese text Record of the Western Regions by Xuanzang [5]. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica, Hinduism is a major world religion originating on the Indian subcontinent and comprising several and varied systems of philosophy, belief, and ritual. Although the name Hinduism is relatively new, having been coined by British writers in the first decades of the nineteenth century, it refers to a rich cumulative tradition of texts and practices, some of which date to the 2nd millennium BCE or possibly earlier. If the Indus Valley civilization (3rd–2nd millennium BCE) was the earliest source of these traditions, as some scholars hold, then Hinduism is the oldest living religion on Earth. Its many sacred texts in Sanskrit and vernacular languages served as a vehicle for spreading the religion to other parts of the world, though ritual and the visual and performing arts also played a significant role in its transmission. From about the fourth century CE, Hinduism had a dominant presence in Southeast Asia, one that would last for more than 1,000 years (https:// www.britannica.com/topic/Hinduism). Most Hindus believe that Hinduism is not a religion but a way to live life. It is one of the oldest religions and is also known as Sanātana Dharma, which means the eternal law. It is a fusion or synthesis of various Indian cultures and traditions, with diverse roots.

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Major Hindu scriptures include the Vedas and Upanishads, the Bhagavad Gita, and the Agamas. Not only Bollywood but Hollywood movies have also drawn there themes from Hindu scriptures, for example, Interstellar. Its box office total is $622,932,412 and counting. It is the eighth highest-grossing film of the year and has spawned an endless raft of think pieces testing the validity of its science and applauding the innovation of its philosophy. But it is not so new. The idea that propels the plot – there is a universal superconsciousness that transcends time and space, and in which all human life is connected – has been around for about 3,000 years. It is Vedic. When the film’s astronaut hero (Matthew McConaughey) declares that the mysterious and all-knowing “they” who created a wormhole near Saturn through which he travels to save mankind – dissolving his sense of material reality in the process – are in fact “us,” he is simply repeating the central notion of the Upanishads, India’s oldest philosophical texts. These hold that individual human minds are merely brief reflections within a cosmic one (D Nirpal, 25 December 2014, the guardian, online at: https://www.theguardian. com/film/2014/dec/25/movies-embracedhinduism).

The four Purushartas Hindus believe that there are four purushartas (goals or aims) of life, namely, • • • •

Dharma Artha Kama Moksha

Dharma: According to Hinduism Dharma is the primary goal of life. Hindu Dharma includes the religious duties, moral rights, and duties of each individual towards the cosmic concert. The Brihadaranyaka Upanishad states it as: Nothing is higher than Dharma. The weak overcomes the stronger by Dharma, as over a king. Truly that Dharma is the Truth (Satya); Therefore, when a man speaks the Truth, they

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say, “He speaks the Dharma”; and if he speaks Dharma, they say, “He speaks the Truth!” For both are one [6]. – Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, 1.4.xiv. Dharma has been the theme of numerous films. The Bollywood movie Tare Zameen Per(Stars on the Earth) directed by Aamir Khan released on December 21, 2007, narrates the story of a dyslexic child who is 8 years old. He is very good in Art but performs poor in academics because of which his parents decide to send him to a boarding school. The Art teacher of that school identifies that Isaanh is a dyslexic and helps him to give a combat to his disability. The movie truly depicts the duty of a guru (teacher) towards his students. Border directed by J P Dutta released on June 13, 1997, is an Indian movie on war between India and Pakistan. It is based on the battle of Longiwala during Indo–Pak war of 1971. The film beautifully shows the duty of a soldier towards his motherland. The film also shows the moral duty of a human being to respect the sacred book of other religions in the scene when the soldier protects the holy Quran and says that he protected it because he is a Hindu. Hindi movie Baghban was directed by Ravi Chopra and was released on October 3, 2003. This movie narrates the story of Raj Malhotra’s (Amitabh Bachhan) performance of duties towards his children without thinking of his future. His children do not take care of him after he retires from his job. He works hard and suffers a lot of emotional pain and becomes successful again. His children realize their mistake and finally repent for it. The movie shows the dutiful reciprocal relations of various family members for ultimate happiness which is called dharma and one of the most important goals of human life according to Hinduism. Artha: Artha is quest of wealth for livelihood, for fulfilling the obligations and gaining economic prosperity through proper means. The virtuous pursuit of Artha is the second important goal of human life. Not only earning money is important, but earning it through right means is also important. This has been taken as a theme in Mother India directed by Mehboob Khan released in 1957. It is the story of Radha (Nargis) a poor

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village woman who, in absence of her husband, struggles to raise her two sons and survive against a cunning money lender amidst many troubles. Despite the many hurdles she faces, she refuses to sacrifice her integrity and she sets a goddess like moral example of an ideal woman. Kāma: Kāma means desire, wish, passion, longing, pleasure of the senses, the aesthetic enjoyment of life, affection, or love, with or without sexual connotations (Monier-Williams Sanskrit English Dictionary, pp. 271). In Hinduism, Kama is considered an essential and healthy goal of human life when pursued without sacrificing Dharma, Artha and Moksha [7]. Kama is considered essential for progeny. This goal of life has been erotically shown in the movie Kamasutra directed by Rupesh Paul released in 2013. In the Czech film Ecastacy directed by Gustav Machaty released in 1933, the great Hedy Lamarr plays a young, frustrated bride who flees her marriage to a wealthy, impotent older man and finds love and lust in the arms of avvirile engineer. This may have been first documented sex scene in cinema and shows the Hindu goal of Kama deeply rooted in the cinema worldwide (Gupt). Mokṣa: Moksha is the ultimate, most important goal in Hinduism which means freedom from the cycle of life and death. In another sense, it means liberation form sufferings and sorrow. Although the persuit for Moksha, i.e., freedom from the fetters of life and death has been the theme of numerous movies yet the recent make Moksha released on November 30, 2001, directed by Ashok Mehta and the Danish film The Salvation released in 2014 directed by Kristian levring are worth mentioning. Such titles of movie suggests that the film makers have started understanding that deep in their heart people understand the goals of life and watching it entertains their soul.

Karma and Rebirth Karma translates literally as action, work, or deed [8] and also refers to a Vedic theory of “moral law of cause and effect” [9]. The theory is a

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combination of (1) causality that may be ethical or nonethical; (2) ethicization, that is, good or bad actions have consequences; and (3) rebirth [10]. Karma theory is interpreted as explaining the present circumstances of an individual with reference to his or her actions in past. This cycle of birth, life, death, and rebirth is called samsara. Liberation from samsara through moksha is believed to ensure lasting happiness and peace [11]. This theme has been woven into many films like Karz directed by Shubash Ghai released in 1980. Though the theme of reincarnation was earlier handled in Madhumati (1958), Kudrat (1981), and Mehbooba (1976), the modern twist with murder and revenge angle set in Karz was a pot-boiler; it went on to inspire several other Indian remakes, notably Yuga Purusha (1989) in Kannada, Enakkul Oruvan (1984) in Tamil, and Atmabhalam (1985) in Telugu.

God Parameshwara, Bhagwan, Deva, and Ishwara are the different terms given to God. In ancient Vedic literature, reincarnation of God is not mentioned. Upanishads also do not mention reincarnation of God whereas the Epics and the Puranas give details of coming of God on the earth in physical form to reestablish Dharma. The term given to such an incarnation is known as Avatar. Rama and Krishna are the most famous avatars of Lord Vishnu. Rama is the central figure in the epic Ramayana, whereas Krishna is the central figure in the epic Ramayana. Indian cinema has drawn various themes from ancient literary and artistic works especially these two great Indian epics. Many movies have shown the concept of Avatar or reincarnation. James Cameron’s Avatar (2009) has hit the all-time success as it portrays the picture of a cosmic nature. Just as Hindu gods, particularly Vishnu, become avatars to save the order of the universe, the film’s avatar must descend to avert impending ultimate doom, affected by a rapacious greed that leads to destroying the world of nature and other

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civilizations. Tails of the Na’vi’s very closely resembles the Monkey people or Vanaras met by Lord Rama in the deep woods of Central India and who became his allies under the leadership of their king Sugriva and their champion Hanuman. Another concept found in Hindu diaspora is leaving one’s body temporarily and entering the body of another person. Something quite similar happens in the movies as Humans are able to temporarily enter the body of a Na’vi. In Hinduism, this concept is called as Parakaya Pravesham. Puranas have hundreds of stories based on astral travel or body travel. A more visible symbol in the movie is that of the characters in Avatar riding on a flying dragon like being. This is more like Lord Vishnu riding on a giant bird Garuda. Many Indian deities are shown flying on a bird/animal cum vehicle. The color blue is used to depict “the infinite nature of Brahman” (Supreme Spirit, because blue is the color of the sky, ether and divinity) that is manifested through Avatars. Hence the reason, pictures of Avatars such as Rama and Krishna are blue. Explaining the choice of the color blue for the Na’vi, Cameron said “I just like blue. It’s a good color . . . plus, there’s a connection to the Hindu deities, which I like conceptually.” Cameron also said “I have just loved . . . the mythology, the entire Hindu pantheon, seems so rich and vivid. I didn’t want to reference the Hindu religion so closely, but the subconscious association was interesting, and I hope I haven’t offended anyone in doing so” (http:// w w w. m y s t e r y o fi n d i a . c o m / 2 0 1 5 / 0 1 / fi v e hollywood-movies-inspired-hinduism.html).

Religious Traditions Four major religious traditions in Hinduism are • • • •

Vaishnavism Shaivism Shaktism Smartism

Vaishnavism is the tradition of worshiping Vishnu and his avatars mainly Rama and Krishna.

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Shaivism is the religious tradition of worshiping Shiva. The concept of avatars is not seen in Shaivism, but the Shaivas visualize god as half male, half female, as a fusion of the male and female principles (Ardhanarishvara). Shaivism is related to Shaktism, wherein Shakti is seen as spouse of Shiva [12]. Shaktism focuses on goddess worship of Shakti or Devi as cosmic mother. Devi is depicted as in gentler forms like Parvati, the consort of Shiva; or, as fierce warrior goddesses like Kali and Durga. Smartism centers its worship simultaneously on all the major Hindu deities: Shiva, Vishnu, Shakti, Ganesha, Surya, and Skanda ([4], p. 113). This has been one of the most celebrated themes in cinema. The films made on these themes are Bajrangbali (1976), Bal Ganesh (2007), Dashavatar (2008), Hari Darshan (1972), Lanka Dahan (1917), Mahabharat (1965), Ramayana: The Epic (2010), Ramayana: The Legend of Prince Rama (1992), Sita Sings the Blues (2008). Hinduism advocates the principle of a “personal god.” In Hinduism it is the individual choice to define his or her god. According to Graham Schweig, Hinduism has the strongest presence of the divine feminine in world religion from ancient times to the present [13]. This concept of divine feminine as personal god has been beautifully picturized in the Bollywood movie Jai Santoshi Maa. Jai Santoshi Maa directed by Vijay Sharma, released on May 30, 1975, became one of the top blockbusters of all time. The film opens in Dev Lok or the world of Gods, a Hindu heaven located above the clouds, where we witness the birth of Santoshi Ma. A keyrole is played by the immortal sage narada who regularly intervenes to advance the film’s two parallel plots, which concerns both human beings and gods. Santoshi Ma’s greatest earthy devotee Satyavati (Kanan Kaushal) leads a group of women in an aarti to the goddess-main to aarti utaru re (I perform Mother santoshi’s aarti) exemplifies through its camerawork the experience of darshan – of seeing and being seen by the goddess as visual communion which is the central theme of worship.

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Authority Hinduism gives a lot of importance to eternal truths and authority. Sacred texts contain the eternal truth and religious traditions which is understood, accessed, and explained by gurus, saints, and religious teachers. But a strong tradition of the questioning of authority, internal debate, and challenging of religious texts also exists in Hinduism. In Upnishads, we find mention of many characters raising questions against authority. The Kena Upanishad repeatedly asks kena, “by what” power something is the case. The Katha Upanishad and Bhagavad Gita present narratives where the student criticizes the teacher’s inferior answers [14]. Glorifying the authority and questioning the authority both have been the themes in cinema like in the movie Oh My God directed by Umesh Shukla and released in 2012; the lead character Kanji, however, does not deny the authority of God but questions Him also. Kanji is an atheist whose life takes an ugly turn when an earthquake destroys his antique shop. He does not give up hope and decides to sue God.

Rituals Performing daily rituals at home is observed by most of the Hindus. Daily rituals such as worshiping God at dawn and dusk, reciting prayers, singing bhajans (devotional songs), chanting mantras, yoga, meditation, and others are part of daily life of many Hindus. Yajna (Vedic rituals of fireoblation) and reciting religious hymns are observed on special occasions like weddings and inaugurating new places. Hindu wedding can be seen in a large number of Indian movies. Among others the most notable is Hum Aapke Hain Koun directed by Suraj Badjatiya released in 1994 influenced many subsequent Hindi films. The film was also a trendsetter for glamorous weddings and started Bollywood’s “big-fat-weddingfilm” trend. Filmmaker Karan Johar named it as the one film that changed his life. He said, “After seeing Hum Aapke Hain Koun..! I realized Indian cinema is about values, tradition, subtlety, romance. There is so much soul in it. I decided

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to go ahead and be a filmmaker only after watching this film” (Masand, Rajeev. “The dream merchants: Barjatya & Johar”. rajeevmasand.com, October 2013, online at: https://web.archive.org/web/20131004214649/ http://www.rajeevmasand.com/uncategorized/ the-dream-merchants-barjatya-johar/).

Traditional Rites The major traditional rites of passage in Hinduism include Garbhadhana (pregnancy), Jatakarman (rite celebrating the new born baby), Namakarana (naming the child), Chudakarana (baby’s first haircut, tonsure), Vidyarambha (baby’s start with knowledge), Upanayana (entry into a school rite), Samavartana (graduation ceremony), Vivaha (wedding), Vratas (fasting, spiritual studies), and Antyeshti (cremation for an adult, burial for a child). These rites have been a part of Hindi cinema since its very inception. Few of them like Garbhadhana (pregnancy), Jatakarman (rite celebrating the new born baby), Namakarana (naming the child), Vivaha (wedding), and Antyeshti (cremation for an adult, burial for a child) are very beautifully shown in the block buster movie Hum Aapke Hain Koun directed by Suraj Badjatiya released in 1994.

Bhakti Bhakti (worship) refers to devotion, participation in and the love of a personal god or a representational god by a devotee. Bhakti marga is considered in Hinduism as one of many possible paths of spirituality and alternate means to moksha. Bhakti is sometimes practiced as a community, such as a Puja, Aarti, musical Kirtan, or singing Bhajan, where devotional verses and hymns are read or poems are sung by a group of devotees. The Hindi Devdas by Sanjay Leela Bhansali interweaves the celebration of Durga Puja into its story line. The song Dola Re Dola in which the grand Durga Pooja is celebrated is near-iconic.

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Festivals The festivals typically celebrate events from Hinduism, connoting spiritual themes and celebrating aspects of human relationships such as the sisterbrother bond over the Raksha Bandhan. The same festival sometimes marks different stories depending on the Hindu denomination, and the celebrations incorporate regional themes, traditional agriculture, local arts, family get together, Pooja rituals, and feasts (https://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Hinduism#cite_ref-yustf_298-1). Some major regional or pan-Hindu festivals include: Holi, Raksha Bandhan, Krishna Janmastami, Ganesh Chaturthi, Navaratri, Dussera, Durga Puja, and Diwali. The celebration of festivals has been an integral part of cinema. Bhaiya Mere Raakhi Ke Bandhan Ko Nibhana Hindi Song from Chhoti Bahen (1959) is a popular hit which can be heard on every Rakshabandhan till today. Holi has been one of the most popular festivals in Bollywood movies. Many evergreen Holi songs have made this festival fun and memorable. Holi celebration is incomplete without the song Rang Barse Bheege Chunarwali Singer: Amitabh Bachchan, Music: Shiv-Hari, Movie: Silsila (1981). Krishna has often been worshipped in Indian cinema as well and Janmashtami is an oft depicted festival in films. There are several devotional songs for Krishna in Hindi films. Govinda Aala Re Aala sung by Mohd Rafi in the movie Bluff Master and Mohe Panghat Pe Nandlala Ched Gayo Re sung by Lata Mangeshkar in the movie Mughal-E-Azam are some all-time superhits.

Pilgrimage The pilgrimage sites most famous among Hindu devotees are Varanasi formerly known as Kashi, Haridwar, Rishikesh, Mathura, and Vrindavan. Chardham, the four holy sites where people go for pilgrimage are Badrinath, Kedarnath, Gangotri, and Yamunotri. Major Temple cities of Puri, Vaishno Devi, Madurai, Shirdi, Tirupati, and Rameshwaram are also famous for pilgrimage. Not one but all these places have been shown in

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Hindi movies. The popular song Chalo Bulawa Aaya Hai Mata Ne Bulaya Hai in the movie Avtaar (1983) sung by Narendra Chanchal is a virtual visit to Vaisno Devi. All devotees take a holy dip of bhakti when the song unfolds. Shirdi wale Sai Baba sung by Mohd Rafi in the movie Amar Akbar Anthony (1977) is a virtual narration of Hindu themes in Cinema.

Varnas Hindu society has been categorized into four classes, called varnas. They are the Brahmins: Vedic teachers and priests; the Kshatriyas: warriors and kings; the Vaishyas: farmers and merchants; and the Shudras: servants and laborers [15]. Bollywood is against this social evil since years, and a glimpse of this can be seen in Hindi films fighting this evil over the years. Some of the best films against Caste System worth mentioning in this context are Achhut Kanya, considered as one of the “reformist period-piece” by many critics; this 1936 film deals with the pathetic life led by the Dalit girls, and about their position in the society, Bandit Queen directed by Shekhar Kapoor released in 1994 is based on the life of Phoolan Devi, the infamous dacoit from India, the film highlights all the trauma and injustice that women of lower castes (specifically, in rural India) have to face every single day in the hands of the Thakurs, or the feudal lords. Although it is not a documentary, the film blatantly puts forth all the caste-related issues of India. Sadgati, coming from the kitty of the man himself, Satyajit Ray, Sadgati has been derived from a novel of the same name by Munshi Premchand. In less than 1 h, Ray tells the story of Dukhi, a poor Dalit, who, in exchange for some money for his daughter’s marriage, works for free for the village’s main priest. Working under inhuman conditions and relentlessly for day in and day out, he succumbs to death – and what follows afterwards is a heartrending saga of vicious atrocities of the Indian Caste System (Shah Priyanka, Five Classic Hindi Movies That Highlighted The Evil Of The Caste System, 2014, online at: http://topyaps.

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com/5-classic-hindi-movies-highlighted-evilcaste-system).

Ahimsa and Food Customs Hindus advocate the practice of ahiṃsā (nonviolence) and respect for all life because divinity is believed to permeate all beings, including plants and nonhuman animals (Monier-Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India (New Delhi, 1974 edition)). Observant Hindus who do eat meat almost always abstain from beef. The cow in Hindu society is traditionally identified as a maternal figure and called Gaumata. There are many Hindu groups that have continued to abide by a strict vegetarian diet in modern times. This has been a popular theme which inspired people to be vegetarian around the world. Few examples are Poultrygeist: Night of the Chicken Dead (2008). See the KFC-esque “American Chicken Bunker” get skewered in this film about chickens who return from the grave to seek revenge against their killers. Throw in a few lesbian protesters, musical numbers about Native American burial grounds, and fry-olators, and you’ve got yourself a vegetarianmanifesto masterpiece, Babe (1995). This film has turned legions of people into vegetarians – including its star, James Cromwell – because who could “pig out” again after watching that cute little piglet charm Farmer Hogett? Fast Food Nation (2006). This film takes a compelling look at the destructive impact that eating meat has on animals, people’s health, and the environment. Bruce Willis’ “tough talk” scene about the suspect ingredients found in meat – while chomping on a huge burger – is priceless. The Texas Chainsaw Massacre (1974). Leatherface and his family members really know how to throw a dinner party: blood, gore, and all the human flesh that you can eat. Hip-hop mogul Russell Simmons calls The Texas Chainsaw Massacre a “vegetarian” movie. “The way that woman was screaming, ‘Aaaahhh,’ and she’s running away – that’s how every animal you eat is running for his or her life,” he says. As Ingrid Newkirk puts it, “Picking up the remote can become a life-changing act when you

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watch one of these movies. If animals wrote movie reviews, they’d give these films two paws up” (Peta, Top 10 Movies That Make You Go Meatless, 2008 online at: http://www.peta.org/ blog/top-10-movies-make-go-meatless/). Lagaan, directed by Ashutosh Gowariker, was released in 2001. In this movie, the villagers are depicted groaning under the weight of the exhorbitant lagaan or crop tax, paid to their local Raja but then largely appropriated by the rapacious British, personified in the sadistic and capricious Captain Andrew Russell (Paul Blackthorne), who reigns over both ruler and ruled from a palatial cantonment. Russell is fond of dares and wagers, always with the object of humiliating Indians and forcing them to adopt British habits, as when he challenges the vegetarian Raja Puran Singh of Champaner (Kulbhushan Kharbanda) to eat meat in order to obtain tax relief for his suffering subjects; though the Raja’s heart bleeds for the wretched prajaa, he steadfastly refuses to violate his dharma (https://uiowa.edu/ indiancinema/lagaan).

Monasticism It is believed that some Hindus choose to live a monastic life (Sannyāsa) in pursuit of liberation (moksha) or another form of spiritual perfection. The different cinema industries like Hindi Cinema (Bollywood), Telegu Cinema (Tollywood), Tamil Cinema (Kollywood), Malayalam Cinema (Mollywood), Karnataka Cinema (Chandanvana/ Sandalwood), etc., are the pioneers in making of many movies on Hinduism pertaining to Monasticism in India. These industries have made and released movies like Pattinathaar (Kollywood), Arunagirinathar (Kollywood), Agathiyar (Kollywood), Raghavendra (Kollywood & Chandanvana), Jagadguru Adi Sankaran (Mollywood & Tollywood), Adi Shankaracharya (Sanskrit Version Bollywood), Ramanujar (Tollywood & Kollywood), which emphasized monasticism through the exemplification of Sages and Siddhars and their ascetic means to attain eternality through cinema industry, since late 1950s.

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Hindu Muslim Issues There have been uncountable films made on the topic of religion from 1913 till now. Bombay, Filmmaker Mani Ratnam’s 1995 classic, brought the audience face to face with the reality of a HinduMuslim union. The film showcases the travails they face during communal riots, still managing to prove that love triumphs all. Veer-Zara (2004). One from Yash Chopra’ classic kitty, the love story of Squadron Leader Veer Pratap Singh and Zaara Hayaat Khan is an ode to ageless romance and timeless love. The fact that an Indian Hindu soldier is ready to spend his whole life behind bars for the happiness of his Muslim Pakistani lover was not contested by anyone. Jodha Akbar (2008) Akbar was known to be an emperor who shunned communal divides and detested mixing politics and religion, unlike the Mughal kings before him. The 2008 film, featuring the lead pairing of actors Hrithik Roshan and Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, was based on Akbar’s love for his Rajput Hindu wife which helped him become a people’s emperor and a beloved husband. Bajrangi Bhaijaan (2015) is a combination of two generic words used among Hindus and Pakistani Muslims. Bajrangi is a name of one of the Gods among Hindus and Bhaijaan and means elder brother. The title of the film shows both aspects of religion and nation in it. This film shows the difference of both religions but also gives a message of unity which is higher than any ethnic and religious differences. It also indicates that religion gives a message of peace and love which diminishes all the barriers (Marginalien, Religion and Bollywood: Islam and Hinduis, 2006, online at: http:// marginalie.hypotheses.org/354). Hindu religion is not a religion only but a way of life. Hinduism is about righteousness on the path of living life. Most of the movies end showcasing that the person who has walked on the right path or is a true devotee is the winner and achieves success and solace. Hindu themes in cinema advocates that the people should strive to live life for fulfillment of Dharma, Artha, Kama, and Moksha. They should have devotion to God may be to their personal God. Life is shown full of happiness and vibrancies

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through celebrations of festivals, rites, and rituals which brings togetherness. In accordance with religious propagation, Hinduism by default occurs as themes in cinema as stories are drawn from society which is predominantly Hindu.

Cirrambalam (Little Hall)

Citamparam (Chidambaram) Jodi L. Shaw Department of Religion, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA

References Synonyms 1. Mishra V (2002) Bollywood cinema: temples of desire. Routledge, New York 2. Guha R (2007) India after Gandhi: the history of the World’s largest democracy. Macmillan, London 3. Gokulsing K (1998) Moti and Wimal Dissanayake, Indian popular cinema: a narrative of cultural change. Trentham Books, London 4. Flood GD (1996) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, New York, p 6 5. Sharma A (2002) On Hindu, Hindustān, Hinduism and Hindutva Numen, vol 49. Fasc. 1, Brill, pp 2–3 6. Johnston C The Mukhya Upanishads: books of hidden wisdom. Kshetra, p 481. ISBN 978-1495946530 7. The Hindu Kama Shastra Society (1925) The Kama Sutra of Vatsyayana. University of Toronto Archives, New York, p 8 8. Apte VS (1997) The Student’s English-Sanskrit Dictionary (New ed.). Motilal Banarsidas, Delhi. ISBN 81-208-0300-0 9. Smith H (1991) The World’s religions: our great wisdom traditions. Harper San Francisco, San Francisco. ISBN 0-06-250799-0 10. O’Flaherty WD (1980) Karma and rebirth in classical Indian traditions. University of California Press, London, pp xi–xxv, (Introduction) and 3–37. ISBN 978-0520039230 11. Radhakrishnan S, Moore CA (1967) A sourcebook in Indian philosophy. Princeton University Press, New Jersey, p 254. ISBN 0-691-01958-4 12. Nelson L (2007) In: Espín OO, Nickoloff JB (eds) An introductory dictionary of theology and religious studies. Liturgical Press, Minnesota, pp 562–563. ISBN 978-0814658567 13. Bryant E (2007) Krishna: a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, New York, p 441 14. Frazier J (2011) The continuum companion to Hindu studies. Continuum, London, pp 14–15, 321–325. ISBN 978-0-8264-9966-0 15. Sharma A (2000) Classical Hindu thought: an introduction. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp 132–180. ISBN 978-0195644418

Cirrambalam (Little Hall) ▶ Citamparam (Chidambaram)

Būloka Kailasam; Cirrambalam (Little Hall); Dabhra-Sabhā/Hema-Sabhā/Hiranya-sabhā/ Ponambalam (Golden Hall); Puliyūr or Vyāgrapuram (Tiger Town) Perumpaṟṟappuliyūr; Tillaivanam (Tillai/mangrove Forest)

Introduction Citamparam (Tamil), Cidambaram (Sanskrit: cit-consciousness; ambaram – sky), is a town named and known for the temple-complex at its center. Cidambaram is located in the Cuddalore district of Tamil Nadu, approximately 220 km south of Chennai. The temple-complex itself is 16 hectares, or about 40 acres. Its overall structure is that of a rectangle situated on a north-south axis, with its central shrines, found within concentric walls and courtyards, located primarily in the rectangle’s southern end [1]. The gopurams, with their intricately carved lower portions and colorful stucco depictions of Purāṇic lore on the higher portions, tower over the gateways in the four directions and are considered some of the earliest surviving examples of this architectural feature, which is now synonymous with Tamil Nadu temples [2]. The Cidambaram temple is home to the Lord of Dance, Naṭarāja (Naṭarājaṉ Tamil) and is one of, if not, the premiere Śaiva temple in the South. It is said that Śaivas simply refer to it as koyil (the temple) because no other name need be said. This famous Naṭarāja temple is associated with the performing arts, with yoga, with asceticism, with married life, and with South India’s great dynasties. Among the Mahā Pañcabhūta Śaiva temples, it houses the ākāśa liṅga (liṅga of ether/space), the most subtle of the five elements.

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Among the pañca sabhās (five halls), it is home to the golden hall, the crowning jewel of dance halls. The sanctum, called the Cit Sabhā (Hall of Consciousness), is considered the heart of the world and the heart of consciousness within each being [3]. Much has been read and interpreted into the Cit Sabhā (easily found in temple booklets) from the roof tiles representing the breaths breathed in a day, to the equating of the 64 rafters with the 64 arts [4], to the various pillars corresponding to the Vedas, Āgamas, Śāstras, and Purāṇas [5]. Today many people say that all of Indian philosophy is amassed in the construction of the sanctum [4, 15]. Concomitantly, Naṭarāja is seen to represent art and science, while being the grace bestowing cause and movement of the universe. Śiva briefly danced in other places, but according to the stala purāṇas (ancient tales of a place), Cidambaram is the only space that can sustain his continuous dance [6].

Temple History and Śaiva Works Naṭarāja now dances his Ānanda Tāndava (Ferocious Dance of Bliss) in the Cit Sabhā with his consort Śivakāmasundarī (the Lovely One Whom Śiva Desires) by his side. However, the old Tamil name for his home and stage is Ciṟṟampalam (Little Hall) in the Tillaivanam (mangrove forest). It is of the Lord of the Tillai forest and the Ciṟṟampalam, or of Tiger Town (Puliyūrciṟṟampalam) that the poet saints of the Tēvāram sang. Thus, in the surviving works of Appar and Campantar (seventh century C.E.), we find Ciṟṟampalam recorded as a sacred Śaiva center. According to B. Natarajan, one reason Cidambaram became known as koyil (the temple) is that during Rājarāja Cōḻa I’s reign (r. 985–1017) Nampi Āṇṭār Nampi recovered the works that would make up the Tēvāram, some of which were partially eaten by ants, within the temple [7]. He later correlated them as we know them today. As Ciṟṟampalam eventually became Cidambaram, the connection between the temple and important literary works and thinkers increased exponentially. The names associated

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with Cidambaram, both temple and town, comprise a veritable who’s who of the annals of Tamil Śaivism which, along with the above mentioned poet saints include: Tirumūlar, Māṇikkavācakar, Cēkkiḻār, Aghoraśiva, Meykaṇṭār, Umāpati Śivācāriyār, Appayya Dītcitār, among others (See [3, 8–10]). In 1906 it was the location of the first conference of the Śaiva Sidhānta Māha Samsam, organized in part by Maraimalai Adigal (1876–1950).

History, Construction, and the Stamp of Imperial Power According to Umāpati Śivācāriyār’s Kōyil Purāṇa (fourteenth century), the temple was built by the gods after witnessing Śiva’s dance [4, 6]. Dating the sacrality of the place based on literary sources proves tricky, in part because tradition accords Tirumūlar and Mānikkavācakar as our earliest sources and dates them centuries earlier than does most contemporary scholarship. Current norms generally place Appar as our earliest source. However, Appar presents us with a wellestablished ritual life in Ciṟṟampalam, where he praises the ritual efficacy of the Śaiva “ascetics” [8] and describes the golden roof under which Śiva dances [8, 11, 12]. According to inscriptions, the gold plated tiles on the thatched style humpedroof of the Cit Sabhā are the result of the combined efforts of Āditya Cōḻa I (r. 871–907) and his son Parāntaka Cōḻa I (r. 907–955), with the later receiving the bulk of the acclaim for this achievement. Whether or not Parāntaka was given credit for something already present [11], or for restoring the hall to its previous glory [12], or for making Appar’s poetic vision a reality, is difficult to determine. While Appar describes Ciṟṟampalam as a sacred site during the Pallava period, the Cidambaram temple is, nonetheless, deeply associated with the Cōḻa Dynasty (r. ninth to thirteenth centuries C.E.). They made Naṭarāja their tutelary deity and are credited with much of the temple’s present configuration. In fact, many of the largest renovation projects happened during the height of the later Cōḻa period, most notably

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during the reign of Kulottuṅka I (r 1070–1120/25) and his son Vikram (r 1118–1135), which also coincides with the beginning of an increase in temple inscriptions as well as in literary production. It was during this time the earliest stala purāṇa the Cidambaramāhātmya (twelfth to thirteenth century) is first recorded. In discussing the extent of the literary production during this time and the concomitant rise of the temple’s significance, Whitney Cox contends that Cidambaram, as it is now known, was essentially created via these many twelfth and thirteenth century compositions [10]. History remembers Cidambaram as a Cōḻa temple, but it also bears the stamp of later dynasties, like the Pallava related “Warlord” Kōpperuñciṅkaṉ’s renovations, and his construction of the related Tillai Kāḷi Amman temple approximately half a kilometer north of the temple complex in the mid-thirteenth century [3, 8]. He was followed shortly there after by Cuntara Pāṇṭya, who is credited with the construction of the Murugan shrine (Pāṇṭiyanākam), which is located north of the Śivakāmasundarī temple. There are also building projects from the Vicayanakaram and Nāyakkar periods, along with twentieth- and twenty-first-century additions and renovations. For a contemporary example of the on-going renovations happening in the temple complex, we need look no further than early 2017. In February of that year, the Vinayagar/Vināyakaṉ (Ganeśa) temple’s renovations were completed. The renovations on the long decaying Hundred Pillared Hall were near completion, while work was beginning to resume on the Śivakāmasudarī temple’s renovations, with smaller projects also underway. Based on the temple’s past and present, it is safe to say renovation projects will continue indefinitely. Perhaps, this regular renovation is one way the temple continues to renew and stay pertinent to devotees, art lovers, and history buffs alike.

Distinctive Features The Naṭarāja koyil is perhaps the only temple where the primary deity is an utsava mūrti, and

Citamparam (Chidambaram)

Naṭarāja and Śivakāmasundarī are bronze processional deities. Twice a year, during the Ardhra festival (December/January) and the Āni festival (June/July), they are taken from the Cit Sabhā and pulled by devotees on the car streets surrounding the temple, culminating with a mahābhiṣekam (great consecration/bath). Four other times a year they are brought to the edge of the Kanaka Sabhā (Gold Hall) for mahābhiṣekam. While there is a mūlastānam (original) liṅga shrine on the eastwest axis, and an adjacent Umā-Pārvatī shrine facing south, the primary deities are the movable Naṭarāja accompanied by Śivakāmasundarī. The sanctum itself is unusual. The architecture of the Cit Sabhā and the adjacent Kanaka Sabhā have intrigued scholars, in part, because the rectangular wooden superstructure with its thatched style humped roof was highly unusual for the Cōḻa period [3, 8, 12]. Clearly, wooden temples did not survive the centuries like stone has, thus less fortified and refurbished wooden shrines may have existed, but have since returned to the elements [12]. One of the only earlier records of a similar structure is the rock-cut Draupadī Ratha in Mamallapuram/Mahābalipuram [3, 8, 12]. The Cit Sabhā is only accessible to the hereditary priestly community called Dīkṣitars (Dīṭcitar Tamil), who, according to tradition, were sung about by Cuntarar, Nampi Āṇṭār Nampi, and Cēkkiḻār. They have full control of the temple, which is one of the few temples not controlled by the government. Attached to the Cit Sabhā, at its southern edge, is the Kanaka Sabhā, which is the stage where much of the pūjas transpire and where devotees are often permitted to come for a closer darśana experience. Unusual too is that Śivakāmasundarī stands beside Naṭarāja in the sanctum. She is found on Śiva’s left side while on his right is the rahasya (the secret), another unique feature of this temple. After each pūja, the Dīkshitar officiating that day (a rotating position) pulls aside a dark curtain three times to reveal and illume the rahasya, which are strings of golden vilva leaves in front of what looks to be a black wall. This is commonly understood to be the ākāśa linga (there also is an ākāśa linga on the balcony of the prakāra (Tamil pirakāram) behind the Cit Sabhā). Others

Citamparam (Chidambaram)

interpret it as a physical representation of Advaita Vedānta philosophy [8], while some Śrīvidyā adepts understand it as Kālī [13]. According to David Smith, Umāpati Śivācāriyār and ritual texts define the rahasya as a number of cakras on the wall, the main one being the sammelenacakra which is a combination of the śrīcakra and Naṭarāja [3, 17]. However, if those cakras still remain, only the Dīkshitars can see them. Another striking feature of this temple, often referred to here as the Naṭarāja temple, is that it is also a Viṣṇu temple. Gōvintarājaṉ’s sanctum, with his own gopuram, and his own priestly community, is just a few feet away from the Kanaka and Cit Sabhās. Devotees can stand in such a way that they need only turn their head in order to experience darśana with one and then the other. While there is a long history of sectarian divide, ranging from an earlier image of Viṣṇu removed from the temple, to the approximate 20 Dīkṣitars who opted to plummet to their deaths in protest when this image was re-established and construction of the current Gōvintarājaṉ temple began in 1593 [8], in its current form the relationship appears to be more like a familial one, the communities do not always agree, but they share a home.

Dance Along with the famous depictions of the 108 karaṇas, dance positions from the Nātyaśāstra (The Treatise on Performance) found carved and painted in the temple, there are two famous dance stories told in text, song, dance, and stone in Cidambaram. The central one is how Naṭarāja performing the Ānanda Tāndava came to Cidambaram. The sages Vyagrapāda (Tiger Paws) and Patañjali, who is Viṣṇu’s serpent-bed come to earth to witness the dance, together worship a liṅgam in the Tillai forest. The liṅgam becomes the dancer, and Pārvatī as well as the gods arrive to witness the dance. At Patañjali’s request, the dance is performed in that space continuously [6]. The second dance story is a re-telling of the dance competition between Naṭarāja and Kāḷi. Śiva entered Kāḷi’s territory and was thus

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challenged to a contest where the looser must leave. They both danced tremendously until Śiva lifted a leg over his head in the Ūrdhva Tāndava, a move Kāḷi refused to do out of feminine modesty. She lost the wager and moved to the northern edges of town where now stands the Tillai Kāḷi Amman temple. It is said a pilgrimage to Cidambaram is not complete unless one also visits her temple [7].

References 1. Nanda V (2004) Chidambaram: a ritual topography. In: Nanda V, Michell G (eds) Chidambaram: home of Nataraja. Marg Publications, Mumbai 2. Harle JC (1963) Temple gateways in South India: the architecture and iconography of the Cidambaram Gopuras. Bruno Cassirer, Oxford 3. Smith D (1996) The dance of Siva; religion, art and poetry in South India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 4. Loud JA (1988) The Diksitars of Chidambaram: a community of ritual specialists in a South Indian temple. PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison 5. Natan S (2013) Chidambaram Nataraja: on the occasion of Sadhabhishekam of R. Subramanian and S. Rajeswari. Sabanayagam Printers, Chidambaram 6. Handelman D, Shulman D (2004) Śiva in the forest of pines: an essay on sorcery and self-knowledge. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 7. Natarajan B (1994) Tillai and Nataraja. Mudgala Trust, Madras 8. Younger P (1995) The home of dancing Sivan: the traditions of the Hindu temple in Citamparam. Oxford Press, New York 9. Prentiss KP (1999) The embodiment of bhakti. Oxford Press, New York 10. Cox WM (2006) Making a Tantra in Medieval South India: the Mahārthamanjarī and the textual culture of Cola Cidambaram. PhD dissertation, University of Chicago 11. Cox WM (2013) Puranic transformations in Cola Cidambaram: the Cidambaramahatmya and the Sutasamhita. In: Miring N, Szanto P-D, Williams M (eds) Puspika: tracing ancient India through texts and traditions: contributions to current research in Indology, vol 1. Oxbowbooks, Oxford 12. Kaimal P (1999) Shiva Nataraja: shifting meanings of an icon. Art Bull 81(3):390–419 13. Brooks DR (2008) A tantric vision of Nataraja: co-mingled secrets in traditions of the dancer. (Unpublished paper) 14. Ayyar PVJ (1982) South Indian shrines (illustrated). Asian Educational Services, New Delhi

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358 15. Munaivar Sa.Me. Mīnāṭsisōmasundaram, compiler (2015). Aruḷmitu Āṭal Vallān: Citambaram Natarāja Tirukkōwil Tirukkuṭmuḻukku Viḻā Veḷiyīṭu. Manivāsakar Patippakam, Chennai 16. Kulke H (1970) Cidambaramahatmya: Eine Untersuchung der religionsgeschichtlichen und historischen Hintergunde fur die Entstechung der Tradition einer sudindischen Templstadt, Freiburg Beitrage zur Indologie, vol 3. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 17. Natarajan B (2004) Chidambara Rahasya: the ‘secret’ of Chidambaram. In: Chidambaram: home of Nataraja. Marg Publications, Mumbai 18. Orr L (2004) Temple life at Chidambaram in the Chola Period: an epigraphical study. In: Ramesh KV (chief ed), Subramonia Iyer S, Sharma MJ, Swaminathan S, Vasudevan CS (eds) Puṣpāñjali: recent researches in prehistory, protohistory, art, architecture, numismatics, iconography and epigraphy (Dr. C. r. Srinivasan commemoration volume), vol I. Bharatiya Kala Prakashan, Delhi 19. Swamy BGL (1979) Chidambaram and Nataraja: problems and rationalizations. Geetha Book House, Mysore

Classical Indian Philosophical Schools ▶ Darśana, Overview of Six Schools

Classical Relativity ▶ Relativity (Hinduism)

Clothing (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction In Hinduism, there is a philosophy behind choos- ing the right kind of clothing, and

Classical Indian Philosophical Schools

accordingly various types of clothes are prescribed which are believed not only to protect Hindus from negative energies but also to attract positive and spiritual energies. A specific line of clothing is prescribed for dharmaacharan, which refers to ritual activity and translates literally as “righteous behavior.” This includes attire, such as the dhoti, uparna (or shawl), mala (or “rosary”), gandh (sandalwood paste), and so on. It is believed that wearing the gright type of clothing attracts positive waves from the atmosphere toward an individual. The Hindu Shastras forbid followers from remaining impure (unbathed) and naked. According to Apastamba Dharmasutra (1.5.15.8-9), the naked state and impurity both attract negative energies. The clothing of gods and goddesses tell us a lot about Hindu mythology and what would have been the clothes and dressing styles of Hindus in ancient times ([2], pp. 32–33).

Discussion In Hinduism, there are three chief deities, collectively called the Trimurti, at the head of the hierarchy of gods: Brahma (creator), Vishnu (administrator), and Shiva (destroyer). The members of the Trimurti reside with their female consorts: Saraswati (a goddess of knowledge), Lakshmi (a goddess of wealth), and Shakti (a goddess of power) ([4], p. 43). Each god and goddess has a specific function to perform; therefore, their iconographical attributes are different from each other. Lord Shiva is an ascetic yogi, and mostly He is depicted sitting alone in the meditation position. Similarly, Brahma and Vishnu are also depicted according to their roles in the universe. It is believed that traditional clothes worn by the followers of Hindu dharma are designed by deities, and they manifest the Shiva and Shakti principles. The remainder of this article will discuss the types of clothes worn by sages, the importance of color in clothing, the clothes worn by gods and goddesses, and the instances of crossdressing in Hinduism.

Clothing (Hinduism)

Clothing and Sages Indian sages traditionally observe brahmacarya, meaning celibacy, and according to Hinduism, the essence of spirituality can be attained only through the complete restraint of sexuality ([8], pp. 52–57). For that reason, the Hindu sages used to wear tight undergarments, known as langauti. This tight garment would help them concentrate on divinity. Parashurama, a sage belonging to the clan of Bhrigu sages, used to wear valkal – a fabric made by crushing the bark and leaves of the banyan, papal, and fig trees. Also, khaDaun or padukaa “wooden footwear” was worn by sages through the centuries.

Clothing and Color In Hinduism, bhagwa “saffron” color is accepted as the purest form of color across various yugas or eras. It represents sacrifice, penance, and piety ([1], p. 75). Also, many sages used to wear redand white-colored attires. In the Vedas, there are many descriptions where the significance of saffron has been indicated. One such short story shows the importance of saffron being dated back to the Satyuga, or the first era of our current cosmic cycle ([7], p. 23). In the earliest times, it is said that Lord Shiva told a narrative to his consort, the goddess Parvati, which revealed to her the sacred knowledge of the soul and yoga. This revelation brought about in Parvati an immense detachment from worldliness and filled her with a deep feeling of sacrifice. Following that, she cut her veins with her nails, and consequently her blood colored her chola, or shawl, and her clothes. Later on, a worshiper named Gorakhnath went to pay respect to Parvati. Seeing him, She became very happy and was filled with a feeling of motherliness, and the goddess gave her chola to Gorakhnath. It is believed that since then, the sages started using saffron and red clothing for all religious rituals. Applying a tilak, or mark on the forehead in vermilion, red, and saffron color is also part of Hindu rituals. There is a mantra: sinduram shobhanam raktam saubhaagyam sukhvardhanam, which means “Red-colored

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sindoor enhances adorn, success, good fortune, and happiness” ([9] p. 102).

Clothing for Gods and Goddesses Shiva, the supreme yogi, wears only tiger skin around his waist. A serpent is wrapped around his neck, and the crescent moon is adorned on his forehead, and the holy River Ganges flows from his matted hair. Vishnu and Brahma wear a silky cotton shawl over their shoulders and a loincloth or sarong wrapped around their waists. The Hindu goddesses Lakshmi, Parvati, and Saraswati wear a sari and blouse. A sari is wound and pleated around the waist to cover the legs. These goddesses, except the goddess of knowledge, Saraswati, are adorned by golden ornaments and other jewelry. The rock scriptures and paintings in Ellora also show goddesses wearing a dhoti wrap ([6], p. 66).

Clothing and Cross-Dressing In the Mahabharata, Prince Arjuna, one of the Pandavas, keeps his identity secret through crossdressing ([5], p. 58). The male devotees of the god Krishna dress up in female attire to pose as his consort in order to please him. The philosophy behind cross-dressing is that many Hindus believe it is important to express both the feminine and masculine sides of one’s personality ([3], p. 52). Chaitanya Mahaprabhu, a sixteenth-century saint, used to dress up both as Krishna and Radha in order to do both male and female devotions.

References 1. Arthur LB (2000) Undressing religion: commitment and conversion from a cross-cultural perspective. Berg, Oxford 2. Bulfinch T (1940) The age of fable: or, stories of the gods of Greece and Rome, the deities of Egypt, and the Eastern and Hindu mythology. David Mckay, Philadelphia 3. Dowson J (2014) A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion: geography, history and literature. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi

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360 4. Dwivedi AV, Murray SB, Light AU (2015) God and popular culture: a behind-the-scenes look at the entertainment industry’s most influential figure, vol 2. Praeger, Santa Barbara 5. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin 6. Johnson DD, Pendergast S, Pendergast T (2013) Fashion, costume, and culture: clothing, headwear, body decorations, and footwear through the ages. UXL, Detroit 7. Kozlowski GC, Kingsley B, Knowledge Products, Blackstone Audiobooks (2007) Hinduism. Knowledge Products, Ashland 8. Steyn C, Dadoo Y (2000) Religion in life orientation: a facilitator’s multi-religion guide for the foundational school phase. University of South Africa, Pretoria 9. Varshney DC (1990) Myths and symbols in Hindu mythology: a legal interpretation. Ajanta Publications (India), Delhi

Cōla Dynasty ¯ Emmanuel Francis Centre d’études de l’Inde et de l’Asie du Sud (CEIAS), UMR 8564, EHESS & CNRS, CNRS, Paris, France

Synonyms Epigraphy; Kingship; Sculpture; Temple architecture and space

Definition

Cōla Dynasty ¯

Caṅkam – named after the so-called corpus of texts composed in Tamil and generally dated to the first centuries of the common era – and, on the other hand, the Cōḻas of the line of the king Vijayālaya (r. ca. 850–871), who, at their height, achieved “imperial” status. The genetic relationship between these two lines might not be genuine, but was nevertheless claimed by the latter line.

Can˙kam Cōlas ¯ Along with the Pāṇḍya (Pāṇṭiya) and the Cēra, the Cōḻa is one of the traditional three great kings (mūvars or mūvēntars) of the Tamil region. About half of the poems of the Puṟanāṉūṟu (an anthology of the Caṅkam corpus) praise, according to their colophons, kings of these three dynasties ([13], p. 90). The post-Caṅkam Tamil epic Cilappatikāram (fifth or sixth century C.E.) is divided into three parts, each associated with one of the mūvēntars. Apart from the literary evidence, whose poetical nature is an obstacle for ascertaining hard historical facts, contemporary and ancient sources are scanty, but it is noteworthy that coins of this period have surfaced [11]. The main cities associated with the Caṅkam Cōḻas are Pukār (Puhar, Pūmpukār, Kāvirippūmpaṭṭiṉam) and Uraiyūr. The link between these Caṅkam Cōḻas and those of the line of Vijayālaya is made retrospectively in genealogies which appear at the earliest in the tenth century and incorporate kings associated with Caṅkam poems, such as Karikālaṉ.

A South Indian dynasty.

Introduction

Cōlas of Vijaya¯laya’s Line ¯

The Cōḻa dynasty is one of the emblematic dynasties of the Tamil region of South India (modern state of Tamil Nadu). The name appears already in two rock edicts of the king Aśoka (third century B. C.E.), whereas the last notable Cōḻa ruler reigned in the third quarter of thirteenth century C.E. Basically, the Cōḻas can be distributed into two successive lines: on the one hand, the Cōḻas of the

With the Cōḻas of Vijayālaya’s line, the historian feels more at ease. The corpus of inscriptions from ca. 850 to ca. 1275 in the Cōḻa realm is among the more extensive for ancient India as it amounts to at least a five-digit figure. Besides, temples, coins, court literature, Bhakti poems, and technical treatises are also available. Given this abundance of sources, these later Cōḻas have naturally attracted the most scholarly attention [9, 16, 18, 20].

Cōla Dynasty ¯

Whereas between 550 and 850 Cōḻas are mentioned in inscriptions of the main dynasties of the Tamil region, this is with Vijayālaya that the dynasty rose to prominence. According to later records this king conquered to the detriment of the Muttaraiyar chiefs the city of Tanjore, which became the seat of Cōḻa power for almost two centuries. Āditya I, his son and successor, is presented in epigraphs as overthrowing Aparājitavarman, the last important Pallava king ([16], p. 113). The Cōḻas then became the major dynasty in the Tamil region and would soon, at the turn of the second millennium, compete for the overlordship of South India. The rise of the Cōḻas was however temporarily brought to a standstill in the second half of the tenth century by the Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kṛṣṇa III. The dynasty reached its apex under Rājarāja I and Rājendra I in the first half of the eleventh century, a period marked by victorious wars as well as by the erection of monumental temples of unprecedented size. The Cōḻas were finally superseded by the later or “imperial” Pāṇḍyas in the second half of the thirteenth century. As for the nature of the Cōḻa state, historians have departed from the, rather nationalist, Indian view of a bureaucratic “Byzantine monarchy” ([16], p. 447) and from the feudal model. The concept of “segmentary state” – according to which the Cōḻa king exercised a “ritual sovereignty” recognized by kings of lesser status but exerting directly the same type of authority on their respective realm – has been brought forward [18] and refined notably through statistical analysis of inscriptions [9]. It appears that at certain periods, under dynamic and powerful kings, an effort toward centralization was made. In the “golden age” of the eleventh century, the Cōḻa kings had connections with Southeast Asia, but this did not imply any direct political control in that region.

Religion and Ideology In their inscriptions and court poems, the Cōḻas of the Vijayālaya line mainly presented themselves as belonging to the royal solar line of the Purāṇas

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(Hindu religious compendia) although connection with the other main royal line, the lunar one, is also claimed ([1], p. 191). The Cōḻa kings were mostly devotees of Śiva and evinced, in contradistinction with the Pallavas, an unprecedented convergence with the more popular or local devotion, which expressed itself in the Tamil poetry of the Śaiva saints composed between the sixth and ninth century. Tradition holds the Tamil Śaiva canon and hagiography were compiled at the order of Cōḻa kings. In any case, remarkably, the Śaiva saints are represented on a frieze in the royal temple at Darasuram ([12], pp. 96–107).

Arts From the tenth century onward, the Cōḻa period attests to a significant development of the arts in the Tamil country. Following practices initiated during the Pallava period, stone temples, mostly dedicated to Hindu deities and commissioned at the local level, appear in increasing numbers in the countryside [2–4]. These were ornamented with refined sculptures in the outer niches [6] as well as with miniature reliefs on their bases often representing scenes from the great epics, the Rāmāyaṇa especially [17]. There was also a growing production of bronzes, which were used as processional images [5, 7]. The Cōḻa kings were initially minimally involved in temple patronage. Their queens however played a major role in that respect [10]. The first major royal temple was commissioned by Rājarāja I at the beginning of the eleventh century in Tanjore [14, 19]. The aniconic idol was named after him, and the sacred complex, unprecedented in scale, served as a temple state, instantiating the imperial claim of its patron. Successors of Rājarāja I emulated him and also had grand-scale temples built, such as those at Gangaikondacholapuram by Rājendra I (ca. 1025 [15]), Darasuram by Rājarāja II (ca. 1150–1175 [12]), and Tribhuvanam by Kulottuṅga III (ca. 1200 [4], pp. 330–334). Tamil literature knew a great efflorescence under the Cōḻas. On the one hand, starting with Rājarāja I, epigraphical metrical panegyrics of the

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kings supplemented in the course of the reign and known as meykkīrttis (“true glory” [8]) were engraved on the walls of temples throughout the realm. On the other hand, poets were patronized by the court and new literary genres (the so-called pirapantams) developed. These literary developments attest to a growing Tamil regional distinctiveness in which language increasingly served as identity marker.

Cross-References ▶ Pallava Dynasty ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Rāmāyaṇa

References 1. Ali D (2000) Royal eulogy as world history: rethinking copper-plate inscriptions in Cōḻa India. In: Inden R, Walters J, Ali D (eds) Querying the medieval: texts and the history of practice in South India. Oxford University Press, New York 2. Balasubrahmanyam SR (1971) Early Chola temples: Parantaka I to Rajaraja (A.D. 907–985). Orient Longman, Bombay 3. Balasubrahmanyam SR (1975) Middle Chola temples: Rajaraja I to Kulottunga I (A.D. 985–1070). Thomson Press, Faridabad 4. Balasubrahmanyam SR (1979) Later Chola temples: Kulottunga I to Rajendra III (A.D. 1070–1280). Mudgala Trust, Madras 5. Barrett D (1965) Early Cola bronzes. Bhulabhai Memorial Institute, Bombay 6. Barrett D (1974) Early Cola architecture and sculpture: 866–1014 A.D. Faber and Faber, London 7. Dehejia V, Davis RH, Nagaswamy R, Prentiss KP (2002) The sensuous and the sacred. Chola bronzes from South India. American Federation of Arts & Mapin Publishing, New York/Ahmedabad 8. Francis E, Schmid C (2010) Preface. In: Vijayavenugopal G (ed) Pondicherry inscriptions, part II: translation, appendices, glossary and phrases. Institut français de Pondichéry & École française d’Extrême-Orient, Pondicherry 9. Heitzman J (1997) Gifts of power: lordship in an early Indian state. Oxford University Press, Delhi 10. Kaimal P (1996) Early Cōḻa kings & “early Cōḻa temples”: art and evolution of kingship. Artibus Asiae 56(1–2):33–66 11. Krishnamurthy R (1997) Sangam age Tamil coins. Garnet Publishers, Madras

Colonial Perceptions of Tribal Religion 12. L’Hernault F, Srinivasan PR, Dumarçay J (1987) Darasuram: epigraphical study, étude architecturale, étude iconographique. École française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris 13. Marr JR (1985) The eight anthologies: a study in early Tamil literature. Institute of Asian Studies, Tiruvanmiyur (Madras) 14. Pichard P (1995) Tanjavur Bṛhadīśvara: an architectural study. Indira Gandhi National Centre of the Arts & École française d’Extrême-Orient, New Delhi/ Pondicherry 15. Pichard P, L’Hernault F, Boudignon F, Thyagarajan L (1994) Vingt après Tanjavur, Gangaikondacolapuram. École française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris 16. Sastri KAN (1955) The Cōḷas, 2nd edn. University of Madras, Madras 17. Schmid C (2002) Aventures divines de Kṛṣṇa: la līlā et les traditions narratives des temples cōḻa. Arts Asiatiques 57:33–50 18. Stein B (1980) Peasant state and society in medieval India. Oxford University Press, Delhi 19. Sivaramamurti C (2007) The great Choḷa temples: Thanjavur, Gangaikondacholapuram, Darasuram. Archeological Survey of India, New Delhi 20. Subbarayalu Y (2012) South India under the Cholas. Oxford University Press, New Delhi

Colonial Perceptions of Tribal Religion Manisha Sethi Centre for the Study of Comparative Religions and Civilizations, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India

Introduction The story of colonial perception, even response to tribal religions, is commingled with the story of colonial forms of knowledge and governance itself. In tracing this history, we must return to the beginnings of Orientalism, the initiation of ethnological studies, and the development of Anthropology in the West, especially Britain.

The Rise of Evolutionism The colonial discourse around tribal religions needs to be framed in terms of certain

Colonial Perceptions of Tribal Religion

developments in the metropolis, which then traveled to the colony. Foremost among these was the arrival of Darwinian evolutionism. The idea that human history is a history of unrelenting progress with the White man standing at the apex of that pyramid of evolution gained salience. With this the search for the evolutionary schema and the most “primitive” human groups began in earnest. Contemporary aborigines were seen as missing links, or living relics of the stages which the white man had passed over in his evolution to the top. This theory seeped into the cultural sciences, especially anthropology and ethnology, to give rise to the theory of cultural evolutionism. Parallel to the stages of biological evolution were thus traced progressive development of morality, culture, and religion. Writers quibbled over whether animism, naturism, or totemism represented the earliest form of religions. Examples of this tribe or that, which the colonial rulers encountered in the territories they annexed, were cited, often wrenched from their social contexts. Victorian Anthropology was pervaded by such racial ideologies. Anthropometry – the measurement of skulls and body parts for comparison – was an extreme example of such scientific racism that was in vogue during the period. Out of the contingencies of imperial state formation arose the necessity to know the native populations, in order to govern and control them. This spurred two great colonial exercises: the Census of Indian peoples, and ethnological studies undertaken by administrators. As Denzil Ibbetson, Deputy Superintendent for the 1881 census operation wrote in his report in 1883: “Our ignorance of the customs and beliefs of the people among whom we dwell is surely in some respects a reproach to us; for not only does that ignorance deprive European science of material which it greatly needs, but it also involves a distinct loss of administrative power to ourselves.” To be sure, there was already a fair degree of scholarship about local customs and beliefs by Europeans, but prior to the ethnological turn, it had been based entirely on textual sources, such as the Vedas. Thus, the colonial classification of Indian people had been based on the ritual ranking

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system of varṇa. What we see in this period instead is the import of Western ideas of evolution, or more precisely “scientific racism” combining with precolonial ideas of the Aryans and aboriginals to produce a distinctive image of tribals and their beliefs and practices – which continues to be influential still. Among the galaxy of men of colonial rule, who sketched this almost enduring image, the most prominent were W.W. Hunter and H.H. Risley.

The Race Theory Breaking from earlier European writers who “divided the Indian population into two races – the Hindus and the Muhammadans,” Hunter postulated instead a fourfold division: “non-Aryan Tribes, called the aborigines. . .the comparatively pure offspring of the Aryan, a Sanskrit speaking Race (the Brahmans and Rajputs). . . the great Mixed Population, known as the Hindus. . . the Muhammadans.” Indeed, for him, India was a “great museum of races in which one can study man from his highest stages of culture.” He underlines the administrative imperative of the colonial government in studying these “races” as follows: “The specimens are not fossils or dry bones, but living communities, to whose widely-diverse conditions we have to adapt our administration and our laws.” Both Hunter and H.H. Risley, his collaborator in the Statistical survey of India (which culminated in the first edition of the Imperial Gazetteer of India in 1881) developed a peculiar racial theory of Indian peoples distinguishing between the Aryans and the non-Aryans. Though both drew upon their ethnological surveys, they never fully renounced the textual sources. He explicitly drew upon the tenth chapter of Manu to explain the existence and rise of non-Aryan castes. Furthermore, he held that “tall, fair complexioned dolicocepahlic and lepti-rhine race. . . the Aryans . . .came into collision with a black, snub-nosed race.” No one who had cared to peruse the “Vedic accounts of the Aryan advance” can fail to be struck by “the frequent references to the noses of the people whom the Aryans found” in the plains

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of India, he wrote. Indeed, an anthropometry enthusiast, Risley, believed that there was a direct relation between the proportion of Aryan blood and the nasal index, on which depended the definition of a community as a tribe or caste. Hunter too turned to the Rg Veda, which commemorated the triumph of the Aryans over the Dasyus or the slaves by the intervention of the bright gods and stormy deities who slayed the black skin dasyus. Hunter recalled that the “The Vedic hymns abound in scornful epithets for primitive tribes as ‘disturbers of sacrifices’, lawless, ‘not sacrificing’, without gods, and without rites.” Hunter dedicated a chapter to the “Non-Aryan Races” in his book The Indian Empire: Its People, History and Products providing a survey of existing literature on the “wilder” as well as the more “advanced non-Aryans.” The Andaman Islanders are described as ferocious cannibals whose only “conception of god was an evil spirit who spread disease”; Annamalai hillmen were mentioned as worshippers of demons (incidentally, the Nairs of Kerala also appear among the wild races on account of their practice of “polyandry”). His portrayal of the advanced races was slightly more charitable. “The Santal had not conception of bright and friendly gods, such as the Vedic singers worshipped”, he wrote. “Still less could he imagine one omnipotent and beneficent Deity who watches over mankind.” Indeed, Hunter quotes a Santal asking a missionary about the Christian God thus: “what if the strong One should eat me?” The imprint of evolutionary thinking – the conception of unfriendly, malevolent gods standing at the bottom of the evolutionary scale, and the omnipotent monotheism at the summit – is starkly in evidence here.

Human Sacrifice One of the practices that had fascinated and repulsed the British rulers in equal measure was that of human sacrifice (as was witchcraft). The Konds of Central India were seen as principal practitioners of this, so much so that Frazer

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referred to them in The Golden Bough as “the best known case of human sacrifices, systematically offered to ensure good crops.” He added, “Our knowledge of them is derived from the accounts written by British officers.” Col. E.T. Dalton, district commissioner of Chota Nagpur and self-styled anthropologist, explicated: The astounding discovery was . . .made that we included amongst our fellow subjects a whole people who practiced human sacrifice and female infanticide on a scale and with a cruelty which had never been surpassed by the most savage of nations. . .the Meriah sacrifices, as they were called, and Kandh female infanticide, may be regarded as amongst the plague spots of the land which have been effectively cured and obliterated by the enlightened treatment and strong hand of the British government.

The victims or people sacrificed were known as Meriahs (a term found in British writings), who were bought by the Konds from Doms when barely children. It was the priests who declared which meriah the goddess desired on any occasion. The British formed the Special Agency for the Suppression of Human Sacrifice and Female Infanticide in the Hill Tracts of Orissa – the Meriah Agency, to rescue potential victims of sacrifices by taking them away from villages and entrusting them to missionaries for their care and education. Felix Padel has termed this as the “Robinson Crusoe complex.” Though there abounded colonial descriptions of the sacrifices and their interventions to halt these, it is significant that the British themselves never witnessed a single sacrifice. All accounts were based on the information rendered by Oriya Hindus. Perhaps the reason why human sacrifice became so central to the colonial discourse was that these “savage” practices allowed the administrators here to justify the imperial rule – both in India and to their home audience. John Strachey, for instance, wrote in his authoritative India: Its Administration and Progress: “Among the wild hill tribes and primitive race of India, the chief ideas of religion has been the necessity of appeasing the malice of malignant beings by oblations of blood, and on occasion of great emergency by the outpouring of human blood . . .that of children

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was an irresistible delicacy certain to put (the bloodthirsty Gods) in the best of humours. . .” Missionaries also raised their cry against human sacrifice, terming it as antithetical to divine law. The earliest account of human sacrifice among the Konds in British writings comes from Hon. Russell who was appointed the Crown’s political agent, leading a campaign of “unexampled severity” in the hill tracts of Orissa. On how to deal with the practice, he wrote: “From all I have seen of them, I feel convinced that no system of coercion can succeed. Our aim should be to improve to utmost our intercourse with the tribes nearest to us, with a view to civilize and enlighten them, and so reclaim them from the savage practices, using our moral influence rather than our power.” Notwithstanding this cautionary note to use paternal moral influence, the suppression of this practice was itself a violent affair, with even Campbell accepting that “harsh and cruel measures” had been undertaken by his successor, leading to open rebellion. And yet, Hunter produces a sanitized account of the Agency’s work: “In 1835, the Kandhs passed under our rule, and these rites had to cease. The proud Kandh spirit shrank from compulsion; but after many tribal councils, they agreed to give up their stock of victims as a valuable present to their new suzerain.” And then ironically, he places the credit of this apparently peaceful transition at the door of Campbell’s successor Macpherson, who had provoked rebellion because of his excessive ways. Hunter writes: “Lt. Charles Macpherson, in particular, won over the more troublesome clans to quite industry, by grants of jungle tracts, of little use to us, but a paradise to them, and where he could keep them well under his eyes.” The example of British response to human sacrifice shows quite clearly how the ideas and institutions they developed, even with regard to local beliefs and practices, were not, and could not be isolated from the demands of the Empire. Suppression of human sacrifice was necessitated not only because it was repugnant to the modern, civilized sensitivity – but its suppression would

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also be a measure of the acceptance of the British rule.

Some Debates: Colonialists vs. Nationalists

C In the colonial discourse could be detected an ambivalence: on the one hand seeing the tribal as savage, and on the other, viewing him as noble, innocent, and close to nature. This resulted in the apparently contradictory tendencies towards pacification, conquest, and the civilizational principle, and on the other, towards their protection and preservation in their natural habitat and milieu. Hunter wrote that settling the tribes into permanent residences by granting them land titles had rendered them vulnerable to Hindu moneylenders. These latter ideas took formal root in the Parliamentary Select Committee on Aborigines set up in the 1830s to enquire into “the measures . . .to be adopted with respect to the native inhabitants of countries where British settlements were made, and to the neighbouring tribes, in order to secure them the due observation of justice and the protection of their rights, to promote the spread of civilization among them, and to lead them to the peaceful and voluntary reception of the Christian religion.” The Aborigines Protection Society was founded in 1833 to “promote the spread of civilization and the protection of their rights.” A hundred years later, The Government of India Act of 1935 created the Excluded and the Partially Excluded areas, to be governed directly by the Governors and not the provincial governments. In the view of one Member of Parliament, these clauses would ensure that “good Nagas or whatever they are” did not descend into “bad Hindus.” Instead, he felt, they would benefit from the “decencies of Christian civilization.” The missionaries were also seen as the “best hope for backward tribes.” (One may add here that missionaries played an ambivalent role both in Britain’s imperial expansion and in local power struggles. There was what could be called an intense competition among the various missions for the souls of the heathen, their

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success depending on the ability of the mission to protect the interests of the tribe, often bringing the mission into conflict with the colonial administration.) Nonetheless, the late colonial period saw increasing and bitter disagreements between the nationalists and the preservationists. The nationalists saw in the census exercises, which listed the tribal peoples as “animists” as well as in the provisions of the Government of India Act, a ploy to divide the Hindus. Even Verrier Elwin, the radical English priest who abandoned his missionary activities to turn spokesperson for the tribal communities, was derided and attacked. The Gandhian A.V. Thakkar and his disciple, the sociologist G.S. Ghurye, were the most influential critics. Ghurye famously called the tribals “backward Hindus” and hoped that contact with Hindu society would cure them of drunkenness, among other things that ailed the tribal communities. In the end then, there was little to distinguish the positions of the colonialists from the nationalists. Both sides believed that the tribals needed the civilizing hand to pull them from the abyss of their moral degradations, reflected in practices such as witchcraft and human sacrifices. One of the important theaters of the colonial encounter with tribes and their religious beliefs was Africa. But whereas in Africa, the colonial representation of tribes as isolated, untouched, and unspoiled was to some extent rooted in reality, India presented a more complex situation. Isolationism was not a characteristic of all groups labeled as tribal; contacts with Hindu or caste society had predated the advent of the colonial state. Tribal religions were not sharply distinct from Hinduism and often found the patronage of Hindu rajas; it may sometimes be difficult to extricate tribal myths from Hindu mythology, and Adivasis also participated in certain Hindu festivals – even traveling from afar to do so. And yet, as numerous nuanced studies have shown, tribal religions were not simply folk Hinduism. Their differences from Hinduism were conscious and conspicuous. Their ritualized dependence on forests, as well as the centrality of earth and natural spirits as objects of worship can hardly be undermined.

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Cross-References ▶ Adi-Dharma/Sarna Dharma: A New Age Religion of Adivasis in Jharkhand ▶ Adivasi ▶ God Singbonga and the Shamans of the Munda Tribe ▶ Khasi Religion ▶ Missionaries (Hinduism) ▶ Religion of Santals ▶ Sanskritization and Indian Tribes

Further Reading 1. Bates C (1995) Race, caste and tribe in central India: the early origins of anthropometry. Edinburgh Papers in South Asian Series Number 3. 2. Bowler PJ (1992) From savage to primitive: Victorian evolutionism and the interpretation of marginalized peoples. Antiquity 66(252):721–729 3. Campbell (Major General) J (1861) Narrative of his operations in the hill tracts of Orissa for the suppression of human sacrifice and female infanticide. Hurst and Blackett, London 4. Damodaran V (2011) Colonial constructions of the ‘tribe’ in India: the case of Chotanagpur. In: Pati B (ed) Adivasis in colonial India: survival, resistance and negotiation. ICHR and Orient Blackswan, Delhi, pp 55–87 5. Elwin V (1957) A philosophy for NEFA. Gyan Publishing House, Delhi 6. Frazer JG (1915) The golden bough: a study in magic and religion, 3rd edn. Macmillan, London 7. Ghurye GS (1943) The aborigines – “so called” – and their future. Popular Book Depot, Bombay 8. Guha R (1996) Savaging the civilized: Verrier Elwin and the Tribal Question in late colonial India. Econ Polit Wkly 31(35/37):2375–2389 9. Hunter WW (1886) The Indian Empire: its people, history and products, 2nd edn. Trubner, London 10. Padel F (2001) The sacrifice of human being: British rule and the Konds of Orissa. Oxford University Press, Delhi 11. Radhakrishna M (2011) Of apes and ancestors: evolutionary science and colonial ethnography. In: Pati B (ed) Adivasis in colonial India: survival, resistance and negotiation. ICHR and Orient Blackswan, Delhi, pp 31–54 12. Risley HH (1891) The study of ethnology in India. J Anthropol Inst Great Brit Irel 20:253–263 13. Skaria A (1997) Women, witchcraft and gratuitous violence in colonial western India. Past Present 155:109–155 14. Stocking GW (1991) Victorian anthropology. Simon and Schuster, London

Cosmogony (Hinduism) 15. Strachey J (1911) India: its administration and progress. Macmillan, London 16. Sundar N (2005) Verrier Elwin and the 1940s missionary debate in central India. In: Subba TB, Som S (eds) Between ethnography and fiction: Verrier Elwin and the Tribal Question in India. Orient Longman, Delhi

Commodification ▶ Hinduism and Commercialization

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Definition Hindu cosmogony has to do with the process of manifestation of the universe, not properly a creation, out of some sort of primeval stuff. Generally a figure of divine demiurge (Indra, Brahmā, or other names and characters) is involved. This process assumes different undertones in different contexts. The three main contexts being under exam are the Vedic, the Purāṇic, and the tribal one. A lot of myths and borrowings from the philosophical schools (mainly sāṃkhya) contribute to enrich the frame.

Commoditization ▶ Hinduism and Commercialization

Concentration ▶ Meditation (Hinduism)

Conscious Evolution ▶ Auroville ▶ Sri Aurobindo

Contemplation ▶ Meditation (Hinduism)

Cosmogony (Hinduism) Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Synonyms Pratisarga; Sarga

Cosmogony (Hinduism) Ancient civilization cosmogonies concentrate upon the question of the origin of the universe and find in myths and legends answers to this theme, generally involving a process of creation, often individuating a divine character directly or indirectly responsible for this primordial event. In Indian civilization, due to the fact that very early a cyclic conception of time prevailed, the very same question of the origin of the universe changes its meaning, and above all it is not necessarily bound to a process of creation and consequently to a figure of divine creator; this figure plays generally the much more debased role of a demiurge, a character bound to a specific technical function, his duty being to organize the primordial elements, already existing, in order to create a structured universe out of an antecedent chaos, or alternatively out of a preceding sort of vacuum, indicated as not-being. Within this general outline, it is possible to individuate at least two main trends, not necessarily bound to a chronological order, due to the fact that in India a more ancient worldview is not replaced by a new one, but simply old and new models live together side by side. These two trends are represented by Vedic cosmogony and Purāṇic cosmogony. Apart from these two mainstream cosmogonies, a third model is present, being represented by the minor cosmogonies existing in tribal cultural world, a very fragmented context, having a complex relation with the world of priestly culture,

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through such intercultural processes as Sanskritization. Within the frame of Vedic cosmogony, it is possible to see cosmogony as a process of regeneration, reenactment, or repetition of dualisms between such entities as, for example, heaven and earth, gods and demons or antigods, fire and water, male and female, and light and darkness, involving simultaneously the spheres of different levels of being: cosmic, anthropic, moral, sexual, and so on. In this perspective, cosmogony is a process of non-Darwinian evolution, a sort of rolling out or unfolding of something out of some antecedent substances. So cosmogony presupposes the antecedent existence of a sort of gross substance undifferentiated, the very same basis for a further evolution of the world. The problem of the origin of this primordial substance involves a different level of cosmogony, a deeper one, having to do with the emergence of being from not-being, of sat from asat, just to use Vedic terminology. In this matter, Vedic texts are more inclined to use poetical language, than to attempt a protoscientific explanation of some sort (see the famous cosmogonic hymn in Ṛgvedasaṃhitā 10, 129). In the process of the evolution of the world out from its undifferentiated substrate, Indra’s role as the cause due to which undifferentiated powers and entities would gave life to two poles of existence, to the world of duality and dualism (the poles of heaven and earth and so on alluded to above), is evident. The very same juxtaposition of divine beings in two different and contrasting fields, the older cousins and the younger cousins, gods and demons (or antigods), devas and asuras, rises from the primordial duel between Indra and Vṛtra, the asura whose name means “coverer, restrainer,” an entity opposing as an hindrance to a process of (re)deployment. According to this interpretation (for which see [12]; see also [3]), it is possible to identify the conflict between Indra and Vṛtra as the main Vedic cosmogonic tale. In this perspective, cosmogony is used as a sacred model for all artistic creation (in the meaning of bringing to life materials already existent), and conversely monuments become a source of cosmic order, e.g., in the concept of cosmic navel,

Cosmogony (Hinduism)

Sanskrit pṛthivīnābhi, the center of the universe [13]. The cosmogonic interpretation of Indian temple symbolism (see [6, 11]) conceives the temple as a dynamic image of the origin of the universe, not simply as a static cosmological frame. Within this frame, cosmogony is basically the myth which tells us how, in a primordial time, this world came into existence. Every important moment in life is considered as a sort of reenactment or repetition of this primeval process, so cosmogony is an event not happened once upon a time but a reality continually reenacting in our daily life, being able to connect macrocosmic and microcosmic levels, the world and human being, in a dense net of correspondences. This trend, being already present in Vedic milieu, becomes more evident in Tantric context. So the myth is not merely a tale of things happened long ago nor a rational explanation of how this world had become what it is now. The origin of the world represents the sacred archetype of how the living world renews itself again and again ceaselessly. In the beginning, there was only water (āpaḥ). In this first stage, cosmogony is not a creation myth; it is only the constatation that in the beginning, there were already some things, the existence of which was taken for granted. In a second stage, the state of undifferentiated unity comes to a sudden end by the birth of Indra outside the primeval world. It is not said precisely whence Indra came out, perhaps from nowhere (in such passages as Ṛgvedasaṃhitā 2, 12, 5 and 10, 73, 10), because his mythical function is simply to promote the emergence of the world of duality, of individualized forms, from the original undifferentiated chaos, a demiurgic act. He is the catalyst, or the magnetic force of a process in which a mere potentiality becomes reality, where light arises forming a contrast with darkness, life exists side by side with death, and good is balanced by evil. Indra’s demiurgic acts consist of two different steps, concerning, respectively, the primordial hill or mountain (still floating on the primeval waters) and the tree of life. Before the hill could be opened, a strong resistant force must be subdued, and this resistance is represented by the opposition of the antigod Vṛtra, the very personification of obstruction as a dragon. The hill,

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opened by force, generates life, characterized by dualism. Indra slays the dragon, and from the mountain, opened by force, life bursts forth in its two aspects of water and fire (an alternative explanation reads the event as the opening of the cloud heavy with rain under the force of the divine thunderbolt). The water is represented by four rivers, streaming from the top of the mountain in four directions, and the fire by the sun, rising from the mountain or the waters [9]. Simultaneously the mountain is no more floating, it has found its definitive position as the very center of the world. In the second step, the manifestation of the tree of life [4], Indra functions as a sort of cosmic pillar (a function acquired by Śiva as liṅgodbhavamūrti, the icon comes out from the pillar of fire, in a subsequent stage of Indian mythology), deputed to create the duality of heaven and earth. With the rising of the sun in the sky, the contrast opposing light and darkness is born, paralleled by the contrast opposing life and death. Indra is now a seasonal god, whose mythological raison d’étre consists in creating and renewing periodically the world in due time, in the inauguration of the new year during the new year festival. This interpretation is supported by the fact that Indra’s pole, during the days when the pillar stands erect and is worshipped, is considered as identical with the god, and sometimes it is denoted by his name. The asuras being defeated by the gods due to Indra’s victory against Vṛtra are the older cousins being superseded by the younger ones (devas); some of them, as Varuṇa, will choose to stay aside with the devas. The asuras are not fallen angels (contra see [5]), but potential gods. When Varuṇa wants to become a deva, Indra offers him a rulership (Ṛgvedasaṃhitā 10, 124, 5), and he becomes lord of the waters. These waters are not the ocean, but the primeval waters upon which the earth rested in the netherworld. In this context, Varuṇa becomes a jailer, the guardian of fettered asuras, and the role of primeval waters as a sort of limit or barrier is confirmed. At the beginning of every new year, the primeval war between devas and asuras is renewed, as a reiteration of the cosmic strife, as a ritualization of human aggressiveness. This aggressiveness is put under control in the sacrificial domain (for

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the interpretation of Vedic sacrifice as a ritual struggle between conflicting parties, see [8]). During the transition to the new year, the asuras return on earth and renew their war against the devas. The established duality (light vs. darkness, life vs. death, and so on) has a couple of keyterms best fit to indicate the deep meaning of this juxtaposition. They are sat and asat, being and notbeing. The cosmogonic myth describes how sat came out from asat. Only, asat as chaos is never entirely replaced by sat as cosmos, but it continues to exist on the fringe of this world (on the margin between chaos and cosmos), as a resistant menace to the latter’s existence. Now the world is ready to be furtherly divided: the next step is no more confined to cosmogony, the origin of the world, but it has to do with cosmology, the deep structure of the world, or more properly with cosmography, the description of this structure. The world is properly described as a triple world, triloka, comprehending heaven, intermediate space, and earth, inhabited, respectively, by gods, various superhuman and semidivine beings (apsarases, gandharvas, and so on), and human beings (the asuras being confined to the infernal regions, naraka). The avatāra of Viṣṇu as a dwarf, Vāmana, with the episode of the three steps through which he conquers the triple world usurped by the asura Balin, is very interesting for cosmogony and cosmography. Viṣṇu’s first two steps represent his relationship with the two opposed parts of the cosmos (sat vs. asat, light vs. darkness), and the third step represents a transcendental world, in which the two conflicting parties are united in an all-encompassing totality as sat and asat resolved in the highest heaven (see Bhāgavata Purāṇa 8, 12, 8). During 8 months, Viṣṇu is a deva residing in the upper world, and for the remaining 4 months, he resides in the netherworld, reclining on the cosmic serpent (see Mahābhārata 3, 186, 92 ff. and Nāṭyaśāstra 22, 2). Always remaining within the range of Vedic cosmogony, a character requesting our attention is the golden embryo or golden germ or even golden womb or golden egg, Hiraṇyagarbha, the primordial being arisen in order to separate heaven and earth, originated from Brahmā, the divine demiurge, as a golden egg resplendent as

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the sun. Brahmā divided it into two parts by his thought, and the two shells formed heaven and earth, with the sky placed in the middle (Ṛgvedasaṃhitā 10, 121; see [2]). It is clearly a cosmogonic myth, but regarding a lower-level cosmogony, where the process is started by a mere divine functionary, a demiurge, Brahmā being the heir of the cosmic function of prior Prajāpati. The entity born from this process is known also as sūtrātman, “thread-soul,” the soul which passes like a thread through the universe, the intimate ruler of the world. The second term of the composite name Hiraṇyagarbha is particularly meaningful, because it refers to the term garbha, meaning simultaneously “womb,” “calyx,” “adytum of a temple,” even “fetus,” and more properly “embryo.” This last acceptation of the term opens a wide range of speculations centered upon the net of correspondences between macrocosm and microcosm, between the parallel process of origination of the physical world and of the human being, a trend doomed to a great development in Tantric milieu, but having its roots already within Vedic context. In such a way, cosmogony stands side by side with anthropogony. The second mainstream model is the cosmogony (or better the cosmogonies) referred to in the Purāṇas. First of all, it is necessary to distinguish two different levels of manifestation of the world: primary manifestation and secondary manifestation, respectively, sarga and pratisarga. These two terms are part of the so-called canon of the general content of a purāṇa, the “five characteristics,” pañcalakṣaṇa (the remaining three being genealogies [of gods and ancient seers], epochs of the patriarchs, and genealogies of the kings of solar and lunar dynasties, respectively, vaṃśa, manvantara, and vaṃśānucarita; see [10]). Etymologically the term sarga is bound to the root sṛj “to emit, pour forth, shed, and cause to flow” and properly means “letting go, discharging, and voiding (as excrement).” Here we have perhaps a hint of the debased level of this demiurgic role, semantically bound to the idea of emitting a refuse out of a living organism, rather than to the idea of a strong power of creating something new out of a raw material. In this perspective, the world is periodically and cyclically manifested out of an

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archetypal raw fundament, prakṛti, with the help of a divine potency, śakti, being able to explicitate what is already almost existent but only in a potential state. This process alternates cycles of manifestation, sarga, conservation, sthiti, and periodical destruction, pralaya, of the universe. At the end of this triadic process, a new cycle begins, giving origin to a secondary manifestation, pratisarga, and so on endlessly. Adopting the point of view and the categories of the classical cosmological school in the group of the six priestly “points of view,” darśanas, the school of sāṃkhya, “enumeration [of the categories constituting reality],” and adding to it a theistic undertone, the Purāṇas elaborate a peculiar model of cosmogony (see [1, 7]). The material basis of existence is called variously “fundament,” prakṛti, or “principal,” pradhāna, or “undeveloped,” avyakta. In this primeval stage, Viṣṇu as Nārāyaṇa (etymologically, “man’s refuge”) sleeps laying down among the coils of the cosmic snake Ananta (“infinite,” also known as Śeṣa, “rest,” because it is what remains of the universe in the cyclical period of its dissolution). Apart from the prakṛti, being a female principle, active, and unconscious, there is her counterpart, the male, inactive, and conscious principle, the “male,” puruṣa, also known as the golden embryo, Hiraṇyagarbha (alluded to above) and personified as the divine demiurge Brahmā (heir of his Vedic antecedent Prajāpati, the lord of the progenies), also known as Svayambhū, “autogenous,” self-generated, the very same Nārāyaṇa. The process of evolution of the gross universe out from the perturbation of prakṛti, a stage starting when the three attributes (guṇa) constituting prakṛti, the bright aspect sattva, the dynamic aspect rajas, and the inertial aspect tamas, begin to interact reciprocally, is the responsible for the manifestation of the universe, the so-called “primary manifestation,” ādisarga. To the preceding cosmogony, based upon the tenets of the sāṃkhya school, the Purāṇas overlap the myth of the cosmic egg, that is, of the world conceived as “Brahmā’s egg,” brahmāṇḍa, a macrocosmic entity having its microcosmic counterpart in the “egg made of flesh,” piṇḍāṇḍa, the first part of the compound (piṇḍa) being a complex term that simultaneously indicates the human body, the sacrificial ball of pressed rice used in the funeral and

Cosmogony (Hinduism)

postfuneral rites in order to build for the deceased (preta) a new body as an ancestor (pitṛ) in the world beyond, and a particular stage in the process of the development of the embryo within the womb. Within this cosmic egg, the Supreme Lord Nārāyaṇa arises as the divine demiurge Brahmā, the “great ancestor,” pitāmaha, of all living beings. When, after the primeval manifestation, sarga, time comes for the end of a world age, that is, at the end of a day in the life of Brahmā, the night of the demiurge comes in. In this period, named pralaya, the universe is temporarily reabsorbed into a sort of undifferentiated primeval chaos, a condition that in due time will give rise to a new manifestation of the universe, pratisarga, beginning when at the end of his night, Brahmā wakes up into a new day. A lot of cosmogonic myths referring to the new rising of the universe after Brahmā’s nocturnal rest are referred to in this stage: the most famous are the myth of the deluge (samplava), the legend of the churning of the ocean (amṛtamanthana) in order to produce the liquor of immortality (amṛta), and above all the tale of the descent on earth (avatāra) of Viṣṇu as the cosmic boar (Varāha), representing the sacrifice that rescues the earth that had sunk into the waters. When the end of Brahmā’s long life comes, a deeper level of dissolution takes place, the “great dissolution,” mahāpralaya, also known as “dissolution relating to the basis,” prākṛtapralaya. So, two different levels of manifestation (sarga, pratisarga) correspond two different levels of dissolution (inferior and superior, pralaya and mahāpralaya). According to the Agni Purāṇa, there are in effect four different levels of dissolution: the permanent one (nitya), consisting, respectively, in the continuous dissolution common to all beings, the unavoidable death of every born being; the dissolution happening at the end of every world age (kalpa), called brāhma or naimittika, corresponding to every day of Brahmā; the great dissolution alluded to above (mahāpralaya), corresponding to the end of a single life of Brahmā; and finally the final dissolution, ātyantikapralaya, taking place when each individual self (ātman) is reabsorbed within the universal supreme self (paramātman). The process of dissolution follows the inverse order of manifestation according to the categories (tattva) of sāṃkhya school: earth dissolves in water, water in

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fire, fire in wind, wind in space, space in egoity (ahaṃkāra), egoity in intellect (buddhi, also known as “great principle,” mahat), and intellect in the fundament (prakṛti). At the next stage, both prakṛti and puruṣa merge in the paramātman, being definable only as mere existence (sattā). The cosmic process of manifestation and reabsorption follows the destiny of Brahmā, the demiurge urged to create due to a deep desire to be manifold (a concept that the Purāṇas, as in a passage often quoted from Viṣṇu Purāṇa 6, 35, derive from a sāṃkhya source, Sāṃkhyakārikā 47; but the very same urge is already present in such passages as Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 1, 4, 1–17). The third and last trend of cosmogonic speculations is no more a mainstream one, as it is the case for the preceding two types. It is the wide range of the so-called tribal and regional cosmogonies (see the various essays collected in [17]), a variegated conceptual world kept in a sort of minority state by priestly milieu through such intercultural processes as Sanskritization (see [14–16]). In this context, natural forces; regional denominations of divine beings, subsumed or not by pan-Indian Sanskrit culture; and various local cults and cultural heroes play their role, giving life to a great variety of local cosmogonies, sometimes different from each other only in limited details.

Cross-References ▶ Brahmā ▶ Cosmology (Hinduism) ▶ Sanskritization (Hinduism) ▶ Sanskritization and Indian Tribes

References 1. Biardeau M (1981) Études de mythologie hindoue I. Cosmogonies Purāṇiques. École française d’Extrême Orient, Paris 2. Bosch FDK (1960) The golden germ, an introduction to Indian symbolism. Mouton, Den Haag 3. Brown WN (1942) The creation myth of the Rig-veda. J Am Orient Soc 62:85–98 4. Butterworth EAS (1970) The tree at the navel of the Earth. de Gruyter, Berlin

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372 5. Coomaraswamy AK (1935) Angel and titan: an essay in Vedic ontology. J Am Orient Soc 55:373–419 6. Eliade M (1957) Centre du Monde, temple, Maison. In: Bloch R (ed) Le Symbolisme cosmique des monuments religieux: actes de la conférence internationale qui a eu lieu sous les auspices de l'Is.M.E.O., à Rome, avril-mai 1955. ISMEO, Rome, pp 57–82 7. Esnoul A-M (1959) La naissance du monde dans l’Inde. In: Esnoul A-M, Garelli P, Hervouet Y, Leibovici M, Sauneron S, Yoyotte J (eds) La naissance du monde. Égypte ancienne, Laos, Tibet, Sumer, Akkad, Hourrites et Hittites, Chine, Turcs et Mongols, Israël, Cannan, Islam, Inde, Iran préislamique, Siam. Éditions du Seuil, Paris, pp 329–365 8. Heesterman JC (1993) The broken world of sacrifice: an essay in ancient Indian ritual. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 9. Kapadia BH (1962) The fourfold division of the heavenly river in the Purāṇas. Purāṇa 4:146–153 10. Kirfel W (1927) Das Purāṇa Pañcalakṣaṇa: Versuch einer Textgeschichte. K. Schröder Verlag, Bonn 11. Kramrisch S (1946) The Hindu temple, 2 vols. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 12. Kuiper FBJ (1981) Ancient Indian cosmogony; essays selected and introduced by John Irwin. Vikas, New Delhi 13. Lethaby WR (1891) Architecture, mysticism and myth. Percival, London 14. Srinivas MN (1952) Religion and society among the Coorgs of South India. Clarendon Press, Oxford 15. Srinivas MN (1956) Sanskritization and Westernization. Far East Q XIV/4:481–496 16. Srinivas MN (1989) The cohesive role of Sanskritization and other essays. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 17. Vatsyayan K (gen ed) (1995) Prakṛti. The integral vision. Vol. 1: The oral tradition. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi

Cosmology (Hinduism) Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition Hindu cosmology has to do also with cosmogony and with cosmography. Within the context of Hindu cosmology, it is not easy to mark a definite border between physical, religious or mythological, and philosophical cosmology. The best way to

Cosmology (Hinduism)

distinguish different topics within this conceptual area is to refer to their different sources, mainly the four literary genres represented by Vedic, Epic, Philosophical, and Tantric literatures.

Cosmology (Hinduism) Hindu cosmology, intended as the study and definition of the origin, evolution, and eventual fate of the universe, has obviously to do with cosmogony, the study and description of the origin or birth of the universe, and with cosmography, the mapping of the general features of the cosmos or universe, describing both heaven and earth, without overlapping exactly neither on geography nor astronomy. Within the context of Hindu cosmology, it is not easy to mark a definite border between physical, religious or mythological, and philosophical cosmology. Very often, at least the conceptual margins of these three levels tend to partially overlap. The best way to distinguish different topics within this conceptual area is to refer to their different sources, mainly the four literary genres represented by Vedic, Epic, Philosophical, and Tantric literatures (for a general survey, see [1, 2]). Obviously, intertextual relations of various kinds between these fields are not infrequent at all. Within Vedic literature we may distinguish two different levels, corresponding, respectively, to the collections, Saṃhitās, together with the sacerdotal texts, Brāhmaṇas, and to the esoteric teachings, Upaniṣads. In the Saṃhitās and in the Brāhmaṇas, a lot of references to cosmogonic and cosmological entities are to be found, starting from the divine couple formed by Heaven as Father (Dyaus Pitṛ) and Earth as Mother (Pṛthivī). The world is conceived as consisting in three levels: earth, intermediate space, and heaven (bhūr, bhuvaḥ, svar); the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa describes the rite of the accumulation of the fire (agnicayana) as a symbolic building of the cosmic; two hymns from the Ṛgvedasaṃhitā are explicitly cosmogonic (10, 90 and 10, 129; in the first hymn, the universe is conceived as a cosmic male, puruṣa; see [3, 4]). In the Upaniṣads, the cosmographic

Cosmology (Hinduism)

symbology is centered upon water: the individual self (ātman) is compared to a river doomed to merge into the cosmic force (brahman), compared to the ocean. A passage (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 3, 3, 2) gives the relative dimensions of the regions of the world: the inhabited world is covered in 32 days by the god’s cart; the earth surrounds it and it is wide twice its amount; the earth is in turn surrounded by the ocean, wide twice its amount; the intermediate space between heaven and earth is as wide as a knife’s blade or as the wing of a fly. Cosmology mixes with soteriology in a passage (Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 6, 2, 15–16) describing the doom of man after death: he who follows the path of the gods (devayāna) enters in the flames of the funeral pyre; proceeds in the day, the crescent phase of the moon, the semester when the sun moves Northward, the world of gods, the sun, the region of thunderbolt, the world of brahman; and subsequently reaches liberation; he who follows the path of the ancestors (pitṛyāna) enters in the smoke of the funeral pyre; proceeds in the night, the decrescent phase of the moon, the semester when the sun moves Southward, the world of ancestors, the moon; then he becomes food for the gods; and comes back to the space, from there to the wind, from there to the rain, and from the rain he comes back to life upon earth. The division of the cosmos in two halves from the original cosmic egg is alluded to in a famous passage (Chāndogya Upaniṣad 3, 19, 1–2). The threelevel cosmology is partially replaced by a vertical cosmology including seven levels of worlds: bhūloka, the earth; bhuvarloka, the space between the earth and sun inhabited by munis, siddhas, and other semidivine beings; svarloka, Indra’s heaven above the sun or between it and the polar star; maharloka, a region above the polar star and inhabited by Bhṛgu and other seers who survive the destruction of the three lower worlds; janarloka, inhabited by Brahmā’s mental son Sanatkumāra and his brothers; taparloka, inhabited by deified devotees (vairāgin); and satyaloka or brahmaloka, abode of Brahmā. Sometimes these 7 worlds are described as earth, sky, heaven, middle region, place of rebirths, mansion of the blest, and abode

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of truth; sometimes 14 worlds are mentioned, that is, the 7 already mentioned above and 7 lower or infernal regions called in the order of their descent below the earth atala, vitala, sutala, rasātala, talātala, mahātala, and pātāla. This seven-level vertical cosmology is accepted in the Purāṇas, where it is furtherly enriched with more environmental details. In Tantric sources, these seven worlds are put in parallel with the series of the seven “wheels of energy,” cakras, being present within the human body. Within Epic literature (itihāsa), we may distinguish two different levels, corresponding, respectively, to the major Epic, the poem Mahābhārata, and to the ancient tales, Purāṇas. Ancient Hindu mythical and religious cosmology has to do particularly with a peculiar geography, a discipline related with scientific (anthropical, physical, climatical, economical, and so on) geography according to a connection similar to the link existing between alchemy and chemistry, because it works adopting a qualitative and not a quantitative taxonomy. Epic geographical taxonomy describes the world according to a horizontal model, based on a concentric structure alternating circular continents (dvīpa) and ring oceans (sāgara, samudra). According to the Mahābhārata, the continents are five, surrounded by six oceans; according to the Purāṇas they are seven, surrounded by seven oceans: we cannot determine at present whether it is a former pentadic list in the Mahābhārata, increased to seven by the Purāṇas, or a reduction in the Mahābhārata, with reference to a prior wider list in the Purāṇas. The term translated with “continent,” dvīpa, has some etymological interest, being formed by the numeral “two,” dvi, followed by “water,” ap (at the end of a compound word, ap becomes īpa if an i follows it): so it is properly a segment of earth included between two waters, and the term may be rendered indifferently with “continent” as well as with “island.” Probably before the affirmation of the seven continents horizontal model, an antecedent alternative model was present in some Purāṇas. This model divides the inhabited world in four slopes (varṣa), conceived like the four petals of a lotus flower. The system is known as caturdvīpa vasumatī, “earth abode of treasures

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divided in four islands”; the mount Meru, axis mundi, is the pericarp; the four islands are the petals, each one of them being situated at a cardinal point: in the North (Uttara)Kuru, in the South Jambu or Bhārata (i.e., India properly said), in the East Bhadrāśva, and in the West Ketumala (Vāyu Purāṇa 34, 37–39; Viṣṇu Purāṇa 2, 2, 38). The seven islands and seven oceans horizontal model tries to reconcile cosmology with chorography, the ideal description of the deep structure of the cosmos with the real description of the regions of the world. The etiological myth of the seven islands and seven oceans model, saptadvīpa vasumatī, “earth abode of treasures divided in seven islands,” narrates that the ancient king Priyavrata drew the furrows in the oceans using the wheels of his royal cart, so producing a concentric ring structure, where one of his sons reigns over each one of the emerged land parts. Sources from the Mahābhārata and from the Purāṇas describe a system including a first central continent (each one of them being individuated mainly by a plant), surrounded by a first ring ocean (each one of them being individuated mainly by the liquid contained within), and subsequently by six other ring islands (atolls?), surrounded by six other ring oceans, according to the following scheme: 1. Jambudvīpa, the rose apple tree (Eugenia jambolana) island, where human beings live, with the mount Meru, axis mundi, at the center, ruled by Āgnīdhra, surrounded by a salt water ocean (kṣāra) named Lavaṇa 2. Plakṣadvīpa, the banian (Ficus religiosa, aśvattha) island, ruled by Medhātithi, surrounded by a molasses ocean (ikṣurāsa) named Ikṣu 3. Śālmalidvīpa, the cotton tree (Bombax heptaphyllum or Salmalia malabarica) island, ruled by Vapuṣmat, surrounded by a liquor ocean (surā) 4. Kuśadvīpa, the kuśa grass (Poa cynosuroides) island, ruled by Jyotiṣmat, surrounded by a clarified butter ocean (sarpis, ghṛta) 5. Krauñcadvīpa, the curlew (krauñca) island, ruled by Dyutimat, surrounded by a thick sour milk ocean (dadhi)

Cosmology (Hinduism)

6. Śākadvīpa, the tek tree (śāka, Tectona grandis) island, ruled by Bhavya, surrounded by a milk ocean (dugdha, kṣīra) 7. Puṣkaradvīpa, the lotus flower (Nelumbium speciosum or Nymphaea nelumbo) island, ruled by Savala, surrounded by a fresh sweet water ocean (svadūda) named Jala (Bhāgavata Purāṇa 5, 1, 32–33; Viṣṇu Purāṇa 2, 1; see [5], pp. 1–177, [6–9], for cosmogony see [10, 11]) According to some sources, beyond the last ocean there is a mountain range, being the last border of the world: lokāloka, literally “the world not world,” beyond which there is only indistinct darkness. An attempt to reconcile the two concurrent models caturdvīpa vasumatī and saptadvīpa vasumatī may be individuated in the system of the nine slopes (varṣa), each one of them corresponding with a different climatic region, being present within Jambudvīpa, the internal region, inhabited by human beings. All around the axis mundi represented by mount Meru, we have (1) Ilāvṛta, South of which we find (2) Bhārata, protected at North by Himavat and surrounded for three quarters by the salt water ocean (corresponding with the Indian subcontinent, with a Northern mountain range and a Southern peninsula). North of Himavat we find the slope (3) Kiṃpuruṣa (named after some mythical humanoid beings, “a sort of man”), delimited at North by mount Hemakūṭa, beyond which we find the slope (4) Hari, divided by Ilāvṛta by mount Niṣadha. North of di Ilāvṛta we find the mount Nīla (“dark”), beyond which we find the slope (5) Ramyaka, delimited at North by mount Śveta (“white”). Proceeding Northward we find the varṣa (6) Hiraṇmaya (“golden”), delimited at North by mount Śṛṅgin or Śṛṅgaka (“crested” or “horned”), beyond which we find the slope (7) (Uttara)Kuru, delimited at North by the salt water ocean. East of Ilāvṛta we find (8) Bhadrāśva; West of Ilāvṛta we find (9) Ketumāla. As it is easy to see, notions of physical geography and mythical cosmography are inextricably mixed in this nine elements model (Vāyu Purāṇa 33–34; Matsya Purāṇa 113; Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa 54; see [12], p. 82).

Cosmology (Hinduism)

Within philosophical literature, each one of the darśanas has his own peculiar cosmology. Particularly interesting are the points of view of vaiśeṣika, with an atomistic physics model, and of vedānta (school of Śaṅkara), with an evolutionary model based on the concept of illusionary evolution, vivartavāda. But the main interest is represented by the school of enumeration [of the categories constituting reality], sāṃkhya (see [13]). This dualist, pluralist, and realist school tries to enumerate the distinctive features of reality, limiting them to a reasonable number (25) of principles of reality, named tattvas (“the fact of being that”). The first tattva is the puruṣa (etymologically, “male”), a male conscious and inactive principle, the mere witness of whatever happens in the world. His counterpart is the prakṛti, a female unconscious and active principle, made of three attributes or qualities (guṇa): a bright principle (sattva), a dynamic principle (rajas), and an inertial principle (tamas). When these three qualities are balanced, prakṛti is inactive and the world is unmanifest. When the balance of the three qualities is perturbed, the world comes out, following an evolutionary model that displays the subsequent tattvas. First three mental tattvas proceed: buddhi, intellect, also known as mahat (“big”), an entity that weighs alternatives and operates a choice; ahaṃkāra, the ego faculty, responsible for personal identity; and finally manas, the internal sense coordinating and organizing the five sense perceptions. The series of the 25 tattvas is concluded by 4 groups, each 1 of them being composed by 5 tattvas. The first group includes the sense perception faculties (buddhendriya or jñānendriya): smell (ghrāṇa), taste (rasana), sight (cakṣuḥ), tact (tvak), and hearing (śrotra), and it originates from ahaṃkāra where sattva prevails. The second group includes the active faculties and it originates from ahaṃkāra where rajas prevails: voice (vāk), handling (pāṇi), locomotion (pāda), excretion (pāyu), and enjoyment (upastha). The third group is no more made of faculties (indriya); it is made of the five subtle elements, produced by ahaṃkāra where tamas prevails. These principles are named tanmātra, literally “that only,” and are the general element being common to a particular

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sensory perception: sound as such (śabda), tact as such (sparśa), shape as such (rūpa), flavor as such (rasa), and smell as such (gandha). The fourth and last group includes the five gross elements (mahābhūta): space (ākāśa), wind (vāyu), fire (tejas), water (āpaḥ), and earth (pṛthivī). Within Tantric literature, the concept of the strict correspondence of the outer world and the world within, macrocosm and microcosm, brahmāṇḍa and piṇḍānda, the world made of Brahmā’s egg and the world made of flesh, is central. Three topics are worth mentioning in this context: (1) the parallels between macrocosm and microcosm in the tradition of the siddhas, the “perfect ones,” an ascetic school founded by Gorakṣanātha, (2) the typologies of cosmographic representations known as maṇḍala, and finally (3) the phonematic cosmology typical of some śākta currents, centered upon the concept of sound, resonance, and phoneme (nāda, bindu, varṇa). The Siddhasiddhāntapaddhati, ascribed to Gorakṣanātha, the spiritual guide Gorakhnāth founder of the siddhas, “perfect ones,” is a Northwestern Tantric text (twelfth to thirteenth century CE) concerning haṭhayoga. In a famous chapter (Siddhasiddhāntapaddhati 3), there is a detailed description of the structure of the human body (based on the concept of “ball of flesh,” piṇḍa) put in parallel with the structure of the cosmos (based on the concept of “egg,” aṇḍa). The term piṇḍāṇḍa refers simultaneously to the indissoluble link connecting the living and the dead (through funeral and postfuneral rites), to the fact that the physical body is made with food (and the ancestor’s body is made with the sacrificial offer), and finally to the fact that the primitive form from which the body evolves during the embryogenesis process is an indistinct mass of flesh, a ball without limbs still emerging from it. Within the body of the yogin are traced correspondences with sacred places of pilgrimage, with divine and semidivine beings, and with the elements that give form to the exterior world. So the cosmic axis mundi, mount Meru, corresponds within the body with the spinal column; the seven worlds (loka) correspond with the seven wheels of energy (cakra); the rivers correspond

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with the channels (nāḍī) where the vital breaths flow; the seven continents (dvīpa) correspond with the seven bodily tissues (chyle, blood, flesh, fat, bone, marrow, and finally sperm in the male and menstrual blood in the female); and finally the cosmic conscious principle (the so-called golden embryo, Hiraṇyagarbha) corresponds with the individual conscious principle. Also another work by Gorakhnāth contains references to this strict correspondence of macrocosm with microcosm: the vernacular Gorakh Bodh alludes to the nine planets, the five elements, the subtle energy channels, the energy wheels, and so on. The Prāṇ Saṅkali by Cauraṅgināth (fourteenth century CE) compares the ascetic’s body to the universe, describing it as an entity including the 8 families of snakes, the 8 inferior worlds, the 7 islands, the 7 oceans, the 7 rivers, the 7 skies, the 14 worlds, the 5 elements, the 25 principles of reality (tattvas), the 92,000 subtle channels (nāḍīs, normally their canonical number is 72,000), the 8,400,000 living beings, the 7 days of the week, the 15 days of the lunar fortnight, the 12 zodiac signs, and so on. Parallels between macrocosm and microcosm are to be found also in the Buddhist Kālacakratantra (eleventh century CE) and in the Lalitāmāhātmya in appendix to the Brahmāṇḍa Purāṇa (tenth century CE; see [14, 15]). A maṇḍala (etymologically “disk”) is a complex geometrical figure based on three main forms (circle, triangle, and square), diffused both in Hinduism and in Buddhism and Jainism too, a stratified complex symbol that has been appropriately defined a “psychocosmogram,” a graphic representation of both psyche and cosmos put in parallel (see [16, 17]). For its cosmological implications, a specific maṇḍala is important, the śrīcakra, “auspicious wheel,” a symbol proper of the śākta school known as śrīvidyā, “auspicious wisdom,” the “aniconic icon” formed by a geometric diagram (yantra) consisting in the intersection of five equilateral triangles with vertex oriented downward (being a female symbol) with four equilateral triangles with vertex oriented upward (being a male symbol), inscribed within a circle enclosed into a square with four gates. To the traditional hermeneutics of this symbol is dedicated a well-known work ascribed to

Cosmology (Hinduism)

Śaṅkarācārya, the Saundaryalaharī, “wave of beauty” (see [18]). The phonematic cosmology is peculiar to śaiva and śākta schools but has its roots in traditional Indian grammar. A comparative study of these traditions allows us to try to reconstruct the cultural process, bringing us from the grammatical syllabary, the logical inventory of Sanskrit phonemes (varṇasamāmnāya, “list of phonemes”), to the spiritual syllabary (varṇamālā, “garland of phonemes”), where the utmost refined phonosymbolism finds its acme in the mysticism of the word, including their cosmological undertones (see [19, 20]).

Cross-References ▶ Cosmogony (Hinduism) ▶ Vāc

References 1. Gombrich RF (1975) Ancient Indian cosmology. In: Blacker C, Loewe M (eds) Ancient cosmology. Allen & Unwin, London, pp 110–142 2. Kloetzli WR (1985) Maps of time-mythologies of descent. Scientific instruments and the Purāṇic cosmography. Hist Relig 25:116–147 3. Kuiper FBJ (1981) Ancient Indian cosmogony; essays selected and introduced by John Irwin. Vikas, New Delhi 4. Brown WN (1942) The creation myth of the rig-veda. J Am Orient Soc 62:85–98 5. Kirfel W (1920) Die Kosmographie der Inder, nach Quellen dargestellt. K. Schroeder, Bonn/Leipzig 6. Ali SM (1966) The geography of the Purāṇas. People’s Publishing House, New Delhi 7. Sircar DC (1967) Cosmography and geography in early Indian literature. Indian Studies: Past & Present, Calcutta 8. Sircar DC (1971) Studies in the geography of ancient and medieval India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 9. Pande SN (1980) Geographical horizon of the Mahābhārata. Oriental Publishers, Varanasi 10. Biardeau M (1981) Études de mythologie hindoue I. Cosmogonies Purāṇiques. École française d’Extrême Orient, Paris 11. Esnoul A-M (1959) La naissance du monde dans l’Inde. In: Esnoul A-M, Garelli P, Hervouet Y, Leibovici M, Sauneron S, Yoyotte J (eds) La naissance du monde. Égypte ancienne, Laos, Tibet, Sumer, Akkad, Hourrites et Hittites, Chine, Turcs et Mongols,

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12.

13.

14.

15.

Israël, Cannan, Islam, Inde, Iran préislamique, Siam. Éditions du Seuil, Paris, pp 329–3653 Dube B (1967) Geographical concepts in ancient India. National Geographical Society of India/Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi Larson GJ (1969) Classical Sāṃkhya; an interpretation of its history and meaning. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi White DG (2002) Le monde dans le corps du siddha. Microcosmologie dans les traditions médiévales indiennes. In: Bouillier V, Tarabout G (eds) Images du corps dans le monde hindou. CNRS Éditions, Paris, pp 189–212 Vatsyayan K (gen ed) (1995) Prakṛti. The integral vision. Vol. 1: The oral tradition. Vol. 2: Vedic, Buddhist and Jain traditions. Vol. 3: The Āgamic tradition and the arts. Vol. 4: The nature of matter. Vol. 5: Man in nature. Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts, New Delhi

377 16. Tucci G (1949) Teoria e pratica del Mandala. Fratelli Bocca, Milano 17. Padoux A (ed) (1990) L’Image Divine. Culte et Meditation dans l’Hindouisme. Éditions du CNRS, Paris 18. Seetha NI (1998) Saundaryalaharī of ŚrīŚaṅkara: a study. Swantham Books, Thiruvananthapuram 19. Padoux A (1964) Recherches sur la symbolique et l’énergie de la parole dans certaines textes tantriques. Boccard, Paris 20. Pelissero A (2014) From grammatical Syllabary to spiritual Syllabary: from varṇasamāmnāya to varṇamālā. Hist Relig 6:59–76

Cosmos ▶ Astronomy

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Dabhra-Sabha¯/Hema-Sabha¯/ Hiranya-Sabha¯/Ponambalam (Golden Hall) ▶ Citamparam (Chidambaram)

Daiva Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Many Hindu texts, such as the Mahabharata, Ramayana, Manusmriti, Brahman, and Atharva Veda, use the term Daiva with reference to something that belongs to God or coming down to us from the celestial, divine, realm, or the gods ([1], p. 46). The term is also used for sacredness and royalty. In the Atharva Veda, the concept of Daiva has been praised in a hymn: Dev maha osi (“God is verily great”). In Kavya literature, Daiva also means destined path or outcome or some fatal event. Adi Guru Shankaracharya mentions it as knowledge of portents. According to the

Bhagavad Gita, Daiva has many virtues: tejah (“influence”), abhayam (“fearlessness”), hrih (“modesty”), kshama (“forgiveness”), adrohah (“faithfulness”), saucam (“cleanliness”), ahimsa (“nonviolence”), satyam (“truthfulness”), dhritih (“determination”), acapalam (“reliability”), tapah (“austerity”), vyavasthisth (“cooperation”), mardavam (“gentleness”), dana (“charity”), aloluptvam (“generosity”), santih (“peacefulness”), dama (“self-control”), yajna (“sacrifice”), tyagah (“renunciation”), daya bhuteshu (“compassion toward embodied beings”), apeshunam (“non-malignancy”), na ati manita (“limited ambitiousness”), sattva samshuddih (“purification of existence”), akrodhah (“placidity”), svadhyaya (“contemplation”), jnana vyavastitih (“adherence to knowledge”), and arjavam (“straightforwardness”) ([9], p. 59; [10], p. 97; [12], p. 77). The Bhagavad Gita informs us that Devatas reside in Svarga Loka, where the divine king Indra is the ruler. Devatas are worshipped by human beings, and in return they grant benedictions to worshipers. There is a constant fight between devatas and demons, but devatas also overcome the latter because they are dear to the tridaiva: Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh (Shiva) ([11], p. 65). Devatas are responsible for maintaining order in the world. The opposite of Daiva is Adaiva, which means false god; there are references of Adaiva in pre-Vedic literature; however, in the Vedas we find Devata ([7], p. 44).

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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Discussion The word Daiva is derived from the root “div,” meaning “to shine” ([8], p. 32). There are presiding Devas or Devatas, also known as Adhishthatridevas and Adhishthardhidevis, who controlled various animate and inanimate domains of the universe – the domains can be either gross or subtle and very large or small. According to Purusha sukta, the sum total of all material bodies is Virat. The concept of Daiva in South India, particularly in Kerala, is associated with Ammadaivangal (“Mother Goddesses”). Also, the snake worship, Yakshpuja, is very popular, and there are several temples in Kerala where a Yakshi in the form of a female snake is the chief deity or an important Upadevata. Many Hindus also associate the concept of Daiva with nature and worship, night, day, sky, sun, moon, earth, fire, wind, dawn, etc. Even natural objects are personified divinely, and each of these Gods is addressed and referred to as the creator of the universe or the Supreme God in the Vedic hymns. Max Muller, the German Indologist, argues that the earliest followers of Hinduism were polytheistic as well as monotheistic ([3], pp. 89–90). However, the Caturmahavakya believes that there is only one spirit, i.e., nirguna, that is to be meditated upon and worshipped in the form of Devatas. But the Vedas and Upanishads celebrate the power of nature devatas, such as Rudra, Varuna, Indra, Aditya, Vishvadevatas, Vayu, and other Gods. In the Konkan region, the Hindu Daiva or Devatas are categorized into five types: Grama daiva (“village deities”), e.g., Amba, Bhairava, Hanuman, and Kalika. Local deities, Sthana devatas, are specific gods situated at certain places of pilgrimages, such as Rama in Ayodhya, Krishna in Dwarika, Shiva in Kedarnath, and Venkateswara in Tirupati. There are Kula devatas (“the family deities”), like Astik Maharaj, for Kanyakubja Brahmin. Likewise, there are some chosen deities and home deities that preside over particular location and the house. However, the general understanding is that there is only one true Daiva, the Supreme Being, also known as Brahman, not to be confused with Brahmin in the

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Hindu caste system ([6], p. 105). The sound or sacred syllable Om symbolizes the pervasiveness of the supreme deity. Also, the Supreme God remains present in each individual as soul or the eternal spirit ([4], p. 202). The learned Hindus, such as Dayanand Saraswati and others, argue that there is one Daiva (“God”), and His divinity is manifested in each and every object of this universe. One should surrender or worship oneself to the God itself rather than the divinity. So everything is God’s is a better proposition than saying everything is God. According to the Bhagavad Gita, out of ignorance and being influenced by the material desires, the followers surrender unto demigods and further follow rules and regulations of worship according to their whims and fancies ([2], p. 47). According to Upanishads, God is only one without a second; and He has neither parents nor master. There is no likeness to true God, and His form is not to be perceived; no one sees Him with the eye. Considering the paradox found in the philosophy of Hindu texts, the Indologists, such as Radhakrishnan, argue that Gita and Upanishads are not much different from the popular belief ([5], p. 64). The popular belief which is found in Puranas contains the truth presented in mythical stories and narratives so that a layman may understand the essence of the great literature of the country. Brahman is bliss, absolute, consciousness, and that is without a second and without beginning or end. That “that” is not to be invoked or worshipped but instead experienced and known everywhere. The entire creation is cyclic, i.e., everything dissolves into endless cycles.

References 1. Dwivedi AV (2015) Gods in Indian popular jokes. In: God and popular culture: a behind-the-scenes look at the entertainment industry’s most influential figure, vol 2. Praeger, Santa Barbara 2. Ganeri A (2009) Hindu. Franklin Watts, London 3. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin 4. Heiney EB (1940) A Hindu myth. Hathaway Printery, Coatesville

Da¯na 5. Johnson D, Johnson J (1977) God & gods in Hinduism. Compton Russell, London 6. Keith AB (2007) The religion and philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Klostermaier KK (2007) A survey of Hinduism. State University of New York Press, Albany 8. Pattanaik D (2008) Myth ¼ Mithya: a handbook of Hindu mythology. Penguin Books India, New Delhi 9. Radhakrishnan SS (1927) The Hindu view of life. G. Allen & Unwin, London 10. Rasamandala D (2008) Hinduism. Smart Apple Media, North Mankato 11. Ring DM, Educational Resources Information Center (U.S.) (1990) Hindu mythology: gods, goddesses, and values. U.S. Dept. of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, Educational Resources Information Center, Washington, DC 12. Streissguth T (2002) Hinduism. Lucent Books, San Diego

Further Reading Dowson J (2014) A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion: geography, history and literature. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi

Da¯modara ▶ Bhāravi

Da¯na Ved Patel Department of Religion, Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA

Definition Dāna, commonly translated into English as gifting practices, entails the permanent giving of an object, such as food, land or money, or an intangible good, such as knowledge, from one owner to another. It has held religious significance in the Hindu textual traditions dating back to the Ṛg Veda. In these texts, dāna is presented as an umbrella term under which utsarga (public works), pūrta (meritorious work), and iṣṭa (offerings made during Vedic sacrifices) stand as

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different types of gifting. Additionally, Hindu devotional movements have embedded these historical practices of giving within larger devotional frameworks through the concept of sevā (service), thereby leading to exponential growth of social service throughout India. Taking these textual and historical occurrences together, dāna maintains a multivalent character in Hinduism today.

Parameters of Da¯na in Dharma Literature A systematic definition of dāna is found in the body of texts known collectively as the Dharma literature, comprised of the Dharmasūtras (600 BCE–100 BCE) and Dharmaśāstras (100 CE–700 CE). Throughout the Dharma literature, one portion of vast range of Hindu textual sources, norms of gifting are established to qualify who could engage in dāna as donor and recipient. These qualifications helped to identify six central components of gifting: giver, receiver, spirit of generosity, lawful gift, correct place, and correct time. Of these components, the texts are predominantly focused on the giver, receiver, and gift. The recipient, in some Dharma literature such as the Manusmṛti and Yājñavalkya Smṛti, is ideally a worthy Brahmin. These texts further clarify that such worthiness referred to the development of certain characteristics over a lifespan. One central characteristic was that the Brahmin must be dedicated to the study and teaching of the Vedas from a young age and must eventually acquire adequate knowledge and understanding of these texts (Manusmṛti 1, 88). If a Brahmin is not learned in Vedic texts, he is only Brahmin in name and gifts offered to him are not meritorious. Furthermore, even if he does satisfy this requirement, his acceptance of gifts should not be based on greed or he will face detrimental circumstances (Manusmṛti 3, 179). Only then should he be considered a recipient capable of providing the giver with a great amount of merit. Regarding the actual gift, the Dharma literature establishes a hierarchy of gifts which accrue various levels of merit for the giver. In the

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Yājñavalkya Smṛti, the best type of gift is sponsoring production of Vedic manuscripts. Aside from gifting manuscripts, the Manusmṛti identifies three different levels of gifting. The bottom level consists of gifting life essentials such as food, water, and light. The second tier of gifts, likely gifted by kings, includes land, gold, silver, and houses. Finally, in the third tier, of the four gifts mentioned in the Manusmṛti, three are animals and the fourth is clothing. The final major component, the giver, is restricted to a dvija (twice-born) in the Dharma literature. Additionally, like the ideal recipient, the giver must possess certain characteristics to be a viable giver. First, he must offer the gift with respect and faith, or risk falling into hell. Second, he must have a discerning nature to determine which Brahmins are truly learned and deserving of these gifts. Maria Heim has suggested that this discernment was meant to ensure that Brahmins lived up to the ideals prescribed in the Dharma literature [7].

Gifts for Public Good Within the Dharma literature, there is scant reference to dāna as an act of gifting to the public at large. David Brick has argued that this absence was because gifts to the public did not ostensibly fulfill the requirements of ending one ownership and creating another [4]. These public works were left open to various members of society to use freely and benefit from, meaning that they were under the ownership of society at large. In numerous other Hindu textual sources, however, gifts for the benefit of the public are considered forms of dāna. The terms of interest regarding this type of gifting are utsarga, meaning public works in the Mahābhārata, Purāṇas, and Nibandhas [the digest literature popularized during twelfth century compiling Smṛti textual references to singular topics], and pūrta, meaning meritorious works of piety in the Ṛg Veda and Purāṇas. Pūrta is found initially in the Rg Veda coupled with the term iṣṭa, which refers to the performance of Vedic sacrifices. In the Aparārka Nibandha, further clarification is provided on what these

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terms would have meant in the Vedic context. Iṣṭa refers to what is offered within the altar of the Vedic sacrifice and pūrta is that offered outside of the sacrificial enclosure for the benefit of the public [7]. Specific forms of pūrta are delineated in the Agni Purāṇa as acts, such as digging reservoirs, wells, and tanks, constructing temples, giving food, and establishing gardens that confer soteriological rewards (Agni Purāṇa 209, 2). These sources are also not as restrictive as the Dharma literature in identifying who can and cannot engage in these acts of gifting to the public [1]. Unlike with participation in Vedic sacrifices, the construction of public spaces, such as gardens, and edifices, such as temples and pavilions, was not restricted only to dvija men; all could engage in gifting to others. Kane has pointed out that Ṣūdras, women, and widows were all entitled to spend on pūrta acts [9]. This is corroborated by several hundred inscriptions dated to the Chola dynasty (300 BCE–1279 CE) that reveal important donors as not just kings and local wealthy patrons but also as women known as dasis and devadasis residing within temples [10]. So, although these other textual corpuses agree with the Dharma literature that the provision of gifts to Brahmins is highly meritorious, they also strongly encourage gifting for the good of society as equally important.

Historical Shifts Dāna, from as early as the late ancient period in India, was centrally important during the nascent stages of Indian state formation. These forms of gifting were often endowments from kings, as land or material goods, to religious institutions for the establishment of temples (devadānam) and to Brahmins (brahmadeyam). In return, the donor was the recipient of prasādam (grace) from the temple deity and this personal piety led to respect and recognition by surrounding villages and rulers. Through this reciprocity, temples and the Brahmins serving within them helped to expand kingdoms and spread the religious practices followed by the royal family, thereby ensuring the status of the king as the upholder of social

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and religious order within the confines of the kingdom [8]. Under the Chola dynasty, for example, Chola kings built more temples dedicated to Viṣṇu and Śiva as they penetrated agrarian hinterlands. Following the example of the king, wealthy patrons at the center of the kingdom, and eventually in the peripheries, would also engage in the offering of endowments to the temple deities. Burton Stein, citing the historical rise of the Tirupati-Tirumala temple, notes that royals contributing to the temple were given not only public esteem and religious merit but also administrative and judicial rights in their local lands [12]. As new temples were established outside of the nuclear center of the state, local landowners followed the example of the king and donated greater agrarian resources to the temple. This allowed the temples to accrue power to create a connected nexus of religious and cultural uniformity within the expanding kingdom. In addition to kings and local wealthy patrons, women known as dasis and devadasis residing within these temples also proved to be important donors [9]. Several hundred inscriptions dated to the Chola Empire precisely reveal the identity of these women and label them as donors and devotees. This medieval system, of a relationship between donor and deity, was altered under colonial presence. One major contributing factor to this was the increasingly forced centralization and bureaucratization of the temple and the religious practices. As Carol Breckenridge’s study of the Meenakshi Temple in Madurai indicates, the individualized nature of endowment processes within temples was soon lost as British presence in different regions of India increased dramatically in the late seventeenth century [4]. In 1801, the entire Madurai district also came under the jurisdiction of the British East India Company, ensuring that all temples in the area were subject to endowment restrictions overseen by the local government. In addition to these shifts in temple endowments, Douglas Haynes has noted trading guilds in Western India began to alter their own community gifting practices [6]. Their involvement in gifting was guided not only by religious beliefs

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but also by social and cultural norms upheld to ensure the maintenance of abru, or reputation. Generosity in religious gifting was of critical importance in maintaining and building reputation, as those socially accepted as religiously inclined were deemed honest and creditworthy. Historically, these guilds were adaptable to shifts in power, altering their gifting practices in accordance with dominant definitions of service. Thus, their precolonial practices of building wells, temples, and rest houses and sponsoring Sanskrit learning expanded under colonial power to include donating to Westernized schools, colleges, and hospitals in India. Aside from these guilds, however, there remained Hindu devotional movements engaged in more traditional forms of gifting. One example is the Swaminarayan Sampraday founded in early nineteenth-century Gujarat by Swaminarayan (1781–1830). The movement engaged in practices, such as building lakes and wells and establishing almshouses during famines, which fell into the categories of utsarga and pūrta found in the Vedic corpus. Arun Brahmbhatt has shown that Swaminarayan defined these acts of service to humanity as part of a larger devotional practice known as seva [3]. Both in the theological and hagiographical sources of the tradition, service, by thought, word, and deed, not only ensured the spiritual maturation of the performer but also the betterment of the receiver of this service. Seva, traditionally defined as devotion and service to the guru and divine, thus came to include these public works, and the service of society, as forms of personal devotion. Thereafter, this concept of seva as service to the community as a religious imperative became increasingly pervasive leading into the twentieth century. Swami Vivekananda is often recognized as one reason for this through his emphasis on service to humanity as necessary spiritual discipline. A few years prior to his death in 1902, Swami Vivekananda established the Ramakrishna Mission, so his disciples could undertake service projects throughout India. Several current-day Hindu religious establishments, such as the Mata Amritanandamayi Math and the Sathya Sai Seva Organization, have also institutionalized these

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sentiments in the various services they offer to the public. Smriti Srinivas has written about the sevā ethic in the Sathya Sai Baba movement as an active mode of salvation in modern civic society. These service acts provide the devotee an opportunity to reshape the self in accordance with religious ideals [11]. Often these acts take the form of cost free medical camps, feeding centers, educational scholarships, and orphanages. Perhaps the most recent application of this ethic of service is seen in the ever-growing humanitarian aid sector in India. Erica Bornstein has shown that even with a wide range of donors, including well-established NGOs, religious institutions, and singular individuals, the invocation of dāna and sevā as motivating factors to provide for others remains widespread [2]. Taken together, the wide-ranging usage of these terms in India today continues to echo the textual and historical prescriptions of the different types of dāna in the Hindu traditions.

Dandanīti ˙˙ 7. Heim M (2004) Theories of gift in South Asia. Routledge, New York 8. Heitzman J (1977) Gifts of power. In: Lordship in an early Indian state. Oxford University Press, New York 9. Kane PV (1941) History of Dharmaśāstra (V.2). Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 10. Orr L (2000) Donors, devotees, and daughters of god temple women in medieval Tamilnadu. Oxford University Press, New York 11. Srinivas S (2008) In the presence of Sai Baba: body, city, and memory in a global religious movement. Brill, Boston 12. Stein B (1989) Vijayanagara. Cambridge University Press, New York

Dandanīti ˙˙ Hartmut Scharfe Department of Asian Languages and Cultures, University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA

Synonyms Cross-References ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) ▶ Swaminarayan

References 1. Acharya K (1993) The Puranic concept of Dana. NAG Publishers, Delhi 2. Bornstein E (2012) Disquieting gifts: humanitarianism in New Delhi. Stanford University Press, Stanford 3. Brahmbhatt A (2016) BAPS Swaminarayan community: Hinduism. In: Cherry S, Ebaugh H (eds) Global religious movements across borders: sacred service. Routledge, New York 4. Breckenridge CA (1976) The Sri Minaksi Sunaresvarar Temple: worship and endowments in South India, 1833 to 1925. PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison 5. Brick D (2015) Brahmanical theories of the gift. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 6. Haynes D (1987) From tribute to philanthropy: the politics of gift giving in a Western Indian City. J Asian Stud 46(2):339–360

Rājaniti; Rājavidyā

Definition Daṇḍanīti means literally “applying the stick,” viz., the rod of punishment. In a wider sense, the term applies to all enforcement, including military might to protect the country and to unite the world under one’s own umbrella, and in a narrower sense it meant law enforcement and criminal justice [1].

Its Role in Society Everybody, including recluses, monks, and ascetics with the possible exception of the divinely inspired true sages ! (ṛṣi), is said to need the presence of the king’s enforcing power. Without it, anarchy would prevail or, as the Indians put it, the principle seen among fish, i.e.,

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the bigger eating the smaller. To establish the rule of law, according to some (especially the Buddhists), the people elected a king, according to others – and that is the doctrine most common in the brahmanical sources – God Brahma established Manu as the first king. The pursuit of secular objectives is often called the king’s primary duty, since everything else depends on it. Its companion is the code of dharma (!) “righteousness” that obliges everyone to function in accordance with his identity. Ascetics have to follow the rules of their order and their individual vows including complete nonviolence (! ahiṃsā); soldiers to fight and eventually kill; peasant to work the fields, harvest, and give their proper share to the government; and even prostitutes to ply their trade honestly. All the while the king has to make sure that the order and hierarchy of the social classes was not disturbed and to guard the safety of the citizens, especially the helpless, the widows, and orphans. Severe punishment was meted out, e.g., to servants who assaulted members of the higher classes or people who claimed wrongly membership in a higher class. Mixing of the classes (varṇa-saṃkara) was strongly condemned. There are several traditional texts ! (dharma-śāstra) that lay out these rights and duties for men and women and for the variety of classes and professions. The goal of these texts was primarily religious, i.e., to direct the people to a course of life that benefits them in the here and the hereafter. But they also incorporated old inherited tribal customs and rules, the jus gentium. There existed no laws in the sense of Roman or modern Western law, though these compendia are popularly often called “law books” and occasionally even a king declared them to be the law of the land. Their maxims guided the local councils of villagers and trade groups in settling disputes including inheritance problems as well as petty crimes, if necessary with the help of (unsalaried?) justices appointed by the king who could impose fines. The king’s duty was to see to it that the rules of dharma are followed. Magistrates would handle criminal cases such as major theft, assault, and murder. The king,

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through his judges, had the monopoly to impose punishments or approve decisions made locally. Besides monetary fines, there were corporal punishments including amputations of thumb and forefinger for theft and ultimately execution for the most serious crimes, sometimes enhanced by especially painful procedures. Another form of punishment was shaming by parading the culprit through the streets in a disgraceful manner. Since ! Brahmins could not be executed, their most severe punishment consisted of stripping them of their status as Brahmins and driving them into exile in a life of disgrace which often proved to be for them more devastating than death.

The Teaching of Dandanı¯ti ˙˙ The epics teach many aspects of daṇḍanīti, both by example and by instruction. Especially the large epic ! Mahābhārata contains many chapters of political instruction. The political structure of the time meant that these instructions were primarily addressed to the king, a few also to his courtiers. A detailed manual on all aspects of statecraft ! (Arthaśāstra) [2] was attributed to the mythical ! Kauṭilya but probably compiled in the first century C.E. from older material. The first half of the text deals with internal affairs, the second with foreign affairs involving diplomacy and war – both open warfare and secret machinations. It gives an insider’s view of the workings of the state bureaucracy, information on manufacture and trade of goods, agriculture, and the administration of ! justice.

Controversial Practices More controversial were the methods deployed to defend the state and the king against political dangers. Popular uprisings were extremely rare (there are references to some kings being driven into exile in late Vedic texts), but members of the aristocracy including the king’s own family were

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a constant concern. Since their position often made it impossible to openly charge them, devious ways had to be found to eliminate them. Family members could be tricked into murdering them, only to be executed in turn as murderers, or assassins in the king’s pay could kill them, while throwing suspicion on the victims themselves. To fend off attempts of other kings to gain suzerainty, the king had to strengthen the state’s resources, form alliances, fight wars, and conduct secret actions including assassinations. Many religious leaders considered these teachings unscrupulous and immoral, and manuscripts of the Arthaśāstra are consequently rare.

The Objective of Dandanı¯ti: Realpolitik ˙˙ with a Moral Purpose

Darśana, Image Worship

Darśana, Image Worship Ramdas Lamb Department of Religion, University of Hawai’i at Manoa, Honolulu, HI, USA

Synonyms Hierophany; Sacred vision; Theophany

Related Terms Omnipresence; Panenthism; Pantheism

Definition The ideal was lordship over the “four ends of the earth” (meaning India), which would end the constant rivalries and wars that marked Indian history. Though that ideal was never reached, many rulers of large states called themselves cakravartin “world ruler,” the concept of the state being often diffuse at the periphery with allies, friends, and tributaries part of the political system or in the interior where jungle tribes lived their lives with little interference from the central authorities. The goal was to bring peace, where all communities could live in conformity to their established role: Brahmins would study, teach the Vedas, and conduct religious services, farmers and craftsmen ply their trade, and servants serve their masters. They could all pursue their spiritual goals such as the liberation from the cycle of rebirths or going to Viṣṇu’s heaven. This ideal was often dubbed Rāma-rājya (in Hindi Rām-rāj) “kingdom of Rāma” after the ideal king ! Rāma of the epic ! Rāmāyaṇa.

References 1. Kane PV (1989) History of Dharmasastra, 2nd edn, vol III. Poona 1973 Hartmut Scharfe. The State in Indian Tradition, Leiden 2. Olivelle P (2013) King, governance, and law in Ancient India. Kauṭilya’s Arthaśāstra, Oxford

Darśana (Hindi: darśan) literally means “sight” or “vision” and is used in the Hindu tradition in reference to one’s visual experience (external or internal) of someone or something that opens the heart and inspires within a sense of the sacred, of divine grace, and/or of divine presence. Although the concept is part of all the Indian Dharma Traditions (i.e., Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism, and Sikhism), it is most elaborated in the Hindu tradition, which will be the focus of this entry. For Hindus, having darśana is part of devotional endeavors that are central to the practice of their tradition ([1], 3). Whenever they visit a holy person, a temple or shrine with a sacred image, or any of myriad natural places considered sacred, including special mountains, rivers, caves, valleys, trees, etc., they do so with the intention of “seeing” the person, place, or image, and thereby gaining blessings through experiencing and absorbing some of the sanctity that is there. When a holy being or sacred image is involved, Hindus also try to be “seen” by the person or by the resident deity or deities in the sacred images. The belief is that seeing and especially being seen in these situations result in their being blessed. Both of these are part of what is known as “darśana.” Hindus refer to visits of such

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places or persons as “having” darśana, “getting” darśana, or “taking” darśana. While this Hindu concept resonates to some extent with beliefs found in some other indigenous traditions in the world, it is not the same, and it is also different when compared to the other Dharma Traditions as well as to the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam). In order to better understand the basis of the Hindu belief, a consideration of the concept of omnipresence is necessary.

Omnipresence, Hierophany, Theophany One step toward understanding the Hindu concept of darśana is by comparing it with similar concepts in other religious traditions and in Abrahamic religions. In the Indian traditions, Jains believe in the existence of an eternal soul in every living being, while Buddhists believe all sentient beings have a spiritual core referred to as “Buddha nature.” Hindus go further with the belief that divinity is present and knowable in every aspect of creation. This not only includes all living beings but all inanimate objects as well, although the latter presence is typically more latent than active. There are several ways in which that presence can become manifest, and these will be discussed below. The Abrahamic religions teach that their respective scriptures are divinely inspired writings and thus holy, but they do not believe their deity is personally present in them. Many of their followers generally believe similarly about their respective places of prayer and worship. Both scripture and house of worship are sacred because of a connection with their deity. Additionally, in each tradition, there are things that have “become” sacred for various reasons, such as the menorah or Star of David for Jews, saints relics for Catholics, and the Hand of Fatima symbol by some Shi’a Muslims. In Western religious language, these are referred to as “hierophanies,” which means that they reflect divinity and inspire the experience of the divine. Hierophanies are common in indigenous religious traditions all over the world as well, where certain items, animals, or aspects of nature

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inspire an experience of divinity and are thus understood to be sacred ([2], 2–3). A related concept involves the belief that the divine can be revealed or manifested in a tangible and personal manner to humans. The most common occurrences like this are in indigenous traditions, where deities may manifest themselves theriomorphically or as a natural phenomenon at certain times of the year, for special reasons, or to certain individuals such as shaman. The Abrahamic religions also believe in such phenomena, which are known as “theophanies.” Biblical examples include God appearing to Abraham and Jesus’s transfiguration before his disciples on a mountain. These religions believe it to be an extremely rare occurrence and most of their theologians say that it has not occurred since ancient times.

Hindu Concept of Omnipresence The Hindu understanding of and belief in omnipresence is literal, i.e., that the divine, which ultimately transcends gender and any other limitation, has an inherent presence everywhere and therefore within all beings and things, tangible, and intangible. Because of this inherent omnipresence, the divine can, if it chooses to, manifest itself, i.e., make its presence known, anywhere, at any time, in any form it chooses, or as an invisible divine power and presence that can be felt and experienced by humans. When one is able to experience theophany, this is seen as the greatest form of darśana. However, for one to have such an experience or “vision” of divinity, one must open one’s heart and mind to see and feel it. It is an individual experience that depends upon one’s openness and readiness. For those in such a state, the experience can be intense and transformative. It is what devotees ideally seek to experience when visiting a holy person, image, or place. Whether the experience is a hierophany or a theophany, both are referred to as “darśana.” Although there are countless ways to have such experiences, there are three general vehicles through which they occur.

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Tirthas (“Pilgrimage Sites”) and Other Sacred Places Pilgrimages are a fundamental part of the practice of Hinduism, and there are countless sites in India considered as tirthas and also other places held to be sacred. They may be unknown outside their immediate locale and only garner regional devotion or they may known all over the country and even internationally, drawing pilgrims from wherever they reside. Tirthas are so designated because of their geographic location, of the presence of a popular or special temple, or because of their connection with a religiously significant person or event. At a pilgrimage site, it is believed that divine presence is more regularly manifest than at other places, especially during holidays and special time periods. For the pilgrim, then, simply being there, seeing, and experiencing the site is a form of darśana. Among the most popular tirthas are those associated with one of the major deities or where important festivals occur. Typically, there is a variety of temples in these places that add to their sanctity. Places in nature such as specific valleys and peaks in the Himalayas and other mountain ranges, rivers like the Ganga (“Ganges”), the Yamuna, the Narmada, etc. are often tirthas as well. Visiting and having darśana of any tirtha is believed to be a source of blessings, some more than others. For example, while all rivers are said to presided over by a goddess and thus reflecting her presence and power, the Ganga is said to be the most powerful. At nearly any of the tirthas along the river, one will hear people chanting verses of praise to her, such as, “Ganga Ma, your darśana grants liberation.” Pilgrims will take home bottles of water from the Ganga and other sacred rivers to sprinkle around their homes to purify and bless them. While at a tirtha, pilgrims seek to have darśana of any and all sites, sādhus (“renunciants”), and temple images there, and also participate in rituals or other religious practices to enhance the darśana and thus the spiritual energy gained.

Darśana, Image Worship

Murtis (“Images”) It is difficult to walk through most villages, urban neighborhoods, or bazaars in India without seeing images. These may be in temples or roadside shrines, on small altars in stores, painted on walls or on calendars, on the dashboard of a vehicle, etc. They can range in size from a few inches in height to over 50 ft. tall. In the past few decades, there has tended to be a greater proliferation of the larger images, especially at more frequented pilgrimage sites. Murtis may depict one of the many national deities or they may represent regional ones whose popularity is primary local. Hindus understand and relate to images in a variety of ways ([3], 50). A painting or picture on a wall or a calendar, in a book, on a vehicle, or a statue somewhere other than in a temple or shrine may simply be seen as an ordinary depiction of a deity with no enhanced level of divine presence. If a murti is on a home altar, in a roadside shrine, or in a place where prayers are done, then it may be seen as having the ability to inspire an experience of divinity. In this case, it may be considered as a hierophany. If it is in a temple and special rituals have been performed to request the imaged deity to reside in the murti, then it may be experienced as a theophany. Although the type of rituals performed for and before an image go a long way to determining how it is understood and experienced, the personal feelings and beliefs of the devotee are also strong and influencing factors determining how a murti affects those who go to it for darśana. One who is of a strong devotional nature or who feels a close connection to a specific deity is more likely to “feel” a presence when viewing a murti and thus interpret the experience as darśana than is one who is not so inclined. Among the more valued forms or darśana of a murti for most Hindus are typically those of a deity or deities in temples. A major reason that temple murtis are believed to have special power due to rituals performed at the time of their installation that led to the “birth” or the

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“awakening” of a divine presence within the image. The main rite performed to accomplish this is known as prāna pratiśthā (“placing the life force”). During the performance, the imaged deity is requested to manifest and maintain its presence in the newly installed murti. The rite is almost only performed for a murti where prayers and offerings will occur on a daily regular basis by a priest or officiant considered as qualified to perform the rituals. The entire prāna pratiśthā ritual can take anywhere from a day or two to a week or more, depending upon the elaborateness of the ritual and also the number of murtis for whom the rituals are being done. One of the more important elements of the “birthing” process is when a murti’s eyes are “opened” for the first time. Some form of curtain is placed in front of the image so that no one is in direct line of sight at that moment, since tradition says that the power emanating from the murti when the eyes are first opened can be so intense as to cause harm or even death to someone in the way. The daily ritual process for temple murtis traditionally includes “waking” the deity, removing its clothes, bathing it either with water or with a variety of other substances (milk, ghee, honey, etc.), redressing it with fresh clothing, and performing a ritual known as ārtī before it. During the latter, the deity is offered water, incense, food, etc. All the other morning rituals preceding ārtī are conducted behind a screen and not seen by anyone but the priest or priests doing them. Once the rite is completed, then the screen is removed and temple visitors can watch the ārtī and also have darśana of the murti. Many Hindus make a habit of going to temples for the morning ārtī performance, so they can have early morning darśana before going to school or work. At most temples, a spoon of the bath water or a piece of food that has been offered to the deity is given to those having darśana. These may be consumed at that time or taken home to bless it or to share with family members.

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Gurus and Other Holy Beings For many, one of the most important forms of darśana occurs when one visits one’s own guru, but also when one is able to see other religious teachers or other holy beings. Blessings and spiritual energy are believed to be gained when one has darśana of revered and holy individuals. Additionally, two other elements may be involved that makes such a darśana especially auspicious and meaningful. These are referred to as sparśana and praśana. Seeing and being seen by holy beings are both believed to be powerful, but being able to touch them (sparśana), especially one of their feet, is believed to be a source of even greater blessings. Further, if one is able to ask (praśana) for and receive specific spiritual advice or blessings, then even greater spiritual energy is attained.

Conclusion Although the concept of darśana may not seem to be especially significant to those viewing the Hindu traditions from the outside, for the majority of practitioners, it is integral to their religious experiences. The importance and significance of darśana is grounded in the literal Hindu belief in omnipresence, which is rather unique among all the major religions and religious traditions. Those who believe that the divine is in all beings, places, and things are more likely to treat them with kindness and respect. In the process, they are also more likely to see and experience divinity all around them and as the source of all that occurs in their lives.

References 1. Eck DL (1998 [1981]) Darśan: seeing the divine image in India, 3rd edn. Columbia University Press, New York 2. Eliade M (1958) Patterns in comparative religion (trans: Sheed R). Sheed and Ward, Inc., New Yrok 3. Rinehart R (ed) (2004) Contemporary Hinduism: ritual, culture, and practice. ABC CLIO, Santa Barbara

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Darśana, Overview of Six Schools Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India

Synonyms Classical Indian philosophical schools; Philosophy

Definition In the context of premodern Indian thought, darśana refers to the different philosophical schools. Within Hinduism, there are six such schools of philosophy that developed roughly between 200 BCE and 500 CE, mainly in the form of sūtra texts and their commentaries and sub-commentaries. The hallmark of the six schools of Hindu darśana is that they all accept the authority of the Veda. These six schools are Vaiśeṣika, Nyāya, Sāṃkhya, Yoga, Mīmāṃsā, and Vedānta.

Introduction The ṣaḍ-darśana or the six schools of Hindu philosophy refer to the six āstika (generally referred to as “orthodox”) schools of thought that emerged in India roughly between 200 BCE and 500 CE, accepting the Veda as their authority for knowledge. These six schools are Vaiśeṣika, Nyāya, Sāṃkhya, Yoga, Mīmāṃsā, and Vedānta. What is important to understand is their relationship to the Veda, which is classified as śruti and characterized as apauruṣeya, that is, without a human author, and eternal, that is, without a beginning or end. All the six schools accept the infallibility of the Veda and thereby are classified as āstika, as opposed to the nāstika schools of thought like Buddhism, Jainism, and Cārvāka. The difference, however, lies – to put it in simple terms – in their interpretation of the Veda.

Darśana, Overview of Six Schools

Darśana literally means “seeing.” The use of this word to indicate philosophy is worth some deliberation. According to M. Hiriyanna, “The word darśana literally means ‘sight’ or ‘vision’; but, in the present context, it is generally taken to mean ‘a point of view’, by which is to be understood a world-view distinctive of a particular system of philosophy. It may, for example, be monistic or pluralistic, realistic or idealistic” ([2], p. 101). Chandradhar Sharma, however, offers a slightly different explanation: “Indian Philosophy. . .has always emphasized the need of practical realization of truth. The word ‘darshana’ means ‘vision’ and also the ‘instrument of vision’. It stands for the direct, immediate and intuitive vision of Reality, the actual perception of Truth. . .” ([7], p. 13). These two views, however, need not necessarily be understood as contradictory to each other.

Sūtra Literature and Their Commentaries The efforts at systematizing philosophical views arose because of the specific needs of the time. Ancient Indian texts are of different kinds, and the emergence of the darśana literature marked the rise of a very distinct genre of text called the sūtra in Indian intellectual tradition. J N Mohanty calls this new style of philosophical systematization as something uniquely Indian ([4], p. 5). Sūtras are short aphorisms – they are as concise and as free from unnecessary repetition and superfluous material as possible. This extreme conciseness, on the other hand, creates a difficulty in understanding the sūtras – in order to allay which an article tradition of commentaries and sub-commentaries (bhāṣyas and vārttikas) on sūtras arose. It should be remembered that the views expressed in the different darśanas were growing and evolving through generations before they came to be formally codified. However, certain texts and their commentaries have been accepted by tradition as the principal works within each school. The table below provides the list of the principal sūtra, bhāṣya, and vārttika texts and their authors for

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each of the six schools of Hindu philosophy (dates are approximate and some are even disputed). Darśana Vaiśeṣika

Sūtra Kaṇāda’s Vaiśeṣikasūtra (date unknown) Nyāya Gotama’s Nyāyasūtra (second century CE) Sāṃkhya Kapila’s Sāṃkhyasūtra (lost)a Yoga Patañjali’s Yogasūtra (200 BCE) Mīmāṃsā Jaimini’s Mīmāṃsāsūtra (fourth to first century BCE)

Vedānta

Bādarāyaṇa’s Vedāntasūtra (200 BCE)

Bhāṣya Praśastapāda’s bhāṣya (fifth century CE) Vātsyāyana’s bhāṣya (450–500 CE)

Varttika –

–

–

Uddyotakara’s vārttika (seventh century CE)

Vyāsa’s bhāṣya Vijñānabhikṣu’s (500 CE) Yogavārttika on Vyāsa’s commentary Kumārila Bhaṭṭa Śabara’s bhāṣya (fifth to (c. 660 CE) and Prabhākara’s (c. 700 sixth century CE) CE) commentaries on Śabarabhāṣya – Different schools have different bhāṣyas, for example, Śaṃkara’s bhāṣya or Rāmānuja’s bhāṣya

a Since the Sāṃkhyasūtra of Kapila is lost, the Sāṃkhyakārikā of Iśvarakṛṣṇa became the principal text of the school. Gauḍapāda and Vācaspati Miśra have written commentaries on the Sāṃkhyakārikā.

These six systems are usually treated as pairs like Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika and Sāṃkhya-Yoga, because the ideas of Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika are similar and related to each other and so are those of Sāṃkhya and Yoga. As for Mīmāṃsā and Vedānta, the former is often referred to as Purva Mīmāṃsā, and in that connection, the latter is also known as Uttara Mīmāṃsā.

commentary on Kaṇāda’s sūtras, but is in reality a valuable and independent work. The central concept in Vaiśeṣika is that of padārtha, used in the sense of category. The word literally means “the meaning of a word.” S. Radhakrishnan explains: “A padārtha is an object which can be thought (artha) and named (pada). All things which exist, which can be cognised and named, in short, all objects of experience, and not merely the things of the physical world, are padārthas” ([6], p. 164). Thus, padārtha means “the meaning of a word” as well as “the object signified by a word.” According to Vaiśeṣika, the entire universe can be classified into seven padārthas or categories. Originally, the system enumerated only six padārthas, and the seventh category of abhāva or nonexistence was dwelled upon but not treated as a separate category by Kaṇāda. Later Vaiśeṣikas added abhāva to the list and enumerated the seven padārthas as dravya (substance), guṇa (quality), karma (action), sāmānya (generality), viśeṣa (particularity), samavāya (inherence), and abhāva (nonexistence). Some of these are further classified into different types, like 9 dravyas, 24 guṇas (Kaṇāda providing 17 and Praśastapāda adding 7 more), 5 kinds of karma, and 4 kinds of abhāva. Vaiśeṣika is often referred to as a philosophy of atomistic pluralism. It holds that material objects of the world are divisible into smaller parts that are further divisible into even smaller parts till we arrive at the minutest indivisible part. This indivisible, partless, and eternal particle of matter is called paramāṇu (atom). Creation means the production of things by a combination of atoms in different proportions.

Vaiśesika ˙ The Vaiśeṣika system of thought derives its name from the word viśeṣa, meaning “particularity.” The first systematic exposition of the Vaiśeṣika views is to be found in Kaṇāda’s Vaiśeṣikasūtra. Kaṇāda is also known as Kaṇabhuj or Kaṇabhakṣa, whose original name was probably Kāśyapa. Vaiśeṣika is also called Aulūkya Darśana. Praśastapāda’s Padārthadharmasaṃgraha is known as a

Nya¯ya Nyāya is a system of logical realism. In a way, it serves as an introduction to all systematic philosophy, because every system of Hindu thought accepts the basic principles of Nyāya logic. Gotama (also known as Gautama and Akṣapāda) is believed to be the founder of the

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Nyāya school of thought. Nyāya means argumentation; it is predominantly an analytical tradition. Both Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika take a realist position vis-à-vis objects of experience. Radhakrishnan agrees with the view that the Vaiśeṣika system is older than Nyāya. As noted by Stephen Phillips, for centuries, each was considered distinct by Indian philosophers, with a distinct and self-defining early literature. However, “the two may be said to be unified by Udayana (c. 1000) as Nyāya. Even before Udayana, Logicians accepted, at least implicitly, key Atomist positions, and Atomists accepted key claims developed by Logicians. The two are sister schools in the early period” ([5], p. 37). Padārtha is an organizing principle of both Vaiśeṣika and Nyāya, but Nyāya recognizes 16 padārthas, which include the Vaiśeṣika categories in a single category. These 16 categories are pramāṇa (means of right knowledge), prameya (object of right knowledge), saṃśaya (doubt), prayojana (purpose), dṛṣṭānta (illustrative instances), siddhānta (accepted conclusions), avayava (premises), tarka (argumentation), nirṇaya (ascertainment), vāda (debate), jalpa (disputation), vitanḍā (destructive criticism), hetvābhāsa (fallacy), chala (quibble), jāti (refutation), and nigrahasthāna (points of opponents’ defeat). The Vaiśeṣika categories are included in the second Nyāya category prameya. It is thus evident that while Vaiśeṣika focuses on the physical, Nyāya focuses on the logical. “The sixteen padārthas of the Nyāya are not an analysis of existing things, but are a list of the central topics of the logical sense. But the categories of the Vaiśeṣika attempt a complete analysis of the objects of knowledge” ([6], pp. 164–165). Hence, there is a difference in the distribution of emphasis. “While Nyāya gives us an account of the processes and methods of a reasoned knowledge of objects, the Vaiśeṣika develops the atomic constitution of things which the Nyāya accepts without much argument” ([6], p. 16). Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika agree in their essential principles, such as the nature and qualities of the self and the atomic theory of the universe. Nyāya recognizes all the 24 qualities identified by Vaiśeṣika. Yet, as Radhakrishnan argues, “the

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classification and characterisation of the categories and the development of the atomic theory give to the Vaiśeṣika its distinctive interest and value” ([6], p. 158).

Sa¯mkhya ˙ The word sāṃkhya means reckoning, summing up, enumeration, calculation, etc. The concept and its usage had a prehistory even before the ideas of the classical philosophical school were consolidated. For convenience, three phases can be discerned in the development of the system, of which the third phase marks the beginning of the technical philosophical tradition [3]. The Sāṃkhya is undoubtedly one of the oldest of the philosophical systems. Its origin, in fact, reaches back to the period of oral tradition. But the old literature of the system, including its leading text, Kapila’s Sāṃkhyasūtra, is lost. Tradition unanimously names Kapila as the founder of this school. However, the origin of the system and also the life and trajectory of Kapila are shrouded in mystery and debate. In the absence of the early literature, the Sāṃkhyakārikā of Iśvarakṛṣṇa is considered as the definitive text of the tradition and is tentatively dated around 350 CE. Sāṃkhya believes that the effect really preexists in the cause; for example, in its essence, the cloth is not different from the threads of which it is made. What we see as the effect is already present in the cause in latent form. Therefore, the process of causation is really a process of transformation (pariṇāma). This theory is called satkāryavāda. Sāṃkhya believes that there are two ultimate ontological principles – puruṣa, pure consciousness, that is plural, and prakṛti, the one primordial material substance. Of these two, puruṣa is the passive principle. And there are as many puruṣas as there are individuals. Prakṛti is the primordial substance out of which the world has evolved. It consists of three guṇas (translated variously as qualities, substances, constituent elements or processes) – sattva (intelligibility), rajas (activity), and tamas (inertia). Tamo-guṇa is a kind of mass stuff that acts as a factor for restraint or obstruction of activity (inertness) or of clarity

Darśana, Overview of Six Schools

(opaqueness). Rajo-guṇa is energy stuff that acts as a factor for activity. Sattva-guṇa is intelligence stuff, which unlike the other two, is characterized by a kind of luminosity and plasticity and acts as a factor for illumination. Since creation is an evolution of prakṛti, all created substances contain these three gunas, albeit combined in different proportions, thus leading to different characteristics of each created substance. In its unmanifest state (mūlaprakṛti), prakṛti is in a state of equilibrium among the three guṇas – a condition in which there is no action. Prakṛti evolves as a result of saṃyoga or proximity with puruṣa. And the first product of this evolution of prakṛti is mahat (the “great one”), the cause of the whole universe. While mahat represents the cosmic aspect, buddhi represents its psychological counterpart in an individual human being. Buddhi is the subtle substance of all mental processes. It is this buddhi that eventually enables the puruṣa to discriminate between itself and prakṛti, thus resulting in kaivalya (liberation). Sāṃkhya philosophy admits of 25 tattvas (components): puruṣa, prakṛti, buddhi (intellect), ahaṃkāra (ego-sense), manas (mind), five buddhīndriyas (sense faculties), 5 karmendriyas (organs of action), 5 tanmātras (subtle elements), and 5 mahābhūtas (gross elements).

Yoga In some senses, Sāṃkhya is the philosophical side to the system, and Yoga the practical counterpart of the same system. Patañjali’s Yogasūtra is the principal text of this tradition. While Sāṃkhya and Yoga agree in most of their views, they differ too in some respect. For example, they differ in the concept of Īśvara (God). Sāṃkhya is generally believed to deny the existence of Īśvara (although J Bronkhorst argues that at least till the end of the first millennium CE, Sāṃkhya admitted of a God, albeit playing a very minor role [1]). Yoga, on the other hand, believes in Īśvara and defines it as a special puruṣa – always free from ignorance, passion, and affliction – and he is also the teacher of the earliest teachers. Another

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important difference is that Yoga introduces the concept of citta, which includes the buddhi, ahaṃkāra, and manas of Sāṃkhya [3]. Yoga itself is defined as citta-vṛtti-nirodha, that is, the restraint (nirodha) of the various modifications (vṛtti) of the mind stuff (citta). The word yoga has been used in different scriptures in different senses. In Patañjali, yoga is “a methodical effort to attain perfection, through the control of the different elements of human nature, physical and psychical”, it is “the system of the restraint of the senses and the mind” ([6], p. 309). When the mind is affected by objects, modifications (vṛtti) of the mind stuff take place. Yoga is the means of restraining these modifications from taking place. In order to achieve this, Pātañjala Yoga stipulates an eightfold path of discipline (Aṣṭāṅga Yoga): yama (abstention), niyama (observance), āsana (posture), prāṇāyāma (regulation of breath), pratyāhāra (withdrawal of the senses), dhāraṇā (fixing the mind on the object of meditation), dhyāna (meditation), and samādhi (concentration). While the first five are external aids to Yoga (bahiraṅga sādhana), the last three are internal aids (antaraṅga sādhana).

Mīma¯msa¯ ˙ Mīmāṃsā means critical reflection. In contrast to Vedānta, which is called Uttara Mīmāṃsā, Mīmāṃsā proper is also called Purva Mīmāṃsā. It deals with ritual, that is, the karma kānḍa portion of the Veda, whereas, Vedānta deals with the Upaniṣads, that is, the jñāna kānḍa portion of the Veda, expounding upon the knowledge of the truth of existence. The karma kānḍa portion deals with dharma or acts of duty, chief among which was yajña or sacrifice. The Mīmāṃsāsūtra were written as works of exegesis or hermeneutics to clarify the meaning of Vedic verses pertaining to these acts of duty, especially sacrifices. Jaimini’s Mīmāṃsāsūtra is the main text for this tradition, and the principal extant commentary on this text is Śabarabhāṣya. Kumārila Bhaṭṭa and his pupil Prabhākara wrote vārttikas on Śabara’s commentary, and they diverged in

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their opinions on certain things. Based on this divergence of interpretation of Śabarabhāṣya, there developed two sub-schools within Mīmāṃsā – one group is known as the Bhāṭṭa Mīmāṃsākas and the other as Prabhākara Mīmāṃsākas. Kumārila was a vigorous exponent of Brahmanical orthodoxy. He believed in the absolute authority of the Veda and accorded the greatest importance to the performance of rituals. An important difference between Kumārila and Prabhākara is that while the latter admitted of five pramāṇas or valid means of knowledge, the former added a sixth pramāṇa to the list (discussed below).

Veda¯nta Vedānta literally means “the end portion of the Veda.” The Upaniṣads that form the jñāna kānḍa of the Veda are referred to as Vedānta. They deal mainly with deep metaphysical issues concerning the Ultimate Reality. It has been argued, at times, that the earlier part of the Veda emphasizing on dharma (duty) and karma (mainly ritual action) and the later portion of the Veda or Vedānta dealing with ultimate metaphysical truths and liberation form a kind of continuum – it is through the observance of duties and rites that the mind of an individual is purified and he/she starts seeking answers to higher and deeper existential questions. Within this framework, then, it is important to note that Vedānta does not repudiate action – it merely considers it a preliminary yet important condition for moving to the next level. In order to present the Vedantic views in a systematic form, Bādarāyaṇa wrote his Vedāntasūtra or Brahmasūtra, which is also known as Śārīrakasūtra. It is worth noting that śārīraka means “the one who inhabits the body (śarīra).” The title clearly indicates the position of the author vis-à-vis the true identity of the human person – that it is not the subjective individuality consisting of the mind-body complex, but it is ātman that is identical with brahman, the Ultimate Reality. Since Upanisadic ideas are known as Vedānta and this school of philosophy bases itself

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completely on the Upaniṣads, the school took the same name for itself – Vedānta. There are three principal texts of the Vedantic tradition known as the prasthānatrayī – the Upaniṣads, Bādarāyaṇa’s Brahmasūtra, and the Bhagavad Gīta. Within Vedanta too, there are several schools, depending on the divergent interpretations, as expressed in the different commentaries on the Brahmasūtra, the Upaniṣads, and the Gīta. The principal Vedantic schools are as follows with the names of their best-known proponents mentioned within brackets: Advaita (Śaṃkara, c. eighth century CE), Viśiṣṭādvaita (Rāmānuja, eleventh century CE), Dvaitādvaita (Nimbārka, c. eleventh century CE), Dvaita (Madhva, thirteenth century CE), Śuddhādvaita (Vallabha, 1479–1531 CE), and Acintyabhedābheda (Śri Caitanya, 1485–1533 CE). One also hears of another school called Bhedābheda which is treated as an umbrella term to include Vallabha, Caitanya, and others like Vijñānabhikṣu (sixteenth century CE). This divergence of interpretation is mainly regarding the exact nature of the relationship between brahman and the soul.

Prama¯na or Valid Means of Knowledge ˙ Pramāṇa or “valid means of knowledge” is an important epistemological component of the darśanas. Each of the six schools developed its own theory of knowledge or pramāṇa-śāstra. Understanding the difference in their positions vis-à-vis this helps us understand some of their other differences. The darśanas classify cognition into two types – pramā, those which are true, and apramā, those that are not true. Pramāṇa is, therefore, that by means of which one can arrive at pramā or true cognition. These are the six principal pramāṇas: pratyakṣa (perception), anumāna (inference), śabda (verbal testimony), upamāna (comparison), arthāpatti (postulation), and anupalabdhi (non-apprehension). Of these six pramāṇas, Vaiśeṣika accepts perception and inference; Sāṃkhya accepts perception, inference, and verbal testimony; Nyāya accepts perception, inference, comparison, and

Daśamukha

verbal testimony; Prabhākara Mīmāṃsā admits of perception, inference, comparison, postulation, and verbal testimony; Bhāṭṭa Mīmāṃsā accepts these five and adds a sixth pramāṇa – anupalabdhi or non-apprehension; and Vedanta accepts all these six pramāṇas [4]. It is worth noting that all schools (even Cārvāka and Buddhism) accept perception as a valid means of knowledge, but they do not agree regarding its nature, limitations, etc. Of these six, śabdapramāṇa has a special meaning in that it is not any verbal testimony, but a testimony that is invested with some authority – it usually means āpta-vākya or statement of competent persons.

Conclusion In conclusion, it can be highlighted that these different schools did not develop in isolation with one another. The contrary was very much the case. They engaged in debates with each other, and this continuous process of dialogue even led to changes and improvements in a school of thought. They were also debating with the other Indian darśanas – the non-Hindu or non-Vedic ones. The richness of ideas and diversity of perspectives that marks the premodern intellectual history of India is partly due to this heritage of dialogue and debate across schools of thought.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Anumāna ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Bādarāyaṇa ▶ Bhedābheda ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahman ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya) ▶ Cārvāka ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Mādhva ▶ Mīmāṃsā as Introspective Literature and as Philosophy

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▶ Navyā-Nyāya ▶ Nimbārka ▶ Nyāya ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Pramāṇa ▶ Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa ▶ Śabda ▶ Sacrifice (Village) ▶ Samādhi ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Śarīra (Body) ▶ Śuddhādvaita ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vācaspati Miśra ▶ Vaiśeṣika ▶ Vedānta, Overview ▶ Vedas, Overview ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta ▶ Yoga Sutras of Patanjali

References 1. Bronkhorst J (1983) God in Samkhya. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens 27:149–164 2. Hiriyanna M (1952) Popular essays in Indian philosophy. Kavyalaya Publishers, Mysore 3. Larson G, Bhattacharya RS (1987) Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies, vol 4. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Mohanty JN (2002) Classical Indian philosophy. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 5. Phillips SH (1997) Classical Indian metaphysics: refutations of realism and the emergence of “new logic”. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 6. Radhakrishnan S (2008) Indian philosophy, vol 2. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 7. Sharma C (1987) A critical survey of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Daśagrīva ▶ Rāvaṇa

Daśamukha ▶ Rāvaṇa

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Daśana¯mī Cult ▶ Daśanāmī Order

Daśana¯mī Order Shakuntala Gawde Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Synonyms Daśanāmī cult; Daśanāmī saṁpradāya; Nāga Sādhus

Definition Śaṅkarācārya introduced a system to organize Śaiva saṁnyāsins into ten titles categorized into four maṭhas is known as Daśanāmī order. This cult of saṁnyāsins is known as Daśanāmī saṁpradāya.

Introduction Śaṅkarācārya (c. 700 CE) propounded Kevalādvaita philosophy and contributed a lot to spread Hinduism in India. It was done by him through the system of maṭhas established in various parts of India. Śaṅkarācārya is considered as the founder of Daśanāmī Saṁpradāya. He brought ekadaṇḍῑ saṁnyāsins together under the patronage of four maṭhas. Disciples of Ādi Śaṅkarācārya are also called Daśanāmī saṁnyāsins as they have to take one of the ten names given in tradition. All Daśanāmi saṁnyāsins belong to Ekadaṇḍῑ tradition. They carry a staff of single wooden stick symbolic of oneness of jīva and Brahman. One who enters saṁnyāsa in the Ekadaṇḍi tradition has to take up one of the ten names associated with particular saṁpradāya. Bhāratī (learning), Giri (hill), Puri (city), Sarasvatī (perfect knowledge), Tīrtha (temple), Araṇya (forest), Ᾱśrama

Daśana¯mī Cult

(hermitage), Parvata (mountain), Sāgara (ocean), and Vana (word) are ten different names associated with particular maṭha. As informed by Jadunath Sarkar, Tīrthas, Āśramas, Sarasvatis, and half of the Bhāratīs are called Daṇḍins, while the remaining six and half groups are called as Gosains ([2], p. 57). G. S. Ghurye quotes an anecdote about how names of these ten orders were derived. Śaṅkarācārya’s first four disciples were Padmapāda, Hastāmalaka, Sureśvara, and Toṭaka. Of these first had two pupils – Tīrtha and Ᾱśrama; the second, Vana and Araṇya; the third had three, Sarasvatī, Puri and Bhāratī; and fourth also three – Giri, Parvata, and Sāgara. Ten orders of Daśanāmī are according to the names of disciples of Śaṅkarācārya’s own disicples ([1], p. 95). These ten names are supposed to be distributed among four maṭhas. Title Svāmῑ is given to one who enters into Daśanāmī order. Name is uttered as title Svāmῑ + personal name, Svāmī + sub order name e.g., Svāmῑ Ānanda Tīrtha Abhinavavidyā Tīrtha, Svāmῑ Adbhutānanda Puri, or Svāmῑ Akhaṇḍānanda Sarasvatī. One has to go through the proper initiation process for becoming saṁnyāsin. One can become a monk due to detachment towards saṁsāra or as a deliberate choice. Traditional explanation is given regarding above ten orders of Daśanāmi. Araṇya indicates complete renunciation of mundane affairs, one who always stands in the forest in perpetual bliss leaving this pleasurable world. Āśrama characterizes one who is free from the bonds of mundane existence and is confirmed in the Saṁnyāsa Āśrama. Bhāratī means who is fully laden with learning. Giri is one who lives in the forest, is serene and steady like the mountain. Parvata is one who lives in the forest and has steadfast knowledge regarding the transient nature of the mundane world. A Puri is full of real knowledge, has mastered knowledge of Brahman and has union with Parabrahman. Sarasvatī is fully cognizant about the essence of the mundane world. He is Lord of poets, master of Yoga and devoted to knowledge. Sāgara knows the full depths of the ocean of truth but also has dived to its bottom and collected the jewels of knowledge. Tīrtha is the one who bathes at the confluence of three rivers in

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the form of knowledge, realization of truth “That you are.” Vana is an ascetic who has transcended the snares of desires and carries on his existence in a beautiful forest ([1], p. 95).

¯ mna¯ya Matha A ˙ Śaṅkarācārya established maṭhas in four directions of India, namely, Śṛṅgerῑ in south, Badarikāśrama in north, Jagannātha Puri in the west, and Dvārakā in the east for spread of the philosophy propounded by him (Tab. 1). Each maṭha is associated with particular Veda and therefore called as āmnāya maṭha. They were headed initially by his direct disciples. Successive heads of these maṭhas are given the title of Śaṅkarācārya. The successor of this title is nominated by presiding Śaṅkarācārya. In case, if there is dispute about the succession then help of other maṭhas is taken into consideration. These maṭhas have number of branches all over India and they follow their affiliations to āmnāya maṭhas. A saṁnyāsin first of all has to enroll in a Marhi (recruiting or initiating center). A maṭha can take members belonging to one Marhi only, but all the 52 Marhis or any small member of them can become members of ākhāḍās ([2], p. 57).

Daśanāmī orders are associated with specific maṭhas. Giri, Parvata, and Sāgara are associated with Jyotirmaṭha. Āśrama and Tīrtha are associated with Śāradā. Bhāratī, Puri, and Sarasvatī are attached to Sṛṅgeri. Araṇya and Vana are associated with Govardhana Centre at Puri ([1], p. 96). Their affiliation to four maṭhas is nominal because no ordination or residence in particular maṭha is necessary for them. On the contrary, they are supposed to wander everywhere like parivrājaka without any fixed residence. In northern India, Daśanāmī saṁnyāsins are divided among different ākhāḍās – Niranjani, Juna, Mahanirvani, Ananda, Avahan, Atal and Agni which are extant till today. Except Agni which is only meant for brahmacārī initiates, all others have Daśanāmi saṁnyāsins as their members.

History Śaṅkarācārya divided ascetics into two categories – śāstradhārī (those who hold weapons) and astradhārī (those who hold scriptures). Ᾱkhāḍās are training schools in which members get training from gurus. Astradhārī ākhāḍās were mainly for creating militant force of Hindus. Nāga Saṁnyāsins were supposed to be naked and were involved in fighting classes of Śaiva ascetics.

Daśana¯mī Order, Table 1 Structure of Daśanāmī order East Govardhana Pīṭham (Puri, Orissa)

South Śṛṅgerῑ Śārada Pīṭham (Karnataka)

Veda Mahāvākya

Ṛgveda Prajñānam brahma (consciousness is Brahman)

Yajurveda Aham brahmāsmi (I am Brahman)

Saṁpradāya Titles of the pontifical seat First ācārya of the Pīṭham

Bhogavala Araṇya, Vana

Bhūrivala All the titles, particularly, Sarasvatī, Puri, Bhāratī, Araṇya, Tīrtha, Giri, Āśrama Sureśvara

Name of the Pīṭham

Padmapāda

West Dvārakā Pīṭhaṃ (Dwaraka, Gujarat) Sāmaveda Tattvamasi (that thou art) Kitavala Tīrtha, Āśrama

North Jyotirmaṭha Pīṭhaṃ (Badrikāśrama, Uttaranchal) Atharvaveda Ayamātmā brahma (this ātman is Brahman) Nandavala Giri, Parvata, Sāgara

Hastāmalaka

Toṭaka

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They were militant forces of Hindus for fighting against Muslim onslaughts. J. N. Farquhar traces the tradition of Nāga Saṁnyāsins as founded by Madhusudan Sarasvati in sixteenth century CE. He was intensely interested in lives of ascetics. He was very much unhappy over their frequent massacres by Muslim fakirs, who generally carried some arms and were always militant ([1], p. 114). Generally people from three classes – Brahmin, Kṣatriya, and Śudra – were initiated in the order of Daśanāmī. Members of the Śudra group were relegated to the section called Nāga. G. S. Ghurye probes into sociopolitical scenario behind the rise of Nāga saṁnyāsins ([1], p. 123). Nāga ascetics are supposed to practise physical penance, difficult physical postures, exposing oneself to five kinds of fire, etc. It seems that they were trained to counter the attacks of Muslim invaders. As these ascetics were mainly taken from Śudra class and they dwelt more on physical strength, it was difficult to face verbal and mental onslaughts of Christian missionaries. As a result, Nāga saṁnyāsins requested Paramahaṁsas to assume their leadership. In spite of the caste crisis and prejudices, there was sufficient number of Paramahaṁsas to accede the request. These leaders of Nāgas were known as Maṇḍaleśvaras. Maṇḍaleśvara is the head of maṭha or āśrama. When Paramahaṁsa becomes a Maṇḍaleśvara, the Nāga ascetics that are attached to and ordained into the particular akhāḍā do homage to him and recognize him as their spiritual preceptor more or less in the same way as they do the particular Nāga ascetic who ordained them. Maṇḍaleśvara also have become ācāryas and have fulfilled the responsibility of spiritual education of Nāga ascetics. As a consequence of this development, even Nāga saṁnyāsins have become capable of becoming Maṇḍaleśvaras. The spiritual preceptor in whose lifetime his disciple becomes Maṇḍaleśvara is called as a Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara. Head of the ākhāḍās like the head of the maṭha is called as Mahanta. At the time of Kumbha melā, Nāga saṁnyāsins have the privilege of bathing first among all other sādhus.

Daśana¯mī Order

Hierarchy According to spiritual progress, monks are graded into each order. They are classified into four classes- Kuticaka, Bahudaka, Haṁsa, and Paramahaṁsa. First two of these classes have the title Tridaṇḍins (holding three rods) to symbolise their vow of controlling speech, thought and action. Haṁsa and Paramahaṁsa are called an Ekadaṇḍi Saṁnyāsin or Daṇḍin. Tridaṇḍins belong to the followers of Rāmānuja but Śaiva Daśanāmis are only Ekadaṇḍins ([2], p. 59). Manu has stated that a Tridaṇḍi is one who has controlled his body, speech, and mind with the help of intellect. It thus appears that a daṇḍa connoted in expressions “daṇḍin,” “ekadaṇḍin,” and “tridaṇḍin” was a particular rule of conduct and observance rather than a material staff. Any such Saṁnyāsin belonging to any one of the ten orders of the Daśanāmis can be designated as a daṇḍin provided he fulfils the conditions ([1], p. 81). Kutichak: An ascetic who has renounced the world and lives in a hut in the forests is Kutichak. He is engaged in religious contemplation and worship. He neither travels nor begs but live on the alms given to him without asking. Bahudak: is a wandering religious mendicant, who collects alms in kind and must not stay at one place for 3 days. Haṁsas: are well versed in Vedānta philosophy and pursue the aim of attaining knowledge of Supreme reality. They live at one place and follow the yogic practices. Paramahaṁsa: represents the highest stage of spirituality. He is the person who is merged in Highest reality. Paramahaṁsa ascetics are generally preachers and teachers; and quite a number of them wander about in the company of their students and disciples. A Paramahaṁsa is believed to have attained such a stage of self-knowledge that routine distinctions and observances of the mundane world are not binding on him. He is believed to be so perfect in self-control that nothing can disturb him. Even the doctrinal difference between Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism stand dissolved in him ([1], p. 81).

Daśana¯mī Order

Married members of this sect are called as Gosains or Gosāvis which means a man who has attained complete control over sense organs. Many of the married Gosains still officiate as priests and religious teachers but most of them have taken different professions in course of centuries. There is organization called as ākhāḍās under which the saṁnyāsins are classified. Nāga saṁnyāsins are attached to ākhāḍās. There are six principal Ᾱkhāḍās. One of them is now known as the Junā though formally it is known as Bhairava Ᾱkhāḍā. Niranjanī Ᾱkhāḍā, Mahānirvāṇi Ᾱkhāḍā, and Atal Ᾱkhāḍā are other names. Ᾱkhāḍās are further subdivided in eight dāvās. Administrative body of akhāḍā is known as Śrī Paῆca. Śrī Paῆca represents Brahmā Viṣṇu, Śiva, Śakti, and Gaṇeśa as administrative body of ākhāḍās. This body is elected by Mahants of Maṭhas. This body is made up at every Kumbha Mela and holds its post for 4 years. Five elected Paῆcas have following hierarchy: (i) (ii) (iii) (iv) (v)

Ᾱcārya Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Maṇḍaleśvara Śrī Mahanta Mahanta

Ᾱkhāḍās are aligned under the lineage of Akhil Bharatiya Akhara Parishad founded in 1954. It is the apex of organization consisting of 13 ākhāḍās. These are entitled to śāhi snāna at Kumbha Mela as well as Siṁhastha parva.

Way of Conduct Daśanāmīs greet each other with the expression “Namo Nārāyaṇa.” Only the Daṇḍins the Brahmin Daśanāmīs of the orders Āśrama, Bhāratī, Sarasvatī, and Tīrtha use a different greeting formula “Namah Śivāya” ([1], p. 98). Saṁnyāsins worship Śiva in the ordinary way and Śakti with a special secret ritual called mārga or the path of salvation. They wear a rosary of

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Rudrākṣa seeds. Nāga Saṁnyāsins smear whole body with ashes; others only mark with tripuṇḍra (three lines) with ashes on their forehead. The marks of the Saṁnyāsin are an earthen pot (for drinking water), the roots of trees (for food), coarse cloth, total solitude, and equanimity towards all ([2], p. 78). Every novitiate at his initiation as a saṁnyāsin has the tuft of hair or his scalp removed and his head clean-shaven. Afterwards majority of them grow their hair long and keep them hairs lying on shoulders in matted locks or keep them moulded into a top-crown ([1], p. 102). Rules to be observed by Saṁnyāsin are as follows: When Saṁnyāsin is out for begging, he should wear one cloth of reddish colour round the waist above the knees and below the navel, and another over shoulders. Only one meal can be partaken, should live outside the inhabited quarters, can beg from seven and not more than seven houses, sleep on the ground, not speaking bad words nor praise anyone, bow only to Saṁnyāsins of high order ([2], p. 78). Saṁnyāsins carry a “kamaṇḍalu,” a bowl in their hand which is expected to be in shape nearly elliptic and broad rather vertical and long ([1], p. 104). Daśanāmī may live at one place or may go on wandering. If he is wandering then should not live at one place for more than 3 days. Daśanāmīs observe the fasts of the 11th of the bright half of the lunar months of Āṣāḍha and Kārtika and the Kṛṣṇa’s 8th of the dark half of the Śrāvaṇa as well as Śivarātri, 14th of the dark half of the lunar month of Māgha. Thus, the groups of Śāstradhārī and Astradhārī were formed to combine religious forces together with intellectual as well militant forces. Tradition is continued till the date as these ākhāḍās are involved in educational preaching as well as physical training.

Cross-References ▶ Kumbha Mela ▶ Naga Samnyasins

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▶ Śaivism, Overview ▶ Śaṅkara ▶ Śaṅkarācāryas

References 1. Ghurye GS (1953) Indian sadhus. The Popular Book Depot, Bombay 2. Sarkar J. A history of Dasnami Naga sanyasis. Sri Panchayati Akhara Mahanirvani, Allahabad. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli. 2015.32182/page/n3/mode/2up. Accessed on 1 Dec 2018

Datta¯treya Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Synonyms Datta

Definition

˙ prada¯ya Daśana¯mī sam ▶ Daśanāmī Order

Dattātreya is the syncretic deity considered as the descent on earth (avatāra) of the three gods Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. Especially venerated in Mahārāṣṭra and Karṇāṭaka, he is at the same time the archetype of the renouncer (saṃnyāsin) and one of the lords of yoga in Hinduism, particularly in the tradition of the nāthas guided by Gorakṣanātha.

Daśa¯nana ▶ Rāvaṇa

Da¯sya Bhakti ▶ Bhakti

Datta ▶ Dattātreya

Datta, Narendranath ▶ Swami Vivekananda

Datta¯treya Dattātreya is the syncretic (or more correctly multifaceted) deity considered (especially in Mahārāṣṭra and Karṇāṭaka) as the descent on earth (avatāra) of the three gods Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. The word Datta means “given;” he is called so because the three gods have “given” themselves in the form of a son to the sage couple formed by Atri (from this name the patronymic Atreya comes) and Anasūyā. He is at the same time the archetype of the renouncer (saṃnyāsin) and one of the lords of yoga in Hinduism. According to some Puranic and vaiṣṇava traditions (Garuḍa Purāṇa, Brahma Purāṇa, Sāttvata Saṃhitā), Dattātreya is considered as an avatāra of Viṣṇu. According to the tradition of Gorakhnāth (Sanskrit Gorakṣanātha), he is considered as an avatāra of Śiva and as the primordial teacher (ādiguru) of the lineage of the lords of yoga (nāthasampradāya). Probably the appropriation of Dattātreya within nāthasampradāya is recent (eighteenth century CE). From the mythical

Datta¯treya

and historical point of view, some traces of a figure doomed to a divine destiny are to be found in the sources: he left home at an early age to wander naked in search of the truth, in the area between North Mysore, through the Mahārāṣṭra, and into Gujarāt as far as the Narmadā River; his original footprints are believed to be located on the lonely peak at Mount Girnar; his disciple Paraśurāma found him meditating on Gandhamadana mountain (according to the Tripurā Rahasya). The literary sources useful to sketch the profile of Dattātreya are first of all the Tripurā Rahasya (“The Secret of the Goddess Tripurā”), believed to be an abbreviated version of the original Datta Saṃhitā, traditionally ascribed to Dattātreya. This lengthy work was summarized by Dattātreya’s disciple Paraśurāma, whose disciple, Sumedha Hāritāyana, composed the text that is therefore sometimes referred to as the Hāritāyana Saṃhitā. The Tripurā Rahasya is divided into three parts: the first and second (Māhātmyakhaṇḍa, Jñānakhaṇḍa) are extant; the third (Caryākhaṇḍa) is lost (see [1, 2]). The second relevant work, the Avadhūta Gītā (“Song of the Released”) is ascribed to two of Dattātreya’s disciples, Svāmin and Kārttika (see [3]). Other sources relevant for the study of Dattātreya are the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa and the Mahābhārata and two texts from the pañcarātra tradition: Sāttvata Saṃhitā and Ahirbudhnya Saṃhitā. According to the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Dattātreya had no teacher: he reached self-awareness by observing nature. His “natural” 24 teachers, including natural elements, animals, and human beings, were the earth, wind, sky, water, fire, moon, sun, pigeons, a python, a bumblebee, a beekeeper, a hawk, ocean, a moth, an elephant, a deer, a fish, a courtesan, a child, a maiden, a snake, an arrowsmith, a spider, and a caterpillar. A number of Upaniṣads are bound to the figure of Dattātreya and contain some of the teachings (having to do with yoga and tantra from a point of view akin to nātha tradition) imparted by him: Dattātreya Upaniṣad, Darśana Upaniṣad, Śāṇḍilya Upaniṣad, Jābāla Upaniṣad, Nāradaparivrājaka Upaniṣad, Bhikṣuka Upaniṣad, and Yājñavalkya Upaniṣad. A text celebrating the figure of Dattātreya is the “Wave of

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Datta,” Dattalaharī, by Dalādanamuni (Sanskrit text and Italian translation with notes by [4]). The iconography of Dattātreya varies from region to region. In Mahārāṣṭra he is shown with three heads and six hands, one head each for Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva and one pair of hands holding the symbolic items associated with each one of these gods, respectively, rosary and water pot, conch and wheel, and trident and drum. He is surrounded by four dogs and a cow, which represent, respectively, the four Vedas and mother earth that nourishes all living beings (often this cow has to be identified with the celestial cow granting all sort of desires, Kāmadhenu). The symbolism of Dattātreya underlines his character of strong syncretism. Although fundamentally an icon representative of knowledge, jñānamūrti, Dattātreya is a “honeybee” yogin: one whose character and teachings are developed by gathering varieties of yoga’s flowers (see [5]). His three heads are symbols of the guṇas of sāṃkhya school, namely, sattva, rajas, and tamas (the attributes or qualities connected, respectively, with Viṣṇu, Brahmā, and Śiva); his six hands represent the three ascetic couples of values: restraints and obligations (yama and niyama), tranquillity and self-control (śama and dama), and finally compassion and peace (dayā and śānti); Kāmadhenu stands for the five cosmogonic elements (pañcabhūta); and finally the four dogs symbolize the four forces, desire, impression, hope, and thirst (icchā, vāsanā, āśā, and tṛṣṇā; see [6]: 243 fn. 40; see also [7–9]). A lot of traditions and lineages (paramparā) are connected more or less strictly with Dattātreya; a provisional list should include at least the following ones: Nātha, avadhūta, daśanāmi, and bhakti traditions bound to Eknāth and Tukārām, Mahānubhāva, Gurucaritra, and Lāl Pādrī. Numerous temples and sanctuaries sacred to Dattātreya exist in Mahārāṣṭra and in other Indian regions (Gujarāt, Karṇāṭaka, Āndhra Pradeś, Tamil Nadu).

Cross-References ▶ Brahmā ▶ Nātha Siddhas (Nāths)

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▶ Śiva ▶ Syncretism ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Kavirāj G (1965) Tripurārahasya, Jñānakhaṇḍa, with Commentary Tātparyadīpikā of Śrīnivāsa. Saraswati Bhavana Granthamālā No. 15, Varanasi 2. Khiste MLS (1932) Tripurārahasya, Māhātmyakhaṇḍa. The Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Benares 3. Chetanananda S (1984) Avadhūta Gītā. Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta 4. Rigopoulos A (1999) Dalādamamuni, Dattalaharī. L’onda di Datta. Cafoscarina, Venezia 5. Berntsen M (1988) The experience of Hinduism: essays on religion in Maharashtra. State University of New York Press, Albany/New York, pp 96–106 6. Rigopoulos A (1998) Dattatreya: the immortal Guru, Yogin, and Avatāra. In: A study of the transformative and inclusive character of a multi-faceted Hindu deity. State University of New York Press, New York 7. Joshi HS (1965) Origin and development of Dattātreya worship in India. The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Baroda 8. Kambhampati PK (2000) Sri Dattatreya. Dhanishta, Visakhapatnam 9. Subramanian KN (2006) Wisdom of Sri Dattatreya. Sura Books, Chennai

Death (Hinduism) Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic

Since the earliest times, most Hindu traditions have accepted death, in the sense of the end of the physical body, as the unavoidable conclusion of human life. Mortality is the main characteristic that distinguishes men from gods and semi-divine beings. Although many Vedic and Hindu texts frequently refer to immortality, this term is not used to denote immortality of the material body; in fact, this word can have several different meanings. In the Vedas, immortality mostly signifies a “full

Death (Hinduism)

life-span” ([4], p. 27), which, according to ancient Indian ideas, should typically last 100 years, or less often, 120 years. In some other Vedic texts, immortality can be achieved through the continuance of one’s own life via a son ([33]; [40], pp. 41–53). The Upaniṣads imbued immortality with a new meaning that would become prevalent in later Hindu texts: while the physical body is naturally mortal, all living creatures are endowed with an immortal soul that can be repeatedly reincarnated. Hinduism thus offers a rather standard strategy for overcoming the fear of death: the existence of an immortal soul. From the early Upaniṣads, it is clear that questions connected to death and the search for their answers substantially contributed to formulating ideas about the nature of life, physiological processes in the body, the bearer of life, and the destiny of the person after death ([16], pp. 35–75). In the following centuries, extremely diverse concepts of the character of the Self, the reasons for rebirth, and the form of the afterlife were formulated within the various Hindu traditions. The great heterogeneity of these ideas does not facilitate a general, coherent description of what exactly happens at the moment of death and what immediately follows it, that is, how the process of rebirth works [38]. For example, some Hindu traditions postulate the existence of a subtle body that reincarnates together with the Self; other schools, however, have no use for the idea of a subtle body because, according to them, the soul is all-pervasive and thus does not need a supporting body to be reborn. While philosophical and theological concepts about death differ enormously between Hindu traditions, death rituals share much in common. Thanks to abundant textual evidence, it is possible to trace the development of death rituals from early Vedic sources up to modern times. Some rituals connected to death and ancestor worship seem to have maintained a relatively stable form throughout history, even as ideas about death changed many times. This ritual constancy and conceptual fluctuation indicate that in the Indian religious milieu rituals are much more important than concepts and ideas; hence, Hinduism should properly be called an “orthopractic” religion. On

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the other hand, the relative uniformity of death rituals certainly does not mean that all death rituals are the same. In fact, just the opposite is true [50]; to explain this paradox we have to understand, first, the character of textual sources for death rituals and, second, the concept of a “good death.”

Textual and Other Sources for Death Rituals Rich textual materials on death rituals have been produced since the earliest times. Quite surprisingly, Vedic ritual literature deals with death in various types of texts. Some ritualistic schools included death rituals in manuals for domestic rites (Gṛhyasūtras), whereas other schools included them in manuals for solemn rituals (Śrautasūtras). Three schools (Baudhāyāna, Bhāradvāja, and Gautama) even invented a special genre for such rites, the Pitṛmedhasūtras ([19], pp. 616–621). Later would come Dharmasūtras, which deal with death and death rituals in various contexts (e.g., in connection with ritual impurity), and Dharmaśāstras. The original Dharmaśāstras and commentaries upon them were followed by late medieval compendia. We must not overlook the enormously extensive Purāṇic literature, particularly the Garuḍapurāṇa [18], which has remained a highly authoritative source on death rituals up to present times. Over the centuries an overwhelming number of texts dealing with death rituals were produced. As a result, ritual specialists felt the need for more practical manuals, so they began creating special handbooks that systematically describe death rituals step by step. These guides became the most popular texts describing all deathrelated conduct, that is, they address not only death rituals proper, but also establish the rules and regulations that a family should follow after the death of a member. An unknown number of these manuals have been lost forever, and many remain unedited in manuscript form. But dozens of them have been formally published and are still used every day by thousands of Hindus in India and abroad ([36]; [43], pp. 294–296).

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Despite the popularity of such books, in everyday practice Hindu death rituals have never been conducted exactly as they are described in these manuals. First, these handbooks share the main characteristic of all Hindu ritual literature – namely, they are prescriptive texts defining the ideal ritual form. Thus, they do not describe actual prevalent practices, which may differ quite substantially from prescribed norms. Second, these manuals are not the only source of death rituals; the early Dharmasūtras state that rituals are formed by both textual rules and oral tradition (ācāra or dharma). Oral tradition is further classified as pertaining to a particular region (deśācāra, deśadharma), social group (jātyācāra, jātidharma), or family or clan (kulācāra, kuladharma) ([41], pp. 15–17). One text goes even so far as to prescribe grieving relatives to “do whatever else the women ask them to do” (Āpastambadharmasūtra 2.15.9 in [41], p. 97). Clearly, textual prescriptions supply only a basic framework for death rituals. Their actual performance is always informed by several other factors (e.g., by authoritative older women in the family), and thus actual rituals always differ in form from the prescribed norm. Third, and most importantly, all the above-mentioned textual sources have always been followed – albeit to a different degree – mainly by high-caste Hindus, whereas the ritual practices of the lower castes and scheduled-caste Hindus (Dalits) have substantially differed. These practices are not bound by unifying textual instructions, and consequently they are extremely diverse and difficult to describe.

A Good Death Even among high-caste Hindus, supposing that they follow the textual manuals alongside various regional and family customs, the actual performance of death rituals may vary widely. To what extent a person dies a “good death” plays the deciding factor in the precise form of rituals. The complex notion of a good death is determined by the circumstances under which a person dies: the age at death, the time, and place of death, the way

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of dying, and the form of the last breath ([44], pp. 158–166). If an actual death meets most of the criteria of the ideal good death, then the ritual is festive and performed in full. In contrast, if a death is not deemed to be “good,” the ritual is substantially modified, reduced, or even mostly omitted. The first and most important condition for a good death is living a full life span. Whereas in Vedic texts the ideal length of life is usually considered to be 100 years, today’s approach is much more realistic: a man is thought to reach his full life span at about 60 years old ([23], p. 194; [24], pp. 757–758). This number, after all, corresponds not only with the average life expectancy in India, which is approximately 67 years for men and 70 years for women, but also with the fact that the Indians usually consider themselves old once they have reached 50. Additionally, in order for a married man to die a good death, he should not die sooner than his wife. In a proper Hindu couple, the woman should depart this world first [29]. If she does not, the responsibility for her husband’s death falls upon her shoulders. The premature death of a husband is believed to be the consequence of a serious offence committed by the wife – either in this life or in a previous one. This notion naturally leads to widows having an awkward position in Hindu society [1]. Among the higher castes it is not yet customary for women to remarry, and therefore, widows are forced to carry the stigma of guilt by their husbands’ families. In India – as elsewhere in the world – women live longer than men, and, moreover, the age of brides is normally lower than that of grooms; the result is a relatively high number of widows throughout the population, which brings considerable social problems. A widow’s death can therefore never be regarded as a good death. From an astronomical or astrological perspective, there are moments, days, and periods that are appropriate for death and others that are inappropriate. For example, it is good to die during the day, preferably between half past 4 and 6 o’clock in the afternoon. Dying at night, particularly between 11 o’clock in the evening and 3 o’clock in the morning, is unfavorable. Positive days are Monday and the eleventh day in each half of the

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lunar month. In each month, the time between the new moon and the full moon (the bright half of the month) is more fitting. The worst time in a month to die is the last 5–7 days before the new moon, for if a person dies in this period, there is the danger that – if proper corrective rituals are not performed – another five families members will pass away in the next 2–5 years. The year, too, is divided into two distinct halves: death during the “northern half-year” beginning on January 14 (makara saṃkrānti) is considered to be favorable, in contrast to death in the second, “southern half-year” ([25], pp. 187–189). Despite the seemingly insurmountable nature of these rules about the time of death, Brahman ritualists have found ways to overcome them: through the power of ritual, it is possible to move even time ([12], pp. 246–247). If it seems a person might die at night, the priest can perform the standard morning ritual at any time during the night to start the day in advance. Likewise if a person is expected to die during the dark half of the month, it is necessary to perform the appropriate number of morning and evening rituals and by doing so move the date of death to the light half of the month. Theoretically, the same principle can be applied even in the case of a death in the unfavorable half of the year. As far as the place of death is concerned, all Hindus desire to die in one spot: the most sacred city on the most sacred river, Varanasi (or Banaras) on the banks of the Ganges [10]. Varanasi is an ancient Indian pilgrimage site dedicated to Lord Shiva and the setting of several important Hindu myths. Many of these stories are associated with Varanasi’s most distinctive characteristic: it is a place that cleanses and frees people from any wrongdoing, so dying here ensures one immediate and final liberation [59]. This city is said to exist beyond worldly time and space: while elsewhere, the dark age, kali yuga, is already fully manifested, in Varanasi, the initial perfect golden age still persists ([44], pp. 15–20). Dying in Varanasi therefore means the best possible death. It is no wonder then that a sort of “death industry” has emerged here. According to various estimates, about two-thirds to threequarters of the city’s one million inhabitants are

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somehow associated with this activity. The desire to die here can be fulfilled in several ways. One option is to move to Varanasi toward the end of one’s life. To this day, many devout Brahmans and widows in particular spend their last days here intensely devoted to religious activities [46]. Another possibility is that relatives accompany a dying person to Varanasi just before death. Such families, if they have no acquaintances or relatives in the city, typically use short-term hospices specially built for this purpose [23]. However, even if a person fails to die in Varanasi, there are still other ways to take advantage of this city’s power to secure a favorable posthumous fate. First, the body of the deceased can be burned here; this act has almost the same beneficial effect as actually dying in Varanasi because the soul leaves the body at a certain moment during cremation. For this reason, relatives bring the bodies of dead loved ones here from all over northern India to be burned. If cremation here is impossible, the good fate of the deceased can still be secured by a ritual during which the person’s ashes are discharged into the Ganges here ([44], pp. 68–70). For that matter, we can rank the entire Ganges River right after Varanasi as the second most fitting place to breathe one’s last breath ([11], pp. 163–166). Not only is the Ganges the most sacred Indian river, but its mythological origin is associated with death and cremation. The Ganges was originally a heavenly river and a wife of Shiva, who descended to Earth to touch the ashes of one king’s sons. Through her touch they ascended directly to heaven ([11], pp. 138–139). Thus, the Ganges is able to absolve people of all wrongdoing (hence, Hindu people from all over India travel to its shores to purify themselves in its waters). In particular, the Ganges can provide a final liberation if one dies on its shores, or at the very least, if one’s remains are ritually immersed into its waters. This power attributed to the Ganges had led to its name being applied to many other rivers that are not in fact part of the Ganges proper: to its numerous tributaries, to every river in its giant delta in the Bay of Bengal, and even to some South Indian rivers.

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Hindu sacred geography, however, offers countless other places where a good death can be accomplished. The “seven cities” (saptapurī; [11], p. 3), the most important pilgrimage sites in India that are associated with significant events in Hindu mythology, are suitable places to die, as are the “four abodes” (cār dhām), important pilgrimage places in the Himalayas. But as some medieval Hindu texts conclude, to die a good death it is enough to pass away at any sacred place or pilgrimage site ([25], pp. 186–187). Because practically every river in India is sacred, getting a dying person to a local “Ganga” will suffice. The last factor determining whether a death is good or not is the way of dying. A good death should be a natural and conscious departure from this world, one that the dying can prepare for long in advance. Thus, violent and sudden deaths (by accident, drowning, snakebite, etc.) are excluded, as are succumbing to disease or dying during childbirth. A good death should be in a way voluntary: one should recognize well in ahead of time that one’s own hour is approaching, and, after understanding this fact, one should slowly and gradually leave this existence (over the course of many months or even a year) ([15], pp. 57–59). The most obvious manifestation of this approach to dying is the gradual reduction of the intake of food until the dying person stops eating altogether; this final fast may last several weeks. In the last days, the dying also stop drinking ([23], pp. 212–215, 229–231). One important duty of a dying person and his or her family is to give presents to the Brahmans. The theoretical list of gifts prescribed in the ritual guidebooks is extensive and mostly consists of small things and foods having a certain symbolic meaning in Hindu mythology ([14], pp. 109–114). By far the most important gift, which, however, cannot be considered small, is the gift of a cow. This creature serves as a psychopomp, guiding the soul to the other world; the cow helps the deceased cross safely over the river defining the realm of the god of death. During a cow-giving ceremony, the dying person asks the cow for this service while holding its tail (Garuḍapurāṇa 2.47.25–36). It is such a significant ritual that even poor families try to get enough money to

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buy a cow and give it to a Brahman priest ([23], pp. 116–117). During the final days of life, dying people should be in contact with religious texts. Ideally, they should read these texts themselves, that is, if they are literate and their health allows for it. Later, the texts are read to them. In hospices in Varanasi, religious songs are sung and sacred texts are recited continuously, 24 h a day. According to Indian ideas, a dying person’s last moments determines his or her subsequent fate. Of particular importance is the content of one’s mind at the moment of death and the last word spoken [12]. Ideally, the mind should be balanced and meditating on God and the utterance of the divine name as one takes one’s last breath. Classical Indian narrative and folk literature is full of stories – often very comic ones – about various rascals, deceivers, thieves, and similar villains who are supposed to end in hell after death to be tortured, but who unknowingly or somehow mistakenly pronounce the name of one of the gods at the moment of death. Not only are they saved from their lot, but they also ascend to heaven to meet the god whose name they uttered. It is understandable, therefore, that Hindus give great meaning to the last moments of life and try to fill them with piety and joy. Another important circumstance necessary for a good death is to die surrounded by family. This condition is not overly hard to meet because most people in India live in multigenerational households (sons stay in their parents’ houses and daughters move in with their parents-in-law). Dying in a hospital makes it harder for people to die in the company of their relatives, but in India relatively few people die in hospitals. This is due in part to the fact that most Indians cannot afford high-quality private hospitals and nursing homes and that government hospitals generally have bad reputations. More importantly though, when a hospitalized person has no chance of surviving, the doctors send him or her home to die properly, surrounded by relatives ([15], p. 198). To put it briefly, there is a general awareness in India that dying in the hospital is inappropriate. Even if a dying person decides not to die at home, but at

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some sacred place, he or she does not die there alone, but in the company of relatives who have also made the journey.

Death Rituals For most Hindus, correctly performing death rituals is very important for several reasons. First, the further fate of the deceased depends on the proper execution of these rituals, which are viewed as an expression of care for the soul of a deceased relative. Second, if rituals are not properly conducted, the soul of the deceased ancestor, in the form of a malignant spirit, might haunt his or her family. Hence, when relatives ensure that rituals are performed properly, they are essentially defending themselves from this threat. Third, death rituals are an important social event: even families that are not overly religious usually try to perform these rituals properly because there is social pressure on them to do so. On the other hand, many Hindu communities and families take a rather indifferent attitude towards death rituals, and the bodies of dead relatives are treated in an inconsistent manner and often rather poorly. Death rituals are the last rite of passage (saṃskāra) in the life of the Hindu, and ritual manuals prescribe how they should be conducted in detail ([14], p. 129–166; [25], pp. 179–551; [43], pp. 234–274). The standard form of the death rite is referred to as antyeṣṭi, or the “last sacrifice.” High-caste Hindus who die a good death receive a full antyeṣṭi ceremony ([22], pp. 88–96; [26], pp. 276–279; [31], pp. 131–144; [32], pp. 201–207; [52], pp. 135–192). Ritual activity starts immediately after death with cleansing and preparing the body in the house of the deceased. The body is then brought on a bier in a public funeral procession (in larger cities today it is often taken by a hearse) to a cremation ground, where it is burned with the participation of several male relatives. Due to the warm weather in India, efforts are made to arrange the cremation as soon as possible after death; normally, corpses are cremated within a few hours after death.

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Although the ritual activity in the deceased’s family is affected by the ritual impurity caused by death (the period of impurity differs according to social status and local customs [34, 42]), death rituals do not end with the funeral but continue with a number of domestic ancestral rites called śrāddha ([25], pp. 334–551). There are four main types of this ritual ([49], pp. 212–213), but the most important and immediate is the sapiṇḍīkaraṇa śrāddha, which is performed to ensure that the soul of the deceased reaches the right destination, namely, that it will join its ancestors in heaven [27]. This ritual usually takes place on the twelfth day after the funeral. Other types of śrāddha are performed either regularly (e.g., each month) or on auspicious occasions, such as births or weddings, when ancestors should be worshiped. This standard ritual procedure can be modified for a number of reasons, even for high-caste Hindus. First, the dead human body to be cremated can be understood as a sacrifice to the fire god, Agni. Every oblation to the gods, including a dead body, must meet certain requirements in order to be offered to the gods. The corpse must also be ritually appropriate for this purpose, and some ways of dying degrade the physical body. There are, however, no clear, precise criteria for what exactly makes a corpse unfit for cremation. Various texts provide differing definitions of what marks a bad death, but in today’s general practice certain types of death are always considered bad ([13], pp. 30–31; [44], pp. 184–188). Cremation is not permissible for those with an obvious physical deformity (the lame, one-eyed, humpbacked, etc.), those with leprosy or other obvious skin diseases, and those who died of an epidemic (cholera, plague, smallpox, etc.). The status of some illnesses, however, is unclear (e.g., jaundice, tuberculosis, cancer), but in these controversial cases, the general tendency is not to consider death by these causes a bad one. On the other hand, death by snake bite is always a bad death; hence, the bodies of such victims are never burned. The death of a young child is a complicated situation; such deaths are always deemed premature and therefore bad. Thus, children are not cremated. At the center of debate though is the

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question of at what age must a young person die in order to be cremated ([25], pp. 227–228). In all of these cases, with the exception of small children, who are buried, the corpse is deposited in a river. Normally, a ceremony is held, but it is quite modest in comparison with the standard rituals performed during the funeral of a person who has died a good death. The ceremony centers around creating a miniature, very complex copy of the human body from different materials, invoking the spirit of the deceased into this effigy, and burning it [57]. Only then is the corpse, weighed with stones, taken by boat to the middle of the river, where it is thrown in the water. An effigy is also cremated as a substitute for an actual corpse in cases where the body is not available, either because it is unrecoverable (e.g., when someone drowns at sea) or because a person who has gone missing for an extended period is declared dead. The fate of Brahmans who die a violent death, whether they are killed in an accident or are murdered, is an interesting topic. If a Brahman (typically a man, but also a woman) meets a violent, premature end, he will turn into a powerful spirit that will haunt the living. To satisfy this ghost, a sanctuary must be built where the deceased will be worshiped and eventually deified. The spirit, initially angered by his premature departure, will then begin to protect and help the people who surrounded him in life [8]. But Brahmans who have died violently are just one type of people who turn into ghosts after death. Hindus believe that it is difficult to force the soul of someone who has died a bad death to go to the world of ancestors, for it is naturally aggrieved by how it died and remains on the Earth as a harmful spirit, typically haunting its own family [20, 55]. Dozens of categories of such spirits exist and differ in how they were produced and what exactly they do [17]. These malicious spirits often possess people; this belief is widespread and has serious social consequences ([47], pp. 165–199). In the vast majority of cases possession victims are women. Fortunately, there are numerous ritual specialists in India who are capable of dealing with such ghosts ([13], pp. 36–38).

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Providing a general description of the death rituals of low-caste Hindus and Dalits is impossible because they are too diverse. They do share one thing in common, however: whereas highcaste Hindus are normally cremated, people from lower social strata are generally buried. The lower a community is in the local caste hierarchy, the more likely it is that it buries its dead. Many communities practice both burial and cremation. Even if cremation is preferred (low-caste people try to emulate the customs of high-caste Hindus to improve their social status), burial often remains the only option for simple economic reasons: cremation is prohibitively expensive for many poor low-caste families ([7], p. 197). Interestingly, even low-caste Hindus distinguish between good and bad deaths ([45], pp. 38–39), but the implications for posthumous rituals are the exact opposite to the good and bad deaths of high-caste Hindus. A person that has died a good death is solemnly buried, but a person that has died a bad death is burned, practically without ceremony. The lower castes define a bad death in terms similar to those of Brahmanical Hinduism: bad deaths are primarily cases of premature and violent death. Unlike in high-caste society, among the lower castes the deification of the deceased is much easier to accomplish and thus is more common [2, 3]; memorial stones and columns are built to the dead more frequently in such communities. In some regions, deified spirits are collectively worshipped during annual festivals [28]. Surprisingly, people (especially children) who die of infectious diseases such as smallpox, typhus, cholera, and measles are also often deified ([37], pp. 116–117). Low-caste and Dalit Hindus are not the only ones who practice burial instead of cremation. Since ancient times the bodies of ascetics, saints and yogis have been buried, their graves marked by monuments called samādhi ([6], pp. 10–14; [25], pp. 229–231; [30, 54]). Additionally, there are entire communities that traditionally practice burial (e.g., the Vīraśaivas [35] and the Nāths/Jogīs [22], p. 52). The choice of whether to be buried or cremated can also be a matter of personal decision or family tradition.

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Suicide Suicide, the voluntary ending of one’s own life, is a special case of death. It is also a pertinent issue: the Indian suicide rate is growing rapidly and is one of the highest in the world. The real numbers, however, are not known, since suicide deaths are underreported, and hence, the official data produced by the National Crimes Record Bureau of India are not accurate ([9], p. 479). Various estimates published in academic journals indicate much higher numbers of suicides than official statistics do. In any case, according to the Indian Penal Code (section 309), attempting suicide is still a criminal act. The approach of Hinduism to suicide is ambiguous [58]. Generally speaking, India has always regarded voluntary death with reluctance, and various Hindu texts condemn suicide and ordain often harsh consequences for survivors. Normal suicide is not considered a good death, so a suicide victim’s body is unfit for cremation. On the other hand, Hindu texts list several types of religious suicides that are not only tolerated but often even explicitly recommended ([39]; [56], pp. 77–96). The best-known such practice is satī, when a devoted widow immolates herself on her husband’s funeral pyre [5, 60]. The texts also recommend dying at sacred pilgrimage places, which guarantees a favorable posthumous fate. Needless to say, by far the most auspicious place to die is Varanasi and the nearby confluence of the Ganga and Yamuna Rivers ([25], pp. 596–614). Suicide is also recommended to ascetics, yogis, and heroic warriors ([21], pp. 74–75). Moreover, many historical sources describe fervent male believers who offer themselves up to various goddesses, usually with tantric background [53]. More surprisingly, very old people, the incurably ill, and those who have already fulfilled all their commitments in life may also end their lives voluntarily. In summary, killing oneself out of desperation to escape unbearable problems is proscribed, but leaving the world voluntarily after having fulfilled all one’s duties in life permissible.

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Conclusion

References

There is a widespread misconception that in Hinduism death is neither an important nor a disturbing event, as it is in other religions, due to the belief in reincarnation. Therefore, in the Western popular imagination, Hindus do not need to mourn for their dead because they have not actually died; the soul has been reborn somewhere else. The fact that Hindus do not have cemeteries where they can go to grieve and commemorate their ancestors contributes to this incorrect idea. Ancestor worship is indeed practiced by Hindus since ancient times [48]. First, ancestors are worshiped on many occasions in Hindu ritual practice, albeit in a rather impersonal manner. Second, and more importantly, there are many ways in which people remember deceased family members ([13], pp. 35–36). Again, these practices vary according to region, community, family, and so forth. Some common commemorative practices include placing small (sometimes carved) stones in temple areas or in homes; paying for inscriptions on temples, forts, and other places; or arranging for memorial stones [51]. Today’s most common practice, however, is the worship of photographs of deceased ancestors. Usually placed at a visible and respectful spot in the home and adorned with a garland of flowers, these photographs are worshipped at least once a day with a simple offering of incense, light, and flowers and a small prayer to the ancestors.

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Cross-References ▶ Antyeṣṭi ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Burial (Hinduism) ▶ Demon (Hinduism) ▶ Kāla ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Possession (Hinduism) ▶ Rebirth (Hinduism) ▶ Sati (Suttee) ▶ Śrāddha ▶ Yama

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Debendranath Thakur ▶ Tagore, Debendranath

Deities ▶ Theism (Hinduism)

Demon (Hinduism) Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

Demons can be defined as supernatural beings with limited powers, although they are generally more powerful than humans and in some cases able to defeat divine beings. Demons often threaten divine beings especially within polytheistic traditions and humans. They are also known to frighten, harm, or destroy their opponents with disease, violence, or death. In addition to their association with death and their roles as guardians of the underworld, they are often connected to natural forces and hide invisibly in the world. When they become visible to mortals, they often assume a monstrous appearance but can also appear as handsome or beautiful. They are not always considered evil with some demons assuming a righteous demeanor, or they can change from one mode to another.

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In the early Vedic hymns of India, demons are most often depicted as an impersonal horde who battle with the gods for worldly supremacy. Gods are distinguished from the demons by their superior power, although demons continually strive to increase their power by sheer determination, virtue, subterfuge, or by means of the practice of asceticism. Needless to say, when the demons become too strong, they have to be destroyed by the gods in order to maintain harmony and order in the universe. This conflict is continuous because a victory for either side is only temporary. According to some scholars, the constant tension and conflict between the two antagonistic parties serves as a counterpoint to the opposition between the immigrating Āryans and the prior local inhabitants, the Dasyu or Dāsa. The Vedas portray demons being created by a Vedic deity or originating from the spirit of a departed ancestor who was mistreated during life or whose relatives failed to perform the appropriate funeral rites. Although the demons are most often conceived as a collective group of figures in the Vedic hymns, there are exceptions such as the demon Vṛtra, who possesses his own distinct identity when he conquers the gods before being defeated by Indra. In the Hindu religious tradition, demons become more personally identifiable in the epic and purāṇic literature. The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa (45:18-40) suggests a close relationship between the gods and demons embodied in the narrative of Brahmā, who is motivated to create demons because of hunger and thirst. According to the Mahābhārata (12.221.26-78), the future consort of Viṣṇu – Śrī – lives among demons before becoming a goddess because they followed the dharma in the past, but when she discovers that they become perverted and deviate from the dharma, she desires to live with the gods. Why did the demons become perverted over time? The simple answer is that the dharma of the demons gets destroyed by time, and they succumb to desire and anger, transforming them into immoral, atheistic, and sinful creatures. A point of struggle between the gods and demons occurs around the sacrifice. In the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (1.1.4.14-17), the Asuras

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disrupt the sacrifice, which is a vital action needed by the gods for their well-being. The Jaiminīya Brāhmaṇa (1.125-127) depicts the demons subverting the sacrifice by doing the sacrifice backward, an action that nullifies the normal performance of the rite. The demons both threaten the sacrifice and become part of the rite because priests are forced to repel them and to repair any damage that the demons might inflict on the sacrifice. Demons can subvert the sacrifice either externally by attacking its exterior seal or internally pollute it via the sacrificer himself. The historically later Saura Purāṇa (49.7-143) recounts a time when the demon Raktāsura conquered the gods and controlled the triple world. One day he announced to other demons that they should sacrifice to him, pledges to destroy any divine challengers, and instructs the demons to sexually enjoy the wives of the priests. This destruction of the sacrifice leaves the world without dharma (law and order). The demons then attack a weakened Indra because of a dearth of sacrifices being performed to him. Bṛhaspati resorts to the goddess for assistance, and she destroys the demons, which thereby restores sacrificial power to the gods. This action does not completely destroy evil, a result that would not actually be beneficial for the gods because the annihilation of evil would mean that humans would have no incentive to perform sacrifices and seek protection offered by the gods. Thus, from the perspective of the gods, the continued existence of evil demons is beneficial for them because it provides humans with an incentive to perform sacrifices. Another way that demons cause mischief for the gods is to create false philosophy such as materialism. In the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (8.712), the demon Virocana and the god Indra go to Prajāpati, functioning as a sagacious teacher, to learn about the nature of the Self (Ātman). During their initial lesson, Prajāpati instructs the two students – a demon and a god – that the Self reflected in a mirror or a pan of water is the true Self. Although Indra perceives problems with this materialistic view of the self, Virocana accepts this teaching and returns to other demons to share with them the corrupt and

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inaccurate philosophy of materialism. By embracing this false philosophy, the demons delude themselves and potentially lead others intellectually astray. In Indian literature, demons are not universally evil. There are, for example, narratives about a virtuous demon king named Prahlāda, a king of demons and father of Virocana. His virtue, however, results in his downfall. According to the Mahābhārata (12.124.19-63), Prahlāda took control of the triple world (cosmos) because of his virtuous nature and behavior. Because Indra wished to learn about religious merit and moral virtue, he went to Bṛhaspati for instruction, but the teacher told him that he could learn more from Śukra, who sent Indra to Prahlāda because he possessed special knowledge, but the demon replied that he was too busy to teach Indra about virtuous conduct. While Indra waited patiently and transformed himself into a Brahmin, he pleased the demon who decided to share his wisdom with the god about the eternal dharma. Then Prahlāda suggested that Indra choose a boon, and the latter figure wished to have the same virtue as the demon. Although fearful of the result of sharing his virtue, the demon granted Indra’s wish, and as he did the demon king’s virtuous energy left him. When Prahlāda lost his virtue, he consequently lost truth, good conduct, and prosperity. This narrative suggests that the demon king destroys his own dharma and that of his family by being virtuous. In a sense, Prahlāda does not live up to his own svadharma (personal dharma) as a demon. In short, he tries to be something that he is not by nature because evil is its own reward for a demon. By not adhering to his svadharma, Prahlāda is violating his personal dharma, a course of action that leads to his eventual ruin. Moreover, the boon that Indra receives from the demon restores the proper balance between the gods and demons where gods represent goodness and demons signify evil. Beyond this narrative about transferring and sharing dharma, demons and gods are similar in other ways in Indian literature. The demons and gods are physically indistinguishable. They both share the power of māyā (illusion) that enables them to trick others and change appearances. The

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gods and demons cast no shadow. In some instances, gods are said to behave like demons and vice versa. The great sectarian deity Śiva is closely associated with demons who form part of his entourage in the form of gaṇas (demonic figures) described as potbellied, neckless, short, round, and deformed creatures with a human appearance and animal heads. Śiva’s son Gaṇeśa, an elephant-headed deity, serves as their leader. The goddess Kālī embodies demonic features in her nature. Her terrible and frightening appearance and her insatiable thirst for blood sets her apart from other goddesses. Kālī is called the “Black One” because of her color. Kālī is often depicted as an ugly crone associated with the southern direction that symbolically signifies death with which she is closely connected. She is also described as naked and immodest, standing on a corpse in a cremation ground, and surrounded by jackals, snakes, and ghosts. According to the Kālikā Purāṇa (63.94), the goddess is portrayed holding a club with a human skull at its end in one of her left hands, a scimitar (a curved sword) in one of her right hands, a hide in her lower right hand, and a noose in her lower left hand. Around her neck hangs a garland of human heads; newly cut human hands dangle from her waist, and two dead infants form her earrings. Her appearance is completed by her sunken belly; sagging breasts; disheveled hair; large fangs; emaciated body; sunken, reddish eyes; and protruding tongue. Based on her appearance, Kālī suggests a demonic creature and a figure that is closely associated with the more fearsome and dark aspects of existence. This scenario suggests that gods and demons do not simply represent binary opposites that clearly differentiate one party from the other. Narrative evidence suggests a more ambiguous and dynamic relationship. In fact, it is possible to find narrative evidence of gods and demons cooperating for a common purpose. According to the Mahābhārata (1.15.5-13), the gods and demons come together to churn the ocean with the purpose of obtaining ambrosia. The mountain Mandara was used as the churning stick, the serpent Vāsuki served as the cord, and the tortoise provided a firm foundation for the mountain and the churning stick. With the gods

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and demons holding opposite ends of the serpent, they began to churn the stick as smoke and flames issued forth from the serpent’s mouth. The churning crushed underwater creatures who roared in agony, while other creatures also perished. Liquids were created that allowed the gods to obtain immortality. The water generated by churning, for example, turned into milk and then clarified butter. The vigorous churning tired the gods who despaired over ever creating ambrosia, but they were strengthen by Viṣṇu and continued their labors, giving rise to Soma. As the gods and demons continued to churn, an awful poison arose and immediately encompassed the world. The gods and demons were saved when Śiva took the poison into his throat, giving birth to Jyeṣṭhā (the Eldest), a goddess of misfortune. Finally, the god Dhanvantari, physician of the gods, arrived incarnate with a white pot of ambrosia. The demons asserted that it was their possession. To counter the greedy demons, Viṣṇu assumed the form of Mohinī (the Enchantress); this nymph bewitched the minds of the demons, who gave their ambrosia to the female disguised deity. In turn, she gave the ambrosia to the gods to drink, but she did not include the demons who started a revolt. In the ensuing struggle, the demon Rāhu disguised himself as a god and began to drink the ambrosia until Viṣṇu decapitated the demon with his discus. After a titanic battle and victory by the gods, the demons retreated under the earth and ocean after being defeated and cheated by the gods, who kept the ambrosia for themselves despite the earlier cooperation of the demons.

Types of Demons In Indian texts, it is common to find demons conforming to different types of figures. Common groups of demons include the following types: Yakṣa, Rākṣasa, Piśāca, Gandharva, Apsaras, Kinnārus or Kimpuruṣas, and the historically earlier Asura. In early Vedic hymns, Asura refers to a spiritual, divine, or supreme spirit who is associated with Varuṇa, deity of cosmic order. After Varuṇa ceased to occupy an exalted position in the Vedic pantheon, Asura changed its meaning to

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chief of evil spirits. The Ṛg Veda (8.41.3) refers to the Asura’s māyā power and association with light, whereas the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (1.2.4.8) asserts that the gods and Asuras are both the offspring of the god Prajāpati. Thus, the Asuras evolve from a vague notion of spirits associated with Varuṇa into a potentially evil group of demonic beings. Yakṣas are depicted carrying a caurī, a fly whisk that is symbolically associated with kingship, and flowers that link these demons to nature and fertility. Yakṣas are particularly connected with lotuses, their origin at the bottom of a pond, and a symbol of the transformative power of life that signifies transcendence. Because of their association with what is mysterious, secret, obscure, and malevolent, Yakṣas are feared, even though they are located at the center of the cosmos. Some verses conjoin what is bestial and celestial when they are associated with animals or gods. Evidence for their bestial nature appears in the Atharva Veda (11.2.24), while the Taittrīya Brāhmaṇa (3.3.12.3.1) equates them with Brahman. But the Maitri Upaniṣad (7.8) places Yakṣas among the lowest order of demonic beings. In the Gobhita Gṛhya Sūtras (3.4.28), Yakṣas are depicted as demigods and popular earthly deities. Yakṣas stand with Rākṣasas as opposed to Vedic sacrifice and prayers. Described with a dark complexion, red eyes, and protruding tongue that is similar to the depiction of the horrific goddess Kālī, Rākṣasas are invisible creatures of the night who can assume any form and attack their victims by entering through their mouths. They are marginal figures that exist on the fringes of civilized society in such locations as cremation grounds, jungles, or rivers. They are opposed to the social and moral order. In the Manusmṛti (1.35-37), they are the children of the sage Pulastya or later produced from Brahma’s foot in the epic literature. The most famous Rākṣasa is arguably the demon Rāvaṇa, who is called their king and is depicted with ten heads, in the epic Rāmāyaṇa. Lower on the spiritual scale to the Rākṣasas are the Piśācas, who are especially fond of eating human flesh, although they share their carnal preference with Yakṣas and Rākṣasas. The Piśācas are

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disturbed souls of ancestors because they are unable to achieve the status of pretas (ghosts) or pitṛs (ancestors) that is traced to inept execution of death rites, transforming the deceased into hungry and thirsty figures. These flesh eaters have negligible importance in the Vedas but become more prominent in the epic literature where they are said to be born from a cosmic egg in the Mahābhārta (1.1.33). Described as living in cremation grounds where they eat the flesh of corpses, Piśācas are also depicted as wandering vampires who drink the vital fluids of their victims by entering bodies through their orifices. Unlike the gruesome flesh consuming Piśācas, the Gandharvas represent the sexual connotations of the demonic that is often expressed by aquatic symbolism. The Gandharvas are usually mentioned in a collective sense with an exception in the Ṛg Veda (10.10.104) that refers to the father of Yama and his sister Yamī and serves as the guardian of the Soma, the drink of immortality, in the Ṛg Veda (9.83.4). In the ancient Vedas, they tend to be depicted as benevolent atmospheric beings, although they may also possess a person. In conjunction with their association with sexuality, Gandharvas preside over marriages. The Gandharvas are an identifiable type of demon from approximately the period of the Atharva Veda. They appear as handsome men or as half men and half animal that is usually a bird. They are credited with a keen knowledge of medicine and also serve as heavenly musicians. They are depicted playing music at Indra’s court, while their female counterparts or Apsarasas dance. The female Apsarasas are identified in texts as celestial nymphs and wives of the Gandharvas after the Vedic period. They are also associated with Soma. The Apsarasas have sexual relations with humans who are driven mad with desire for these alluring creatures, according to the Taittirīya Saṃhitā (3.4.81). They have the ability to change shapes. Because they are beautiful and associated with sexuality, they are used by Indra to seduce ascetics to cool the god’s throne made of gold that becomes very heated by the austerities practiced by ascetics, making Indra very uncomfortable. According to a narrative in the Viṣṇu Purāṇa (4.10.1-18), King Yayāti, a just and virtuous

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ruler, creates problems for himself and his reign when he becomes lustfully obsessed with the nymph Viśvācī. After attempting to satisfy his insatiable lust with the nymph proves hopeless after an extremely long time, the king gives up finding full satisfaction and decides to renounce the world and its sensual pleasures by retiring to the forest to practice asceticism. Just as Gandharvas and Apsarasas were originally associated with Varuṇa before becoming attendants of Indra, they get replaced by Yakṣas and Yakṣīs, an event that suggests the dynamic nature of the ancient Hindu pantheon because both divine beings and demons are in flux. The Yakṣa god is identified as Kubera, guardian of wealth and treasure underground. Kubera’s name is derived from the Sanskrit verb kumb that means “to conceal.” According to the Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (13.4.3.10), Kubera is renowned as the lord of thieves and criminals. He becomes later the patron deity of merchants and serves as a world guardian (lokapāla). Thus, Kubera shares with Yakṣas a penchant for guarding things and testing people. A final group of demons in the Indian tradition are the Kinnārus (literally, deformed man) or Kimpuruṣas (literally, what sort of men?). Their name fits them because they have the bodies of humans and the heads of horses. Their name is an epithet of Kubera, deity of wealth, and the name of a stringed musical instrument. With their musical instruments, they play and entertain at Kubera’s court. Females among them serve as sirens and seductresses similar to Yakṣīs. Considering their ambiguous natures and functions, there is some overlap among Gandharvas, Apsarasas, Yakṣas, and Kinnārus. In contrast to these demons, a creature originating from Śiva’s wrath is Kīrttimukha or Face of Glory, a special emblem of the deity. This figure can be found on the lintels of Śiva’s temples. Its function is to serve as an auspicious device that protects the temple from evil. He has an appearance of a monster with a gruesome and contorted face with protruding sharp fangs. Besides temple lintels, he also appears in Śiva’s matted hair as a reward for a deed. He serves primarily as an apotropaic demon-mask, functioning as an awe-

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inspiring guardian of the temple threshold. Kīrttimukha also serves as a sign and agent of the god’s protective and evil-destroying wrath. Besides appearing as impersonal hordes and generic types, in epic and purāṇic literature, demons assume a more individual and personal identity, although they might still belong to a specific type of demonic being. This feature of devotional Hinduism can be witnessed in the mythology of Kṛṣṇa, for example, from the start of his biography with his evil uncle Kaṃsa, an offspring of a human mother and a demon who raped her. Kaṃsa is unsuccessful with his attempt to kill the infant Kṛṣṇa, who is switched with another infant and raised by a family of cow herders.

Demons with Personal Identity With some exceptions, the earlier Indian religious tradition refers to hordes of demons of various types. With the advent of the epic and purāṇic literature, there are more references to individual demons with their own characteristics. The various incarnations of Viṣṇu recount his conflicts with demons. Assuming bodily form when the world and dharma are threaten, Viṣṇu uses his māyā (illusory power) to trick and defeat demonic figures. The demon Hiraṇyakaśipu could not be killed by day or night; by god, man, or beast; and not inside or outside of his palace after being given a boon by the deity Brahmā in the account in the Śiva Purāṇa (2.5.4-43). The Purāṇas offer two accounts for the cruel punishment inflicted on the earth by the demon. In one version, the demon inflicts punishment on his son for his devotion to Viṣṇu, and another narrative reflects the demon’s anger over the death of his brother at the hands of Viṣṇu. Regardless of the demon’s motivation for revenge, Viṣṇu incarnates himself on earth at twilight, within a pillar at the entrance to the demon’s palace, and assumes the form of a man-lion, Narasiṃha, who leaps from the pillar and tears the demon’s body to shreds. The Vāyu Purāṇa (2.36.74-86) recounts Viṣṇu’s incarnation as the Dwarf to counteract the demon Bali. In this tale the Dwarf asks the demon for as much land as he

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can encompass with three steps. The incredulous demon agrees with the Dwarf’s request but discovers that the first step covers the entire earth, the second step encompasses the heavens, and the third step rests on Bali’s head because there is no place left for the third step, which the god uses to push the demon into the underworld. Viṣṇu is able to incarnate himself on earth in different bodily forms because of his māyā (illusory power) that he uses to protect the earth, its inhabitants, and its dharma (order). Another divine fighter against demons is Kṛṣṇa. According to his biography in book ten of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Kṛṣṇa is destined to destroy his evil uncle Kaṃsa, offspring of a demon who raped his mother, who continually attempts to destroy Kṛṣṇa because of a prediction that the child would one day destroy the evil king. Before this climatic event occurs, Kṛṣṇa, even though a child, defeats various individual demonic beings. The initial such demonic figure is Pūtanā disguised as a comely woman who dotes on the child and asks the infant’s mother to feed him. Unaware that the demoness had poisoned the nipples of her breasts, the infant’s mother grants permission. The poison does not have a negative effect on the child, who proceeds to suck the life out of the demoness. In another episode, the demon Tṛnāvarta creates a whirlwind intended to sweep away the child Kṛṣṇa, but the child-god transforms himself into something heavy that forces the demon to drop his burden, giving the child an opportunity to kill it. Finally, a huge crane, Bakāsura, swallows the child, who transforms himself into a hot substance that burns the throat of the demonic crane, causing it to spit the child out of its mouth and giving the god a chance to destroy the demon. Throughout his demondestroying adventures, Kṛṣṇa engages them in the spirit of play (līlā). Besides the demon-destroying exploits of the gods, Hindu goddesses are also engaged in this destructive action. The goddess Durgā is famous for her destruction of Mahiṣa, the buffalo demon who could only be killed by a woman. The buffalo is fooled by her beauty and his assumption that she is therefore not powerful. This violent encounter is captured dramatically in her iconography

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with the goddess depicted thrusting a spear into the demon’s chest as his face is contorted in painful agony, and her lion vehicle has its fangs inserted into the throat of the buffalo. While engaged in this violent action, Durgā’s face is completely placid that creates a strange juxtaposition with her violent activity. Another goddess that fights demons is Kālī, even though she is closely associated with demonic beings. The Devimāhātmya (87-88.9.56), a section of the larger Mārkandeya Purāṇa, contains a narrative about the origin of Kālī and her destruction of demons. According to this narrative, Kālī issues from the forehead of the goddess Ambikā and commences to throw the demons, their elephants, and chariots into her mouth, grinding them to death with her sharp teeth. Kālī also defeats the more difficult demon Raktabīja, who when injured creates a duplicate of himself when a drop of his blood falls on the earth. Kālī defeats the self-duplicating demon by stretching out her mouth and consuming the blood of the demon, preventing it from perpetuating itself. These examples from the divine biographies of Kālī, Kṛṣṇa, and Viṣṇu indicate that demons had individual identities that set them apart from the hordes of demons that fought with Vedic deities and those that conformed to certain types of demons.

Demons and Asceticism In the epic and purāṇic literature, there are narratives that recount tales of demons practicing asceticism in order to gain powers associated with such practice for ordinary ascetics. Within the context of Vaiṣṇava mythology, the previously mentioned demons Hiraṇyakaśipu and Bali practice arduous asceticism (tapas) to obtain greater powers and were rewarded by Brahmā who grants them boons in order to placate them. In the case of Hiraṇyakaśipu, he became so powerful from practicing asceticism that a fire arose from his head and spread in all directions and scorched the gods who had to abandon heaven. The gods alerted Brahmā, who granted a boon to the demon to placate him.

Dev Bhoomi

Within the Śaiva religious tradition in the Skanda Purāṇa (1.2.27.58-73), the demon Āḍi practiced asceticism to become powerful enough to destroy Śiva. Again, it is the deity Brahmā who grants him a boon, and the demon asks to become immortal, a request that the deity cannot grant because no creature can become immortal due to their embodiment. This reply causes the demon to request immortality except when he changes his form. Intending to attack Śiva where the god lives, the demon changes into a snake to gain entry where he then assumes the form of Umā, spouse of the god, and places sharp teeth into his vagina in a diabolical plot to destroy the phallic deity. Śiva recognizes the disguise and plot and attaches a thunderbolt to his penis, which destroys the would-be killer. In the Rāmāyaṇa, the demon Rāvaṇa, king of the island of Laṅkā, gains additional powers by practicing a regimen of severe asceticism that includes standing on one foot for a thousand years, existing only on wind, engaging in the five fire type of asceticism, and cutting off one of his ten heads. Rāvaṇa is rewarded by Brahmā with the power of illusion (māyā) by which the demon can become invisible. Even with all of his powers, Rāvaṇa still is eventually defeated by the hero Rāma, an embodiment of righteousness and victory over evil. Not only did demons practice asceticism according to Hindu narratives, they also assumed the appearance and dress of an ascetic, and they represented what was strange or outside of the primary culture. The Rāmāyaṇa (3.33.37) refers to Mārīca, a Rākṣasa, dressed with black animal hides, matted hair, and bark cloth. This costume stands in contrast to another part of the epic in which a demon is described with huge fangs, yellow eyes, bristling hair, and the ability to change shape. It was not usual to discover administrative officials referring to outsiders as demonic beings. Sometimes, practitioners and leaders of heretical religions were described as demons. The distinction between demons and humans was blurred with tales of Rākṣasas being born as human beings as in the Devibhāgavata Purāṇa (6.11.42). The sage Kapila, an ascetic figure and alleged founder of Yoga and Sāṃkhya, was

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closely associated with demons in the dharma literature. In fact, his father functioned as the king of the demons. Overall, discourse about demons permeates Hindu literature and is intertwined with Indian literary culture.

References 1. Bergaigne A (1963) La Religion védique d’ après les hymns du Rig-Veda. Librairie Honore Campion, Paris 2. Brown WN (1919) Proselyting the Asuras. J Am Orient Soc 61:76–80 3. Commaraswamy AK (1971) Yakṣas. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 4. Hiltebeitel A (ed) (1989) Criminal Gods and demon devotees: essays on the guardians of popular Hinduism. State University of New York Press, Albany 5. O’Flaherty WD (1976) The origins of evil in Hindu mythology. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Olson C (2015) Indian asceticism power, violence, and play. Oxford University Press, New York 7. Sutherland GH (1991) The disguises of the demon: the development of the Yakṣa in Hinduism and Buddhism. State University of New York Press, Albany 8. Zimmer H (1946) Myths and symbols in Indian art and civilization. Pantheon Books, New York

Depiction ▶ Mūrti

Deśika ▶ Guru (Hinduism)

Deterritorialization ▶ Globalization (Hinduism)

Dev Bhoomi ▶ Rishikesh (Hṛṣīkeśa)

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Mahari; Sumangali

mathematics. Their position is reminiscent of the ancient Greek learned courtesans. The coming of Islam affected this institution variously in the different regions they ruled, but the deathblow was dealt by the British colonizers. It is now sadly a defunct institution, and dance became a secular art form on the stage beginning in the early twentieth century. This shift has preserved the art form but has dealt a grave blow to the view of women as embodiments of different aspects of the goddess.

Definition

Anti-Devadasi Social Reform Movement

Women dedicated to a temple, unmarried, sexually free that in their rituals embody the goddess, securing the efficacious results of all actions.

The British gaze immediately saw this institution in very much the same way as the biblical prophets did. In the first temple in Jerusalem, known as Solomon’s temple – that stood from approximately the eleventh century until the sixth century B.C.E. – there were also women called qadosha meaning “the holy [female] one.” These women were also referred to by terms meaning their sexuality was not constrained to one spouse and the term zonah is used as well to refer to them. It is typically translated in the Torah (the Hebrew bible) as “prostitute, or whore” [7]. Like the devadasis, these qadoshot (plural form) were unmarried women who were sexually active. The biblical prophets railed against this remnant of the goddess cult in ancient Israel and came to see that institution or reverence for these women, and through them to the goddess, as apostasy, hence the biblical phrase that became current “whoring after other gods.” The decline and even erasure of the goddess in the West has been accompanied by a steep rise in misogyny. This has not happened in India and the ancient goddess still remains extremely important in the Hindu pantheon although her earthly embodiments, the female temple dancers, have vanished. As the work of the Vedic Sanskrit Finnish scholar Asko Parpola has shown, the ancient West Asian goddess and the Hindu goddess in its many forms arise from the same ancient Paleolithic strata and have mutually fertilized each other through the many well-established contacts between those two regions beginning in prehistoric times [10].

Devada¯sī Frédérique Apffel-Marglin Department of Anthropology, Smith College, Northamtpon, MA, USA

Synonyms

Introduction The institution of women dedicated to a temple whose primary activity is dance is extremely ancient in India. There is epigraphic evidence for its existence as far back as the sixth century B.C. E. and even earlier in the form of bas-reliefs. The art of dance – which is inseparable from music, theater, and poetry – is considered to be the root form that gave rise to all the others: sculpture, architecture, drawing, and painting principally. The Natya Shastra of sage Bharata is a Sanskrit text scholars date at around the fourth century B. C.E. that not only exhaustively treats of its form but also contains a sophisticated theory of aesthetic/spirituality, referred to as the rasa theory. Evidence from sculpture suggests the existence of an already full-blown tradition at the time of this text [15]. All major temples in India had devadasis, and in the large ones their numbers were in the several hundreds [9, 13]. These women never married and were sexually free, usually having relations with important temple priests and royal figures. They were also not supposed to have children and, as in Puri Jagannath, used effective local methods of contraception [1]. They were highly educated not only in music and dance but in other arts, in literature, and even

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However, the British colonial officer Thomas McCaulay’s views that “We must at present do our best to form . . . a class of persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions, in morals and in intellect” (1835) led to a successful education reform in colonial India [8]. His program of creating an administrative Indian elite with brown skin but white minds has reverberated down through the ages. This educational reform eventually gave rise to a series of social reform movements throughout India initiated by English educated Indians, which began in earnest in the second half of the nineteenth century. The institution of devadasi was one of those institutions that were targeted by the reformers under the name of the “anti-nautch campaign,” and it was outlawed in most of the principalities as well as the British territories by the first half of the twentieth century [1, 13]. The most recent legal erasure of such an institution was enacted in 1984 by the State of Karnataka outlawing the devadasis married to goddess Yellama [11]. However, in Orissa it was never outlawed. The king of Puri remained at the head of the twelfth century famous temple of Jagannath on the shores of the Bay of Bengal until he was defeated in his legal bid to remain as head of temple administration by the State government in 1968. When this author first came to study the institution in Puri Jagannath in 1975, there remained a core of mostly elderly devadasis at the temple. With the administration of the temple passing into the hands of State government officers in 1968, the pilgrim priests or pandas abruptly ceased referring to these women, locally known as maharis, as “the walking goddess” (calanti devi) and pilgrims thus ceased reverencing them and making offerings to them. This has led to the end of the tradition. None of the adopted daughters of the approximately nine remaining devadasis this author worked with during fieldwork have remained in the temple. They have left and taken up a variety of occupations such as nursing, acting in films, and such. It is clear that with the change in administration, the respect for these women plummeted and they became seen in the eyes of the State administrators as little more than prostitutes. However, this author was fortunate to be able to interview persons who had

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witnessed the mahari dance ritual in the temple before the change in administration took place who told her that pilgrims, at the time of the midday dance ritual in the largest hall of the temple – the nata mandapa (dance hall) – would roll their entire body in the space where the mahari had danced so as to pick up on their own body the bodily leavings of the walking goddess.

The Institution at Puri Jagannath The institution now canonically referred to as devadasi has regional variants, the most different one from that of Jagannath Puri being the women dedicated – or married – to goddess Yellama in Karnataka, who nowadays possess only a remnant of their ritual functions and reportedly function as common prostitutes, something that never happened in Puri Jagannath [11]. The institution closest to the one at Jagannath temple is the one found in the great temples of Tamilnadu [6, 13, 14]. However, this entry has chosen to focus on the institution at Jagannath temple for the simple reason that it was never outlawed there and that coming only 7 years after the king of Puri lost his suit to retain administration of the temple, this author was able to gain an in-depth understanding of the institution difficult to gain in other regions. Furthermore, Shakta Tantric rituals of devadasis do not figure prominently in the scholarship on this topic. It is as well the case that this author was extremely fortunate to eventually be trusted by one of the purohit (brahmin ritual advisor) of the king and parikhsha (superintendent of all temple servants), K. C. Rajaguru, whose only ritual duty in the temple was to stand with a golden staff by the mahari during her dance at the time of the afternoon meal offering. K. C. Rajaguru eventually made available to this author a manuscript which according to him was absolutely indispensable if one was to gain any true understanding of the core ritual enactment during the main royal offering of food in Jagannath temple. Along with the author’s field collaborator, Purna Chandra Mishra, his wife Sureswari Mishra, and K. C. Rajaguru, this text was studied and translated. This text is written in Sanskrit using the Oriya

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script. This central Shakta Tantric esoteric text enabled one to gain a unique and profound insight into the meaning of the most visible and important daily ritual of the maharis. Additionally, both the esoteric and the exoteric version of this ritual have enabled a well-known scholar of an eighthcentury South Indian temple to decipher one of its previously enigmatic sculptural depictions. What is gained through an in-depth case is more important and representative of this ancient tradition than a superficial tour of the several contemporary regional variants of it.

The Term “Devadasi” It is necessary at this point to focus on the by now canonical term to refer to this institution, namely, the Sanskrit term devadasi. This term has been adopted by scholars to refer to this pan-Indian institution for quite some time, probably since the nineteenth century. However, in each temple throughout India, these women were referred to by local terms. The term devadasi slants one’s understanding of this institution; it literally means “[female] servant of the deity” and thus immediately directs one’s mind toward seeing these women’s role primarily as one of service to the deities. The Oriyan term mahari is etymologically related, as well as phonetically very similar, to the term for queen: maharani. This is a much more appropriate term than the Sanskrit devadasi since the king of Puri, who retains a key ritual role during the largest festival of the year, Ratha Jatra, is the only other human to be called by the masculine equivalent term of “calanti Vishnu” (walking Vishnu) during his ritual enactments. The term mahari, by its kinship to the term for the king while enacting rituals, therefore refers us to these women while enacting their ritual in the temple as the living embodiment of the goddess.

Vaishnavite and Tantric Shakta Meanings Let us for now continue to focus on the mahari as the embodiment of different aspects of the Hindu

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goddess. One’s early work on this topic emphasizes the maharis as the wives of Jagannath, namely, Lakshmi. With maturity and further research, it was realized that this emphasis corresponds to only certain aspects of the maharis’ rituals but renders less comprehensible as well as less visible their central and royal ritual in the temple during the offering of the main meal of the day. The maharis in their most public of ritual are not the wives of Jagannath but the embodiment of the single goddess, specifically of Dakshinakalika as we will see further on. This embodiment is the case only during her ritual enactment during the Raja Bhoga that is the royal offering of food to the deities and the pilgrims at the time of the main meal of the day in the afternoon. The other daily ritual of the maharis is at the end of the day, during the ritual of the deities’ going to sleep, just before the temple’s doors are closed. The daily evening ritual is a bhakti Vaishnavite one where they sing the eleventh-century Sanskrit poem Gita Govinda or later Oriya poems in the same genre revolving around Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu, and his favorite gopi, Radha. There the devadasis seem to be embodiments of the gopis or particularly of Radha. This Vaishnavite ritual is more recent than the dance at the afternoon royal meal offering and is recorded in a temple inscription to have been instituted by King Prataparudra Deva in 1499 supposedly under the influence of Caitanya who came to Puri just a very few years later. This ritual is far more well known and better understood than the afternoon dance. It also has become the most emphasized one in the stage performances of Odissi dancers. It takes place in front of the inner sanctum and the maharis face the deities during their ritual. However, this ritual is not a major public one as the one at the time of the rajopacara (royal offering) and very few pilgrims witness it, if any. The spatial orientation of that ritual makes it much more akin to being interpreted as an entertainment of the deities, the dominant interpretation of the role of the devadasis in the great majority of scholarship on this topic. However, the two Hindu streams of Shaktism and Vaishnavism coexist in the different rituals of the maharis of Jagannath temple and this

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seems to be not an unusual state of affairs in other temples. In addition the maharis participated in several festivals as well as during the great yearly festival of Ratha Jatra. It is in this festival that their role as Lakshmi becomes pronounced. During Ratha Jatra the main deities in the temple, namely, Jagannath, his sister Subhadra, their elder brother Balabhadra, and the pillar Sudarsana leave the temple. They are placed in three huge wooden chariots, built anew each year. After the ceremony of the king sweeping those chariots, they are pulled by the immense crowd some two miles down the road to another temple where they stay for 7 days. The image of Lakshmi, usually placed on the left of Jagannath’s image, does not accompany them, rather it is placed in a store room in the temple. On several occasions during this festival that lasts a fortnight, the maharis sing of Lakshmi’s anger at being left behind. They also sing a song at the moment of reunion expressing Lakshmi’s delight at the reunion. Lakshmi stands for abundance and during the rice harvest is embodied in a heap of newly cut rice stalks. As Sri she abides permanently on Vishnu’s chest in the form of a swirl of chest hair and infuses him as well as his earthly embodiment, namely, the king, with sovereignty. The king is dependent on Sri and her female embodiments to be infused with sovereignty [4]. Due to the much better studied and understood Vaishnavite rituals and their interpretations, this entry will focus on the much more ancient afternoon dance ritual which is much less well known and understood. This choice is also dictated by the fact that this ritual is the most public, the one witnessed by the greatest number of pilgrims and the only one called a “royal” ritual. This choice is also inspired by the fact that it can illuminate for us now defunct practices in other parts of the world, especially in ancient West Asia, where the goddess has been eliminated beginning with the spread of the Hebrew and Greek alphabet beginning sometime in the eighth century B.C.E. and culminating with emperor Constantine having all goddess temples destroyed in the fourth century C.E. [12]. The striking similarity between the biblical qadosha in Solomon’s temple in

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Jerusalem is also an indication of the great antiquity of this institution, an institution that has existed both in West Asia and in India. The disappearance of this institution in contemporary India under the seeming unstoppable onslaught of modernity seems to be part of a trend toward the erosion of the role of women and their embodiment of the goddess in Hindu temples, a trend sadly retracing a long trod path in the West. There women have carried the burden of Eve’s original sin much more heavily than males have carried Adam’s curse. This has been particularly salient in the demeaning of women’s sexuality with all the heavy behavioral consequences we know all too well. As this author personally and powerfully experienced when, as a very young woman, she was first confronted with a sculpture of Durga Mahish Asuramardini, it had the power to completely transfix her and root her to that spot for a long while. That reaction upon first gazing on such an image is due to the fact that there is no equivalent of a powerful, sensual, and also sacred female figure in any of the three Abrahamic religious traditions of the West and West Asia.

The Royal Ritual of the Mahari The first indication of the importance of the rajopacara ritual of the mahari is the fact that it is done in the presence and proximity of the parikhsha of the temple and purohit of the king, holding a golden staff, symbol of kingship. Combined with the fact that the mahari does not face the deities in the inner sanctum but rather faces south during her ritual dance immediately conveys that it is not a case of an offering to or service for the deities or even less of entertaining them, but something altogether more portentous [2]. The pandas used to tell the assembled pilgrims at the time of the mahari dance at the royal meal that she was calanti devi, the living goddess. This appellation conveys that the nature of the mahari is something different from that of all other temple servants, all males, who are called sebakas, a term usually translated as “[male temple] servant.” The king of Puri who is called calanti Vishnu is also

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called adi sebaka (the first servant) especially in his role of sweeping the chariots during Ratha Jatra. There is no comparable term to “first servant” used for the mahari. It is also noteworthy that the mahari is not designated by the pandas as the walking goddess during her ritual in the evening, singing the Gita Govinda. That appellation is reserved for her when dancing in the nata mandapa during the afternoon rajopacara. There is a very strong connection made spatially between the dance of the mahari and the food offering to the deities and for the pilgrims. Let us turn our attention to this aspect of the ritual. The mahari enters the temple for the dance after a lengthy preparation of purification, adornment, and special dress. She wears a blouse and a sari wrapped around her waist that does not pass between her legs – this detail will become very significant later on – in the style now adopted for stage performances of Odissi dance. The Odissi stage dance costume is modelled after the young male dancers called gotipuas, who perform Odissi dance dressed as women outside of the temple at festival times [3]. Furthermore, this ritual takes place at the time when the greatest number of pilgrims visit the temple in order to receive the leftover food of the deities, called mahaprasad in Jagannath temple. This afternoon meal offering is the only one of a total of three cooked food offerings for which food is cooked in the temple for the pilgrims as well as for the deities. The food is being offered to the deities in the inner sanctum and in the bhoga mandapa (food hall) for the pilgrims while the mahari dances in the nata mandapa (dance hall) facing south. The inner and outer sanctum and the bhoga mandapa are on either side of the dance hall in an east-west axis. Spatially the mahari dances in the middle of the axis of food offerings. Although the temple has four gates, one in each direction, the main entrance to the main temple is in the north. This clearly indicates that one cannot associate the dance of the mahari with the meanings of the threshold. The dance hall is the largest hall in the temple and is multi-pillared. The throng of pilgrims all focus on the mahari since the inner sanctum is hidden from their gaze by a curtain at

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the time of the offering of the afternoon “royal” meal (rajopacara). Her dance is accompanied by the drumming of one of her brothers and consists of one long uninterrupted nritta sequence that is “pure dance” without the accompaniment of song. Given the relative paucity of first-hand ethnographic studies of this institution especially its tantric aspects as well as its great antiquity and echoes in other parts of the world and the fact that it has vanished from the scene in contemporary India and migrated to the secular art stage in a greatly transformed guise, it seems imperative to communicate the full depth of the meaning of this most public of the maharis’ daily ritual. This task requires one to cover both the explanations by the maharis, pandas, and the superintendent of the temple and purohit of the king, the late K. C. Rajaguru on the one hand and the textual material that was made available to the author on the other hand. Let us start with the explanations from maharis, pandas, and K. C. Rajaguru about the dance ritual. The rajopacara has the distinction of including a very special offering before the main cooked food one. That offering is an exoteric version of the Shakta tantric five “M” ritual known as pancamakara. These four food offerings are brought to the inner sanctum by the chief of the cooks (mahasuara) before the usual cooked meal and consist of vegetarian versions of (1) meat (mamsa), (2) fish (matsya), (3) blackgram cakes standing for mudra, (4) and coconut milk in a bell metal jar for wine (madya). The fifth “M,” called maithuna, is the dance of the mahari. More specifically, according to K. C. Rajaguru, the fifth M consists of Shakti uchhista, the leavings of Shakti. Again according to him, the very point of the dance is the production of such leavings; the vigorous movements of the dance produce a fluid that falls on the ground. In the documentary film about this tradition at Jagannath temple, titled Given to Dance: India’s Odissi Tradition, K. C. Rajaguru is interviewed and says the following: “With the ending of this tradition of the maharis a major branch of our rituals has been cut off. Without Shakti uchhista, the food offerings have no fullness

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(sampurna). . . That is why our rituals today no longer bear any fruits (phala)” [3]. This statement clearly shows that on the dance ritual of the mahari during the rajopacara depends the efficacy (results, or fruits) of all temple rituals. This clearly explains why the superintendent of all rituals and servants in the temple, the parikhsha who is also one of the purohit of the king, is present, this being his only daily ritual duty in the temple. Suffice it to say that the aim of temple rituals can be summarized by simply stating that it consists in the prosperity and protection of the whole realm. What seems clear therefore is that the exchange that takes place between pilgrims who roll on the space where the mahari has danced and her Shakti uchhista has fallen consists of a necessary enactment for insuring the pilgrims’ own prosperity and safety. To fully appreciate the mythological and other resonances of this ritual, there is a need to go deeper and further. Let us start with the southern direction that the mahari faces when performing her dance at the time of the rajopacara in the afternoon [2]. South is the direction of the sea and of the cremation ground in Puri; generally in Hinduism, it is considered the direction of the rakshasas or asuras (“demons”) and of Yama’s realm of the dead. Here the work of Dennis Hudson on the eighth-century Vaikuntha Perumal Temple in Kanchipuram, Tamilnadu, and his reading of the South facing panel depicting Mohini, the courtesan avatar of Vishnu, enchanting the rakshasas with her dance, shows this to be a clear mythological equivalent of the dance of the mahari in the afternoon in Jagannath temple. That panel alludes to Mohini’s skillful manipulation of the rakshasas’ sensual desire that persuaded them to relinquish the pot of amrita, the elixir of prosperous longevity, to her. She is portrayed feeding amrita to the devas on the east having neutralized the rakshasas on the west through her dance. The neutralizing of the demons by Mohini’s dance procures the safety of the devas and secures for them as well longevity and prosperity (amrita). According to Dennis Hudson’s exhaustive research on the Vaikuntha Perumal Temple that includes his use of this author’s

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work on the tantric mahari ritual: “The amrita she holds in the pot refers to the five ‘M’ substances offered prior to the afternoon meal, the essential ‘M’ being the sexual fluid (raja) she generates through her dance while facing south. . . In terms of the Emperor’s Vishnu-house, that female sexual fluid protected the emperor’s realm and subjects from Yama’s south, and from the asuras. . .” [5].

The Secret Tantric Ritual However, the enactment to secure the prosperity and safety of the whole realm necessitates, in addition to the public ritual during rajopacara, a secret ritual said to take place in a chamber rumored to be located underground beneath the inner sanctum. That ritual is the one described in great detail in the text that K. C. Rajaguru made available to the author, titled Shyama Puja Vidhi. It is an esoteric version of the exoteric public five M ritual in the nata mandapa. It is performed in the dead of night after the temple gates have been closed. It is not appropriate to reveal such secret rituals in as public a medium as an encyclopedia. Therefore, only a very few essential remarks about this secret ritual will be conveyed. Rajaguru explained that he conducted such a ritual periodically for the king and he was the officiant (pujaka). In it participate pairs of women and men. The men are called viryas, an appellation referring to generals in the king’s army in precolonial times. The women are called shaktis and they were either the wives of were the viryas or maharis. These pairs of men and women entered the ritual after a lengthy preparation by the pujaka that consisted in the preparation of (1) a pot containing all the five Ms and (2) a pot for each of the viryas and shaktis containing parts of what was prepared for the central pot. It is made very clear that the fifth M consists of a shakti’s sexual fluid. To the colorless fluid that is secreted by a shakti is added a previously collected piece of cotton imbued with drops of the menarcheal blood of a young girl/woman, called the “self-born flower” (swayambhu kusuma). In addition the

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pujaka prepares pots for all the viryas and shaktis containing a portion of the central pot. That central pot becomes the very embodiment of Dakshinakalika (Kali of the South). The central pot rests on a yantra and together they are Dakshinakalika. The pujaka ritually brings the tejas (brilliant conquering power) of the goddess to reside there. The pujaka has previously dressed as a woman and it is as such that “she” performs the whole secret ritual [1]. This latter fact makes it abundantly clear that the pujaka in this ritual is the equivalent of Mohini who is Vishnu in a female form. According to Dennis Hudson’s interpretation of this rite in the light of the Mohini panel at the Vaikuntha Perumal Temple as well as in light of the pancamakara exoteric and esoteric tantric rituals: “The rite enacts the scene of Mohini feeding devas. . . The rite states clearly that the female sexual fluid is amrita, and that amrita is used together with the blood of a virgin’s first menstruation in connection with Goddess Kali’s presence as the brilliant conquering power (tejas). . . . Goddess Kali as tejas belongs to the south, or faces south (Dakshinakalika), and her tejas is employed to protect the king as patron of the rite (yajamana) from enemies emerging from the realm of death” [5].

Conclusion The ancient Shakta Tantric rite of the maharis, both in its very public exoteric version and in its esoteric version, could not be more explicit in stating the power inherent in female sexual fluids. Nothing less than the safety of the cosmos and of course of its earthly version of the realm, as well as prosperity and longevity, emerge from its ingestion and blessings. The understanding of such fluids as impure in no way diminishes their auspiciousness and their effectiveness. (See entries on auspiciousness as well as on purity.) There is no either/or dualistic choice between the impurity of female sexual fluids and their auspiciousness and power. Their impurity is contextual and speaks of other concerns than those discussed here. Such dualistic either/or readings

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are heir to the destruction of non-dualistic worldviews first through the emergence of the Hebrew alphabet and then its Greek version and later reinforced and intensified with the emergence of modernity in Western Europe sealed by the success of the scientific revolution at the end of the seventeenth century. Given the profound misogyny that flowed from such events, a misogyny constitutive of the modernist dualistic worldview, it is imperative that alternative readings of female sexuality be made visible. Given also the disappearance of this institution in India as a result of its coming under the sway of Western worldviews and the misogyny displayed in many acts of brutality against women in India today, it is urgent to make more visible the extremely positive view of females and their sexuality inherent in many strands of Hinduism.

References 1. Apffel-Marglin F (1989) Wives of the God-King: the rituals of the Devadasis of Puri. Oxford University Press, Delhi 2. Apffel-Marglin F (2008) Rhythms of life: enacting the world with the Goddesses of Orissa. Oxford University Press, Delhi 3. Given to Dance: India’s Odissi Tradition (1986) Video documentary. South Asia Library, University of Wisconsin, Madison 4. Hiltebeitel A (1976) The ritual of battle: Krishna in the Mahabharata. Cornell University Press, Ithaca 5. Hudson D (2008) The body of God: an emperor’s palace for Krishna in eight century Kanchipuram. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Kersenboom-Story SC (1987) Nityasumangali: devadasi tradition in South India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Kornfeld W (1972) Prostitution Sacrée. In: Supplément du Dictionnaire de la Bible, vol 8. Letouzey & Ane, Paris 8. MacAulay T (1920) Minute on education. In: Sharp H (ed) Selections from educational records, part I. Superintendent Government Printing, Calcutta, pp 1781–1839 9. Orr LC (2000) Donors, devotees, and daughters of God: temple women in medieval Tamilnadu. Oxford University Press, New York 10. Parpola A (1985) The sky-garment: a study of the Harappan religion and its relation to the Mesopotamian and later Indian religions. In: Studia orientalia. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki

Development Economics and Hindu Worldviews 11. Ramberg L (2013) Given to the goddess: south Indian Devadasis and the sexuality of religion. Duke University Press, Durham, NC 12. Shlain L (1999) The alphabet versus the Goddess. Penguin, New York 13. Soneji D (2014) Unfinished gestures: devadasis, memory, and modernity in South India. Chicago University Press, Chicago, IL 14. Srinivas A (1983) The hindu temple dancers: prostitute or nun? Camb Anthropol 8(1):73–99 15. Vatsyayana K (1968) Classical Indian dance in literature and the arts. Sangeet Natak Akademi, Delhi

Development Economics and Hindu Worldviews Frédérique Apffel-Marglin Department of Anthropology, Smith College, Northamtpon, MA, USA

Definition of Development Economics A branch of economics focusing on formerly colonized or dominated countries and their attempt to reach levels of wealth comparable to those of northern industrialized countries.

Introduction When attempting to consider together two such vast domains, one necessarily narrows one’s focus on those crucial or central aspects of both. It is a necessarily simplifying endeavor which allows highlighting where there might be congruence or a lack of it. This necessary lens leads one to consider those most general characteristics that are shared by various currents in both these domains, namely, development economics and Hindu worldviews. The scope of this entry and the constraints of a comparison or contrast require one to focus on such a fundamental level that can be said to be shared by the vast majority of varieties of Hindu worldviews and of development economics.

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Development Economics Development economics is a branch of the discipline of economics pertaining to the attainment on the part of nations formerly either colonized or in some ways dominated by Western powers, of a certain level and type of industrialization and economic activities that exist in these Western powers. The discipline of economics rests on a series of implicit assumptions, several of which have been made explicit by the Harvard economist Stephen Marglin and others that I have found necessary to add as well as to somewhat modify [2, 15]. Here we will examine those assumptions and then discuss them in the light of Hindu worldviews. Development economics is economics used for the purpose of development. So let us start with the word “development” before focusing on other assumptions underlying the discipline of economics. • Development. This word implies that economic development is analogous to the development of an organism from infancy and a period of immaturity to full-grown status and maturity. It has both a normative element and an ontological one. Normatively, developed economies/societies have reached their full potential and adult status, whereas underdeveloped economies/societies are akin to an organism that remains at an earlier stage than that of full maturity. Such societies have failed to “develop” into what they are meant to be, namely, full-grown adult instances of their species. Hence, terms such as “underdeveloped” implies being stuck at less than full maturity and “developing” refers to an entity on its way to full growth but not yet there. Ontologically the term “development” carries within itself a linear view of time. Time is a straight arrow going on indefinitely in one direction only. The unidirectionality of the term “development” appears when one becomes aware that the full life cycle of an organism is not acknowledged, but rather only its upward arc and not its downward arc past full maturity into old age and decay followed by death. Another ontological

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implication of the term development, and one critical for a comparison with Hindu worldviews, is the reality that the term “development” refers to an empirically verifiable reality, according to the methods of classical Western science, such as universal homogenous linear time which is constitutional of the term development. However, this is measurable time, divided into identical segments and amenable to precise and quantifiable reckoning. In contrast, time in Hindu India is divided into nonidentical segments, and time returns upon itself, i.e., it is cyclical, among other differences. It is clear that what has been said of time extends to all of what “development economics” might refer to as “reality.” A nonempirically verifiable aspect of reality such as the world of deities and others such as other-than-human beings does not come into its purview, and when reference to such classes of beings is encountered in Hindu India, it is relegated to the status of either a religious/spiritual or a cultural “belief” held in people’s mind but not to something having the ontological status of the “real.” • Assumptions of Economics • Individualism. Mainstream economics has basically focused on one virtue, namely, how well economic institutions deliver the goods. The best economic arrangements are the ones that deliver the biggest pie, i.e., the greatest consumption, and efficiency is at a premium. There is an ambiguity inherent in the idea of the size of the pie given multiple consumers with a multiplicity of tastes. Mainstream economics uses the tools of Pareto optimality to resolve this ambiguity, i.e., outcomes that cannot be improved upon for everybody. This relies on methodological individualism, namely, that societal well-being is reduced to the well-being of separate individuals. The individual is an atom that has a logical and existential primacy. The well-being of the society is the result of adding the well-being of all its individual members. Each individual furthermore is concerned only with his or her own consumption, and therefore we

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have the self-interested individual who calculates in order to maximize his or her own size of the pie, also known as homo economicus [15]. • Unlimited Wants. With the assumption of humans’ unlimited wants, individuals and societies can never reach a state of satiety, a state of enough. Even the 1 % of the superrich fall under that dictum. This is achieved through the reality of relative wants as opposed to absolute wants which assures the ever receding prospect of abundance and the always current reality of scarcity [15]. • Cartesian Rationality. The calculus that the maximizing, self-interested individual engages in is a direct descendant of René Descartes’ fundamental innovation in seventeenth-century France, namely, the division of reality into two spheres: that of res extensa (“extended thing,” world) and res cogitans (or “thinking thing,” the human mind) as well as his statement cogito ergo sum (“I think therefore I am”). Ontologically these statements together postulate that the human mind and the world are radically different things and furthermore that the human mind is the ontological basis of human existence. Epistemologically it means that what is known – the object of knowledge – is known by the human mind, the subject of knowledge, and that it is outside of the human mind, thus making something called “objectivity” possible [2]. • The Separation of the Material and the Discursive. This assumption flows out of the previous one and Descartes’ radical separation between the mind and what is outside the mind, namely, the body and the world. In other words, economics partakes of the general modern Western worldviews that the material aspect of reality exists without being admixed or entangled with products or creations of the human mind. This also implies that the so-called material world is devoid of mind and exists merely as a backdrop to human action. The material

Development Economics and Hindu Worldviews

world is considered to be devoid of agency and of sentience [2]. • Economics’ Anthropocentrism. The discipline of economics shares the prevalent anthropocentrism of modern Western worldviews and knowledge. This anthropocentrism is implicit in Cartesian rationality. The aims and goals of the discipline are entirely in terms of the welfare or wellbeing of human beings. The natural world figures only in relation to fulfilling some human needs. Nature is divided into a variety of aspects generally viewed from the perspective of their utility for humans, such as productive lands, natural resources to be exploited by human beings, or natural preserves for their enjoyment [2].

Hindu Worldviews Let us juxtapose these foundational assumptions with aspects of Hindu views of reality or the world. Development and Linear Time. In spite of variance among regions and textual traditions, the overarching Hindu view of time is a cyclical one. Within it, however, there are several different notions of time [14]. Cosmically the world/universe does not travel in one direction, always forward, but rather goes through cycles. The large cosmic cycles or eons (kalpa is a much larger eon than yuga) move from beginnings of perfection through periodically less perfect eons until we reach the present eon of the Kali Yuga of great conflict and imperfection. This is followed by a rebirth of time. This is the inverse movement from that implicit in the term “development” where the movement is from less full sized or complete to full sized and more complete. Just as the Western view of unilinear time has deep roots in the Hebrew bible, the Hindu view of time has equally deep roots in the Vedas. According to the French Sanskrit scholar Lillian Silburn, the Vedic notion of time is not that of a uniform and continuous forward flow but rather that of a rhythm where the solar rhythm seems to be a prototype.

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The sun at night returns to the sea, the womb that undo what the day has woven, “[t]his return fundamentally expresses a cycle of new life, of renewal and thus of immortality.” Silburn adds that the weaving of time requires knowing its knots or ritus, those acts that propel continuity. This daily rhythms of birth followed by dissolution, death, and rebirth is the same for all the different units of time from the largest cosmic kalpas to the smaller yugas, to the life, death, and rebirth of the gods, and finally the life, death, and rebirth of humans [18]. Without claiming any historical continuity between the Vedic era and contemporary Hindu practices, these same principles are to be found in rituals in coastal Orissa. Rituals are actions that propel the duration to come. In other words, duration or continuity is an achievement. It is not, as in the Western modern view, a pre-given in nature, namely, abstract, homogenous, and linear time. In rituals celebrating the menses of the earth, of women, and of the sea, Orissans make continuity and regeneration in consonance with the alternating rhythms of the nonhuman world, in this case the alternation between the hot and dry season and the rainy season. In this ritual there is a return to the womb of the goddess as it were, where all distinctions of castes, among others, are erased, just like sunlight dissolves in the night and the womb of the sea. This period of dissolution is also one of regeneration and new life. Time is not given and certainly does not flow forever forward uniformly. It is dissolved and remade anew not forever but for a period only, necessitating the reiteration of the ritual to again make continuity and new life. This is a vision of time profoundly at odds with the modern Western one underlying development economics [1]. Given the hegemonic status of global education curricula today as based on the modern Western classical scientific paradigm, it may appear to most readers that the Hindu view of time is metaphorical, whereas the modern Western one is factual. Since this theme runs through all the other basic assumptions when confronted with Hindu worldviews, it is necessary at this point to examine such a view. It is necessary to make an attempt, however brief and truncated, that

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indicates that the modern Western view of time is no less contextual and imbued with discursivity than the Hindu ones. The effort, however inadequate due to constraints of length, is necessary in order to relativize the claims to universality of classical modern Western science and with it of economics. Readers desirous of deeper investigation into this topic can consult the works in the reference section.

Neils Bohr’s Quantum Views on Reality as Material Discursive The quantum physicist Karen Barad has developed a theory that she calls “agential realism” based on her reading and extension of the father of the quantum revolution, the Danish physicist Neils Bohr’s understanding of the new quantum phenomena as recorded in his philosophyphysics papers [4, 5]. Agential realism incorporates Bohr’s fundamental insight about physical reality being a function of the agencies of observation rather than the preexisting measurements these agencies produce. Barad explores the ontoepistemological entailments of this fundamental insight and uses the recently carried out gedanken (thought) experiments, as well as poststructuralist and feminist theory, to extend Bohr’s framework. The issue of metaphysics can no longer be avoided, since these experiments touch on the very nature of reality. Barad’s work shows how matter (materiality/physicality) and human discursive practices are always entangled. Barad’s work addresses the fundamental issue of the separation or lack thereof between the observing, measuring (or representing) subject and the observed, measured (or otherwise represented) object. Bohr’s fundamental challenge to the Cartesian-Newtonian classical scientific framework was in great part arrived at through resolving one of the most well known of the quantum quandaries, that of the wave/particle paradox. Matter (and/or light) sometimes presented themselves to the experimenters in the early twentieth century as a wave and at other times as a particle. The paradox consists of the

Development Economics and Hindu Worldviews

following: under certain experimental arrangements light or matter display particle-like properties. Under different experimental arrangements incompatible with the former (such as a movable slit through which a photon is sent versus a stationary, non-movable slit), they display wave-like properties. Particles and waves are ontologically mutually exclusive phenomena. Under the classical dispensation, this is a paradox since ontologically light and matter must be either a wave or a particle; they cannot be both. In Barad’s interpretation of Bohr’s work, this is how he resolved this paradox: the measurement of the object involves a particular choice of apparatus (movable slit or non-movable slit), which provides the conditions necessary to give ontological definition to a set of manifestations at the exclusion of other equally essential manifestations. In so doing, the manifestations and the apparatus embody a particular cut delineating the “object” from the agencies of observation. Bohr called this the “complementarity principle” referring to the fact that the wave is one manifestation of matter (or light), while under different experimental conditions, a complementary manifestation, namely, a particle, manifests. Both manifestations – wave and particle – are equally essential, but they can never manifest concurrently. Bohr argued that objects are defined by the circumstances required for their measurements. According to Bohr, there is no unambiguous way to differentiate between the “object” and the “agencies of observation” since there is no preexisting cut between them. The cut is enacted or performed through the use of a particular experimental apparatus, and so measured values cannot be attributed to observation-independent objects. The difference hinges on a difference in the apparatus used. This means that how the apparatus is constructed and which one is used has to be recognized as being part of the observed “object,” in this case particles and waves. This means that one can no longer separate the observable objects from the apparatuses used or generally from the agencies of observation. This lack of distinction between “objects” and “agencies of observation” is what Bohr called quantum wholeness. Bohr

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used the term “phenomenon” to refer to particular instances of wholeness. What is central to Bohr’s framework is his intertwining of the conceptual and physical dimensions of the measurement process. How the apparatus is conceived and designed by humans corresponds to the conceptual part, and the physical part are the atomic particles that are sent through the apparatus of observation. In the phenomenon, the physical and conceptual apparatuses form a non-dualistic whole. In Barad’s reading of Bohr, measured properties refer to the phenomena, or the physical-conceptual “intraactions,” whose unambiguous account requires a description of all relevant features of the experimental arrangement. Barad coins the neologism “intra-actions” to signify the inseparability of objects and agencies of observation in the phenomena and eschews the use of “interaction” since this term presupposes an already existing separation between two entities, the object and the agency of observation. However, with the enactment or performance of an experiment, a cut is enacted that separates the “object” from the “agencies of observation.” She calls this cut an agential cut. But objects and agencies of observation emerge only within phenomena; they are always contextual. They do not preexist separately, ontologically, before the performance of an experiment or a measurement, or an observation. The fact that they manifest through an agential cut does not mean that they are not real/ material. The ontology has shifted from that of a pre-given universal nature that includes universal time and space to what might be called an agential reality. In this framework, the referent can no longer be understood to be an observation-independent reality but rather a phenomenon. Objectivity no longer can be thought as referring to a universal preexisting nature or reality made up of independently existing discrete and separable entities or objects [4, 5]. The implications of this new framework are profound. Bohr himself understood the metaphysical implications of the impossibility to separate the object from the apparatus of observation. Apparatuses of observation are no longer passive

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observing and/or recording instruments as in the classical Cartesian-Newtonian paradigm; rather, they are a product of and part of the phenomena. For him, this inseparability “entails. . .the necessity of a final renunciation of the classical ideal of causality and a radical revision of our attitude towards the problem of physical reality [5].” Bohr’s complementarity principle was consciously offered as an alternative to the classical physics framework. As Barad puts it, reality is always material discursive which means that the claims to universality of classical Western science is flawed and superseded by the post-Bohrian quantum paradigm.

Implications for Cartesian Rationality This new post-Cartesian-Newtonian paradigm shows Descartes’ separation between the mind on one side and the body and the world on the other side to be fundamentally flawed. One can no longer speak of a pre-given reality or nature with a universal time and space free of entanglements with cultural, that is, human made, elements. It must be underlined that such a pregiven nature includes as well the biology of the human body. In other words, when focusing on human biology, we must acknowledge today that Western biomedicine is one material-discursive perspective on that reality, but there are many others such as Ayurveda, Chinese acupuncture, and many others. All of these are material discursive; that is, they are all materially real but cannot at the same time be disentangled from discursive human elements. It means that all knowledge, all science, is contextual and that the claims of classical Western science to universality can no longer be sustained. In other words, one of economics’ basic assumptions that of the maximizing, calculating, and choosing individual, marching on a straight arrow of time, can no longer be accepted as a pregiven existent universal entity. Similarly development economics’ basic premise of prescribing actions that are to propel a society forward on a unilinear, homogenous, and abstract time line on the model of Western societies can no longer be

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legitimized by any recourse to universal notions of either time, individual, or rationality.

Implications for Individualism The methodological individualism mentioned in the above list of economics’ basic assumptions implies that societal well-being is reduced to the well-being of separate individuals. The individual is an atom that has a logical and existential primacy. The well-being of the society is the result of adding the well-being of all its individual members. This assumption is crucial to development economics. However, much of the field of development economics has viewed well-being in a rather narrow manner in which monetary and/ or material advantages constitute well-being. This has led to the adoption by many critics of the phrase homo economicus to refer to this self-interested, maximizing individual marching forever on an upward path of progress. More recently, the views of the economist A. K. Sen and his associates have powerfully addressed this shortcoming in what is known as the capability approach. The capability approach is increasingly being used as a framework for thinking about the quality of life in development theorizing and practice, whereby people and especially marginalized segments of the population and their quality of life are put at the center of analysis. It has captured the imagination of a growing number of researchers, policy makers, and other public actors. It is used for policy designs as in the case of the well-known Human Development Reports published by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and thus has received a type of international endorsement that gives it a privileged status among all other variants of development economics. This approach is aimed at circumventing older and more purely economistic approaches to development. The central characteristics of the capability approach is its focus on what individuals are really able to do and be, namely, on their capabilities. The capability approach is constitutively sensitive to the impact of social norms, traditions, or local institutions such as caste in the case of India. This

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approach thus covers the full spectrum of individuals’ well-being, not just its material aspect. Much attention is paid to the links between material, mental, and social well-being and to economic, social, psychological, political, and cultural dimensions of life. This is so because all of these aspects of an individual’s life have an impact on how effectively persons can convert their available resources and social conditions into effective actions that increase their well-being. So Sen’s approach, for example, makes room for and sense of altruistic behavior such as a person choosing to jeopardize her or his health in order to jump into a rushing cold river to save another person’s life or give to charities, both actions increasing that person’s sense of intrinsic worth and thus well-being [16]. There is no doubt whatsoever that this form of development economics is an immense improvement over other forms that generally see culture, customs, and in general traditions in terms of obstacles to development and whose focus is narrowly materialistic. It is no wonder that it has been so widely endorsed. Having said this, it remains that the capability approach continues to be as wedded to Cartesian rationality and the foundational primacy of the individual as other theories in development economics. This can be illustrated by Sen’s concern in his book Identity and Violence that individuals be free to pick and choose among the diverse elements of the culture into which they happen to be born. Such choices are to be made after a reasoned decision-making process. Reasoned choice should be encouraged in school curricula so as to lead children to cultivate that ability in determining the priorities in their lives [17]. However, the autonomous subject-agent that is foundational in the capability approach is predicated first on its universality and secondly on its being separate from and primary to other aspects of reality such as collectivities both of humans and of nonhumans. Both of these assumptions are highly problematic in general and specifically in a Hindu context. The modern subject-agent was historically constituted in Western Europe through the rise of the market economy after the collapse of the manorial system. It is constituted

Development Economics and Hindu Worldviews

by a unitary proprietary relationship between a self and its mind and body which was a constitutive requirement for labor to become a commodity freely available on the market [2, 7]. Claims of a nonmarket nature on the labor force of persons such as those of kin or deities, for example, had to be eliminated in order for labor to become a reliably saleable/purchasable commodity in the emerging market economy. The autonomous self becomes the sole owner of its body and mind. It is predicated on what Judith Butler has called a metaphysics of substance. In such a view, the constitutive outside of individuals disappears [6]. Rather the individual is constituted in opposition to an agency-less other and primarily nature or naturalized “others.” Nature depends for its substance on its differentiation from its opposite, namely, culture, the domain of human subjects possessing agency. Nature is what culture is not, and vice versa culture is what nature is not. Nature does not possess agency. Such a view is profoundly destabilized by the quantum physics discussed earlier. Such a view is also completely at odds with Hindu worldviews. The individual as the source of reasoned choice in pursuit of his or her own well-being with the nonhuman world as an agency-less backdrop to his or her marching forever forward simply does not exist in any Hindu worldviews. The absence of the downward arc of the life cycle and particularly the absence of death, both in humans and in the world, is especially striking. A whole part of life is simply made invisible. The striking contrast that is immediately salient is that in Hindu views, the universe with everything and everyone in it, the time, the gods, the humans, the earth, exists in multiple cycles of birth, growth, decay, death, and rebirth. The largest unit of time are called kalpas thought of as a day of Brahma. A day of Brahma in turn consists of a thousand cycles of the four yugas: Satya, Treta, Dvapara, and Kali. Brahma lives one hundred such years and then dies. The transition from one yuga to another is achieved through the death and then rebirth of a deity, such as Krishna dying at the end of the Treta Yuga, as we will see below. But there are deities such as Jagannath in Puri, Odisha, that die and are reborn every 12 years (see auspiciousness entry) [14].

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A Hindu human life cycle is nested within an infinite number of other cycles. The universe, the world, and what we moderns call “nature” are all living, pulsating, breathing, and dying entities. However, dying is always necessary to bring about new life. The material discursivity of the universe, world, or nature is vividly and narratively conveyed by their being populated by many gods, goddesses, and other beings such as demons, ancestors, yakshas/yakshis, nagas/ naginis, and many more, as well as by animals, plants, trees, rocks, rivers, mountains, buildings, roads, and of course humans. In fact such an enumeration is somewhat misleading since it seems to separate non-visible entities – what in the modern West are called “supernaturals” – from aspects of nature or culture. It would be more accurate to state that any worldly manifestation or existing entity that is part of this living, pulsating universe can under the proper circumstances be animated by a sentient presence. A more Bohrian way of saying the same thing would be to state that under particular conditions of observation and apparatuses, different aspects of material-discursive reality manifest themselves. We need to remind ourselves that apparatuses are no longer passive, inert, recording devices but participate in the various manifestations of reality. As Barad has shown, there is no way to circumscribe this nonhuman agency to the experimental apparatus in laboratories. It extends to everything: the materials those are made of, the air, the computers, all the materials used for these as well the thoughts/concepts to make them, the people who build them and use them, etc. The nonhuman world has agency as many science studies scholars have shown [11]. However, in order to bring out the full contrast between development economics and Hindu worldviews, it is necessary to focus more precisely, albeit by necessity extremely schematically, on the processes that propel this endless cyclicity. In one of the four dhammas of India, the four pilgrimage centers at the four cardinal points in the subcontinent, namely, Puri Jagannath on the eastern sea coast, the transition from the Treta to the Kali Yuga was narrated to me. At the end of the Treta Yuga, Krishna desired to die. His

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wish was carried out by his tribal devotee who shot him dead with an arrow. Arjuna carried out the cremation rites. After the funeral pyre, the middle portion of Krishna’s body was not fully burnt, and it was thrown into the sea where it floated like a log (daru). Eventually Goddess Mangala through her moon power brought the daru to shore where King Indradyuma had it fashioned into the four images enshrined in the temple he built for that purpose known today as Jagannath Temple. The rebirth of the god and of the world is achieved through a movement from fire to water. The funeral pyre is an oblation to the gods and the corpse is cooked by the fire. The remainder or leftover of the cooking by the funeral pyre – which is a sacrifice – becomes the embryo in the rebirth of the god and the world. The daru is gestated in the ocean’s womb – house – and is born of water since the narrative tells how the daru was retrieved from the sea [12, 13, 9]. This cosmic process is the same for humans. After the cremation of the body, the remainder or leftover, the bones, is carried by the relatives of the departed to a body of water, the sea or a river, and thrown there. New life through the blessing of the ancestors cannot happen until this is carried out, that is, until the cycle is completed [8] (see “auspiciousness” entry). Birth is a cooking of the embryo by the jara agni, the fire in a woman’s belly. The water in her womb keeps a perfect balance between heat and cold. When the infant is born from water, a fire is kept in the mother’s room to dry her and the infant, called the entuli fire. The process is from water to fire, the inverse than at death [1]. Cooking is a central process in Hindu worldviews. Food grows through a process of cooking in the earth through the fire of the sun and water from the rain or irrigation. After the harvest humans cook this food in the fire of hearths with water and offer it to the gods who ingest it through its fragrance enabling humans to be sustained through the gods’ leftovers. It is a cycle from the earth to the gods to the humans whose leftovers go back to the earth where the cycle starts anew. The centrality of cooking, of food, and leftovers in Hindu worldviews cannot be

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overemphasized enough. The cyclicity of this cooking from the earth to the gods, to all living creatures, to humans and all leftovers back to the earth exists at all levels from the microcosm of one human person to the village, to the kingdom, to the universe. Furthermore, there is an immense emphasis on the greatness of food and the giving of food to gods and all living beings, not only humans. Any living creature deserves to be fed on the sole basis of being alive. Hindu housewives typically feed animals of all sorts, including insects and birds through the drawing of intricate designs outside the entrance to the house with rice powder, thus feeding a thousand souls. Feeding others, including animals, was routinely done before feeding one’s family and oneself. Ancestors, deities, and any human needing food were given food freely. The language of satiety (tripti) is central in these actions. Food is one thing that can deliver satiety, unlike money, and satiating the gods, the ancestors, and all living beings is a fundamental aim of householders and of a king. These actions of satiation form an endless series of nested cycles of regenerativity. The distribution of food was radically separated from the notion of food as payment for work. At harvest time the product of the land was divided into as many piles of different sizes as there were people not only in the locality but also for regional administrators who might reside further afield. This distribution of the harvested food was completely dissociated from specific services or work performed by the recipient for the owner of the field [3]. The maximizing of an individual’s well-being in contrast is a one way endless process with no end in sight, no regenerativity. Everything exists for the purpose of increasing or maximizing the capabilities and thus the well-being of separate individuals who seem suspended in a state of permanently wanting or needing more. More choice, better choices, faster choices, more freedom, etc. The lack of cyclicity coupled with the view of the nonhuman world as inert, insentient, and agency less has led to notions such as “natural resources.” These are part of the nonhuman world that are there only to fulfill the endless wants of humans. This Western modern worldview,

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unfortunately fast-acquiring hegemonic status, is relentlessly anthropocentric. Only humans have minds that enable them to make reasoned choices. The rest of the world is there either as resources for the humans or as investments or for their recreation, delight, and/or inspiration or for receiving their waste those seldom being regenerated into new life. Since there are no leftovers and no cyclicity and no sentience in the nonhuman world, this construction has in fact led to both the overexploitation of the planet and its exhaustion. The deities, spirits, demons, etc., are narrative expressions of a living, pulsating, sentient, and active world rather than of a world viewed as an insentient, inert mechanism. It is difficult to imagine a worldview further removed from any variety of Hindu worldviews. It is well known that massive deforestation as well as exhaustion of soils began happening after the coming of the British in India. As Sir Albert Howard documented, the exquisitely cyclical and regenerative agriculture practiced in the Gangetic Plain sustained the production of food there for millennia [10]. And today with India on a fast road to the status of being developed, environmental degradation has sharply risen. The remarkable sustainability recorded by Sir Howard is directly linked to the nested cyclicities described above as well as the sentient and alive nature of the nonhuman world. This in turn translates into a view of the human person as one link in multiple chains of life and death cycles. Some of those are human chains such as kin and others, some are chains to the land or place, some are to animals, some are to deities, and such other-thanhuman beings, and such cycles are entangled among each other. All those links form a vast flow of cycles of life-death-new life. Rather than constituting humans’ environment, these cycles are constitutive of the humans and of everything else. The view of the individual in development economics renders death invisible as well as the fact that humans exist thanks to this multiplicity of constitutive cycles. From a Western modernist standpoint, such embeddedness in cyclical webs of life may appear as constraints on a person’s freedom of choice. But it would seem that vitality, sustainability, and regenerativity flow out of

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such constraints and embeddedness. Liberating oneself from a variety of constraints – from kin, place, and deities, for example – situates the individual in the position of terminally syphoning to him- or herself all life-giving flows. The flows do not cycle back and do not regenerate new life. The freely choosing individual becomes a sink for vitality.

References 1. Apffel-Marglin F (2008) Rhythms of life: enacting the world with the Goddesses of Orissa. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Apffel-Marglin F (2011) Subversive spiritualities: how rituals enact the world. Oxford University Press, New York 3. Bajaj J, Srinivas MD (1996) Annam Bahu Kurvita: recollecting the Indian discipline of growing and sharing food in plenty. Centre for Policy Studies, Madras 4. Barad K (2007) Meeting the universe halfway. Duke University Press, Durham 5. Bohr, Neils (1963) The Philosophical Writings of Neils Bohr. volume 3. Ox Bow Press, Woodbridge, Conneticut. 6. Butler, Judith (!990) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity. Routledge, New York. 7. Federici S (2004) Caliban and the witch: women, the body and primitive accumulation. Autonomedia, Brooklyn 8. Gold A (1988) Fruitful journeys. University of California Press, Berkeley 9. Hiltebeitel A (1988) The cult of draupadi. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 10. Howard SA (1972) An agricultural testament. Rodale Press, Emmaus 11. Latour B (1993) We have never been modern. (trans: Catherine Porter). Harvard University Press, Cambridge 12. Malamoud C (1972) Observation sur la notion du “reste” dans le brahmanisme. Weiner Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Sur-und Ostasiens 16:5–26 13. Malamoud C (1975) Cuire le Monde. Purusartha 1:91–135 14. Malinar A (ed) (2007) Time in India: concepts and practices. Manohar Publishers and Distributors, Delhi 15. Marglin S (2008) The dismal science: how thinking like and economist undermines community. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 16. Sen AK (1999) Development as freedom. Knopf, New York 17. Sen AK (2005) Identity and violence: the illusion of destiny. Norton, New York 18. Silburn L (1955) Instant et Cause: Le discontinue dans la pensée philosophique de l’Inde. Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin, Paris

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Devī ▶ Lakṣmī (Śrī)

Devīma¯ha¯tmya Caleb Simmons Religious Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA

Synonyms Caṇḍī; Caṇḍī Pāṭha; Durgāsaptaśati; Glorification of the Goddess

Definition A Sanskrit text in “glorification of the Goddess” from the Śākta tradition

Glorification of the Goddess The Devīmāhātmya, or Glorification of the Goddess, is one of the central Sanskrit texts of the Hindu Goddess (Śākta) tradition. It provides some of the oldest extant narrative material that connects all goddess of the tradition with the “Great Goddess” or Mahādevī, and its recitation is central in many goddess-oriented rituals throughout the subcontinent and in diaspora. It is, therefore, one of the most important texts for understanding the history and practices of the goddess traditions in Hinduism. The Text The Devīmāhātmya, as we have it today, is comprised of 13 chapters that are contained within the larger Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa (chapters 81–93 within the text). The text, however, has a textual and ritual life of its own and has been reproduced independent of the larger text for centuries and is

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known by various names, including Durgāsaptaśatī and Caṇḍī, in different regions and sub-traditions throughout India [2, 8, 10, 13]. The narrative told within the text contains three episodes in which Mahādevī manifests in order to save the gods from demons, who threaten the stability of the cosmos. In each of these episodes, the Mahādevī assumes the form of various other goddesses and their many epithets [4]. In this way, the text crystallizes the Mahādevī tradition by connecting the Great Goddess with many important goddesses cults from its time [2, 3]. The narratives of the deeds of Mahādevī are framed within a story that connects the mythic world with the ritual lives of her devotees [5, 6]. The text begins with a king (Suratha) and a merchant (Samādhi), who have both lost their family and livelihood and were banished from their homes. Independently, they wander into the āśrama of a sage (Sumedhas). After sharing their stories, they ask the sage how they can overcome the feelings of despair and their attachment to the people and things they had lost. In reply, the sage shares his knowledge of the Goddess. He begins the first episode of the deeds of the Goddess that continues through the end of the first chapter of the text. In this story, the sage describes the moment of creation as Brahmā emerges on a lotus flower from the navel of Viṣṇu, who sleeps on the cosmic ocean. Just as Brahmā was about to speak everything into existence, two demons (asuras named Madhu and Kaiṭabha) emerged from the ear of Viṣṇu. They began assaulting Brahmā, breaking his concentration and interrupting creation. Unable to perform his duties, Brahmā praised Mahādevī in her form as yogic sleep (Yoganidrā). The Goddess was pleased by his praise emerged from Viṣṇu, allowing the god to awake and kill the mighty demons. Thus the Goddess preserved creation. The sage, then, transitions to the next episode in which he explains how the Goddess was able to defeat the mighty demon king Mahiṣāsura. Mahiṣāsura, or the Buffalo Demon, conquered the gods, exiled them from their celestial abodes, and stolen their portions of the Vedic sacrificial

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offerings by which they were able to sustain the cosmos. Left to wander the earth as normal men, the gods became angry at their plight, and from this fierce anger, bright light (tejas) shot out of their faces and their third eye. These rays of light combined into a fiery mountain that took form as a great warrior goddess. Happily, each of the gods gave the Goddess their weapons so that she could fight the Buffalo Demon. After making her way through the Buffalo Demon’s armies and generals, the Goddess and Mahiṣāsura engaged in an epic battle. As they fought, Mahiṣāsura proved a worthy foe countering her attacks by shape-shifting into a lion, a man, an elephant, and again into a buffalo before the Goddess was able to severe his head as he was in mid-transition. At his death, the gods, along with the celestial musicians (gandharvas) and dancers (apsarases), celebrated and sang songs of praise (stotras) to the Goddess. Pleased by the praise, the Goddess offered her divine devotees a boon. In response, the gods asked that anytime a devotee, mortal or immortal, praises her with the hymns they had just sung that she will manifest and remove their misfortunes. The Goddess agreed and immediately disappeared. The final episode begins in the same fashion as the Mahiṣāsura episode in which the gods had been conquered by the demon kings, Śumbha and Niśumbha. This time, however, the gods quickly remembered the promise given by the Goddess and started singing her praises. At that moment, the Goddess came to the gods in the form of beautiful Pārvatī and revealed herself as the Mother Goddess (Ambikā), who explains that she is worshipped in different regions known by different names, including Kṛṣṇā and Kālikā. As she explained her true nature, spies for the demon kings saw the beauty of the Goddess and reported it to their lords. After they heard the spies’ report, the demon kings sent them back to the Goddess with a marriage proposal. The Goddess politely declined their offer and told them that she had made a vow to only marry man that could defeat her in battle. Once this was reported back to the demon kings, they immediately prepared for war and sent a series of generals, such as Raktabīja,

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Caṇḍa, and Muṇḍa, to attack the Goddess. The Goddess, however, was able to defeat them all using various methods, including uttering the mantra “huṃ” and by emanating forth Kālī and the “little mothers” (matṛikās). Eventually, she was able to attack and defeat Śumbha and Niśumbha and restore order within the world of the gods. After her victory, the Goddess reiterated her previous promise to incarnate for the benefit of her devotees and decreed the many benefits of reciting or hearing her Māhātmya in various ritual and festival contexts, including Navarātri and homa (fire ceremony). With this the text transitions back to the frame story, and the sage tells the king and merchant that, like the gods, they should take refuge in the Goddess. The king and merchant, therefore, left the āśrama and went to the banks of a river. At the river, they made an image (mūrti) of the Goddess out of mud to which they sang hymns and performed pūjā (offered flowers, incense, fire, water, and even their own blood). Pleased with their praise, the Goddess manifested before them and offered them boons. The king asked for his kingdom, and the Goddess gave him his kingdom back and appointed him as the ruler of the next cosmic cycle of existence. The merchant, however, asked for knowledge that destroys attachment and egoism and was given knowledge that led to perfection. Ritual Life As prescribed within the text, the ritual recitation of the text is important within many contexts of Hindu life [1, 9, 11, 12]. Traditionally, the text has been recited in many different contexts, including the great goddess-oriented festival of Navarātri and in the courts of kings before military campaigns. Because of the diversity of effects and its efficacy in bringing about results if conducted properly, the recitation of the text and its attendant rituals are discussed in several subsidiary texts (aṅgas) and commentaries. The subsidiary texts are separated into the introductory material, which contains verses that explain the benefits of the text and additional hymns of praise, and the afterword material that elaborates on the

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“Secrets” (Rahasya) contained within the deeper philosophy behind the text [3]. Additionally, the Devīmāhātmya has been the subject of numerous commentators, who have explained the text from various philosophical perspectives and elaborated on various philosophical and ritual aspects of the text in greater detail [7].

Cross-References ▶ Brahmā ▶ Durgā ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Mārkaṇdeya ▶ Navarātri ▶ Pārvatī ▶ Pūjā ▶ Sacrifice (Village) ▶ Stotra ▶ Viṣṇu

Devotional Sentiment 10. Pankaj APN (2013) Caṇḍīpāṭhaḥ: incorporating Śrīdurgāsaptaśatī (Devīmāhātmyam) and the associate hymns. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi 11. Payne EA (1933) The Saktas: an introductory and comparative study. Courier Corporation 12. Rodrigues H (2003) Ritual worship of the Great Goddess: the liturgy of the Durga puja with interpretations. SUNY Press, Albany 13. Sarma HV (1984) Durgāsaptaśatī. Butala, Delhi

Devotional Sentiment ▶ Rasa

Deyva nūl ▶ Tirukkuṟaḷ

Dharam References 1. Bhattacharyya NN (1996) History of the Śākta religion. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Limited, New Delhi 2. Coburn TB (1988) Devī-Māhātmya: the crystallization of the Goddess tradition. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi 3. Coburn TB (1991) Encountering the Goddess: a translation of the Devi-Mahatmya and a study of its interpretation. SUNY Press, Albany 4. Dehejia V, Coburn TB (1999) Devi: the Great Goddess: female divinity in South Asian art, Washington DC. Published by the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution in association with Mapin Publishing, Ahmedabad and Prestel Verlag, Munich 5. Erndl KM (1993) Victory to the mother: the Hindu Goddess of Northwest India in myth, ritual, and symbol. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Foulston L, Abbott S (2009) Hindu goddesses: beliefs and practices. Sussex Academic Press, Sussex 7. Hiltebeitel A, Erndl KM (2000) Is the goddess a feminist?: the politics of South Asian goddesses. New York University Press, New York 8. Humes CA (1990) The text and temple of the Great Goddess: the Devī-Māhātmya and the Vindhyācal temple of Mirzapur. University of Iowa 9. Kinsley DR (1998) Tantric visions of the divine feminine: the ten Mahāvidyās. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi

▶ Dharma

Dharma Pankaj Jain Department of Humanities & Languages, Philosophy & Religious Studies, The India Centre, FLAME University, Pune, India

Synonyms Dharam

Definition Although many dictionaries have accepted Dharma as the Indic equivalent vernacular term for religion, Monier-Williams Sanskrit-English dictionary gives about 17 meanings including religion, customary observances, law usage, practice, religious

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or moral merit, virtue, righteousness, duty, justice, piety, morality, and sacrifice [1].

A Short History Among the many essential terms in Indic traditions, few words can match the ubiquitous presence of the word “dharma.” This term, from its origin, has continued to evolve, and today, for millions of Hindus, their religiosity and ethics are best expressed in their native vernacular linguistic expressions that are woven around the semantics of Dharma. To give an example about the problem of translating “Dharma” as “Religion,” in 2002, the then Indian Prime Minister advised Gujarat’s Chief Minister to follow his Rāja Dharma. We cannot translate this into English as “state religion”; instead, it means the virtues and duties of political leadership. In his definition, “A ruler should not make any discrimination between his subjects based on caste, creed, and religion.” Hindus have been using this term in their daily lives to describe different virtues, duties, and ethics. They also connect their religious lives with ethics using the same word “Dharma” interchangeably in different contexts, as I will show below. People speaking North Indian as well as South Indian languages, also use Dharma. Just as the English term “Religion” derived from its Latin roots includes its associated meanings rooted in Western theology [2], “Dharma” derived from its Sanskrit roots brings in its unique implications ranging from virtue, ethics, duty, and even sustainability. Wilhelm Halbfass notes that scholarly discussion on Dharma is conspicuously absent so far [3]. Halbfass also notes the semantic problems of Dharma. Based on a famous Hitopadeśa adage, Dharma differentiates humans from animals, apart from the need for food, rest, protection, and sex being the similar traits in both. (Āhāranidrābhayamaithunaṃ ca sāmānyaṃ etat paśubhir narāṇāṃ, dharmo hi teṣāṃ adhiko viśeṣo, dharmeṇa hināḥ paśubhiḥ samānāḥ. Halbfass notes that this verse is present only in some editions of Hitopadeśa.) While this typical trait of Dharma promises an egalitarian message, dharmic emphasis on

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Varṇāśrama enforces social hierarchy defying egalitarianism [4]. Like Halbfass, Paul Hacker [5] also observes that the neo-Hindu universalistic interpretation of Dharma is different from traditional caste-based definitions. However, as early as the fifteenth century, long before any contact with the European thought, the Bishnoi guru Jambheśvara had already interpreted Dharma as an ethical norm [6], rather than a caste-based duty. As Arnold Kunst notes, Dharma remains as the intrinsic nature of beings, motivating their conduct [7]. Paul Hacker analyzes Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s interpretation of Dharma to show how Bankim “confuses” the meanings of Dharma in his 1888 book Dharmatattva. Hacker also notes a similar trend in the writings of Aurobindo Ghose, Rabindranath Tagore, Mahatma Gandhi, and Vinoba Bhave [8]. He argues that these neoHindu attempts to develop a new concept of Dharma are based on their borrowing of European positivism and modernism, to find a new norm for ethical and social relationships. However, Arnold Kunst clearly shows that Dharma already had similar meanings as early as in the Ṛg Veda [7]. Let us now survey the mention of “Dharma” in Indic traditions and texts and its ethical implications. Dharma is derived from Sanskrit √dhṛ meaning to sustain, support, or hold [9]. In the Vedas, pṛthivim dharmaṇā dhṛtam signifies Dharma as the sustainer of the Earth. The Vedic idea of ṛtam corresponds with the Daoist term Dao, Confucianist term Li, Egyptian term Ma’at, and Avestan term Asha (aša), or Arta, as the ethos of several ancient traditions, where people are expected to live in conformity with the cosmic order. See, Philosophy East and West, Vol. 22, No. 2, On Dharma and Li. (April [10])), cosmic order or rhythm, the term “dharma” also appears in the ṚV, most notably in the PuruṣaSūkta 10.90, “tāni dharmāṇi.” Most scholars agree that Puruṣa-Sūkta is a later addition into the ṚV and hence we can surmise that the idea of ṛtam was being reworded into Dharma by the time of Puruṣa-Sūkta. (Arnold Kunst also cites another passage (8.35.13 hymn to the Aśvins) from the Ṛg Veda in which Dharma appears in “anthropomorphic representation.” Kunst also

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differentiates Dharma from ṛtam and vrata from various Ṛg Vedic verses, ṛtam is the cosmic order, Dharma as the social and worldly order and vrata as the specific duties to maintain the social order [7].) Earlier, yajñas were performed to preserve the ṛtam of the universe. Humans should offer to Agni, the best of the materials, such as ghee, grains, and soma. This offering was believed to reach the cosmic gods who would bless them with rewards such as victory, wealth, children, food, and land. In Puruṣa-Sūkta, we see the sacrifice being performed metaphorically, devoid of any graphic details of an actual sacrifice with fire, animals, ghee, or grains. Here, a cosmic man is sacrificed, which leads to the creation of the entire cosmos, complete with natural entities such as the sun, the moon, space, the Earth, the atmosphere, and the four varṇas. This activity is then described as the first Dharma ([9], pp. 213–248), the cosmic order. The original notion of exchange among humans and gods in the physical yajñas was replaced by cosmic law in the later portions of the ṚV; ṛtam gave way to Dharma in the ṚV. Thus, the first usage of Dharma itself is a reinterpretation of ṛtam in the ṚV. Although both ṛtam and Dharma have a sense of cosmic law and order that “sustains” the universe, the mechanism to achieve shifts significantly from physical sacrifices to the metaphorical sacrifice of a cosmic person. This shift also entails the move away from worldly pursuits to more spiritual ones, as noted by Joseph Prabhu (cited by Arvind [11]). Here, we see the first few references of Dharma in the Vedas that can be interpreted as cosmic law and order. Dharma is further mentioned in Pūrvamīmāṃsāsūtra of Jaimini, codanā lakṣaṇo ‘rtho dharmaḥ (JS 1, 1.1). Here, Vedic instructions are the means to understand and practice Dharma that, in turn, is a direct cause of the good Śreyaskara and thus becomes desirable [12]. Therefore, Dharma signifies virtues and righteousness in this context. Dharma finds different meanings in various other contexts of Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain traditions. In the Jain mantra Ahiṃsā Paramo Dharma, nonviolence is referred to as the Dharma or the supreme virtue. In Jain Saman Suttam 3–5, Kevali

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pannattam dhammam saranam pavvajjāmi, Dharma means the teachings of the Kevalins, the supreme teachers of the Jain tradition. In Jain Sāhu Dhamma, Dharma means the conduct and profession of monks [13]. Śākyamuni Buddha, speaking in a local North Indian dialect, uses the term Dhamma, as an overarching term to include all his teachings, rules, and laws for monks and lay practitioners. To join the Buddhist community, sangha, one needed to take refuge in this new set of requirements by saying dhammam śaraṇam gachhāmi (in addition to taking refuge in the Buddha and the Sangha). Thus, the next milestone in the journey of the term dharma finds a new meaning strongly influenced by the Buddha but continuing the underlying significance of law, order, virtues, and righteousness. Whereas the Vedic Dharma rooted in ṛtam was to maintain the universe by performing the roles and duties of social classes and natural entities, the Buddhist Dhamma rooted in the teachings of the Buddha was to be achieved by following him and his words in the community of monks, nuns, and other lay practitioners. After the death of the Buddha and Mahāvīra, dharma was once again reinterpreted in the texts such as the Mahabharata and the Manu Smriti. The Mauryan king Aśoka attempted to establish the rule of Dharma in line with Buddhist teachings. According to Patrick Olivelle [14], it was this emphasis on Dharma during the Buddhist period that encouraged later Brahmanical authors to reemphasize the role and importance of Dharma in the texts written afterward. Thus, in the classical period, Dharma found itself in a list of four Puruṣārthas, the personal objectives, along with artha (wealth), kāma (desires), and mokṣa (liberation). Thus, the Vedic materialistic ideals were codified under these four objectives restrained by the overarching idea of Dharma, the cosmic order. As J.A.B.. van Buitenen has pointed out, “Artha, kāma, and dharma should not be deemed to refer to distinctly different practices – In principle, all three are dharma.” [15] Against the ascetic ideologies advocating nivritti or renunciation as the highest ideal, Dharma’s definition in the Mahabharata signifies upholding both this-worldly

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and otherworldly affairs, Dhāraṇād dharma ity āhur dharmeṇa vidhṛtāḥ prajāh, Yat syād dhāraṇasaṃyuktaṃ sa dharma iti niśchayaḥ (Mahabharata 12.110.11). Kaṇāda, the founder of the Vaisheshika system of philosophy, has given this definition of Dharma in his Vaiśeṣika Sūtra, Yato-bhyudayaniḥsreyasa-siddhiḥ sa dharmaḥ. That which leads to the attainment of well-being and the highest good is Dharma [12]. In the Bhagavad Gita, Dharma once again is used in the sense of cosmic law and order when Kṛṣṇa declares that he takes Avatāra whenever there is a decline in the Dharma, “Yadā yadā hi dharmasya glānir bhavati bhārata, abhyuthānam adharmasya. . ..” At the same time, Kṛṣṇa inspires Arjuna to follow his svadharma, specific duty assigned by his varṇa of kṣatriya. Kṛṣṇa advocates that even imperfect svadharma is better than to do a duty or role (dharma) of a different varṇa. Thus, the Bhagavad Gita underscores the varṇa-roles, like Dharma, against the challenges by Buddhist and Jain tradition. In the medieval period, after the Islamic invasions, Dharma, in local languages such as Hindi, primarily takes the role to distinguish one’s religious identity against the Muslims. Suddenly, the term “Hindu” signifies one’s Dharma different from “Muslim,” as convincingly shown by David Lorenzen [16]. In the late nineteenth century, Dharma is used with another traditional term, “sanātana,” to forge a pan-Hindu identity against the reformist ideologies and the Muslims and Christians in the twentieth century and beyond [17]. Thus, we see that Dharma has multiple meanings in the Indian context, such as to conduct, duty, cosmic law, virtue, and “religion.” While “dharma” is often used to translate “religion,” its usage related to virtues, righteousness, and cosmic law and order can play an essential role, as argued by Arati Dhand [18]. From several examples from the Mahabharata, she shows that Dharma in the lives of classic characters exemplifies its universal ethical appeal. In addition to these examples from Mahabharata, Dhand cites examples of dharmic behavior from Rāmāyaṇa. Rāma’s foremost concern is with righteousness, and he defines Dharma

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as “Truth, righteousness, strenuous effort, compassion for creatures and kindly words, reverence for Brahmins, gods, and guests” (II.101.30). Dhand concludes that Dharma, as exemplified by epic characters, transcends the boundaries of religion and is not limited to matters of soteriology and rituals. Dharma in Indian epics comes closer to the category of ethics, morality, and duties. Indic traditions based on the concept of Dharma incorporate duties, virtues, ethics, and spirituality simultaneously. Following Dhand [18] and Narayanan [1], I would like to note that the influence of epics such as the Rāmāyaṇa, the Mahabharata, and the Purāṇas is widespread in India, both in the rural parts of North India and South India. As Dhand shows, the characters of these epics, especially the heroes such as Rāma and Yudhiṣţhira, who sacrifice their interests to serve and protect the ideals of Dharma, exemplify the idea of Dharma. The sojourn of the heroes, Rāma and Yudhiṣţhira, for instance, is called “the seed of dharma.” Forest acts as a place of testing, and their period of forest exile is seen as a kind of initiation before they assumed rule. Anne Feldhaus notes from several Sanskrit sources that the forest is associated with Dharma, the social and moral order that is supposed to rule life in the village, the city, and the kingdom ([19], p. 102). Besides, the Mahabharata notes that Dharma sustains both the personal order and the cosmic order. Hindus, in their daily lives, use Dharma interchangeably to describe their ethos as it relates to their religion and natural law. Especially for the rural Hindus, the distinction between the religious ethos and the ecological order is negligible since they describe them with the standard term dharma or dharam. Several scholars have noted this trend in Hindus. Ann Gold’s observations from her fieldwork in Rajasthan are especially helpful. She describes the villagers who relate their moral actions with the ecological outcomes (2002). Frederick Smith records similar trends in the ethnosociology of Marriott and Inden ([20], p. 586). Smith also cites Arjun Appadurai, “South Asians do not separate the moral from

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the natural order, act from actor, person from collectivity, and everyday life from the realm of the transcendent.” Smith concludes, “The distinction between mind and body, humanity and nature, essence, idea, quality, and deity, would be (largely) one of degree rather than of kind.” According to Ariel Glucklich [21], the most fruitful approach to understand Dharma is to set aside the quest for a conceptual framework or theoretical formulations. Instead, adopting a phenomenology of Dharma is preferred that is based on a “somatic hermeneutic” exploring embodied experiences of Dharma in specific spatial and temporal contexts. Glucklich convincingly employs Wolfgang Kohler’s Gestalt psychology to offer a more satisfying psychological analysis as to how Indian rituals, such as river bathing (immersion in water), resulting in a psychosomatic purification that produces a new state of consciousness. He cites Hindu bathing as having power and meaning, not through sociological (structural or functional) or conceptual a priori systems. Still, through a symbolic process in which embodied, sensory experiences play a dominant role in evoking a new and transforming (purifying) state of consciousness. Glucklich recognizes and tries to overcome the Cartesian conditioning that focuses on rational conceptual analysis but ignores the critical body side in the Indic experience of Dharma. Glucklich maintains that the body, mind, and natural environment must be studied as a gestalt. He argues that focusing on the images of embodied experience, rather than on noumenal concepts, helps to evoke the temporal resonance of the text and bring its dharmic experience “to life.” In this way, the Cartesian dualism of mind and body is transcended via sensitivity to the robust environment, which evokes a different consciousness, for example, for the early-morning bather in the Ganges. Glucklich calls this new resulting mind “the embodied imagination where perceptions, self-perception, and symbolic ideas resonate together.” Glucklich’s excellent phenomenological study of Dharma seeks to correct previous approaches that have fallen into the Cartesian trap of trying to understand Hindu Dharma through mental categories only. Instead of superimposing the Western

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Cartesian mindset on Hindu Dharma, as many previous studies have done, Glucklich examines Dharma as a body-mind-environment gestalt. Thus, considerations of Hindu Dharma must extend from mental textual constructs to daily experiences by the body in its immediate cosmic environment where the world is imagined as a transparent unity. As the stream of sensory experience is continuously flowing, Dharma only has the appearance of permanence. While the dharma texts show that dharma boundaries are fixed and absolute, the flow of bodily experience, upon which such boundary conditions are superimposed, is continuously changing. The ambiguity that results is often better reflected in the myths of the epics and purāṇas than in the dharma texts themselves. Thus, Hindu Dharma manifestations at the level of bodily perception (house walls, field boundaries, rivers, etc.) are essential for the study of Indian culture. Weightman and Pandey, two Hindi lecturers in London, analyzed hundreds of Hindi sentences and found that the word Dharma in the everyday language of North Hindus chiefly signifies three things: religion, duty, and intrinsic property [7]. Thus, morality and natural phenomena are connected and interdependent. This organizing principle also matches with Edgerton’s notion of the “dominant idea” in a people’s culture [22]. Dharma occurs, in identical or semantically equivalent forms, frequently in Hindu texts. Both the authors of these texts and the lay Indian society regard it as an essential notion for its bearing on human life and conduct. Dharma appears with a high degree of frequency in the texts and daily conversation of Hindus as an explanatory principle and that the people’s behavior conforms to their professed beliefs. Like any other society, Hindus of different backgrounds, such as different languages, castes, and regions, subscribe to a concept of order as the most desirable end, with each group (and each person in that group) holding a unique understanding of what constituted that overall orientation. Thus, individuals interpret and apply Dharma in their situations freely, even though there are overarching generic laws and norms laid down by the Indic traditions based on Dharma.

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Note Portions of this article have earlier appeared in the books Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities (2011, 2016) and Science and Socio-Religious Revolution in India: Moving the Mountains (2016). Routledge’s permission to republish is gratefully acknowledged. 1. Austin Creel notes that Hindus have not taken a systematic approach to develop ethics as a discipline of study, unlike the Western thinkers [23]. 2. Athavale called Śaṅkara the greatest Indic philosopher, primarily known to the Western world due to the missionary zeal of Swami Vivekananda. Nicholas Gier [24] makes an excellent remark about such lip service by Hindus, “Many Indian philosophers, after lecturing on Advaita Vedanta, go home and make offerings to Ganeśa. Just as no European ever worshipped Aristotle’s unmoved mover, no Hindu has ever bowed before nirguṇa Brahman.” 3. One can add several new ethical issues on which there is no central “Hindu” position, e.g., stem cell research. 4. R. J. Fisher (1997) notes that Bishnois have traces of their subcastes, but they broadly identify themselves by belonging to the Bishnoi caste [25]. Like several other movements, the new egalitarian zeal of Jambheśvara against the caste system yielded to a new caste of Bishnoi. Similarly, Parel [26] notes that Gandhi sought to create a caste-free egalitarian society in his Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmadabad. 5. Nicholas Gier notes the resemblance in Chinese Li, Greek ethos, and Indic Dharma [27]. 6. An inscription of the Indian emperor Ashoka from the year 258 BC was found in Kandahar in Afghanistan that used the Greek rendering Eusebia of the Indic word dharma [5].

Cross-References ▶ Arjuna ▶ Bhīma

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▶ Kuntī ▶ Pāṇḍava ▶ Yama

References 1. Narayanan V (2001) Hindu ethics and dharma. In: Joseph R, Martin NM (eds) Ethics in the world religions. Oneworld, Oxford 2. Sanford AW (2007) Pinned on karma rock: whitewater kayaking as religious experience. J Am Acad Relig 75(4):875–895 3. Halbfass W (1988) India and Europe: an essay in understanding. SUNY Press, Albany 4. Halbfass W (1991) Tradition and reflection: explorations in Indian thought. SUNY Press, Albany 5. Hacker P (2006) Dharma in Hinduism. J Indian Philos 34:479–496 6. Jain P (2011) Dharma and ecology of Hindu communities: sustenance and sustainability. Routledge, London, UK, 2016 7. Wendy D, Duncan J, Derrett M (1978) The concept of duty in South Asia. South Asia Books for the School of Oriental and Africa Studies, Columbia 8. Wilhelm H (1994) Philology and confrontation: Paul Hacker on traditional and modern Vedanta. SUNY Press, Albany 9. Holdrege BA (2004) Dharma. In: Mittal S, Thursby GR (eds) The Hindu world. Routledge, New York 10. Philos East West 22(2), On Dharma and Li (1972) 11. Sharma A (2000) Classical Hindu thought: an introduction. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 12. Mohanty JN (2007) Dharma, imperatives, and tradition: toward an Indian theory of moral action. In: Bilimoria P, Prabhu J, Sharma R (eds) Indian ethics: classical traditions and contemporary challenges. Ashgate, Aldershot 13. Brown WN (1954) Prakrit Vanadava ‘tree sap, selfcontrol’. Language 30(1):43–46 14. Olivelle P (2004) Semantic history of dharma, the middle and late Vedic periods. J Indian Philos 32(5–6):491–511 15. van JAB B (1957) Dharma and Mokṣa. Philos East West 7:36 16. Lorenzen DN (1999) Who invented Hinduism? Comp Stud Soc Hist 41(4):630–659 17. Lutgendorf P (1991) The life of a text: performing the Rāmcaritmānas of Tulsidas. University of California Press, Berkeley 18. Dhand A (2002) The dharma of ethics, the ethics of dharma: quizzing the ideals of Hinduism. J Relig Ethics 30(3):347–372(26) 19. Feldhaus A (1995) Water and womanhood: religious meanings of rivers in Maharashtra. Oxford University Press, New York 20. Smith FM (2006) The self possessed: deity and spirit possession in South Asian literature and civilization. Columbia University Press, New York

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442 21. Glucklich A (1994) The sense of Adharma. Oxford University Press, New York 22. Edgerton F (1942) Dominant ideas in the formation of Indian culture. J Am Orient Soc 62(3):151–156 23. Creel AB (1977) Dharma in Hindu ethics. Firma KLM, Calcutta 24. Gier NF (2007) A response to Shyam Ranganathan’s review of the virtue of non-violence: from Gautama to Gandhi. Philos East West 57(4):561–563 25. Fisher RJ (1997) If rain doesn’t come: an anthropological study of drought and human ecology in Western Rajasthan. Manohar, New Delhi 26. Anthony P (2006) Gandhi’s philosophy and the quest for harmony. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 27. Gier NF (2005) Toward a Hindu virtue ethics. In: Sherma RD, Deepak A (eds) Contemporary issues in constructive dharma, vol 2. Deepak Heritage Books, Hampton, pp 151–162

Dharmara¯ja ▶ Pāṇḍava ▶ Yama

Dharmeśvara ▶ Yama

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who begot him through niyoga (literally, levirate) with Vyāsa after the untimely death of her husband Vicitravīrya. Dhṛtarāṣṭra was an incarnation of Haṃsa, a son of Ariṣṭa (ariṣṭa literally means evil, bad luck, or calamity); the progeny of Ariṣṭa must therefore be the harbinger of calamity. Although Dhṛtarāṣṭra was older to his halfbrothers Pāṇḍu and Vidura, he was denied accession to the throne of Hastinapura because he was born blind. However, he was made the titular monarch of the kingdom after Pāṇḍu renounced the throne. He fathered one hundred sons (the Kauravas) and one daughter with his wife Gāndhārī, and Yuyutsu, with a maid. Dhṛtarāṣṭra’s reign as a king is characterized by his continued tussle between good and evil, between the principles of dharma and his exceeding love for his eldest son, Duryodhana. His weakness for his sons often leads him to exculpate his own sons, justify their mischievous activities and acts of wickedness, and gloss over his own gullibility, indecisiveness, and inaction. He is utterly fatalistic, often blaming destiny for untoward situations. Dhṛtarāṣṭra appears throughout the battle books of the epic, in the background, having the entire course of the war verbally described to him by Saṁjaya, his charioteer. He also figures in the Bhagavad Gītā, which is a part of the war books of the epic, but also widely circulated as a separate Hindu scripture, having Kṛṣṇa’s counsel to Arjuna narrated to him through Saṁjaya.

Dha¯rtara¯stra ˙˙ ▶ Kaurava

Dhrtara¯stra ˙ ˙˙ Komal Agarwal Department of English, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

Dhṛtarāṣṭra was the king of Hastinapura in the ancient Indian epic the Mahābhārata (400 B.C.E.– 400 C.E.) at the time of the great war at Kurukshetra. He was the son of queen Ambikā,

Birth and Early Life King Śāntanu of the Kuru dynasty fathered Bhīṣma with Gaṃgā and two more sons, Chitrāngada and Vicitravīrya, with his second wife Satyavati. However, both Chitrāngada and Vicitravīrya, married to princesses Ambikā and Ambalikā, respectively, die one after the other without leaving behind any issues. Since the royal line stands threatened with extinction, Satyavati sends for her first-born son Vyāsa and asks him to impregnate her daughters-in-law through niyoga. When Vyāsa goes to the bed chamber of Ambikā, she closes her eyes out of fright and repugnance at his unkempt mendicant

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looks. Vyāsa tells Satyavati that because of Ambikā’s reaction, her son will be born blind but will possess the might of a hundred elephants and will be called Dhṛtarāṣṭra. The birth of Dhṛtarāṣṭra is followed by that of his two halfbrothers, Pāṇḍu and Vidura, who are begotten by Ambalikā and a maid servant of Ambikā, respectively. Both Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Pāṇḍu are trained in warfare and weaponry under the tutelage of Bhīṣma, a great warrior himself, and Sage Kripācharya. However, Dhṛtarāṣṭra, the elder of the two princes, is passed over as king because of his blindness. Pānḍu assumes power and conducts a series of wars. When Bhīṣma, an expert at statecraft, hears that Gāndhārī, daughter of Subala, has received a boon from Śiva to produce one hundred sons, he sends messengers to arrange a marriage alliance between Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Gāndhārī, who blindfolds herself on finding out about the blindness of her prospective husband. Bhīṣma also arranges the marriage of Pāṇḍu with Kunti, daughter of king of Kuntibhoja, and Princess Mādrī. Soon after his marriage, however, Pāṇḍu renounces the throne to become a hermit, leaving Dhṛtarāṣṭra to rule the city of Hastinapura. Since Pāṇḍu is cursed to die if he makes love, his wives together produce five sons (the Pāṇḍavas) through niyoga. Yuḍhiṣṭhira is the first-born among both the Pāṇḍavas and the Kauravas. Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Gāndhārī have a hundred sons (the Kauravas), the two eldest being Duryodhana and Duḥśāsana, and a daughter, Duśālā. Dhṛtarāṣṭra also fathers Yuyutsu, a non-kṣatriya (belonging to the warrior class) son, with one of his concubines, Sauvali.

The Succession Crisis After the birth of Duryodhana, Dhṛtarāṣṭra concedes that Yuḍhiṣṭhira, who was born first, will be king; but after Yuḍhiṣṭhira, he wants the line passed back to Duryodhana. Evil omens portend, and fearing for the future, Vidura and the other sages warn against Dhṛtarāṣṭra’s first child and his plan, asking him to forsake Duryodhana for the good of the family. But Dhṛtarāṣṭra refuses to pay heed to their words.

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After a few years, Kunti comes back with the five sons to Hastinapura following the death of Pāṇḍu and Mādrī in the forest. In the beginning, Dhṛtarāṣṭra is quite welcoming and treats them genially. However, he soon begins to get concerned over the increasing potential and fame of the Pāṇḍavas, in whom he perceives dangerous adversaries of his sons as successors to the throne. Under pressure from Bhīṣma, Vidura, and his ministers, Dhṛtarāṣṭra crowns Yuḍhiṣṭhira as his heir apparent. But Duryodhana creates dispute over the right to succession of Yuḍhiṣṭhira. In order to ensure their undivided and uncontested sovereignty, Duryodhana plans to get the Pāṇḍavas out of the way and sends them away to a distant part of the kingdom, attempting to get them killed. In the hope of ending the conflict between the cousins, Dhṛtarāṣṭra divides the kingdom, giving the barren half, Khandavaprastha, to the Pāṇḍavas.

The Dice Game Because he lacks insight and political acumen, Dhṛtarāṣṭra as the chief of the Kuru family and as the king of Hastinapura miserably fails on numerous occasions. Duryodhana, on the advice of his maternal uncle Śakuni, wants to usurp the Pāṇḍavas’ share of the kingdom by defeating them in a game of dice. Dhṛtarāṣṭra advices his son to be just and virtuous, abide by the dharma of the kṣatrīyas and fight honorably in a war, be content, and not be guided by jealousy. But because of his indulgence in his son, Dhṛtarāṣṭra falls into the trap of Duryodhana, in spite of first instinct to disallow such an arrangement and also goes against the advice of Vidura, his wise counselor in the affairs of the state. Dhṛtarāṣṭra characteristically listens to good advice irritably, often promising to act accordingly, and then does the exact opposite, only to repent his weakness later, and closes the matter by putting all the blame on destiny. Here too, he disguises his decision to arrange for the game of dice as diṣṭa (an act ordained by fate). This serves to point to the frailty of his mind, his camouflaging of his own designs and the amelioration of his guilty conscience.

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Even after the fateful game of dice has begun, Vidura tries to stop the game and appeals to Dhṛtarāṣṭra to give up his son’s cause for the greater good of his family, lineage, and subjects. But Dhṛtarāṣṭra is so delighted to hear his son win all the wealth and the kingdom of the Pāṇḍavas with every successive stake that he ignores the wise counsel. He is the only one among the elderly who is exhilarated when Yuḍhiṣṭhira loses Draupadī, the wife of the five Pāṇḍava brothers (after having lost his brothers and also himself to the Kauravas), in his final stake. Dhṛtarāṣṭra is conspicuously silent during the rigged game, even when Draupadī pleads to him to intervene and save her from disgrace and abuse. He intervenes only toward the end of the nightmarish episode of the disrobing of Draupadī, not out of a sense of injustice toward the Pāṇḍavas or Draupadī, but because of fear of the untoward (when there are ill omens, and Draupadī is about to pronounce a curse on the Kauravas). He reproaches Duryodhana, turns to make amends to Draupadī by granting her three boons, rescinds the whole contest, and restores the Pāṇḍavas their realm and liberty. Immediately afterward, however, he falls in with a new plan of Duryodhana, who prevails upon his weak-minded father to entrap Yuḍhiṣṭhira in a second game of dice, also supporting the harsh condition of 13 years of exile. The Pāṇḍavas lose the game and leave for the forest according to the stipulated condition of the game. But soon after the Pāṇḍavas departed, he slips into a state of deep fear and repentance.

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indulge in war with the Pāṇḍavas. However, Duryodhana is very indifferent and derisive toward the counsel of the sage. Angered by his conduct, the sage pronounces a curse on Duryodhana, and Dhṛtarāṣṭra quickly intervenes to pacify the sage. Dhṛtarāṣṭra weighs the pros and cons of the war before the battle begins, all along desiring, and almost sure of the victory of his sons, as the Kauravas have a bigger army and an array of invincible warriors in comparison to the Pāṇḍavas. Vyāsa approaches Dhṛtarāṣṭra and offers to grant him divine vision, so that he can see the war. However, not willing to see his sons and his people slaughtered, Dhṛtarāṣṭra asks that the boon be given to Saṃjaya, his charioteer. Thus, Saṃjaya narrates to Dhṛtarāṣṭra the proceedings of the great war, which includes the Bhagavad Gītā. Saṃjaya has the mystical experience of witnessing Kṛṣṇa in his magnanimous, universalistic proportions. Dhṛtarāṣṭra, however, is blind to the wisdom and liberation that Saṃjaya attains. He learns nothing from the war or the teachings of Kṛṣṇa in the Gītā. He merely wishes to know who will win the war – his folk or the other party. Saṃjaya consoles the old sire every time he breaks down at the death of his sons, but also challenges the misplaced moral beliefs of his master. Dhṛtarāṣṭra bemoans his ineffectiveness in preventing Duryodhana from going to war. By the end of the war, all the hundred sons of Dhṛtarāṣṭra are killed in the carnage, his daughter widowed, and Yuyutsu is his only son who survives, as he had joined the Pāṇḍava camp before the war began.

The Battle of Kurukshetra After the exile, Duryodhana refuses to return the Pāṇḍavas’ share of half the kingdom, and Dhṛtarāṣṭra fails to order the same, resulting in the great war at Kurukshetra, and Dhṛtarāṣṭra’s great suffering thereafter. There are efforts for settling the matter amicably between the Kauravas and the Pāṇḍavas before the war breaks out, but Duryodhana refuses to yield any land whatsoever. Meanwhile, Sage Maitreya comes over to the court of Dhṛtarāṣṭra to advise Duryodhana not to

The Crushing of Bhima’s Metal Statue After the devastating result of the war, Dhṛtarāṣṭra launches into a loud lament at the loss of his sons and their sons. The Pāṇḍavas go to meet their uncle after the war to ask for forgiveness and to console him. Dhṛtarāṣṭra, who is enraged at Bhīma for mercilessly slaying his two sons Duryodhana and Duḥśāsana, plans to embrace Bhīma and crush him with his arms to avenge

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himself upon him. But Kṛṣṇa, having already anticipated this move of a bereaved father, asks Bhīma to move Duryodhana’s iron effigy of Bhīma (used by Duryodhana for training) toward Dhṛtarāṣṭra. Dhṛtarāṣṭra crushes the statue with a single embrace and then breaks down crying. Defeated and broken, he apologizes for his folly and wholeheartedly embraces the Pāṇḍavas.

Later Years and Death The Pāṇḍavas behave generously with Dhṛtarāṣṭra after the war, continuing to hold him in high regard. Fifteen years after the war, Dhṛtarāṣṭra desires to retire from the kingdom. He is joined by Gāndhārī, Kunti, Vidura, and Saṃjaya. They spend some time in the forest abode of Vyāsa, who arranges for the living to meet with the dead on the river side. He grants temporary sight to Dhṛtarāṣṭra so that he can see the souls of his dead sons. Dhṛtarāṣṭra is elated to see them at first but slips into grief on realizing that his kith and kin are no more. Meanwhile, the Pāṇḍavas also go to meet the elderly at Vyāsa’s hermitage, during which Vidura’s soul (who was an incarnation of Dharma) leaves the mortal body to enter Yuḍhiṣṭhira, the son of Dharma. Dhṛtarāṣṭra and the others proceed further into the forest. Three years after their departure from Hastinapura, Nārada informs Yuḍhiṣṭhira that Dhṛtarāṣṭra, Gāndhārī, and Kunti were reduced to ashes in a forest fire. Saṃjaya alone escaped the fire, and had offered to help them with the rescue route, but Dhṛtarāṣṭra died willingly. Hearing this, the Pāṇḍavas were filled with grief. They went to the river side and offered oblations of water to the departed souls.

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Further Reading 1. Brodbeck SP (2009) The Mahābhārata patriline: gender, culture, and the royal hereditary. Ashgate, Surrey/ Burlington 2. Chaitanya K (1993) The Mahabharata: a literary study. Clarion, New Delhi 3. Das G (2009) The difficulty of being good: on the subtle art of dharma. Penguin, New Delhi 4. Iyengar KRS (1990) The Mahābhārata: an epic of universality and deep human concern. In: The Mahābhārata revisited. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 5. Ramankutty PV (1999) Curse as a motif in the Mahābhārata. Nag Publishers, Delhi 6. Sukthankar VS (1957) On the meaning of the Mahābhārata. The Asiatic Society of Bombay, Bombay 7. Synder SL, Mitchell DT (vol eds) (2006) Origins of disability. In: Albrecht GL (ser ed) Encyclopedia of disability: a history in primary source documents, vol 5. Sage, Thousand Oaks

Dhya¯na Roger Marcaurelle Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montreal, QC, Canada

Synonyms Bhāvanā; Nididhyāsana; Prapatti; Prasaṃkhyāna; Upāsana; Vidyā

Definition The mental act of focusing on a specific object without interruption. Although dhyāna is usually translated as “meditation,” its meaning is closer to the sense of “contemplation” in Western languages, which corresponds to a perceptual, emotional, or visualization process rather than a rational activity.

Cross-References ▶ Bhīma ▶ Draupadī ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Kauravas ▶ Pāṇḍava

Dhya¯na as a Direct Means of Transcendence The practice of dhyāna is a fundamental means in most Hindu traditions as well as in Jainism and

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Sikhism [1]. Meditation also represents a central tool in Buddhism in the form of jhāna and vipassanā [1]. In contrast with external means such as ritual actions or temple worship, meditation is seen as a more direct means to the experience of the transcendental Self or Brahman (as a personal God or a transpersonal Absolute) or nirvāṇa in Buddhism.

Meditation in Classical Yoga In Hinduism, the most authoritative description of meditation is found in the Yogasūtras or Yoga aphorisms of Pataňjali [2, 3]. This work was probably compiled between the beginning of the current era and the fourth century [1, 4]. It was meant as a synthesis of the practices of its time and it corresponds to what is now called classical Yoga. Many of its descriptions and practices have been integrated by the various traditions even when they do not share its dualistic philosophy [1]. Among the eight limbs (aṅga) of Yoga, the first five are the outer means (bahiraṅga) towards the experience of the transcendental Self. They are the moral observances (yama), the rules of conduct (niyama), the postures (āsana), the breath control (prāṇāyāma), and the withdrawal of senses (pratyāhāra). It has been often understood that mastery of these means was necessary before entering the practice of the following limbs which include meditation. In fact, only the aphorism describing the passage from postures to breath control (2.49) points to such a sequence by qualifying postures with the word “having been mastered” (jaya). But many manuscripts omit this word [3], and nothing else in the Yogasūtras suggests that mastery of one limb is necessary to start using the following ones. Then come the three inner means (antaraṅga) which include dhyāna. The sixth limb and first inner means is fixed attention (dhāraṇa), which consists in tying the mind to a particular object. Meditation or dhyāna, the seventh limb, is the uninterrupted flow of attention on that object. When through meditation the attention becomes so deeply absorbed in the object that it loses almost all awareness of itself, it experiences the

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last limb called concentration (samādhi). This description corresponds more precisely to content-filled concentration (samprajňātasamādhi). The process of gradual meditative absorption comes through experiencing objects at progressively more quiet levels of mental activity in the same way as one can hear the same sound at gradually softer levels. Thus, meditation is a method of going from the experience of coarser (stūla) to subtler (sūkṣma) levels of an object (sūtras 1.44–1.45). According to classical Yoga – but not all traditions – with practice, content-filled concentration eventually culminates in contentless concentration (asamprajňātasamādhi), which is similar to the experience of an already low volume sound vanishing into complete silence. Here the object and the process of meditation disappear with the attainment of their goal: the mind is completely silent and devoid of activity; it is aware of pure unbounded consciousness alone, which is without distinctions between subjects, objects, and means of knowledge and which is the nature of the transcendental Self. Being contentless, this type of samādhi is beyond concentration in its usual sense. It is a fourth major state of consciousness beyond waking, sleeping, and dreaming. With repeated experience of this state of consciousness, the mind develops the ability to maintain awareness of the transcendental Self along with the normal experiences of the waking, dreaming, and sleeping states of consciousness. It is then filled with the discerning knowledge (vivekakhyāti) where the mind experiences the Self as a silent witness of everything. When this discernment is permanent (sarvathā, sūtra 4.29), one has reached living liberation (sūtra 4.30).

Functions of Meditation A useful way to understand meditation in a specific religion is to approach it through a general typology [5]. Such a typology provides the main categories in terms of which various meditations can be similar or different. A first category of the typology proposed here is the main function, or role, attributed to meditation. As a whole, meditation has three main functions:

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quietening, assimilation, and observation. Quietening is dominant in traditions such as classical Yoga and integral nondualism (e. g., Advaita Vedānta, Kāśmīrī Śaivism) where the personal God is not seen as an irreducible ultimate reality. The quietening process culminates in contentless concentration. The assimilation function stands out in traditions where a personal God is viewed as the irreducible ultimate reality (e.g., Viśiṣṭādvaita, Dvaita, Śaiva Siddhānta). Assimilation prevails when meditation is a means to incorporate in oneself the qualities of a being (a God, a Goddess, a master, a holy man, a devotee), of a sacred object (a sound, an image, a statue), and of an energy center (cakra), or to integrate a meaning (“I am Brahman.”), or finally to feed an emotion such as love or devotion. The third and last main function is observation. It predominates when the main purpose of attention is simply to attend to sensory and mental and emotional phenomena without any evaluation. This function is much more present in Buddhism (vipassanā) than in any other traditions, along with the assimilation of the sense of impermanence of everything. It is important to note that the three functions are not hermetic to each other; each one can produce to some degree the effects of the other; they can also be combined depending on the use of the following other categories.

Body Positions and Movements A second typological category is posture and bodily movements. In Hinduism, the most frequent posture is sitting, eyes completely closed, without moving. This is especially consistent with the quietening function of meditation. If possible, the lotus position can be adopted to ensure long periods of meditation. One is to place the feet, soles up, on the opposite thighs. Particular gestures can also be used such as the “seal of being without the constituent principles of Nature” (nirguṇamudrā) where one forms a circle with the thumb and the index while the three other fingers are kept in the axis of the palms of the hands. This gesture symbolizes freedom from the grasp of the constituent principles of Nature

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(guṇa) which keep the physical and mental world in constant activity. Meditations which are associated with movements of the body, such as dancing while repeating the name of a God, partake above all of the function of assimilation (of the qualities of the God).

Objects of Meditation A third typological category is the object of meditation. Two broad subcategories of objects can be identified: objects with and objects without meaning. Objects with meaning are usually associated with the function of assimilation, whereas those without meaning are more favorable to quietening. Objects with meaning may be meditated upon through visualization of devotional attitudes towards deities [1]. The meditator imagines that he or she is the lover of the deity, or a maidservant, a brother, a sister, or a perfect devotee. Numerous kinds of scripts can be imagined by the meditator to stage himself or herself in these various roles. The sculpted image of a God can also be the meaningful object of meditation. The meditator can first concentrate on the details of the external form with the intent of learning by heart all its components. The image is gradually internalized until the mental representation is so precise that the external form is no longer needed. The meditator then continues to meditate on this internal representation. Objects with meaning also include geometric figures that represent deities (yantra). These figures consist of a series of triangles, hexagones (or octogones), circles, and squares around a central point. The process of internalization can be used here also. The meditator can proceed in a similar fashion with the seven subtle energy centers in the body (cakra) which are positioned along the spine and culminate at the top of the head. Each energy center has characteristics that the meditator can visualize. This type of meditation serves in awakening the physical-spiritual energy that is coiled at the basis of the spine like a sleeping cobra (kuṇḍalinī) and which can gradually rise to awaken all the energy centers. When this energy flows freely through these, the

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meditator reaches the permanent experience of the transcendental Self. Objects of meditation with meaning can also include statements from sacred scriptures such as “I am Brahman” (aham brahmāsmi) or “Om, homage to Śiva” (aum namaḥ Śivāya). These correspond to mantras with meaning which the meditator repeats again and again and examines in their various aspects with the purpose of fully actualizing their meaning in his or her mind and body. The second subcategory of objects of meditation is without meaning. The most popular object of this category in Hinduism is the mantra devoid of meaning. This type of mantra consists of a syllable or a few syllables which have no meaning in any language. However, these mantras are believed to be primordial sounds that embody the essence of deities or of the Absolute Itself (which is the case of the mantra aum, pronounced om). One is to repeat mentally the mantra without attending even to its symbolic properties. The repetition in itself, along with the gradual passage from coarse to subtle levels of the mantra, is supposed to bring about the quietening or transformative effects of the mantra. Nowadays, the most well-known practice of this type is Transcendental Meditation, a technique taught around the world by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (1918–2008) who was trained within the Advaita Vedānta tradition.

Attitude While Focusing Attention A fourth typological category is the attitude associated with the focusing of attention during meditation. The first subcategory is whether effort or absence of effort is advocated in the process. A modern master such as Shivananda taught to try to concentrate with effort on the object of meditation. In contrast, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi insisted very much on effortlessness in repeating the mantra in his teaching of Transcendental Meditation. This emphasis on effortlessness can be related to a new interpretation of the fifth limb of Yoga, withdrawal of senses (pratyāhāra). In Yogasūtra 2.54, the latter is defined as the

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internalizing process of attention through which “the senses imitate, as it were, the nature of the mind.” According to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, one of the most fundamental aspects of the nature of the mind is to be attracted by more pleasure and happiness. Thus, once a few basic conditions favoring inner withdrawal of attention are established (comfortable posture, eyes closed, repeating a mantra, which is a simple object without meaning), the senses will follow the natural tendency of the mind which spontaneously seeks for more pleasure. Senses will be attracted with the mind to more and more subtle levels of the mantra and of mental functioning until complete cessation of mental activity is reached in the experience of the transcendental Self. Thus, according to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, only effortless focusing on the object of meditation is necessary; in fact, any amount of straining will be counterproductive to the transcending process as it will disallow the natural tendency of the mind to move to more satisfying levels of the object of meditation. Even though in theory meditation is defined as a continuous flow of attention on a chosen object, in real-life situation, the meditator is confronted with many other thoughts or distractions; understanding that it is normal to have to come back again and again to the object of meditation saves one from a lot of frustration and undue stress on the meditative process. A second subcategory associated with the attitude during meditation is the emotional tone. The attention put on the object can be neutral (such as in Transcendental Meditation). Here one simply thinks or perceives the object (a mantra, for instance). On the other hand, attention can be put on the object of meditation with an attitude of love or devotion as is the case when meditating on the statue of a deity or imagining oneself in scenarios which involve the personal God one is worshipping [1, 6].

Scientific Research on Meditation Worth mentioning are the contemporary scientific attempts to understand the concrete benefits and mechanisms of meditation. As of now,

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Transcendental Meditation (TM) and mindfulness meditation (from Buddhism) are the most studied and documented techniques. Growing evidence shows that meditation can have significant benefits on physical and mental health (in terms of healing and prevention), as well as in education, personal performance, and spiritual fulfillment [7]. Furthermore, meditation seems to provide a powerful tool to improve the social quality of life. Among other studies, a major prospective research showed that a group of meditators in the advanced TM-Sidhi program significantly reduced the crime rate in the Washington D.C. area [8]. More and more research is documenting the psychophysiological correlates of higher states of consciousness which can be developed by the practice of meditation [9]. The meeting of traditional wisdom and modern science is thus contributing to a model of adult development which includes the farther reaches of human potential.

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8.

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de l’absolu. La meditation selon cinq traditions religieuses. Paulines, Montreal Lester RC (1976) Ramanuja on the Yoga. The Adyar Library and Research Centre, Madras Rosenthal NE (2011) Transcendence. Healing and transformation through transcendental meditation. Penguin, New York Hagelin JS et al (1999) Effects of group practice of the transcendental meditation program on preventing violent crime in Washington D.C.: results of the National Demonstration Project, June–July 1993. Soc Indic Res 47:153–201 Alexander CN, Boyer RW (1989) Seven states of consciousness. Mod Sci Vedic Sci 2:325–371

Diaspora ▶ Africa, Hinduism in ▶ Hinduism in Surinam

Dikpa¯laka Cross-References ▶ Dhyāna ▶ Jīvan-mukti ▶ Maharishi Mahesh Yogi ▶ Mantra ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Prapatti ▶ Samādhi ▶ Samāpatti ▶ Samatha (Buddhism) ▶ Yoga, Overview

Nagaratna Hegde Department of Samskrit, Surana College, Bengaluru, India

According to the Hindu tradition, there are Eight Diśā (Directions). Each one of the directions has its own devatā (deity). Such devatās are called Dikpālakās or the guardian spirits of the quarters. Indra, Agni, Yama, Nirṛti, Varuṇa, Vāyu, Kubera, and Īśānya are the eight Dikpālakās. We will now read about the each of the Dikpālakās [1].

References 1. Feuerstein G (2008) The Yoga tradition. Its history, literature, philosophy and practice, 3rd edn. Hohm, Chino Valley 2. Aranya H (1981) Yoga philosophy of Patanjali. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta 3. Woods JH (1966) The Yoga-system of Patanjali. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Larson GJ, Bhattacharya RS (2008) Yoga: India’s philosophy of meditation. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Marcaurelle R (2009) Retrouver son centre dans l’espace hindou. In: Marcaurelle R et al (ed) En quête

Indra According to the Hindu tradition, Gods live in the Swarga (Heaven). Indra is the king of Gods. He is called as Devarāja or Devendra. He is the Dikpālaka of the Dik – Poorva (East). Armed with the vajrāyudha (thunderbolt) and riding in a chariot whose speed exceeds that of the mind, he travels everywhere. His valor is awe inspiring. His exploits

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are many. He killed the demon Vṛtra and released the waters imprisoned by him. He clipped the wings of the mighty mountains and made them behave. He recovered the cows of the Gods and that had been abducted by the demons. He is fond of Soma drink. Being a war-lord, he became a symbol of royal-power. Hence, warriors worshipped him before going to the battlefield [2]. He is undoubtedly the chief deity in Ṛgveda. Almost a quarter of its hymns are devoted to praising him. He is the most important deity in the sky. Indra has often been equated with the supreme God. His love and affection for his devotees has been eulogized. Scholars opine that Indra may just represent the natural phenomenon of rain being released from the dark clouds as a result of “being bombarded by lightning and thunder.” Indra’s prestige gradually declined and he was relegated to a secondary place by the puranas, retaining, however, his place as the king of Gods. In some of the temple sculptures, Indra is depicted in a human form with four arms, riding the celestial elephant Airāvata. In the puranas, he appears in many roles. By his boon, Kunti conceived, and gave birth to Arjuna, the Pāṇḍava hero. He sent his chariot and his driver mātali to Sri Rāma when he began his final battle with Rāvaṇa. He killed Viśvarūpa, a sage and thus incurred the sin of Brahmahatyā. By killing Vṛtra, a great devotee of Vishnu, he incurred Brahmahatyā once again. He was deposed by the Asuras because of the curse of the sage Durvāsa whom he had humiliated. He was cursed by the sage Gautama because of his affair with Ahalya, Gautama’s wife. She was redeemed by Sri Rāma later. Actually, Indra is more the title of a ruler in the cosmic scheme, than an individual. Fourteen Indras like Yajña, Rocana, Satyajit, and others have been named in the spiritual works like the Mahābhārata. Purandara, the seventh, is supposed to be ruling in heaven now. Anyone who successfully performs one hundred Aśvamedha sacrifices in one life, is said to gain the position of Indra.

Dikpa¯laka

Agni According to the Hindu scriptures, every elemental force is presided over by a deity. The presiding deity of tejas, fire and heat, is Agni. He is the Dikpālaka of the Dik – Āgneya (South East) [3]. Vedas being mainly centered round sacrificial rites, Agni the god of fire naturally gets the place of pride in the Vedic hymns. A large number of them are devoted to describing and praising him. He is often eulogized as the Supreme God, the creator, the sustainer, and the all-pervading cosmic spirit. All the other gods are his different manifestations. He manifests himself as fire (agni) on this earth, as lightning and air (Indra and Vāyu) in the sky, and as the sun (Surya) in the heavens. He acts as a mediator between men and gods by carrying the sacrificial offerings of men to gods. He is all-knowing and all-powerful. He is all-merciful too. Though an immortal he lives among the mortals, in every house. He protects them by dispelling their difficulties and fulfils their wishes. Without him, the world can never sustain itself. As sacrificial fire, Agni has five aspects known as pañcāgni: gārhapatya, āhavanīya, dakṣiṇa, sabhya, and avasathya. In the puranas, he is said to have been born out of the face of the Virāṭ Puruṣa (cosmic being), married svāhā, the daughter of Dakṣa, consumed the Khāṇḍava forest with the help of Arjuna whom he rewarded with gifts of divine weapons like the bow Gāṇḍīva, helped Indra to be relieved of a part of his sin of brahmahatyā (killing a Brahmana), and restored Sītā to Rāma after she had entered the fire to prove her chastity. Iconographically, Agni is represented as an old man with a red body. He has two heads, a big belly, and six eyes, seven arms in which he holds objects like the spoon, ladle, fan etc., seven tongues, four horns and three legs. He has braided hair, wears red garments as also the yajñopavīta (sacred thread). He is attended on either side by his two consorts, Svāhā and Svadhā. The smoke is his banner and the ram his mount.

Dikpa¯laka

Yama According to the Hindu scriptures, Yama or Yamarāja is the god of death. He is the Dikpālaka of the Dik – Dakṣiṇa (South) [4]. According to the Vishnu Purana, Yama is the son of sun-god Sūrya and sandhyā, the daughter of Viśvakarma. Yama is the brother of śraddhadeva manu and of his elder sister Yami. He is called Lord of the Pitṛs. He is the king of the Pitṛloka. It is he who is death for the human beings. He sends the dead persons to the regions they deserve, good or bad. He is also called as Dharmaraja. In the Ṛgveda, the word yama has been used in several mantras, in the sense of twins. It has also been used to indicate a god or deity, sometimes identified with the Supreme. As one of the deities like Indra or Varuna, he is said to be the offspring of Vivasvān (the Sun) and his wife Saṃjñā. Hence, he is called Vaivasvata also. The Katha Upanishad is the teaching given by YamaVaivasvata to the young seeker Naciketāḥ. In the epics and the puranas, he is described as the lord of South. His capital is the city called Samyamam. Mahisha or the buffalo is his Vāhana (Vehicle). The river Yamuna is his sister. He gave many boons to Arjuna when he was performing austerities at the Indrakīla mountain. He also gave many boons to Savitri, being pleased with her devotion to her husband Satyavān. As a result of the curse of the sage Aṇimāṇḍavya, Yama was born as Vidura, considered a śūdra by caste. After testing Yudhiṣṭhira – his own spiritual son – as a Yakṣa, he blessed him, fulfilling all his wishes. When he wanted to take away Mārkaṇḍeya after his life-duration was completed, he was chastised by Lord Śiva. It was he who reminded Rāma – at the end of his earthly sojourn – of his promise to return to Vaikuṇṭha.

Nirrti ˙ According to the Hindu scriptures, he is one of the eight dikpālakas. Nirṛti is the dikpālaka

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of the Dik – Nairṛtya (South west). The word nirṛti occurs for the first time in the Rgveda (10.165.1). Jyeṣṭhādevī or alakṣmīḥ is also some time called nirṛti. However, nirṛti is more commonly pictured as the guardian deity presiding over the south-western direction. Iconographical works describe him as dark in color, with a huge body and matted hair. He has two hands carrying a sword and a shield. Caṇḍikā or rākṣaseśvarī is his consort. His vehicle is a donkey. Of course, there are other descriptions also. An avikarṇīn – a brahmacārī who has violated the vow of chastity – was expected to sacrifice an ass to appease nirṛti as an atonement for the sin. There are other nirṛtis also mentioned in the puranas. He is one of the eleven Rudras. As a woman, she is the wife of Adharma (unrighteousness). Bhaya (fear), mahābhaya (great fear), and mṛtyu (death) are her offsprings (Mahābhārata, Ādiparva, 67) [5].

Varuna ˙ Varuṇa is one of the oldest Vedic deities. In the puranic literature, varuṇa is described as the presiding deity of the western quarter. According to the Hindu scriptures, he is one of the eight dikpālakas. Varuṇa is the dikpālaka of the Dik – Paścima (West). He is also described as the lord of oceans, water, and aquatic animals. In some of the temples, he is depicted as riding on a crocodile. In two of his four arms he holds the serpent and the Pāśa (noose). Sometimes he is pictured as riding a chariot drawn by seven swans and holding the lotus, the noose, the conch, and a vessel of gems in the four hands. There is an umbrella over his head. Maybe he is the personification of the sky; but he is also associated with clouds and water, rivers, and ocean. He is sometimes clubbed with Mitra and praised as Mitrāvaruṇa [6]. Varuṇa is the king of the universe and lives in the highest world. His knowledge and power are unlimited. He has thousand eyes and oversees the whole world. Hence he is the lord of the moral

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law. He punishes those who transgress this law but forgives them out of compassion if they repent and pray. By activating Vāyu, the lord of wind, he sustains life by giving rain and crops. Though varuṇa was the chief deity in the beginning, he seems to have yielded his place later on to Indra and Prajāpati.

Va¯yu Vāyu or air is one of the pañcabhūtas or five basic elements of the world. Vāyu is the dikpālaka (lord of the quarters) ruling in the direction of northwest [7]. Iconographical works describe him as white or ash-grey in complexion. He has two hands carrying a bow and an arrow. He rides on a deer. Some works describe him as having four arms holding a dhvaja (banner) with two and a water-pot in the third, the last hand showing varadamudra (gesture of giving boons). Sometimes the four hands are shown as holding pāśa (noose), aṅkuśa (goad), kamala (lotus), and daṇḍa (cudgel). Vāyu as vital air acts inside the body as five major prāṇas and five subsidiary prāṇas (upa-prāṇas), i.e., prāṇa, apāna, samāna, udāna, and vyāna. Vāyu is also the presiding deity. Hanūmān and bhīma were born due to his grace. Vāyu’s palace is called Gandhavati.

Dikpa¯laka

when he was performing tapas in the Indrakīla mountain, with several divine weapons.

Īśa¯na Īśāna is one of the eight dikpālakas, the guardiandeities of the quarters, the north-east being the direction assigned to him. Śiva, the third deity of the Hindu Trinity, has several aspects. As Pañcãnana, he is represented as a five-faced god, of which Isãna is the first face. He represents the highest aspect and is also called “Sadãsiva.” On the physical plane, he represents the power that rules over Ākāśa or ether, the sky. On the spiritual plane, he is the deity that grants Mokṣa or liberation. He is also classed among the 11 Rudras of the Vedic pantheon, representing the principles of Prāṇa or life-force. The Rudras are listed as eight and īśāna is one of them. Iconographical works represent him as Siva in the human form, with four hands, in one of which he is holding the trident and is riding a bull. Īśāni is his consort. She is the same as Pārvatī [9].

Cross-References ▶ Varuṇa ▶ Yama

References Kubera Kubera is one of the eight dikpalakas, protectors of the quarters, ruling over the North. Kubera was born as the son of the sage Viśravas and Devavarṇī. He was the king of Lanka. When his cousins, Rāvaṇa and Kumbhakarṇa, defeated him in a battle and usurped his kingdom, he did severe penance to please Lord Siva. By his grace he built a new kingdom and capital known as Alakāpurī on the Himalayas near Kailasa, the abode of Lord Śiva [8]. He was the lord of the Yakṣas (a type of demigods) and possessed immense wealth. Nalakūbara, famous for his extraordinary handsomeness, was his son from his wife Ṛddhi. He blessed Arjuna,

1. Harshananda S (2008) A concise encyclopaedia of Hinduism, vol 2. Ramakrishna Math, Bengaluru. ISBN: 978-81-7907-057-4 2. Indra. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indra. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 3. Agni. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Agni. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 4. Yama. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yama. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 5. Nirṛti. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nirṛti. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 6. Varuṇa. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Varuna. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 7. Vāyu. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vayu. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 8. Kubera. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kubera. Accessed 11 Nov 2018 9. Īśāna. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ishana. Accessed 11 Nov 2018

Dīksa¯ ˙

Dīksa¯ ˙ Alberto Pelissero Dipartimento di Studi umanistici StudiUm, Università degli studi di Torino, Torino, Italy

Definition The Vedic ritual of the dīkṣā allows the participant to take part in the execution of a type of sacrifice, namely, the “praise of Agni,” agniṣṭoma, the prototype of all the ceremonies dedicated to the squeezing of the stems of the soma. It includes a sort of symbolic gestation and cooking and involves a sort of rebirth of the consecrate, through a process of gestation.

Dīksa¯ ˙ The Vedic ritual of the dīkṣā allows the participant, who has changed his status after having been subjected to it, to take part in the execution of a type of sacrifice (yajña), namely, the “praise of Agni,” agniṣṭoma (see [1]), the prototype of all the ceremonies dedicated to the squeezing of the stems of the soma. It involves a sort of symbolic gestation and cooking (see [2]). The term does not offer a univocal etymology nor a univocal interpretation. Some consider it a sort of initiation, but initiation involves a definitive or permanent change of status (see [3–5]), whereas the dīkṣā confers a temporary state of qualification for the execution of a specific rite. According to this aspect, perhaps the term could be better rendered as “consecration” (see [6–14]). Etymology is the only available resource in order to try to understand the meaning and symbolic implication of the rite of the dīkṣa that has not survived nowadays, although it has been partially reshaped as one of the 16 saṃskāras, the rites improperly defined as “Hindu sacraments” (see [14]). In fact, a rite at least partially functionally derivate from the Vedic dīkṣa is the attribution of the brahmanical thread, yajñopavīta, a ceremony named upanayana (see [15]). Unfortunately, there is no univocal

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etymology for dīkṣā: the analysis of the main etymological derivations will be useful to underline different aspects and functions of the rite. Probably the term derives from a desiderative form of a verbal root: in this aspect, it denotes, rather than a mere action, a strong volition, a desire related to its verbal root. The first hypothesis connects the term dīkṣā with the root dah, “to burn”: the healing of the subject being submitted to a dīkṣā covers a lot of activities of the ceremony. The very same body of the consecrate (dīkṣita) is offered as an oblation in a metaphorical way. A second hypothesis connects the term with the root dāś, “to offer” (an allusion to the oblation into the fire), and a third one with the root daś or dakṣ, “to make oneself fit for a thing” (with reference of the preparation of the consecrate in order to make him fit for the agniṣṭoma). According to a fourth interpretation, if we consider the term as a derivate from dhīkṣ, a desiderative form of dih, “to anoint” (dīkṣita as a corruption from dhīkṣita), we underline the importance of the anointing of the consecrate during the preliminary phase of the ceremony. The fifth and last hypothesis connects the term not with a verbal root but with a nominal stem (nāmadhātu), namely, dik (or diś), meaning the direction of space, particularly a cardinal point. In this case, dīkṣā would mean a sort of orientation or positioning, in order to collocate the consecrate in the right position and direction useful to fulfill his sacrificial goal. Or alternatively, the very same directions, the cardinal points, are temporarily oriented around the consecrate as the central point of the rite. Perhaps all these interpretations are not alternative but rather complementary ones. So, dīkṣā is simultaneously a healing, an anointing, a completion, and an orientation: all these moments together concur to form the complementary aspects of the global ceremony. In brief, the Vedic dīkṣā aims to bring about a temporary sanctification of a subject wishing to perform a soma sacrifice, through a temporary obtaining of a new birth and a higher status of existence. Its preliminary phase is named “consecration through water” (apsudīkṣā); the rite involves a purification consisting of the shaving of the head, body, and hair and the cutting of nails. The ceremony has to be accomplished in the

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afternoon, a period associated with intense heat (tapas); it is characterized by a severe diet, tending to fasting; it involves an ablution for purificatory purposes; it ends with two oblatory acts, a “consecratory offer,” dīkṣāniyeṣṭi, consisting of a cake made of rice (puroḍāśa), and by an offer made with rice mixed with milk (caru), this last being typical of rites related to new moon and full moon periods. The dīkṣā may be interpreted as a sort of divine rebirth through a process of gestation, involving the use of such paraphernalia as an antelope skin, symbolically assimilated to a placenta, a hut assimilated to a womb, and similar objects, and the mimicry of the behavior of an embryo by the consecrate. After the completion of the agniṣṭoma, the consecrate must undergo the “removal” (avabṛtha) of his temporary state.

Dina Chandidas 10. Lubin TNT (1994) Consecration and ascetical regimen. A history of Hindu Vrata, Dīkṣā, Upanayana, and Brahmācarya. Unpublished Ph.D Thesis. Columbia University, New York 11. Olivelle P (1995) Deconstruction of the body in Indian asceticism. In: Valantasis R, Wimbush VL (eds) Asceticism. Oxford University Press, New York 12. Smith BK (1985) Gods and men in Vedic ritualism. Toward a hierarchy of resemblance. Hist Relig XXIV (4):291–307 13. Thite GU (1970) Significances of Dīkṣā. Annu Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst LI(1):163–173 14. Pandey R (1969) Hindu Saṃskāras. Socio-religious study of the Hindu sacraments. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 15. Prasad RC (1997) Upanayana. The Hindu Ceremenies of the sacred thread. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Dina Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Cross-References ▶ Sacrifice (Village) ▶ Soma

References 1. Caland W, Henry V (1906) L’Agniṣṭoma. Description complète de la forme normale du sacrifice de Soma dans le culte védique. E. Leroux, Paris 2. Malamoud C (1989) Cuire le monde. Rite et pensée dans l’Inde ancienne. La Découverte, Paris 3. Eliade M (1959) Naissances Mystiques. Essais sur quelques types d’initiation. Gallimard, Paris 4. La Fontaine J (1985) Initiation. Ritual Drama and secret knowledge across the world. Penguin, Harmondsworth 5. Weckman G (1970) Understanding initiation. Hist Relig X(1):62–79 6. Kaelber WO (1978) The “dramatic” element in Brahmāṇic initiation. Symbols of death, danger, and difficult passage. Hist Relig XVIII(1):54–76 7. Kaelber WO (1989) Tapta Mārga. Asceticism and initiation in Vedic India. State University of New York Press, Albany/New York 8. Kane PV (1941/1930) History of Dharmaśāstra. Ancient and medieval religious and civil law, vol II, Part 1, 2. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 9. Knipe DM (1972) One fire, three fires, five fires: Vedic symbols in transition. Hist Relig XII(1):28–41

Dindī ˙˙ ▶ Viṭhobā [Viṭṭhala]

Diva¯kara ▶ Sūrya (Sun)

Divine Name ▶ Rāma

Divya Prabandham ▶ Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (Nālāyiradivyaprabandham)

Diwali (Dipavali)

Diwali (Dipavali) R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Diwali is one of the most important cultural celebrations in India. Diwali, Holi, Dussehra, and Rakshabandhan, the four great festivals of Hinduism, respectively, represent four vistas of Indian culture – light, color, victory, and safety. Diwali, the festival of light stands for joy, optimism, and knowledge. Since the early Vedic era, tamso ma jyotirgamay (march towards light not toward darkness) has been the key statement of Indian culture. The festival of Diwali is celebrated on the Amāvásyā (the new moon) of the Hindi month Karthik in accordance with the Vikram Samvat of the Hindu calendar. Although it is such a great festival of Hindu culture, the written direct references of its origin are not found in Valmiki’s Ramayana or other meta texts of Hinduism. Some Pauranik allusions have passing references on it. As per a popular belief, in Treta Yuga, Shri Ram Chandra, the incarnation of Lord Vishnu, came back to Ayodhya after 14 years of exile. As a token of love and respect, the people of Ayodhya lit earthen lamps to mark their joy on this auspicious day. From this incident onward, it became a tradition to lit earthen lamp on the Amāvásyā of Karthik, and to celebrate the festival. This incident is referred as the origin of Diwali celebration. Besides this incidence, the celebration is also referred to the anecdotes and allusions of Shiva, Lakshmi, Yama, Bali, Yakshas, and some other deities of Hinduism. It is the plurality of Hinduism that the event is celebrated as an occasion of socio-spiritual ecstasy rather than much probing into the cause behind it. The origin of Diwali, in fact, relates to the northern part of India, where the festivities and celebrations fall between the Monsoon and the Winter seasons and stretch for 5 days, generally called as Deepotsav. Beginning with the 13th day of

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Karthik, it begins with the Dhan Teras. Kuber, the god of wealth, is worshiped on the holy occasion of Dhan Teras. People purchase metals and properties on this day. It is called the day of fortune. The next day is known as Naraka Chaturdashi, considered as the day of knowledge. It is also called Kali Chaudas, celebrating the victory of Kali on the demon Narakasura. Different regions in India celebrate it differently. The third day of the festival of lights is celebrated as the Main Diwali, that is, the day of light. Lord Ganesha (the son of Lord Shiva and Parvathi in Hindu mythology), and goddess Lakshmi (the consort of Lord Vishnu) are worshiped on the day, as per the Muhoort (the given time as per the calculation of the stars). The worship of Ganesha refers to the prayers for every kind of bliss and for achieving the auspicious moments in life. The worship of goddesses Lakshmi is done for richness, prosperity, and profit. The fourth day of the celebrations of light is called The Annakoot. This is the beginning of the New Year. It is also known as Goverdhan Puja. As per a mythological allusion, Lord Krishna suggested the people to worship Mount Goverdhan, which symbolizes the care and concern for ecology, and to maintain a sustainable ecosystem. The fifth day in the series of celebration is called Bhai Dooj that refers to the love of siblings. It is known as Yamdwiteeya. According to a cultural belief, on the day of Yamaduteeya, Hindu god Chitragupta updates the records of the good and bad deeds of mortal human beings. There is a tradition of people taking holy dip in the river Yamuna, who is supposed to be the sister of Yama. Pen and inkpot are also worshiped on this day. It is called Kalam Puja. For the sake of public health and hygiene, Diwali, implicitly, has a lot to express. The festivities bring about a clean atmosphere after the heat, dust and mud of the summer and Monsoon. The lighing of earthen lamps filled with mustard oil does away with many germs and insects. It brings hope, optimism, and zest for a new financial leap in business and other enterprises. It is also known for sustainable cultural, social, scientific, and spiritual significance. In the words of Ramesh Venkataraman, “Diwali, like the rest of the

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Hindu tradition does not have a singular, unchanging meaning – its significance varies widely across India’s regions and communities and has evolved dramatically over time” [1]. We know that Hinduism is a way of life, not a singular identifiable code. It has myriad practices, conventions, and belief. It is a fact that Diwali is celebrated across the span of Hinduism and its cultural sphere but its contexts and reasons are given variously therein. Citing Ramesh Venkataraman again, we can say that “the earliest known textual reference to Diwali is in Vatsyayana’s Kamasutra,” generally dated to between the third century BC and the second century AD. Vatsyayana alludes to the festival of “Yaksha Ratri,” the night of the Yakshas, celebrated with rows of illuminated lamps on houses and walls, bonfires in gardens, general merriment, and gambling, which medieval commentators had already equated to Diwali [1]. In the contemporary scenario, Diwali may be taken as the festival of enlightening the heart and mind toward care for environment and working toward sustainable development. The inclusive nature of this festival adds to its popularity and essence.

References 1. Venkataraman R. Happy Diwalis. The Indian Express, New Delhi, October 28, 2016. p 13

Draupadī Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (Under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

(Also known as Panchali; Yajnaseni) Draupadi is a mythological figure and a major woman character in the great Indian epic Mahabharata. The daughter of Drupada, the King of Panchala, Draupadi is the common wife of the

Draupadī

five Pandava brothers and the queen of Indraprastha and Hastinapura. Draupadi is one of the panchakanyas or the five ideal women of Hindu mythology namely Ahalya, Mandodari, Sita, and Tara, renowned for their unfailing adherence to their svadharma or duties as mothers, sisters, and wives. Draupadi is worshipped as a cult Goddess in many temples of south and western India [1]. Draupadi is worshipped also as Durga, Parvati, or Kali, incarnations of the Adishakti or as incarnations of the Goddess Shri or Lakshmi (Prosperity), and even as Sachi, the consort of Indra, the King of Gods in the Hindu tradition [2]. Draupadi is also sometimes associated with Annapurna, the goddess of food, for her superb culinary skills and her open kitchen that was always ready to appease the hunger of all.

Draupadi’s Many Attributes Draupadi is known by many names in Vyasa’s Mahabharata [3]. As the daughter of Drupada, she is Draupadi or Drupadakanya. Drupada was the King of Panchala, thus Draupadi is also known as Panchali, the princess of Panchala. She is born from the “yajna agni” or the sacred fire of a ritual worship; thus her name is Yajnaseni. Alternately, the Drupada who ruled over Panchala was called Yajnasena, and as his daughter, Draupadi is Yajnaseni. Draupadi is the granddaughter of Prishata, and thus she is Parshati. As her complexion is dark, Draupadi is known as Krishnaa, the dark-complexioned one. She is Yojanagandha, one whose fragrance spreads over miles. She is Padmalochana, the lotus-eyed woman. She is Sukeshini, one who has beautiful, long hair. She is blessed with eternal youth, thus she is Nityajuvani. She is “Sakhi,” a friend of Lord Krishna who is her “Sakha.” During her exile, Draupadi takes the name of Malini, when she serves Sudeshna, the Queen of Virata as a Sairindhri or a personal maid. Draupadi is Ayonija-Sambhaba or not born of a woman, and Homagnisambhuta as she is born from the sacred fire of the Yajna or Homa. She is Panchapriya or a woman beloved of five husbands. She is also described as “Nathabati Anathabat” – literally a woman with many husbands yet an unprotected widow [3].

Draupadī

Miraculous Birth Draupadi’s birth is described in the Mahabharata as miraculous. The childless Drupada, ruler of Panchala kingdom, performed the Putrakameshti Yajna, a vedic ritual of worship by fire sacrifice in order to beget children, so as to take revenge on his childhood friend Dronacharya, the guru of the Pandavas and the Kauravas, whom he had slighted when he became king and who had vanquished him with the help of his disciples and taken away half of his kingdom. Drupada wanted a son to kill Drona and a daughter to marry Arjuna, the disciple of Drona who had overpowered Drupada. King Drupada’s wish was granted, and, by divine blessing, two full grown children, Draupadi and her brother, Dhrishtadyumna, emerged from the sacred altar of the sacrificial fire. There was a divine prophecy that Draupadi’s birth was destined to destroy the Kauravas and establish a righteous rule on earth [4].

Swayamvara Draupadi was extremely intelligent and attractive. An unparalleled beauty, her body was fragrant like fresh lotus blooms. King Drupada organized a Swayamvara (a ceremony in which the bride chooses her groom) for his daughter Draupadi so that she could choose her own husband from among the most valiant kings and princes of neighboring regions, who had assembled there and presented themselves as her suitors. In that Swayamvara, King Drupada arranged for a contest in which the suitor who could lift, bend, and string a giant bow and successfully hit the far away target – a revolving ring with a fish-like object suspended in the air – with five arrows by observing its reflection in a bowl of water would win Draupadi’s hand in marriage. All the kings and princes belonging to the Kshatriya or warrior clan, including the Kauravas failed the challenge; but when Karna was about to compete, Draupadi refused to acknowledge a charioteer’s son as her suitor [5]. The Pandavas, then in exile, had attended the tournament in the disguise of poor

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Brahmins and Arjuna, one of the greatest archers of the times and third among the Pandava brothers, rose from the ranks of the Brahmins to take on the challenge meant specifically for the Kshatriyas. Without looking directly at the object, Arjuna saw its image reflected in the bowl of water and skillfully pierced the eye of the fish suspended in the air with the bow and arrow. Arjuna won the tournament and the varanmala (garland of choice) from Draupadi. When the unsuccessful Kshatriya rulers attacked Drupada for allowing his daughter to garland a Brahmin, Arjuna and his elder brother Bhima defeated the Kshatriya rulers and saved Drupada.

Wife and Mother When Arjuna, and the other Pandavas reached home with Draupadi, Kunti, the mother of the Pandavas, asked them to share their prize equally among themselves thinking mistakenly that they had brought alms from their daily begging as always. The Pandavas obeyed their mother’s words and married Draupadi. Thus Draupadi became the common wife of the five Pandava brothers in a polyandrous marriage with the rule that each of the five brothers, in order of their precedence, would in turn enjoy equal and exclusive rights to a private conjugal life with Draupadi for one year and would have to wait for four years for their next turn. Any other brother who entered the conjugal chamber during that period would have to do penance by living a life of strict brahmacharya (celibacy) and face the penalty of exile. Arjuna broke this rule when he entered the conjugal chamber of Yudhisthira and Draupadi in order to retrieve his weapons and was exiled to the forest for 12 years. But he did not keep the vow of celibacy as he married thrice during his 12-year solitary exile in the forest. Also, by bringing his wife Subhadra, Krishna’s sister, to live in the same house with Draupadi, Arjun went against Draupadi’s wish that no other wife should live in the same household with her. Notably, all the Pandava brothers had other wives. Draupadi had five sons by each of the Pandava brothers; they

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were Prativindhya by Yudhisthira, Shrutasoma by Bhima, Shrutakarma by Arjuna, Satanika by Nakula, and Shrutasena by Sahadeva [3].

The Game of Dice The Pandavas, now allied with Panchala by their marriage to Draupadi, settled in Indraprastha with Yudhisthira as the ruler. Their conquests and victories over other kingdoms conferred the title “The Ruler of the World” on Yudhisthira [3]. To consolidate the title, Yudhisthira then performed a great sacrifice called the Rajasuya Yajna with Queen Draupadi by his side in the magnificent palace built for the Pandavas by Maya Danava. This increased the envy and hatred of the Kauravas, especially Duryodhana who felt humiliated when he visited the palace built by Maya. Instigated by Shakuni, Duryodhana invited the Pandavas to a game of dice in the Hastinapur Palace. An inept player, Yudhisthira lost all his material wealth, along with his kingdom, in the game of dice. He even lost himself and his four brothers. Finally, taunted by Shakuni, he staked Draupadi, the common wife of the Pandavas and the Queen of Indraprastha, and lost her. Duryodhana called Queen Draupadi their dasi (slave) and summoned her to the Assembly Hall [5]. Duhshasana dragged a menstruating Draupadi, clad in a single garment stained with blood, by her hair into the hall. Karna called her a public woman and a prostitute and urged Duhshasana to disrobe her in full public view. Duhshana tried to strip Draupadi naked by pulling at her garment in the middle of the assembly, but, Draupadi was miraculously re-clothed by an endless replacement of garments [3]. As Duhshana tried to drag her inside the palace again, Duryodhana bared his thigh and invited Draupadi to sit on it. The Kaurava elders and the Pandavas sat as silent spectators to Draupadi’s abuse. Only Vidura decried the immorality of this horrifying insult, Vikarna stood up for Draupadi’s dignity, and Bhima vowed to rip off Duhshana’s hand with which he had forcibly dragged Draupadi to the Assembly Hall, to rip open Duhshana’s breast and drink his blood and to smash Duryodhana’s thigh in the great war to avenge

Draupadī

Draupadi’s humiliation. But, as Irawati Karve and Purushottam Lal both show, it is in this horrific scene of the Sabha Parva, that Dradraupadi’s strength of character, her intelligence, and indomitable courage is exemplified. Draupadi shook the very basis of the patriarchal Hindu social order [3] when she questioned the right of Yudhisthira to wager his wife as a possession and demanded justice from Dhritarashtra, the blind king of Hastinapura. She openly condemned her five husbands as well as all the great wise men of the Kuru clan – Dhritarashtra, Bhisma, Drona, Kripa, and others for forgetting their “dharma” and failing to protect a woman from humiliation and abuse [6]. In the end, when Dhritarashtra offered to pacify her by granting her boons, Draupadi asked for the freedom of the Pandava brothers so that they could find prosperity once again.

Exile The Pandavas, along with Draupadi, lived in exile for 13 years after Yudhisthira lost the second game of dice. During their 12-year exile in the forest, Jayadratha, Duhshala’s husband and a kinsman of the Pandavas, chanced to meet Draupadi in the Kamyaka forest and proposed marriage to her; and when Draupadi refused, he abducted her. Bhima and Arjuna rescued her and punished Jayadratha by shaving off his head. During this exile, Jatasur, a demon disguised as a Brahmin, also abducted Draupadi along with Yudhisthira, Nakula, and Sahadeva. He was later killed by Bhimsena, and Draupadi and the others were saved. The Pandavas had to live in agyat vaas or incognito for their thirteenth year of exile. Thus the Pandavas lived in disguise in the court of King Virata of Matsyadesh for one year. There, Kichaka, the brother-in-law of King Virata and the General of his royal army, felt attracted towards Draupadi who was then serving Queen Sudeshna as a Sairindhri or a personal maid. Kichaka tried to molest Draupadi, who had been working under King Virata as Malini, in the assembly hall before the King and the courtiers, including Yudhisthira, who was disguised as one of the King’s courtiers. The insulted Draupadi demanded justice from King Virata for Kichaka’s

Dreams (Hinduism)

actions and condemned her five “Gandharva” husbands for not protecting her. To end Draupadi’s humiliation at the hands of Kichaka and save her from his unwanted lustful advances, Bhima dressed up as Draupadi and killed Kichaka with his bare hands. Later Bhima rescued Draupadi from being burned to death by the brothers of Kichaka, who wished to avenge Kichaka’s death.

459 3. Lal P (trans) (1980) The Mahabharata of Vyasa. Vikas Publishing House Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 4. Ganguli KM (1990) The Mahabharata of Vyasa. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 5. van Buitenen JAB (trans) (1973–1978) The Mahabharata, vol 1, The book of the beginnings, vol 2, The book of the assembly hall, vol 3, The book of Virata and the book of effort. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Karve I (1974) Yuganta. Orient BlackSwan, New Delhi, Republished 2007

Kurukshetra War In the Kurukshetra war, Bhimsena fulfilled the vows that he had taken in the Sabha Parva by ripping open Duhshasana’s breast to drink his blood and washing Draupadi’s hair with the blood to avenge her public humiliation in the court of Dhritarashtra. Bhima also smashed Duryodhana’s thigh with a club as he had promised. Later in that war, Drona’s son Aswathhama killed Draupadi’s siblings Dhrishtadyumna and Shikhandi as well as Draupadi’s five sons. Draupadi wanted to punish Aswathhama but was forced to be satisfied with a jewel that he wore.

Death After ruling Hastinapura for many years, Yudhisthira put Parikshit, Arjuna’s grandson, on the throne and began his ascent to heaven along with his four brothers and Draupadi in a procession with a dog trailing them. As they climbed Mount Meru, after travelling through many places, Draupadi was the first to collapse and die on its slope. According to Yudhisthira, Draupadi paid the price of her partiality to Arjuna, whom she loved more than her other husbands. Yudhisthira later met Draupadi in Heaven and her identity as Shri (Lakshmi or Prosperity) was revealed to him [3].

References 1. Flood G (ed) (2003) The Blackwell companion to Hinduism. Blackwell, Oxford, UK 2. Wilkins WJ (1900) Hindu mythology, Vedic and Puranic. Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta

Dreams (Hinduism) Pawan Kumar Department of English, Dyal Singh Evening College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

The phenomenon of svapna (dream) in Hinduism has myriad philosophical, spiritual, mystical, and religious connotations. The mysterious formation of dreams has always intrigued the minds of great thinkers and philosophers in India since the ancient times, especially their sources and their relation to sense experiences. The conception and cognition of dreams also form a significant aspect of Hindu philosophy, with all the six orthodox schools of Hindu philosophy employing dream as a metaphor to delineate the connection between earthly and cosmic existence. From psychosomatic point of view, dreams act as bridges between the physical and astral/cosmic parts of the human body. In ancient India, dreams were considered to be divine in nature and sources of metaphysical communication. According to the story of genesis in Hindu philosophy, the world was created out of Brahmā’s dream, and whatever we see in and around us are not real and tangible objects, but have dreamlike existence. The Hindu tradition has several typologies for dreams which have been expressed in the Vedas, the Upaniṣads, the Purāṇas, the Bhagavata, and in texts on Ayurveda and astrology. Various instances of the experience of dreams can be found in the Indian epics the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. The earliest reference to a dream

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can be found in the Rigveda. There are several hymns in the Rigveda for the propitiation of evil dreams. In the Atharva Veda, one can find several hymns which provide a guide to the interpretation of good and bad dreams in terms of its images/ symbols. In contrast to the soteriological aspect of dreams in the Vedas, the Upanishads analyze the different aspects of dreams and the formation of svapnaloka (the world of dreams) from philosophical perspective. There are numerous references to dreams in the Upanishads, namely, the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, the Mandukya Upanishad, the Chandogya Upanishad, the Prashna Upanishad, and the Katha Upanishad. According to the Brhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, the self moves from this world to the next through dreams (eko jāgrat svapnehaloka-para-lokādīn gacchatīty) [1]. The Mandukya Upanishad describes four states of consciousness, namely, jāgrat (the waking state), svapna (the dreaming state), suṣupti (the state of deep sleep), and turīya. The dreaming state according to this scripture is that quarter of human consciousness where the formation of dreams takes place. In this state, the self is awake and it forms a chain of events that are based on the experiences of the waking state. But physical sense organs are in dormant state, and thus, the sense of pain, anxiety, suffering, and enjoyment that are experienced in the dreams is not real. The Chāndogya Upaniṣad contains a description about the prophetic nature of dreams. Prajāpati explains to Indra in this scripture that the self is one, which permeates all the states of human consciousness. However, there exists a process through which one can receive messages through dream cognition. For instance, it is said that if the performer of a ritual sees a woman in his dream, then, his offerings are said to have been accepted and his effort rendered succeeded (yadā karmaṣu kāmyeṣu striyaṃ svapneṣu paśyati, samṛddhirh tatra jānīyāt tasmin svapnanidarśane iti tasmin svapna-nidarśane) [1]. In the Hindu intellectual tradition, many later philosophical texts like Gauḍapāda’s Karikā and Vidyāraṇya’s Pañadasī and Yoga-Vāsiṣṭha also deal with the topic of dreams. Additionally, the

Dreams (Hinduism)

phenomenon of dreams has also been used by sages in the Hindu tradition to elucidate the concepts of the self, consciousness, and the Ultimate Reality, that is, both Ātman and Brahman. The range of symbols and metaphors used to describe the subtle aspects of dreams attest to the importance given to the phenomenon of dreams in the Hindu tradition. In his commentary on on Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad, Śarhkara cites the example of a fish which moves between the two banks of a river to describe the movement of the self between the dreaming and the waking states. The metaphor of the rope and snake is also used to describe the illusionary nature of dreams which take shape because of ignorance. The image of a bird tied to a rope, who returns after a tiring flight to rest near the stick to which it is tied, has been used to describe the wavering of the mind during a dream and its return to the wakeful state. In the classical Hindu astrological text, Parasara Samhita, dreams are said to have the power to foretell the incidents of the future in coded forms. In ancient India, dreams were recorded and interpreted to remove body ailments. The Charaka Saṃhita gives significant information about dreams from a clinical perspective, especially enumerating how they affect our physical and psychological wellbeing. Patanjali in his Yoga Sūtras writes,“svapna-nidrā-jñanālambanaṃ vā” [2] which means dreams are a source of vast information, of which one is not consciously aware. He advises that one should concentrate on the objects of dream and meditate on them because they are used by revered masters and gods to communicate with their disciples. Additionally, Patanjali writes that these dreams have the power to reveal the karmic influences of past life and the true nature of this transitory existence. In the Charaka Samhita, dreams have been broadly categorized into seven types: drashta (dreams based upon the objects seen in the wakeful state), sruta (dreams composed of things heard in the conscious state), anubhuta (dreams based upon wakeful experiences), prathita (dreams related to wish fulfillment), kalpita (dreams formed by imagination), bhavika (prophetic dreams), and dosja (dreams formed because of body ailments) [3].

Drsti (Nazar) ˙˙˙

Out of these seven types of dreams, bhavika and dosja are considered as the most significant categories: bhavika because it carries information related to future events, which may have auspicious or inauspicious outcomes depending on the nature of the dreams, and dosja, which arises from the doṣa (ailment) in the body and can hence help in understanding the cause of the disease. In the Hindu tradition, sages have meticulously categorized images, symbols, and events encountered in dreams into subha (auspicious) or (asubha) inauspicious. For instance, if someone sees himself drowning in water, going down the stairs, witnessing a funeral pyre, and laughing loudly, among many others, such dreams portend bad luck or mishappening for the dreamer. On the other hand, if one sees himself flying, climbing, or going up the stairs, meets his/her ancestors in the dreams, encounters a white elephant, etc., such dreams are considered to be auspicious and harbingers of good luck. It is to be noted that dreams in Hindu households are still considered to be indicative and prophetic in nature. In recent times, scholars like S. Radhakrishnan, Surendranath Dasgupta, Jadunath Sinha, and Sudhir Kakar have interpreted them from contemporary theoretical and philosophical perspectives. Thus, there is a continuity of discourses on dreams in the Indian society. Unlike in the West, dreams in Hinduism are not just understood and interpreted from a theoretical point of view but have an entire range of philosophical discourses and practical associations linked to them.

Cross-References ▶ Brahman ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Yoga Sutras of Patanjali

References 1. Radhakrishnan S (2015) The principle Upaniṣads. Harper Collins, Noida 2. (1998) Pātañjali’s Yoga Sūtras: with the commentary of Vyāsa and the gloss of vāchaspati Misra (trans: Rāma

461 Prasāda). 1912; repr. Munshiram Manoharlal Publisher, New Delhi 3. Sharma RK, Dash VB (2007) Agniveśa’s Caraka Saṃhitā, vol II. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series Office, Varanasi. Chowkhamba Sanskrit Studies, Vol. XCIV

Further Reading 1. Sinha J (1934) Indian psychology of Percption. Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co. Ltd., London 2. Dasgupta S (2006) A history of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi 3. Chennakesavan S (1991) Concept of mind in Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi

Drsti (Nazar) ˙˙˙ Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The Sanskrit word Drishti (“eye or vision”), also known as Nazar in the Hindi language, has an important role in Hindu philosophy. Through the eyes, we perceive the outer world; therefore, classical Indian philosophy is divided into six darshanas (“inner visions”) for perceiving reality, namely, Nyaya, Vaisheshika, Purvamimansa, Vedanta, Samkhya, and Yoga ([2], pp. 1–4). In Yoga for daily life, trataka (“concentration on a point”) is considered good for purifying the eyes, for strengthening the eyes’ muscles, and for improving memory, willpower, intuition, and vision. Warding off the evil eye is a common practice in many cultures and traditions, and in the Hindu religion, it is known as Drishti Pariharam. It is believed that kudrishti or buri nazar (“evil eye”) cannot harm you when you have faith in God. Also, almost all truck drivers in India paint the rear of their vehicles with this catchy phrase for keeping away the ill effects of jealousy and bad intentions: buri nazar wale tera munh kala, literal

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meaning “a person keeping an evil eye on my property, may your personality or face or identity be insulted and shamed and metaphorically turned black!” According to Advaita Vedanta, there is also drishti-srishti vada (“doctrine of creation through perception”) which maintains that the mind is the cause of the universe ([2], pp. 1–4). The Sapir-Whorf hypothesis is based on the similar reason and states that language is the cause of thought and behavior characteristics of a culture. Both see this world as a mental construct and having no objective reality. Further, Ramana relates this concept with the theory of false appearance.

Drsti (Nazar) ˙˙˙

Hymns of the Yoga Sūtras

Sr. No. 1.

Hymns 18–25 Prakasakriyasthitisilam bhutendriyat-makam bhogapavargartham drsyam

Yoga Sūtras and Drishti The Yoga Sūtras consider the primary act of looking at the world as the very foundation of Yoga Darshana. The Yoga-drishti is also known as divya-drishti. In Bhagavad Gita, Krishna says that you cannot see me through human eyes; you require divine eyes. The act of seeing itself reveals the basis of the existential situation as a trinity of drasta-drsya-darshana (“seer-seenvision”) ([1], pp. 786–787). The three components emerge as a result of the very act of seeing: they are neither mind-made nor man-made. Like the act of breathing, the act of seeing is a continuous existential activity: it goes on whether a person is conscious or not. But if a subject “I” is included in the syntax “I breathe” and “I see,” then this existential activity transformed into an ideational one. And in fact what enables a person to see, understand, and observe is drasta in the existential sense of the world, whereas the sense of “I-am-ness” or personal identity is a resultant of the past. And the clarity of darshana (“vision”) is born of viveka (“intelligence”) that enables a person to see what is drsya (“to be seen”) or the objective world. The essence of Yoga is to make a person aware of drsimatrata (“pure seeing”), and this pure seeing is also known as drsta (“seer”) in Yoga ([2], pp. 1–4). The 18–25 hymns of the Yoga Sūtras focus on the “seer” and the “seen.”

2.

Viseshavisesha lingamatra-lingani gunaparvani

3.

Drashta drsimatrah suddho-pi pratyayanupasyah

4.

Tadartha eva drsyasyatma Krtartham prati nashtamapyana ~ fam tadanyasadharanatyat

5.

6.

Svasvamisaktyoh svarupopalabdh hetuh sanyogah

7.

Tasya heturavidya

8.

Tadabhavatsanyogabhavo hanam taddrseh kaivalyam

Meaning The “seen” has three attributes of energy: inertia, action, and illumination. They manifest themselves in organic and inorganic bodies, and they exist to provide man experiences and to free him perception of them All forms generated by the threefold energies (“gunas”) The “seer” is nothing but seeing energy; and although he is pure, he tends to see through experiences The “seen” exists only for the “seer” It vanishes when the purpose for which it exists is accomplished The raison d’être of contact is to enable the lord of the “seen” to discover his identity Avidya is the cause of contact between the “seer” and the “seen” The negation of avidya (“ignorance”) brings about the negation of contact. Abandonment of both is called the freedom of the “seer”

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References

inhabitants. Much of his Hindu Manners is a reworking of older materials written by a Jesuit missionary, Gaston-Laurent Coeurdoux, and a French military officer Nicolas Jacques Des Vaulx, both active in the French colony of Pondicherry. These earlier texts were available to Dubois in manuscript while he was stationed in Pondicherry from 1792 to 1799 at the beginning of his career. Coeurdoux had been part of the vast Jesuit missionary enterprise active in South India, including Mysore, since the sixteenth century. He studied South Asian religious traditions in order to detect points of overlap between them and Christianity that might allow for more successful missionary work. These included, for example, the similarities between the respective flood myths of Manu and Noah. His work was interrupted in 1773, however, when the Jesuit order was suppressed by the papacy and its missionary programs throughout the world were divided among other orders. The Missions Etrangères (Foreign Missions) of Paris took responsibility for Mysore. After an initial period of linguistic training in Pondicherry, where he studied Coeurdoux’s papers, Dubois was made the head of the former Jesuit mission in Mysore, which he administered from 1799 to 1822. These were turbulent years for Catholic missionaries in the region. Mysore’s rulers, Haider Ali (r. 1761–1782) and his son Tipu Sultan (1782–1799), had been locked in conflict with neighboring powers, particularly the British East India Company, which defeated Tipu and seized control of Mysore in 1799. Haider and Tipu had suspected that foreign missionaries and native Christians alike might have ties to the British, and their policies toward these groups were accordingly harsh. Meanwhile the British, who were at war with France during much of this period (1777–1783 and 1792–1815), also suspected that French Catholic missionaries could not be trusted. Dubois thus faced British hostility when he took up his position at the head of the Missions Etrangères’ activities in Mysore, but he was eventually able to win them over. Indeed, Dubois became almost an agent of the East India

1. Dwivedi AV (2016) Hinduism. In: The Sage encyclopedia of war: social science perspectives, vol 2. Sage, Thousand Oaks, pp 786–787 2. Dwivedi AV (2017) Samkhya. In: Research starters, Academic topics overview. EBSCO. pp 1–4. Online

Dubois, Jean A. Blake Smith European University Institute, La Varenne-St. Hilaire, France French views of India and French Indology, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, USA

Jean Antoine Dubois (1766–1848) was a French Catholic missionary in Mysore, active in the early nineteenth century. His writings on South Asian religion and society, and particularly on caste, shaped the views of generations of British Orientalists and colonial administrators. Dubois supplied the British with a vision of the subcontinent in which “Hindus” lived in a timeless, unchanging social order defined by caste, and he identified South Asian society with the practices and ideology of Brahmin elites. His most important work, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, initially printed in 1816, was republished several times over the following decades. British administrators used Hindu Manners as a field guide for understanding their subjects, candidates for the India Civil Service studied it to prepare for their future careers, and later generations of Orientalist scholars such as Max Müller endorsed its findings throughout the nineteenth century. As a French Catholic missionary best known for his work for the British East India Company, Dubois represents a turning point between two eras in the European engagement with South Asian religions. He stands at the end of a tradition of early modern Catholic Orientalism, in which French, Portuguese, and other Catholic missionaries developed knowledge and theories about the subcontinent as they tried to convert its

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Company, offering the company knowledge about South Asian society, culture, and religion and receiving an annual pension for his services. In 1806 he gave the British resident at Mysore, Mark Wilks, a manuscript written in French, which he had compiled from Coeurdoux and Desvaulx’s papers with the addition of his own observations. The purpose of the text, however, had changed from Coeurdoux’s intention of using knowledge of local religion and society to promote conversion to Christianity. Dubois was growing increasingly skeptical about the possibility of converting large numbers of South Asians, and he expressed his doubts in a new preface to the manuscript, as well as in later writings. Instead of serving the goals of the Catholic church, knowledge about South Asia was now to serve the goals of the East India Company, helping its agents to govern Mysore and other parts of the subcontinent. Wilks passed Dubois’ manuscript on the Governor General of the East India Company, Lord William Bentinck, recommending it as an invaluable guide to caste and other aspects of South Asian society. After further revisions, the Company had Dubois’ manuscript translated into English and published in 1816 as Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. Although his views were sometimes challenged by British Protestant missionaries who advocated a more aggressive policy of proselytizing in the subcontinent, Dubois had an enormous impact on nineteenth-century British views of South Asia. His readers learned to imagine the region as dominated by an unchanging “caste system” (a term he introduced) and Brahminical orthodoxy. He insisted that caste as it existed in early nineteenthcentury South Asia largely reflected the norms established by ancient texts such as the Dharmaśātras, and he considered caste to be the primary obstacle to the conversion of South Asians to Christianity. This perspective reflected the experience of Catholic missionaries in southern India who had long struggled to adapt to local norms of caste, creating, for example, separate spaces of worship for low- and high-caste converts. Dubois also wrote a number of less widely read texts, including a translation of the Panchatantra into French (Le Pantcha-tanta, 1825) and Letters on the State of Christianity in India, (1823). He is

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sometimes credited with having developed the first notion of the Aryan Invasion theory, because he hypothesizes in Hindu Manners that the inhabitants of South Asia might have arrived in the region from the northwest, perhaps originating in an area north of the Caucasus Mountains. This theory, however, is rooted in earlier Christian thinking about the biblical flood; it does not necessarily anticipate later theories that posit the violent arrival of Aryans in a region already inhabited by other peoples. Dubois argued that the descendants of Noah’s son Japhet travelled from Mount Ararat, where Noah’s Ark landed, to populate the subcontinent, of which they were thus the original inhabitants.

References 1. Dirks N (2001) Castes of mind: colonialism and the making of modern India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 2. Dubois JA (1953) (1816). Clarendon Press 3. Mohan J (2004) British and French ethnographies of India: Dubois and his English commentators. Fr Colon Hist 5:229–246 4. Murr S (1987) L’Inde philosophique entre Bossuet et Voltaire, I: Moeurs et coutumes des Indiens (1777). Ecole Française d'Extrême-Orient, Paris 5. Prasad JL (1759–1848) Mysore Mission: From Jesuits to Missions Etrangères de Paris. Gregorian Pontifical University, Rome

Durga¯ Caleb Simmons Religious Studies, University of Arizona, Tucson, AZ, USA

Synonyms Ambikā; Mahiṣāsuramardinī; Śerāvālī

Definition A warrior-queen goddess from the Hindu tradition.

Durga¯

The Warrior Queen Durgā or the “inaccessible one” is one of the most ubiquitous and well-known goddesses in the Hindu pantheon. She is a warrior and a queen. Her exploits are told in a vast array of narratives from the Sanskrit and regional traditions, particularly in the collections of myths called Purāṇas. She is worshipped in a variety of temples and festivals throughout India, especially during the ritual of Navarātri or Durgā Pūjā (Bhattacharya 1996; Erndl 1993; Foulston and Abbott 2009). Her imagery as the slayer of the buffalo demon, riding upon her lion vehicle and killing Mahiṣāsura, is one of the most popular images in all of Hinduism and has become synonymous with the imagery of the Great Goddess, Mahādevī (Simmons 2011). The imagery of Durgā has a long genealogy that can be traced as far back as the first and second centuries of the Common Era and predates her textual tradition. These early images are stone sculptures found in the Mathura region of North India that appear to show a goddess, presumably Durgā, breaking the back of a buffalo in animal form. During the Gupta Period (c. third–sixth centuries), the iconography of the goddess increased in complexity with the addition of multiple arms given to her form, which can be seen in the images of the goddess at the Udaiyagiri caves in Odisha. By the sixth–eighth centuries, the iconography of Durgā had come into full form as her lion vehicle began to be incorporated in her sculpture, featuring prominently in the sculptures and reliefs of Mamallapuram in Tamil Nadu (Schmid 2002; Dehejia and Coburn 1999). The myth with which Durgā is most often connected—killing the buffalo demon, Mahiṣāsura—is first recorded in the Sanskrit Devīmāhātmya (c. sixth century) of the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa (Coburn 1991; Pankaj 2013; Sarma 1984). In this story, the Great Goddess manifests from the luminescence of the male Hindu pantheon after the buffalo demon had conquered and exiled them from their divine abode. This initial manifestation demarcates her royal identity as it parallels the creation of the Proto King in the Manusmṛti, an important legal text that predates the Devīmāhātmya (Manusmṛti

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7.1–11). After her creation, the gods from whom she had just emerged gave her various implements of war, and she went to battle with demon and his armies, eventually killing the Mahiṣāsura after a lengthy battle. Throughout the narrative, the Goddess is called Ambikā; however, immediately after her victory, the gods collectively sing her praises, calling her Durgā (Devīmāhātmya 4.10; 4.16). The narrative of the killing of the buffalo demon is explicitly connected with Durgā and her ritual worship within the Kālikā Purāṇa (c. tenth to twelfth century), which devotes the entire sixtieth chapter to the goddess and her worship. The text intermingles the story of Durgā and Mahiṣāsura with various details about her worship, festivals, and other feats. Additionally, the Kālikā Purāṇa adds another portion to the story of Durgā and the buffalo demon in which Mahiṣāsura converts and takes refuge in the Goddess before she kills him (Kālikā Purāṇa 60.101–102). In this text, Rāma, the hero of the Rāmāyaṇa literature, is also said to have performed Durgā Pūjā before he defeated Rāvaṇa, the demon king of Laṅkā. In the Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa (c. eleventh– twelfth centuries CE), Durgā is specifically connected with the city of Benares, forts, and killing enemies (Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa 3.19.35; 3.26.50). While the Goddess is also called Ambikā or simply Devī (“Goddess”) during most of her battles in this text, the Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa makes an explicit connection between the Goddess and Durgā after she slays the demons Śumbha and Niśumbha. This connection is substantiated through her ritual worship during Kālarātri (“Black Night”), which is still celebrated in places like Mysore’s Cāmuṇḍēśvari temple on the seventh night of Navarātri (Devī Bhāgavata Purāṇa 5.23.6). During the colonial period, Durgā and her attendant imagery were coopted as part of the Indian Independence movement. In Ānandamaṭh, a Bengali allegorical novel published in 1882, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee likened a free and independent India to Durgā on her lion. In popular imagery of the Independence movement, Ravi Varma’s painting of Durgā, Ashtabhuja Devi, was modified and mass reproduced as a symbol

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for the freedom struggle against their British overlords (Pinney 2004). Through these popular allusions, the imagery of Mother India (Bhārat Mātā) eventually coalesced, incorporating much of Durgā’s identity and appearance. Durgā is worshipped in many Hindus temples throughout India, Southeast Asia, Africa, Europe, North America, and the Caribbean as the central deity of the temple or in its subsidiary shrines. She is also the central deity of the autumnal goddess festival called Navarātri. Navarātri is known by a variety of names, including Mahānavamī, Durgā Pūjā, Dasarā, and/or Dassain. This festival lasts nine nights in which the various forms of the goddess, including the “Nine Durgās” (navadurgā), are worshiped. The final day, the “Tenth Day of Victory” (Vijayadaśamī), is a celebration of the goddess’s victory over the buffalo demon and her boons to her devotees. Of these celebrations, perhaps the most visible is the Durgā Pūjās of Bengal in which temporary pavilions called pandals are erected to house temporary clay images of the goddess. The celebration of Durgā Pūjā in Bengal is an opportunity for communities to sponsor creative and innovative pandals as they compete with neighboring communities in local competitions (Rodrigues 2003; McDermott 2011). In Mysore, Dasara, as it is called there, is the official state festival of Karnataka and centers around a parade of tableaus and folk performances at the Mysore Palace. Worshipped by Śāktas, Śivas, and Vaiṣṇavas alike, she is also one of the most popular deities within Hinduism (Payne 1933). The narratives of her exploits are rehearsed in performance art, on television cartoons and serials, and in casual conversations everyday (Simmons 2011). Durgā is one of the most visible goddesses in India, and one encounters her iconography at every turn. Her tradition, as encapsulated in stone sculptures, predates much of the mythic literature of India and the devotional iconography of many other deities in Hinduism. Representations of the goddess remain a powerful political and religious image of victory over evil. Able to speak to a variety people in a variety of contexts, Durgā is

Durga¯

one of the most ever-present deities in the Hindu pantheon.

Cross-References ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Kingship ▶ Mārkaṇdeya ▶ Navarātri ▶ Pūjā ▶ Rāma ▶ Rāmāyaṇa

References 1. Bhattacharyya NN (1996) History of the Śākta religion. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Limited, New Delhi 2. Coburn TB (1991) Encountering the goddess: a translation of the Devi-Mahatmya and a study of its interpretation. SUNY Press, Albany 3. Dehejia V, Coburn TB (1999) Devi: the great Goddess: female divinity in South Asian art. Published by the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution in association with Mapin Publishing/Ahmedabad and Prestel Verlag, Munich/Washington, DC 4. Erndl KM (1993) Victory to the mother: the Hindu goddess of Northwest India in myth, ritual, and symbol. Oxford University Press, New York 5. Foulston L, Abbott S (2009) Hindu goddesses: beliefs and practices. Sussex Academic Press, Sussex 6. McDermott RF (2011) Revelry, rivalry, and longing for the goddesses of Bengal: the fortunes of Hindu festivals. Columbia University Press, New York 7. Pankaj APN (2013) Caṇḍīpāṭhaḥ: incorporating Śrīdurgāsaptaśatī (Devīmāhātmyam) and the associate hymns. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, New Delhi 8. Payne EA (1933) The Saktas: an introductory and comparative study. Courier Corporation. North Clemsford, MA 9. Pinney C (2004) “Photos of the gods”: the printed image and political struggle in India. Reaktion Books, New York 10. Rodrigues H (2003) Ritual worship of the great goddess: the liturgy of the Durga puja with interpretations. SUNY Press, Albany 11. Sarma HV (1984) Durgāsaptaśatī. Butala, Delhi 12. Schmid C (2002) Mahishasuramardini: a Vaishnava goddess? In: Nagaswamy R (ed) Foundations of Indian art. Tamil Arts Academy, Chennai, pp 143–162 13. Simmons C (2011) The graphic goddess: Mahisasuramardini in the modern art world. Modern Art Asia, no. 8

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Introduction

Durga Puja ▶ Navarātri

Durga¯saptaśati ▶ Devīmāhātmya

Dvamushyana ▶ Nīyoga’

Dva¯raka¯ Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India

Synonyms

According to the Mahābhārata and its supplement or appendix, the Harivaṃśa, Dvārakā, or Dvāravatī was the new capital built under the leadership of Kṛṣṇa when the Yādavas left Mathurā and migrated westward. The decision to abandon Mathurā was taken because of the repeated attacks of Jarāsandha, the king of Magadha, who was enraged at the death of his son-inlaw Kaṁsa at the hands of Kṛṣṇa. Thereafter, the new capital of Dvārakā was built. The Mahābhārata says that in the 36th year after the great Bhārata war, the Yādavas killed each other in a disastrous fight. After that, both Kṛṣṇa and his elder brother Balarāma died. After their demise, Arjuna left Dvārakā with the women and other surviving members of the family. Thereafter, the sea swept away the city. For about a century now, scholars have been trying to ascertain the location of this submerged city. When modern scientific methods like marine archaeology were not that developed, scholars mainly relied on textual evidence. While recent archaeological and marine archaeological excavations have yielded a variety of findings, the issue of Dvārakā is yet to be clinched, as much still remains to be done in terms of an exhaustive and comprehensive study and exploration.

Dvāravatī; Dwarka

Location of Krsna’s Dva¯raka¯ ˙˙ ˙ Definition Dvārakā is an ancient city mentioned in the Mahābhārata, Harivaṃśa and many Purāṇas, as the new capital built under the leadership of Śrī Kṛṣṇa after the Yādavas migrated from Mathurā. According to the Mahābhārata, this was a beautiful and strongly fortified city, which was eventually submerged in the sea after the death of Kṛṣṇa. In modern times, there have been many attempts at identifying the location of this now extinct city, without, however, leading to any agreement among scholars.

The Case of Gujarat The one point on which there is agreement is that the ancient Dvārakā was located somewhere in the modern-day Indian state of Gujarat. Textual sources say that the new capital was established at Kuśasthalī in the Ānarta region. Kuśasthalī was the ancient name of the place where Dvārakā was built. Gujarat was known as Ānarta in ancient times. It was named after the king Ānarta, the son of Śaryāti, who was the son of Manu. In an essay of 1965, D. D. Kosambi summarily rejected the view that Dvārakā was on the sea, or even that it was in Saurashtra in the first place.

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Without citing any substantial evidence in support of his argument, he made the far-fetched and vague claim of identifying Dvārakā with “places like Darvaz in Afghanistan which bear much the same name as Dvārakā – ‘the many-gated’” ([1], p. 395). Such claims are not admissible without a thorough study of the antiquity of places like Darvaz. As H. D. Sankalia has pointed out: “For all we know [places like Darvaz] might not be older than twelfth century A. D. Whereas, in Saurashtra itself,. . .we have references to Dvārakā going back to the 5th–6th century A. D.” ([2], p. 3). Kosambi cited some reasons for his view that Dvārakā was not in Gujarat, and Sankalia has convincingly countered these arguments. In any case, Kosambi’s views do not hold good in the face of different kinds of evidence. Hence, scholars at least agree on the fact that Kṛṣṇa’s Dvārakā was located in Gujarat. The disagreement is over where exactly in Gujarat. Textual and Epigraphic Sources The main cause of confusion regarding the location of Dvārakā is the divergent information provided in the textual sources. Scholars point out that according to the Ādi and Sabhā Parvas of the Mahābhārata, the Vayu and the Viṣṇu Purāṇas, Dvārakā was located in the vicinity of the Raivataka mountain. On the other hand, the Musala Parva of the Mahābhārata, the Harivaṃśa, and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa mention that the city was located near the sea. In fact, in the Harivaṃśa, Dvārakā is called a vāridurga (fortress on the sea). Incidentally, the Harivaṃśa, which clearly refers to the proximity of the sea, also refers to the proximity to the Raivataka hill (Book II, chapters 55 and 56). Interestingly, a Buddhist text, the Ghaṭa Jātaka states that Dvārakā had sea on one side and mountain on the other. Now, given the present topography of Gujarat, it is difficult to find a location that satisfies both the criteria of being near the sea and a mountain and can plausibly be the Dvārakā of yore. Hence, some scholars have suggested that the texts stating the location near the sea belong to a later period (in the case of Mahābhārata, a later textual layer), and that the description of Dvārakā near the mountain should be accepted.

Dva¯raka¯

Some other scholars, like A. D. Pusalker [3], Sankalia [2], and S. R. Rao [4], differ from this view. Sankalia, for example, points out that the Ghaṭa Jātaka which combines the two descriptions is not of a later provenance. He was also the first to cite epigraphic evidence related to Dvārakā – an inscription dated 574 CE, belonging to Gārulaka Siṁhāditya and found nearly 100 years ago at Palitana in Saurashtra. But while this inscription refers to Kṛṣṇa as the lord of Dvārakā, it does not help in identifying the exact location of Dvārakā. Different Views Regarding the Location of Dva¯raka¯ A few decades ago, there were many candidates for the position of the original Dvārakā: Junagadh, near Girnar hill; an island called Mul Dwarka, around 34 km from Prabhas Patan; the modern town of Dwarka in Kathiawad; some places on the coast between Porbandar and Miyani; and a place called Madhavpur on the Gujarat coast [3]. Scholars were, once again, divergent in their views regarding the plausibility of any one of these as the site of the original Dvārakā. However, among these various possibilities, two seemed to emerge as the most powerful contenders – Junagadh and Dwarka (this spelling will be used to refer to the present city in contrast to the ancient one). The modern-day Girnar is usually identified as the ancient Raivataka mountain. This explains why Junagadh (ancient Girinagara), situated near the Girnar hill, was an obvious choice. The present-day Dwarka is a small city on the western shore of the Okhamandal in the Devbhumi Dwarka district (earlier part of Jamnagar district) of Gujarat. It is an important pilgrimage site for the Hindus, who believe that Kṛṣṇa’s Dvārakā existed nearby. According to Pusalker, Junagadh, situated far away from the sea, and never known as Dwarka in the first place, cannot be the ancient Dvārakā [3]. He pointed out that the reference to the proximity of the sea is dominant in the textual tradition. Even the Ādi and Sabhā Parvas of the Mahābhārata that do not mention the sea do not counter the statement that the capital city of Kṛṣṇa was by the side of the sea.

Dva¯raka¯

The stumbling block in this case is the reference to the Raivataka in the vicinity. Pusalker questioned the conventional identification of Raivataka with Girnar. Way back in 1904, F. E. Pargiter had suggested that Raivata or Raivataka was not necessarily a single mountain [5]. He was of the opinion that the Barada Hill was the Raivataka mentioned in the context of Dvārakā. Following Pargiter, Pusalker argues the same. Rao points out that in earlier times, Girnar was known as Ujjayanta and not as Raivataka [4]. According to him, the hill on the eastern fringe of Bet Dwarka was Raivataka. Finally, Pusalker made another point that most of the sacred places (tīrtha) mentioned in the Purāṇas, and the māhātmya texts are to be found in Dwarka and in the nearby island of Bet Dwarka, once known as Bet Śaṅkhoddhāra. This view that the ancient submerged city of Dvārakā is located near the present-day Dwarka has prevailed and informed subsequent research. Hence, the major archaeological excavations and marine archaeological explorations that were done in the last few decades have focused on the present-day Dwarka region. Archaeological and Marine Archaeological Evidence The first archaeological excavation in Dwarka was an onshore one, conducted by the Deccan College, Pune in 1963 under the direction of H. D. Sankalia, and the report was published in the name of the two chief excavators, Z. D. Ansari and M. S. Mate [2]. The excavators claimed the existence of four periods of occupation, and the earliest of these was dated to first century BCE– second century CE. The archaeologists of this excavation quite clearly stated that this excavation does not solve the problem of identifying the location of the ancient Dvārakā, because that requires a much more comprehensive research – excavation at other places conjectured to be Dvārakā, identification of archaeological evidence related to the Yādavas, and so on. However, this excavation did establish the antiquity of the site of present-day Dwarka, which was found to be at least 2000 years old. Sankalia, however, added in his introduction that on the basis of the evidence of the excavation, he

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was of the opinion that Dwarka is the site of the Dvārakā mentioned in the ancient texts [2]. The next land excavation was conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India under the direction of S. R. Rao in 1979–80 and the results were published in the Indian Archaeology – A Review, 1979–1980. The site excavated was near the site of the excavation by Deccan College, but the results were quite different. Rao concluded that the first settlement in Dwarka was of the Late Harappan and post-Harappan periods, but the township might have been a little away from the present site. In a later publication, Rao enumerated eight layers of cultural sequence he found on mainland Dwarka, starting from sixteenth to fifteenth century BCE to post-sixteenth century CE [4]. The Marine Archaeology Centre of the National Institute of Oceanography, Goa, carried out several underwater explorations off Dwarka between 1983 and 1994. Several stone structures of well-dressed blocks were noticed in a water depth between 3 and 7 meters. According to Rao, these are fortification walls, bastions, and pillars dated to the Proto-historic period. A large number of stone anchors were also found which have been compared to stone anchors found in Syria and Cyprus datable to twelfth–fourteenth century BCE. On the basis of both offshore and onshore excavations, Rao has concluded that the ancient city of Dvārakā submerged under the sea near the present city of Dwarka. A. S. Gaur, Sundaresh, and K. H. Vora [6] uphold that the Okhamandal region has been occupied continuously from the Harappan period till date, and the earliest settlement is at Nageshwar, followed by Bet Dwarka, Dwarka, Suvarntirtha, and so on. However, based on their underwater explorations in a large area off Dwarka during 1997–2002, they disagree with many of Rao’s conclusions, for instance, the dating of the underwater stone structures. They do not accept that the submergence of an ancient Dvārakā can be ascertained conclusively. R. N. Iyengar and B. P. Radhakrishna [7] have forwarded an interesting proposition by combining textual and geological evidence. They argue that Saurashtra was originally an island and the landmass that appears to join it with the mainland

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is basically deltaic sediments that cover an arm of the sea. In this light, they further argue that Dvārakā and Prabhas Patan must have existed on the eastern side of this channel near the present location of Patan. We can thus see that the debate on the location of Dvārakā continues and awaits a more comprehensive and interdisciplinary study.

Cross-References ▶ Arjuna ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Harivaṃśa ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Purāṇa

References 1. Kosambi DD (2002) Combined methods in indology and other writings. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Ansari ZD, Mate MS (1966) Excavations at Dwarka. Deccan College, Poona 3. Pusalker AD (1945) Dvārakā. In: Bhandarkar DR et al (eds) B C law volume, part I. The Indian Research Institute, Calcutta 4. Rao SR (1999) The lost city of Dvārakā. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi 5. Pargiter FE (trans) (1904) The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa. Asiatic Society, Calcutta 6. Gaur AS, Sundaresh VKH (2008) Underwater archaeology of Dwarka and Somnath. Aryan Books & National Institute of Oceanography, New Delhi 7. Iyengar RN, Radhakrishna BP (2005) Evolution of the western coastline of India and the probable location of Dwārakā of Kṛṣṇa: geological perspectives. J Geol Soc India 66:285–292

Dva¯ravatī

Dva¯ravatī

Dwarka ▶ Dvārakā

Dyūta Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The earliest record of gambling is found in the Rig Veda. In the tenth book of the Rig Veda, there is a reference to gambling in the Dyuta Sukta, or “Ode to the Dice,” where a gambler addresses the dice that has destroyed his life and begs them to spare him [1]. Vatsyayana listed 64 Kalas as bahya Kalas, or “external arts,” out of which Dyuta Visesha, the “art of knowing specific gambling,” is an art of gambling which is to be learned formally. Etymologically, in the Sanskrit lexicon, Kala means the performance of an art. The Hindu scriptures describe 64 Kalas and 14 Vidyas, or “sciences.” It is said that Lord Balaram and Krishna learned 64 Kalas in just 64 days under the tutelage of Guru Sandipani Muni. The history of gambling is linked with the history of religion. In the Mahabharata, Yudhishthira gambles away his entire kingdom, his freedom, and his wife’s freedom, indicating Yudhishthira had a severe gambling addiction [1].

Discussion

▶ Dvārakā

Dvija Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Gambling in ancient India is known as Dyuta Krida, and the religious texts and the Vedic literature suggest that gambling was not a taboo, but quite a popular game. Some gambling was ritualistic and played for religious significance, as well as being played for enjoyment on other occasions. The popular gambling game was played on board,

Dyūta

known as Chaupar with the dice. There is a reference to different types of dices, and for them the generic term aksha “eye” is used. The different dices are: Paasha “right prisms, about 7 1 1 cm,” the four sides are marked with dots, generally from one to four. Kaparda and babhru are the fruits of Vibhitaka, which are the size of hazelnuts. As a common practice, gambling on Pratipada is allowed in Hindu tradition so much so that Dyuta Krida is observed on the day of Kartik Pratipada, and many Hindus play it as a religious ritual.There is a legend associated with Dyuta Krida: It is believed that Dyuta was invented by the ascetic God Shiva, and Hindus believe that the first game was played between Goddess Parvati and Lord Shiva on the auspicious day of Bali Pratipada in the month of Kartik [1]. Goddess Parvati defeated Lord Shiva in the very first game, and then she played it with her son Kartikeya. In the second game, Kartikeya won, and later on he was defeated by his brother Lord Ganesha. So, Dyuta is actually a family game according to the Hindu religious texts, but it can also be played to acquire wealth and destroy the wealth of the opponents. In the Mahabharata, the Kauravas defeated Yudhishtira with the help of their paternal uncle King Shakuni: Yudhishtira ended up gambling away his kingdom, himself, his four brothers, and his wife, Draupadi. The character of Yudhishtira has thus been severely criticized by sociologists and feminists [1]. When the Kauravas tried to disrobe Draupadi, Lord Krishna came and rescused her wrapping in cloth around her. This incident is one of its types in a Hindu religious

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text: where a noblewoman has been physically assaulted in public and lost her honor due to Dyuta. Eventually, Yudhishtira’s family faced exile; however, in the end, they killed all the Kauravas and after ruling for a certain period taken to heaven by the Lord Yama. Since Dyuta has religious significance, there are rituals associated with this game. The devotees get up early and have a special bath, namely, Abhyanga Snan, and they apply Ubtan “scrub” and special perfumed oil. Then, the devotees perform Mangal Aarti, or singing of an auspicious song, and wear new clothes before playing Dyuta. Some Hindus play Dyuta on Deepawali, “the festival of light,” but this has no scriptural foundation. There are also some superstitions associated with Dyuta Krida: Since Kartik Pratipada is the first day of the Hindu year, devotees believe if they win, the entire year would be prosperous for them, and if they lose it would be an omen of bad luck for the entire year [1]. By the fifteenth century, an ordered legislative and well-structured system was formulated to operate gambling in the cities and towns. King used to provide special permits to gambling houses and take a tax on the profit made. Probably, prostitution, bars, and legalized gambling became functional at approximately the same time.

References 1. India Bet (2012) History of Gambling in India, 2012, February 9. Retrieved from https://www.indiabet.com/ gambling-in-india/495185/history-of-gambling-inindia

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Education in India

▶ Africa, Hinduism in

Contrary to a strong tendency in modern Western education that encourages students to find out things by themselves based on natural human curiosity, Indian education focused on transmitting or cloning the traditional knowledge and customs and instilling in the children and adolescents the values and religious beliefs of their elders as well as self-control and devotion to one’s studies. Innovation was not rejected in principle, but it came, if at all, at a later stage in life. An exception is maybe in the case of gifted self-taught men or women, as in the case of the mathematician Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887–1920). More recently, though, Indian universities have been much more open to innovative initiatives; but younger scholars still complain about the heavy hand of their superiors, and high schools rely excessively on learning by rote.

Eclecticism ▶ Syncretism

Ecological Ethics ▶ Environmentalism (Hinduism)

Education, Hinduism: Ancient, Classical, Modern, and Contemporary Hartmut Scharfe Department of Asian Languages and Cultures, University of California, Los Angeles, CA, USA

Vedic Instruction Synonyms Adhyayana, adhyāpana, anuśāsana, pāṭhana; Knowledge, training, school, university

Definition Passing society’s knowledge and traditions to the next generation and preparing them for their role in life.

The oldest references to education in India at the beginning of the first millennium B.C.E. concern instruction in the sacred lore, the religious poetry used in ritual offerings to the many gods and the formalities required in these rituals, known collectively as the ▶ Veda “knowledge.” The oldest of these texts were also called śruti “hearing” as they were handed down in oral instruction and were early on believed to be revealed eternal

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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truths rather than human creations. The instruction was limited to sons of the upper classes and began in early childhood usually at the age of 8 and lasted several years. The teacher often was the father, but a tradition evolved (at least among Brahmins) that the child was sent to live with another Brahmin family to be taught there. Writing was not known at that time, and the instruction was strictly oral and consisted in memorizing large bodies of texts: the hymns of the Ṛgveda and the Atharvaveda, as well as technical instructions in ritual procedure and theological discussion on points of ritual. With the exception of general calamities, the teacher was to be a Brahmin, while all male members of the three upper classes were allowed or even expected to study. The student was commonly called brahmacārin, a word which originally may not have denoted just a student but “a man doing poetic formulations.” But in time it was taken to mean something like “dedicated to the realization of ▶ Brahman,” and since the Veda student was required to be celibate, the word acquired a secondary meaning “celibate male” or “man who controlled his sexuality” in the case of married men who avoid sexual activity on certain occasions. The stress on a celibate lifestyle that plays such as great role in Indian culture stands in contrast with the conviction that “a he-goat and a Brahmin who has studied the Veda evince the strongest desires for females” [1]. The teacher would recite a short section of the text, and the student (or students) would repeat it; then he would proceed to the next section. The memorization of the pitch accents of these early texts or of musical notes was aided by the simultaneous use of hand gestures or movements of the head. The fingers were also used to mark the position of a stanza in a larger text. Memorization was reinforced by reciting and memorizing a text in different forms: first in its original form, then in a word-by-word form that dissolved compounds and phonetic entanglements of final and initial sounds of adjacent words, and finally recitation with permutations of the type ab ba bc cb (later even more complicated permutations were practiced). A scholar who knew all four Veda collections (Ṛgveda, ▶ Sāmaveda, Yajurveda,

▶ Atharvaveda) would be called a caturvedin, “knowing four Vedas,” or if he could recite the basic text, the word-by-word text and the permutation text called krama, he would be called tripāṭhin, “knowing three recitations.” As this capability often extended through generations, Caturvedī and Tripāṭhī have now also become equivalent to family names. This type of instruction continues to this day among certain very traditional Brahmin families and in special schools, where texts that are more than 3,000 years old are faithfully preserved in an unbroken chain of oral instruction [2]. This tradition has preserved the original texts more correctly than, e.g., the manuscript tradition of Cicero or the New Testament. This continuous “cloning” amazed even those teachers themselves thousands of years ago, who marveled how a student could draw the full body of knowledge from his teacher – and yet the teacher’s knowledge was not diminished. Ancillary texts of the Vedic tradition dealt with domestic rites, customs, and aspects of social behavior, also with metrics, grammar, and geometry – all regulations or skills related to ritual performances. They were collectively called smṛti, “remembering,” and sometimes believed to be based on the venerable śruti. Their textual transmission was not as rigid as that of the śruti texts. A serious Brahmin boy student (girls were not subject to this rule) spent on average 8 years in this training, graduated at the age of 16, when his teacher gave him a ritual bath; he was then called a snātaka, “he who had a bath,” and was considered to be of the highest purity and prestige. He returned to his family to get married to a girl that his parents had chosen (though not always immediately). Many Brahmin boys, however, and boys of the ruling class or other upper class members spent less time in this religious instruction and tended instead to developing skills needed in their careers: training in weapons, farming and cattle-herding, administration, and various trades. Boys of the lower classes received hands-on training by working along with their fathers and relatives as farmers, craftsmen, or traders, though the earliest texts gives us no details on this. Girls received their training in domestic skills at home from their mothers and other female

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relatives, though there have been instances in all periods where girls acquired knowledge and skills in the arts, critical thinking, or practical competence from family members or even on their own. Special tuition was given to dancers and musicians, usually members of the lower classes.

Early Childhood The oldest texts do not say much about the earliest stages of upbringing, but it is likely that there was great continuity over the centuries. Very young children stayed with their mothers and were thoroughly pampered, especially the boys. It was after all the birth of a son that gave the mother status and prestige in the family into which she had married. That early closeness usually left lasting impressions that made the bond with one’s mother much deeper that with one’s father. The father is usually a distant authority figure, together with the other older men in a joint family, preventing a special bonding of father and son, and it has been alleged that this led to a submissive attitude to older authority figures in general. The diminishing role of joint families and the emerging prominence of nuclear families in the cities nowadays are likely to effect some change in this respect. In toilet training and other matters, there was (and is) a tendency to follow the child’s inclinations: the child does what comes naturally and eventually follows the practice of the older siblings or adults. This upbringing also nurtured a belief that one would be taken care of by the family or community. Children are rarely seen to cry and there is a tendency towards openness and easy sharing of confidences. Some traumatic change comes when at about 2½ years of age, children may be admonished and when their mother resumes her normal roles in the family and household. The strict segregation of the sexes with advancing puberty and the limitations imposed on girls with simultaneous great expectations for boys, combined with efforts for the boys’ enhancement, have led in many communities to great inequality that has been addressed only in modern times – and even that only imperfectly.

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The Impact of Sectarian Movements and of Writing A new element entered around 400 B.C.E. with the appearance of heterodox groups like the Ājīvikas, Buddhists and Jains whose teachings appealed to members of all classes. Senior monks instructed their followers, i.e., new monks as well as lay followers, in their specific doctrines. That instruction, too, was strictly oral for a long time. Sacred texts such as a speech of the Buddha were memorized and passed on to younger monks. If it happened, that a part of that tradition was lost in a monastic community, a monk was sent to a neighboring monastic community with the task to learn (i.e., memorize) that text or group of texts and return. Writing was introduced around 280 B.C.E., though some form of writing was probably used earlier in the extreme Northwest under the influence of the Persian Empire that held sway over the Indus valley for almost two centuries. But even when writing was known, its practice was for quite some time limited to professional scribes and probably some scholars and creators of literature. When King Asoka had inscriptions engraved on rocks and columns, he ordered that these texts be read to the public on special occasions. Buddhist texts were written down first in the first century C. E., whereas in the brahmanical tradition, it was strictly forbidden to put the sacred texts down in writing. The first hesitant efforts to write down Vedic texts were reported only in the tenth century C.E. Inscriptions on stone came into use around 280 B.C.E., later also on copper plates. Around the same time, grammatical treatises and general literary texts were composed, some whom may have been written down. But the dominant form of the grammatical, quasi-legal, and philosophical works was a string of terse aphorisms. The grammar of Pāṇini described the ▶ Sanskrit language in about 4,000 sentences of algebraic precision, the Brahmasūtras gave the outline of Vedānta philosophy in about 200 such sentences called sūtra “threads,” and the rules of ethical behavior and domestic conduct were laid down in condensed form in the Dharmasūtras and ▶ Gṛhyasūtras. The reason for the concise

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formulation of these works was not, as scholars once surmised, the shortage of writing material. These works were still part of the oral tradition, and the concise formulation made memorization easier. An alternative was the formulation in metrical form which also became popular. The tradition of the great epics ▶ Mahābhārata and ▶ Rāmāyaṇa was still essentially oral among a professional class of reciters for a long time. The fidelity of tradition was less strict for these texts, as also for the popular religious texts called ▶ Purāṇas, where the reciters changed or embellished occasionally the text that they had heard from their elders. Just as Plato had called Homer the educator of Greece, the Indian epics and to a lesser extent the Purāṇas played a major role in shaping the Indian character. Their audience was not limited to the elite, as the texts were recited to vast audiences at religious festivals or other special occasions. Their language and stile was simpler than that of the Vedic poetry and there were many adaptations in local dialects. As in the Homeric epics there were heroes, wise men, and virtuous women to be admired and emulated, and there were repulsive villains serving as a deterrent as they received ridicule and their just punishment. Principles of ethical behavior and prospects of spiritual salvation were promulgated. The most famous of these texts has been the Bhagavadgītā, “The [Upaniṣads] sung by the exalted (i.e., Kṛṣṇa)” as the proper title says (often mistranslated as “the song of the exalted”) which is embedded in book six of the Mahābhārata. In it Lord ▶ Kṛṣṇa teaches his friend ▶ Arjuna about duty, the secrets of the universe and the loving adoration of God. Many commentaries and essays have been written on this text over the last two millennia by famous authors including notable politicians such as ▶ Tilak and Gandhi.

Elementary Schools At the age of 5 or 6, the child may be send to a school that typically consisted of just one teacher, sitting under a shady tree, on a wealthy man’s porch, or in his own house to learn the

letters of the alphabet and to write them neatly in sand on the ground or on a leaf. The teacher might scratch a letter on a palm leaf, and the student was asked to trace it with charcoal ink. The ink could later be rubbed out, and the leaf could be used again. Students of more affluent parents also wrote on wooden slates that can be seen in reliefs dating from the early centuries C.E. Finally the student proceeded to write and read whole sentences. In Muslim schools, i.e., after the arrival of Islam in India, the student learned to read before learning to write. The students also were taught some arithmetic. Multiplication tables could be recited in a group or in rhyming rules to aid memorization. Moderate corporal punishment was common: a slap with the hand or beating with a thin rope or stick, but it was not to cause injury. The teachers were precariously supported by the students’ parents or sometimes by wealthy landlords, even with free meals in the pupils’ homes; they did not form a fixed social class. After about 2 years, students could take up some advanced training in larger schools called pāṭhaśālās, “recitation halls,” studying Sanskrit, astrology, the local language, join a martial arts academy or begin the study of the Veda. Exact information for literacy is not available for earlier times; at the beginning of the nineteenth century, there was an estimated 15 % average literacy with great regional variations; in 1961 the number had risen to 28 %, in 2011 to 74 % (with men above and women below the average), while the world average stands at 84 % [3]. Boys of the three upper classes (▶ Brahmin, kṣattriya, and vaiśya) underwent a rite of initiation at 8 years from conception which was considered a second birth. They were henceforth known as dvija, “twice born,” and received a girdle, a staff, and the sacred thread, i.e., a loop of three strands of cotton worn over the left shoulder and across the body down to the right hip, replacing a skin that was worn in earlier times. Ideally, especially for Brahmin boys, this marked the beginning of Veda study. This study originally began soon after the onset of the monsoon and according to the oldest texts lasted into January or February, followed by a long break. Gradually the period of study was extended, until in modern times, the ceremonies

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for the closing of the school year and the beginning of the next are performed on the same day.

Small Brahmin Communities New forms of education evolved in the last centuries B.C.E. and the earliest centuries C.E. Religious communities gathered in ▶ āśramas, remote retreats where religious traditions were cultivated. Such retreats are frequently mentioned in the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, as also in early Buddhist texts. Towards the end of the first millennium C.E., a poet described such an āśrama in the Vindhya mountains in Central India, headed by a Brahmin who had embraced Buddhism, where followers of Lord Kṛṣṇa, Jainas, materialists, and Vedic ritualists lived in harmony and debate. In a humorous exaggeration, the author claimed that even monkeys and parrots lectured and debated there. Rulers also granted land and privileges to Brahmin groups, settled in so-called ▶ agrahāras, often with the obligation to practice and teach sacred traditions. This practice was more common in South India, where an agrahāra consisted of a cluster of narrow lanes with a temple in the center of a village. In Northern India such tax-free land given to Brahmins and to temples was called brahmadeya or brahmadāya, “gift to Brahmins.” Such grants usually involved the duty to perform priestly duties at a temple or other religious or teaching functions. The residence of such a teacher was often called a maṭha, a word originally denoting a “hut” but later also small institutions attached to a temple. An inscription from 105 C.E. records that a ritual specialist from Northern India had settled in Belgāme in Karnataka, and around 300 C.E. King Śātakarṇi Hāritīputra started a development in that town with five schools (maṭha), three “towns,” and seven “Brahmintowns” (i.e., ▶ agrahāras) that made Belgāme an important educational center. Later kings expanded this establishment with the donation of village revenues and the invitation of 32 Brahmin families from Northern India to settle in a separate agrahāra nearby. It appears that Mathurā and Taksasila/ Taxila in Northern and Northwestern India were home to prominent educational institutions.

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Large Teaching Monasteries In the Buddhist and Jaina communities, monasteries of ever-increasing size arose that taught the traditional texts of their tradition. Towards the end of the first millennium, these monasteries had large campuses with several thousand students and taught, besides their religious doctrines, general philosophies including the doctrines of their rivals and even ▶ medicine. By the year 1000, there were several such large institutions that can be called universities: the Buddhist monasteries (vihāra) of Nālandā and Vikramaśilā in Northeastern India, Valabhī in Kathiawar (Gujarat), Amarāvatī in Āndhra Pradesh, the Jaina monastery at Śravaṇa Belgoḷa in Karnataka, to name only a few. Nālandā and Vikramaśilā maintained translation bureaus that translated the Buddhist canon into Tibetan, and they send missionaries to Nepal and Tibet. Several of these monasteries are said to have possessed substantial manuscript libraries, and royal grants were given for the acquisition and copying of ▶ manuscripts. They were all supported by the local rulers and some even by donations from rulers as far away as Sumatra. It is remarkable that Buddhist kings supported also Hindu institutions of learning, just as Hindu rulers supported Buddhist and Jaina colleges in their state. The Buddhist universities drew students from all over India, from China, Korea, and Japan; some of these visiting scholars have written detailed accounts of their experiences and took large amounts of copied manuscripts back to their home countries. There is a reference to a student from Bengal who attended the University of Valabhī in Gujarat and of students from Eastern India receiving instruction in Kashmir. The prestige of monasteries like Nālandā is evident from the fact that imposters claimed having graduated from such an institution and were treated with respect.

Great Temple Schools and Small Private Schools On the brahmanical side, large ▶ temples had affiliated institutions that trained students in

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a wide variety of branches. There were professors of grammar, of logic, and of the exegesis of religious texts and manuals of Vedic ritual, ▶ medicine, and mathematics. Grants were made for teachers as well as for the maintenance of students, sometimes with the specification that the grantees must be students of a particular Vedic tradition. Teachers received a food allowance large enough to feed a family plus a small cash payment for each course taught. An interesting exception is the teacher of the dominant ▶ Vedānta philosophy who received no cash payment, since it was prohibited to teach Vedānta for money; he received a larger allowance of rice instead. The schools of ▶ logic enjoyed the highest prestige and their teachers were often paid the most; but their opportunities for outside income (conducting rituals or legal work) were less. In the eleventh century C.E., King Bhoja of Mālva (in central India) founded a college in the Temple of Sarasvatī at Dhārā with a prestigious library, which was taken a century later by a conquering neighbor to Anhilvad Patan and merged with another manuscript collection. Great temples of traditional Hindu worship were at Kāncī in Tamil Nadu, where schools are mentioned in inscriptions from the fourth century onward, drawing students from far away. In the tenth century, the Bengal King Śrīcandra donated a huge quantity of land in the name of the Buddha to God Brahman to establish a temple and several maṭhas for students from Bengal and from other provinces as well as for five guest Brahmins. Several inscriptions describe the wide range of instruction in such schools: Vedic texts, grammar, ritual, the six systems of orthodox philosophy, astrology, medicine, and law. Besides these universities with perhaps several hundred or thousand students, smaller schools run by individual teachers or groups of teachers continued to play a role, often supported by royal grants. After the destruction of the Great Buddhist monasteries at Nālandā and Vikramaśilā by Muslin armies around 1200 C.E., the kings of Bengal supported prestigious schools of logic at Mithilā and Navadvīpa that continued into the nineteenth century. In the thirteenth century, the Kākatīya Queen Rudrāmbā (Āndhra Pradesh) donated a village to

her teacher who was an expert in “all” sciences and the Veda – and a poet. Benares, one of the holiest cities of India and a center of traditional instruction through the centuries, was home to a large number of small schools that attracted students and scholars from all over India. Though Benares had many important temples, the schools do not seem to have been affiliated with them. A French traveler reported in the seventeenth century finding in Benares a great number of teachers having from 4 to 15 students each. Another traveler saw also one college, founded by the local Raja, adjacent to a great temple. The same may have been the case in Kashmir. Many of the Indian theorists of literary esthetics lived and taught in Kashmir from the seventh to the twelfth century.

Grammar and Language Study The study of ▶ Sanskrit, the language of the Veda and most of the classical literature and the bond that united the different regions of India religiously and culturally, was an important part of education. It has been said that the grammar of Pāṇini, who may have lived in the fifth century B. C.E. in Northwestern India, played a similar role in India as Euclid’s geometry in ancient Greece. Modern linguistics, beginning in the early nineteenth century, owes much to the Indian grammarians. Traditionally Paṇini’s grammar was memorized in early childhood before it was explained. Advanced students would participate in discussions between the teacher and his students, with some older students serving as the teacher’s assistant, concerning difficult questions in interpreting the authoritative texts. The goal was the formation of correct words and sentences. It is remarkable that almost without exception it was avoided to give examples of wrong forms. Specialists would then further study the many commentaries that elucidate the finer points. Concepts derived from grammar are found in philosophy and other branches of learning. The regional dialects that developed over several centuries were often treated more as transformation of Sanskrit than in their own right. In Tamil Nadu a pretense was maintained that the “good Tamil” of the classical texts has continued unchanged into

Education, Hinduism: Ancient, Classical, Modern, and Contemporary

present times (at least in literature), while “common Tamil” is used in daily life. The interest in language did not extend to foreign languages whose study was discouraged. Sanskrit grammarians showed no interest in the Dravidian languages of Southern India. But Dravidian speakers adopted many words from Sanskrit and even created poetry in a Macaronic style, not only mixing Dravidian and Sanskrit sentences in a form of language switching but even blending grammatical structures. With the arrival of Muslim rule, Persian as the court language was studied and English after the establishment of British rule. Many Indian writers have gained a prominent place in modern English literature, e.g., ▶ Rabindranath Tagore, V.S. Naipaul, and Salman Rushdie. Nowadays Hindi is the dominant national language with a number of regional languages dominant in the several states. The level of English proficiency is relatively higher in South India where people insist on keeping it as an additional national language.

Education in Philosophy, Science, Arts, and Sport The ▶ Vedanta philosophy in the traditions of Śankara (monistic) and Rāmānuja (dualistic) and other religious-philosophical movements like Śaivasiddhānta, Tantrism, etc., were taught in small schools (maṭha), often attached to temples. Other teachers specialized in the exegetic techniques of the Mīmāṃsā that dealt primarily with the ritual traditions, but whose techniques were also applicable to legal problems. Special schools trained physicians in the medical practice called Āyurveda, “science of life.” Indian physicians in the past were in demand also in neighboring countries such as Persia. More modern are the colleges of siddha medicine in South India where the practice includes medications using metals like arsenic and mercury, and the Yūnānī “Greek” system brought to India with Islam. There are many colleges of these traditional medicines now, large and small, often attached to a major university along with colleges of allopathic “Western” and homeopathic medicine. The practice of medicine involves contact with all kinds of impurities,

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making the physician ritually impure (the ashtavaidyan physicians of Kerala, though high caste Brahmins, are not allowed to recite the Veda), and yet one is advised not to live in a country where there are no physicians. There have always been teachers of ▶ music and ▶ dance to impart instruction to children and prospective professionals; there are now also government-sponsored art academies. As was noted regarding the instruction in grammar, the instruction is strictly positive, giving correct examples repeatedly until the student has grasped it, never a mocking repetition of a mistake. If there are manuals, they are in the hand of the teacher, not the student. The exercises for dancers include not only dance steps but also facial expressions and movement of the eyes and eyebrows and the neck. Sport played only a relatively modest role in the past, but ball games were played including field hockey; yoga exercises enhanced strength and flexibility. North India has known prominent schools of wrestling (akhāṛā) [4] that as a demonstration of physical vigor and strength of character played a role in the independence movement, and in South India schools of martial arts involving fencing and unarmed combat a have long tradition.

Education Under the British East India Company and British Crown Early in the nineteenth century, some British educators [5] surveyed “Hindoo schools of learning” called ṭol in Northern India and found hundreds of such schools, with students numbering from 4 to 16. The teachers taught the field they knew best, and the student moved on, if he wanted to study something else. Local students were day students; others boarded with the teacher who sometimes offered even financial support out of an endowment or donations (which some students used to support their families). Lord Minto noted in 1811 that the number of traditional schools was shrinking and that tendency continued in the following years, partly due to loss of patronage and partly because of the increasing attraction of English schools that offered better opportunities of employment for their graduates. Thomas Babington

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Macaulay’s Minute on Indian Education in 1835 was an important milestone. His disdain for Indian literature enraged many Indians and accelerated the decline of traditional schools with the result that the number of students declined and that education in the peoples’ mother tongue suffered. On the positive side, Macaulay realized that neither Persian, the language of the old Muslim aristocracy, nor Sanskrit was an ideal vehicle for the modernization envisioned, and the local languages, he felt, were not yet ready. The aim was to form “a class of persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals, and in intellect” who would eventually develop the local languages to become fit vehicles for general education. The government founded several colleges staffed in part by English and other European teachers. Some of these were devoted to traditional learning but with a Western bent, such as the Sanskrit College of Calcutta and the Benaras Sanskrit College; others were Western style colleges like the Presidency Colleges in Calcutta and Madras, the Elphinstone College, and Wilson College in Bombay. Leaders like Pandit Nehru, Krishna Menon, and Muhammad Ali Jinnah on the one hand and the recent embrace of the local languages in Indian colleges on the other look like realizations of Macaulay’s design. An Indian scholar recently remarked on the irony “that Sanskrit is being respected by those Indians who are the embodiment of Macaulay’s ideal.” In some elementary schools for underprivileged children, British educators copied the system of traditional schools that had employed older students as teacher’s aides, because it enabled a few regular teachers to teach large numbers of poor children. This system, known as the Monitorial or Lancasterian System, was also adopted for a while in the early nineteenth century for some schools in England and the United States [6]. The Universities of Calcutta, Bombay, and Madras were founded in 1857 – during the uprising which the British called “the Mutiny” but planned some years earlier – by initiative of the British Government on the London examination model, though they did not aim for the same standards as London University. The university was responsible for the examinations at the affiliated colleges whose number nowadays can

exceed 100. Besides government-sponsored colleges, there are those founded by caste associations, religious movements, and churches or private philanthropy. Eventually, these universities also formed their own departments with an eye on research. Over time Calcutta University was steered towards greater emphasis on the ▶ sciences by graduates of Cambridge University and Bombay University towards the humanities by graduates of Oxford University. Since then, a great number of universities have been founded, mostly by government initiative. Other universities were started by private initiative but were later adopted by the government, such as the Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College founded in 1875 that became in 1920 the Aligarh Muslim University, the Banaras Hindu University founded in 1916, and Visva-Bharati University at Shantiniketan in West Bengal founded by the poet Rabindranath Tagore (!) with the money from his Nobel prize in 1921. These consist essentially of a single campus (Banaras Hindu University has a second larger campus, about 60 km away, that hosts the Agriculture Science Centre).

Education in Independent India Elementary education is now freely available, but the majority of students do not continue after elementary grades; home schooling is also allowed. About 80 % of the elementary schools are government schools; parochial (mostly catholic) schools (elementary to high school) play a major role. More recent creations are the Indian Institutes of Technology (IIT) whose graduates gained prominence worldwide: since 1953 about 25,000 of them settled in the United States alone, creating criticism of a “brain drain” [7]. In the last two decades, though, this trend has been reversed, since many Indians are returning to India after a stay abroad. In India they were influential in the technical and economical/financial progress made in India in recent decades. A survey by the University Grants Commission [8] in 2015 listed 719 universities, of them 46 Central Universities were under direct control of the central government, 330 universities administered by the states,

Eka¯daśī

207 small private universities, and 136 vaguely defined autonomous accredited institutes called “deemed universities.” All of them are under the general authority of the University Grants Commission that was set up by the Union Government in 1956 after the model of the University Grants Commission of the United Kingdom, headquartered in New Delhi with six regional centers. Many emigrants make great efforts to maintain their Indian traditions abroad. With private support two Hindu government schools were recently opened in Harrow and Leicester in the United Kingdom.

References 1. Āpastambīyadharmasūtram ed. G.Bühler, 3rd ed. Bombay 1932. Bombay Sanskrit Series XLIV and L 2. Staal F (2011) Nambudiri Veda recitation, sGravenhage, Mouton 1961 Scharfe H, Education in Ancient India, Leiden 2002, Brill Saraju Rath, Vedic Education in early mediaeval India according to North Indian Charters, in: Travaux de symposium international. Le livre. La Roumanie. L’Europe, tome III, Bucarest 2011, pp 393–424 3. Census of India (2011) New Delhi, Registrar General and Census Commissioner 2012 4. Raghavan V (1979) Festivals, sports and pastimes of India, Ahmedabad 1979, B.J.Institute of Learning and Research, pp 215–235. Alter JS (1992) (ed) The wrestler’s body, Berkeley, University of California Press 5. William A (1983) Reports on vernacular education in Bengal, Calcutta 1835–1836. In: diBona J (ed) One teacher, one school. Biblia Impex, New Delhi 6. Lancaster J (1821) The Lancasterian system of education, Baltimore 1821, Lancasterian Institute 7. Friedman TL (2007) The world is flat. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, New York, pp.104f 8. On the internet http://www.ugc.ac.in/oldpdf/ alluniversity.pdf

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Eka¯daśī Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction According to the Hindu scriptures, once, in the sacred land of Naimisharanya, 88,000 thousand sages and saints gathered where the sage Shri Veda Vyasa and his prime disciple, the pundit Sutaji, were seated on a high platform in between the sages and saints, like the moon among the stars. The inquisitive sages and saints asked a question politely: In the Kali Yuga (the fourth, degenerate age of our current cosmic cycle), how can one get rid of all sorrows and what is the remedy? Sutaji took the blessings of his guru Shri Veda Vyasa and narrated the answer: “In a year there are 12 months, and in each month, there are two Ekadashis. So in total we have 24 Ekadashis. Additionally, in a purushottama maas or ‘leap year’, there is one extra month so there are two additional Ekadashis – so in total there are 26 Ekadashis” ([1], p. 42). Sutaji said: “By listening to the names of the Ekadashi, many sins are washed away.” Further, he enumerated each one: Utpanna, Mokshada, Saphala, Putrada, Sattila, Jaya/ Bhaimi, Vijaya, Amalaki, Paapmochani, Kamada, Varutini, Mohini, Apara, Nirjala, Yogini, Sayana/ Padma, Kamika, Pavitropana, Aja/Annada, Parivartini/Parsva, Indira, Papankusha, Rama, Haribhodini/Utthana, Adik mass/Padmini, and Parama.

Einstein’s Theory of Relativity

Discussion

▶ Relativity (Hinduism)

Each Ekadashi has its own significance; however, according to Sutji, whosoever listens to the origins and glories of these sacred fasts goes to Vaikuntha, “the abode of Lord Vishnu.” There is one narrative between Yudhisthira and Lord Krishna where Yudhishthira asked the benefits of various types of fasting: complete fasting, eating

Ekadandin ▶ Ājīvika

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once at midday, and eating only supper. Also, he wanted to know about the regulations for observing the various Ekadashis. To which Lord Krishna replied and narrated Ekadashi that occurs during the dark fortnight of Margasirsha (November to December). He instructed that on the 10th of this month, the devotee should clean his/her teeth nicely and eat his supper moderately when the sun is about to set. On the 11th of Margasirsha, the devotee should take a vow to observe fast conforming to the scriptures ([1], pp. 97–98). At midday, the devotee should bathe properly, either in a river or lake, or in a pond or with well water. The devotee should chant the sacred prayer containing the names of Mother Earth, O Mrttike! O Vasundhare! O Asvakrante! O Vishnukrante! Mother Earth’s various names, the devotee should smear mud over his body. Further, there are rules and regulations during the day of fasting. The devotee must not speak to those who are fallen from their religious performances and duties, to hypocrites, to thieves, or to dog eaters. Also, the devotee should not speak to someone who abuses the Vedic literature, Brahmanas, demigods, or any slanderers or wicked personalities, such as promiscuous men and women, robbers, and plunderers ([1], p. 68). If by chance or by fate any such person is spoken or seen during the sacred Ekadashi, the devotee must purify oneself by looking at the sun. The devotee should worship the Lord with flowers and scents and offer the Lord the best food. Filled with pure devotional consciousness, the devotee should offer the Lord a lamp. And the devotee must not sleep during the daytime; also he/she must abstain from sex. Besides fasting from food and water, the devotee should ecstatically sing in the glories of the Lord and play musical instruments for the Lord. The next day, the worshiper should give donations and charity to Brahmanas and offer his obeisance unto them. The Lord Krishna further instructed king Yudhisthira that a serious and devotional worshiper must not discriminate between the Ekadashis that occur during bright fortnights and dark fortnights. Finally, Lord Krishna described the merit resulted from obtaining a fast on Ekadashi: It

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is more virtuous than taking a bath in the sacred place of pilgrimage known as Sankhoddhara, and the merit one gets upon seeing Lord Gadadhara directly. The charity, given on the Sankranti equinox, is 4,000 times more than that of the ordinary day. Also, the fasting devotee achieves a hundred times more merit than one achieves while performing AshvamedhaYajna or “horse sacrifice.” Also, a person earns ten times more merit than a person who donates cows in charity to a learned Vedic Brahman.

References 1. Sivananda S (1997) Hindu fasts and festivals. Divine Life Society, Himalayas

Ekna¯th Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Karma- Duty; Mokṣa- Freedom from the cycle of birth and death; Nivṛtti- Renunciation; PravṛttiOrientation towards action; Samādhi- A state of intense concentration and tranquillity; ŚraddhāA religious ritual in the memory of the ancestors performed by the Hindus

Definition Eknāth (A.D. 1533–1599) was one of the leading luminary in the Bhakti tradition. He wrote extensive devotional literature in Marathi, the language spoken in Maharashtra state of India. Thirteenth century have witnessed the phenomenal growth of Marathi Bhakti literature with Jñānaśvara and

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Nāmdev taking the lead, but it received a setback in the fourteenth century till it was revived in the sixteenth century by Eknāth.

Life of Ekna¯th He was born at Paiṭhaṇ, formerly known as Pratiṣṭhāna (presently in Aurangabad district) in a family having Vaiṣṇava tradition. His great grandfather Bhānudāsa was a well-known devotee of Viṭṭhala, the popular deity at Paṇḍharpūr. Eknāth’s parents died within a year of his birth and he was brought up by his grandparents. After completing his learning under the guidance of Swāmī Janārdana, Eknāth settled down as a householder at Paiṭhaṇ and produced extensive religious literature. His house was also a venue of regular Kīrtana, i.e., group singing of devotional songs with religious discourse. His writings are proof of his mastery over Marathi language and Sanskrit scriptures. He led a prosperous life of a householder and continued to be engaged in devotion and enriching the religious literature, thus setting an example of a balance between spiritual and temporal life. His house was always open to everyone including Muslims ([3], p. 45). Though born in a Brahmin family, he did not tamely surrender to the tradition and had broken many social precedence annoying the Brahmin community. He lifted an untouchable child from the hot sand on the bank of the river and also offered food to the Muslims on the occasion of the Śraddhā of his ancestors ([3], pp. 45, 51). He also faced lot of criticism for writing in Marathi and not in Sanskrit as expected of a learned Brahmin. Even his own son turned against him.

Ekna¯th’s Writings Though well versed in Sanskrit, Eknāth choose Marathi as a medium of expression. Among the voluminous works that Eknāth had produced, Eknāthi Bhāgavat and Bhāvārtha Rāmayāṇa are most popular. The former is a long commentary on the eleventh canto of the Bhāgavata

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Māhāpurāṇ and latter is a retelling of the story of the Rāmayāṇa. Though the Vālmīki Rāmayāṇa is the main basis of his Rāmayāṇa, lot of material is also borrowed from the other versions of Rāmayāṇa and the Purāṇas as well. Eknāth died before completing his Rāmayāṇa and it was done by his disciple named Gāvabā. His also wrote Rukmiṇīsvyaṃvara, a poetic story of Rukmiṇī’s marriage with Kṛṣṇa. His other works are Chatuślokī Bhāgavat and Svātmsukha. Apart from these works based on the themes mainly inspired from the Sanskrit texts, he also wrote independent Marathi devotional songs known as Abhaṅga, Bhārud, and Gaulanī. Though differing in style, the content is mostly spiritual and social. He also prepared a critical edition of Jňâneśvari, the Marathi commentary of Jňâneśvar on the Bhagavadgītā. His writings also have a profound influence of Jňâneśvar .

Bhakti in Ekna¯th’s Writings Like most of the Bhakti literature of the period, Eknāth eulogizes Bhakti as a superior way to reach the divine than Jňāna, Karma, and Yoga ([3], p. 77). In Yoga, one has to control the desires, which is very difficult but, in Bhakti one has to just surrender his desires to the God ([3], p. 97). However, the Bhakti that he generally advocates is not devoid of Karma and Jňāna. To illustrate this, he gives an example of the Mahābhārata hero Arjuna, who fought the war, in the state of Samādhi, dedicating all his action to the God ([5], p. 80). Eknāth expresses contempt for an ascetic Yogi, who withdraws from the world and sits in a Samādhi state in isolation ([3], p. 98). He also has a low opinion for those who might have mastered the Vedas but have no devotion in their heart ([3], p. 96). He states that the dictates of the scriptures are only for the ignorant, an accomplished devote need not to follow them ([5], p. 633). He also describes that a devotee who believes that the God resides in the idol is an inferior Bhakta and the Uṭṭam Bhakta, i.e., a superior devotee sees God everywhere, like salt is found everywhere in the oceans ([5], pp. 92–104). Thus

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it is the Jňāna; the state of self realization that makes a superior Bhakta. For Eknāth there is no difference between Saguṇa (the God with attributes) and the Nirguṇa (the God without attributes). The God do not have any physical dimension but appear to the devotees as they imagine him ([5], p. 288). Nirguṇa is reached through Saguṇa ([3], p. 202). For those who can mediate on the God without the aid of idols, the rituals and idols are of no importance ([5], p. 169). The blissful experience of Bhakti is explained by Eknāth as an experience of merging with the divine in intense devotion ([5], p. 25). At the higher stage of Bhakti, there remains no difference between the God and the devotee and the devotee worships himself, this is called “Advaitabhakti” ([5], p. 102). At this stage, the devotee sees God everywhere and remains in the state of Mokṣa (liberation) ([5], p. 100). Thus one can experience the state of Mokṣa even when our soul dwells in this body. The supreme bliss that devotee enjoys while engrossed in devotion is so great that devotee refuses liberation, least it will deprive him of the joy of devotion ([5], p. 228). This spiritual bliss is difficult to explain as it does not have any physical dimension that can be seen by eyes or can be touched by the hands ([5], p. 152). We do find a conflicting message about Pravṛtti (life of action) and Nivṛtti (renunciation) in his writings. His dislike for inactive asceticism and high praise for Arjuna’s action with devotion is already mentioned. At places, however, he says that Sannysā is the best Āshramā, i.e., life of an ascetic is the best ([5], p. 348).

touches a Sannysāsin. Angered at this perceived pollution he hits her. She, however, says that it is the same supreme Brahman which resides inside everyone and all feelings of impurities and doubt vanish when one realises the divine. The feeling of being pure and superior to other is a barrier in achieving the divine ([4], p. 131). He also gives examples of people like Vidura, a character in the Mahābhārata, who was a son of a maid, but became pure due to sincere devotion ([5], p. 537). Eknāth not only extend the divinity and equality to the outcaste like Caṇḍāla but to all creatures like cow, donkey, and dogs and states that it is the same divine which reside inside all creatures ([5], p. 1292). He is also critical of the tradition that prevents women and sūdras to learn the Vedas and states that it is to remove this drawback of the Vedas, Gītā is recited by Kṛṣṇa ([5], p. 1395). Notwithstanding Eknāth’s disregard for the caste in Bhakti, he highly praises the Brahmins. He writes that if a Brahmin had come to hit us, we should lower our head ([5], p. 44). One should never anger a Brahmin as even the God cannot escape a curse of a Brahmin ([5], p. 722). He also adds that no one should be considered inferior or superior based on the nature of their work. Brahmins duty is to conduct Yajña, i.e., sacred sacrifice and sūdra’s duty is to serve the Brahmins are of equal importance ([5], p. 759). He is inclined towards reducing the feeling of superiority based on the caste profession rather than the caste per se. His action like lifting the untouchable child gives an indication that he had a capacity to transcend the social conditioning of his time.

Bhakti and Caste

Response to Islam

Bhakti often becomes a platform to challenge the exclusive privilege of the Brahmins. Eknāth considers a devoted outcaste superior to a Brahmin, who is without devotion ([5], p. 200). In his compositions we find a low-caste person giving spiritual knowledge to a Brahmin ([3], p. 184). To illustrate that spirituality is not an exclusive privilege of anybody, Eknāth narrates an episode in the Bhāvārtha Rāmayāṇa. A prostitute accidently

Expansion of the Islamic rule and the growth of vernacular Bhakti literature run parallel in the Medieval Indian history. The Bhakti poets generally remained silent about Islam and its proselytizing activities. Eknāth, however, in his independent composition “Hindu-Turk Samvād” says that Hindus and Muslims both are made by the God and by forcible conversion the Muslims are working against the wishes of the God ([2],

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p. 124). He says that there is no difference between the God of the Hindus and Muslim and also the Hindus and Muslims are one ([3], p. 194). He calls the God by joint name of Govīnd Mahammad ([3], p. 200). Eknāth suffered humiliation at the hand of a Muslim, who repeatedly spat on him ([1], p. 19). Though the Muslim was won over by the patience, the episode indicates the humiliation and insults that the Hindus are subjected to during Muslim rule. May be due to these kinds of experiences and observations, Eknāth realized the need of having an indigenous rule. During the later phase of his life, he wrote the Bhāvārtha Rāmayāṇa eulogizing the heroism and martial sprit of the epical hero Rāmā. It appears to be deliberate efforts to arouse manliness among the Hindus. Thus he seems to be setting a background for Samartha Rāmadāsa (1608–1681 A.D.), who is more direct and vocal about the atrocities of the Muslim rule.

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Cross-References ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhakti

References 1. Besare KV (1972) Bhavarth Bhagavat. Srimati Malti Dahanukar Trust, Mumbai 2. Deshmukh B (2003) Eknath Vangmay Darshan. Sahitya Academi, New Delhi 3. Deshpande AN (1977) Prachin Marathi Vangmayacha Itihas, Bhag Chautha. Venus Prakashan, Pune 4. Panshikar D (1999) Srisant Eknāthmaharjkrut Sri Bhāvārtha Rāmayāṇa, Kand 1. Yashwant Prakashan, Pune. (First published in 1968) 5. Tandle D (2002) Sarth Sri Eknāthi Bhāgavata. Sarswati Publication, Pune 6. Tulpule SG (1984) Pach Santkavi. Vichar Prakashan Mandal, Pune. (First published in 1948)

Environmental Ethics Maratha Nationalism The Marathi Bhakti saints by instilling the pride of Marathi and Hinduism contributed to the formation of Maratha identity and rise of Maratha nationalism during the medieval India. Eknāth repeatedly refers to mythical Hindu warrior heroes like Paraśurāma, Bhīṣma, and Rāma in his writings. In the Bhāvārtha Rāmayāṇa, he seems to be repeatedly urging the people to come together to release the Gods from the custody of Rāvaṇa and establish Rāmarājyā, the rule of Rāma based on justice ([6], p. 243). The descriptions of the crimes committed by Rāvaṇa, hints that it was an allegory describing injustice done to the Hindus during the contemporary period. ([6], pp. 242–243). Apart from Hinduism, the pride of Marathi was also one of the cementing factors. Eknāth calls Marathi as good as Sanskrit ([3], p. 105). By his multidimensional writings, Eknāth played an important role in shaping the religious, social, and political life of the people of medieval Maharashtra. His devotional songs are still popular.

▶ Bioethics (Hinduism) ▶ Environmentalism (Hinduism)

Environmentalism (Hinduism) Pankaj Jain Department of Humanities & Languages, Philosophy & Religious Studies, The India Centre, FLAME University, Pune, India

Synonyms Ecological ethics; Environmental ethics; Perspectives toward nature

Definition Hindu dharma contains several instances about the worship of natural entities in its sacred texts such as the Vedas, Upanishads, and Puranas. For

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millennia, Hindus have been reciting their mantras to revere the rivers, mountains, trees, animals, and the earth. In the 1970s, when the Chipko (tree hugging) movement arose in the Indian Himalayas, several observers noted its connections with the Hindu traditions [1, 2]. Still, there are several other examples of Hindu action for the environment that are centuries old [3]. The majority of rural Hindu communities are still living their premodern lives and therefore are yet to wake up to the modern environmental movements that started after the 1970s [4].

A Short History Some modern urban Hindu organizations have included environmentalism in their activities. Most of the Hindu organizations that have started in the twentieth or twenty-first century are responding to contemporary ecological problems with modern means much in line with the Western style of activism as predicted or observed by Halbfass [5] and others. (For Indians, preservation [of their traditions] is also an act of responding to the West. In modern times, responding to the Western presence and the global phenomenon of Westernization is no longer a matter of personal choice or preference. Even withdrawal and silence, and affirmation and continuation of traditional forms, are ways of responding. Halbfass [5]). The pioneering edited volume on Hinduism and Ecology was by Christopher [6] containing the articles by participants in the Forum on Religion and Ecology at Harvard University in the late 1990s. The contributors in the volume were from diverse fields such as religious studies, history, geography, anthropology, biology, political science, environmental studies, women’s studies, and Indology. The volume covered several ecological categories such as traditional Hindu concepts of nature, Gandhian notions of an indigenous environmental ethic, the role and view of forests and sacred rivers, and how texts and ritual practice may help in the development of environmental conscience. Another significant feature of this volume was the scope of texts and contexts it covered. Its chapters provided several Sanskrit quotations as

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well as contextual discussions on environmental movements and issues such as the Chipko movement, Narmada valley campaign, and pollution of rivers. Let us glance through these groundbreaking contributions now. In his chapter, Chapple noted that India has the world’s most significant environmental movement, with more than 950 NGOs dedicated to environmental concerns. He also mentioned a subtle dilemma within Hinduism. While the ascetic traditions negate and seek to renounce the world, the householder traditions encourage harmony of human beings with their natural and social worlds. As Narayanan also noted elsewhere [7], these two branches of Hindu practice, observed by a majority of Hindus, can provide ecofriendly perspectives by fostering the development of devotion toward natural resources. Laurie Patton and Lance Nelson, in their respective chapters, continued the discussion about themes in the Hindu world that may be counterproductive to specific contemporary environmental values. One, noted by Patton, was the incidence of animal sacrifice and violence in the Vedic ritual traditions. Similarly, Nelson pointed out that the Bhagavad Gītā dichotomizes humans and nature and, in turn, negates and devalues the natural world. He also edited several chapters on this theme in his edited volume as well [8]. The late Anil Agarwal, one of the pioneers of the environmental movement in India, expressed a similar concern that the traditional focus on self and individuality may discourage social activism needed for ecological causes. In his chapter, Philip Lutgendorf noted that forests were viewed as dark and dangerous places in the Rāmāyaṇa. Kelley Alley observed that the sacred rivers were beyond the notions of cleanliness and pollution. Thus Hindu traditions, in some cases, might not provide an environmentally active guideline for the practitioners. A theme that fully manifests in her monograph later [9]. In their respective chapters, O. P. Dwivedi and K. L. Seshagiri Rao presented the other side of the debate by citing several examples from Sanskrit texts. They argued that Hindu dharmic teachings inspire people to revere and respect nature based on the idea that divinity is omnipresent. Moreover, ahiṃsā, or nonviolence, discourages harming

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natural resources, while notions of karma and rebirth connect humans with the larger animal world. In her chapter, Mary McGee cited the Arthashāstra, attributed to the Mauryan minister Kauṭilya (3rd c. BCE), noting that Hindu kings had the responsibility to protect and manage natural resources, particularly the forests. In her chapter, Ann Gold mentioned a ruler Vansh Pradip Singh who ruled the small kingdom of Sawar in Rajasthan from 1914 to 1947 and passionately cared for his trees. Gold came out with her monograph on this theme [10]. In her chapter, T. S. Rukmani cited the Abhijñānaśākuntalam, probably the bestknown Sanskrit drama, written in the late fourth century by Kālidāsa, to demonstrate a holistic relationship within Hinduism of man and nature. Vinay Lal and Larry Shin both described, in their respective chapters, the lifestyle and values practiced and advocated by Gandhi as a great role model for Indians in particular and the world in general. However, Lal noted that Gandhian practices might be “too deep” and idealistic even for the proponents of “deep ecology” (p. 183). According to Lal, the lifestyle and values that Gandhi practiced were too difficult to be adopted and practiced even by the proponents of deep ecology. Somewhat as a counterpart to Lutgendorf’s argument, David Lee, in his chapter, cited nature-friendly examples from the Rāmāyaṇa. Frederique Apffel-Marglin and Pramod Parajuli, in their co-authored section, argued that moral ecology presented a better alternative than an environmental ethic based on a religious view. According to them, a religious belief often limited itself to the confinement of a particular ideology, unable to bring together people who often share more than one religious traditions, for instance, the villagers in several South Asian villages whose practices are informed by Hinduism, Islam, and local tribal culture. Therefore, they coined the term “ecological ethnicity” that better captured the human-nature relationship based on the secular moral framework, not religious. The next several articles addressed problems related to rivers. While David Haberman specifically dealt with the holy status of the river Yamuna (and published a monograph later on this theme [11]), Chris Deegan, William Fisher, Pratyusha Basu, and Jael Silliman described

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social problems arising from the new environmental situation in the Narmada valley. In the final section of the volume, Madhu Khanna and Vijaya Nagarajan presented the Hindu rituals and their potential for environmental ethics. Khanna described the Durga Puja, which is celebrated by millions of Hindus every year in West Bengal, and Nagarajan analyzed the practice of drawing Kolams in South India. Both these practices have roots of ecofeminism as both celebrate the feminine power of the earth and other Hindu goddesses. However, such methods do not automatically lead to environmental awareness among practitioners. George James concluded the volume by describing the Chipko movement and its underlying impetus, based on the Hindu texts and rituals. James rightly noted Chipko, literally means “to hug,” as one of the first environmental movements of India. Stories from Hindu holy texts such as the Bhagavad Gitā and the Purāṇas were used and recited during the Chipko ecological activism. Ladies tied sacred threads on trees and sung verses from the Bhagavad Purgṇa for several days when one of the Chipko leaders Sunderlal Bahuguna was fasting in one of the critical events of the movement. Bahuguna eventually features in a monograph by James [12]. This volume, with its great breadth and depth, continues to serve as a resource for the students and scholars of Hinduism and ecology. One major issue that did not receive much attention in this volume was the eating habits of Hindus. Given the recent focus to meat-eating as a major cause for global warming, Hindu vegetarian dietary preference remains to be examined for their ecological impact. Detailed research about the environmental work done by global Hindu organizations is still missing.

Modern Hindu NGOs and Their Ecological Projects One of the most widely known Hindu movements, Ramakrishna Mission, founded by Swami Vivekananda (1862–1902), is wellknown for its social work. Kamala Chowdhry describes its 37 Forest Protection Committees in

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West Bengal ([13], p. 139). These committees have helped stop the pilfering and illicit felling of trees. The members of these committees, mostly wage laborers and pastoralists, work together to protect the local forests and use the local natural resources responsibly. Similarly, the works of Swami Vivekananda indirectly inspired, under the leadership of Anna Hazare, one of the most visible movements for ecological restoration in Maharashtra [14]. Similarly, the teachings of Sri Aurobindo (1872–1950) inspired the founding of a community near Pondicherry in South India called Auroville in which ecological restoration and progress toward sustainability have been central goals [15]. Another global Hindu organization, BAPS Swaminarayan Sanstha, declares several environmental initiatives it has undertaken, such as seven million aluminum cans and 5000 t of paper collected for recycling, 1.5 million trees planted in 2170 villages, 5475 wells recharged in 338 communities, solar energy and biogas used at its temples, and 497 Rain Harvesting Projects completed. For their various livestock projects, BAPS cattle farms have been awarded 34 National Livestock Awards (as reported on https://www.swaminarayan.org/ activities/environmental/). Across the world, several BAPS temples have installed solar panels and other hi-tech appliances to cut down their fossil fuel consumption and CO2 emissions. They have also participated in local Earth Day celebrations and river cleanup efforts in California and other places across the world. One of the newest global Hindu movements, Art of Living, headed by its founder Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, has developed biodynamic farming propagated by Sri Sri Mobile Agricultural Institute. It has trained the farmers to revert to organic agriculture, to plant more trees, and to adopt soil and water conservation measures. It particularly promotes the introduction of organic farming techniques, such as vermicomposting and the use of natural pesticides, biofertilizers, and effective microorganisms (as reported on https://www. artofliving.org/in-en/rural-development-case-stud ies/organic-farming). Similarly, the All India Movement for Seva, founded by late Swami Dayananda Saraswati, has included green energy

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projects and organic farming in the Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, and Maharashtra as reported on https:// www.aimforseva.org/green-aims/. Another recent Hindu guru Amma, “the hugging saint,” has inspired Green Initiatives. They engage in tree planting and the maintenance of plants. Its members also practice eco-meditation, a method of re-establishing the vitally important harmony between nature and humanity. Through the Amrita Vanam (Amrita Forests) Project, they undertake large-scale forestation projects in conjunction with State Forestry Departments. Every November, they distribute and plant 100,000 saplings in the state of Kerala. They also aim to restore the lost tradition of the Kerala manor garden, comprising a grove, a pond, and a shrine, as reported on http://Amma.org/global-charities/ green-initiatives. Ecological initiatives by the Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University (BKWSU) are focused on renewable energy at their headquarters in Mount Abu, Rajasthan. Their research and development program comprises the following technologies: hybrid alternative energy systems, passive solar architecture, photovoltaic power packs, solar hot water plants, solar steam cooking systems, and water recycling technologies. They have also collaborated with various Indian and European agencies sources to conduct their research as reported on https://www.environment.brahmakumaris.org/. In 1995, American Sai Organization, an establishment by Sathya Sai Baba, launched a program called “The Earth – Help Ever Hurt Never.” The list of the projects involved reusing or recycling the batteries, eyeglasses, junk mail, papers, shopping bags, greeting cards, and shoes. Besides, it promoted the vegetarian diet and launched a treeplanting campaign as reported on https://us. sathyasai.org/tehehn/tehehn.html. Another Hindu movement, Gayatri Parivar, organized a river-cleaning operation on the banks of Har kī Pauri, Haridwar, on October 26, 2005. The Governor of Uttaranchal, head of All World Gayatri Parivar Pranav Pandya, and students, teachers, and volunteers of their various institutes removed 50 trucks of waste material from the riverbed. On another occasion, in Khammam district,

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Andhra Pradesh, Gayatri Parivar invited Sunderlal Bahuguna to spread the message in 24 local schools to celebrate the Holi festival without burning the trees and bushes. There is an increasing focus to celebrate other Hindu festivals in an ecofriendly way, as reported on https://www.awgp. org/social_initiative/environmental. In Orissa, the Sacred Gift builds on the people’s devotion to Lord Jagannath – an essential element of Orissan culture for at least 2000 years – and aims to set up three forest conservation zones, each incorporating about ten villages situated in state-owned forestlands. Since 2000, each village has had a Forest Protection Committee to promote joint forest management based around practical incentives and employment schemes. In 2001, the local communities developed a management plan in collaboration with the Alliance for Religions and Conservation. By mid-2007, 2369 ha were earmarked for plantation under the Shri Jagannath Vana Prakalpa Forest Project as reported on https://www.arcworld.org/projects. asp?projectID¼337. A key feature of Hindu environmental work is its focus on animals, especially the “holy cow,” as noted by Lodrick [16].

Hindus and Their Bovine Dharma Shree Sumati Jeev Raksha Kendra is a prominent cattle sanctuary among thousands of such centers in India. It is located adjacent to the town of Malgaon in Sirohi District (also see http://www. Pavapuri.com). This campus is developed by K. P. Sanghvi Group, and it comprises a Jain Temple Complex and Animal Welfare Center. The center, established in 1998, takes care of sick, injured, old, retired, homeless, and rescued stray cattle, dogs, and donkeys. The institute has a gośālā (cattle sanctuary) that is spread over more than 7 million square feet area that takes care of more than 5000 stray cattle. The center employs more than 150 persons, including few veterinary doctors, to look after the animals. Cow’s milk is used for rituals at the adjacent temple complex, and the garden in the shelter premises provides flowers for the temple. According to Ramavtar Aggarwal, secretary of the All India Gośālā Federation,

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there are more than 3000 Gośālās in India and Sumati Center at Pavapuri is one of the biggest. Another organization called Love4Cow maintains a nationwide list of Gośālās. The Hindu reported a Gośālā Satyam Śivam Sundaram Gaunivas at Gaganpahad near Hyderabad (July 5, 2005). Considered South India’s biggest cattle shelter and managed by the Shiv Mandir Goshala set up by jeweler-turned-philanthropist, Dharam Raj Ranka, the shelter houses over 2000 cows rescued from slaughterhouses in addition to 200 bulls. Justice Guman Mal Lodha, an ex-lawmaker of the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party, during his tenure as the chairperson of the National Commission on Cattle, published a detailed report to ban cow slaughter in India and submitted to the Union Government of India. The report, in four volumes, called for stringent laws to protect the cow and its progeny in the interest of India’s rural economy. Lodha moved close to a national ban on cow slaughter in India, although most states except Kerala had already banned it long ago.

Dharmic Ecology of Swadhyayis The Swadhyaya movement arose in the midtwentieth century in Western India as a new religious movement led by its founder, the late Pandurang Shastri Athavale. The concept of dharma can be successfully applied as an overarching term for the sustainability of the ecology, environmental ethics, and the religious lives of Swadhyayis. Dharma synthesizes their way of life with environmental ethics based on its multidimensional interpretations. In July 1979, Athavale gave practical shape to his dharmic ecology, when he inaugurated the first tree-temple at village Kalavad in Rajkot district in Gujarat. It was named Yājñavalkya Upavan, an orchard named after the Vedic sage Yājñavalkya. There were 6000 trees planted here. So far, followers of Athavale have created about two dozen such tree-temples in Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Andhra Pradesh. Villagers nurture them throughout the year. They frequent tree-temples not as gardeners but as devotees. The orchard becomes their temple, and nurturing the plants becomes

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their devotion. The fruits or other products collected of such farms are treated as prasāda, divine gift. The income generated from selling such fruits is either distributed among needy families or saved for future such prayogs. Athavale had repeatedly emphasized that the primary goal of Swadhyaya is to transform human society based on the Upanishadic concept of “Indwelling God.” According to him, since the Almighty resides in everybody, one should develop a sense of spiritual self-respect irrespective of materialistic prestige or possessions. In addition to one’s dignity, the concept of “Indwelling God” also helps transcend the divisions of class, caste, and religion, and Athavale urged his followers to develop the Swadhyaya community based on the idea of “brotherhood of humans under the fatherhood of God.” Activities of Swadhyaya are woven around this primary principle, which in turn are also aimed at the Indian cultural renaissance. Although environmentalism is neither the means nor the goal of Swadhyaya’s activities, natural resources such as the earth, the water, the trees, and the cattle are revered and nurtured by Swadhyayis based on this understanding. Environmentalism does come out as an essential byproduct of its multifaceted activities, and this was noted by a 1992 conference in Montreal where Swadhyaya was invited to present its ecological philosophy and work.

Dharmic Ecology of Bishnois While media and scholars have celebrated Indian women environmentalists and activists such as Medha Patkar, Arundhati Roy, Gaura Devi, and Vandana Shiva, among others, the story of Indian ecofeminism, as of today, rarely mentions Amrita Devi. According to my Bishnoi informants, she led a massive sacrifice for the protection of trees in September 1730 in the village of Khejadali, near Jodhpur. As many as 363 Bishnoi men and women, led by Amrita Devi, sacrificed their lives to protect the khejari trees from the soldiers of the king Abhay Singh of Jodhpur. The names and villages of the 363 people who died here are

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recorded by Mangilal Rao and Bhagirathrai Rao, two men from Mehlana village of Jodhpur district. Both worked for 2 years from 1976 to 1977 to gather this information from traditional writings. The Raos have been traditional recorders of historical events in Rajasthan since ancient times. From their research, it is revealed that people from 49 villages sacrificed their lives, 294 of them were men, and 69 were women, and 36 of them were married couples, including one newly married one who was passing by Khejadali village when the massacre was taking place. This event is believed to have taken place on September 9, 1730. On September 12, 1978, the corresponding day, according to the lunar Hindu calendar, a large fair was held at Khejadali for the first time to commemorate the massacre, which now has become an annual celebration. Contemporary Bishnois continue to celebrate this 1730 incident by actively protecting and preserving their natural resources and animals as reported by several media outlets. In a well-known incident, the Hindi film actor Salman Khan was sentenced to 5-year imprisonment for killing a blackbuck on September 26, 1998, the sacred antelope of the Bishnois (The New York Times November 29, 1998). This has been possible primarily due to the active involvement of Bishnois in the entire legal process. Similarly, in January 2007, local Bishnois of the village Agneyu in Bikaner filed complaints against another film producer when a horse died at the sets. Likewise, on March 14, 2008, the Akhil Bhartiya Jeev Raksha Bishnoi Sabha (All Indian Bishnoi Assembly for the Protection of All Creatures) demanded the ouster of Indian cricketer Mahendra Singh Dhoni for sacrificing an animal (New India Press March 14, 2008). In October 1999, Bishnois surrounded the local police station in Churu, Rajasthan, after more than 20 Indian gazelles and 3 peacocks were found dead near the village of Sansatwar. Authorities had to suspend the local police officers for their alleged negligence in failing to prevent these killings (BBC News October 28, 1999). Another episode of their ecological activism comes from Abohar Wildlife Sanctuary. Its Divisional Forest Officer regularly depends on the local Bishnoi community in the night,

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patrolling against the poachers (The Times of India June 8, 2003). In Haryana, also, Bishnois are often first to report poaching incidents (The Times of India, January 12, 2003). Like other Bishnoi examples, his mission is to save and protect animals that are injured by accidents or by hunters (The Times of India April 11, 2006). Whenever a deer or blackbuck or any other animal or bird is injured, people call Gurvindar Bishnoi for help. He rushes at the location, takes the wounded animal to the hospital, and takes other legal action if necessary against the hunter. He had also produced a video documentary about Bishnois and Jambheśvara. This institution is inspired by Amar Thāt, an animal shelter institution mentioned in one of the verses by Jambheśvara’s disciple Udojī Naina. Naina stated that the goats should be looked after, and bullocks should not be castrated. Jambheśvara prohibited keeping goats as pets and ordained against the slaughter of goats and sheep by asking by whose sanction do butchers kill sheep and goats? Since even a prick by a thorn is extremely painful to human beings, is it proper to indulge in those killings? These animals should be treated as their kith and kin and should not be harmed in any way. As a rule, following the Holi festival, villagers participate in a public auction to take care of the animal sanctuary for the next year. P. Sivaram, a sociologist at the National Institute of Rural Development, Hyderabad, conducted a study of two Bishnoi villages in the Luni block of Jodhpur district in 2000. The respondents mentioned that they were staunch followers of 29 foundational Bishnoi principles about dharma, nonviolence, vegetarianism, and nature protection, due to which their cattle population, green patches, and soil fertility have increased. Based on these benefits, Bishnois were more prosperous than in other communities. He also found several sacred groves in the villages managed by Bishnois, including some that were claimed to be about 400 years old. Sacred groves, of course, are a pan-Indian phenomenon, as noted by Eliza Kent in her monograph [17]. Based on several examples of environmentalism practiced by Bishnois, it is evident that the

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religious charisma of their founder, guru Jambheśvara, has successfully endured over the last several centuries. Bishnois effectively act as a deterrent against the hunting expeditions by outsiders. The deer and other animals tend to concentrate near Bishnoi houses during the late afternoons and early evenings that are the typical times for hunting. Jambheśvara also offered traditional interpretations of Hindu myths and legends without any major reinterpretation or reconstruction. He simply reinforced the powerful influence of the term “dharma” among his followers. Introducing his autobiography, Mahatma Gandhi mentioned, like Gandhi, Jambheśvara also saw morality, ethics, and spirituality intertwined. For example, in his 72nd preaching, he emphasized that only moral virtues such as truthfulness, honesty, and compassion evict the evil from a human and transform oneself into a real human being. In his 11th, 23rd, 77th, 99th, 106th, and several other teachings, he emphasized moral actions as a prerequisite for religious life [3]. Overall, we see an overlap of religious, personal, and ecological attitudes in these Bishnoi examples, and also that the term “dharma” is used interchangeably to refer to one’s religion, duty, and sociopolitical order of the universe, both by the founder and the followers of the Bishnoi community. Most of the Bishnois are barely aware of the Western scientific discourse about “global warming” or “biodiversity.” For the Bishnoi, a tradition based on the words and life of their guru is sufficient to take up the cause of environmentalism. This is much beyond the recognition of bio-divinity based on the Hindu cosmology or Hindu texts. I have noted a clear evolution from the textual or ritualistic reverence for trees and animals toward practical everyday implementation of ecological activism. Thus, Bishnoi serves as one of the most potent examples of environmentalism that is rooted in their dharmic tradition. Unlike other religious movements, the dharma of Bishnois is not just limited to their religious rituals or scriptures. Still, it includes natural resources beyond their sacred sites, as is evident from the examples of their sacrifices done in the farmlands of their villages.

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Dharma and Religion From all the examples mentioned above, we find that several modern Hindu organizations have begun adapting to the environmental problems in their ways. Although Hindu traditions already present examples of reverence for trees, mountains, rivers, and other natural resources in their scriptures and rituals, only recently, new movements have been able to connect the rituals with environmentalism, as evident from the above examples. Modern organizations have already begun “becoming green,” and their ecological initiatives are primarily driven by their awareness about ecological issues. Their environmentalism is a conscious response to the problem. On the other hand, Bishnois and Swadhyayis have continued to practice their traditional lives not as a response to the modern ecological problems but because of their inspiration driven from their myths, legends, and teachings by their gurus. Most of the contemporary Hindu organizations that have included environmentalism as a distinct category in their plan are also modeled as a “new religious movement” rooted in “religion” as a separate category. Since the environmentalism of Swadhyayis and Bishnois appears different from the modern organizations, we can theorize these latter case studies using the Indic concept of dharma. We can call the environmental practices of Swadhyayis and Bishnois as dharmic ecology. Rather than motivated by the new scientific awareness of ecological issues, dharmic ecology reflects the traditional environmental knowledge of these communities, which have been more effective than governmental initiatives, as I noted above. Frederique Apffel-Marglin and Pramod Parajuli have argued that despite the recognition of bio-divinity in the Hindu texts and traditions, “Hinduism (or any other religion) cannot offer the solution for contemporary environmental crisis” [18]. My survey of modern organizations above seems to concur with this assertion. Most Hindu organizations had to adapt themselves to the current environmental issues. Without the conscious reinterpretations of their traditions,

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their religious underpinnings did not automatically provide all the solutions needed to respond to the impending ecological crisis. However, my study of Swadhyayis and Bishnois presents alternative environmentalism that is rooted in the dharmic traditions of these communities who have successfully preserved and even developed new ecological resources. Apffel-Marglin and Parajuli suggest that since the religions tend to separate sacred from profane, they cannot present a comprehensive framework that can inspire the local level collective initiatives that can assume the moral responsibilities for the social and ecological justice. Most Asian traditions, such as Shintoism, Daoism, and Hinduism, are rooted in quite different frameworks, unlike Western religious foundations [19]. Swadhyayis and Bishnois present this dharmic ethos as an alternative to the social-ecological framework suggested by Ramachandra Guha [20]. Since duty and ethics are integral components of dharma, dharmic ecology includes moral ecology that Apffel-Marglin and Parajuli suggest [18]. Apffel-Marglin and Parajuli further present Gandhi as an emblem of moral ecology but fail to note that Gandhi’s moral inspiration was deeply rooted in his dharma based on Hindu teachings such as nonviolence, truthfulness, and celibacy. Thus, the dharma that includes ethics, morality, duties, and religion should be given serious attention to environmentalism in India. McKim Marriott has suggested that dharma can be an ethnosociological category to study and analyze the Indic world that frequently transgresses the realm of religion, environmental ethics, and human social order, as is evident from my case studies of Swadhyayis and Bishnois. Swadhyayis and Bishnois use dharma to mean both their religious practices and their socio-ecological duties. The word dharma can be effectively used to translate the environmental awareness to reach out to the local communities of Hindus based on its meanings related to duties, ecological order, sustenance, virtues, righteousness, and religion. Rural Hindu communities such as Swadhyayis and Bishnois are different from other modern Hindu environmental NGOs and the Chipko

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movement. The activists of the Chipko movement were conscious about their survival needs derived from their surrounding forests, but for Bishnois and Swadhyayis, protection and maintenance of their natural resources are more dharmic than economic. When Bishnois save a blackbuck, their inspiration is based on the dharmic teachings of their guru. Swadhyayis build new tree-temples, and millions of other rural Hindus protect their sacred groves with similar motivations. Essentially, it is a series of processes for incorporating innovations into the culture and validating them. Thus, the charisma of gurus could include their changes and confirm them based on traditional interpretations. These examples seem to match Milton Singer’s conclusion, “Indian civilization is becoming more ‘modern’ without becoming less ‘Indian’” ([21], p. 247).

Notes Portions of this entry have earlier appeared in the book Dharma and Ecology of Hindu Communities (2011, 2016). Routledge’s permission to republish is gratefully acknowledged. Some portions also appeared in “Dharmic Ecology: Perspectives from the Swadhyaya Practitioners,” in Worldviews 13 (2009) 305–320. Permission from Brill is also gratefully acknowledged.

References 1. James GA (2000) Ethical and religious dimensions of Chipko resistance. In: Chapple CK, Tucker ME (eds) Hinduism and ecology: the intersection of earth, sky, and water. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2. Kent E (2016) Hinduism and environmentalism in modern India. In: Hatcher BA (ed) Hinduism in the contemporary world. Taylor & Francis/Routledge, New York, pp 290–308 3. Jain P (2011) Dharma and ecology of Hindu communities: sustenance and sustainability. Ashgate, Farnham 4. Tomalin E (2009) Bio-divinity and bio-diversity: the limits to religious environmentalism. Ashgate, Aldershot 5. Halbfass W (1988) India and Europe: an essay in understanding. State University of New York Press, Albany

493 6. Chapple CK, Tucker ME (2000) Hinduism and ecology: the intersection of earth, sky, and water. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 7. Narayanan V (1997) “One tree is equal to ten sons”: Hindu responses to the problems of ecology, population, and consumption. J Am Acad Relig 65(2):291 8. Nelson L (1998) Purifying the earthly body of God: religion and ecology in Hindu India. SUNY Press, Albany 9. Alley K (2002) On the banks of the Ganga: when wastewater meets a sacred river. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 10. Gold AG, Gujar BR (2002) In the time of trees and sorrows: nature, power, and memory in Rajasthan. Duke University Press, Durham 11. Haberman DL (2006) River of love in an age of pollution: the Yamuna River of Northern India. University of California Press, Berkeley 12. James GA (2014) Ecology is permanent economy: the activism and environmental philosophy of Sunderlal Bahuguna. State University of New York Press, Albany 13. Paranjape M (2005) Dharma and development: the future of survival. Samvad India Foundation, Delhi 14. Pangare G, Pangare V (1992) From poverty to plenty: the story of Ralegan Siddhi. Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage, New Delhi 15. Sullivan WM (1994) The dawning of Auroville. Auroville Press, Auroville 16. Lodrick DO (1981) Sacred cows, sacred places: origins and survivals of animal homes in India. University of California Press, Berkeley 17. Kent EF (2013) Sacred groves and local gods: religion and environmentalism in South India. Oxford University Press, New York 18. Apffel-Marglin F, Parajuli P (2000) ‘Sacred Grove’ and ecology: ritual and science. In: Chapple CK, Tucker ME (eds) Hinduism and ecology: the intersection of earth, sky, and water. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, pp 291–316 19. Sanford AW (2007) Pinned on Karma Rock: whitewater kayaking as religious experience. J Am Acad Relig 75(4):875–895 20. Guha R (2006) How much should a person consume? Environmentalism in India and the United States. University of California, Berkeley 21. Singer M (1972) When a great tradition modernizes: an anthropological approach to Indian civilization. Praeger, New York

Epigraphy ▶ Cōḻa Dynasty ▶ Pallava Dynasty

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Epigraphy (Hinduism) Lavanya Vemsani Department of Social Sciences, Shawnee State University, Portsmouth, OH, USA

Epigraphic records are found as short and long inscription in India. Inscriptions are used as public notices since the Maurya Age in India. Ashokan inscriptions are found across India from Afghanistan to Karnataka. Most later inscriptions are not as widely spread geographically, but similar in nature, and occur frequently. Public works of social and religious importance were notably memorialized in the inscriptions of India. It is also not uncommon to issue inscriptions of one’s biographical details as noted in the case of Kalinga emperor Kharavela’s inscription and the Prasasti inscriptions of Gupta emperors Samudragupta, Chandragupta, etc. However, numerous inscriptions given by common donors, not just the royal patrons, are found in the temples of Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain centers providing important information to understand early history of India, both social and cultural. The Gosundi inscription, the Mora well inscription, and other inscriptions from Rajasthan (near Chittore), Madhya Pradesh, and Maharashtra (Nanaghat) refer to the worship of Krishna as Bhagavan. The frequency of inscriptions increases with the Gupta Empire (325 C.E onwards), and Gupta emperors referred to themselves as parama bhagavata, indicating their devotion to Bhagavan, clearly established as Krishna as supreme deity by the third century CE. Pallava, Chalukya, and Chola inscriptions provide information about society and religion. Local councils in Chola villages, called Ur and Nadu, recorded information about elections to the local bodies, activities of the council, and sale of property in their villages. Thus, Chola inscriptions provide immense data about the social and cultural life of southern India between tenth and thirteenth centuries CE. Early evidence of Bhagavata tradition comes from Northwest and Central India (Rajastan,

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Maharashtra, and Madhya Pradesh) in the form of short stone inscriptions commemorating temple construction. The most familiar inscription is the Garuda Pillar inscription of Besnagar (Madhya Pradesh) dated to 200 BCE. It states that the inscription is issued by Bhagavata Heliodorus, a Greek ambassador of Taxila, to commemorate the establishment of a Garuda Pillar in honor of Vaasudeva (Krishna). Another inscription obtained from the same place and temple bears the inscription that a king named Bhagavata established a Garuda Pillar in front of the Bhagavant temple to mark his 12th regal year. The next inscription comes from Ghosundi, near Nagari (Rajasthan). This inscription records that the Bhagavata king Sarvatata built Narayana vatika (encloser for Narayana) for the gods Samkarsana and Vaasudeva. This can be a place of worship for Bhagavatas. It is also notable that the king refers to himself as Bhagavata while referring to the god as Narayana. Association of these names, Bhagavan, and Narayana with Vishnu and Vaasudeva (Krishna) is already established by the references in Satapatha Brahmana. Hence these early inscriptions might help understand that the deities Bhagavan and Narayana could be identified with Krishna. Another inscription from Pratapgarh from Chittorgarh district of Rajasthan (not far from Besnagar) dated to 200 BCE mentions that Saca Bhagavata erected a pillar. Nanaghat cave inscription (Maharashtra) of Satavahana queen Nayanika dated to 100 BCE begins with the invocation to Samkarsana, Vaasudeva identified with Balarama and Krishna, respectively. These inscriptions range over 100 years before the turn of the first millennium, and span across a large geographical area, at least one-third of the area of modern India. Considering the fact that any such evidence for most of the deities in this early period is lacking, the inscriptions, almost four in number, which are more than 2300 years old, and come from an extensive geographical area, may indicate significant following and devotion for Krishna. Several punch-marked coins as well as an Indo-Greek coin of King Agathocles depict Krishna and Balarama, which may also indicate the popular devotion for Krishna. This evidence supports

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that an early devotional tradition centered on Krishna, known, as Bhagavata tradition existed in northern and central India during the second half of the first millennium BCE.

Further Reading Sircar DC (1996 [1978]) Indian epigraphy. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi Vemsani L (2016) Krishna in History, Thought, and Culture: Encyclopedia of the Hindu Lord of Many Names. ABC-Clio, Santa Barbara, CA. USA

Epistemology ▶ Nyāya

Europe, Hinduism in Marianne Qvortrup Fibiger Department of the Study of Religion, School of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark

Synonyms Hinduism in diaspora; Hindus in Europe; Indian culture in Europe; Indian religions in Europe

Definition In this entry, the term “Hinduism in Europe” will be used to refer to various aspects of Hinduism(s) in a European setting. The entry adopts a polythetic understanding of Hinduism and makes/has a broad point of departure, taking Hinduism as a religious, cultural, and ethnic category into account as well as Hindu practices, tropes, world views, and life views which have become part of the European cultural landscape.

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Hinduism in Europe Hinduism is the third-largest religion in the world (there are around one billion Hindus). The religion is concentrated primarily in South Asia, but the Hindu diaspora – not least in Europe – has been growing since the beginning of the nineteenth century and particularly within the last 50 years. The number of Hindus in diaspora today is estimated to be around eight million, at least 1.3 million of whom live in Europe [48]. This makes the Hindus one of the largest religious minorities on the European continent. But Hinduism in Europe is not only represented by about two million Hindu immigrants or by the two to five generations of Hindu descendants living in Europe. It is also represented by people with a European background who have either converted to Hinduism (there are relatively few of these, because it is traditionally not possible to convert) or who are members of one of the many new religions that are related to or inspired by Hinduism [14]. More indirectly, Hinduism may also be embodied by people who have a Hindu guru or people who are simply attracted to some of the elements that can be categorized as part of the Hindu tradition based on a polythetic [19, 21, 27, 31, 34] understanding of Hinduism. Yoga is the most obvious of these components, but there is increasing interest in other elements as well: tantra, Ayurvedic medicine and treatment methods, a belief in reincarnation, the use of Hindu tropes such as karma, and Hindu symbols used to decorate houses or in children’s maṇḍala coloring books [3, 10, 12, 18, 20]. Hinduism in Europe is also visible by temples and shrines and in Hindu processions [22] around temples in particular. But organized cultural and religious events such as Diwali and Holī, Indian dance, and Indian food are also visible markers of the presence of Hinduism in Europe, attracting many people who have no other affiliation to Hindu traditions. In this way, Hinduism is becoming an integrated part of the European cultural landscape. Hinduism in Europe is now organized in various umbrella organizations such as the recently founded Hindu Forum in Europe. These have

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primarily been established for the purpose of promoting a Hindu identity among diaspora communities across the European Union and the rest of Europe. This new initiative shows the importance for many Hindus of keeping up the Hindu tradition and maintaining their relationship with their place of origin (mostly India) in the European setting. This overview entry will be structured accordingly to the above polythetic viewpoint on Hinduism in Europe and will include both a diachronic and a synchronic dimension [25, 28]. Firstly, it will give a very brief historical overview of the presence of Hinduism in Europe. It will mainly focus on Germany as the first European country to show significant interest in the Vedic and other Hindu scriptures. Secondly, it will present Hinduism in contemporary time. This last section will be into two parts: (a) Hinduism represented in Europe by people of Hindu origin and new religions and (b) Hinduism represented in Europe by various forms of practice such as alternative views on life and by Hindu tropes, which in many ways have become a natural part of a European lifestyle and discourse [14, 17, 18]. For anyone interested in a broader overview on Hinduism in Europe, a two-volume handbook on the topic will be published by Brill in 2018 or 2019, edited by Jacobsen and Sardella. This entry will have two parts: the first part will contain articles about all the countries in Europe, and the second part will be thematic and contain a number of articles on themes ranging from Hinduism taught in schools among Hindu children to yoga, karma, and Ayurvedic healing practices.

Hinduism in Europe: A Brief Historical Overview The Growing Interest in Indology and Hindu Scriptures: Indirect Representation The European encounter with the religious traditions that are now identified as Hindu goes back to antiquity [1], but it was not until the seventeenth to eighteenth century that a broader intellectual interest came into being. This had a crucial impact

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on the interest in Hinduism not only as an exotic other but also as something that could inspire and challenge Western thinking and world views. The first mover on the European continent was Germany. Here a few important representatives of German Romanticism were very attracted by Hindu and Buddhist texts – not least their presentation of the paradoxes of life being duhkha and māyā. One of the best-known German Romantics was Arthur Schopenhauer (1788–1860), who was among the first thinkers in Western philosophy to share and affirm significant tenets of Eastern philosophy [2]. Within the Hindu tradition, he was especially inspired by the Upaniṣhads and the Bhagavad Gītā. But long before Schopenhauer integrated some of the Indian philosophical thinking into his own, the philological interest in mastering Sanskrit and other Indian languages was present. The first German scholar of Sanskrit was Heinrich Roth (1620–1668), who was taught and later mastered Sanskrit language during his stay in India. Friedrich von Schlegel (1772–1829) was another Indologist who studied not only Indian languages but also Indian literature and philosophy. Ultimately, this growing interest in India and its culture led to the foundation of the study of Indology and comparative linguistics at German universities. Friedrich von Schlegel’s brother, August Wilhelm von Schlegel, became the first professor of Sanskrit at the University of Bonn in 1819 [41]. The first Sanskrit book printed in Germany was the Bhagavad Gītā (around 1820), accompanied by a translation into Latin by August Wilhelm Schlegel himself. Friedrich Max Müller (1823–1900) might be one of the best-known German scholars of Indology. He translated many of the Indian holy texts, including part of the Ṛg Veda, and through his work with Indian religions and his reading of Goethe’s (1749–1832) philosophies of languages, he became one of the first comparativists within philology and subsequently within the study of religion. Though educated in Leipzig, Berlin, and Paris, he spent most of his academic career in Oxford, where he was appointed to the chair of comparative philology in 1868. It was in Oxford

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that he completed his edition of the Ṛg Veda Samhitā in 1873 (6 vols. 1849–1873) [24]. The development of Indology in Germany was closely followed by a similar development in other European countries such as Britain and Denmark, where university chairs were also set up. Today, Indology is taught at 12 German universities, and some of the faculties are over two centuries old. With regard to the situation in Britain, it might be worth mentioning Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765–1837). After a long stay in Bengal in India, in 1823, he became the founder of the Asiatic Society in London, which was the British counterpart of the Asiatic Society of Calcutta. Among other works, he published On the Religion and Philosophy of the Hindus in 1858. Colebrooke is regarded as the father of Sanskrit studies in Britain [30]. Direct Representation by Hindu Migration to Europe In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Hindu scholars and Hindu gurus visited Europe sporadically; but Hindus also came to Europe (especially Britain) for educational purposes. In this connection, it is clearly worth mentioning Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869–1948), who did not only play a key role in the struggle for Indian independence. His story also shows how the first cultural encounters between Hindus visiting Europe and Europeans themselves had an impact on both parties. It was in London, where Gandhi trained as a barrister, that he became acquainted with the Bhagavad Gītā in English translation, but he also inspired some of the local theosophists there. Shortly after World War II, the first major groups of Hindu migrants came to Europe, but especially in the late 1960s and early 1970s, large waves of Hindus came to Europe either directly from India or from East Africa after the nationalization of the former British colonies there (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania). Many of the Hindus traveling from East Africa held a British Commonwealth passport allowing them to settle down in Britain [7]; but quite a few also settled

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down elsewhere in Europe, where jobs were available owing to industrial growth. A second major wave of Hindu migration took place from 1983 onward, when the escalating conflict in Sri Lanka made Sri Lankan Tamils flee to Europe. They were mostly men, and they were categorized as ipso facto refugees. During the 1990s, they were reunited with their families, who had been left behind, or married Sri Lankan Tamil women and began to settle down. Many of these Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus now live in Germany, Switzerland, France, Norway, Denmark, and Britain. Most of the Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus are refugees not migrants, and most of them have become European citizens. For instance, roughly 75% of the 11,000-plus Sri Lankan Tamils living in Denmark are now Danish citizens, while only 25% of the roughly 12,000 people from an Indian background are Danish citizens. This might be the reason why there in Denmark is only one Indian Hindu temple but eight Sri Lankan Tamil Hindu temples [15]. Most of the Indian Hindus migrated directly either from India or from East or South Africa, with the Netherlands attracting a particularly large group from Surinam. Here we find around 215,000 Hindus out of a population of 17,000,000 [46]. Most of these Hindus are relatively recent first- or second-generation IndoSurinamese immigrants. What is of particular interest in relation to understanding the large variety of Hinduism (s) represented by people of an Indian (North, South, West, and East), Nepalese, Balinese, Afghan, or Sri Lankan background is that these different groups of Hindus in Europe today still draw a distinction between themselves depending on their ethnic and cultural affiliation and heritage. This preservation of difference is also evident in the temples – not only in terms of architecture, mūrtis, pūjā time, and form and second language used but also in terms of the upholding and celebration of different religious festivals. For instance, some Hindus regard Diwali as the most important festival during the year, while others would point to Mahā Śivarātri or Navarātri.

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Hinduism in Europe in Contemporary Time Hinduism in Europe Total population 65,407,609 74,510,241

% of Hindus 0% 0%

Total % of Hindus 0% 0%

Region Hindus Balkans 0 Central 163 Europe Eastern 212,821,296 717,101 0.337% 0.076% Europe Western 375,832,557 1,313,640 0.348% 0.138% Europe Total 728,571,703 2,030,904 0.278% 0.214% Refs. [49, 50]

Hinduism Represented by People of Hindu Origin or in New Religions As referred to in the historical overview, the primary groups of people from a Hindu origin living in contemporary Europe are either of Indian or Sri Lankan origin; but there are also a number from a Nepalese, Afghan, or Balinese background. Many of the Indian Hindus may be part of a “double diaspora,” having moved first from India to an African state in the late nineteenth century or early twentieth century and then from Africa to Europe in the late 1950s onward. These people have a different relationship to what is understood as their “homeland” than migrants traveling directly from India to Europe. And the same may also be true with regard to their relationship to the Hindu tradition. It is very difficult to draw an overall picture of Hinduism in Europe because migration patterns, migration policies, the number of Hindus, and the timespan for the presence of migrated Hindus vary from country to country. In order to present an overall picture of the distribution of migrant Hindus, only a few countries will be mentioned. In contemporary Europe, Britain has the largest number of Hindu migrants (roughly 390,000 in 2012) [42, 43, 45]. The Netherlands is second on the list with more than 200,000 Hindus, most of whom have migrated from Surinam (see above), and Germany is third with an estimated 90,000

people of Hindu origin (roughly 42,000–45,000 Sri Lankan Tamils 35,000–40,000 of Indian background, and 7,000–10,000 Afghan Hindus). Germany is also home to slightly more than 7,500 people of German origin who were defined as Hindus by REMID in 2011 [44]. Using a polythetic definition of Hinduism, people who are members of Hindu-related new religious groups can also be added to these figures. From a polythetic point of view, it is also important to include the so-called new religions which are inspired by Hinduism or which have a Hindu guru as their pivot. Here are some of the most influential Hindu gurus who have had (and still have) an impact on the Hindu or Hinduinspired landscape in contemporary Europe: Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (1917–2008), the founder of transcendental meditation [47]; Abhay Charanaravinda Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1896–1977), the founder of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), commonly known as the “Hare Krishna Movement” [9]; and Paramahansa Yogananda (1893–1952), who introduced his teachings of meditation and Kriya Yoga to many Europeans in his book Autobiography of a Yogi, as well as founding various organizations such as the Ananda Group and the Self-Realization Fellowship – which still function today in many European countries [33, 37]. One of the most influential living Hindu gurus in Europe might be Sri Mata Amritanandamayi Devi (b. 1953), also known as Hugging Amma or just Amma (“Mother” in Tamil). She is a contemporary, transnational guru who travels around the world to offer healing or loving embrace to all, regardless of religious or nonreligious affiliation. Many thousands of European descendants with a Hindu background gather when she visits European capitals such as Berlin, Barcelona, and London to give darśans [4]. Hinduism Represented in Europe by Various Common Practices, Alternative Views on Life, and Hindu Tropes Hindu-related practices and Indian/Hindu concepts such as “karma,” “tantra,” “mandalas,” “yoga,” and “Ayurveda” are now not only part

Europe, Hinduism in

of various forms of religious activities and interpretations of life but also an integrated part of European secular practices and European languages. From a polythetic point of view, these Hindu floating signifiers or tropes can also be seen as part of Hinduism in Europe. It is at least a fact that Hindu-related concepts and practices have extended their impact to many different spheres in European societies: from alternative lifestyles and therapies to healthcare and public institutions such as schools, kindergartens, and prisons and from new religions to mainstream culture such as the advertising industry and everyday speech [4, 5, 8, 23, 26]. They have become floating tropes and are embedded in both religious and secular spheres [6, 13, 16]. One of the most significant examples of these Hindu concepts is yoga [11, 29, 32, 35] and the interest in yoga both as a secular training program and as a spiritual, religious, and philosophical system [7]. For instance, it is worth mentioning that there are more than 800,000 hits when searching for “yoga” on Google. “Tantra” [36, 39, 40] and “Ayurvedic medicine” are also used frequently as alternative ways of understanding the body [38]. But other Hindu tropes such as “karma” are also now used commonly in nearly all spheres of European societies [18].

References 1. Andrade NJ (2018) The journey of Christianity to India in late antiquity – networks and the movement of culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2. App U (2014) Schopenhauer’s compass. An introduction to Schopenhauer’s philosophy and its origins. University Media, Wil 3. Appadurai A (1996) Modernity at large. Cultural dimensions of globalization. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 4. Borup J, Fibiger MQ (eds) (2017) Eastspirit: transnational spirituality and religious circulation in East and West. Brill, Leiden 5. Brown D, Leledaki A (2010) Eastern movement forms as body-self transforming cultural practices in the West: towards a sociological perspective. Cult Sociol 4(1):123–154 6. Bruce S (2017) Secular beats spiritual: the westernization of the easternization of the West. Oxford University Press, Oxford

499 7. Burghart R (ed) (1987) Hinduism in Great Britain. The perpetuation of religion in an alien cultural milieu. Tavistock Publications, London/New York 8. Campbell C (2007) The easternization of the West: a thematic account of cultural change in the modern era. Paradigm Publishers, Boulder 9. Cole R, Dwayer G (2007) The Hare Krishna movement: forty years of chant and change. I. B. Tauris, London 10. Csordas TJ (ed) (2009) Transnational transcendence – essays on religion and globalization. University of California Press, Berkeley 11. De Michelis E (2004) A history of modern yoga: Patanjali and western esotericism. Continuum, New York 12. Farrer DS, Whalen-Bridge J (eds) (2011) Martial arts as embodied knowledge. Asian traditions in a transnational world. State University of New York Press, Albany 13. Fibiger MQ (2015) ‘Weasternization’ of the West: Kumbh Mela as a pilgrimage place for spiritual seekers from the West. Bull Study Relig Equinox On-line 44(2):15–21 14. Fibiger MQ (2007) Hinduisme i Danmark: Demografiske overvejelser om Hinduer og Hinduinspirerede Strømninger. In: Jacobsen B, Warburg M (eds) Tørre Tal om Troen. Forlaget Univers, Højbjerg, pp 185–197 15. Fibiger MQ (2013) Denmark. In: Jacobsen K, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 5. Brill, Leiden/Boston, pp 217–221 16. Fibiger MQ (2017) Karma. Aarhus Universitetsforlag, Aarhus 17. Fibiger MQ (2018, forthcoming) Floating Hindu tropes in European culture and languages. In: Jacobsen K, Sardella F (eds) Handbook on Hinduism in Europe. Brill, Leiden/Boston 18. Fields GP (2001) Religious therapeutics – body and health in yoga, Ayurveda, and tantra. State University of New York Press, Albany 19. Gunn TJ (2003) The complexity of religion and the definition of ‘religion’ in internal law. Harv Hum Rights J 16:189–215 20. Hanna HK (2016) Transnational movements. In: Hatcher BA (ed) Hinduism in the modern world. Routledge, New York, pp 48–64 21. Idinopulos TA, Wilson BC (eds) (1998) What is religion, origins, definitions and explanations. Brill, Leiden/Boston/Köln 22. Jacobsen K (2008) South Asian religions on display – religious processions in South Asia and in the diaspora. Routledge, New York 23. Jain AR (2015) Selling yoga: from counterculture to pop culture. Oxford University Press, Oxford 24. Johnson WJ (2010) Oxford Dictionary of Hinduism. Oxford University Press, Oxford 25. Juergensmeyer M (2006) Thinking globally about religion. In: Juergensmeyer M (ed) The Oxford handbook

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32. 33. 34.

35. 36.

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39.

Exegesis of global religions. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 3–12 Lee RLM (2003) The re-enchantment of the self: western spirituality, Asian materialism. J Contemp Relig 18(3):351–367 Michaels A (2004) Hinduism: past and present. Princeton University Press, Princeton Nederveen Pieterse J (2006) Oriental globalization. Theory Cult Soc 23:411–413 Newcombe S (2012) Global hybrids? Eastern traditions of health and wellness in the West. In: Nair-Venugopal S (ed) The gaze of the West and framings of the East. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke, pp 202–217 Rocher L, Rocher R (2007) The making of western indology: Henry Thomas Colebrooke and the East India Company. Routledge, London Saler B (2000) Conceptualizing religion. Immanent anthropologists, transcendent natives and unborn categories. Berghahn Books, New York/Oxford Singleton M (2010) Yoga body: the origins of modern posture practice. Oxford University Press, Oxford Singleton M, Goldberg E (eds) (2014) Gurus of modern yoga. Oxford University Press, Oxford Smith BK (1987) Exorcising the transcendent: strategies for defining Hinduism and religion. Hist Relig 27(1):32–55 Strauss S (2005) Positioning yoga – balancing acts across cultures. Berg, Oxford Urban HB (2003) Tantra. Sex, secrecy, politics, and power in the study of religion. University of California Press, Berkeley Versluis A (2014) American gurus. From transcendentalism to New Age religion. Oxford University Press, New York Warrier M (2016) Modernised Ayurveda in India and the West. In: Jacobsen KA (ed) Routledge handbook of contemporary India. Routledge, Abingdon Williamson L (2010) Transcendent in America: Hindu-inspired meditation movements as new religion. New York University Press, New York

40. Williamson L (2016) Modern yoga and tantra. In: Hatcher BA (ed) Hinduism in the modern world. Routledge, New York/London, pp 180–195 41. http://www.cgimunich.com/pages.php?id¼42. Accessed 7 Aug 2018 42. https://ipfs.io/ipfs/QmXoypizjW3WknFiJnKLwHCn L72vedxjQkDDP1mXWo6uco/wiki/Hinduism_by_c ountry.html. Accessed 20 May 2018 43. http://www.pewforum.org/2012/03/08/religiousmigration-hindu-migrants/. Accessed 15 Aug 2018 44. https://www.remid.de/info_zahlen_grafik/. Accessed 15 June 2018 45. http://www.open.ac.uk/blogs/religious-studies/?p¼409. Accessed 10 Aug 2018 46. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_in_the_Neth erlands. Accessed 12 Aug 2018 47. https://www.beatlesbible.com/people/maharishi-maheshyogi/. Accessed 12 Aug 2018 48. Hindu population totals in 2010 by country (2012) Pew Research, Washington, DC. https://www.bc.edu/con tent/dam/files/centers/jesinst/pdf/Grim-globalReligionfull.pdf. Accessed 20 May 2018 49. Table: religious composition (%) by country (2012) Global religious composition. Pew Research Center. https://www.bc.edu/content/dam/files/centers/ jesinst/pdf/Grim-globalReligion-full.pdf. Accessed 20 May 2018 50. Religious composition by country (2012) Pew Research Center, Washington, DC. https://www.bc.edu/content/ dam/files/centers/jesinst/pdf/Grim-globalReligion-full. pdf. Accessed 20 May 2018

Exegesis ▶ Mīmāṃsā as Introspective Literature and as Philosophy

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F. Max Mu¨ller ▶ Müller, Friedrich Max

Founder of the Oxford Indian Institute ▶ Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899)

Faith ▶ Śraddhā (Saddhā)

Friedrich Max Mueller ▶ Müller, Friedrich Max

Feeling ▶ Rasa

Friedrich Max Muller Figures

▶ Müller, Friedrich Max

▶ Numbers

Friedrich Max Mu¨ller Five Schools of Veda¯nta ▶ Vedānta, Overview

▶ Müller, Friedrich Max

Folk Hinduism

Fusion

▶ Hinduism in Singapore

▶ Syncretism

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Ga¯na (Song or Music) ▶ Music

Ganapati ▶ Gaṇeśa (Gaṇapati)

Ga¯ndharva Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The word Gandharva has been derived from the Sanskrit root gandh, meaning smell or fragrance [1]. Gandharvas are low-ranking male natural deities, appeared in Jain, Hindu, and Buddhist myths. Characteristically, the Gandharvas find their symbolic association with fine and creative arts, specifically music. Socially, Gandharvas find their denotative connection with sexuality and procreation so much so that a marriage consummated without Vedic rituals or a consensual union

between two lovers is known as “Gandharva marriage.” [6] In Hinduism, the lexicon “gandharva” has been used in both plural and singular number while semantically they are associated with demigods or types of divine beings [2]. In Vedic literature, these celestial creatures work as a mediator and messenger between the human world and divine source, particularly first keeping the secrets of the divine entities and then revealing them to selected human beings. During Vedic sacrifices in the holy fire, some Gandharvas are considered to be associated with the preparation and guarding of Soma-a powerful ritual beverage to be offered to gods. Also, some are considered as a personification of the sun light.

Gandharvas as Natural Spirits Anyone who has hard time understanding what Gandharvas are: Actually they are similar to Shakespeare’s Puck, as characterized in Midsummer’s Night Dream. The Vishnu Purana provides a detail account of Gandharvas – they are sixty million in number and denote male natural spirits [3]. Like the other human beings, Lord Brahma is the creator of Gandharvas. But at some places they are said to be the children of Arishta and Kasyapa; thus, by this account they become the grandchildren of Brahma [8]. However, the Padma Purana considers Gandharvas to be the offspring of Vac, the speech goddess [4]. Similar to Shakespearean Puck, Gandharvas are

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capricious and naughty, but they are the knower of medicine, having incomparable healing powers so much so that in Rig Vedic literature they are called the physicians of the gods. Since they are playful, Gandharvas are also capable of causing madness too. Generally, they do not like the company of human beings and prefer to reside in forests and ponds. Also, they make their stay at abandoned places, making them haunted [5]. In Hinduism, the followers also offer prayers and obeisances to Gandharvas so that Gandharvas may not cause any trouble to them. Their part human and part animal type structures, such as bird face and human body or human face and hindquarters of donkey or horse, place them near to the Greek centaurs. However, the Hindu scholars consider it a mere coincidence [6]. Though Gandharvas are natural spirits, they display a rivalry with other nature spirits, such as Nagas “race of snake like deities.” The mythological references indicate that once Gandharvas defeated the Nagas in battle and they took their precious jewels [7]. Gandharavs are said to be the partners of the Apsaras, nymphs like female nature spirits. Apsaras are extremely beautiful and Gandharvas are youthful handsome men. In the heavenly courts of storm-god Indra, Apsaras perform dances, whereas Gandharvas play different musical instruments [8].

Ga¯ndharva Sangīta (Ancient Music)

between King Dushyanta and Shakuntala is presented.

References 1. Gandharva – New World Encyclopedia (n.d.) Retrieved from http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/ Gandharva 2. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin 3. Kozlowski GC, Kingsley B, Knowledge Products, Blackstone Audiobooks (2007) Hinduism. Knowledge Products, Ashland 4. Penney S (2009) Hinduism. Heinemann Library, Oxford 5. Time-Life Books (1992) The spirit world. Time-Life Books, Alexandria 6. Vivekananda (1995) Hinduism. Shri G.M. Jagtiani, Bombay 7. Wangu MB (2009) Hinduism. Chelsea House Publishers, New York 8. Wilson M (2006) World religion. Greenhaven Press, Detroit

Ga¯ndharva Sangīta (Ancient Music) ▶ Music

Ganesa Gandharva Marriage In the Hindu marriage law, there is e reference to Gandharva marriage – one of the eight legitimate type of marriages. In this, man and woman indulge into sexual relationship based upon their mutual agreement, without the formal approval of their parents or guardians. It is called Gandharva marriage because only Gandharvas bear witness to their union. This type of marriage is considered legal, but it is reprehensible since it is based upon lust, and is carried out in the absence of social authority and ritual affirmation [6]. The oldest reference of Gandharva marriage is found in Mahabharata where the love affair

▶ Gaṇeśa (Gaṇapati)

Ganeśa (Ganapati) ˙ ˙ Ruchi Agarwal Social Science Division, Mahidol University International College, Nakorn Pathom, Thailand

Synonyms Ganapati; Ganesa; Vighneshwara; Vinayaka

Ganeśa (Ganapati) ˙ ˙

Ganesa in the Hindu Pantheon Ganesh is one of the principal Hindu deities. He possesses the head of an elephant with a broken tusk and the body of a potbellied human being. He is depicted both seated and standing with four arms and normally holds one or several of the following items in his hands: svadanta (his own tusk), kapittha (a wood-apple), modaka (a sweet also known as laddu), ankusha (an elephant goad), pasha (a noose), naga (a snake), parashu (an axe), a rosary, a lotus, or mulaka (a radish). He is often depicted in the company of a musika (mouse) and has a snake wrapped around his waist [1]. He is the Lord of ganas (personal attendants of Siva), the master, the leader, the protector, and the companion among others to the ganas. He is the creator of obstacles and therefore called Vinayaka [2]. He is revered with several names like Gajanana (elephant faced), Lambodara (potbellied), Ekadanta (one-tusked), Vinayaka (leader of obstacles), Vighnesvara (lord of obstacles), Vighnakarta (creator of obstacles), and Vighnaharta (remover of obstacles) [3]. In the Puranas, Ganesh is linked with Siva, his wife Parvati and his son Skanda. He was created by goddess Parvati and is popular not only in India but also across a large part of Asia. Although there are different accounts of his birth, the most popular legend is that Ganesh was created by Parvati from the impurities of her body and was appointed by Parvati as her gatekeeper. While Parvati was taking a bath, Siva was stopped by Ganesh from entering her apartment. This led to a battle where Siva eventually beheaded Ganesh with his trident and later replaced it with the head of an elephant upon protest by Parvati. He is believed to have two wives, Riddhi and Siddhi, and two sons, Subh and Labh. However he is represented and worshipped as a single god but at times during festivals like deepavali, along with Laksmi (the goddess of wealth). Ganesh mythology has flourished since the seventh century A.D. through Puranic texts. Numerous stories make Ganesh one of the more

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popular deities of the entire Hindu pantheon in India [4]. Initially a minor god, Ganesh was added to the hierarchy of major divinities in late Gupta period in the sixth century A.D. He gained importance in a relatively short period with his cult coming into being in the ninth century A.D. The cult of Ganesh worships him as a God who can help individuals to overcome impediments and succeed in life [5]. His transformation from a malevolent Vinayaka (creator of obstacles) into the benevolent Ganesh (remover of obstacles) [6] was probably the result of a top-down patronage by elites that gradually spread to the commoners [4]. His name is invoked in a wide range of ceremonies prior to beginning a journey, constructing a house, or other domestic rites such as tonsure, upanayana (wearing the sacred thread), marriage, or at the start of religious rites using vedic, puranic, or tantric practices. Although most Hindu events begin with prayers dedicated to Ganesh, he was not initially worshipped as a principal deity. As noted above Ganesh worshipped as a principal deity gradually appears in the postGupta period [5]. By this time, rituals dedicated to Ganesh were limited to private spaces like home or at temples in small groups. His popularity reached its peak in the early medieval periods when even Buddhist and Jains starting to worship Ganesh. His worship spread beyond India to other parts of Asia. Indeed, Ganesh has been labeled as the god of Asia [6]. In Nepal, Ganesh holds a similar significance in the religious and social life as in India with his worship evident among both Hindus and Buddhists. Seen as a god of wisdom, his worship is evident in all religious rites. In Sri Lanka, Ganesh is popular among the Tamils as both vighnakarta and vighnaharta and known with his Tamil name Pilliar or Pulikara Tevan. He is seen as a god of agriculturists, traders, and students. In Sri Lanka, Ganesh is the most important popular god because of his association with Skanda (his brother). In Myanmar the cult of Ganesh was introduced by Indian traders who carried Ganesh images with them during their journeys. Soon Ganesh became an

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indigenous god in Myanmar with the name of Mahapienne, one of nats Burmese supernatural spirits. In Indo-China, Ganesh is called Prah Kenes, and in Thailand he is popularly known as Pra Phikanet. In Thailand, historically Ganesh was a minor god in the Buddhist pantheon, seen as a protective god. Ganesh is also worshipped by local Brahmins in Thailand whose ancestors emigrated from South India in ancient times. These Brahmins are court Brahmins who perform royal ceremonies including coronation, tonsure, and swing festival among others. All these ceremonies involve the worship of Ganesh along with Siva, Visnu, and Buddha [3]. More recently Ganesh has gained immense popularity among the general Thai population with virtually every marketplace and building complex enshrining Ganesh image in their premises.

Cross-References ▶ Ganesh Chaturthi

References 1. Dalal R (2010) Hinduism an Alphabetical ide. Penguin Publications, South Africa 2. Martin-Dubost P (1997) Gaṇeśa, the enchanter of the three worlds. Franco-Indian Research, Mumbai 3. Krishan Y (1999) Gaṇeśa: unravelling an enigma. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Sukumar R (2003) Elephants, Gods, and people. The interrelationship of culture and ecology, Chapter 2. In: The living elephants: evolutionary ecology, behaviour, and conservation. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 55–80 5. Pande GC (1998) Last years, Chapter 13. In: Life and thought of Sankaracarya. Motilal Banadaridass Publications, Delhi, pp 337–372. First published 1994 6. Dhavalikar MK (1991) Ganesa: myth and reality, Chapter 2. In: Brown RL (ed) Ganesh: studies of an Asian God. State University of New York, Albany, pp 49–68

Ganesh Chaturthi ▶ Ganesh Chaturthi (Gaṇeśa Caturthī)

Ganesh Chaturthi

Ganesh Chaturthi (Ganeśa ˙ Caturthī) Ruchi Agarwal Social Science Division, Mahidol University International College, Nakorn Pathom, Thailand

Synonyms Ganesh Chaturthi; Ganesh Festival; Vinayaka Chaturthi

Origin and Celebrations Ganesh Chaturthi, one of the most popular Hindu festivals, celebrates the birthday of Ganesh throughout India. It is a 10-day festival that commences on Chaturthi (the fourth day) of the Shukla Paksha (waxing moon) in the month of Bhadrapada and ends on Anant Caturdashi (the fourteenth day) of the waxing moon period according to the Hindu lunar calendar. It usually falls in August or September. It is a day celebrating the creation of a little boy, Ganesh, by his mother, Parvati, as a personal gana (attendant). Popular belief has it that Ganesh visits earth during these 10 days to bless his devotees. Although the festival is observed with great enthusiasm all over India, it is particularly celebrated in Maharashtra and is also called Vinayaka Chaturthi. Preparation for the festival begins months earlier with artisans crafting clay images of Ganesh in different sizes. These images are installed in specially decorated pandals (temporary structure used in religious events) or at homes. They are later sanctified and worshiped for 10 days accompanied by a great fanfare. The most famous and the most visited Ganesh pandals belong to the Lalbaugcha Raja Sarvajanik Ganeshostsav Mandal, founded in 1934. Priests conduct regular puja (what?) with chanting of mantras and offerings of special modakas (sweet balls made from rice flour, jiggery, and coconut), water, incense, flowers, etc. Devotees sing and dance in joy while shouting Ganapati Bappa Morya. On the eleventh

Gan˙geśa

day of the festival, the clay images are taken in a procession to immerse in water with devotees dancing and singing as they bid farewell and pray for the deity’s early return the following year. Although Ganesh Chaturthi is believed to be ancient in origin, it was not a part of Maharashtra’s tradition until being introduced during the Maratha Empire. It was the nationalist leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920), the first popular leader of the Indian independence movement against the British colonial rule, who converted Ganesh into a powerful cultural and religious symbol of unity among the Maharashtrian people in an attempt to resist the British rule [1]. Political opposition was restricted during the British rule, but there was no interference with religious observances, so the Ganesh festival provided a way to show national unity. In 1893, Tilak reinvented the Ganesh Chaturthi from an annual family celebration into a public event. This was a way of building national spirit and showing unity of Hindu society by making the festival a communitybased enterprise [2, 3]. Ganesa Chaturthi was also a way of uniting people earlier separated by the caste system. Ganesh came to be seen as a god for everyone. The caste system in India is a social stratification of people into four main groups, priests, warriors, merchants, and the peasants. The first three are considered as the upper castes. The peasants fall under the category of lower caste. Membership comes through birth, and there is a mutual interdependence defined by occupations ritual duties, roles, attributes surrounding purity and pollution, specific customs, and traditions of worship [4]. Tilak saw the festival as a way of promoting community participation and the involvement of people from all castes together for 10–12 days. In Maharashtra, the processions to immerse Ganesh images in the sea became an important mode of exhibiting and asserting Hindu cultural and political identity. Today, the festival is sponsored by business people in most of the central Indian cities. It grows bigger every year and has become the most expensive communal festival for businesses and individuals in central India. For business owners, praying to Ganesh brings

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prosperity, while abundant harvests are ensured for the farmers.

Cross-References ▶ Ganesa

References 1. Sukumar R (2003) Elephants, gods, and people. The interrelationship of culture and ecology, Chapter 2. In: The living elephants: evolutionary ecology, behaviour, and conservation. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 55–80 2. Metcalf DB, Metcalf RT (2012) Civil society, colonial constraints, 1885–1919, Chapter 5. In: A concise history of modern India, 3rd edn. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge/New York, pp 123–166 3. Reza NM (2015) Religious processions as a means of social conciliation, Chapter 15. In: Mathey K, Matuk S (eds) Community-based urban violence prevention. Transcript, Beilefeld, pp 268–279 4. O’Conner SJ Jr (1971) Hindu gods of peninsular Siam. Artibus Asiae Publishers, Ascona

Ganesh Festival ▶ Ganesh Chaturthi (Gaṇeśa Caturthī)

Gan˙geśa Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Tattvacintāmaṇikāra

Definition Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya was the famous founder of Navya-Nyāya system of Indian philosophy

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belonging most probably to the late thirteenth century.

Introduction Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya was a famous Indian philosopher belonging most probably to the late thirteenth century from the kingdom of Mithila, now in Bihar. He was the founder of the Navya-Nyāya system of Indian philosophy. It developed out of the old school of Nyāya as its basis, but it was distinct from the old system mainly by virtue of the fact that it devised a highly technical language for the discussion of philosophical problems.

Technical Language of Gan˙geśa The technical language that Navya-Nyāya or Gaṅgeśa devised found its way into the other systems of Indian philosophy which began using this language to discuss philosophical problems. The technical language of Navya-Nyāya used by Gaṅgeśa and others differs from ordinary Sanskrit just as the technical language of (modern) Western symbolic logic differs from ordinary English or German. This technical language of Navya-Nyāya was not a language of higher order than that of ordinary Sanskrit. By using this technical language of Navya-Nyāya, one could say things with an exactness which the ordinary language couldn’t always match. This technical language is philosophically neutral, so other systems of Indian philosophy had no difficulty in adopting this language for philosophical discussions. Even Āyurveda came to use it [1]. From this it is evident what kind of change Gaṅgeśa inaugurated in the whole gamut of Indian philosophy.

Life of Gan˙geśa Upa¯dhya¯ya In Mithila there were keepers of genealogical records or Pañjikāras who recorded the genealogical details and traditions of important inhabitants of Mithila, especially of the male members of the

Gan˙geśa

Brahmin families and also of Karṇa Kāyasthas, coming from Karṇāta, from the tenth or eleventh century onward. These genealogical records are probably the only source of information about the life of Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya. The Pañji records revealed that Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya was born in a Brahmin family and that he originally came from the village of Chādana, but we cannot say exactly where the village is at present. But afterward he moved over, it is believed, to Karion (Sanskrit Korāṇa). The original home of the Nyāya philosopher Udayana was also in Karion, situated on the banks of the river Kamalā, not far away from Darbhanga. The Pañji records that Gaṅgeśa’s gotra was Kāśyapa. Varddhamāna Upādhyāya, Gaṅgeśa’s son, also buttresses this claim when he states in his Kusumañjali Prakaśa, Gotram Kāśyapadi (Bibliotheca Indica, p. 18), that he belongs to the Kāśyapa Gotra. We come to know from the Pañji that the epithets – Mamāhopādhyāya, Paramaguru, Jagadguru, and Tattvacintāmaṇikāra – were used to describe Gaṅgeśa, also known as Gaṅgeśvara. The expression Tattvacintāmaṇikāra leaves no room for doubting that Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya is the author of Tattvacintāmaṇi, while the other Sanskrit epithets show that Gaṅgeśa was a highly learned and venerated person. Gaṅgeśa has two wives (it is usual in those days for a man to have more than one wife). He had a son and a daughter by his first wife. This son of Gaṅgeśa was Vardhamāna Upādhyāya who was a noted scholar who followed in his father’s footsteps in the Navya-Nyāya tradition. He is the author of several texts, namely, Anviksānayatattvabodha, Chintāmani Prakāśa, Nyāyanibandha Prakāśa, Nyāyaparisistaprakāśa, Kusumāñjaliprakāśa, Kiraṇāvaliprakāśa, Nyāyalilāvatiprakāśa, and Khaṇḍanaprakāśa ([2], pp. 280–282). Among these texts, the first four are on Navya-Nyāya while the other four are on Vaiśeṣika system. Gaṅgeśa had two sons by his second wife, named Supana and Hariśarman ([2], p. 241). According to one legend, Gaṅgeśa was

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unlettered in his early life, but he was devoted to Goddess Kāli and it was through Kāli’s grace that he became the great scholar he was. Gaṅgeśa himself seems to support this claim of divine intervention in his life when he says Cintadivyavilocanena. We know no more about his personal life.

Date of Gan˙geśa Upa¯dhya¯ya There is no unanimity of opinion about the time when Gaṅgeśa lived. Scholars, both Indian and European, differ in this regard. While Weber, A. B. Keith, and Satischandra Vidyabhusana suggest Gaṅgeśa as having lived in the twelfth-century A.D., Mahamahopadhyaya Gopinath Kaviraj and H. H. Ingalls place him in the thirteenth-century A.D. Ingalls is more emphatic about the date of Gaṅgeśa when he says that “it is almost certain that he lived in the thirteenth century” citing some evidence from Śrīharṣa’s Khaṇḍanakhaṇḍakhādya and Vardhamana Upadhyaya’s Kusumāñjali Prakāśa and works by Jayadeva Pakṣadhara (1425–1500 A.D.) ([3], p. 4).

The Tattvacinta¯mani ˙ As already mentioned, Gaṅgeśa is the author of Tattvacintāmaṇi (The Jewel of Thought on the Nature of Things), also known as Pramāṇacintāmaṇi (The Jewel of Thought on the Means of Valid Knowledge). This is his sole work which is of immense value in the whole history of Indian philosophy. Navya-Nyāya philosophy began its career with this work which is the foundation of all later developments of this school. This work gave Gaṅgeśa an immortal place in the history of Indian philosophy ([4], p. 406) and influences the technique of philosophizing in all other systems of Indian philosophy. The knowledge of the technical language developed in Tattvacintāmaṇi gradually became a prerequisite for any philosophical discussions with other systems of Indian philosophy, both orthodox and heterodox, using the techniques of

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Navya-Nyāya as initiated by Gaṅgeśa Upādhyāya. In trying to defend Advaita Vedānta in his Khaṇḍanakhaṇḍakhādya, Śrīharṣa had offered inter alia some penetrating criticisms of Nyāya theories of thought and language, which are opposed to Advaita Vedanta. Gaṅgeśa was apparently convinced by some of these criticisms, and his Tattvacintāmaṇi partly arose out of Gaṅgeśa’s attempt to respond to these criticisms. In Tattvacintāmaṇi, Gaṅgeśa rejected Śrīharṣa’s criticisms of Nyāya realist ontology and subjected Nyāya philosophy itself to critical examination. As a result of some of Śrīharṣa’s criticisms and his own examination, Gaṅgeśa found that it was necessary to improve the Nyāya system of thought and language by making it more precise and rigorous. Tattvacintāmaṇi is designed to bring about this improvement. Tattvacintāmaṇi focuses on the third sūtra of the first chapter and first āhnika of the Nyāyasutra of Gotama – pratyakṣānumānopamānaśabdāhpramāṇāni (i.e., perception inference, comparison, and verbal testimony are the means of valid knowledge) – and consists of four chapters, each chapter being devoted to the discussion of one pramāṇa ([4], p. 237). In Tattvacintāmaṇi we thus have four chapters, one chapter on Pratyakṣa (perception), one on Anumāna (inference), one on Upamāna (identification on the basis of similarity ([5], p. 14) or comparison), and the last one on Śabda (verbal testimony). The philosophy as portrayed in Tattvacintāmaṇi is characterized by Gaṅgeśa himself as New Nyāya (Navya-Nyāya). The term New Nyāya as H. H. Ingalls points out is not indicative of any originality in doctrine but of method. As already pointed out, Gaṅgeśa devised a new technical language in which one could conduct philosophical discussions in a precise and rigorous manner ([3], p. 5). Herein lies the originality of his method. Gangesa’s NavyaNyāya differs from Prācina Nyāya or Old Nyāya in the way the topics are arranged for discussions. While Gaṅgeśa’s discussions are conducted under four heads, Prācina Nyāya uses 16 to discuss 16 padārthas.

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The importance of Gaṅgeśa’s Tattvacintāmaṇi cannot be exaggerated. Gaṅgeśa’s teaching spread to different parts of India from the thirteen century onward. Gaṅgeśa’s Tattvacintāmaṇi is still being closely studied and analyzed not only in India but also abroad. It is heartening to see Western philosophers making significant contribution in this regard.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Navyā-Nyāya ▶ Nyāya ▶ Pramāṇa

Ganita ˙

Gaurchand ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Gaurhari ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Gauri ▶ Pārvatī

References 1. Bhattacharyya S (1987) Doubt, belief and knowledge. Indian Council of Philosophical Research & Allied Publishers, New Delhi 2. Mishra U (1966) History of Indian philosophy, vol II. Tirabhukti Publications, Allahabad 3. Ingalls DHH (1951) Materials for the study of NavyaNyāya logic. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Vidyabhusana SC (1988) A history of Indian logic: ancient, mediaeval and modern schools. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Bhattacharyya S (1996) Gaṅgeśa theory of indeterminate perception. ICPR & Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, Delhi

Ga¯yatrī ▶ Mantra

Ghanshyam ▶ Swaminarayan

Ganita ˙

Girija¯

▶ Mathematics

▶ Pārvatī

Gaur

Giriputrī

▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

▶ Pārvatī

Gauranga

Gīta¯ (Song or Vocal Music)

▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

▶ Music

Gīta Govinda

Gīta Govinda Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The Gita Govinda, also known as Love Song of the Dark Lord in English, is written by Jayadeva. On the surface level, this twelfth-century text looks like a regular love songs sung by a lover (Krishna) for his beloved (Radha), but an in depth reading will tell us that it comprises profound allegories of travel of the soul back to God [3]. This mystic text falls under the bhakti tradition, and it deals with the connection of human with the divine love, separation and union, self-surrender, holy inebriation, and many other contrapuntal themes, concerning the unknown alchemy of the soul. Actually, Gita Govinda presents a spiritual quest; this quest refers to a process of metamorphosis of the lover (also writer/reader who experiences it), from the human and materialistic modes of existence to the divine and spiritual modes [2]. So there is union, separation, and reunion till the human being reaches the ultimate spiritual destination: from love and suffering to the transcendental stage of experience.

Jayadeva Jayadeva was born in ancient village of Kendubilva, the present-day Kenduli in West Bengal. He was a bard at Lakshmana-Sena, the last Hindu king of Bengal, who bestowed upon him the title of Kaviraj “the king of poets.” He was the pioneer Vaishnava poet who sang the sweet immortal songs in glory of Radha Krishna. The oral narratives inform us that Jayadeva was a loving husband, very fond of his dancer wife, namely, Padmavati. In Gitagovinda, we find both explicit and implicit references to Jayadeva’s

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adoration for his wife, and in one such reference, he describes himself as Padmavati-charana charana-chakravarti, meaning “a truly sovereign to cause the feet of Padmavati to move in dance.” Besides this conjugal bliss, it is also believed that Jayadeva was an inspired poetical genius who had a blessing of Lord Krishna. The poet’s life and his love and his religious devotion can be seen to be complementary and closely interconnected with his artistic genius. Actually, Jayadeva, as a poet, has a historical significance, because he stands at a confluence of two epochs: he is last of the ancient poets and the first of the medievals [1].

G Gita Govinda: Its Subject Matter The Gita Govinda depicts Lord Krishna’s courtship of the gopi “cowherdess” Radha in a cycle of Sanskrit songs. Insincere reading might suggest that Gita Govinda is an adulteration of divine with the profane, eternal with the ephemeral, and passion with bodily possession. Though this popular and influential poem with its frank and tender lyricism explores many carnal themes, such as sexual passion, fierce regrets and jealousies, and satisfaction through bodily means, on the whole, it celebrates the majestic nature’s regeneration through the sexual union, the deep mystery of erotic experience, and the interplay of human and divine. The heroine of Gita Govinda, Radha, is a proud possessor of physical attributes like heavy breasts and hips which are considered to be a hallmark of beauty in the classical Sanskrit poetry. Radha longs for Krishna, and the adjectives, jealous, sulking, playful, tempestuous, and despairing inform us about her psyche. On the other hand, Krishna is the eternal male, charming and uncommitted, and he is desirous by all women. Radha completely submits herself to Krishna but feels derelict when Krishna returns to other women. There are ten long sections of the poem that separates Radha’s initial submission to her final reconciliation with her lover Krishna. Jayadeva, like a love guru, explores and analyzes the changing moods of attraction and the lovers; Krishna and Radha become his mouthpiece, and they declaim, despair, and appear to say few words.

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Krishna makes Radha jealous; Radha sulks and despairs. Krishna pines for Radha, and Radha finds bliss in his company. Krishna commiserates with Radha’s distress and waits for her, whereas Radha flies into tempers and rails at Krishna. Krishna importunes and praises Radha; he enjoys and assures her of his love; Radha consents and finds contentment in Krishna. These carnal pleasures are the focus of the entire poem [5]. Further research can be conducted how and when such erotic sentiments came into prominence became a part of religious sect in India. Jayadeva, in fact, invented the aesthetic experience of desire and love; however, the song generally ends with dedications to Lord Krishna. The poem helps the devotees to move from the physical and to reach to the mystical: the devotees cultivate mental discrimination and physical relish; two opposite traits fill the readers with the sweetness of experiences. Following the poetic tradition of Sanskrit poetry, Gita Govinda is sonorous, repetitive, ornamental, and ambiguous. Linguistically speaking, syllables are long and vowels elongate [4]. Generally, more than one consonant precedes vowels. Aspiration is rampant, and aspirated consonants are pronounced as the breathy one. Long vowels are chiefly stressed. Notably, in Gita Govinda, we will not find a single line that indicates poet’s desire to be one with Krishna as Radha has; Jayadeva simply sings in praise of Krishna. Also many orthodox pundits reject the religious status of the text. However, majority of critics affirms the central position of the text within the Hindu religious tradition and recognizes Jayadeva as a mystical poet of the Medieval India.

References 1. Arnold E, Jayadeve (1890) Poems: containing the light of Asia; pearls of the faith, or Islam’s rosary; and the Indian song of songs. To which is added Indian poetry: from the Sanskrit of the Gita Govinda of Jayadeva; two books from “the Iliad of India” (Mahabharata); “proverbial wisdom” from the Shlokas of the Hitopadesa, and other oriental poems. Hurst, New York 2. Chandra M, Jayadeva (1980) Gīta Govinda. Published by R.L. Bartholomew for Lalit Kalā Akademi, New Delhi

Globalization (Hinduism) 3. Greenberg YK (2008) Encyclopedia of love in world religions. ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara 4. Jayadeva, Vācutēvacāstiri K (1989) Gita Govinda with Abhinaya. Thanjavur Maharaja Serfoji’s Sarasvati Mahal Library Society, Thanjavur 5. Tripathy AK, Tripathy PC, Jayadeva (2006) The Gita Govinda of Sri Jayadev. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India, New Delhi

Globalization (Hinduism) Marianne Qvortrup Fibiger Department of the Study of Religion, School of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark

Synonyms Deterritorialization; Internationalization; Proliferation; Universalization

Definition Globalization is a term referring to a process of growing cultural and economic exchange between the world’s different countries, especially in terms of goods and products, people, money, information, and thoughts and ideas [1, 25]. This definition underlines the fluid and dynamic nature of the world we live in: the world does not consist of static entities relating solely to one place, one society, one history, one culture, or one system. In terms of culture, globalization involves a process of disembedding [17], detraditionalization, or delinking [18].

Globalization Has Universal Implications Since the 1980s, studies of globalization have been a dominant feature of many different disciplines whose central focus is culture. These disciplines include sociology, political science, philosophy, history, anthropology, and religious

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studies, most of which refer to globalization as an important contemporary phenomenon transcending many kinds of border. The assumption is that identity, ethnicity, and cultural belonging are entangled and mostly based on networks [24]; and that a sense of belonging is rooted not in time and space, but rather in a set of values and beliefs that are shared by people across the globe. Zygmunt Bauman [2], taking up the insights of Ulrich Beck, Manuell Castells, Michel Foucault and Anthony Giddens, outlines a world in which fixed class and status boundaries are vanishing, people have more choice than ever, and identity is no longer prescribed but has to be constructed. In this way the world has become smaller, or (according to Robertson) a single place ([28], p. 283), or (according to Clarke and Kessl [9]) deterritorialized, designating the weakened ties between culture and place. People no longer need to be physically present when communicating or when making communities. This can be done virtually through the internet and social media. From an overall perspective, this means that the world as such is shrinking and can now be understood from some perspectives as one global society including everyone on the planet. The implication is that we are all related to and mutually dependent on each other to some extent. Here are some examples of the results of globalization: the liberation of trade through the foundation of the World Trade Organization in 1995; and of course, the founding of the United Nations in 1945 after World War II, including the Security Council, the Economic and Social Council, the Trusteeship Council, and the International Court of Justice. The aim of the UN was to become a global organization that brought together its member states to confront common challenges, manage shared responsibilities, and not least to ensure that the member states uphold human rights [35]. The UN is one of the first supra-territorial institutions held together by common norms and interests, resembling what could be called an eclectic network of interrelated power centers ([34], p. 68). Today the effect of the Anthropocene on worldwide climate changes has become part of the agenda for the global society, as have

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migration and refugee waves from contested areas. The world shares an interest in dealing with these issues.

Globalization Also Has Local Implications As emphasized by Manfred B. Steger [34], the term “globalization” is contested because it is applied to a set of processes that appear to transform a social condition based on conventional nationality into one of globality. Research shows that the processes of globalization do not render the national or the local irrelevant. They merely change character and meaning in the light of globality. In other words, the global is also part of the local [24]. Globalization may have both homogeneous and heterogeneous consequences. As a result, it is also important to take into account what Roland Robertson calls glocalization: the copresence of both universalizing and particularizing tendencies [29], but also the fact that universal or global trends and orientations result in a growing focus or re-orientation towards the particular and local and vice versa in a dialectical process. Glocalization may involve reinvented or constructed ideas of particular nation states with particular cultural, historical, and religious features. But it may also involve specific places which are loaded with meaning for a certain community of people (points of pilgrimage, the Twin Towers in New York, etc.). Communities can also be the result of internet-based networks, with a particular geographical place or a particular history of a certain people being the pivotal point. This is especially important for diaspora communities: on the one hand they try to maintain a common idea of belonging to their old homeland [10, 14]; while on the other hand, they also try to adapt their religious and cultural practice to suit their new homeland [15, 37]. Such processes result in new forms of spatial arenas for a shared, collective memory. In other words, the outcome of global deterritorialization may be new forms of reterritorialization [9].

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Globalization and Feedback Loops This multiplicity of choices, networks and reorientations can also be seen as what the Harvard sociologist R.M. Kanter [22] calls a “globalization cascade.” She has focused primarily on the economic aspects of globalization and points to four characteristics or processes that can be applied easily to the field of religion: (a) mobility, (b) simultaneity, (c) bypass, and (d) pluralism. These processes are interlinked in various ways, reinforcing what Kanter calls feedback loops. Such loops both strengthen and accelerate globalizing forces. So, there is no way back. We cannot return to patterns which were familiar to us before the whole process began. While mobility underlines that people, capital, and ideas are mobile across borders, simultaneity stresses the impact of this mobility on different nations at the same time. This notion is also supported by the concept of bypass, which refers to wireless networks and implies that no-one has a monopoly on communication or the “truth.” Instead, people have a multiplicity of choices. These three concepts form a multiplurality both on a societal and on a meaning-making level, leading according to Kanter to a relativistic decline of monopolistic centers [22].

Globalization and Religion When it comes to religion, culture, or tradition, the possible outcome of globalization is related less to retraditionalization and more to new traditionalization or reorientation [13]. Thomas Hylland Eriksen refers to this process as re-embedding [11]. He mentions re-embedding as the last of a total of eight features (disembedding, acceleration, standardization, interconnectedness, movement, mixing, vulnerability, and re-embedding), which he understands as pivots when analyzing globalization today. Re-embedding is the corrective or the response to disembedding. This means that acceleration is counterbalanced by social movements promoting slowness; standardization is counterbalanced by the promotion of originality or a “one-of-a-kind” ideology; interconnectedness

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is counterbalanced by stressing localism or nationalism, mixed with the promotion of cultural purity; and vulnerability is counterbalanced by self-determination and isolation [11, 12]. These concepts underline the idea that tradition not only acts but also reacts in the flow of globalizing trends. The argument is that identity, culture, and religion are generated through a process of intertwined cross-cultural interactions in multiple dimensions in a globalized world [13, 16], and in a continuous process of negotiations and identifications that are shaped in relation to context and agenda (political, social, economic, etc.). And when it comes to religion, this applies especially to how, why, where, and to what degree religious ideas and presumed identities and belongings circulate on different levels and in different environments; and secondly, how they are transformed in this process and under which circumstances, with both mirroring and mimesis being involved [36]. This can also be termed “creolization,” a term taken from linguistics describing the convergence of two languages creating a third, often taking most of its grammar from one language and most of its vocabulary from the other [7]. In this perspective, it is important to emphasize that the meeting-point between different religious meaning systems is subject to change in a globalized world, and is generated but also perceived differently depending on context. Not only because religious discourses, images, and ideas can be more rapidly transmitted from one place, group, and individual to another but also because the relation between transmitter and perceiver is not always known. This makes the picture even more blurred than before. It is important to remember that religion as a phenomenon does not secularize – it becomes plural. As underlined by Peter Beyer [4], the most important question about religion and globalization involves examining its plural manifestations. He suggests four axes of variation, which are not necessarily exhaustive: (a) Religion that is institutionalized as religion versus religiosity that is not institutionalized.

Globalization (Hinduism)

(b) Religion that is publicly influential versus religion that is privatized. (c) Religion that is traditional/conservative versus religion that is modern/liberal. (d) Religion that is specifically enacted as religion versus nonreligious forms that may nonetheless carry religious functions. These axes and the abovementioned reaction in favor of (or against) globalization (not only disembedding but also re-embedding, not only a standardization but also a striving for originality, etc.) are important counter-reactions to take into consideration as well. And in this respect Hinduism is no exception, despite its more plural grounding compared with many other religions. However, there is one difference: Hindu worldviews, tropes, and methods (karma, bhakti, guru, mandala, mantra and tantra, yoga) seem to have a particularly strong impact on the overall religious picture in the contemporary world, especially in Western societies [8, 19, 20].

Hinduism in a Globalized World When dealing with Hinduism in a globalized world, the abovementioned criteria mean that we have to take various aspects or representations into consideration. I have identified at least three of these, which will be explained below: (a) The impact of globalization among Hindus in India (b) The export of Hindu gurus, worldviews, systems, practices, and tropes in a globalized world (c) The impact of globalization among Hindus living in diaspora While (a) describes the impacts of globality on the Indian continent, (b) and (c) give an idea of how Hinduism in diaspora and the international success of Hindu gurus have formed a global Hinduism in all its aspects. And while gurus have spread a form of Hinduism with a universal outlook, Hindus in diaspora have negotiated more local and ethnic forms of Hinduism in their new

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setting [21]. These three different aspects of the impact of globalization in relation to the reception of Hinduism will be described briefly below. The Impact of Globalization Among Hindus in India Some globalization researchers remind us that there are substantial historical precedents for the global trends depicted above, but that these precedents relate mostly to trade and primarily had an impact on urban areas. The Silk Road that connected China to the Mediterranean perhaps as early as 3000 BCE [6] is one example, but trade between Persia and India can also be traced back to around the same time. And when people meet, ideas are always exchanged – something which is also evident in India as long ago as the Indus culture, as shown by the depictions on a variety of seals [31]. Here are some other examples of important cultural encounters between the rest of the world and India: the Aryan migration in 1500 BCE; the Islamic invasion from the eighth century CE and Islamic influence especially in the northern parts of India for the next 1,000 years or so; and several centuries of European colonialism, beginning in 1500 AD with the Portuguese, who established the first European trading center at Kollam in Kerala. The Portuguese were followed by the Dutch and other nations such as the French and the Danes, who established trading posts on different parts of the Indian coast. All these cultural encounters on the Indian subcontinent not only brought other ethnic groups, religions, goods, ways of living, ways of organizing, and thoughts and ideas to India, but also challenged the established traditions. This happened either directly in the form of mission activities offering another religion or in the form of typologies and classifications of what was understood as true religion, which the Hindu tradition was somehow expected either to fit into or to challenge. This began a process of standardization or mimesis that was further developed under the influence of the British Raj, which ruled India from 1858 to 1947. The European creation of a Hinduism formed in their own image (Orientalism), combined with the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century European

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romantic image of Indian culture portrayed as profoundly spiritual, idealistic, and mystical [23], inspired Hindu intellectuals in their portrayal of their own tradition. One of the most obvious examples is Vivekānanda (1863–1902), the founder of the Ramakrishna Mission and the first to represent Hinduism at the Parliament of the World’s Religions in Chicago in 1893. Here he praised the Orientalist notion of India as “other worldly” and “mystical,” acclaiming this as India’s special gift to humankind and as a curative for the nihilism and materialism of modern Western culture [23]. However, these colonial stereotypes were not only used to proclaim the need for Hindu ideas in the global world. They were also used by Vivekānanda himself and later by Gandhi (1869–1948) as a call for the Indian people to unite under the banner of a universalistic and allembracing Hinduism or Sanatāna Dharma. In this way the colonial stereotypes or transformative “translation” of the Hindu tradition became: (1) an important tool for uniting the Indians against the colonial power and (2) a trademark to export to other places in the world on the global market. The Export of Hindu Gurus, Worldviews, Systems, Practices, and Tropes in a Globalized World This export of Indian spirituality can be traced back from the first visit of Vivekānanda to America and all the way up to the present day – what some scholars have called an “Easternization of the West” [8] or “Oriental Globalization” [27]. But as stated in the abovementioned theories of globalization, the concepts or ideas have changed along the way and have been given new forms to help them fit into their new context. Mark Singleton [32], who analyses yoga in the West, underlines that yoga was combined with Western forms of gymnastics and thereby changed or given a new form in the Western context. The same can be seen in other Hindurelated practices and Indian/Hindu concepts such as “karma,” “tantra,” “mandalas,” “yoga,” and “Ayurveda,” which are now not only part of

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various forms of religious activities and interpretations of life in the West, but also an integrated part of European secular practices and European languages. These Hindu floating signifiers can be seen not only as part of an overall Oriental globalization but also as examples of how ideas and worldviews can float and gain new forms in the encounter with other ideas and worldviews – as well as contributing to the way people express themselves and find coping strategies in a complex globalized world [16]. When focusing on the impact of globalization in India, it is particularly important to remember that these new hybrid forms originated in India but gained new or extra meaning in Western countries were reappropriated when they returned to India in their new form. This can be called “the pizza effect” [5]. Some of the main carriers of Hindu ideas and practices to other parts of the world are Hindu gurus (see entry “▶ Europe, Hinduism in”). Their teachings are not homogeneous, but most of them convey a message having universalistic pretensions, which they combine with presenting coping strategies (meditation, yoga) for coping stress. This combination seems to have a global appeal. Today the gurus do not any longer have to travel, satsangs, meditation, and yogaguidings, as well as their religious speeches can be followed over the internet and social media [33]. The Impact of Globalization Among Hindus Living in Diaspora The Hindu diaspora has been growing since the beginning of the nineteenth century, especially within the last 50 years. The number of Hindus in diaspora today is estimated to be around eight million, and they try in different ways to maintain some kind of relationship to Hindu traditions in new contexts in a globalized world. For instance, it is interesting to note that despite the forces of globalization, many different forms of Hinduism still survive. This becomes obvious when comparing different studies on Hinduism in diaspora [21, 30]: on the one hand, Hinduism in diaspora appears to institutionalize Hindu traditions and worship Sanatāna Dharma [3, 26]; but on the

Globalization (Hinduism)

other hand, a plurality within the Hindu tradition is maintained. For instance, most diaspora Hindus still drawing a distinction between different groups of Hindus depending on their genealogical roots in India. This creates a tension between standardization/universalization and originality, which again are depending on the place of origin as well as the new geographical setting. The Hindus living in Mauritius constitute a good empirical example of this tension between the preservation of differences and the tendency towards standardization. The first Hindus came to Mauritius as indentured laborers in the middle of the nineteenth century. They came from various parts of India, and they still draw distinctions between themselves depending on their second language (Hindi, Maharathi, Tamil, and Telugu). Each group has its own cultural associations and religious organizations, which they try to preserve. This upholding of differences can also be noticed in their temple architecture and mūrtis, but they also still celebrate different religious festivals [10, 15]. On the other hand, the different groups have also created a geographical point of focus for all Hindus in Mauritius: an island in the lake called Grand Bassin or Ganga Talao is a tīrtha for all the Hindus in Mauritius [18]. And most of them worship Sanatāna Dharma. So, when we focus on Hinduism in diaspora, we find not only a tension between the different poles in the theoretical framework as outlined above, but also a copresence of both universalizing and particularizing tendencies which is in some ways even stronger. And this is all combined with a tendency to adjust to the new societies in which Hindus in diaspora have settled (see more examples in the entry: “▶ Europe, Hinduism in”).

References 1. Albrow M, King E (eds) (1990) Globalization, knowledge and society. Sage, London 2. Baumann Z (2000) Liquid modernity. Polity Press, Cambridge 3. Baumann M (2009) Templeisation: continuity and change of Hindu traditions in diaspora. J Relig Eur 2:149–179

517 4. Beyer P (2007) Globalization and glocalication. In: Beckford JA, Demerath NJ (eds) The Sage handbook of the sociology of religion. Sage, Los Angeles/London/New Delhi/Singapore, pp 98–117 5. Bharati A (1970) The Hindu renaissance and its apologetic patterns. J Asian Stud 29(2):267–287. Association for Asian Studies 6. Bielo JS (2015) Anthropology of religion. The Basics, Routledge/London/New York 7. Burke P (2008) What is cultural history? Polity Press, Cambridge 8. Campbell C (2007) The Easternization of the West: a thematic account of cultural change in the modern era. Paradigm Publishers, Boulder 9. Clarke J, Kessl F (2008) De-territorialization and re-territorialization of the ‘social’. A debate. Soc Netw Soc Int Online J 6:1 10. Eisenlohr P (2006) Little India: diaspora, time and ethnolinguistic belonging in Hindu Mauritius. University of California Press, Berkeley 11. Eriksen TH (2007) Globalization. The key concepts. Berg, Oxford/New York 12. Eriksen TH (2016) Overheating. An anthropology of accelerated change. Pluto Press, London 13. Fibiger MQ (2015) ‘Weasternization’ of the West: Kumbh Mela as a pilgrimage place for spiritual seekers from the West. Bull Study Relig Equinox Online 44(2/June):15–21 14. Fibiger M (2018a) Alike but different: the understanding rituals among Sri Lankan Tamil Hindus in Denmark. J Ethn Migr Stud 44(16):1–16 15. Fibiger M (2018b) The evolutionary loop: archaic trends in modern time. In: Klostergaard Petersen A, Sælvig Gilhuus I, Martin L, Sinding Jensen J, Sørensen J (eds) Evolution, cognition and the history of religion: a new synthesis. Brill, London/Leiden, pp 175–189 16. Fibiger MQ (2019) Floating Hindu tropes in European culture and languages. In: Jacobsen K, Sardella F (eds) Handbook on Hinduism in Europe. Brill, Leiden/Boston. forthcoming 17. Giddens A (1991) Modernity and self-identity. Polity Press, Oxford 18. Gupta R (2006) Being a Hindu in Oslo. Youth, change, and continuity. Novus Press, Oslo 19. Heelas P (2008) Spiritualities of life: new age romanticism and consumptive capitalism. Blackwell, Oxford 20. Heelas P, Woodhead L (2005) The spiritual revolution. Why religion is giving way to spirituality. Blackwell, Malden/Oxford/Victoria 21. Jacobsen K (2004) Establishing ritual space in the Hindu diaspora in Norway. In: Jacobsen K, Kumar P (eds) South Asian in the diaspora. Histories and religious traditions. Brill, Leiden/Boston, pp 134–148 22. Kanter RM (1995) World class. Thriving locally in the global economy. Simon and Chuster, New York 23. King R (1999) Orientalism and religion. Postcolonial theory, India and the mystic East. Routledge, London/New York

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518 24. Latour B (2009) Spheres and networks. Two ways to reinterpret globalization. Harvard Design Magazine 30(Spring/Summer):139–144 25. Luke M (2016) The sociology of globalization. Polity Press, Cambridge 26. Narayanan V (1992) Creating South Indian Hindu experience in the United States. In: Williams RB (ed) A sacred thread. Modern transmission of Hindu traditions in India and abroad. Anima Publications, Chambersburg, pp 147–176 27. Nederveen Pieterse J (2006) Oriental globalization. Theory Cult Soc 23:411–413 28. Robertson R (1991) Globalization, modernization, and postmodernization. The ambiguous position of religion. In: Robertson R, Garrett W (eds) Religion and global order. Religion and political order, vol 4. Paragon House, New York, pp 281–291 29. Robertson R (1995) Glocalization: time-space and homogeneity-heterogeneity. In: Featherstone M, Lash S, Robertson R (eds) Global modernities. Sage, London, pp 25–44 30. Rukmani TS (ed) (1999) Hindu diaspora: global perspectives. Concordia University Press, Montreal 31. Samuel G (2008) The origins of yoga and tantra. Indic religion to the thirteenth century. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 32. Singleton M (2010) Yoga body: the origins of modern posture practice. Oxford University Press, New York 33. Singleton M, Goldberg E (eds) (2014) Gurus of modern yoga. Oxford University Press, Oxford 34. Steger MB (2013) Globalization. A very short introduction. Oxford University Press, Oxford 35. United Nations. http://www.un.org/en/about-un/. Accessed 17 Oct 2018 36. Urban HB (2003) Tantra. Sex, secrecy, politics and power in the study of religion. California University Press, California 37. Waghorne JP (1999) The Hindu gods in a splitlevel world: the Sri Siva-Vishnu temple in suburban Washington, DC. In: Orsi R (ed) Gods of the city: religion and the American urban landscape. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, pp 103–130

Glorification of the Goddess ▶ Devīmāhātmya

God ▶ Theism (Hinduism)

Glorification of the Goddess

God Singbonga and the Shamans of the Munda Tribe Abhik Ghosh Department of Anthropology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, India

Introduction The Mundas are a tribe found in Eastern and Central India, in the states of Jharkhand, West Bengal, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh. They are also found in the Sundarbans, Andaman and Nicobar Islands, as well as in the tea garden regions of Assam. Apart from these regions, they are also found in Bangladesh. At present, India has approximately 3,000,000 Mundas, a majority living in Jharkhand. They are one of the largest tribes in India. The main language spoken by them is Mundari or Killi.

Singbonga and the Settlement of the Mundas Like any other tribe in India, the Mundas believe in a host of Gods, and spirits, but Singbonga is regarded as their supreme god. An ancient myth describes the origin myth of the Mundas, the first settlers on the land they inhabit. At the beginning, the Sun-god Singbonga was sitting with his consort on the golden throne when he was disturbed by a gush of intolerable heat. This was followed by numerous complaints from Earth. It was caused by the many furnaces of the Asuras who used them to smelt iron. Everything on Earth was drying up and being killed by the heat. Though Singbonga wished to attack them immediately in person, he was advised by his wife to use guile. So Singbonga sent two birds the Dingchua and the Kerketa to send messages to the Asurs. He commanded them to stop all work on their furnaces and to work on them only once – either in

God Singbonga and the Shamans of the Munda Tribe

the day or at night. The Asurs laughed at the messengers, claimed no allegiance to Singbonga, and smeared them with coal dust. Thus these birds are forever coated in black or grey color to this date. When the Singbonga sent the golden and silvery vultures to them with another message, they were driven back by hammers and pincers. Then, Singbonga sent the Lipi (crane) and the Kaua (crow or lark). They were also sprinkled with coal and iron dust and scared off. Then, he sent the Lang and the Bocho. The Bocho was bathed in saffron water, and the Lang’s tail was pulled until it became long. Singbonga then came down to Earth and met a laborer. He caused the person’s skin to itch all over. He asked the laborer to use his spade, but out of courtesy the laborer refused. At this, Singbonga held him by the hair to shake him, thus shedding his skin and restoring him. Singbonga then wore this skin and went off to meet the Asuras. He then requested one family after another, in turn, to employ him. One by one, each family refused until he reached a village where he met a miserable Munda couple called Lutkum Haram and Lutkum Buria. They took pity on him, and he started to stay with them and work at managing their household with work such as keeping the fowl from the grain and drying it. He said that he needed a few eggs to alleviate the sores on his skin, and so they gave him some eggs and rice cakes. He waited until he found himself alone and invited the local Asur boys to a game of guli (marbles of stone) and kati (sticks thrown to hit another stick planted in the ground). The boys had their sticks and marbles of iron, while the boy had his made of eggs and rice cakes, yet he won the game. Incensed, they complained to the Munda couple that he had neglected their rice while playing games and had thus lost them all the grain they had. However, they found all the grain still present in the husking pit. The old Munda couple were, however, worried. They wondered whether the boy had stolen grains from others to fill up their husking pit, the basket, and on the mats. When they spoke to the boy about their worries, he reassured them, claiming

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that it was all theirs, and Singbonga had ensured that they need not worry. This happened yet again, and it soon became talked about that the boy had supernatural powers. A little later, it was seen that the furnaces of the Asurs were regularly running short. They became distressed and searched for a diviner. A favorite method of divining among the tribes of Chhotanagpur was the winnowing fan or sup. The sup pointed out the boy as a diviner. So, the Asurs carried grains of rice to him for a divination. The Asurs were asked to sacrifice a white cock to Singbonga, which they complied with. Soon, their furnaces were blowing hot again. The next time their iron supplies got low and they were told to sacrifice a white goat upon which their iron supplies returned to normal. Soon, however, their furnaces caved in and they were asked to sacrifice a young sheep. These problems continued. At the end of their tether, they asked the boy for a solution. This time a human sacrifice of a young boy was asked for. This took them aback. They looked everywhere for a human being for a sacrifice, but everywhere they went, they were refused. They asked from the Mundas, and the affronted tribe would have killed them if they had not run back to safety. When they asked the boy, he said that due to his affliction, he wished to die and agreed to the sacrifice. However, the old Munda couple refused to let him. They claimed that he was their only support and they had no one to look after them in their old age. It took much time for the boy to console the old couple. He also told them that he would establish the Pahan’s (religious specialist) son under a tree at the center of the village. He would offer sacrifices for them at the flower feast (BahaParab), at the Batauli festival, and the Magheparab. The boy was then led to the furnaces for the sacrifice. Two virgins who had fasted for 3 days and nights would work the furnaces. The bellows would be made of white goatskin having new handles and nozzles. The bellows would be worked for 3 days and nights without respite. At the end, water would be sprinkled on the furnace with mango twigs, and then the fire could be put out. The water would be carried on new earthen pots on their heads with cushions made of cotton

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thread. When the furnace was opened, Singbonga came out as a bright being like the Sun, wearing gold and silver, holding a plate and bowl of expensive materials in his hands. The Asurs became greedy. They asked if more of this wealth was to be had and were informed that there was much more. So they went into the furnace in a rush. He also advised only the men to go in and not the women. He said a golden and silver vulture hung above the chamber and under their wings there was much treasure. Each Asur man was encouraged to go in. When all were in, he closed the chamber and asked the ladies to work the bellows, light the fire, and seal the entrance. When the women heard a muttering sound, they protested in horror, but he assuaged their fears. He kept on reassuring them as the cries of the Asur men rose into howls of pain and suffering, and blood streamed out of the furnace. Singbonga told them that it was the red of their spit after having taken tobacco and betel leaves. A little while later, when the furnace was opened, it showed only the ashes and bones of the Asur men. The women wept and lamented. They had not expected the boy to be so wicked. At this point, Singbonga declared himself and said that he had sent messengers many times but they had not heeded him. This was their punishment. He asked them whether they would now heed him. They agreed. He then established two soothsayers – the Patguru and his disciple Tura. They would always ask the Asur women for advice and guidance about their divinations, after giving them parboiled rice and lit lamps. The hidden secrets for proper sacrifices and human ills resided in these women. A Munda religious specialist (Pahan) would dwell under a tree in the center of a Munda village, and he would also make offerings to the Asur women. As Singbonga rose in the air to his seat in heaven, the Asur women still would not let him go. So, he grabbed them by the hair and threw them all over the landscape. They fell into the hills, valleys, plains, and beside rivers, streams, and ponds. They fell in water and within caves. Their disembodied spirits then took abode in every area. Hence, the Mundas accepted every

God Singbonga and the Shamans of the Munda Tribe

part of their landscape as having sacred spirits. The Buru Bonga was the spirit of the hills, the Ikir Bonga was that of the deep waters, the Nage Bonga stayed in the uplands and ravines, the Desauli Bonga resided in the woods and around villages, the Chondor Ikir Bonga lived beside springs in woods, and the Chandi Bonga dwelled in groves, open fields, or even high areas [2]. This was how Singbonga established the Mundas in the forested areas of the Earth, where they stay to this day.

The Shaman Although Singbonga heads their pantheon of deities, there are lesser gods and godlings. The gods are worshipped in the sacred grove “Sarna” where fowl is sacrificed by the local priest. There are many more spirits, benefic and malignant, inhabiting the Munda world. The evil spirits bring disease and misfortunes. They are appeased by the Shaman, who act as ghost-finders. They also believe in magic and the power of the evil eye. The Munda shaman has an elaborate ritual course for his training (usually male), which consists of many stages. These stages may differ from guru to guru. They include the introduction of different spirits and deities along with methods for propitiating them, methods for self-protection from evil spirits and their powers, methods for the protection from evil wind and evil eye, classification of evil spirits and methods for exorcising them, methods for the protection from witches and witchcraft, and cures for diseases and other physical ailments with medicinal plants and other incantations, as well as the treatment of different kinds of snakebites [1]. First of all, the guru trains the shaman to protect himself from all deities and spirits. Then, he trains the acolyte to open and close the akhra for all kinds of spirits, ghosts, and supernatural entities. The akhra is the open area where major ritual ceremonies, singing, and dancing happen during any major festival among the Mundas. Once the guru utters the incantation, the spirits enter the akhra or courtyard. He then trains the acolyte in

God, Overview

the presence of these spirits. When he finishes and closes the courtyard, they disappear. At this point, the guru teaches the person about Telkhori, which is a method for identifying specific evil misfortunes such as the evil eye or the evil wind. This is useful to a shaman for dealing with failure in crops or in those cows who fail to deliver a healthy offspring. Students then learn to classify spirits and to protect villagers from the action of a witch. The training of shamans usually takes place during the evening since people are involved in other activities during the day. The akhra is cleaned, and incense is offered to different spirits and deities. Tulsi leaves are soaked in water, and this water is used to purify and wash the body and clothes. It is also used as a libation to the deities. A sitting posture is used with one leg folded and parallel to the ground, and the other folded leg is at right angles to it. The knee of the leg which is at a right angle to the ground should touch the chest of the person. On each day, about two incantations are taught, and the acolyte/s repeat/ s them after the guru. The incantations from the previous day are recited by the acolyte/s, and the guru checks them. These instructions become more complex with time. The acolyte may be trained for 3–7 years. The worship conducted on Sundays was special. It was conducted to ensure that the magical properties of the shaman were continued to be enjoyed. Further, it was ensured that the worship of the courtyard or akhra was done correctly. The elements needed for the worship included flowers, leaves of the Aeglemarmelos, sun-dried rice, raw milk, leaves of the Shorea robusta, and three seeds of Chebulicmyrobalan. Using the tip of the middle finger of the right hand, they mark three spots on the ground with vermilion carried on a Shorea robusta leaf while naming three deities. They offer flowers, rice, and sweets to them. If there are any mistakes, the spirit may possess the shaman and harm them. The acolyte, after completing the training period, gifts the guru with a piece of cloth (usually dhoti or loincloth). The guru feeds him a piece of sweet to acknowledge his transition from an acolyte to a shaman. Those who do not

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become a shaman have to wait for the same period to begin. They practice their skills and wait. The Munda world is full of spirits, deities, and other supernatural entities. They require a complex set of practices before human beings learn to pass through their world. When they attack human beings or cause harm, the services of a shaman become a necessary part of their world. These services are granted to them after a lot of effort and practice. Such a shaman learns more about the philosophy and background of the Munda religion as he matures. Thus, he is able to advise people and also deal with their misfortunes in the correct manner. With his intervention, as he integrates the world of the humans with the world of the spirits, the Munda world functions smoothly.

References 1. Das AK (2012) Munda Shaman: living with continuity and change in an age old tradition. Abhijeet Publications, New Delhi 2. Roy SC (1912) The Mundas and their country. Man in India Office, Ranchi, p 1995

Further Reading Hoffmann J-B (1928) Encyclopaedica Mundarica, vol 15. Government Printing Press, Bihar Ponette P (1978) The Munda world. Catholic Press, Ranchi Van Exem A (1982) The religious system of the Munda tribe. Haus Volker und Kulturen, St Augustin

God, Overview Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Westerners have a misconception about Hinduism that they worship 330 million gods [1, 4]. For that, many ignorant Hindus give a justification that actually we have one God (with capital “G”),

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and 330 million representations of the same God, for which we orthographically use gods (with small “g”); however, we see one “God” in each and every particle of this universe, i.e., in space and time, animals, minerals, trees, mountains, and geometrical patterns. Dwivedi, in his poem, “My God” succinctly expresses this Hindu conception/ misconception: “My God is just an idea. He takes His birth from my language, When I speak He becomes a sound, And like an atom He flows in my ears. His light makes me see things around, And his presence I feel everywhere. He is my truth, my culture. Sometimes He makes my language hyperbolic. He is simply fantastic. He is sea, earth, and fire, A demon, animal and human. He is in my thoughts, beliefs, and feelings. He is like love, irrational, Yet without Him, I am not complete [2].”

The phrase “trayastrimsati koti” is mentioned in many Hindu scriptures, including Atharva and Yajur Veda and Satapatha Brahman which is often misunderstood as 33 million gods. The root of this misconception lies in the ambiguous nature of the Sanskrit lexicon koti (means both “type/supreme” and “33 million”) [9]. The Rig Veda mentions three chief Gods – Surya (“sun”) in the sky, Vayu (“air”) in the air, and Agni (“fire”) on earth. Further, this number increases to thirtythree (33) [7]. There is a dialogue between Sakalya and Sage Yajnavalkya at King Janak’s court, mentioned in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad (Chap. 3), where Sakalya asks seven times the same question to Yajnavalkya “how many gods are there?” to which Yajnavalkya replies: (1) “Three hundred and three.” Then he says, “Three thousand and three”; (2) and then he says “thirty-three”; (3) then after much deliberation, Yajnavalkya reaches to “six gods”; (4) then he says, “only three gods”; (5) then he says, “two gods”; (6) then “one and a half gods”; (7) and finally he says, “one god.” When Sakalya asks to name them, Yajnavalkya answers, 33 are the principal manifestations, and others are only forces, powers, energies, glories, and radiances. The principal manifestations are:

God, Overview God, Overview, Table 1 Hindu Gods according to Yajnavalkya Hindu Gods Yajnavalkya’s reply First time

Count 303 and 3003

Second time

33

Seventh time

1

God, Overview, manifestations

Table

Principal manifestations Vayu

Count 8

Rudras

10

Adityas

12

Indra Prajapati

1 1

Who are they? They are only forces, powers, energies, glories, and radiances 8 are Vayus, 11 Rudras, 12 Adityas, and Indra and Prajapati Genderless Supreme Brahman

2 Thirty-three

principal

Who are they? Fire; earth; air; atmosphere; sun; heaven; moon; stars 5 sense organs; 5 action organs; 1 mind Forces that take vitality of people Rain Sacrifice

8 are Vayus, 11 Rudras, 12 Adityas, and Indra and Prajapati (Tables 1 and 2).

One Supreme God (Brahman), Hindu Trinity, and Many Gods Earliest Hindu scriptures, including Vedas and Upanishads, focus on the one Supreme Being. In the Chandogya Upanishad, a phrase ekam eva adwiteeyam which means “there is but One without a second” illustrates this. This hymn in Chandogya Upanishad holds that God and the universe are one and the same, and this view remains the basis of Hinduism. One Supreme Soul/God is identified as Brahman (“to grow” or “to burst forth”) who is expansive, self-existing, and without limit. Brahman (a genderless – neither masculine nor feminine) creates, destroys, and re-creates itself, along with the universe and

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its forces [10]. There is a creation hymns in Rig Veda which states: In the beginning, There was neither Being nor Non-Being Neither sky, earth, nor what is beyond and beneath. What existed? For whom? Was there water? Death, immortality? Night, day? Whatever there was, there must have been one The Primal one (God)? Self-created, self-sustained, by his own heat, Unaware of himself Until there was desire to know himself. That desire is the first seed of the mind, say seers Binding Non-Being with Being. What was above and what was below? Seed or soil? Who knows? Who really knows? Even the gods came later. Perhaps only the primal being knows. Perhaps not. (Rig Veda) [7]

But we find many gods and goddesses; and their various narratives provide to a Hindu follower a variety of choices to choose their gods/ goddesses for worshipping. In Hinduism, there are three gods at the head of a hierarchy of gods: Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh, along with their female consorts (Table 3). While the roles and functions of the gods and goddesses appear different, Hindus believe that they regularly exchange their functions and roles when situations demand. The evidences of human interaction with the gods begin at the Hindu trinity

God, Overview, Table 3 Gods and goddesses and their functions God Brahma

Vishnu

Shiva

Function To create the universe; creator To sustain the universe; preserver To destroy the universe; destroyer

Female consort Saraswati

Lakshmi

Shakti

Role The goddess of learning The goddess of wealth and well-being The goddess of power

level. The tasks performed by the three gods of creating, caring, and completing the life cycle are covered four yugas (“periods”), namely, Krita Yuga (432,000
4 years), Treta Yuga (432,000
3 years), Dwapara Yuga (432,000
2 years), and Kali Yuga (432,000 years) (Fig. 1). Three geometrical shapes, the circle of Brahma and Saraswati, the square of Vishnu and Lakshmi, and the point of Shiva and Shakti, best illustrate the Hindu metaphysics. In essence, these shapes also give us insight about how the universe is formed, how cultural codes came into being, how these codes are different from natural laws, and how soul is realized and matter validated. Circle represents the Hindu universe which is cyclical, timeless, fetterless, and infinite. The square, with four 90-degree sharp edges, is the artificial shape. And when it is drawn in the circle, it represents best the human-made culture. Inside the circle, the four edges of square may touch at numerous points of circumference of the circle that indicates that different cultures can have various ways or orientations but all cultures are dependent upon nature for their survival. The point or dot represents soul that is the basis of all human beings. And without a dot, not circle, square, or any other geometrical shape can be drawn (Table 4). This universe is the medium through which God and Goddess (Brahma-Vishnu-Mahesh and Saraswati-Lakshmi-Shakti) present themselves. Therefore, every element of this universe serves as window to the divine.

Brahma: The Creator In Hinduism, Brahma who looks like a priest is the creator God. He chants Vedic hymns and in his four hands He holds a lotus, a book of Vedas, a spoon, and a waterpot. Since Brahma is God of creation, therefore He does not carry any weapon. He has four heads facing the four directions which represent different perspectives and an appreciation for the world in its totality [11, 12]. Through his instruments which He holds in his four hands,

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God, Overview

God, Overview, Fig. 1 The Hindu trinity

God, Overview, Table 4 Geometrical shapes and Hindu deities Geometrical shapes Circle Square Point

Associated with deity Brahma and Saraswati Vishnu and Lakshmi Shiva and Shakti

Meaning of shapes The nature of the universe The formation of cultural codes The realization of soul and matter

He conducts the ritual of the creation of this universe. Mostly rituals start with the sound om “vowel sound [a], [u], and nasal [m]” and conclude with shanti, shanti, shanti “Peace, peace, peace,” i.e., harmony and peace are aims of each ritual. The Vedic scriptures describe that Brahma does not create this world but He made all creatures aware of it [8]. However, the world created or made aware by him is known as Brahmanda “universe.” Unlike western religion, this created world is not just the outer natural world governed by the principles of physics, but it is also the inner personal and cultural world of feelings and thoughts. Brahma’s consort Goddess Saraswati

“Goddess of knowledge” embodies the discovered world in her. One of her names is Shatarupa “hundred forms,” and accordingly she can take infinite forms. Brahma gets answer of the question, who am I, in her as she reflects through her infinite forms what is knowable and knowledgeable.

Vishnu: The Organizer Vishnu, the blue-colored warrior God, organizes the universe. He brings forth rhythm into the natural world so that all the changes of Brahmanda “universe” become manageable and predictable. The rhythm represents management of the universe. Vishnu’s consort Lakshmi has two forms: one desirable and another undesirable. Lakshmi represents wealth, and also fertile and auspicious trough of nature, such as the day, the high tide, the spring, the rains, the waxing moon, and the harvests, whereas barren and inauspicious trough of nature, i.e., the night, the low tide, summers and winters, the waning moon, and the drought, is associated with Alakshmi. Hindus worship Lakshmi and seek her blessings [3].

God, Overview

Vishnu also establishes culture through nature. Within culture, human beings can explore their potentials and look at things which are beyond survival. They can generate wealth and create art. The culture is a construct which is made of society where each one has a role to play. In Hinduism, one must abide to the rules and regulations of the society so that no one would be directionless and irresponsible. Out of three Goddesses, Lakshmi sits on the top of the hierarchy, and following this Hindu society is also hierarchical.

Mahesh or Shiva: The Destroyer The Shiva is an ascetic, and He is totally unmindful of the universe around. He sits naked atop snow-clad Kailash-Mansarovar mountain. Shiva’s phallus is erect but his eyes are shut, indicating that He is aroused by the serenity of the soul. Human beings take birth and die; traditions and cultures rise and fall; seasons come and go; but Shiva meditates on the absolute truth – permanent and unconditional. This indicates that purification of the soul leads to enlightenment, and with enlightenment comes ananda “tranquil bliss.” Actually, Shiva’s meditation represents that soul is supreme which is above action or inaction and beyond body and its earthly desire [6]. Shiva’s consort is Shakti, aka Gauri, Kali, Durga, and Maya. When she is Gauri, she is gentle and affectionate; when she is Kali, she is wild and fearsome; when she is Maya, she is an embodiment of all delusions; and as Shakti, she is primal energy. Shakti is the world Shiva shuts himself from. As Durga, she is invincible. She is at once warrior and bride – the one who provides pleasure, makes home, produces offspring, and prepares food [5].

330 Million Deities’ Metaphor In Hinduism, all creation is divine and therefore worthy of worship. Hindus visualize them in plants, rivers, mountains, rocks, and animals. Also the worshippers see divine in man-made

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constructs, such as pots, pans, pebbles, and pestles. But only mutually accepted and socially established natural and man-made gods are considered worthy of worship. However, a ritual known as darshan “looking at God” plays an important role in the life of Hindus. It is believed that worshippers tell about their conditions to Gods, and the deities look at their condition and respond to it [13]. Though God is omniscient, still it is very much required to meet God personally in his abode – temple, river, cave, or any other forms. Devotees suffer long and they wait for hours and sometimes days to have darshan. There is also a provision of VIP and VVIP darshans at some temples, such as Shirdi Ke Sai Baba (in Maharashtra), Tirupati Balaji (in Andhra Pradesh), and Mata Vaishno Devi (in Jammu and Kashmir); and often worshippers prefer to bribe the pundits/priests for quick and special darshans. Sometimes darshans last for a few seconds, and locally people call such darshans as jhanki “a teasing glimpse.” There are also stories where God turned to the devotee so that he may have a darshan. In the temple at Udipi, the image of God used to face the east, and only high-caste people were allowed to enter into the temple. A true devotee, namely, Kanakdasa who was a low-caste born, stood outside the temple and was desperate for the darshan. Surprisingly, the image in the sanctum turned west, and this made Kanakdasa to see him through the crack in the western wall. This story also throws light on hierarchy and stratification in Hindu society, i.e., out of 330 million gods are divided into and distributed among men and women of high-caste- and low-caste-born Hindus. There are numerous stories that indicate that gods and goddesses can be anything and can be anywhere. But there is only one common requirement: they should respond to the human condition. Sometimes gods are mere a pair of eyes, a rock in a cave, a tree growing on a hill, a cow on the street, or man-made statue. But some gods and goddesses are more popular than the others, and for that reason they are richer, getting donations in gold and silver. Divine sensitivity and responsiveness vary and dependent upon the divine potency of the gods and goddesses. The confluence of the

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rivers Ganga and Yamuna is more sacred than any other, and Amarnath “the eternal god” is more revered than other gods. If someone questions why there are so many gods and goddesses in Hinduism, the answer to this query is found in Hindu scriptures itself. In Vedic period there were no temples, and there were no permanent shrines. People were nomadic and they used to perform yagna where they would sit around a fire altar, chanting hymns and offering milk and butter into the flames [4]. That phase of Hinduism, falls between 1500 B.C. and 500 B.C., is known as karma kanda “age of rituals,” focusing on execution of rituals for desired results. When Hindus gave up nomadic lifestyle, and settled to agricultural life, they started focusing on appeasement and adoration of deities this phase of Hinduism, falls between 500 A.D. and up to the present, is known as upasana kanda “age of worship.” Between these two ages, there was a transition period gyan kanda “age of speculation” which falls between 500 B.C. and 500 A.D. During this period, Hindus were contemplating on deeper understanding of desire and destiny.

Gods and Popular Culture Changes in Hindu society have occurred at many levels. The language of worship has changed from Classical Sanskrit to Khariboli; the condition of marginalized sections, such as scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and backward classes, has been reformed; women are now no longer a weaker sex but have achieved an equal status to men; and Hindu gods and goddesses have been filmed in cartoons, soap operas, and movies. The CD/DVDs have replaced cassettes; piracy, plagiarism, and criminal support to the film industry have increased; and print media has gone online. Consequently, gods and goddesses, though sacred, have entered into the daily humor, and Hindus have started employing the language of humor for gods. Dwivedi writes that the creative aspect of language allows the Hindus to coin new registers to capture the essence of gods and goddesses in their day-to-day lives, and therefore they start using the register of jokes [2].

God, Overview

The jokes about Gods are fantastic and hyperbolic in nature like myths and folklores. The difference between a myth and joke is of longevity. The joke is a recent phenomenon, originating and developing in the mind of the language users or found in SMS and Internet texts. Gods are sacred and jokes are funny, but this analogy does not make the proposition that Hindu gods are funny; however, jokes about gods create serious laughter. There is a joke about Lord Shiva’s family: Shiv ji (God, husband): Parvati (Goddess, wife): Shiv ji: Parvati:

Where is my trident?

Ganesh (God, son) has taken it.

Why? He was saying, “I am taking Dad’s fork to eat noodles with my girlfriend.”

And in another joke: Radha (girlfriend of God Krishna): Krishna (God of love): Radha:

Sometimes in the guise of Lord Ram (a virtuous god). . .sometimes in the guise of Shyam (a naughty god) you come to me. But why?

If you come in the same get up papa will recognize.

Also there are several jokes in which there is comparison of Hindu Gods with computer terminologies: Brahma (creator) is system installer, Vishnu (preserver) is system operator, Shiva (destroyer) is system programmer, Narad is data transmitter, Yama (god of death) is Delete ®, Apsara (Hindu nymph) is virus, Saraswati (goddess of knowledge) is Internet Explorer, Parvati (goddess of power) is motherboard, and Lakshmi (goddess of money) is automated teller machine (ATM) [2]. The jokes are notorious for their concern with the blending of the sublime with the trivial. The use of jokes for God by the Hindus reflects that

Goddesses: Overview

pop culture has impacted the psyche of the worshipers so much so that they do not find it degrading. Also, there is a thin line between the understanding of laughter (jokes about God) and misunderstanding of fun making (making fun of God).

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Goddess of the Burning Ground ▶ Kali

References

Goddesses: Overview

1. Dowson J (2014) A classical dictionary of Hindu mythology and religion: geography, history and literature. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi 2. Dwivedi AV (2015) Gods in Indian popular jokes. In: God and popular culture: a behind-the-scenes look at the entertainment industry’s most influential figure, vol 2. Praeger, Santa Barbara 3. Ganeri A (2009) Hindu. Franklin Watts, London 4. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin 5. Heiney EB (1940) A Hindu myth. Hathaway Printery, Coatsville 6. Johnson D, Johnson J (1977) God & gods in Hinduism. Compton Russell, London 7. Keith AB (2007) The religion and philosophy of the Veda and Upanishads. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 8. Klostermaier KK (2007) A survey of Hinduism. State University of New York Press, Albany 9. Pattanaik D (2008) Myth ¼: Mithya: a handbook of Hindu mythology. Penguin Books India, New Delhi 10. Radhakrishnan SS (1927) The Hindu view of life. G. Allen & Unwin, London 11. Rasamandala D (2008) Hinduism. Smart Apple Media, North Mankato 12. Ring DM, Educational Resources Information Center (U.S.) (1990) Hindu mythology: gods, goddesses, and values. U.S. Dept. of Education, Office of Educational Research and Improvement, Educational Resources Information Center, Washington, DC 13. Streissguth T (2002) Hinduism. Lucent Books, San Diego

Namrata Rathore Mahanta Department of English, Mahila Mahavidyalaya, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, India

Goda¯ ▶ Āṇṭāḷ

Goddess ▶ Lakṣmī (Śrī) ▶ Theism (Hinduism)

G Definition Goddesses are a dynamic repository of the values, beliefs, cultural practices, and sociopolitical ambitions that held sway at different points of time in public and private lives of men and women of diverse religious cults that inhabited the Indian subcontinent. Far from being achromatic entities, goddesses have gathered around them manifold layers of attributes ascribed by the cultures that cherished them. On account of multiple and complex genealogies associated with individual goddesses, there is no consensus regarding the exact number or names of goddesses. This is further complicated by the fact that most goddesses described in ancient religious texts have either disappeared or have been greatly transformed in popular worship. Conversely, there are instances of many popular goddesses whose genesis cannot be traced back to early religious writings. The primordial female principle central to the idea of the goddesses has manifested itself in many forms. Goddesses are worshipped variously as patrons of clans, as guardian deities, as embodiments of physical landscape, as mothers, as divine consorts, and also as fearsome deities who demand ritual propitiation. The contemporary idea of the goddesses is accessed from diverse sources. Earliest available material evidence of the divine female prototype can be found in seals and figurines obtained from Indus Valley excavation sites. The art and architecture patronized by

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later rulers of the subcontinent affirm the primacy of the divine female in the affairs of men and women. Textual evidence from Vedic literature not only gives the earliest recorded nomenclature attributed to the female principle but also constructs a literal and metaphorical embodiment of the goddesses. The female principle in the Indian philosophical tradition is described as the primordial cosmogonic material. Treatises on language and philosophy have delineated the metaphysical aspect of the female principle as both innate and manifest. The present-day perception of goddesses owes its existence to Purāṇic literature. Purāṇic literature offers an unparalleled repository of goddesses, their genealogies, and methods of ritual worship. Often composed under the patronage of kings, the Purāṇas succeeded in popularizing, homogenizing, and standardizing the worship of the goddesses among the masses. This was further strengthened by the magnificent temples and shrines commissioned by the kings. The Purānic repository of complex genealogies, legends, and myths of the goddess has surfaced in present times in the form of popular religious tracts and booklets which are accessed by the masses. Alongside the fold of scriptural traditions of goddess worship flourish numerous indigenous, syncretized traditions which permeate each other and flourish at the cultural interface between different religious cults. These sites offer deep insight into the cultural landscape and the idea of goddess worship. Ceremonial songs that are sung by women on various occasions are also important sources for the study of the divine female vis-à-vis the social structure that promotes goddess worship. There are indigenous local goddesses who have their genealogies preserved only in the oral tradition of the specific regions which fall under their sovereignty. There are temple goddesses, forest goddesses, village goddesses, household goddesses, goddesses of languages, and goddesses of diseases. In fact there is a goddess for every aspect of human existence with new goddesses being introduced and the earlier ones transformed to suit the contemporary imagination. The lively repertoire of ritual worship through various fairs, fasts, and

Goddesses: Overview

feasts is a vital source of comprehension of the role of goddesses in ordaining social structure and in granting psychological relief. Among all expressions that go into the creation of the idea of the goddesses, the psychosocial connect between the goddesses and their female devotee is of a very special nature.

Nomenclature The earliest textual reference to goddesses venerates them by their respective names such as Uśas, Aditi, and Sacī. However when spousal attributes are invoked to define the prominence and power of the female agency, the nomenclature is suitably inflected leading to names such as Indrāṇī, the consort of Indrā; Brahmāṇi, the consort of Brahmā; Agnāyī, the consort of Agni; and Varuṇāṇī, the consort of Varuṇ. While the term Devī does occur sporadically in the four Vedas as a form of address to the female divinities, it is posited as a signifier of power or benevolence, rather than a synonym or a standard affix to the individual names of the female divinities. In present times goddesses that have been included in the Vedic-Brahmanic pantheon are formally referred to as Devī, but the term is not exclusively reserved for goddesses or for women of high social rank. It is widely accepted as part of the personal name of married females. In popular usage, irrespective of their benevolent or malevolent attributes, goddesses are addressed as mothers. Synonyms such as māta, mā, ammā, ammaṇ, and māi are affixed to the names of goddesses by devotees to express filial endearment. The names of most indigenous goddesses carry the mother affix. There is a contemporary trend of replacing mother synonyms suffixed to names of indigenous goddesses with the term devī. This may be seen as a continuation of the incessant sociocultural transformation of goddesses carried out across history. This exercise in self-assertion and identity formation serves to transform the attributes of indigenous goddesses and their cultural associations to coincide with the social transformation of the devotee base.

Goddesses: Overview

The Revered Female(s) of the Indus Valley The earliest known prototype of the goddess in the Indian subcontinent was discovered during excavation at the sites associated with the Indus valley civilization. Terracotta figurines, steatite seals, and clay tablets with detailed iconography of the female were among the numerous items unearthed. It is premature to conclude that these are the depictions of the goddess because in the absence of a completely deciphered script, the interpretations are based on retrospective analyses drawn from later sources and ideas of the sacral. Such analyses in conjunction with evidence of female fertility organs have led to the female icons of the Indus Valley being identified as mother goddesses. The images may be divided into two categories. The first category is more numerous and consists of many types of individual figurines. Some are marked with prominent fertility organs and others with elaborate jewelry and oversized head ornaments some of which are shaped as single or multiple lamps. The second category consists of seals and tablets which present a rich narrative. These compositions invest female figures with prominence and power through use of flora and fauna and also through depiction of other human figures in postures of supplication. Two of the seals preserved in the National Museum at Karachi are particularly relevant to the idea of the goddess prototype. One depicts a female figure in the process of giving birth to a tree or vice versa, and has been described as Earth Mother. Another seal shows eight female figures with identical posture and ornaments arranged in complex ritual performance resembling a human sacrifice. One of the eight figures is prominently placed within a u-shaped thronelike structure made out of tree branches, while other seven female figures are arranged in a procession. The primary female figure is shown to receive ritual worship from a devotee flanked by a horned bull-like animal and a severed human head placed on a raised structure. There are many other seals which depict the female figure with a variety of plants and animals and with groups of six or seven females in varied compositions. The exact

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role of the terracotta figurines in the Indus Valley society remains unclear. However a distinct idea of the female principle as a sacred, creative, and powerful force is conveyed through the narratives etched on the seals. The female principle is thus identified as the source of various forms of life worthy of ritual veneration. The recurrent motif of six or seven female figures has received sustained attention. It is often seen as a precursor to a later tradition of divine female heptads such as the Saptmātṛkās or the seven rays of the sun, the seven rivers, and to the constellation Kṛttikās.

G The Divine Female Agency in Vedic Literature Vedic literature presents a very complex template of divine female agency which is carved out of an ever dynamic relation to the male agency. The characterization is further complicated by repeated conflation of individual female figures with each other, with natural phenomenon and with milk-yielding cows. This incredibly fluid morphology which cuts across human, animal, and celestial worlds pervades the four ancient texts. It creates an impression of mutability of the female agency to suit a narrative that is dominated by male protagonists. The term Devī is ascribed to the celestial females but not in conjunction with their names. The term is invested with connotations of grandeur and resplendence. The female figures of the Vedas are also depicted as distinguished entities worthy of admiration on account of their creative energy in addition to their nurturing and empowering material attributes. Nevertheless, various conflicting maternal, filial, and conjugal identities are repeatedly assigned to them. The names ascribed to prominent female divinities are Ap (Waters), Uśas (Dawn), Vāc (Speech), Aditi (Mother of the Gods), Sacī (power of Indra)/ Indraṇī (spouse of Indra), Pṛthvī (Earth), Bhūmi (Land), Diti (mother of the Maruts), Rodasī (the consort of the Maruts), Varuṇāṇī (consort of Varuṇ), Sarasvatī (River), Bhārati, Iḷā, Māhi (all associated with the Earth), Aśvini (consort of the Aśvins), Agnāyī (consort of Agni), Ratri (sister of

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Uśas, associated with darkness), Nīritti (dark robed harbinger of sorrow and destruction), and Virāj (cosmogonic power that transcends gender). Often multiple names are assigned to a single divinity as in the case of Sacī/Indraṇī or Pṛthvī/ Bhūmi/Māhi. Conversely, divinities characterized by their multiplicity are identified by a single name as in the case of Ap. Sometimes names are not assigned, and the agency is perceived as a collective: the seven rays, the seven rivers, the seven floods, the seven streams, the seven mothers (of Agni, Soma), the seven sisters, and the seven tongues of Agni. Sarasvatī, Bhārati, and Iḷā are invoked as a triad which often includes their respective groups of sisters. Uśas, Vāc, Pṛthivi, and Sarasvatī are prominent in the Ṛg Veda on account of having been accorded praise through many hymns exclusively dedicated to them. Paradoxically, Uśas with the maximum number of hymns is shown to be attacked and punished by the powerful Indra, whereas the much venerated mother of the gods Aditi is mainly celebrated in hymns accorded to the male divinities. Thus it is difficult to delineate the relative prominence of the female divinities in early Vedic literature, but the benevolent and auspicious aspects of the female agency and its cosmogonic role are found to be dominant. With the exception of Ratri, Nīritti, and Virāj, the female agency in the Ṛg Veda is invested with positive, potent energy to protect life, to herald health and wealth, and to bring joy to the world. The negative energy associated with Ratri, Nīritti, and Virāj is accepted without being invested with malefic or demonic dimensions. The Brāhmaṇas and Upaniṣads of the Ṛg Veda describe the female agency within the established framework of the Ṛg Veda but with varying degrees of abstraction. While overlapping identities and clustering characteristics of Vedic divinities continue to mark divine females, hitherto unnamed divine groups are assigned names in later texts. For example, the Atharvan text Muṇdaka Upanishad assigns names to the seven red sisters/tongues of Agni: Kāli, Karāli, Manojavā, Sulohitā, Sudhūmrvarṇā, Sphulṅginī, and Viṣvarūpī; the Taittirīya Saṃhitā of the Krśṇa Yajurveda presents a detailed account of the

Goddesses: Overview

Kṛttikās: Ambā, Dulā, Nitatnī, Abhrayantī, Meghayantī, Varṣyantī, and Cupuṇīk. The Atharva Veda continues the veneration of divinities such as Ap, Aditi, Pṛthivi, and Vāc while introducing new divinities through hymns invoking the invisible spirits of nature, residents of deep forests and auspicious plants, which grant a variety of charms for protection from diverse diseases and misfortunes. The hymns also have incantations for protection from Apsarās, the beautiful seductive maidens of the waters associated with negative principles. The female divinities of Vedic literature such as Uśas, Vāc, Ap, Aditi, and Pṛthvī eventually fade out from the pantheon. However this disappearance is not sudden or unexplained because Vedic literature itself provides early insight into the transformation of the female principle. The Sri Sūkta, a later appendix to the Ṛg Veda, is an important example of the process through which the earlier female divinities were transformed into latter-day goddesses. In this text two divinities Sri and Lakśmi are invoked, and attributes of Uśas and Pṛthivi are assigned to the new pair. In ensuing times this process culminated in a composite goddess of power, prosperity, and prominence called Sri-Lakśmi.

The Female Principle in Indian Philosophical Tradition and its Role in the Manifestation of Goddesses During the later Vedic period, philosophical aspects of the cosmogonic principle and the position of the individual in the universe began to be explored. The Indian philosophical tradition played an important role in establishing the female principal as the unequivocal source of all material existence. The Sāṃkhya tradition recognized it as Prakṛti, a singular tripartite blend of the guṇas and the primordial force of creation, whose interaction with the plural, nonmaterial consciousness Puruśa, synergizes the subtle and the gross aspects of the universe. This pattern served a twofold purpose in the later development of the goddesses. It fulfilled the philosophical-spiritual quest while simultaneously satisfying the popular

Goddesses: Overview

need for an embodied icon of self-reference. On the one hand, it created the archetype of a singular female as the source of all creation, and on the other, it prepared the groundwork for her numerous material and symbolic manifestations which in turn served to engender and consolidate the multiple avenues of human activity that accompanied the transformation of societies. In later philosophical traditions, the female principle freely permeated across different cults, sects, and schools of thoughts and emerged in divergent yet mutually overlapping concepts of Śhakti and Māya.

Transformation and Dissemination of Goddesses through Puranas ˙ The female principle is described in numerous forms and assigned different roles in Puraṇic literature. Prakṛti, Śhakti, Māya, Mahāmaya, Jagadyoni, Parāśakti, Vidyā, and Avidyā are some of the names attributed to the abstract female principle. In its procreative form, the female principle is Sṛṣti/Śatarūpā/Sāvitri/Gāyatrī born of Brahmā and the female part of Ardhanarīnara Rudrā. In its symbolic embodiment, the female principle is articulated as the female counterpart or latent power of the male principle. Brahmī/ Brahmāṇī, Raudrī/Rudrāṇī, Mahāgaurī, Pārvatī, Gaurī, Umā, Bhavāni, Sati, Nārāyaṇī, Viṣṇumāyā, Mahālakṣmi, Māheśvari, Vaiṣṇavī, and the non-spousal Durga, Kāli, and Rādhā represent this tradition. The Puraṇic literature encompasses a vast span of time, ranging from the later Vedic period to the sixteenth century. This body of literature exhibits close concern with the day-to-day life of the people to whom it was addressed. The classification and antiquity of the Puraṇas are deeply contested on account of numerous interpolations and problems of intertextuality. However these very complexities reveal the process through which the abstract female cosmogonic principle transformed into an animated and popular form of ritual worship. Puraṇic literature is generally classified into two groups of 18 texts each. The 18 major texts are devoted to Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. The

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presence of the female principle is largely cosmogonic and serves to highlight the principal male divinity around whom the text is structured. Of these, Mārkaṇḍeya Puraṇa is the only text that contains a part dedicated to the goddess with exclusive narrative prominence to the female principle. The Devī Māhātmya section of the Mārkaṇḍeya Puraṇa gives a detailed account of the aspects of a great goddess as the source of all creation. The great goddess or Devī in this text is invested with the philosophical concept of Prakṛti or the undifferentiated primordial matter which existed prior to the creation of the universe. She is eternal and omnipresent but discloses her embodied presence to slay the demons and protect the gods and thereby to reveal the good and the evil. The Devī is at once the expression and the source of the power of the gods. The Devī Māhātmya made three significant contributions to the creation of the pantheon of the goddesses. It firmly established Devī in the Brahmanic tradition alongside the male trinity of Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. It emphasized the omnipotence of Devī and prepared the ground for her ritual worship. Through glorification of the mysterious multiplicity of Devī, it invoked earlier traditions of female multiplicity which made it feasible to include extant popular goddesses from outside the fold of Brahmanic tradition into the pantheon. Unlike the major Puraṇas, the minor Puraṇas or Upapuraṇas provide us with multitudes of goddesses drawn from diverse cultures and sects and incorporated into the main pantheon through varied narrative strategies. The writers of the Upapuraṇas worked at the periphery of mainstream Brahmaṇism, which on account of its rigid and complex practices, had lost much of its hold to Buddhism, to Jainism, to Tāntrism, and to Shāktism. It had also failed to create any impact on the numerous indigenous sects steeped in primitive fertility cults. In order to exercise power and control over the masses and their resources, it was necessary to establish and legitimize a sociocultural hierarchy. The writers of the Upapuraṇas, patronized by kings and noblemen, wrote elaborate texts in the classical Brahmanic tradition to eulogize popular deities. Thus a number of indigenous goddesses were accorded a Puraṇic

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genealogy, and their ritual worship was accordingly modified. Manasā and Ṣaṣṭhī are two prominent goddesses in this category. Goddesses such as Caṇḍī, Śitalā, and Maṅgalchaṇḍī, who could not claim such genealogies, were discursively transformed into manifestations of the mūlaprakṛti, the female principle. In order to assimilate various non-Brahmaṇical goddesses, the Upapuraṇas featured oppositional attributes in the description of the goddesses. Thus the goddesses are described as benevolent and ferocious, with violent animal attributes existing alongside soothing divine ones. The food favored by the goddesses includes fat, blood, and meat alongside milk and honey. This tradition absorbed and transformed many goddess cults.

The Goddesses in the Margins Not all local goddesses could be absorbed into the Brahmaṇic pantheon by Puraṇic liturgical practices. Numerous family deities, female spirits, village goddesses, goddesses of sacred groves and forests, sea and river goddesses, goddesses of disease, and local heroines continue to be worshipped through indigenous rituals in present times. While the Brahmanic goddesses are established in temples at major religious centers and worshipped with homogenized and standardized rituals, the local goddesses are venerated through unique community-based rituals. The goddesses of the southern regions such as Gangammā and Mariamman; heroines such as Periyacī Amman and Vīramākāli Amman; the goddesses of central regions such as Satti Māi, Mari Māi, Chaura Mai, and Sayyāri Mai; and Bon Bibi, the syncretic forest goddess of the Sundarban delta are just a few examples of the large number of indigenous goddesses who are either losing their devotee base or are being transformed into minor Brahmaṇic goddesses. The ritual worship of the goddess being a marker of the social stature of communities, marginalized communities often take pride in replicating Brahmaṇic rituals for indigenous goddesses.

Goddesses: Overview

While this results in a transformed image of the goddess – a transformed nomenclature which replaces the mother suffix amman/māi with devī, substitution of ritual offering of fish/fowl with milk/fruits – it also translates into reclamation of dignity and self-respect for the community.

Goddesses and the Popular Imagination The veneration of divinities in different forms can be seen as the unspoken expression of the collective joys, ambitions, longings, fears, and pursuits of the community. At times of crises, human passion has been sustained, controlled, and also propelled through the use of religion. Two modern goddesses, Bhārat Māta and Santoṣī Māta, express the deep latent anxiety of a society faced with unprecedented challenge to its age old sociocultural structure. Bhārat Māta was created in Bankim Chandra’s Ānandmaṭh and promoted through songs, slogans, and art during India’s freedom struggle. Colonial onslaught on the social fabric was countered by defensive reassertion of age old religio-cultural identity. The creation of Bhārat Māta was an important part of this endeavor. However in independent India, the iconography of Bhārat Māta as the embodiment of the nation was worked upon with narrow, religion-specific leanings and has consequently lost its inclusive attributes. Santoṣī Māta is a new popular goddess who remedies anxiety and the feeling of alienation in her devotees and grants a lifetime of ease and satisfaction. Unlike other goddesses, Santoṣī Māta needs no elaborate rituals and is propitiated by frugal offerings. Santoṣī Māta gained immense popularity through the movie Jai Santoṣī Mā. This modern goddess was invested with powers that could overpower the combined efforts of the three great spouse goddesses. The goddess addresses the devotional needs of modern-day individuals who feel trapped in endless strife and struggle in a passive universe where the virtuous seem to suffer while the evil flourish.

Gods

Language as Goddess Language and its important role in the formation of cultural identity and aspirations of people have also found expression in the form of mother goddess. The deification of language goddess is primarily a sociocultural exercise to reclaim identity but paradoxically draws upon the Vedic-Brahmaṇic pattern of iconography. The cult of the Tamil mother goddess Tamiḻttāy in the nineteenth century grew as a part of the Dravidian renaissance movement. The goddess was created and visualized in literary texts, and her cult propagated through invigorating verses. This was followed by her visual appearance in popular art and later in the form of idols and sculptures. While Tamiḻttāy inspired the Tamil-speaking population to take pride in their ancient culture, resist the hegemony of Sanskrit, and reclaim the lost glory of the language and its people, the visualization of the goddess could not be rid of the Sanskritization it vehemently resisted. Like Saraswatī, Tamiḻttāy is portrayed as a beautiful maiden bedecked with ornaments carrying a palm leaf manuscript. The inscription which identifies the manuscript as ancient Tamil classic distinguishes her as do her ornaments that carry the names of famous classical texts. In 2010 an attempt was made to build a temple to the Goddess English at Banka, a remote village in North India. This effort, pioneered by the Dalit community of the region, aimed to bring about cultural transformation and to inspire people to learn English in order to secure a better socioeconomic future. In stark contrast to the Indian tradition, the bronze idol of Goddess English presented a fusion of the Statue of Liberty and the statue of B. R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Indian Constitution. Clad in a flowing garment, with a pen in her raised right hand and a copy of the Indian Constitution in the other, the goddess embodies empowerment through literacy and constitutional rights. However the construction of the temple was stalled, and the iconoclastic goddess remains un-enshrined.

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Since 2016 joint efforts are being made by the people of Varanasi and the Bhojpuri diaspora in Mauritius to install a grand statue of Bhojpurī Māi at Varanasi. This is a part of the attempt to repossess and revive the Bhojpuri language, literature, and culture in the Hindi heartland.

Contemporary Configurations In present times the changing social structures, modern urban landscape, the mediation of technology, and the prominence accorded to the individual and the changed concept of leisure and celebration have brought about a change in the social dynamics of goddess worship. The congregational character of goddess worship in the form of feasts and fairs is by and large restricted to the rural heartland. The urban population mostly engages in collective ritual performance at carefully curated sites which compete with each other for artistic or dramatic accolades. During such festivities, the participatory role of the devotee is dominated by commercial and consumerist patterns. Ease of access to remote locations through land and air has resulted in multitudes of devotees at important goddess shrines. However the Purāṇic legacy of assimilating popular culture in goddess worship continues uninterrupted as can be seen in the latest musical renditions of festive songs associated with the goddess.

Godlike Being (Īśvara) ▶ Nyāya

Gods ▶ Theism (Hinduism)

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Gopī Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The term gopī refers to cowherding females who play an important role in the narrative biography of Kṛṣṇa. The gopīs are initially mentioned in the Harivaṃśa, a supplement to the Mahābhārata composed around the second-century BCE, which describes the amorous adventures of a young man and his brother in the forest of Vṛndāvana, where they dance and cavort with the cowherders and battle demons. The Harivaṃśa influenced later texts such as the Viṣṇu Purāṇa and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, especially the tenth book, which was composed in the ninth-century CE. The tenth book of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa informs a reader that Kṛṣṇa grew to adulthood within the social context of a tribe of cowherders. The female gopīs become important to Kṛṣṇa’s biography when he becomes an adolescent. A famous episode of an encounter between Kṛṣṇa and the gopīs occurs on the banks of a river where the gopīs have gone to bathe during an auspicious month for taking religious vows. The gopīs leave their clothing, jewelry, and delicacies on the bank of the river. Kṛṣṇa and other cowherd males steal the items, eat the delicacies, and pile the clothing into a heap. While sitting in a nearby tree, Kṛṣṇa announces to the women what he and the other males have done, teasing them about their nakedness, and being unable to fulfil their religious vows. The women chase the youthful thieves and surround them. But the gopīs cannot retrieve their clothing because Kṛṣṇa has taken them and hung them from the limbs of the tree. Kṛṣṇa mocks them and tells the gopīs to beg for their clothes in some versions of the narrative. In other renditions of this episode, the gopīs are reluctant to exit the water because they are ashamed of their nakedness. Finally, they find the courage to approach Kṛṣṇa to ask for the return of their clothing as he sits in the tree. The

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playfulness (līlā) of Kṛṣṇa is merged with the erotic in this tale, which is common with their interrelationship. The playful and erotic relationship between Kṛṣṇa and the gopīs is especially evident with the circle dance (rāsa līlā). The invitation to dance is given by Kṛṣṇa, who desires to have sexual relations with them, singing or playing his flute. The cowherd women hear this call and lose control of their emotions, surreptitiously leave their homes and husbands, and journey to the forest to be with their lover. As the women travel to meet their secret lover, they sing along and call to each other claiming to be Kṛṣṇa, which heightens the excitement, while some women recall and imitate his heroic exploits. Following footprints in the forest that suddenly disappear, the women become distraught, but this is all part of the game being played by Kṛṣṇa on these women. At the point of despair of finding their lover, the depressed women begin to return home, but suddenly they encounter him on the banks of the river. Forming a circle, they begin to dance with him and repeat his name. Within this circle, Kṛṣṇa stations himself between every two gopīs by means of his māyā (illusory) power. Thus, each gopīs is convinced that Kṛṣṇa is dancing with her. In Hindu art, this is often depicted with Kṛṣṇa in the middle of the circle playing his flute to the delight of the gopīs dancing next to Kṛṣṇa. This erotic scene is not merely intended to titillate or shock readers because it has social implications for the gopīs, who are taking a risk of losing their families, virtue, family honor, personal reputation, and social status by their illicit behavior. When hearing the alluring sound of Kṛṣṇa’s flute, the habitual behavior of the gopīs ceases because the musical instrument is anarchical and destroys social norms. It literally has the power to turn the social and cosmic world upside down. After everything is overturned, the encounter between Kṛṣṇa and the gopīs culminates in sexual congress and a blissful experience for the women. But this indescribable experience is merely transitory, because their relationship is interrupted by temporary periods of separation, which proves to be permanent when Kṛṣṇa moves to Mathura. Considering all that the gopīs

Gopī

are risking, they are fortunate that their husbands are oblivious to their faithlessness that is traceable to Kṛṣṇa’s power (māyā) to delude their minds. Since Kṛṣṇa is complete and needs nothing, he plays with the gopīs to enable them to experience divine bliss, a motivation with theological implications. The gopīs’ love for Kṛṣṇa is a salvific love that is devoid of egoism or egocentrism. The gopīs’ love becomes an archetypical model for a mode of love that is intense, anarchical, and allencompassing. In later Kṛṣṇa devotional movements, the gopīs function as the model for proper attitudes and relations with god. The hearing of Kṛṣṇa’s flute is interpreted, for instance, by later theological minds to represent the human soul being called back to its creator. From this type of theological perspective, the call of Kṛṣṇa’s flute requests only one authentic response: surrender. According to the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, it is asserted that Kṛṣṇa has a favorite gopī, but she is not identified by name. In time, this favorite gopī is identified as Rādhā. Her slow ascendance to prominence is a slow process. There are not many references to her in Sanskrit texts, although she does receive some recognition in a Prakrit work entitled the Gāhāsattasāī where she is depicted as a human mistress of Kṛṣṇa. Under the guise of a wife of Māyan (Kṛṣṇa-Gopāla), she is identified as Nappiṇṇai in the Tamil classic work the Śilappadikāram. She is also referred to by this name by the Tamil poets Āṇtāḻ and Nāmmāḻvār. But such later Sanskrit works as the Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa, Padma Purāṇa, and the Nāradīya Purāṇa refer to her cult. Arguably, the most important work that establishes her as the favorite gopī of Kṛṣṇa is the Gītāgovinda of the poet Jayadeva composed in 1170, making her clearly the consort of Kṛṣṇa. Jayadeva’s poem depicts a love between figures that is intense, erotic, passionate, and even violent because the actors get carried away by their actions in what amounts to an ordeal of powerful love. In one of the most blatantly erotic poems in world’s religious literature, this battle of sexual delight described by the poet in some detail includes scenes referring to red marks of passion that stain Kṛṣṇa, tangled hair of wilted flowers, nail marks on Rādhā’s breasts, and bodies moist with sweat. Rādhā’s jewel anklets give off an

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erotic sound as the couple reaches the height of passion. The poet mentions eight types of kisses and an equal number of ways to perform sexual intercourse. This illicit rendezvous takes place at night to obscure prying eyes, and this night of sexual bliss is transformed into a realm apart from the ordinary world, an ideal transcendent world of joy and bliss where a god and his consort can enjoy each other. Jayadeva’s poem is not simply an erotic play because it does embody a theological message for devotees of the god. Rādhā’s behavior symbolizes the human soul surrendering itself to god. The references to sexual congress suggest a union of body, mind, and being between the participants. The sexual relationship is also a form of play (līlā) that sometimes identifies a winner and a loser in the game of divine bliss. Kṛṣṇa is a winner, for instance, when she successfully breaks down Rādhā’s defenses, whereas she is the winner when she is depicted placing her foot on his head or when she assumes the superior sexual position on top of her lover. The necessity of and theological implications of assuming the behavior of a gopī is developed by the work of thinkers associated with Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism. The Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava movement was inspired by Caitanya, a religiously mad holy man of the sixteenth century, who instituted public chanting of Kṛṣṇa’s name. He was obsessed with Kṛṣṇa and Rādhā, and walking around Vṛndāvana reminded him, for example, of their sporting in the Yamunā River, which motivated Caitanya to jump into the river to join the fun, but he was saved from drowning by disciples. Caitanya was playing the role of a gopī who is mad for her deity. Some of Caitanya’s contemporaries thought that he was an avatāra (incarnation) of Kṛṣṇa, while others thought that he was an embodiment of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, implying that Kṛṣṇa became incarnate in Caitanya’s body to experience the same bliss enjoyed by Rādhā when united with Kṛṣṇa. Caitanya inspired a religious movement in Bengal that came to be known as Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism led by the six Gosvāmins, who produced many works in Sanskrit. This devotional movement stressed having a deep love of god (rāgānuga) to such an excessive extent that the

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devotee becomes attached to god. The devotee is invited to sing the praises of god and to participate bodily and emotionally in a realm of pure play. In the final stage of five forms of devotion, the devotee plays the role of Rādhā and other gopīs. This religious movement would split over an internal dispute about whether Rādhā was a mistress or a wife. The legally married woman (svakīyā) met her married and social obligations, whereas the parakīyā woman, who could be married or unmarried, entered extramarital affairs and had no intention of marrying her illicit lover. Obviously, the married type had more to lose, and Rādhā was the supreme model of this type of devotee. Rādhā also plays a role in the Sahaja movement influenced by Tantra. The term sahaja refers to that with which a person is born, being thus what is natural or easy such as one’s senses that must not be suppressed. Sahaja is also a state of equilibrium between the self and the world, which serves as the goal of an eternity of bliss shared with Kṛṣṇa. This location is a secret place of the “hidden moon,” representing the eternal pleasure of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa as she stands for the unconventional parakīyā type of woman. In addition to these religious movements incorporating gopīs and especially Rādhā, there were devotional poets that focused their compositions on Rādhā. Jayadeva’s Gītāgovinda composed in the twelfth century was very influential on subsequent poets. Caṇḍīdāsa and Vidyāpati, fourteenthcentury poets, stressed the illicit love affair between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa as a form of play (līlā). In the fifteenth century, the blind Sūrdās (born c. 1478) was inspired by the Bhāgavata Purāṇa to compose his most famous compendium of poems the Sūrsāgar, depicting Rādhā as a legally married wife of Kṛṣṇa and sharing a unified body and soul with the deity.

Gora 3. Hardy F (1983) Viraha-Bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, Delhi 4. Katre SL (1960) Kṛṣṇa, Gopas, and Rādhā. In: Hariyappa HI, Patkar MM (eds) Professor P. K. Gode commemoration volume. Oriental Book Agency, Poona, pp 83–92 5. Kinsley DR (1975) The sword and the flute: Kālī and Kṛṣṇa, dark visions of the terrible and the sublime in Hindu mythology. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Kinsley DR (1979) The divine player: a study of Kṛṣṇa Līlā. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Majumdar AK (1955) A note on the development of the Rādhā cult. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 75:231–257 8. Miller BS (1975) Rādhā consort of Kṛṣṇa’s venal passion. J Am Orient Soc 95(4):655–671 9. Vaudeville C (1962) Evolution of love symbolism in Bhagavatism. J Am Orient Soc 82:31–40

Gora ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Gorachand ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Gorakh ▶ Gorakhnāth

Gorakhna¯th

References

Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

1. Dimock EC Jr (1966) The place of the hidden moon: erotic mysticism in the Vaiṣṇava-Sahajiyā cult of Bengal. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Haberman DL (1988) Acting as a way of salvation: study of Rāgānugā Bhakti Sādhana. Oxford University Press, Oxford

Synonyms Gorakh; Goraksanāth; Ramanvajra

Gorakhna¯th

Definition Gorakhnāth is the founder of the Kānphāta sect of Śaivism and one of the main founders of Hindu Nāth sect.

Introduction The “Nāth” sect is one of the main Hindu sects with a large number of followers spreading far and wide, within India and even beyond. Gorakhnāth is one of the main founders of the monastic order of this sect. The word “Gorakh” in the vernacular have different meanings. It may mean “one who is protector of earth” or “one who protects the cow”; it may also mean “one who has control over the senses” ([1], p. 1). “Gorakh” is also used as a distinguishing characteristic (Gotra) of a certain kind of Yogis. The word “Nāth” primarily means “master.” In the local dialect, “Nāthana” means “one who is pierced” or “bound with cotton stringed.”

Life of Gorakhna¯th It is hard to have any undisputed account of the biographical details of Gorakhnāth. There are accounts of Gorakhnāth embedded in the different traditions, but these cannot be knitted into a consistent story. There seems to be some kind of historicity in the account of Gorakhnāth available from the tradition of Nepal. Historical records available in Nepal provide us with the following details about Gorakhnāth. According to this evidence, Gorakhnāth was born in Punjab area ([2], p. 22) and went to Kathmandu, Nepal, from Punjab to meet Matsyendranāth and become his disciple. Gorakhnāth was a direct disciple of Matsyendranāth. He spent 12 long years in religious practice or sādhanā under the guidance of his guru Matsyendranāth and became a Yogi ([2], p. 75). While he was in Nepal, Gorakhnāth lived at a place close to the Paśupatināth temple in Kathmandu ([3], p. 229). Revered greatly in Nepal and Sikkim, Gorakhnāth also became well

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known as a great Yogi of Northern and Western India. According to tradition in Assam, where Gorakhnāth has a wide following, he was of lowly origin, but this was no hindrance to his attainment of spiritual enlightenment ([1], p. 23). If we go by the Assamese testimony, Gorakhnāth adopted the life of an ascetic at an early age and was a lifelong celibate. People around him greatly appreciated his humility or humbleness, his kindness, compassion, and his spirit of service. The Bengal tradition according to which, Gorakhnāth was originally a Buddhist and so was regarded as a heretic by the Hindu. His early name was Ramanvajra and he belonged to Bajrayāna Buddhist sect ([2], p. 74). He was initiated into Śaivism by Matsyendranāth ([3], p. 229). Gorakhnāth is reputed to have received with cordiality all aspirants of spiritual enlightenment, irrespective of their religious faith. Places associated with the name of Gorakhnāth are far-flung; Assam, Ujjain, Afghanistan, Sikkim, Nepal, Baluchistan, Peshowar, Dwarka, South India, and Sri Lanka are all linked with Gorakhnāth. So it may be inferred that Gorakhnāth travelled long distances during his lifetime. It is believed that he founded the Nāth sect or Nāth sampradāya and that the 9 Nāths and 84 siddhas are human manifestation of Gorakhnāth, created with the purpose that they would represent and spread the message of Gorakhnāth’s Yogic practice and Yogic enlightenment in its highest form that is Samādhi.

Date of Gorakhna¯th There are widely varying opinions as to the time when Gorakhnāth lives. Gopinath Rao places Gorakhnāth in the second century AD ([4], p. 41) on the evidence of a special type of Siva images (Śiva mounted on Śiva-liṅga) characteristic of the Gorakhnāth sect found in southern India. According to the Nepali tradition, Gorakhnāth lived between seventh to eighth century AD ([3], p. 248). John W Briggs places Gorakhnāth from eleventh to twelfth century. Grierson is of the

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opinion that Gorakhnāth lived in the fourteenth century. The evidence on the basis of which these estimates have been made varies from one estimate to another.

Literary Contribution There are a number of Sanskrit texts whose authorship is credited to Gorakhnāth. The texts in question are as follows: Amaraugha prabodha, jñānāmṛṭa, ātma bodha, Yoga Cintāmaṇi, Yoga Mahimā, Yoga Mārtaṇḍa, Yoga Siddhānta Paddhati, Siddha Siddhānta Paddhati, Viveka Mārtaṇḍa, Gorakh Samhitā, Hatha Yoga, Avadhuta Gitā, Nātha-Līlāmṛta, Kāya bodha, Kāma Śāstra, Pañcamātra Yoga, Siddhānta Bhāskara, Yoga Pradipikā, Catuḥ-sityāsana, Amṛta Siddhi, Jñānādīpa Bodh, Gorakṣasiddhānta Saṅgraha, Gorakh Saṅgha, and others ([4], pp. 121–137). He also composed some works in Hindi, of which only one of them, namely, Sista Pramāna Grantha, survived. It has been claimed that he is the first writer of Hindi prose, no mean achievement.

The Sect of Gorakhna¯th The followers of Gorakhnāth are referred to as Yogis, because of their practice of Yoga. They are also called Gorakhnāthi, because of their being followers of Gorakhnāth, the founder of the sect. They are also known as darsani as they wear huge earring called darsana, sometimes regarded as holy (pāvitri), and as signifying that its wearer has been blessed with a vision of Brahman. The followers are also known as Kānphātā because of their practice of having the cartilage of their ears perforated for wearing the huge ring ([3], p. 1).

Gorakhna¯th

done by transcending our lower self, constituted by the sexual power, the vital air, and the mind ([1], pp. 26–27). Each of these three elements in the lower self can be controlled to pave the way for one’s reaching supramental consciousness. The control over the mind can be effected by contemplation (tarka), preventing the mind from being affected by what happens in the external world (manasa), intellectual discrimination (jnāna), recitation of mantra (japa), and reversal of what the mind does normally (ultā). The spiritual aspirants must go through the process repeatedly until it reaches the highest state of selftranscendence. Abilities one is born with (sahaja) bring about its control over the mind in a natural way. With such control over the mind, one rises above his lower self to reach the supramental state of consciousness which is a positive state of divine existence, divine consciousness, and divine bliss (sat, cit, and ānanda). In this connection, we should state what Gorakhnāth had to say about the supramental state of consciousness in his Siddha Siddhānta Paddhati “No distinctive existence of Brahman, Visnu, Rudra and Indra and other deities is there; nor is there any existence of earth or water, or fire or air or sky; time and the directions do not exist; the vedas and the yajnas, the sun and the moon, the laws and the cyclic order are all absent; Your true Self alone shines as the sole selfluminous Absolute Reality, O You, who reveal Yourself as pure and perfect ExistenceConsciousness-Bliss” ([5], p. 38). This seems to bring Gorakhnāth very close to the Advaita Vedāntins.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Pramāṇa ▶ Śaivism, Overview

Philosophy of Gorakhna¯th We shall now try to give a brief account of Gorakhnāth’s philosophy. He was a Yogi and consequently, sets up achieving the pinnacle of spiritual enlightenment as the goal of human life by realizing the true essence of the self. This can be

References 1. Singh M (1937) Gorakhnath and mediaval Hindu mysticism. Oriental College, Lahore 2. Mahadevan TMP (1960) A seminar on saints. Ganesh & Co, Madras

Greeks (Hinduism) 3. Briggs GW (1938) Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogis. YMCA Publishing, Calcutta 4. Kalyani M (1950) Nath Sampradaya Itihas. Calcutta University, Calcutta 5. Banerjea AK (1961) Philosophy of Gorakhnath with Goraksha-Vacana-Sangraha. Mahant Dig Vijai Nath Trust, Gorakhpur

Goraksana¯th ▶ Gorakhnāth

Gosa¯vī – A mendicant

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Introduction Greek and Indian religions shared a common Indo-European background, but had developed into very different directions. Still, Greeks were capable of identifying Indra as Zeus (as thunder god) (Strabo 15, 1, 69). But usually the Greek custom of identifying foreign gods with familiar ones is very confusing. Even more difficult is the question of possible interaction in the sphere of religion and philosophy. Much speculation has been written about this kind of Graeco-Indian contacts, but what is really needed is solid evidence, clearly separated from fantasy. Similar ideas may arise in many ways [3]. General introductions to the history Graeco-Indian relations are written, e.g., by Sedlar [10] and Parker [6].

▶ Bahiṇābāī

Early Period

Goswamis ▶ Naga Samnyasins

Grantha ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Greeks (Hinduism) Klaus Karttunen Department of World Cultures, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

Definition Greek and Roman knowledge of Indian religion and philosophy, the question of interaction between India and the West.

Early Greek knowledge of India mostly consisted of ethnographical wonder stories with no intellectual contact involved. India was not yet known to Homer, the first information came during the Achaemenid Empire, which extended from the Indus in the east to the Ionian Greek cities in the west. In the fifth century, Herodotus, partly deriving from the lost works of Scylax and Hecataeus, gave a short account, but his tribe of Indian “vegetarians” is a typical primitive people of Greek ethnography and has nothing to do with Buddhists or ascetics [4]. Another collection of Indian wonders was written by Ctesias around 400 B.C.E. [5]. It is only preserved in an abridged form and the only mention of religion is a brief reference to a cult of the sun and moon.

Alexander’s Historians and Megasthenes Alexander’s Indian campaign reached the eastern Punjab and was the turning point in the history of Greek knowledge about India. Several of its participants wrote its history. Their works are lost, but known from quotations in the historical and geographical books of the Roman period. On surficial similarities, Indian cults were identified as

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those of Dionysus and Heracles as these two were believed to be mythic ancestors of Alexander. Other popular topics were the naked ascetics of Taxila and the warlike Brahmans of the southern Indus country. Much fresh information was soon given by Megasthenes, the envoy of Seleucus I to Mauryan India. He also told of Dionysus and Heracles, but now they are not necessarily the same as earlier in the northwest.

Roman Period Many later accounts of India were derived from Alexander’s historians and Megasthenes. The most important among them are the geography of Strabo, the encyclopedia of Pliny the Elder, and the history of Arrian. A new account is the Life of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratus (third century C.E.). In two books of this work, he described the Indian travels of this first century Neo-Pythagorean. But while the account of Taxila in the second book seems to be based on a genuine first century source, that of Brahmans living on a mountain in central India in the third book is clearly made up and contains more Greek than Indian ideas. New knowledge certainly came through the Indian Ocean trade flourishing in the early centuries C.E. [9]. It is found in the works of Pliny and Ptolemy and in the Periplus of the Indian Sea. Historians mention several Indian embassies to Rome, also one from Sri Lanka (Pliny). The Syrian gnostic philosopher Bardesanes (155–222) interviewed one embassy and obtained some fresh information connected with Śaiva religion [10]. In the fourth century, an unnamed Theban scholasticus (kind of lawyer) visited South India and wrote an account preserved in the Church History of Palladius [1]. In the early sixth century, Cosmas Indicopleustes, a merchant turned monk, told much of Indian nature, political situation, and Christian communities in his Christian Topography. The medieval (but based on earlier ones) map Tabula Peutingeriana mentions a temple of Augustus in Kerala, but this could rather refer to

Greeks (Hinduism)

Agastya as the cultural hero of South India than to Roman imperial cult.

Philosophy Much has been written about the possible contacts between Greek and Indian philosophy, but in fact there are rather few established contacts, starting with Alexander. Early Sceptics (Pyrrho and Anaxarchus) certainly visited India, but their works are lost. Much later, around 200 C.E., Sextus Empiricus gave two examples that are also common in several schools of Indian philosophy – the rope taken as a serpent in dark room and the deduction of fire from smoke seen in the mountain. There are many apocryphal tales of Indian travels of Greek philosophers in Diogenes Laertius and other late authors, starting with Pythagoras, Solon, and Democritus. Later on, these stories were taken by Christian apologetics who wanted thus to show the unindependence of Greek philosophy. A special case is Plotinus with Neo-Platonism. There are clear doctrinal similarities with some Indian schools, but the possible way of contact is not known ([8], pp. 199–207). According to Porphyrius, Plotinus wanted to go to India and meet Brahmans, but the new war between Rome and Persia impended. Manichaeism was certainly important as transmitter. Its monastic system, borrowed from Buddhism, was adopted in the Christian Near East [11]. Perhaps Manichaeism was also the source from which Clement of Alexandria and Jerome had obtained a somewhat distorted idea of the Buddha and Buddhism.

Indian Viewpoint Greek astronomy and astrology were introduced to India in the early centuries C.E. Sanskrit works refer to Yavaneśvara (Lord of the Greeks) and Vṛddhayavana (Old Greek) as authorities, and two early works, those of Sphujidhvaja and Mīnarāja, go directly back to Greek tradition [7].

Grhya Sūtras ˙

This is one of the few cases of clear Western influence in Indian culture. There has been some useless speculation like the attempt to derive Kṛṣṇa from Christ. But it is true that Christianity early found its way to South India. An early account (Clement of Alexandria) names Bartholomew as the apostle of India, but later on this mission was ascribed to Thomas, originally the apostle of Edessa and Parthia ([2], pp. 61–77, 98–101). Therefore, the old Christian community in South India is known as Thomas Christians.

Cross-References ▶ Alexander the Great ▶ Megasthenes

References 1. Derrett JDM (1962) The theban scholasticus and malabar in c. 355–60. J Am Orient Soc 82:21–31 2. Dihle A (1984) Antike und Orient, Gesammelte Aufsätze. Hrsg. von V. Pöschl und H. Petermann. Supplemente zu den Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 2. Heidelberg 3. Halbfass W (1988) India and Europe. An Essay in Understanding. State University of New York, Albany (reprint: Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 1990) 4. Karttunen K (2002) The ethnography of the fringes. In: Bakker E, de Jong I, van Wees H (eds) A companion to herodotus. Brill, Leiden, pp 457–474 5. Nichols A (2011) Ctesias on India and fragments of his minor works. Introduction, translation and commentary. Bristol Classical Press, London 6. Parker G (2008) The making of Roman India. Greek culture in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 7. Pingree D (1963) Astronomy and astrology in India and Iran. Isis 54:229–246 8. Sedlar JW (1980) India and the Greek World. A study in the transmission of culture. Rowman & Littlefield, Totowa 9. Tomber R (2008) Indo-Roman trade. From pots to pepper. Duckworth Debates in Archaeology, London 10. Vofchuk RC (1999) Los informes de Bardesanes sobre la India. Boletin de la Asociacion Española de Orientalistas 35:299–312 11. Winter F (2007) Das frühchristliche Mönchtum und der Buddhismus. Religionswissenschaft 13. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main, etc

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Grhya Sūtras ˙ Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The Grihya Sūtra deals with 16 Samskaras “ceremonies” and daily yajnas “sacrifices” that mark various stages of a householder’s life. Three sūtras, namely, Grihya, Shrauta, and Dharma, constitute the Kalpa sūtras that are a collection of scriptures that emerged during different Vedic schools [4]. The Grihya Sūtra describes ceremonies for special occasions, seasonal ceremonies, and five daily sacrifices, particularly starting from the inception of life to reaching the final destination, i.e., death. The Hindu scholars believe that Grihya Sūtra was composed during the same period when the Hindu law books were composed. The main Grihya Sūtras are Sankhayana Grihya Sūtra, Asvalayana Grihya Sūtra, Paraskar Grihya Sūtra, and Khadira Grihya Sūtra. Each Veda has a separate Grihya Sūtra: the Grihya Sūtra of Rig Veda includes Asvalayana and Sankhayana Grihya Sūtra, and the method of construction of building and dwelling time has been described [3]. Also the third Grihya Sūtra discusses the rituals related to marriage, Upanayana, agriculture, and last death rites. In Yajurveda, we have Paraskar Grihya Sūtra. Various commentators, including Jairama, Gadadhara, and Vishwanatha, provide commentaries on it. The Baudhayana, Apastamba, Bharadwaja, and Kathaka are included in the Grihya Sūtra of Krishna Yajurveda, whereas Kaushika Grihya Sūtra is part of the Atharva Veda. In this entry, however, we will discuss few Samskaras based on Grihya Sūtra [2].

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Discussion The Grihya Sūtra describes the doctrine of five yajnas “sacrifices”: Brahma “the supreme being,” Pitra “father,” Dev “god,” atithi “guest,” and Bhuta “ghost” to repay Dev Rna “god’s debt,” Rsi Rna “sage’s debt,” and Pitra Rna “father’s debt [1].” The householder studies Veda everyday to repay Brahma and Rsi debt. Also it is required to perform morning and evening prayers. The last rites are performed to pay the father’s debt. While offering oblations in the fire, the god’s debt is paid – gods, such as Indra, Soma, and Prajapati are worshipped. The Atithi yajna is considered more beneficial than any other yajna, since atithi “guest” can be any person – a saint or a beggar – coming to the houses of householders. A guest is considered like a deva; therefore it is required to welcome and respect a guest and provide him with food and shelter. In the Bhuta yajna, an individual first offers food to agni “fire,” lepers, dog, crow, etc. before he/she feeds oneself. The Bhuta yajna is also known as Bali Vaishva Dev yajna. Besides these five yajnas, there are other yajna, such as Paka yajna, soma yajna, and havir yajna, which are performed on special occasions. The Samskaras are domestic rites performed by a householder to celebrate the most important stages or turning point in one’s life. The 16 Samskaras are known as Shodasha Samskaras, and a detail discussion on each one is also found in Brihadaranyaka Upanishad [1]. In Garbhadhana Samskara, the rites are performed to ensure the birth of a good child. The age of husband and wife during this Samskara should not be less than 25 and 16, respectively. The Pumsavana Samskara is performed in the third, fourth, or eighth month after conceiving. The pregnant wife takes bath, wears clean cloth, and observes fast. The juice of Vat Vriksha “banyan tree” was dropped in the right nasal of the pregnant woman. This Samskara is performed for begetting a son. Also, Simantonnayana Samskara is performed in fourth or fifth month of pregnancy. Jatakarman Samskara is performed after the birth of a child. In this Samskara, the father of the child gives him lick honey and butter and utters Meghajanam mantra.

Grhya Sūtras ˙

The Namakarana Samskara is performed to give a name to the newborn baby – a golden leaf is tied to the left wrist of the child. The Nishkramana Sanskar is performed when a child is taken out of house for the first time. Any day from twelfth day to fourth month of child’s birth is appropriate. When the child is given solid food for the first time, the Annaprashana Samskara is performed. According to Manu, a child is introduced to solid food when he is 6-month-old. During this Samskara, Kheer “rice cooked in sweet milk” is offered to the child. And the breast feeding of child hereafter comes to an end after Annaprashana Samskara. Chudakarana Samskara is performed between 1 year and 3 years – the head of the child is tonsured, and only a tuft of hair is left on the top of the head. In the Karnavedha Samskara, the earlobes of the child are pierced [4]. According to Brihaspati, this Samskara should be performed on the tenth or fifteenth day of child’s birth, whereas Katyayana prescribes it in third or fifth year of child’s birth. In Vidyarambha Samskara, the child is taught alphabets. The Upanayana Samskara marks the beginning of a formal education. According to Grihya Sūtra, the age of initiating this Samskara is 8 years for Brahmin, 11 years for Kshatriya, and 12 years for Vaishya. The boy wears a sacred thread, known as Yagyopaveet after performing the rite. Formally, this Samskara marks the entrance in the Brahmacharya Ashram. There is a Samskara, namely, Vidyarambha Samskara, which is not mentioned in the Grihya Sūtra. Since Vedas were the integral part of education, it was not considered appropriate to formally introduce it [3]. In the Gaudan Samskara, the boy gives a cow to his Acharya. When a student comes back home, it is known as Samavartana Samskara. The Vivaha Samskara is performed at the time of marriage. And the last is Antyesti Samskara. This Samskara is performed after the death of a person. Since death is not a welcoming event, however, inevitable – this Samskara is not mentioned in a number of Grihya Sūtra.

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References 1. Apte VM (1954) Social and religious life in the Grihya sutras. Popular Book Depot, Bombay 2. Gobhila & Asiatic Society of Bengal (1988) The Gobhiliya grihya sutra. Biblio Verlag, Osnabrück 3. Müller FM (1973) The sacred books of the east: the Grhya-sutras: rules of Vedic domestic ceremonies (trans: Oldenberg H, 1: Sankhayana-Grihya-Sūtra; Asvalayana-Grihya-Sūtra; Paraskara- Grihya-Sūtra; Khadira-Grihya- Sūtra) 4. Oldenberg H, Müller FM (1964) The Grihya-sutras. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Guda¯kes´a ˙ ▶ Arjuna

Gujarati ▶ Africa, Hinduism in

Guru ▶ Gurumatha Amma ▶ Shri Anandi Ma

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i.e., of the spiritual master, has emerged from Vedic times as one of the most prestigious protagonists of Indian society. Indeed, it is the guru who authenticates, fosters, and transmits the numerous religious traditions (sampradāya) of the subcontinent. The “way of the guru” (guruvāda) is the special characteristic not of a particular sect or line of succession but of all Indian religions. From time immemorial the guru is thought to be indispensable, the necessary guide in order to achieve the highest goal of liberation (mokṣa) from the painful round of rebirths (saṃsāra). Only one who is liberated (mukta) can lead others along the path: the guru is thought to be free from bondage and to know by experience the way towards mokṣa. The master’s words and teachings (upadeśa), his/her whole persona, are therefore efficacious and regarded as “reliable testimony” (āpta-vacana), a means of knowledge of that which is beyond ordinary perception (pratyakṣa) as well as inference (anumāna). As in Sikhism, which is the religion of the guru par excellence, every Hindu tradition is grounded in the guru institute and is perpetuated through it. The master is thought as the upholder of a perennial gnosis (jñāna), which he/she interprets and adapts according to the needs of the followers and of society at large. Though a conservative figure, he/she may also be an innovator, i.e., a creative exegete of the transmitted wisdom. Gurus are thought to actualize the ancient truths through their lives, teachings, and personal charisma.

Guru (Hinduism) Antonio Rigopoulos Ca’ Foscari University, Venice, Italy

Synonyms ācārya; deśika; upādhyāya; svāmin/swami

Definition In the absence of a centralized institution such as the Church in the West, the person of the guru,

The Constitutive Elements of the guru Institute The constitutive elements of the guru institute are two: (1) The solemn ceremony of initiation (dīkṣā) which the guru officiates, thanks to which the constituency of the disciples (śiṣya) is ordained and the quintessential religious knowledge/experience is transmitted; and (2) the timely individuation by the master of his/her own successor, which he/she must unambiguously select so as to perpetuate the chain of succession (guruparamparā) which had its inception with the first

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teacher (ādi-guru) who gave rise to the tradition [11, 18, 20]. This remains true even if there are cases of “self-made” gurus who, independently from any sampradāya and thanks to their charisma, have established themselves as spiritual leaders in their own terms. In fact, the majority of gurus of so-called neo-Hinduism who have become popular in the West as well as in the Indian diaspora is of this latter type. Some teachers are founders of new sects and paramparās, which may even develop into separate religions (as in the case of Sikhism) and castes (as in the case of the Liṅgāyats), while others do not seek to establish any new movement. There is actually no rule since anyone who can attract disciples can become a guru. If most gurus are ascetics – often heads of ashrams and monastic centers (maṭhas) – there are also gurus who are householders. Moreover, even though the guru institute is traditionally associated with the masculine gender, there exist even female gurus. In this case, one should speak of gurvīs or, as is more common, of mātās/āmmās (mothers) and devīs (goddesses): though their numbers are small, this is a relevant and growing phenomenon in contemporary India [2, 14]. The conferring of initiation is crucial to the definition of a guru since he alone is entitled to initiate others. Receiving the dīkṣā from the guru is what a follower values most. When a teacher judges that his/her pupil has the necessary qualification (adhikāra) to be initiated, he/she selects an auspicious day for the celebration of the solemn ceremony. The most common form of initiation is by means of a mantra (mantra-dīkṣā), a secret formula which at the culminating moment of the ritual the guru whispers into the śiṣya’s right ear by repeating it three times (in turn, the pupil must also repeat it three times). The secret transmission of the mantra is most important, highlighting the guru’s otherworldly status and tightening the bond between teacher and disciple. A mantra is thought to be efficacious only if received personally from the teacher. The guru who imparts the mantra is believed to embody the spirit and life of the mantra, in an unbroken lineage which goes back to the primeval ādi-guru. The mantra incorporates the sacred name (nāma)

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which the disciple must constantly remember (smaraṇa) and meditate upon: it is usually that of a deity (devatā, in Tantric mantras often represented by a single syllable) or of the supreme metaphysical principle (ātman, Brahman), but it can also be that of the guru. The name of the master or deity immediately brings to mind his/her form (rūpa), since name and form are truly inseparable. Indeed, the name is thought to be most powerful since god and his name coincide (nomen ¼ numen): there is no actual difference between devatā, mantra, and guru. At the time of initiation, the guru may also impart a teaching which is not necessarily verbal. It may be a simple gesture, touch, or look, and it may even be transmitted through silence (mauna). The exemplary figure of the master who teaches through eloquent silence is Śiva Dakṣiṇāmūrti, who is especially popular in South India. As the great mystic Ramana Maharshi (1879–1950) once stated: “Preaching is simple communication of knowledge and can be done in silence too. What do you think of a man listening to a harangue for an hour and going away without being impressed by it so as to change his life? Compare him with another who sits in a holy presence and leaves after some time with his outlook on life totally changed. Which is better: to preach loudly without effect or to sit silently sending forth intuitive force to act on others?” ([13], 90). The belief is that only the guru has words – and silences – charged with a supreme, transformative power, which is the power of pure love (preman). The master sets the example, his/her entire life being regarded as a teaching to mankind. The disciple basks in the guru’s proximity, and such proximity is thought to trigger a process of inner change. Just seeing the master or being seen by him/her, as in the experience of darśana, is believed to be a sanctifying, transformative event. The guru is a veritable bolte cālte dev, “a god that speaks and walks” among men. Although every master exhibits human idiosyncrasies and a characteristic personality, both in his/her way of teaching and day-to-day behavior, the guru is nonetheless revered and worshipped as god [6]. As a famous verse of the Guru-gītā proclaims:

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“The guru is Brahmā, the guru is Viṣṇu, the guru is Śiva Maheśvara! The guru alone is in all evidence the supreme Brahman: prostration to this venerable guru!” (gurur brahmā gurur viṣṇur gurur devo maheśvaraḥ ‫ ׀‬gurur eva parabrahma tasmai śrī-gurave namaḥ ॥). It is said that the master creates a spiritual urge in the aspirant and that is his/her Brahmā aspect. The master then feeds this spiritual urge and makes it grow and that is his/her Viṣṇu aspect. Meanwhile, the master removes all doubts and hesitations, all false ideas from the mind of disciples, and that is his/her Śiva aspect. Actually, he/she is thought to be even greater than god since, whereas god is invisible the master is by all means visible and available to humans, who can interact with him/her. The guru is thus superior to the mūrtis, the mute and immobile icons of gods and goddesses that reside in temples. The idea is that man can cognize god only in the human form. For all followers, the guru is an avatāra, a divine “descent” who has manifested on earth for the protection of the good, the annihilation of evildoers, and the (re)establishment of dharma, i.e., righteousness (cf. Bhagavad-gītā 4.8). Truth (satya) is a person and it coincides with the master since he/she incarnates the religious ideal. God is not to be found in doctrines or sacred texts, be it even the Vedas – which, notwithstanding their importance, are perceived as ancillary, subsidiary devices – but in the momentous experience of a personal encounter, in the intimate relation (sambandha) with the guru. It is the master who validates the tradition and demonstrates through his/her exemplary conduct the truth of the “eternal religion” (sanātana-dharma). Such an encounter is decisive being viewed as the turning-point in one’s life. The sheer presence of the master, independently from what he/she says or does, operates the transmutation of the pupil allowing him/her to awake to his/her divine reality. Thus, the guru represents what every person actually is, though he/she ignores it. The master functions like a mirror in which the disciple sees the reflection of his/her true identity, which is none other than the pure self (ātman). In the end, guru, God, ātman, and Brahman are synonymous, i.e., one and the same.

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The master is not limited to his/her body. Even after shedding his/her mortal coil, he/she is thought to be ever active. The teacher’s communion with all devotees is a bond of love that never ends. Life after life, the idea is that every bhakta is destined to encounter his/her guru again and again, since the latter never forsakes him/her, even though he/she may forget the guru: until they will come to realize their ātmic, deathless state, the master will not abandon his/her children. The guru is believed to be both immanent, i.e., omnipresent, and beyond name and form, i.e., transcendent. Thus, the two syllables gu and ru are said to mean one who is “beyond attributes” (guṇātīta) and “formless” (rūpa-varjita). The master is ultimately to be understood not as an individual but as the supreme spiritual principle, the guru-tattva. Typically, at the time of death the guru’s body is buried and the tomb (samādhi) is believed to be the repository of extraordinary power. The cult of the master can continue and even expand after his/her death through the proliferation of temples and shrines in his/her honor. This has been the case with one of the most beloved saints of modern India, famous throughout the subcontinent and even beyond it, i.e., the Sai Baba of Shirdi (d. 1918) whom Hindus identify with Dattātreya, the exemplary figure of guru-god whose cult is most popular in Maharashtra [15].

Etymology of the Word guru. Gurus and a¯ca¯ryas The word guru is originally an adjective meaning “heavy”/“weighty” (cf. Latin gravis) and thus “important”/“influential,” “venerable.” The guru, being rooted in the divine self, is someone who is steadfast and solid as a mountain (giri). In origin, the term was primarily used to address one’s parents and respectable elders. The first references to guru as meaning teacher are found in the early Chāndogya Upaniṣad: in 5.10.9, with reference to the deadly sin of violating the teacher’s bed, i.e., of having intercourse with his wife (guros talpam āvasan), and in 8.15.1, in the context of serving the teacher. The word guru also appears in

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Śvetāśvatara Upaniṣad 6.23, where it is said that one should have the same love towards his teacher as towards god, and in Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad 1.2.12, where it is stated that one should go to a teacher well versed in the Vedas and focused on Brahman. All in all, the term guru is rare in the early and middle Upaniṣads. In fact, the most common word for teacher in the Vedic texts is ācārya, which is certainly older than guru. Ācārya is supposed to derive from “right conduct” (ācāra) or from the verb “to approach”/“to go for instruction” (ā + verbal root car): it comes to identify one who knows and who adheres to proper, dharmic behavior. Eminent personalities and founders of Vedānta philosophical schools such as Śaṅkara (eighth century CE, founder of kevalādvaita-vedānta), Rāmānuja (eleventh to twelfth century CE, founder of viśiṣṭādvaita-vedānta), Nimbārka (twelfth to thirteenth century CE, founder of dvaitādvaita-vedānta), Madhva (thirteenth to fourteenth century CE, founder of dvaitavedānta), and Vallabha (fifteenth to sixteenth century CE, founder of śuddhādvaita-vedānta) are reverentially called ācāryas. Moreover, their distinguished disciples and the lineage of gurus within their sampradāyas are also termed ācāryas. Although the words guru and ācārya, nowadays as in the past, are often used as synonyms, the main difference is that while the ācārya is a specialist in Vedic ritual and a scholar endowed with philosophical and exegetical acumen, the guru need not be learned in any Vedic branch or theological/philosophical domain. Indeed, the guru is not primarily an intellectual but rather a mystic. According to a widespread, popular etymology, the two syllables which make up the word guru mean “he who dispels (ru) darkness (gu),” i.e., ignorance. The idea is that the guru does not transmit mere factual information but brings about the spiritual transformation of the disciples. The relation with the guru is therefore subjective and heart to heart, not merely objective. The attitudes toward the guru are characterized by intense emotional feelings, whereas the relation between the ācārya and his pupils is primarily of an intellectual kind [7, 8].

Guru (Hinduism)

The Teacher-Pupil Relation To be sure, there is no teacher without disciple and vice versa, the two being mutually interdependent. The seed (¼ the teacher) can only have life in the soil (¼ the disciple), but the latter must be ploughed and made fit to receive it. The idea is that when the disciple is ready the teacher infallibly manifests himself/herself since there is an irresistible power of attraction between the two. The teacher brings about the annihilation of the disciple’s ego, which arises from ignorance: this is his/her fundamental function. In the earlier period, the foundational teacherpupil relation is the one between the ācārya and the Brahmin celibate student (brahma-cārin; lit. “one who walks the path of Brahman”) aimed at equipping the latter with the indispensable knowledge in order to perform all ritual actions (karman), i.e., the Vedic sacrifices (yajña). The student would live at the house of his ācārya for several years and learn by heart the correct pronunciation and recitation of those portions of the Veda that his Brahminical branch (śākhā) was in charge of. Starting with the Upaniṣads, however, the decisive teacher-pupil relation becomes the one between guru and śiṣya (lit.: “to be taught/ instructed;” the term derives from verbal root śās), aimed at transmitting an esoteric, secret gnosis which is of an interior kind, above and beyond the domain of karman: only this supreme knowledge is believed to grant the summum bonum of mokṣa and only the divine guru who is its personification is qualified to transmit it efficaciously. Ideally, the guru should be both a śrotriya and a brahma-niṣṭha, i.e., one who is learned in the Vedas and adheres to its precepts and who is at all times established in the consciousness of Brahman. In the Upaniṣads as well as in the epics, Purāṇas and Tantras, the guru’s teaching is often set in the form of a dialogue (saṃvāda). The divine teacher dialogues with his/her pupils and sometimes it is a deity who acts as teacher (the deity’s wife may figure as his śiṣya, as in the case of the dialogues between Śiva and Pārvatī). These saṃvādas are expressions of the ongoing dialogue between god and man, the one between Kṛṣṇa and

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Arjuna in the Bhagavad-gītā being exemplary in this regard. The pupils have the right to question the guru on all spiritual subjects: this they should do firmly and thoroughly. In turn, it is the guru’s duty to satisfactorily answer the disciples’ queries so as to clear all their doubts (saṃśaya). The liberating knowledge which the master transmits is identified with his/her grace (kṛpā), and the disciple responds to it by consecrating himself/herself wholeheartedly to his/her lord through a life of painstaking service and devotion (bhakti). The guru is grace and the constant remembrance of the guru is itself a grace: guru and grace are understood to be inseparable. The idea is that the master’s grace precedes any human effort. Before the śiṣya even knew, the guru was already directing/pulling him/her to his side. Beyond words, the guru binds the disciple to himself through the power of preman and the disciple responds to it by reciprocating this love. This he/she does by means of devotion to the guru (guru-bhakti) which is the first and foremost virtue of the śiṣya, itself a consequence of the guru’s grace. Bhakti entails a relationship of mutual love which is understood to be much more important than any acquisition of knowledge through learning. All the evils (pāpa) and moral impurities of a disciple are thought to be washed away through selfless devotion. In particular, whatever has come in contact with the guru such as water and food offerings (prasāda) is thought to be supremely holy and to have the power of removing all defilements. Thus, the water that has been touched by the guru’s feet is understood to be like the water of the Ganges that washes away all sins: all fords (tīrtha) and sacred waters are said to be present in it and whoever drinks it will attain instant purification.

Stages in the guru-śisya Relation and the ˙ guru’s Power Ideally, the guru-śiṣya relation should be marked by three ascending stages which are accounted for in a variety of hymns of praise (stotra, stuti) honoring the teacher, as, for instance, in the popular Guru-gītā [16].

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1. The dualistic stage, characterized by the total obedience of the disciple to the master. Such an attitude is of crucial importance and the heart of bhakti. The śiṣya must surrender himself/ herself totally at the guru’s feet. At the time of initiation, the pupil prostrates before the guru lying flat on the ground (in the so-called sāṣṭāṅga-daṇḍavat manner, i.e., as a fallen stick, touching the ground with his/her eight limbs: hands, breast, forehead, knees, and feet). One must dedicate all energies and skills to serve the master and obey his/her instructions, without feeling burdened. This is the fundamental disposition which a guru adept must cultivate. Most followers, however, are too weak and not resolute enough in their faith (śraddhā) and surrender (śaraṇāgati) to the master, and this is the reason why they are thought to be incapable to progress any further in their spiritual practice (sādhanā). 2. The stage of the interiorization of the guru. Through a variety of meditative practices (dhyāna), the disciple comes to recognize the presence of the master within himself/herself, i.e., in his/her own heart. The discovery of the guru within, i.e., as ātman, leads to the recognition that he/she is the ultimate divine principle (tattva). What lies at the core of one’s being is none other than the “true guru” (sad-guru): the exterior guru and the inner guru are experienced as one and the same and coincide with one’s true identity. Once the pupil’s intellect (buddhi) is purified, he/she realizes that the exterior guru is but a reflection of the luminous, inner sad-guru. In this way, the śiṣya comes to contemplate upon his/her own inner reality. 3. The final stage of the universalization of the guru principle. The disciple becomes aware that the guru-tattva is not limited to his/her inner realm but is rather omnipresent. All dualistic distinctions between inner and outer, subject and object, you and me, etc., fade away and one comes to realize that there is only one reality which coincides with the guru-tattva. Whatever the śiṣya sees, touches, hears, tastes, etc., he/she recognizes as being none other than Brahman which fills the entire cosmos. As

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Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad 5.1 states: “The world there is full; the world here is full; fullness from fullness proceeds. After taking fully from the full, it still remains completely full” (pūrṇam adaḥ pūrṇam idaṃ pūrṇāt pūrṇam udacyate ‫ ׀‬pūrṇasya pūrṇam ādāya pūrṇam evāvaśiṣyate ॥). Thus, the pupil experiences the entire world and every creature sub specie Brahman, i.e., sub specie guru. Devotion to the name (nāma) and form (rūpa) of the physical guru is not abolished but rather sublimated and universalized. The unconditional obedience of the disciple to the guru’s will lends itself to the risks of physical, emotional, and economical abuses. To be sure, a master can easily take advantage of the śiṣya’s utter dependence from him/her [9]. In Indian lore, there are many stories of fake gurus and ascetics who exploit their followers, and this shows how Hindus have always been keenly aware of the authoritarian dangers that underlie the teacher-pupil relation [12]. Nonetheless, despite the inherent risks of such a bond – in which the pupil, at least in an initial stage, is understood to be the servant/slave (dāsa) of his/her lord – the Hindu religious traditions have always regarded the guru’s role as the most sacred and irreplaceable of all, being the necessary pathway to mokṣa. As it is stated in verse 3 of the Viveka-cūḍā-maṇi, a beautiful poem which tradition ascribes to the great advaita-vedāntin Śaṅkara: “Three things are, indeed, hard to attain and due only to divine grace: the human condition, the desire for liberation, and the association with an eminent sage” (durlabhaṃ trayam evaitad devānugrahahetukam ‫ ׀‬manuṣyatvaṃ mumukṣutvaṃ mahāpuruṣa-saṃśrayaḥ ॥). Although the basic conviction is that a śiṣya must stick to one guru, he/she is allowed and sometimes advised to go to other, subsidiary gurus (upa-guru): in fact, there exist various types of gurus and a teacher may encourage his/her pupil to go stay with other masters as well and learn from them. Moreover, if a disciple is not satisfied with one’s teacher, he/she may even decide to abandon him/her and eventually resort to another one. There are texts such as the

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Kulārṇava Tantra that explicitly state that if a disciple realizes that his guru has faults and no real knowledge, he will incur in no harm by leaving him. It is often said that whatever you experience in the presence of a teacher will tell you what to think of him/her: if peace, joy, and the stilling of one’s thoughts prevail, then the idea is that he/she is a genuine one. In any case, the truth is that nowadays as in the past there has always been a quite free entering and exiting from ashrams and religious centers. Inmates may leave and new people may come, and gurus themselves seem not to be particularly concerned about either losing their followers or acquiring new ones. The mainstream opinion in Hindu sampradāyas, however, especially in Vedānta circles, is that there must be unconditional loyalty to one’s teacher and that he/she should never be forsaken, even if the pupil discovers other gurus who appear to be more powerful, attractive, and knowledgeable than his/her own. In other words, once you have probed the teacher and have surrendered yourself to him/her, you are bound to the chosen guru for life and there is no question of leaving him/her. Given one’s faith in the master as god or Īśvara, the idea of questioning his/her qualifications as if he/she was an ordinary individual should not even arise. How can one find faults in god? Rather, if one finds drawbacks in the teacher it means that there must be something wrong in the way he/she looks at him/her, i.e., the fault is thought to ultimately reside in the eye and mind of the beholder, in his/her ignorance (avidyā). Significantly, in Vedānta the Absolute Brahman is said to manifest in a triad: god or Īśvara, the guru, and the ātman that needless to say are ultimately one and the same. In Yoga-sūtra 1.26 it is even stated that Īśvara, who is unlimited by time, is the guru of the prior ones, i.e., the yogins of former times (pūrveṣām api guruḥ kālenānavacchedāt ॥). Being revered as god, the master is thought to be omnipotent and to possess all sorts of supernatural powers which he/she may manifest through the performance of a vast array of extraordinary feats (siddhi, camatkāra). The stories told by devotees about a guru’s miracles are aimed at confirming the latter’s status, functioning as

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proofs of his/her divinity. To be sure, a guru that lacks power (śakti) is not considered a true guru. In turn, the master’s spiritual might determines social influence and often a very concrete economic power, which may extend itself to the political sphere [4, 10, 17]. Though viewed as the emblem of dispassion and non-attachment (vairāgya), a guru and his movement – typically centered in a hermitage or monastery – may attract considerable riches. If it is true that real gurus steal devotees’ hearts, and not their wealth, it is a fact that many of them are honored as “great kings” (mahā-rājas) and symbols of royalty figure prominently in their cults. Indeed, devotees are eager to honor their teachers lavishly, with great ostentation and pomp, even if they be ascetics or renunciants (saṃnyāsin). In modern India, some gurus have succeeded in establishing veritable “spiritual kingdoms” for themselves, accumulating fabulous fortunes in their careers [19].

Modern gurus Important new developments have characterized the guru institute in the last century. Starting with the seminal figure of Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902) – the famous disciple of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa (1836–1886) who actively promoted Hinduism in both the United States and Europe – we witness the emergence of gurus who have been able to attract global, cosmopolitan audiences, i.e., devotees from all over the world. They usually favor a universalistic approach which advocates inclusivism and religious pluralism, and their teaching is mainly based on Vedānta philosophy, some form of yogic meditation, and the primacy of bhakti coupled with service to society (sevā) through the promotion of a variety of charitable activities (the building of schools, hospitals, orphanages, the implementation of health programs, etc.). On the other hand, traditional ritual practices (pūjās) tend to be deemphasized [1, 3, 5]. Here is a list of some popular teachers: Aurobindo Ghose (1872–1950), promoter of a doctrine of spiritual evolution and of an “integral yoga” (pūrṇa-yoga); Ramana Maharshi, the advaita-

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vedāntin mystic who spent his whole life at the Sri Ramanasramam in Tiruvannamalai; Paramahamsa Yogananda (1895–1952), founder of the Self-Realization Fellowship whose Autobiography of a yogi (1946) became a worldwide bestseller; Swami Shivananda (1887–1963), founder of the Divine Life Society; Meher Baba (1894–1969), the silent guru who presented himself as the ultimate avatāra who would usher humanity into a golden age of universal love and brotherhood; Bhaktivedanta Prabhupada (1896–1977), founder of the International Society for Krishna Consciousness better known as the Hare Krishna movement; Nisargadatta Maharaj (1897–1981), the advaita-vedāntin mystic from Mumbai whose book I am That (1973), an English translation of his talks in Marathi, brought him worldwide recognition; Swami Muktananda (1908–1982), promoter of a form of Tantric Yoga called Siddha Yoga; the controversial Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh/Osho (1931–1990), whose teaching was actually derived from a variety of religions and philosophies; Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (1911–2008), guru of The Beatles and founder of Transcendental Meditation; Sathya Sai Baba (1926–2011), revered by his followers as a pūrṇāvatāra, i.e., a full manifestation of the divine, whose world-wide fame is primarily due to the many miracles that are attributed to him. Among women gurus especially significant has been the figure of Anandamayi Ma (1896–1982), worshipped as a manifestation of the Goddess Kālī. In more recent years, Mata Amritanandamayi (b. 1953) – the “mother” who embraces her devotees – has acquired noticeable renown. For middle-class Hindus living in urban contexts, the figure of the guru has been and continues to be most important as a means to rediscover their own religious tradition – linking them to their forefathers and an idealized village life – and thus fortify their identity. Being a devotee of a guru is not merely a private affair but entails becoming part of a larger community (saṅga) represented by the master’s organization, which is more egalitarian than the society at large and which becomes a sort of new family for all adepts.

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Given the human need for spiritual guidance, I think that the guru institute will continue to play a crucial role in the shaping and ongoing redefinition of the religious landscape of India and of what we call Hinduism. New gurus, be they individuals endowed with special charisma or figures belonging to time-honored, well-established paramparās, regularly appear on the scene replacing those who have passed away or who have simply sank into oblivion. The fortune of the guru institute lies precisely in its flexibility and openness, since virtually anybody can claim to be a spiritual master. The exceptional status of gurus and āmmās is ultimately decided by their capacity to attract a conspicuous number of followers and convince them of their superhuman qualities.

References 1. Babb LA (1986) Redemptive encounters: three modern styles in the Hindu tradition. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Charpentier M-T (2010) Indian female gurus in contemporary Hinduism: a study of central aspects and expressions of their religious leadership. Åbo Akademi University Press, Åbo 3. Copeman J, Ikegame A (eds) (2012) The guru in South Asia: new interdisciplinary perspectives. Routledge, London/New York 4. Copley A (ed) (2000) Gurus and their followers: new religious reform movements in colonial India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 5. Forsthoefel TA, Humes CA (eds) (2005) Gurus in America. State University of New York Press, Albany 6. Gold D (1987) The lord as guru: Hindi sants in North Indian tradition. Oxford University Press, New York 7. Hara M (1980) Hindu concepts of teacher: Sanskrit guru and ācārya. In: Nagatomi M, Matilal BK, Masson JM, Dimock EC Jr (eds) Sanskrit and Indian studies: essays in honour of Daniel H. H. Ingalls. D. Reidel, Dordrecht/Boston/London 8. Jacobsen KA (2012) Gurus and ācāryas. In: Jacobsen KA, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism. Leiden, Brill Online 9. Kakar S (1991) The analyst and the mystic: psychoanalytic reflections on religion and mysticism. Viking, New Delhi 10. McKean L (1996) Divine enterprise: gurus and the nationalist movement. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 11. Mlecko JD (1982) The guru in Hindu tradition. Numen 29(1):33–61

Gurumatha Amma 12. Narayan K (1989) Storytellers, saints, and scoundrels: folk narrative in Hindu religious teachings. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 13. Osborne A (1971) The teachings of Ramana Maharshi. Rider, London 14. Pechilis K (ed) (2004) The graceful guru: Hindu female gurus in India and the United States. Oxford University Press, New York 15. Rigopoulos A (1993) The life and teachings of Sai Baba of Shirdi. State University of New York Press, Albany 16. Rigopoulos A (2005) The Guru-gītā or ‘Song of the Master’ as incorporated in the Guru-caritra of Sarasvatī Gaṅgādhar: observations on its teachings and the guru institute. In: Jacobsen KA (ed) Theory and practice of yoga: essays in honour of Gerald James Larson. Brill, Leiden 17. Rigopoulos A (2009) Guru. Il fondamento della civiltà dell'India. Con la prima traduzione italiana del “Canto sul Maestro”. Carocci, Roma 18. Sarasvati C (2008) The guru tradition. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai 19. Smith D (2003) Hinduism and modernity. Blackwell, Oxford 20. Steinmann RM (1986) Guru-śiṣya-sambandha. Das Meister-Schüler-Verhältnis im traditionellen und modernen Hinduismus. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart

Gurumatha Amma Jim Robinson Asian and Comparative Religions, Harvard Divinity School’13, Drew University’11, Basking Ridge, NJ, USA

Synonyms Guru

Definition Contemporary female guru and founder of the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center for Self Realization.

Overview Gurumatha Amma is the founder and guru of the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center for Self Realization in

Gurumatha Amma

Bangalore, India. While there is a current dearth of information regarding her early life, Gurumatha Amma has publically embraced and endorsed this condition. She has flatly declared that she has left her previous life behind, making it irrelevant to her current identity and mission [3].

Entering Sridhara Sri Gudda Gurumatha Amma, who adopted Sridhara Swami as her guru, is married with children and attends to thousands of devotees across the globe. She maintains the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center with the intention of spatially and spiritually merging ashram with temple. Primary features of the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center include the Shiva Shakti Chaitanya Ganapati murti, which Gurumatha Amma apprehended in meditation and commissioned to be built and installed, as well as a granite wall engraved with Shankara’s Soundarya Lahari (Waves of Beauty), a 103-verse work composed in praise of the Goddess [2]. While the center stresses the cultivation of inner silence and meditation as a path toward self-realization, these practices are paired with traditional ritual worship, recitation of mantras, and the participation in spiritual music. Music meditation is a popular practice at the center, which has featured such musicians as Pandit Ravishankar, Rajan and Sajan Mishra, the Gundecha Brothers, the Bombay Sisters, and Kavitha Krishnamurthy [1]. Additionally, Gurumatha Amma has produced a number of her own CDs featuring devotional music [7].

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intimate relationship between guru and disciple, while the path of ritualistic worship is expressed in formal and codified activities in the temple. These two paths are not mutually exclusive; however, until recently, the separation of the two has been marked by the exclusion of women from temple officiation. Thus, in constructing the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center, and overseeing the activities of both ashram and temple, self-help, and ritualistic worship, Gurumatha Amma deconstructs the patriarchal divide and embodies authority in the face of historical exclusion.

G Transcending Patriarchy Aware of the exclusionary and oppressive function of patriarchal consciousness and culture, which would traditionally occlude a woman’s right to embody religious authority in such a dynamic manner, Gurumatha Amma exposes the ignorance inherent in sexism and asserts her right to be a spiritual leader. She roots her spiritual authority in the Upanishads, which reveal that the guru takes on a range of forms including father, mother, teacher, friend, and child. Similarly, she notes that while many people revere female saints like Gargi, they have unfortunately failed to adopt the eyes to see the saintly nature of women in the present [3]. In this manner, Gurumatha Amma identifies the exclusion of women from the realm of religious authority as both scripturally unfounded and an instance of spiritual delusion, produced by undeveloped vision.

Self-Help and Ritual Worship

The School of De-learning

The premise behind the hybrid worshipmeditation center is that formal, temple worship, as well as devotional music, wedded with interior meditation, is the ideal route to the realization of the divine. As Karen Pechilis observes in her Graceful Guru: Hindu Female Gurus in India and the United States, “the paths of self-help and ritual worship are coexisting classical paradigms and present-day realities” ([6]: 32). In this way, the path of self-help is often expressed in the

It is the very existence of this undeveloped vision that Gurumatha Amma aims to teach her students to transcend. The Vyasa Veda Peeta, a segment of the Sridhara Sri Gudda Center, is described as a school of de-learning, rooted in the values and principles put forth in the Upanishads. Among many attributes, the school offers Sanskrit studies and Vedic studies and hosts centers for Sanskrit studies, yoga, Vedic studies, sattvic food, meditational music, and Ayurveda [8]. The

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particular intention of de-learning that the school emphasizes streams through Gurumatha Amma’s teachings. She has constructed the school in opposition to what she views as a culture and educational system that emphasizes a training in the unreal – namely, the false self (ego). In contradistinction, her mission is to train her students in the process of contacting Reality [4].

Gurumayi

4.

5. 6.

7.

Maintaining a Planetary Satsang With devotees dispersed across the globe, Gurumatha Amma weaves her planetary satsang together through periodic workshops, meditation classes, and tours. She publishes a quarterly journal entitled SREEPADA, which features information about the center as well as spiritual teachings [7]. Gurumatha Amma also contributes spiritually themed articles to national newspapers. Additionally, she brings together her devotees through the Hunnime Nudi Teleconference. These conferences are held, auspiciously, on the full moon of every month and provide a mode for far-flung devotees to gather together and receive Gurumatha Amma’s guidance and blessings [5].

8.

Emagazinepdf/June2008/Page10.pdf. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 Gurumatha Amma (2013) Meditation is death of ego in The New Indian Express. http://newindianexpress.com/ cities/chennai/Meditation-is-death-of-the-ego/2013/04 /17/article1547872.ece. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 Hunnime Nudi Teleconference. http://gurumathaamma. com/hunnime-nudi/. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 Pechilis K (2004) The graceful guru: Hindu female gurus in India and the United States. Oxford University Press, Oxford Publications. http://www.sridharaguddaamma.org/ guddamma/index.php/publications. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 Vyasa Veda Peeta. http://www.sridharaguddaamma. org/guddamma/index.php/vyasa-veda-peetas. Accessed 30 Oct 2013

Gurumayi ▶ Gurumayi Chidvilasananda

Gurumayi Chidvilasananda Karen Pechilis Comparative Religion Department, Drew University, Madison, NJ, USA

Cross-References ▶ Anandi Ma ▶ Globalization (Hinduism) ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Guru ▶ Gurumayi ▶ Guru (Hinduism) ▶ Women, Overview

References 1. Centre for Music. http://www.sridharaguddaamma.org/ guddamma/index.php/center-for-music. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 2. Centre for Self Realisation. http://www.sridhara guddaamma.org/guddamma/index.php/center-for-selfrealisations. Accessed 30 Oct 2013 3. Coontoor P (2008) Close encounter: a rare fragrance in Life Positive Magazine. http://www.lifepositive.com/

Synonyms Gurumayi; Malti Shetty; Swami Chidvilasananda

Definition Guru of the worldwide Siddha Yoga path.

Introduction Gurumayi (b. 24 June 1955) is the current guru of the Siddha Yoga organization, which comprises the nonprofit SYDA (Siddha Yoga Dham Association) Foundation as well as the Hindu-inspired spiritual practices of the Siddha Yoga path, including meditation, chanting, and devotion to

Gurumayi Chidvilasananda

the guru, that the foundation is dedicated to protect, preserve, and facilitate [20]. Siddha Yoga is one of the most established of the globalized modern guru paths [15], with a Board of Trustees overseeing the SYDA Foundation and numerous ashrams and teaching centers worldwide to spread the teachings. The most prominent Siddha Yoga ashrams are large physical campuses established by Gurumayi’s guru, Swami Muktananda, including the first Siddha Yoga ashram, Gurudev Siddha Peeth, near the town of Ganeshpuri in the state of Maharashtra, India (est. 1956); the Siddha Yoga ashram in Oakland, California (est. 28 April 1975); and the Shree Muktananda Ashram in South Fallsburg, New York (est. 1978–1979) [3, 18, 19]. There are many smaller official meditation centers across the globe, from Auckland to Vienna.

Predecessors Siddha Yoga traces its origins to the medieval devotional poet-saints of Maharashtra, as well as to diverse philosophers and siddhas (perfected, liberated beings in Indian tradition), but there are three gurus at the center of the contemporary history of Siddha Yoga ([2], p. 3). The first guru was Bhagawan Nityananda (1897–8 August 1961), a yogi originally from Kerala who was known for his spontaneous spiritual behavior. Nityananda initiated Swami Muktananda (16 May 1908–2 October 1982) on the day of India’s independence, 15 August 1947; after Muktananda engaged in spiritual practice (sadhana) for years apart from the guru, in 1956 Nityananda publicly installed him as the next guru, followed by a private transmission of leadership just prior to Nityananda’s final samadhi (departure from body) in Ganeshpuri [7, 8]. The charismatic Muktananda instituted weekend programs for the transmission of spiritual energy from guru to disciple (shaktipat), a format allowing for the participation of diverse devotees in ashram events. Malti Shetty, who was to become Gurumayi, was brought to these sessions from the age of five by her parents, a Bombay restaurateur and his wife, who were

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devotees of Muktananda. The guru bestowed formal shaktipat initiation on Malti when she was fourteen years old ([2], p. 64; [9], pp. 224–226). Malti was both like and unlike other devotees. Along with other devotees, she furthered her spiritual progress by her devotional commitment to the guru as well as her engagement in intensive spiritual practices (sadhana) such as meditation. Yet to Swami Muktananda she stood out as special, as in his 1969 prediction that one day she would light up the entire world ([2], p. 65). Swami Muktananda also instituted world tours to spread the teachings of Siddha Yoga. In 1975, he appointed Malti as his translator during his second world tour in Oakland, California. During the years 1974–1975, Muktananda established many of the features of Siddha Yoga practice, including the guru personally bestowing shaktipat on devotees at weekend Intensive programs, establishing ashrams globally, and creating guidelines for teaching courses on aspects of Siddha Yoga practice and theology, which were to remain core elements of the path for the next quarter century. Grooming Malti as a leader was part of these developments. In 1980, Muktananda decreed that Malti would deliver the public talks on Sunday nights, and in 1981 she was made executive vice-president of SYDA Foundation.

Gurumayi’s Leadership In April 1982, at the age of 26, Malti was formally initiated into the ascetic lifestyle (sannyasa) by her guru and given the formal name of Swami Chidvilasananda (the bliss of the play of consciousness). Three months before Muktananda’s samadhi in August 1983, the guru consecrated as his successors both Swami Chidvilasananda and her brother Nityananda (formerly Subhash Shetty), who had been initiated into sannyasa in 1980. This transmission surprised people because of the youthfulness of the gurus, their familiarity to devotees since they grew up at the ashram, and the fact that Siddha Yoga taught that one should devote oneself to a single guru ([23], p. 119). Gurumayi led the Siddha Yoga movement through a number of scandals, including that of

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her brother Nityananda leaving and then wanting to reassume the co-guruship [2, 5, 6, 21, 23] and through allegations that Muktananda had sexually abused female devotees, which emerged shortly after the guru’s death and have intensified over the years [12, 14, 16, 17, 23]. Gurumayi persevered through her close following of practices that her guru Muktananda had put in place, as well as her own star power, with disciples eager to catch a glimpse of her at the ashram and vying for seats close to her at an official program or Intensive ([23], p. 124). Gurumayi also established innovative programs, such as an annual talk on New Year’s eve that revealed the Yearly Message for contemplation throughout the year; such yearly messages consisted of short phrases that emphasize purity of mind, belief in love, and knowledge of the truth [4]. During the late 1980s, the South Fallsburg Ashram more than tripled in size, and this period into the early 1990s has been called the Golden Era of the Siddha Yoga Movement ([23], p. 121). In 1997, Gurumayi established the Muktabodha Indological Research Institute for the study and preservation of classical scripture of India. There are many publications by the gurus, swamis, and scholars of Siddha Yoga on spiritual teachings and theology. Her teachings have been characterized in a number of ways, including the following: as emphasizing unselfish action ([2], p. 136); as a dialectic between the universal and the particular [9]; as communal in scope and directed toward applying the teachings on practical, everyday living in the world ([22], pp. 154–156); and as emphasizing personal experience [10, 11]. Around 1999 things began to change; in particular, Gurumayi began to withdraw from being physically present at Intensive programs, only appearing at them via technological representation [9, 13, 23]. The official Siddha Yoga explanation seems to be that the teachings need to be protected by an institutional organization as well as by serious student-devotees only; as such, for several years the formerly popular South Fallsburg Ashram has been closed to anyone except for those committed to performing dedicated longer-term service (seva), and events such

Gurumayi Chidvilasananda

as the guru’s birthday in 2013 are very carefully scripted, as evident by the videos that display them [1]. To the observer, this path may appear sustainable but corporatized.

Cross-References ▶ Anandi Ma ▶ Caribbean and Central America, Hinduism in ▶ Globalization (Hinduism) ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Guru ▶ Gurumatha Amma ▶ Kuṇḍalinī Śakti ▶ Women, Overview

References 1. Birthday Bliss (2013) Siddha Yoga Organization. http://www.siddhayoga.org/gurumayi-birthday-bliss. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 2. Durgananda S (1997) To see the world full of saints: the history of Siddha Yoga as a contemporary movement. In: Brooks DR et al (eds) Meditation revolution: a history and theology of the Siddha Yoga lineage. Agama, South Fallsburg, New York, pp 3–161 3. Gurudev Siddha Peeth, Siddha Yoga Organization. http://www.siddhayoga.org.in/Gurudev_Siddha_Peeth. html. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 4. Gurumayi’s Messages and Message Artwork for 1991–2012. http://www.siddhayoga.org/a-sweet-sur prise/messages. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 5. Harris L (1994) Oh guru, guru, guru. The New Yorker 70(Nov. 14):92–109 6. Hinduism Today (1986) Former SYDA co-guru explains, magazine web edition (January). http://www. hinduismtoday.com/modules/smartsection/item.php? itemid¼358. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 7. Muktananda S (1994) Where are you going? A guide to the spiritual journey, 3rd edn. Siddha Yoga Publications, South Fallsburg, New York 8. Muktananda S (2000) Play of consciousness: a spiritual autobiography, 3rd edn. SYDA Foundation, South Fallsburg, New York 9. Pechilis K (2004) Gurumayi, the play of Shakti and guru. In: Pechilis K (ed) The graceful guru: Hindu female gurus in India and the United States. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 219–243 10. Pechilis K (2011) Spreading Śakti. In: Pintchman T, Sherma RD (eds) Woman and goddess in Hinduism: reinterpretations and re-envisionings. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp 97–120

Gurumayi Chidvilasananda 11. Pechilis K (2012) The female guru: guru, gender and the path of personal experience. In: Copeman J, Ikegame A (eds) The guru in South Asia: new interdisciplinary approaches. Routledge, London, pp 113–132 12. Radha (2002) My story. http://leavingsiddhayoga.net/ Radha_story.htm. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 13. Radzik J (2006) The mystery of the missing guru. Guruphiliac (Tues. July 11). http://guruphiliac. blogspot.com/2006/07/mystery-of-missing-devi.html. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 14. Rodarmor W (1983) The secret life of swami muktananda. Co-Evolution Quarterly. http://www. leavingsiddhayoga.net/secret.htm. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 15. Saha S (2007) Hinduism, gurus, and globalization. In: Beyer P, Beaman L (eds) Religion, globalization and culture. Brill, Leiden, pp 485–502 16. Salon Staff (2010) Siddha Yoga responds to salon story. Salon (Aug. 16). http://www.salon.com/2010/ 08/16/sya_response_to_eat_pray_love_story/. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 17. Shah R (2010) The `Eat, Pray, Love’ guru’s troubling past. Salon (Aug. 14). http://www.salon.com/2010/08/

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18.

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20.

21.

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14/eat_pray_love_guru_sex_scandals/. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 Siddha Yoga Ashram in Oakland, Siddha Yoga Organization. http://www.oaklandsyda.org/ashram/index. html. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 Siddha Yoga Ashrams and Siddha Yoga Meditation Centers, Siddha Yoga Organization. http://www. siddhayoga.org/centerslist#websites. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 SYDA Foundation, Siddha Yoga Organization. http:// www.siddhayoga.org/syda-foundation. Accessed 27 Oct 2013 Thursby G (1991) Siddha Yoga: swami Muktananda and the seat of power. In: Miller T (ed) When prophets die: the postcharismatic aate of new religions. State University of New York Press, Albany, New York, pp 165–181 Williamson L (2005) The perfectability of perfection: Siddha Yoga as a global movement. In: Forsthoefel TA, Humes C (eds) Gurus in America. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 147–167 Williamson L (2010) Transcendent in America: Hindu-inspired meditation movements as new religion. New York University Press, New York

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Hagiography Karen Pechilis Comparative Religion Department, Drew University, Madison, NJ, USA

Synonyms Autobiography; Biography; Carita; Saints

Definition A literary genre that describes the lives of saints.

other religious and cultural traditions is a modern phenomenon, and the term hagiography is actively, though not unproblematically, deployed. India has a long and continuous tradition of hagiographical literature, from the earliest strata of stories of the Buddha [3, 42], Mahavira [11], Krishna [4, 7], and Rama [44] to the medieval period, which, as in the West, saw an increase in the genre through its promotion of saints of diverse identities, and into the twentieth century in the production of hagiographies with reference to classical examples. Recent scholarly studies of saints in Indian religions contribute not only to the significance of hagiography in world literature but also to theorizing the nature of biographical literature.

Introduction From Pattern to Production “Hagiography” is composed of Greek words that mean “to write the holy” and in Western tradition the term has historically been understood to denote a literary genre that describes the lives of revered persons, especially saints. As such, the category is considered to be a subgenre of biography, one that is expressly concerned to demonstrate that the subject is a moral exemplar, often but not exclusively according to religious standards. In Eastern and Western Christendom, hagiography was a predominant genre in medieval times, and it exhibited distinctive patterns, such as the presence of miracles and martyrdom [15, 22, 43]. Scholarly discussion of life-writing in

Western hagiographical literature provides not a yardstick but a well-documented repository for comparative study. Global comparative study is in its early stages in the recognition of similarity and difference across cultural production of lifestories: “[W]hile the development of biography in the West has followed a unique trajectory, the production of biographical literature (and likely the biographical impulse witnessed in oral cultures) appears to be universal. Nevertheless, some differences between Western and nonWestern traditions must be considered. In China, for example, biographical literature has been

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largely contained within a historiographic tradition and has been primarily related to literature of the art of government. In India, biographical writings (such as fragments regarding the Buddha) have been contained within a larger body of spiritual literature” ([22], p. 217; early comparative studies include [21, 33]). Pre-modern biography in India is predominantly intertwined with religion, even when the primary identity of the subject is in a field other than religion. For example, the biography of emperor Ashoka (Aśokāvadāna, ca. 200 CE; [41]) frames his life story as from sinner to saint in its praise of his adoption of Buddhism; and the chronicle of the emperor Akbar (Akbarnāma, sixteenth century; [1]) consistently uses religion and the emperor’s interest in it to portray him as an enlightened ruler of a diverse populace. Robin Rinehart’s 1999 book on biographies of a Sikh saint in the twentieth century ([34], pp. 1–16) remains the best critical discussion of the category of hagiography as it applies to religious literatures of India, because she shifts the conversation towards theorizing community and literary production over time. Earlier discussions had presented diverse examples from across India [10], or else attempted to provide abstracted patterns, which apply most specifically to male saints and resonate with the hero of folklore, including elements such as: miraculous birth, precocious erudition, encounter with or initiation from a guru or sannyāsin, debate with people from other religions or perspectives, and foreknowledge of or unusual death ([34], p. 195, discussing [10, 18, 23, 31]). In Rineharts’s treatment, the enduring conundrum of whether or not the hagiography accurately historically represents the subject is replaced with a study of the hagiography’s own historicity via its relationship to its historical context and concerns. Through a comparison of multiple hagiographies of Swami Rama Tirtha (1873–1906) ranging from 1907 to 1993, she identifies direct experience with the saint as the major feature of the earliest hagiographies, skepticism, and reassessment as a second phase and appeal to new mythical images as a way for the

Hagiography

latest biographies to link the saint to their own time period (such as nationalism; [34], pp. 183–184). At the same time as Rinehart’s study, other scholars were also theorizing the diverse audiences and producers that created historically situated biographies [30, 40].

Recent Studies Recent studies of the large corpus of hagiography in India have judiciously situated the biographical texts in social context in order to identify and explain choices made, and they have demonstrated the enduring influence of these carefully crafted stories. Far from being representatives of uncritical adulation, traditional biographies reveal complexities in social, religious, political, literary, and ritual arenas. Most prominent and authoritative are selfconsciously comprehensive collections of stories of saints from medieval times. In Hindu bhakti tradition, there are several collections: For example, in South India, the twelfth-century Tamil Periya Purāṇam by Cēkkilār describes the lives of 63 Tamil Śiva-bhakti nāyanmār (saints) [25, 26], the twelfth-century Sanskrit Divyasūricarita by Garuḍavāhana tells the lifestories of the 12 Tamil Viṣṇu-bhakti ālvār (saints), and the thirteenth-century Kannada Śivaśaraṇara Ragaḷegaḷu by Harihara presents life stories of Vīraśaiva saints [6]. In North India, two authoritative hagiographies from about 1600 describe the lives of bhakti saints: the Parcaīs of Anantadās [9] and Nābhādās’s Bhaktamāl [14], both of which have multiple versions in several north Indian languages. In Śvetāmbara Jainism, there are the “universal histories” in Sanskrit by the twelfth-century scholar-monk Hemachandra, including the Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣacaritra (Lives of the 63 Illustrious People) and the Sthavirāvalīcaritra (Lives of the Elders; [16]). In Sikhism, the authoritative janamsakhi (“birth-witness”) collections on Guru Nanak in seventeenth-century Punjabi prose narratives formed a core of hagiographic tradition [38].

Hagiography

Case studies nuance our understanding of sacred biography through thematic inquiries. A concern with multiple lives and karma is shared in Buddhist and Jain literature [2, 12, 32]. Shrines to Sufi saints in history and practice shed light on the ways in which exemplars’ lives are understood and kept present [5, 13]. Stories of female exemplars reveal gendered constructions in Hinduism [29, 45] as do women’s practices in relation to hagiography in Jainism [20, 36], Islam [35], and Sikhism [19]. The inclusion of “untouchable” saints in northern and southern Hindu bhakti canons displays complicated attitudes towards caste [8, 46]. Studies that focus on generative layers of Hindu community identity reveal the complexity of intertextuality [24, 28, 39] and of performance [17, 27, 37].

References 1. Abu’l-Fazl, Thackston WM (transl) (2015–2016) The history of Akbar volumes I & II. Murty Classical Library of India. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 2. Appleton N (2014) Narrating karma and rebirth: Buddhist and Jain multi-life stories. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK 3. Aśvaghoṣa, Olivelle P (transl) (2008) Life of the Buddha. Clay Sanskrit Library. New York University Press, New York 4. Beck GL (ed) (2005) Alternative Krishnas: regional and vernacular variations on a Hindu deity. State University of New York Press, Albany 5. Bellamy C (2011) The powerful ephemeral: everyday healing in an ambiguously Islamic place. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Ben-Herut G (2015) Figuring the South-Indian Śivabhakti movement: the broad narrative gaze of early Kannada hagiographic literature. J Hindu Studies 8(3):274–295 7. Bryant E (ed) (2007) Krishna: a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, New York 8. Burchett PE (2009) Bhakti rhetoric in the hagiography of ‘Untouchable’ saints: discerning Bhakti’s ambivalence on caste and Brahminhood. Hindu Studies 13(2):115–141 9. Callewaert W (2000) The hagiographies of Anantadas: the bhakti poets of North India. Routledge, London 10. Callewaert W, Snell R (eds) (1996) According to tradition: hagiographical writing in India. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden

559 11. Dundas P (2009) Victorious across eternity: the lives of the Jain Tīrthaṅkaras. In: Granoff P (ed) Victorious ones: Jain images of perfection. Grantha Corporation, Ocean Township 12. Granoff P (transl) (2007) The forest of thieves and the magic garden: an anthology of medieval jain stories. Penguin Books, London 13. Green N (2006) Indian Sufism since the seventeenth century. Routledge, London 14. Hawley JS (2015) A storm of songs: India and the idea of the bhakti movement. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA 15. Head TF (2001) Medieval hagiography: an anthology. Routledge, New York/London 16. Hemachandra, Fynes RCC (transl) (1998) Lives of the Jain Elders. Oxford University Press, New York 17. Hess L (2015) Bodies of song: Kabir oral traditions and performative worlds in North India. Oxford University Press, New York 18. Jackson WJ (1992) A life becomes a legend: Śri Tyāgarāja as exemplar. J Am Acad Relig 40(4):717–736 19. Jakobsh DR (2005) Relocating gender in Sikh history: transformation, meaning and identity. Oxford India, New Delhi 20. Kelting MW (2009) Heroic wives: rituals, stories and the virtues of Jain wifehood. Oxford University Press, New York 21. Kieckhefer R, Bond GD (eds) (1988) Sainthood: its manifestations in world religions. University of California Press, Berkeley 22. Liers F (2005) Biography. In: Horowitz MC (ed) New dictionary of the history of ideas, vol 1. Thompson Gale, Farmington Hills/Michigan, pp 217–220 23. Lorenzen D (1995) The lives of Nirguni saints. In: Lorenzen D (ed) Bhakti religion in North India: community identity and political action. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 181–211 24. Manring R (2011) The fading light of Advaita Acarya: three hagiographies. Oxford University Press, New York 25. McGlashan A (2006) The history of the holy servants of the Lord Siva: a translation of the Periya Puranam of Cekkilar. Trafford Publishing, Victoria 26. Monius AE (2015) Linguistic anxiety and geographical aspiration in the Tamiḻ Śaiva literary world. J Hindu Studies 8(3):265–273 27. Novetske C (2008) Religion and public memory: a cultural history of saint Namdev in India. Columbia University Press, New York 28. Pauwels H (2010) Hagiography and community formation: the case of a lost Community of Sixteenth-Century Vrindāvan. J Hindu Studies 3:53–90 29. Pechilis K (2011) Interpreting devotion: the poetry and legacy of a female bhakti saint of India. Routledge, London

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560 30. Prentiss KP (1999) The embodiment of bhakti. Oxford University Press, New York 31. Ramanujan AK (1982) On women saints. In: Hawley JS, Wulff DM (eds) The divine consort. Berkeley Religious Studies Series, Berkeley, pp 316–324 32. Ray F (1994) Buddhist saints in India: a study of Buddhist values and orientations. Oxford University Press, New York 33. Reynolds FE, Capps D (1976) The biographical process: studies in the history and psychology of religion. Mouton, The Hague 34. Rinehart R (1999) One lifetime, many lives: the experience of modern Hindu hagiography. Scholars Press, Atlanta 35. Ruffle K (2011) Gender, sainthood, and everyday practice in south Asian Shi’ism. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill 36. Sethi M (2012) Escaping the world: women renouncers among Jains. Routledge India, New Delhi 37. Shukla-Bhatt N (2014) Narasinha Mehta of Gujarat: a legacy of bhakti in songs and stories. Oxford University Press, New York 38. Singh P, Fenech LE (2014) The Oxford handbook of Sikh studies. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK 39. Stewart TK (2010) The final word: the Caitanya Caritamrita and the grammar of religious tradition. Oxford University Press, New York 40. Stewart TK, Dimock EC Jr (2000) Caitanya Caritāmṛta of Kṛṣṇadāsa Kavirāja: a translation and commentary. Harvard University Department of Sanskrit and Oriental Studies, Cambridge, MA 41. Strong JS (1983) The legend of king Asoka: a study and translation of the Asokavadana. Princeton University Press, Princeton 42. Strong JS (2001) The Buddha: a short biography. Oneworld Publications, London 43. Talbot M (2008) Hagiography. In: Jeffreys E et al (eds) The Oxford handbook of byzantine studies. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 862–871 44. Vālmīki, Goldman RP, Pollock SI, Lefeber R, Goldman RP, Goldman SJS (transl) (2005–2006) The Ramāyaṇa. Clay Sanskrit Library. Seven volumes. New York University Press, New York 45. Venkatesan A (2010) The secret garland: Āṇṭāḷ’s Tiruppāvai and Nācciyār Tirumoli. Oxford University Press, New York 46. Zelliot E, Mokashi-Punekar R (2005) Untouchable saints: an Indian phenomenon. Manohar, New Delhi

Haimavatī ▶ Pārvatī

Haimavatī

Hanuma¯n (Hanumant, Hanūman) Ruchi Agarwal Social Science Division, Mahidol University International College, Nakorn Pathom, Thailand

Synonyms Anjaneya; Bajrang; Mahavira; Maruti; Sankat Mochan; Veera

Hanuman in the Hindu Mythology Hanuman, the monkey-headed god, is one of the most worshipped gods of the Hindu pantheon. The son of Anjana, an apsara cursed by a sage to be born on earth as a monkey herself and Vayu, the god of wind, is a prominent character in Valmiki’s Ramayana, the great and the most popular of two great epics in Hinduism. According to the legends, Anjana was childless until she worshipped Siva, who gave her fecundity. She was told by Siva to eat a fruit that was brought to her by Vayu. She did as she was told, got pregnant, and gave birth to a son, Hanuman. As an infant Hanuman attempted to eat the sun to satisfy his hunger, and in response Indra strike the infant with a thunderbolt breaking his jaw (hanu). This made Vayu angry, and he stopped performing his role which brought the normal life to a standstill. To calm Vayu, every god gave the child a divine gift making him immensely strong, thereby getting the name Hanuman (strong man with a broken jaw). He also became popularly known as Maruti (child of Marut, a name of Vayu). Other popular names include Sankata Mochana, one who releases people from dangers and sorrows, and Veera or Mahavira, indicating his great powers [3]. Different Puranas identify Hanuman as the founder of classical music (with the result that musician pray to him to achieve perfection) and as the personification of the collective powers of Siva and Visnu. He is more commonly mentioned in Siva Puranas and thus widely worshipped by

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Shaivite ascetics. For Shaivites, Siva and Visnu were incarnated on earth as Hanuman and Rama in order to destroy Ravana who misused the power granted to him by Siva. In the epic Ramayana, with the help of Hanuman, who found Sita (wife of Rama), built the bridge to Lanka, Rama fought and killed Ravana. Hanuman never claimed any honor for himself and is hence known for his intense devotion to Sugriva (an exiled monkey ruler) and Rama (the godking). Vaishnavites worship him for his exemplary devotion to Rama, the sixth incarnation of Visnu. Worshippers of Shakti (Shaktas) worship Hanuman as the Devi is believed to be pleased with him for uniting Sita with Rama. He pleased Kali by killing sorcerer Mahiravana and made an offering of his blood to Kali. Thus in the Tantric tradition, Hanuman is seen as a master of sorcery and someone who protects his devotees from black magic [1]. Outside of India, Hanuman is known for his important role in Ramayana. Within India, he is found in temples of Siva or those local goddesses dedicated to Visnu and his Rama incarnation [2]. His worship is popular among yogis for being physically immortal, linked with herbs, for celibacy, and siddhis. He is also worshipped by wrestlers and athletes with his powers of strength and speediness. Hanuman temples are found in most of the towns throughout India. His worship, however, is most common in the densely populated Hindispeaking northern and central regions of India because of Tulsidas aka Goswami. Goswami installed several images of Hanuman in the pilgrim city of Banaras where he spent much of his life. He is known to be the author of some of the most popular hymns and prayers dedicated to Hanuman including the Hanuman Chalisa [4]. Hanuman stories were carried by merchant ships sailing from the east coast of India to Southeast Asia, making him and Rama very popular characters in arts of ancient Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Burma, Bali, and Malaysia. Buddhist monks took the monkey god to China where he gained extreme popularity as Golden Monkey. The festival dedicated to Hanuman is Hanuman Jayanti, celebrating his birthday on the full moon day in the Hindu lunar month of Chaitra

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(March–April). Celebrations include visiting temples dedicated to Hanuman, strict fasting, prayers, offerings, reading Ramayana, and the Hanuman Chalisa. On this day spiritual talks at the temple will be conducted early in the morning as Hanuman was believed to be born at sunrise. In some places, fairs and charity feast may also be organized. Especially on this day, the statue of Hanuman is offered a new coat of vermillion mixed with clarified butter. One of the stories says that Hanuman observed Sita applying vermillion to her head. Upon Hanuman’s inquiry Sita mentions it was to ensure long life for Rama. Hanuman, who is known for his dedication to Rama, then smears his entire body with vermillion to ensure Rama’s immortality. Devotees visiting Hanuman temples apply vermillion from his statues to their foreheads to ensure good fortune.

Cross-References ▶ Rāma ▶ Rāmāyaṇa

References 1. Verma M (2013) Fasts and festivals of India. Diamond Pocket Books, New Delhi 2. Vanamali (2010) Hanuman: the devotion and power of the monkey god. Inner Traditions, Rochester 3. Moor E (2010) The Hindu pantheon. Kessinger Publishing, LLC., Whitefish 4. Lutgendorf P (2007) Hanuman’s tale: the messages of a divine monkey. Oxford University Press, New York

Hare Krishna Movement ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

Hari ▶ Viṣṇu

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Harihara Shakuntala Gawde Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Synonyms Haryarddha; Śaṅkara-Nārāyaṇa; Śiva-Nārāyaṇa

Definition Harihara is a composite deity comprising of Viṣṇu and Śiva. It suggests the union of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism. Harihara is also referred by other names such as Haryarddha, Śaṅkara-Nārāyaṇa, ŚivaNārāyaṇa, etc.

Introduction Lord Harihara is the syncretic form of Viṣṇu and Śiva. It is a unifying deity of two cults (Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism) which were having conflicts. Composite or syncretic forms of deities are often an outcome of socioreligious and sociopolitical factors. It is mostly social assimilation of two religious cults and philosophically declaration of oneness in the two or multiple deities. The composite form of deities is mainly of three types: (1) two male deities like Hari-Brahmā, Hari-Hara, Sūrya-Brahmā, Śiva-Sūrya, etc.; (2) male and female deities combined such as Ardhanārīśvara, Viṣṇu-Kamalajā, etc.; and (3) sometimes composite deities that include more than two deities such as Brahmā-ViṣṇuŚiva-Sūrya, Hari-Hara-Sūrya-Buddha, HariHara-Brahmā, etc.

Antiquity The evolution of Harihara lies in the synthesis of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism. The unity of Viṣṇu and Śiva is propounded in various texts to propound

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equality and harmony in two sects. Harihara cult developed as an effect to amalgamate two systems. Germs of syncretism can be traced back to Ṛgveda 1.164.46. The hymn of Dīrghatamas declares that seers call one principle which is eternal and existent with the many names such as Indra, Varuṇa, Agni, Garutmān, etc. (ekam sad viprāh bahudhā vadanti). Though here it is said that Sun is eternal principle, it is the way towards monotheism and monism. This thought got developed further in Brāhmaṇas and Upaniṣads where oneness in multiplicity is traced. The idea of composite deities seems to be the concrete manifestation of the similar thought. The earliest reference to Harihara is found in Harivaṁśa Viṣṇuparva, 125 (Gitapress edition), where Mārkaṇḍeya presents Hariharātmaka stotra. When Kṛṣṇa and Śiva were indulged in fierce fight, then Brahmā reminded Śiva that you yourself are divided into two. Therefore, Kṛṣṇa is nothing but the form of your own self. Having meditated on this, Śiva refrained from war because he could see himself originated from Kṛṣṇa. Lord Brahmā then mentioned about a dream incident described where Śiva is seen with Viṣṇu’s attributes and vice versa. He asked Sage Mārkaṇḍeya to reveal the secret behind this. Mārkaṇḍeya sings the glory of Harihara that He is without beginning, end, and middling point. The same is eternal Brahman (anādimadhyanidhanametadakṣaramavyayam| tadeva te pravakṣyāmi rūpam Hariharātmakam ||- Harivaṁśa Viṣṇuparva.125. 30). Mārkaṇḍeya further describes that Rudra is Viṣṇu and Viṣṇu is Rudra. Hari and Hara are regarded causes of creation and dissolution and two supreme deities associated with Brahmadeva (Devau Hariharau stoṣye brahmaṇā saha saṁgatau| etau ca paramau devau jagatah prabhavāpyayau|| Harivaṁśa Viṣṇuparva.125.40). Thus, both deities are identified by saying that there is no Śiva without Viṣṇu and Viṣṇu without Śiva. Viṣṇu Purāṇa 1.8.23 identifies Viṣṇu with Śiva (Śaṅkaro bhagavāñchaurirgaurī lakṣmīrdvijottama). Viṣṇu Purāṇa 5.33.47–50 clearly states the unification of Viṣṇu and Śiva. Śiva obstructs Kṛṣṇa from killing Bāṇāsura by saying that he has given him the boon of fearlessness.

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Then Lord Kṛṣṇa refrains himself from killing Bāṇāsura because the boon given by Śiva means it is given by Kṛṣṇa due to non-difference between both. Lord Kṛṣṇa says that there is no difference between you and me. I am the whole world, gods and demons, and this is all applicable to you as well. Ignorant people do difference in both of us. Though direct mention to Harihara is not made, such type of identification between two gods is definitely symbolic of their unity. Vāmana Purāṇa 41.28 also mentions the identity of Hari and Hara. Rudra explained to gaṇas that he is not different from Viṣṇu. In Skanda Purāṇa, VI.247.8–17 (G. P. Bhat (Ed.) Part XVIII, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1960), Brahmā narrates an anecdote to all gods that once there was a fight between devotees of Viṣṇu and Śiva in order to gain supremacy over the other. Lord Rudra assumed a wonderful form of Harihara with the halves of each body. He had symbols of Viṣṇu on one side and those of Hara on the other. On one side, there was Vainateya Garuḍa, and on the other side, there was the bull. The body on the left was bearing the luster of cloud. On the right side, it was white like camphor. That infinite form is the seed of the universe. It is the cause of creation, sustenance, and dissolution. The composite form of Maheśa and Viṣṇu is worthy to annihilate sins when meditated upon. Swami Parmeshwaranand cites certain references from Purāṇas which are significant to understand the evolution of Harihara form. Liṅga Purāṇa states that once Viṣṇu had been to the Dāruvana in the guise of a woman, and there Śiva and the woman Viṣṇu became one. Bhāgavata Purāṇa has similar account. It is stated that “Śiva heard that Viṣṇu had assumed an enchanting female form. Śiva went there with Bhavānī to satisfy his curiosity. Viṣṇu assumed that form again to satisfy Śiva. Śiva became passionate and ran after that female form and embraced her. The female Viṣṇu got out of the embrace and reassumed His own form. Śiva was then restored to himself” ([7], 287). These narratives link the Śiva and Viṣṇu in the dual of male and female like that of Ardhanārīśvara. The evolution of the syncretic deity like Harihara is traced back in Pañcāyatana worship

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of Smārtas where combined worship of five deities was propagated. Another important contributory factor to the growth of cult syncretism was the mental attitude of the early foreign immigrants into India: Śakas, Pahalavas, Kuṣāṇas, and the Huṇas. They propagated eclecticism through their coins ([3], 352). Different sectarian groups came together to wipe out the supremacy of heterodox systems. This was the socioreligious factor responsible for the rise of such syncretic cult. As pointed out by Prananbananda Jash, “It was joint efforts of these sects to wash out the popularity and supremacy of the non-brāhmaṇic sects which flourished all over the country during the time of Aśoka. From a close observation of the archaeological evidences, especially the iconographic representations of the Kuṣāṇa era it may be concluded that this syncretic form of worship came into vogue when the Brāhmaṇic cult had been facing a great crisis” ([4], 134). Excessive popularity of Buddhism has been considered as one of the indirect factors that led to the emergence of the Harihara sect in the early centuries of the Christian era ([7], 293). Cult of Harihara has definitely brought together people divided into two sections. As noted by T. A. G. Rao, It is gratifying to note that during the Mahotsavas in the temple of Harihara, the vehicles decoration and ceremonies are alternatively those that are peculiar to Śiva and Viṣṇu respectively and those festivals are attended by both Vaiṣṇavas and Śaivas ([6], 333).

Iconography Harihara or Haryarddhamūrti has right half portion of Śiva and left of Viṣṇu. Right half portion is similar to Ardhanārīśvara image. On the left-hand side, there should be two arms – one should be carrying cakra, saṅkha, or gadā and other held in the kaṭaka pose near thigh. There should be a kiriṭa on Vaiṣṇava head with precious stones. There should be makarakuṇḍala in the left ear. Arms of this side should be adorned with keyūra, kaṅkaṇa, and other ornaments. On the right foreleg, there should be an anklet shaped like a snake while that on the left leg should be set with all

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precious stones. Vaiṣṇava half should be draped with yellow silk garment. The color of the Śaiva half is snow white and that of Viṣṇu is green or bluish brown. It is also stated that two legs of Harihara should be kept without any bent in them. The right should be terrific and left should be pacific. On the Śaiva portion of the forehead, the third eye of Śiva should be half visible, and behind the head of the image of the Harihara, there should be halo ([6], 334). Agni Purāṇa (Gitapress) 49, 25–28 has the description of how a Harihara image should be made right hands of this image should be shown with weapons Śūla (trident) and Ṛṣṭi (spear) whereas mace and wheel in the left hands. The right side of the body has signs of Rudra (Śiva) and the left side has signs of Keśava (Viṣṇu). Gaurī is on the right side and Lakṣmī on the left side. The Matsya Purāṇa (Gitapress) 260.21–27 mentions the iconography of Lord Śiva-Nārāyaṇa. The left half of this image belongs to Viṣṇu and right half to Śiva (vāmārdhe Mādhavam Vidyāt dakṣiṇe Śūlapāṇinam | Matsya Purāṇa 260.22). Both the arms of the Kṛṣṇa should be adorned with armlets. He is shown wielding disc and conch in both his hands with red-colored fingers. Sometimes in the lower hand, cakra can be replaced with mace. His waist is adorned with shining jewellery and he wears pītāṁbara. His feet are adorned with precious stone anklets. The right half of this image is shown with matted hair and crescent moon. The right hand is in boon giving gesture (varadamudrā) and adorned with necklace and bracelets of snake, and the other right hand is depicted with trident. The snake assumes the form of a yajñopavīta, and he is shown wearing the hide of an elephant around his waist. Feet should be adorned with snakes, precious gems, and stones. Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa III.48.11–13 has similar description pertaining to the iconography of Harihara except an iconographic difference where a rosary instead of varadamudrā is mentioned in the hand of Śiva and lotus instead of conch in the hands of Viṣṇu. Śaiva Saṁhitās and Āgamas mention about the construction of temples and images of Harihara. Suprabhedāgama, Kāmikāgama,

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Aṁśumadbhedāgama, Kāraṇāgama, and Śilparatna have given detailed information about the iconography of Harihara.

Sculptures, Temples, and Spread The earliest representation of Harihara appears on a gold coin of the Kuṣāṇa king Huviṣka. Banarjea J. N. has noted the details as – “It has Śiva facing three headed; clad only in waste band, ithyphallic; has four arms and hands, in which are goat, wheel, trident and thunderbolt. Triśula, vajra and cakra are recognisable in the front left, back left and back right hands respectively; the goat and antelope in front right hand is not very distinct. There are undoubtedly three heads all encircled by halo sometimes absent round the heads of the varieties of deities. Cakra in one of the hands and urdhvaliṅga feature, the latter so common representation of Śiva in later Kuṣāṇa period are noteworthy characteristics.” Here he raises a question that whether it is the beginning of the interesting composite icon of Harihara of subsequent days or is it of the same nature as that of the Gandhāra sculpture of Trimūrti ([2], 137). The Kuṭhārī pillar of the Gupta period (Allahabad Museum, no. 292) shows a remarkable feature of Haryarddha with āyudha puruṣas i.e. the anthropomorphic form of cakra and triśula. The head of this deity is also found in Mathurā museum ([1], 45). The specimen of the classical Gupta period is seen in Paṭṇā museum. In this image as well, Triśula Puruṣa and Cakra Puruṣa can be seen on the right and left hands, respectively. Images are procured from many sites of Northern India. In Harihara Chatrapur, a remote village of Bihar has a temple containing liṅga in the form of black red stone slab having two images of Hari and Hara not fused among each other but standing distinctly. The image of Harihara in the Vesnagar Gujarat depicts all iconographic features as prescribed in various texts. As noted by Swami Parmeshwaranand ([7], 289), the image found at Bihar is now in the Indian collection museum, Calcutta, shows a different feature that the right portion of the image is emphasized by the

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urdhvaliṅga sign which seems unique but reminding of the Purāṇic narrative of Śiva getting attracted to the Mohinī form of Viṣṇu. The Harihara image in Bihar Gupta gallery stands unique as it is marked with Buddha and Sūrya images on the right and left hands. This not only suggests the union of Viṣṇu and Śiva but also a combination of Sūrya, Buddha, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. Swami Parmeshwaranand ([7], 290) comments that the presence of Sūrya and Buddha suggests how Brāhmaṇical and non-Brāhmaṇical orders were gradually being identified with each other probably as a result of Tāntric influences. This image perhaps belonged to the Pāla period when Buddhism had imbibed Tāntric elements. Images procured from Badāmi have been subject of the iconographical study of Harihara images. The Harihara image found in the lower cave temple of Badāmī is holding a paraśu with a snake around it and śaṅkha in the uppermost arms. His lower right hand appears in abhayamudrā and corresponding left hand is resting on thigh. Gaurī and Lakṣmī are standing in graceful posture to the right and left hands. Bull and Garuḍa are shown in anthropomorphic form. There is a panel below where celestial beings are shown dancing with musical instruments. There are two celestial beings with their wives as flying in the air and carrying in their hands a flower garlands ([6], 335). The Pañcaratha image of Harihara is found in the Sun temple of Nirath village of Himachal Pradesh. The deity is standing on lotus pedestal in samabhaṅga posture. The right side represents Śiva, whereas left represents Viṣṇu. In the rear right hand, he holds trident, whereas in another right hand a rosary and it is in abhayamudrā. In the rear left hand, there is cakra and conch in another left hand. As noted by Nayak, D. ([5], 107), Harihara cult has its spread in Orissa during the sixth century CE when Gaṅgas became the masters of the whole kingdom. The Vaiṣṇavite influence of coastal tract of Orissa was accepted by eastern Gaṅgas. The temples of Someśvara, Madhukeśvara, and Bhīmeśvara at Mukhaliṅgam built during the early Gaṅga rule contain Vaiṣṇavite sculptures though they were all Śiva temples. It indicates

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the process of synthesis between Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism. The images of Hari and Hara fused in one physical form were also built during this time. Cult has its extension in South India as later development. Āḷvārs made an attempt to harmonize Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism. Peyāḷvār and Pokaiyāḷvār describe Lord Tirupati in the form showing the signs of Harihara ([7], 290). In the temple at Madura, representation of ŚaṅkaraNārāyaṇa is seen. A Kadamba inscription (1171 CE) has the invocation to Harihara and has a record of grant given to the temple of Śaṅkara-Nārāyaṇa. There is Harihara temple built in Dharwar district of Mysore. The temple was constructed by Polāva, a minister of the Hoysala king Narasiṁha II in 1224 CE. Swami Parmeshwaranand ([7], 291) has commented that the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were marked by intense religious activities in South India. It was an age when Śaivism and Vaiṣṇavism, two dominant sects of Hinduism, not only organized campaigns of extermination against heretical faiths but also made strenuous efforts to establish their supremacy over each other. While attempt was made to reconcile two cults, Harihara was propagated as it was already popular in North India. The earliest thinker who propagated the idea of reconciliation in South based on North was poet Tikkana, a minister of Manumasiddha II, Telugu Cola king of Nellore.

Cross-References ▶ Śiva ▶ Syncretism ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Agrawala VS (1951) A catalogue of the Brahmanical images in Mathura art. Journal of U. P. Historical Society, Lucknow 2. Banarjea JN (1941) The development of Hindu Iconography. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 3. Banarjea JN (1956) Cult-syncretism. In: Bhattacharya H (ed) Cultural heritage, vol 4. Ramkrishna Mission, Calcutta

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566 4. Jash P (1969) A note on the Harihara cult. Proc Indian Hist Congr 31. www.jstor.org/stable/44138346. Accessed 22 Apr 2020 5. Nayak DK (2007) Religion under the Somavaṁśīs of Orissa circa 9th century A D to 1110 A D. PhD thesis, Utkal University, Orissa 6. Rao TAG (1916) Elements of Hindu Iconography, part 1, vol 2. The Law Printing House, Madras 7. Swami Parmeshwaranand (2004) Encyclopaedia of the Śaivism, vol 1. Sarup and Sons, New Delhi

Harijan Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

Harijan is a term which has its roots in the words “hari” denoting god and “jan” meaning children. The literal translation of the word “Harijan” is children of god or children of Vishnu (the Hindu god). The term Harijan has a very strong association with Mahatma Gandhi, the freedom fighter and the father of the nation, a humble man from the state of Gujarat who played a key role in the freedom struggle of India from the British. It is Gandhi who popularized the term Harijan to show his love and compassion for people of the lower caste.

Historical Connotations The Indian society was stratified initially based on the occupation of the people, but later the occupation of the forefathers became the destiny of the generation in question. This stratification was known as the famous “caste system” of India in which the highest caste was that of the Brahmins and the lowest caste is that of the “Shudras” also known as the untouchables, the Dalits, or the Harijans. These people are the focus of this discussion about the history, treatment, and legal issues toward this community of the downtrodden.

Harijan

The term Harijan was suggested to Gandhi by a Brahmin during his political life from the famous Gujarati devotional poet Narsi Mehta. There are claims about the word being used by Narsi Mehta to refer to the children of the Devadasi, a lady who is devoted to the service of God and later her profession entered into a dark connotation of serving the king and nobles. Children born to her were looked down upon and not considered worthy of honor since her profession later entered the courts of the kings for entertainment purposes. Hence Harijans were considered to be the “dirty” people since there was impurity associated with their birth in this regard. The question about the Harijans has been extremely sensitive and controversial since the time it was popularized by Gandhi to refer to the schedule caste of India. Many politicians, social workers, religious people, and common man opposed to the usage of such a word to refer to the downtrodden. To this Gandhi replied in his own words: “You say that the Depressed Classes were not consulted. They consulted me. That is the point. I have visited all parts of India. ‘Why are we called Harijans?’ I am asked. Why should they not have a better name? That is the generality of the feeling. ‘For heaven’s sake do not call us coolies,’ they pleaded. At one time this word had a particular significance. A whole race was called by that name. If it was not now used, it does not mean there has come about a change of heart. The offence to the ear has been removed. That is what the new name has achieved. It is not, as I said, my coining. An untouchable pleaded with me not to be known by ‘Suppressed’ reminds me of slavery,” he very rightly said. “I have no name to suggest; will you suggest?” I asked. Then the man suggested “Harijan.”

Gandhi maintained that the name “Harijan” had been originally suggested to him by a member of the “Harijan” community itself. He approved of the fact that “the feeling of inferiority must go” and that “the process can be accelerated, if every Hindu would deliberately shed his superiority and in practice become a Harijan. Then we will all become true children of God as the name ‘Harijan’ means. I knew also the Tamil saying

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“Thikkatravanukku Deivamay Thunai.” Is not “Harijan” a paraphrase of it? They are God’s chosen who are outcastes. That is what “Harijan” signifies as applied to suppressed classes.” When Gandhi started to use the term Harijan more frequently to protest against the custom of untouchability in 1920 (a custom within which the schedule caste was outcasted and no one had any communication with them except of menial jobs that they performed to serve the society), he spoke about them using the Gujarati word “Antyaja” which means the last born, and in English he started calling them as the “suppressed caste.” Gandhi suggested that “Not that the change of name brings about any change of status, but one may at least be spared the use of a term which is itself one of reproach.” Since long time, Dalit thinkers and activists have rejected the term “Harijan” to describe themselves. During Gandhi’s lifetime, some people found the term “Harijan” insulting. In April 1944, one correspondent told Gandhi that it instilled “into the minds of the people to whom it is applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred the name may be.” Could not Gandhi replace it with “a name which could also bring into its fold people from other sects?”

The Poona Pact In September of 1932, Gandhi signed a “Poona Pact” under which Gandhi signed a compromise agreement increasing the number of seats in legislative assembly reserved for the suppressed class. Gandhi had gone on a fast in the Yerwada Jail in Poona to protest against separate electorates for the depressed classes. After signing this revolutionary pact, Gandhi started using the term “Harijan” more frequently than ever. He felt that the word Harijan was less demeaning than the word untouchables and depressed classes and it sounded more indigenous. However, the euphemism was totally disapproved by B. R. Ambedkar, who never used the appellation to describe his people.

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After the fast had ended and the Poona Pact was signed, this organization (Anti-Untouchability League)that he had formed before signing the Poona Pact was renamed as the “Harijan Sewak Sangh,” which we may translate into English as the “Servants of Untouchables Society.” Gandhi edited newspaper known as Young India which he later renamed as Harijan to reinforce his campaign to abolish untouchability which was as important as obtaining freedom from the British. India was doomed with the stigma of mistreating the lower caste and inflicting atrocities at an inhuman level on the depressed classes by depriving them from all rights and privileges that other members of the society enjoyed. Atrocities Toward the Harijans Harijans were segregated from the community and deprived from basic human rights. They were forced to live outside the town or village boundaries, and they were hired to perform tasks which were considered to be unhealthy, inhuman, or dirty. They were denied rights to enter religious places, draw water from the public wells, education, and honorable occupations, and marriages were not permitted between higher and lower castes. Extreme cases of violence against Harijans included burning and murdering people and their property, also raping their women and abusing the children. Their touch was seen as seriously polluting to people of higher caste, involving much remedial ritual. In southern India, even the sight of some untouchable groups was once held to be polluting, and they were forced to live a nocturnal existence. These atrocities and restrictions led many untouchables to seek refuge into other religions for the sake of equal rights and humane treatment. Harijans converted themselves to religions such as Christianity, Islam, or Buddhism to avoid facing he misfortunes of the caste system. Traditionally, the groups characterized as untouchable were those whose occupations and habits of life involved ritually polluting activities, of which the most important were

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1. Taking life for a living, a category that included, for example, fishermen, butcher, hunter, scavenger for the sake of livelihood 2. Killing or disposing of dead cattle/animals or working with their hides for a living 3. Engaging in activities that brought the participant into contact with emissions of the human body, such as feces, urine, sweat, and spittle, a category that included such occupational groups as sweepers, washermen, and janitor 4. Consuming the flesh of cattle or of domestic pigs and chickens, a category into which most of the indigenous tribes of India fell

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representation in the Indian parliament. The Untouchability (Offenses) Act (1955) provides penalties for preventing anyone from enjoying a wide variety of religious, occupational, and social rights on the grounds that he or she is from a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe. Despite such measures, the traditional divisions between pure and polluted caste groups persist at a large level in the Indian society. The Supreme Court declared in a landmark order on Friday, May 27, 2017 (Deccan chronicle): We, as citizens of this country, should always keep one thing in our mind and heart that no people or community should be insulted or looked down upon, and nobody’s feelings should be hurt.

Traditional Orthodox Hindus regarded the hilly regional tribes of India as untouchables not because they were primitive, born in a lower caste or pagan, but because they were eaters of animal flesh such as beef and of the scavenging village pigs and chickens. Hinduism being a religion based on strong foundations of vegetarianism and non-violence considered non-vegetarianism as a form of impure virtue, and that virtue got associated with a dishonored life.

The juries declared that calling a person by these names is nowadays an abusive language and offensive. It is used not to denote a caste but to intentionally insult and humiliate someone. Justice Agrawal said such offences are committed to humiliate and subjugate members of SCs and STs with a view to keeping them in a state of servitude. The government of India has officially banned “untouchability” altogether.

Constitutional Reforms

Further Reading

The use of the term Harijan and the social disabilities associated with it were declared illegal in the constitutions adopted by the Constituent Assembly of India in 1949 and of Pakistan in 1953. However, this name is now considered condescending and offensive. The term Dalit later came to be used instead of Harijan, thought that too occasionally has negative connotations. The official designation “Scheduled Caste” is the most common term now used in India to refer to the lower caste. In the twenty-first century, there is a population of 170 million belonging to the scheduled caste in India. In addition, the designation Scheduled Tribes (about 85 million) was given to the indigenous peoples of the country who fall outside of the Indian social hierarchy. Besides banning untouchability, the constitution provides these groups with specific educational and vocational privileges and grants them special

1. Gandhi Heritage Portal Journal. https://www.gandhiher itageportal.org/journals/ 2. Guha R (2017) The rise and fall of the term Harijan. Published in The Telegraph, http://ramachandraguha.in/ archives/the-rise-and-fall-of-the-term-harijan-the-tele graph.html. 10th June 2017 3. Indian Opinion, newspaper by Gandhi. https://www. mkgandhi.org/articles/history-of-indian-opinion.html 4. Use of the word Harijan Objected. The Hindu, 27 September 2003. https://www.thehindu.com/ archive/. Retrieved 6 Apr 2015 5. Origin of name Harijan. https://www.thenewsminute. com/article/labelling-dalits-%E2%80%98harijans%E2% 80%99-how-we-remain-ignorant-and-insensitive-dalitidentity-35486. Retrieved 18 Apr 2014 6. Labelling Dalits ‘Harijans’: how we remain ignorant and insensitive to Dalit identity, The News Minute

Harikrishna ▶ Swaminarayan

Hariścandra

Hariścandra Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Definition Suffering Hindu king.

Hariścandra as a Suffering King In Hindu mythology Hariścandra is the twentyeighth king of the solar dynasty and son of Triśaṅku, who plays a quite specific role in Indic mythology, especially in the Purāṇas, where he is depicted as a king who undergoes unremitting suffering while still managing to hold to the truth. There are many tellings of his myth but they “all share a common core, a plot celebrating the integrity of the individual amidst unimaginable and undeserved suffering. . . The central puzzle of this story concerns a failure of dharma: how could bad things happen to good people, and what might good people do about it?” ([1]: 133). He is not a figure who participates in the kinds of broader cosmogonic and cosmological myths associated with gods like Viṣṇu, Śiva, and Brahmā or even Gaṇeśa, though they do occasionally appear in his basic myth. His role represents a questioning and resolution of the appropriate relation that should exist between the king and the Brahmin as patron and receiver of patronage, respectively. This role is also used to explore the equally difficult question of why somebody who remains firmly anchored to the truth and his own role, as prescribed by the Law (dharma), should undergo the suffering he experiences. In spite of the prescriptive teachings relating to the Law and adherence to truth, the questioning of how they can produce suffering for individuals who adhere strictly to them is often raised in Sanskrit and vernacular literature.

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Though he appears as a king as early as Aitareya Brāhmaṇa 7, 13 ([2]: 299–301), his career really emerges in the Mahābhārata in a manner suggesting he was already known as a king in the solar dynasty at the time that text was composed. In the Sabhāparvan of the Mahābhārata, he is associated with the rājasūya sacrifice, a large-scale ritual held to consecrate a king within his own kingdom and requiring obligatory gifts to be given to the Brahmins associated with this sacrifice. His career as a suffering figure – for what he is best known – is extensively narrated in the Mārkaṇḍeya- and Devībhāgavata Purāṇa. His fame continues into the medieval period where his mythology is reworked in books composed in vernacular languages and much later in many nauṭankī dramas composed in Hindi (See 3). He continues to receive coverage up until the present day as a character in Bollywood cinema, and even more recently the large number of websites associated with this king is a further sign of his ongoing popularity.

Hariścandra in the Ma¯rkandeya Pura¯na ˙˙ ˙ In the versions of the myth found in the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa (7–8 ¼ 4: 32–58) and Devībhāgavata Purāṇa 7.17–27, a full narrative is presented which depicts a conflict between Hariścandra and the ambiguous Brahmin figure Viśvāmitra who demands payment from the king for assisting as a priest in the rājāsūya. Here is a summary of the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa version: Hariścandra was king of Ayodhyā. One day whilst hunting in the forest he heard a woman crying and went to rescue her. At the same time Raudra Vighnarāj (¼ Gaṇeśa) expressing fear of Viśvāmitra possessed Hariścandra who, when possessed, saw Viśvāmitra and uttered a short speech condemning him very strongly. Without knowing who he was Viśvāmitra became enraged and lost all his accumulated austerities. The king begged forgiveness and then declared he was only fulfilling his dharma and in two crucial verses he offered to give wealth to Viśvāmitra ([4]: 33), but the latter still demanded to be paid a fee for the rājasūya sacrifice. Hariścandra then having given him the realm was banished by Viśvāmitra who asked again for the rājasūya fee. Hariścandra pleaded that he had nothing else to give except for himself, his wife and his son. The sage insisted however, agreeing to give

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570 him a month to pay. Hariścandra left the city despite his subjects imploring him to stay and with Viśvāmitra continuing to goad him. Eventually he reached Vārāṇāsi where his wife stressed that no matter what happened he must observe his own truth ([4]: 39). Viśvāmitra himself then reiterated how crucial it was for the truth to be maintained. Finally, Hariścandra sold his wife to a brahmin, who also took his son. Then he sold himself to a member of the despised caṇḍāla class who made him work in a burning ground where dead bodies are burned. All this to pay Viśvāmitra’s fee for the rājaśuya. But the caṇḍāla was really the god Dharma who was testing Hariścandra. One day the king fell asleep and witnessed himself going through many rebirths. Eventually Yama, god of death, predicted that he would reach heaven, but that he must continue his suffering, at which point he awakens from his dream. One day his wife came to the burning ground, bringing her dead son who had died from snake bite. They recognized each other and uttered a strong mutual lament. Then ([4]: 53–54) she critiqued the validity of the Law, truth and honesty on the grounds that Hariścandra had unjustly lost his own kingdom. Both of them then agreed to enter the funeral pyre in the hope they would be reunited in heaven. But Dharma and the gods became concerned and appeared before them, predicting they would reach heaven. The gods revived their son and Dharma admitted he was the caṇḍāla in the burning ground, but Hariścandra refused to go to heaven unless his grieving subjects could do so as well. Only when he allowed all of his good karma to be transferred to them did the gods allow his other subjects to go to heaven. His son became the next king of Ayodhya.

This summary does not accurately convey the depth of suffering he and his family underwent, and technical terms for suffering such as duḥkha and dīna occur quite frequently in the text, nor does it effectively convey the question of adherence to truth and dharma. But it is the king and his wife’s insistence on adhering to truth under unimaginably difficult conditions that has guaranteed an ongoing popularity in India. As the Mārkaṇḍēya Purāṇa concludes at the end of its tale, “There was never a king like Hariścandra, nor will there be one” ([4]: 58).

Cross-References ▶ Kingship

References 1. Sathaye A (2009) Why did Hariścandra matter in early medieval India? Truth, fact, and folk narrative in the Sanskrit Purāṇas.JHS 2(2):131–159 2. Keith AB (1971) Rigveda Brahmanas: the Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmanas of the Rigveda, 1st edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1920 3. Hansen K (1983) Sultana the Dacoit and Harishchandra: two popular dramas of the Nautanki tradition of North India. Mod Asian Stud 3:313–331 4. Pargiter FE (1969) The Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa. Translated with notes, 1st edn. Indological Book House, Delhi, 1904

Harivamśa ˙ Christopher Austin Department of Classics (Religious Studies), Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada

Abbreviations HV MBh

Harivaṃśa Mahābhārata

Definition Harivaṃśa: the “lineage of Hari,” a third-century CE Sanskrit poem telling the life story of Vāsudeva Kṛṣṇa.

The Life and Lineage of Hari Krsna ˙˙ ˙ The Harivaṃśa (hereafter HV) or “lineage of Hari” is a Sanskrit text dating from roughly the second or third century CE ([3], pp. 72–77; [5], pp. 67–87) which emerged alongside the Mahābhārata (hereafter MBh) as the appendix or supplement to the epic story of the Pāṇḍavas and the Mahābhārata war. While the HV contains diverse kinds of material and may even be considered an early form of Purāṇa, its most significant feature is a continuous biography of Vāsudeva Kṛṣṇa. All later Sanskrit renderings of the life of Kṛṣṇa build directly or indirectly on the

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HV, which constitutes the earliest source of such well-known episodes as Kṛṣṇa’s lifting of Govardhana mountain or his night-time rendezvous with the Gopīs, and as such constitutes a vitally important source for the study of Hindu mythology. A critical edition of the HV [11] was published shortly after the appearance of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute critical edition MBh [10], following the same editorial principles and format as the larger epic. Vaidya’s HV is presented in two volumes: (I) the principal critical text constructed from the material shared by all consulted HV manuscripts and (II) the appendices or substantial episodes not shared by these manuscripts. The following discussion of the HV refers to the basic critical text of Vaidya’s volume I. In important respects, the HV is continuous with and ultimately part of the MBh. In summarizing its own contents, the MBh includes the HV, identifying it as a khila or supplement (MBh 1.2.69; 1.2.233). The MBh is traditionally said to consist of 100,000 verses, a sum which could not be approximated without the inclusion of the HV. At roughly 6,000 verses, however, the critical edition of HV is significantly shorter than the earlier editions, much material having been relegated to the appendices of volume II. Both the MBh and HV are composed in roughly the same style of śloka, and the HV carries over the MBh’s dialogical frames of narration. As such, King Janamejaya is the HV’s auditor, and as in the MBh, he invites the sage Vaiśaṃpāyana to recite his tale with many prompting questions. The HV consists of 118 adhyāyas or chapters. Somewhat in the manner of later Purāṇas, the text begins with the issues of cosmogony, the constitution of the universe, and the Manvantaras (HV 1–3; 7). The deeds of King Pṛthu are related within this context (HV 4–6). The lineage of the solar dynasty is then related (HV 8–10), followed by a treatise on the pitṛs or ancestral fathers (HV 11–19). More important than the solar dynasty for the poem’s authors is the lunar or Somavaṃśa (HV 20–27), into which Vāsudeva Kṛṣṇa was born. This lunar patriline is followed down to the generation of Kṛṣṇa and his fellow

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clansmen (usually referred to as the Vṛṣṇis), although the text does not provide a clear picture of the genealogical line as one might wish [2]. A shift then occurs from a genealogical to a narrative mode in order to relate the story of the Syamantaka gem (HV 28–29). Although featuring a fully grown Kṛṣṇa, this is not the beginning of his narrative biography. Rather, the episode illustrates the internal conflict characteristic of the Vṛṣṇis, and Kṛṣṇa’s role therein [1]. Thus far it can be said that the HV supplements its parent text, the MBh, by extending and dilating upon the lunar dynasty, into which all the major characters of the MBh were born, and by situating Kṛṣṇa within that dynasty more directly. Yet a more significant task of supplementation begins here at adhyāya 30, where Janamejaya asks for a full account and explanation of Kṛṣṇa’s deeds and the reason for Viṣṇu’s descent to earth in this form. Of course Kṛṣṇa’s association with the supreme deity Viṣṇu-Nārāyaṇa is established already in the MBh, but there one finds no account of his early life, and indeed Kṛṣṇa’s divinity is a somewhat mysterious affair, truly witnessed only by a select few (e.g., Bhagavad Gītā chapter 11). At Janamejaya’s prompting, Vaiśaṃpāyana sets to clearing any doubts about the identity of Kṛṣṇa as a manifestation of Viṣṇu, providing a full account of the reason for Viṣṇu’s descent, followed by a near-complete biography of Kṛṣṇa (his death and other episodes already related to the MBh are omitted). Adhyāyas 30–45 are concerned with Viṣṇu’s identity, his various manifestations, and particularly the war between the gods and demons in which Viṣṇu slays Kālanemi, who then takes birth on earth as the evil Kaṃsa. Viṣṇu decides to take birth as Kṛṣṇa in order to eliminate Kaṃsa a second time and – again following the MBh closely – to participate in the grand project of removing from the earth her burden of an excessive population by means of the great Mahābhārata war. With adhyāya 46 begins the Kṛṣṇa biography proper. Most of the popular scenes of Kṛṣṇa’s childhood, better known from such later sources as the Bhāgavata Purāṇa [9], are found in their earliest forms here: the complex circumstances of his birth, together with his elder brother

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Saṃkarṣaṇa, and the boys’ relocation from Mathurā to the peaceful cowherd settlement so as to escape the murderous designs of Kaṃsa (HV 46–49); the breaking of the cart, the slaying of Pūtanā, and the felling of the great Arjuna trees (HV 50–52); the defeat of the water snake Kāliya (HV 55–56), the lifting of Govardhana mountain (HV 59–62); and the nocturnal play with the Gopīs (HV 63). Kṛṣṇa’s childhood then effectively comes to an end as he and Saṃkarṣaṇa are summoned to appear in Mathurā (HV 65–66), where they reveal their true identities as kṣatriyas. Kṛṣṇa slays Kaṃsa and establishes his grandfather Ugrasena as the righteous king of Mathurā (HV 76–78). An extensive war with Jarāsaṃdha of Magadha – whose two daughters have been widowed in the slaying of Kaṃsa – then follows. Although he and Saṃkarṣaṇa defend Mathurā successfully, Kṛṣṇa nonetheless decides to relocate the entire Vṛṣṇi clan to the West coast, where he founds the splendid city of Dvārakā (HV 80–86). The remaining episodes of the biography feature a mature and adult Kṛṣṇa establishing himself as a prosperous householder, husband, father, and grandfather: he abducts and marries Rukmiṇī (HV 87) and has a son by her, Pradyumna (HV 99). The earlier story of the Syamantaka gem (HV 28–29) had already established the circumstances under which he had met his other two most important wives, Satyabhāmā and Jāmbavatī. Kṛṣṇa rescues 16,100 women from the demon Naraka and marries them as well (HV 91–92). This theme of rescuing those who are lost or abducted remains a dominant motif in the following chapters: Kṛṣṇa and Arjuna rescue the sons of a Brahmin from the realm of the dead (HV 101–103), and the principal concluding episode centers around the rescue of Kṛṣṇa’s grandson Aniruddha from the demon Bāṇa (HV 106–113). Again, Kṛṣṇa’s death is not related as this event – the notorious club battle of the Vṛṣṇis – is known already from MBh book 16. Once the Kṛṣṇa biography wraps up in Chapter 113, we are returned to genealogical questions, and predictions arise, in the context of an attempted Aśvamedha sacrifice on the part

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of Janamejaya, concerning the future and the woes of the Kali Age (HV 114–118). Certainly Kṛṣṇa is in the MBh already an enormously significant figure, but it is the HV which establishes the foundation for the Hindu tradition’s centuries-long reflection on the scenes of his life. The HV’s biography is taken up and adapted in roughly the fifth-century CE by the Viṣṇu Purāṇa [8], which in turn becomes the source of the ninth- or tenth-century CE Bhāgavata Purāṇa [9]. This latter source has tended to be the best known of the three texts and the most influential on popular and vernacular renderings of Kṛṣṇa’s life. But between the lesser-known HV and celebrated Bhāgavata, one finds pronounced differences in tone, theme, and emphasis, even while the episodes themselves remain largely the same. The HV partakes of the same world as the MBh, in which sometimes quite brutal acts of violence are celebrated. One such scene (HV 52–53) – in which Kṛṣṇa creates a pack of vicious wolves who kill cows and even children – is not carried forward into the Bhāgavata at all. Something like Rāma in Vālmīki’s Rāmāyaṇa, Kṛṣṇa in the HV occasionally forgets his true identity or otherwise may strike the reader as something more of a warrior-hero than as a fully divine form of Viṣṇu, particularly in the scenes of his younger life. The later Bhāgavata meanwhile never ceases to render Kṛṣṇa’s every gesture and deed as the fully self-conscious divine play of an omniscient God, at times investing with profound theological and soteriological import elements which in the HV were to all appearances small or insignificant details. Nonetheless, one finds in the HV, in seminal and nascent form, almost every theme and motif that would emerge in later Vaiṣṇava bhakti traditions. These include the closely tied motifs of līlā (divine play) and māyā (divine illusion), which are so fundamental to the notion of an omnipotent and omniscient deity limiting himself in order to interact with a humanity incapable of understanding his transcendent form. One sees this theological trend particularly in the HV’s scenes of Kṛṣṇa’s boyhood days. Similarly, one finds in the HV an early form of the

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theatrical model for understanding Kṛṣṇa’s identity, such that he may be conceived as a kind of dramatic persona assumed temporarily by Viṣṇu and enacted as a temporary role on the stage of the earth [4]. The noun avatāra is not yet used by the HV, but the evolution of this doctrine, so fundamental to Vaiṣṇava theology, is here almost complete, with Kṛṣṇa understood to represent just one of Viṣṇu’s many order-restoring manifestations (rūpa or prādurbhāva) such as the boar or man-lion (e.g., HV 31). Similarly the motifs of concealing and revelation, pervasive in the subsequent bhakti tradition, are established here clearly for the first time in various ways: Kṛṣṇa’s boyhood miracles in the HV cause wonder and amazement, without ever inspiring a full conversion of the cowherders to a permanent recognition of his divinity. Kṛṣṇa is born as kṣatriya but grows up as a humble cowherder who reclaims his warrior identity in a dramatic scene of public revelation, slaying Kaṃsa and claiming his place in the kṣatriya clan. Certainly this dynamic of disguise and revelation, of theophany followed by concealing, begins in the MBh; it becomes a persistent motif in the HV’s biography and remains thereafter a source of endless inspiration for bhakti poets, theologians, and performers. In these and other ways, the key dynamics of Vaiṣṇava mythology and devotionalism can be identified in some of their earliest forms in the HV. Ingalls thus characterizes the HV as the root of the tree of Kṛṣṇa bhakti, while the Bhāgavata constitutes its better-known and more visible trunk ([6], p. 384).

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References 1. Austin C (2011) The mystery of the Syamantaka jewel: the intersection of genealogy and biography in the Harivaṃśa. Relig South Asia 5(1–2):153–169 2. Brinkhaus H (2005) Duplicates in the Somavaṃśa account of the Harivaṃśa: early text-historical developments in the Harivaṃśaparvan. In: Koskikallio P, Ježić M (eds) Continuities and ruptures: proceedings of the third Dubrovnik international conference on the Sanskrit epics and Purāṇas, September 2002. Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Zagreb, pp 363–387 3. Couture A (1991) L’Enfance de Kṛṣṇa: Traduction des Chapitres 30 à 78 (éd. cr.). Les Éditions du Cerf/ Presses de l’Université de Laval, Paris/Laval 4. Couture A (2001) From Viṣṇu’s deeds to Viṣṇu’s play, or observations on the word Avatāra as a designation for the manifestations of Viṣṇu. J Indian Philos 29(3):313–326 5. Couture A (2015) Kṛṣṇa in the Harivaṃśa. vol 1: the wonderful play of a cosmic child. D K Printworld, New Delhi 6. Ingalls DHH (1968) The Harivaṃśa as a Mahākāvya. In: Mélanges d’Indianisme à la Mémoire de Louis Renou. Éditions de Boccard, Paris, pp 381–394 8. Pathak MM (ed) (1997–1999) The critical edition of the Viṣṇupurāṇam, 2 vols. Oriental Institute, Vadodara 9. Shastri HG et al (eds) (1996–2002) The Bhāgavata: critical edition, 1st edn, 4 vols. B J Institute of Learning and Research, Ahmedabad 10. Sukthankar VS (ed) (1933–1966) The Mahābhārata, 19 vols. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 11. Vaidya PL (ed) (1969–1971) The Harivamśa: being the Khila, or supplement to the Mahābhārata, 2 vols. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona

Haryarddha ▶ Harihara

Cross-References ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhakti ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Līlā ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Maya ▶ Rukmiṇī ▶ Satyabhāmā ▶ Viṣṇu

Hastalikhita ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Hastalikhitagrantha ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

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Hastalikhitaprati ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Hastalipi ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Hastaprata ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Hastaprati ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Hastings, Warren Narasingha Sil Department of Social Science/History, Western Oregon University, Monmouth, OR, USA

Among the pioneers of British colonialism in Mughal Bengal, Warren Hastings, the first Governor-General of India appointed by the British East India Company (EIC), was a true Janusfaced statesman. Unlike his predecessor Governor Robert Clive (1724–1774) who had paved the way for the Company to become a puissant colonial power by virtue of sheer military conquest, Hastings, a sensitive, cultured, and conscientious as well as an experienced India hand, effected a number of administrative reforms in Bengal. He also undertook some cultural projects to enhance understanding of the mind-set of an alien people with a view to eliminating blatant iniquity of the EIC officials turned illegal traders and exploiters of the natives with impunity. And

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yet, upon his return to England, he faced partly legitimate but mostly politically motivated charges of corruption and gratuitous cruelty to the subject peoples of the Company Raj. Warren was born in a respectable rural family of declining fortune of Daylesford, Oxfordshire, that later relocated to the adjoining hamlet of Churchill, on 6 December 1732. His mother Hester died shortly after his birth, and his father Pynaston later abandoned home and died somewhere in the West Indies in 1752 an impecunious vagabond. The virtual orphan received his elementary schooling at Churchill and, thereafter, sent by his uncle at a private school in Newington Butts, whence 2 years later, he was removed to Westminster School in 1743. Here the boy showed impressive academic promise by acquiring a taste for literature and other scholarly subjects that would later help him garner a serious interest in Indian culture and civilization. He became a king’s scholar and the captain of the school in 1747. Two years later, following his uncle’s untimely death, he came under the care of a distant kinsman Joseph Creswicke (or Chiswick) who got the young man an appointment as a clerk with the EIC. The teenage maverick landed in Calcutta, the chief city of Bengal, in October 1750. At the time, the affairs of the EIC seemed precarious, even quite perilous. Throughout the southern section of the peninsula, French influence was predominant. The settlement of Fort St. George (Madras) had only recently been acquired by force of arms and then legitimized by the Treaty of Aix-laChapelle (18 October 1748) that ended the War of the Austrian Succession (1740–1748). Despite the relative prominence of the French position in India, Mughal Bengal under the Pathan Nawab Nazim Alivardi Khan (r. 1740–1756) took a strict measure to maintain an uneasy calm between the British and French settlers in Calcutta and Chandernagore, respectively. Broadly speaking, the early days of the Company Raj in Bengal presented a dismal picture of degeneration, corruption, and virtual lawlessness. Hastings’s first assignment as writer was to supervise a textile factory run under the system of dādnī at Kasimbazar near Murshidabad, the capital

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city of the Bengal suba [province]. For a brief period in 1756, he was imprisoned by the young successor of Alivardi, Siraj-ud-daula (b. 1729 r. 1756–1757) who, in a bid to drive the British out of Bengal, attacked Calcutta and corralled the British factors at the Cossimbazar factory. He was released with the help of a local banker Krishnakanta Nandi, who procured the ransom money of 3000 rupees from the Dutch traders. For a while, Hastings even served as an intermediary between the Nawab and the EIC, but, apprehending future danger, he fled Murshidabad to join the refugees from Calcutta gathered at Falta, a shipping station for the Dutch merchants, about 20 miles south of the city. The refugees at Falta had been joined by a shipload of troops from Madras commanded by Major James Killpatrick on July 31 and, a few months later, by another fleet commanded by Admiral Charles Watson (1714–1757) accompanied by Lieutenant Col. Robert Clive. Falta not only provided shelter for the fugitive from Murshidabad but also his wife to be, Mary (née Elliott), widow of Captain John Buchanon killed during Siraj’s attack on Fort William (18–21 June 1756). Hastings volunteered in Clive’s army that forced the Nawab out of Calcutta and recovered the city for the Company in January 1757. Six months later, on 23 June, the EIC forces led by Clive overthrew Siraj-ud-daula and installed the Nawab’s commander-in-chief Mir Jafar Ali Khan Bahadur Mahabat Jang [Horror in War] (r. 1757–1760) on the masnad [throne] of Murshidabad. Upon Clive’s recommendation, Hastings became the British Resident in 1758. He left for Calcutta shortly after the new Nawab’s replacement by his son-in-law Mir Kasim Ali Khan (r. 1760–1763) in a coup d’etat engineered by the British. Hastings had raised his conscientious objection to Mir Jafar’s ouster though to little effect. He now developed and established a good relationship with new Nawab and again had misgivings about the demands he had to relay to him at the behest of his superiors in Calcutta with whom he disagreed radically. He was recalled and appointed to the Calcutta Council in 1761. In Calcutta Hastings found a congenial colleague in Governor Henry Vansittart (r. 1769–1774), and both men sympathized with the Nawab Mir Kasim’s

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demand to regulate the private trade of the British merchants but failed to reach consensus in the Council. Despite Hastings and Vansittart’s conciliatory gesture, the issue was decided at the Battle of Buxar upon the Ganges between Benares and Patna on 22 October 1764. Mir Kasim lost the battle, but his vengeful slaughter of the British prisoners and their Indian accomplices in Patna discredited both the Governor and the Councilor; Vansittart resigned and returned home while Hastings followed suit in January 1765. The Treaty of Allahabad (12 August 1765) arranged by Governor Clive (he had returned to Bengal on May 3 as the newly appointed Governor), the EIC received the Dewani [revenue administration] of the Bengal. Hastings returned (along with his future second wife Marian) to India in late 1769 as the second-in-command at the Council of Fort St. George. In 1771, he was named Governor of Bengal and returned to Calcutta on 17 February 1772. By virtue of the Regulating Act of the British Prime Minister Frederick Lord North (r. 1770–1782), Hastings became the Governor-General of the three presidencies of Bengal, Bombay, and Madras in 1774. Yet Hastings’ immediate problems were vexing. The diwani entailed a dual system of government that divided responsibilities between the English diwans and the Mughal Nawab Nazim but proved to be a dismal failure. The enormous military expenditure and the ancillary cost of keeping various individuals satisfied with rewards and remunerations drained the finances of the Raj. This dire situation and the utter mismanagement of law and order presented a sorry spectacle that led Clive to lament in 1765 that “such a scene of anarchy, confusion, bribery, corruption, and extortion was never seen or heard of in any country but Bengal.” He retired from service left for home in 1767. The situation was further aggravated by the Great Bengal Famine of 1769–1773 that ravaged the lower Gangetic plain from Bihar to Bengal region. Hastings cut the Nawab’s stipend in half and stopped all kinds of payment to the Mughal emperor due him as per Clive’s arrangement. For a better management of the Raj, the House of Commons passed the Regulating Act in 1773 at the initiative of the Prime Minister Frederick Lord

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North (r.1770–1782). This Act brought the hitherto independent presidencies of Madras and Bombay under the official control of the Governor of Bengal who became Governor-General of India. The act also enlarged the membership of the Supreme Council of Bengal based in Calcutta. On 19 October 1774, four new members, General John Clavering, Colonel George Monson, Sir Richard Barwell, and Sir Philip Francis, were admitted, purportedly to function as the Prime Minister’s “men” in the Council to monitor or check the measures proposed by the GovernorGeneral. Hastings regarded the newcomers in the council with equanimity. He was a formidable adversary as well as a faithful ally. In 1774, he helped the Nawab Wazir Shuja-ud-Daula of Oudh [Ayodhya] (r. 1754–1775), with English mercenaries to help him fight the Rohilla Afghans of the northwest. He received a hefty reward for his services and at the same time acquired a powerful, grateful, and gratified ally of immense strategic value for the EIC. Hastings’ success in Oudh in gaining a friend needed to be complemented by the destruction of the troublesome and terrible Marathas of west-central India. He, however, began experiencing an unremitting opposition from the new councilors with the sole exception of Barwell. They denounced the Rohilla War and provoked the Indian officers to accuse the Governor of personal corruption. The leading Indian accuser was Mahārājā Nandakumar (1705–1775), EIC’s tax collector at Burdwan, Nadiya, and Hooghly, who expected to be rewarded with a windfall fortune should his accusation stuck to dislodge Hastings from his elevated status in government. His accusations of bribe-taking were probably much exaggerated at best and concocted at worst. Before anything could be proved, charges of forgery were brought against Nandakumar in the newly established Supreme Court presided over by Warren’s school friend at Westminster Elijah Impey (1732–1809). He was convicted and hanged on 5 August 1775. Some historians maintain that the prosecution of Nandakumar was prompted by the Mahārājā’s enemies with the connivance of Hastings’ friends.

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It is to be noted that Hastings’ predicament in administration was nearing its speedy end. Two councilors, Monson and Clavering, died on 25 September 1776 and 30 August 1777, respectively. Francis (1740–1818), arguably the most competent individual of the quartet and an implacable foe of the Governor-General, would continue to oppose Hastings for another 3 years. Their rivalry would escalate into a personal duel on 17 August 1780 resulting in Philip’s injury and subsequent departure from India in December. Since 1777 the Bengal government had been involved into the rivalries of the powers that had grown in the ruins of the moribund Mughal Empire. Hastings’ policy was to avoid battles and form diplomatic alliances. Yet he did involve the military in local wars such as against the Rohillas in 1774 and in 1778 against the Marathas, a loose federation of the Hindus of westcentral India with a view to persuading them of the advantage of allying with the powerful foreigners. Hastings confronted with French naval action in the Indian Ocean following France’s entry into the American Revolutionary wars in 1778. He also had deal with the attack on Madras by the Mysore strong man Haider Ali (1722–1782). The Marathas were befriended in 1782, Mysore pacified in 1784, and France held in check in 1783. Nevertheless, the various wars had disrupted the EIC’s trade and affected its reputation in England. They also led the beleaguered Governor-General into adopting frankly barbarous means to raise extra funds, particularly his preposterous demand for an enormous subsidy from Rājā Chait Singh (r. 1770–1781) of Benares and extortion of the Begums of Oudh (mother and grandmother of Wazir Asaf-ud-Daula, r. 1775–1797) on pain of physical torture – the two inhuman and illegal actions he would have to defend a few years hence. After having solidified the foundation of the Raj begun by Clive, Hastings resigned from service in 1784. Back home, he faced charges of “high crimes and misdemeanors” by the Whig parliamentarian Edmund Burke (1729–1797) assisted by Hastings’ inveterate enemy, the former

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member of the Bengal Council Philip Francis, who had suffered a bullet injury in a duel. Hastings was impeached by the House of Commons, but the trial, begun in 1788, ended with his acquittal by the House of Lords in 1795. However, he restored his reputation and honor but ruined his finances. His near bankrupt situation was, mercifully, mitigated to some extent, by the financial support offered by his former employers. Hastings, in the true spirit of the Enlightenment, was a votary of various forms of knowledge, linguistic, legal, and scientific that could be beneficial for the colonial power and conciliatory to the colonized subjects. He had a great respect for the sacred literatures as well as the timeworn traditions of the Hindus. In similar vein, he recognized the value of Islamic religion and culture. Thus, he founded Madrasa Aliya in 1781 and supported the foundation of the Bengal Asiatic Society by the Oriental scholar William Jones (1746–1794) in 1784 – both located in Calcutta. He famously patronized the translation of the Bhāgavadgītā and even wrote the Introduction for this holy book of the Hindus. He died on 22 August 1818 after a brief illness at his ancestral home at Daylesford, Worcestershire. An unabashed workaholic Hastings never really relished his retired life that he found “inconceivably dull” and yearned for a return to his wonted public life in exchange of his comfortable but colorless engagement with “wheat, turnips, or sheep.”

References 1. Davies AM (1935) Strange destiny: a biography of Warren Hastings. G.P. Putnam’s Sons, New York 2. Feiling KG (1954) Warren Hastings. St. Martin’s Press, New York 3. Forrest GW (2008) India under Warren Hastings. Kessinger Publishing LLC, Whitefish. 1892. Reprint 4. Lyall A (1915) Warren Hastings. Macmillan, London 5. Macaulay TB (1907) Critical and historical essays, vol I (ed: Grieve AJ). Longman, Brown, Green, London 6. Marshall PJ (2004) Hastings, Warren (1732–1818). In: Oxford dictionary of national biography. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 782–791 7. Marshall PJ (1965) The impeachment of Warren Hastings. Oxford University Press, Oxford

577 8. Monckton-Jones ME (1918) Warren Hastings. Clarendon Press, Oxford 9. Moon P (1949) Warren Hastings and British India. Macmillan, London 10. Turnbull P (1975) Warren Hastings. New English Library, London

Hathayoga ˙ Lubomír Ondračka Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, Czech Republic

H Definition Haṭhayoga is a system of physical practice aimed at attaining final liberation from the cycle of rebirth and achieving supernatural powers.

Introduction As this entry often points to many uncertainties in the scholarly understanding of several aspects of Haṭhayoga, it will be useful at the beginning to explain why current knowledge of this subject is still far from satisfactory. There are two main reasons for this situation. First, scholarly interest in Haṭhayoga is a relatively recent phenomenon, and despite the major developments in this research field in the last decade, findings are still inadequate ([44], pp. xxii–xxvi). Second, the character of evidence about Haṭhayoga prevents us from gaining a deeper, comprehensive understanding of the full history of this tradition.

The History of Scholarship on Hathayoga ˙ Until recently, both Western and Indian scholars expressed little interest in studying Haṭhayoga. Indologists have long been fascinated by Indian literature, philosophy, languages, art, and so on,

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but Haṭhayoga could not compete with these topics and offer anything absorbing. Academic indifference to Haṭhayoga becomes more apparent when we compare its study to the long history of scholarship on Pātañjalayoga ([28], pp. 69–80). Because Pātañjalayoga has been regarded as an important school of Indian philosophy since the early beginnings of Indology, it has always attracted a number of excellent scholars, who have produced many published editions, translations, and studies related to this form of yoga. In contrast, Haṭhayoga, dealing with physical exercises and not offering any elaborate philosophy, was practically ignored. Second, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Haṭhayoga had a very bad reputation because of its association with contemporary yogis, who were seen as practitioners of Haṭhayoga (although, in fact, they were mostly not). At the time, yogis were typically depicted as dangerous vagabonds, mendicant tricksters, aggressive beggars, self-mortifying ascetics, fakirs, jugglers, and often even criminals, who lacked any textual knowledge of their own traditions ([53], pp. 41–44). Colonial photographs of these repulsive figures are very illustrative ([17], pp. 236–249). For the Indian intelligentsia, this yogic milieu represented a remnant of the old days of which they were ashamed and which they sought to overcome on their way to achieving modernity. Western scholars readily accepted this view, and hence Haṭhayoga was long discredited. Third, the first prominent promoters of Haṭhayoga in the West were the theosophists, who incorporated some of its teachings in their doctrine and, most importantly, produced the first translations of three Sanskrit haṭhayogic texts in the late nineteenth century: Gheraṇḍasaṃhitā, Haṭha[yoga]pradīpikā, and Śivasaṃhitā ([53], pp. 44–49). These influential translations contributed to the creation of what could be regarded as the “holy trinity” of Haṭhayoga texts. For many years, these three texts were the only Haṭhayoga works available in English, and thus until recently they were considered truthful representatives of Haṭhayoga literature. Their association with the Theosophical Society secured the acceptance of

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some haṭhayogic teachings in Western theosophical, occult, esoteric, and hermetic circles ([2], pp. 121–143) but definitely did not help Haṭhayoga be considered a subject of serious academic research. A turning point in the acceptance of Haṭhayoga as a subject worthy of study was the publication of Mircea Eliade’s book Yoga: Immortality and Freedom (in the French original in 1954, then in 1958 in an English translation [18]). This work opened up new horizons not only in research on Haṭhayoga but also in the study of yoga in general, mainly because it placed yoga in the framework of Tantrism. Although this now outdated book is not without serious faults, for decades it has been the most popular academic book on yoga and provided tremendous inspiration for people interested in yoga and its study. Surprisingly, Eliade’s book did not give immediate birth to serious, widespread academic study of Haṭhayoga; the time was not yet ripe. Although Eliade demonstrated how close and complex the relationship between Haṭhayoga and Tantrism was, Hindu tantric studies were in their infancy in the mid-twentieth century. The situation began to change decades later, particularly thanks to two projects that made thousands of tantric manuscripts accessible to scholars (the first involved collecting Śaivasiddhānta manuscripts at the French Institute of Pondicherry; the second was the Nepal-German Manuscript Cataloguing Project; [24], pp. 122–123). Only then could serious studies of tantric traditions begin. Alexis Sanderson in particular (and later also his students) conducted groundbreaking research on Tantric Śaivism that paved the way for contemporary Haṭhayoga studies. In addition to this new understanding of Tantrism, another extremely important impetus for Haṭhayoga research was the 1994 publication of Christian Bouy’s landmark study on the Yoga Upaniṣads and their relation to the earlier haṭhayogic texts [15]. Although this book was written in French and thus had a limited readership, it became a major source of inspiration for today’s generation of yoga scholars. In this work, Bouy illuminatingly demonstrated how to properly and reliably work with Haṭhayoga texts: they

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must be analyzed through rigorous philological study. A new era in research on Haṭhayoga began in the 2007, when James Mallinson published his PhD thesis, a richly annotated critical edition of the early Haṭhayoga text Khecarīvidyā [32]. Since then, many high-quality research studies have appeared, but Mallinson’s work remains the only critical edition of a Haṭhayoga text published to date. Nonetheless, good semi-critical editions of several other works have been produced, mostly by Kaivalyadhama in Lonavla and by the Lonavla Yoga Institute. While these editions are very useful, they are not truly critical because they are usually based on a limited number of manuscripts and lack the philological analysis necessary for establishing the best form of the text. Compared to the textual study of medieval Haṭhayoga, which is just emerging from its infancy, research on modern Haṭhayoga is much more developed. There are more than a dozen excellent academic monographs and edited volumes on this subject (starting with the pioneering works of Elisabeth De Michelis [16] and Joseph Alter [1], both published in 2004); countless research papers have also been written on the subject. For many years, research on modern yoga was distinct from the study of classical Haṭhayoga, but now they are becoming increasingly connected fields because scholars on both sides understand that they can benefit from each other. The same developments have occurred in the study of Pātañjalayoga. Therefore, the study of various types of yoga today is a highly interconnected endeavor (as a recently published volume demonstrates [3]).

Character of the Sources Besides scholarly disinterest, the second reason knowledge about the history of Haṭhayoga is still inadequate is the lack of sources that would enable its fuller reconstruction. Scholars must depend almost exclusively on texts, because other types of evidence (ethnographic materials, art, epigraphs, travelogues, etc.) can help to a very limited extent. Most of these textual works are

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relatively brief Haṭhayoga manuals or passages on Haṭhayoga found in other genres of Indian literature, although larger treatises and voluminous compendia would be produced later. The vast majority of these texts is written in Sanskrit, but important Haṭhayoga works can also be found in other Indian languages (Dravidian and modern North Indian languages); the latter remain practically unstudied so far. There are several problems with these textual sources. First, we do not know, and, in fact, will never know, to what degree they are representative; in other words, there is no way to determine how much of the Haṭhayoga milieu they reflect. Undoubtedly, this milieu has always been very heterogeneous, with hundreds of traditions, schools, and individual guru lineages all teaching the same Haṭhayoga techniques in various forms. Because Indian culture is verbomotor (traditionally preferring the oral transfer of knowledge) and manuscripts do not normally survive more than a couple of hundred years, we do not know whether the corpus of Haṭhayoga texts available contains a majority or a minority of Haṭhayoga teachings. Second, the nature of these texts also makes them problematic. They are mostly typical Sanskrit technical manuals, and therefore, they prescribe a normative, ideal form of practice and promise various results (often fantastic ones). Without access to descriptive texts reflecting actual practice that can confirm or correct these prescriptive manuals, it is difficult to rely on these works as the only form of historical evidence. Moreover, these texts are practically silent on the social and religious backgrounds of yogis and their everyday life. Thus, although we have a good number of texts on haṭhayogic practice, we know almost nothing about its practitioners. Third, with only few exceptions, haṭhayogic texts are undated and thus present a great obstacle to reconstructing a more accurate history of Haṭhayoga. Occasionally, it is possible to formulate a hypothesis about the relative chronology of some works. Many Haṭhayoga texts share identical verses that range in number from a few to hundreds; in such cases, philological analysis may determine which text is the original source

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of the verses and which is the borrower. Chronologies constructed in this way, however, are rarely ever certain, as, with the exception of later compendia, Haṭhayoga texts do not give the name of the source from which particular verses are taken. We are thus often unsure whether shared verses are direct borrowings, whether they have been borrowed from a third, now lost text, or whether both texts draw from another unknown source. Moreover, sometimes even the direction of borrowing is unclear and in fact may be the opposite of what researchers believe. Fourth, although most texts use identical or similar terminology for haṭhayogic techniques, we cannot be sure that the same terms always refer to the same technique, unless its prescribed practice is clearly explained in the text. The names of yoga postures, or āsanas, are a good case in point. On one hand, many identical āsanas are known under different titles, but on the other hand, one name often refers to different āsanas [21]. Undoubtedly, similar confusing situations must arise when referring to other techniques, so we must be very careful when talking about the presence of a particular practice in a given text. Unfortunately, the information contained in Haṭhayoga texts is only rarely supplemented and corrected by other evidence. For example, we encounter only a few descriptions of haṭhayogic practice and yogis in medieval Indian vernacular literature ([36], notes 29, 55), but it is uncertain whether they reflect direct observations or represent a fixed literary topos; the latter seems most probable [41]. Accounts of yogis in Arabic and Persian historical writings and travelogues are more informative [19]. Some valuable insights can also be gained from visual art (e.g., miniature paintings [36, 37] or temple carvings [27, 49]), but this material evidence comes from the relatively late Mughal period. European travelers first encountered yogis in the same period and wrote about their experiences ([53], pp. 36–39, [60], pp. 205–217). All this information, as well as data from other sources (e.g., from ethnographic research [6, 14]), can help us better understand the history of Haṭhayoga and haṭhayogic techniques, but the main source of evidence remains the corpus of Haṭhayoga texts, despite its many problems.

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The Meaning of the Term Hathayoga ˙ The Sanskrit word haṭhayoga (written sometimes separately as haṭha yoga) is a compound consisting of two words, haṭha and yoga. The meaning of the term is ambiguous and not clearly defined in Haṭhayoga texts. In fact, the word itself is not used very frequently in them, and its occurrence is rather rare particularly in early texts. Moreover, the meaning of the word has changed repeatedly over the course of time, and therefore seeking out a single, definite, “correct” translation of this term would be a futile exercise. The most common meaning of the word haṭha is “violence,” “force.” In Sanskrit literature, it is used frequently in adverbial form to mean “violently,” “forcibly,” or “suddenly.” The second part of the compound, the word yoga, is derived from the verb “to join” (√yuj-) and has many meanings. In Haṭhayoga texts, yoga is used in the sense of “method,” “practice,” or, most frequently, the goal achieved through such practice ([44], p. 4). The fact that Sanskrit compounds can be analyzed in several ways introduces further ambiguity; the compound haṭhayoga can be constructed as either “yoga of force” ([7], p. 527) or “yoga by force” ([39], p. 125, n. 9). Hence, two different meanings arise: (1) “the forceful yoga [practice]” and (2) “[the state of] yoga [achieved] by means of force” ([44], p. 5); the latter definition is much more common than the former. Apparently, however, not all authors of Haṭhayoga texts were satisfied with these meanings; in particular, the idea that yoga should be somehow related to force and violence was hardly acceptable to them. For this reason, the author of one text (dated probably from the late fourteenth century) used the traditional Indian hermeneutical tool of semantic analysis (nirvacana) to explain the term haṭha as a union of two syllables: ha meaning “sun” and ṭha meaning “moon” (Yogabīja 148cd–149ab). According to this understanding, Haṭhayoga thus means “the union (yoga) of the sun (ha) and moon (ṭha)” ([7], pp. 532–534). Although this interpretation has some precursors in tantric texts, it is probably a later invention or an adoption by yoga authors to avoid the association of their practice with any

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kind of force or violence. In any case, this explanation of the term has become very popular in modern literature on yoga and today is probably the most common definition found in the globalized yoga discourse. On the other hand, Indian ascetics and yoga practitioners rarely apply this definition of Haṭhayoga ([6], pp. 191–192). The term haṭha can also be interpreted to mean “firm resolve” [43]. This meaning is well attested in first-millennium Hindu and Buddhist tantric works that describe various dangerous and extreme practices that require courage and firm resolve to perform. It is also encountered in medieval Hindi texts and even among modern-day Indian ascetics who engage in harsh selfmortification practices ([6], pp. 188–191). According to this understanding, haṭhayoga thus means the strong determination to use a dangerous, demanding practice that is also more direct and effective to achieve desired goals.

Hathayoga’s Formative Period ˙ The earliest Hindu works that formulate mature, coherent systems of Haṭhayoga come from around the twelfth century. They did not emerge out of nowhere, however, and thus we should assume the existence of a formative period that predates their composition. Unfortunately, given the current state of research, very little is known about what exactly was happening in the centuries before the emergence of the first Haṭhayoga texts, but scattered evidence can at least give us a general idea. All early references to Haṭhayoga come, perhaps a bit surprisingly, from the corpus of Buddhist tantric texts ([7], pp. 534–536). The term haṭhayoga occurs in about 15 works, a few of which explain it clearly. Haṭhayoga is described as a forceful practice used in a sexual ritual. Its purpose is to make the breath (prāṇa) enter and flow through the central channel (called here madhyamā, but in later yoga works known as suṣumnā) and to hold semen in the penis to prevent ejaculation. These works recommend Haṭhayoga only as a last resort, when other standard techniques have failed, or even reject it

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altogether. Although in later Hindu haṭhayogic texts this tantric sexual context is missing, the idea of forceful manipulation with bodily fluids and energies (breath, semen, kuṇḍalinī) remains. The formative period of Haṭhayoga culminated with the Sanskrit text of the Amṛtasiddhi (literally “The attainment of immortality” or “The perfection of the nectar of immortality”) [51], which dates approximately to the eleventh century [42]. This work clearly comes from the Buddhist tantric milieu but at the same time includes many Śaiva elements. The Amṛtasiddhi lacks the context of sexual ritual, and although it does not use the term haṭhayoga, it is the first extant work that teaches some techniques and formulates some concepts that would soon become characteristic of Hindu Haṭhayoga. It can therefore be justly classified as the first proto-haṭhayogic text. Although the Amṛtasiddhi presents the only clear textual evidence of Haṭhayoga before the appearance of the first Hindu haṭhayogic treatises, it does not mean that all the practices taught in these texts were new and totally unknown from earlier sources. Some of these techniques are likely much older, such as breath control (prāṇāyāma), although their earlier forms were likely rudimentary [62]. The problem is that the ascetic milieu, in which we can assume that some of these techniques might have been practiced, featured a predominantly oral culture and thus did not produce any written works. On the other hand, it is highly improbable that a complex system similar to Haṭhayoga existed before the second millennium. If such a system existed, we would expect to find at least some traces of it in Sanskrit literature, particularly in all-embracing encyclopedic Purāṇas, but apart from a few chapters on Pāśupatayoga in the original Skandapurāṇa ([7], n. 144, [13]), we encounter nothing of the sort [48].

Early Hathayoga ˙ The first known Haṭhayoga texts appeared perhaps in the twelfth or, at the latest, in the thirteenth century, and their production culminated in the fifteenth century with the most important and

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popular Haṭhayoga work, the Haṭhapradīpikā. The early Haṭhayoga corpus consists of about ten works composed in rather simple Sanskrit; none of these texts, however, have been critically edited (with the one exception of the Khecarīvidyā [32]). Nonetheless, good editions of the majority of them exist, and truly critical editions of most of them are currently being produced [25]. We know nothing about the authors of these works, which are either ascribed to semilegendary sages (Dattātreya, Gorakṣanātha, Vasiṣṭha, and Yājñavalkya) or proclaimed to have divine origins. Although these early Haṭhayoga texts are, in comparison with other Sanskrit works, relatively short (they typically consist of a few hundred verses), they do give us a good impression about the Haṭhayoga of that time. The first remarkable characteristic of these texts is their positive turn towards the physical body. In most earlier Hindu traditions, the body was generally an obstacle on the way to final liberation. Even in Pātañjalayoga, concern about the body is focused on making it fit for prolonged, undisturbed meditation, the sole path to achieving the state of samādhi, which awards the practitioner with liberating insight. Making the body capable of performing prolonged mediation is the only purpose of yoga postures (āsanas) in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra and its commentaries [29]; [60], pp. 32–35). In India, of course, since early times there have been people occupied with the physical body, namely ascetics. They engage in self-mortification practices to generate an inner energy (tapas) that can be used for various purposes ([46], pp. 2–4, 129–133, 171). Although Haṭhayoga does not share this view and never included self-mortification practices, it probably borrowed some concepts and techniques from the ascetic milieu. However, it was only with the development of tantric traditions that the physical body was fully accepted and incorporated into religious practice as a positive tool for achieving desired goals ([47], pp. 73–85). Haṭhayoga thus quite naturally shares many ideas about the body with Tantrism. A key concept common to both Tantrism and Haṭhayoga is the notion that the nectar of immortality is present in the human body. Although the

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precise understanding of this substance is usually not clearly explained or differs from text to text, and the terms used to refer to it vary (amṛta, bindu, bīja, soma, etc.), its basic characteristics and importance are common to all traditions. The nectar of immortality enables us to be alive. As long as it is present in the body, we can live; losing it means death. It is stored in the head and is naturally restless: either it continually drips from its source and is burnt by a digestive fire located in the lower part of the stomach, or it is ejaculated in its most visible and material form, male semen. In any case, the gradual loss of the nectar of immortality causes bodily ageing and eventually death. To avoid these disastrous consequences, Haṭhayoga uses several techniques called mudrā (“seal”) or bandha (“lock”) to prevent the loss of the nectar of immortality ([44], pp. 228–258). The most venerated of them is khecarīmudrā, in which the practitioner inserts the tongue in the cavity above the soft palate, stopping the nectar from falling into the digestive fire ([32], pp. 28–31). Another practice, called vajrolīmudrā, is used to prevent ejaculation during intercourse, or if the semen has left the body, this technique can be used to draw it up through the penis and back into the body so the yogi does not lose a single drop of the precious nectar [40]. Besides the application of seals and locks, the second most important haṭhayogic practice is breath control (prāṇāyāma) ([44], pp. 127–170). This practice incorporates several techniques that have various aims (e.g., purification of the inner channels, nāḍīs), but the main purpose of prāṇāyāma is to force the breath to enter the central channel (suṣumnā) and rise it up. The ultimate form of prāṇāyāma, however, involves stopping breathing all together. This technique, called kevala kumbhaka, corresponds with the older yogic idea that in order to attain samādhi all bodily processes and activities, including breathing, must be stopped. Haṭhayoga newly adds to this concept, formulated already in Pātañjalayoga, the need to immobilize semen, because the mind, breath, and semen are understood as mutually connected bodily phenomena. Apart from this general idea about bodily processes and the necessity of stopping them, other

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theoretical concepts about the body are rarely formulated in the early Haṭhayoga texts. Likewise, the metaphysical backgrounds of the teachings these texts contain are not elaborated. This absence of theoretical notions is partly due to the very genre of these works: they are brief practical manuals that do not need to explain the mechanisms of how particular techniques work. Explaining that if a practice is done correctly, then it leads to the promised result is sufficient. These early Haṭhayoga texts also document the gradual acceptance of several theoretical tantric concepts that would later become characteristic of Haṭhayoga teaching (such as the cakra system, kuṇḍalinī, etc.) but which were neither fully accepted nor understood in this early period. Most importantly though, it seems that early Haṭhayoga works aspired to be acceptable to the broadest possible audience, hence, the exclusion of elaborate formulations of explicit theological and metaphysical positions. The omission of abstract ideas does not mean that the texts were not produced within a particular religious milieu; in fact, the religious background of these texts was intentionally hidden, and therefore their metaphysical background is usually not apparent and is present only implicitly, if at all. Occasional references to brahman as the highest goal may lead to the impression that the philosophical background of the early Haṭhayoga texts is to be sought in Advaita Vedānta [38]. Although this assumption may be correct in some cases, these references are most probably part of a transsectarian strategy, because since early times various traditions, independent of their philosophical positions, regarded brahman as the highest goal ([20], p. 290; [30], pp. 78, 84–88, 105–128, 192– 202; [31], pp, 39–40, 48–50). Simply put, the term brahman was never exclusive to Advaita Vedānta. This leads us to an important question, namely, what are the goals of haṭhayogic practice? The simple answer might be first and foremost liberation alongside other worldly enjoyments and benefits. The quest for final liberation (mokṣa, mukti) is common to all Indian traditions, but the early Haṭhayoga texts present a rather specific understanding of the character of such liberation. While these texts share with the older yogic traditions the

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idea that achieving samādhi is a necessary condition for attaining final liberation (and Haṭhayoga practice thus culminates in samādhi), they add two new ways for reaching the ultimate goal, both taken from tantric sources. The first method is a controlled voluntary death, usually called “a yogic suicide” (utkrānti) ([58], pp. 437–445, [44], pp. 401–402); the second is the attainment of an immortal body using the technique of “cheating death” (kālavañcana, mṛtyuvañcana). The last mentioned goal, attaining an immortal physical body, can also be regarded as the highest of “bodily perfections” or “supernatural powers” (siddhis, guṇas), the result of successful yogic practice ([35]; [44], pp. 359–366). Many of these powers are again shared with tantric traditions [59], but whereas in the majority of the tantric texts, the siddhis are the main aim of the practice, the early Haṭhayoga texts present them more as secondary results or they classify the highest yogic goals (samādhi, utkrānti) as siddhis. Similarly, several haṭhayogic techniques are said to have medical benefits [22], but this does not mean that Haṭhayoga is primarily a healing method. Although Haṭhayoga shares some terminology and concepts with traditional Indian medicine, Āyurveda, these two systems have always stood apart from each other [10]. Possessing a healthy body is not the final aim of haṭhayogic practice, but a precondition. Early Haṭhayoga texts introduced radical changes in who could practice yoga. Although no Sanskrit works offer detailed information about yogis, and Haṭhayoga texts are not exceptional in this lack of data, one important shift is obvious in these early works. Whereas previous yoga systems (e.g., Pātañjalayoga) were accessible only to male Brahmin ascetics, Haṭhayoga was also open to householders and members of all other Indian social classes. This openness naturally brought about a number of changes in concepts that Haṭhayoga inherited from Pātañjalayoga, for example, in ethical rules (yama) and observances (niyama) ([12, 44], pp. 51, 79–84). Haṭhayoga was forced to either omit or reinterpret them [11]. Thus, for instance, brahmacarya, or “strict celibacy,” was redefined as regular intercourse with one’s own wife after

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menstruation (Vasiṣṭhasaṃhitā 1.44). This openness of Haṭhayoga went so far that some texts even mention female yoga practitioners ([44], pp. 53–54), particularly in relation to the practice of vajrolīmudrā ([40], pp. 190–191, 193); the yogini is advised to preserve her rajas (menstrual blood or female generative fluid) using this technique, just as the yogi is to preserve his semen.

The Hathapradı¯pika¯ ˙ The Haṭhapradīpikā (long known in secondary literature under the title Haṭhayogapradīpikā) is by far the most important and popular Haṭhayoga work. It is exceptional from several points of view. First, we know the name of its author, Svātmārāma, although we know nothing else about him. Second, it is relatively well dated: scholars place this text into the fifteenth century ([15], pp. 81–85), more precisely in the middle of it ([33], p. 771). Third, the Haṭhapradīpikā is not entirely an original work but largely a compilation of earlier texts (scholars have so far identified about 20 source texts, [38], pp. 239–244), and thus it marks the terminus ante quem for several previous works. Fourth, it clearly states what haṭhayogic practice entails and thus explicitly defines Haṭhayoga. Similar to earlier works, the Haṭhapradīpikā focuses in large part on “sealing” techniques: it teaches ten mudrās, and more than one-third of its 385 verses are devoted to describing them. Breath control (prāṇāyāma) techniques are second in importance, involving eight complex practices (kumbhakas) and culminating in total breath retention (kevala kumbhaka). In addition to these two older yogic techniques, the Haṭhapradīpikā elaborates a practice that would later become the most characteristic feature of modern Haṭhayoga: performing complex yoga postures (āsanas). Whereas earlier texts taught only a few sitting and lying poses suitable for long-lasting meditation, with the exception of one or two non-seated postures ([9], pp. 105–107), the Haṭhapradīpikā includes 15 āsanas, 7 of which are non-seated. The fourth technique that the Haṭhapradīpikā

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establishes as essential for haṭhayogic practice and which is borrowed from tantric sources is “working with internal sounds” (nādānusandhāna). This technique leads to the dissolution (laya) of mind and ultimately culminates in the state of samādhi. The Haṭhapradīpikā became extremely popular shortly after its composition and quickly overshadowed all previous Haṭhayoga texts. Svātmārāma apparently chose the right strategy when compiling his work. He included techniques and concepts that would be accepted in the majority of haṭhayogic traditions of his time and omitted those that might be problematic (e.g., interestingly, the Haṭhapradīpikā teaches the tantric idea of kuṇḍalinī but at the same time is silent on the cakras that are normally related to the rising of kunḍalinī). Another reason contributing to this work’s great success stemmed from competition between various types of yoga. Several preceding texts mention four types of yoga (mantra, laya, haṭha, and rāja; [39], pp. 114–117). Haṭhayoga’s main rival was meditative Rājayoga, which stood at the top of the yoga hierarchy and whose meaning could therefore be understood as “the king of all yogas” ([8], p. 404). Svātmārāma, however, identified Rājayoga with the state of samādhi and proclaimed that the practice of Haṭhayoga leads to it. He thus successfully reconciled these two rival traditions by including Rājayoga within haṭhayogic practice ([7], pp. 545–547).

Hathayoga in Late Medieval Texts ˙ Beginning in the sixteenth century, the nature of historical evidence about Haṭhayoga changed radically. As stated above, for the first time, sources other than the exclusively textual appeared (art, travelogues, etc.) that enhance our understanding of the yoga milieu of that time. On the other hand, the many extant texts from this period dealing with Haṭhayoga are surprisingly much less useful than we might expect, because they are very different in nature from the texts of the early Haṭhayoga corpus. The early texts, as we have seen, were relatively short practical manuals composed either by practitioners themselves or by

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authors with intimate knowledge of haṭhayogic practice. In contrast, most texts produced after the fifteenth century do not come from yogic but from scholarly circles. They were produced by well-educated scholars who lacked personal experience with Haṭhayoga and were intended for a learned audience. Therefore, with few exceptions, late medieval yoga texts inform us more about the understanding of Haṭhayoga among educated Brahmans than about actual yoga practice and its practitioners. Haṭhayoga was appropriated by authors with an Advaita Vedānta background who included it in their works on yoga, although scholars still do not fully understand all the reasons causing this process. Educated Advaitavedāntins produced voluminous compendia in which they incorporated not only verses from earlier Haṭhayoga works but also all the available passages on yoga found in Sanskrit brahmanical literature. The framework that unified all this heterogeneous material was the aṣṭāṅgayoga (“yoga with eight auxiliaries”) system described in the Pātañjalayogaśāstra. This is highly paradoxical because the monistic metaphysics of Advaita Vedānta is incompatible with the dualist philosophy of Sāṃkhya-Yoga presented by Patañjali. Moreover, the Pātañjalayogaśāstra teaches four different ways of meditation that lead to samādhi ([45], pp. 134–230), of which, however, aṣṭāṅgayoga is the most inferior because it cannot bring about final liberation. The aim of aṣṭāṅgayoga is to imbue the practitioner with supernatural powers (here called vibhūti) ([26], pp. 319–321). Advaitavedāntins were silent about all these issues and were very selective in their use of Pātañjalayoga works. Haṭhayoga was thus presented as an integral part of Advaita Vedānta. This claim was not so difficult to make because, as we have seen, early Haṭhayoga texts did not formulate an explicit philosophical position, and if any metaphysical background was implicit in them at all, it was mostly nondual tantric Śaiva philosophy. Therefore, it was rather easy for the Advaitavedāntins to identify the early texts’ tantric metaphysics with their own position, even though these two nondual systems are, in fact, very different. A corpus

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known as Yoga Upaniṣads, compiled sometime at the beginning of the eighteenth century, demonstrates how successful efforts to link these systems were ([15], pp. 51, 115). The texts it contains incorporate hundreds of verses from early Haṭhayoga works, but the corpus as a whole clearly presents Advaita Vedānta teachings. This popular and authoritative corpus, together with other similar texts from the same period [52], prepared the ground for modern yoga teachers who present Haṭhayoga as a practical aspect of Advaita Vedānta philosophy. However, just because a radical change in the character of yoga literature occurred does not necessarily mean that Haṭhayoga itself underwent a similar transformation. We simply lack enough evidence to better understand what exactly was happening in the late medieval yoga milieu. One trend, though, seems to be obvious: whereas in the early Haṭhayoga corpus yoga postures (āsanas) were not a significant part of haṭhayogic practice (it was only with the Haṭhapradīpikā that a larger number of non-seated āsanas was introduced), late medieval texts teach dozens of various bodily positions ([9], p. 110). This fact undoubtedly reflects the actual situation: the performance of yoga postures indeed started to become a growingly important technique in yogic practice, even though the precise reasons for this development are not certain ([9], pp. 136–137).

Modern Yoga At the end of the nineteenth century, Haṭhayoga began its transformation into the phenomenon now usually called “modern yoga” (or sometimes “postural yoga”). This complex process, well documented in monographs [1, 16, 23, 53, 57], edited volumes [55, 56], and research papers, has culminated in recent decades with the creation of the transnational yoga industry. Although modern yoga shares some features with older yogic traditions (particularly the āsanas), it differs substantially from classical medieval Haṭhayoga ([54], pp. 173, 179); practitioners and teachers are naturally reluctant to admit this fact and present modern yoga as a

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faithful and uninterrupted continuation of ancient tradition. Upon closer examination, however, we discover that many important haṭhayogic techniques have practically disappeared from modern yoga practice and that the goals of medieval yogis could hardly be attractive for modern practitioners. Who today would believe that yoga practice should result in liberating samādhi, physical immortality, yogic suicide, or supernatural powers?

Conclusion Admittedly, our knowledge of the history of Haṭhayoga is still rather limited. Although we understand much about actual yogic practice in the past, relatively little is known about practitioners, their religious affiliations, regional distribution, social backgrounds, and everyday life, let alone about the position of women [5]. For example, several Haṭhayoga texts are ascribed to the saint Gorakṣanātha, who is acknowledged as the founder of the Nātha tradition and Haṭhayoga. Nāthas are therefore regarded as the main keepers and representatives of physically oriented yoga tradition. Modern research, however, indicates that such ideas are probably not true and that we should search for Haṭhayoga practitioners in other lineages, particularly among the Rāmānandīs and their forerunners ([34], p. 423; [36]). Further, our understanding of Haṭhayoga in Hinduism could be substantially improved by examining more closely similar bodily techniques practiced in other religious traditions, particularly those of Tibetan Buddhism [4] and Jainism; in fact, the earliest clearly datable texts with haṭhayogic material are the Yogaśāstra and its autocommentary, written by the great Jaina scholar Hemacandra in the twelfth century [50]. Future research on Haṭhayoga must also focus on nonSanskrit Indian sources and translations of yogic works into Persian and Arabic. At the same time, we should be very careful when using all this textual prescriptive evidence. Haṭhayoga seems to be more a scholarly construct than a clear-cut historical phenomenon. Only

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some texts that scholars classify as haṭhayogic actually call the practice they describe Haṭhayoga. Moreover, in the vast Sanskrit literature, we encounter thousands of yogis, but no haṭhayogis. Yoga was a universal term referring to any physical or mental practice leading to desired goals, and a yogi was consequently any person engaging in such practice. It is doubtful whether anyone practicing techniques labeled by scholars as haṭhayogic would call himself a haṭhayogi and his practice Haṭhayoga. Nonetheless, Haṭhayoga remains a useful analytical term that helps us as scholars bring structure to an unclear, complicated yoga milieu.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Brahman ▶ Gorakhnāth ▶ Jīvan-mukti ▶ Kuṇḍalinī ▶ Longevity ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Nātha Siddhas (Nāths) ▶ Pāśupatas ▶ Samādhi ▶ Śarīra (Body) ▶ Siddha Yoga ▶ Tantra, Overview ▶ Tapas ▶ Theosophical Society ▶ Yoga Sutras of Patanjali ▶ Yoga, Overview

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587 21. Gharote ML, Jha VK, Devnath P, Sakhalkar SB (eds) (2006) Encyclopaedia of traditional asanas. Lonavla Yoga Institute, Lonavla 22. Gharote MM, Jha VK, Devnath P (eds) (2010) Therapeutic references in traditional yoga texts. Lonavla Yoga Institute, Lonavla 23. Goldberg E (2016) The path of modern yoga: the history of an embodied spiritual practice. Inner Traditions, Rochester 24. Goodall D, Isaacson H (2014) Tantric traditions. In: Frazier J (ed) The Bloomsbury companion to Hindu studies. Bloomsbury Academic, London/New York 25. Hatha Yoga Project Publications. http://hyp.soas.ac. uk/publications/. Accessed 1 Dec 2018 26. Kelley EF, Whicher I (2015) Patañjali’s Yoga sūtras and the siddhis. In: Kelley EF, Crabtree A, Marshall P (eds) Beyond physicalism: toward reconciliation of science and spirituality. Rowman & Littlefield, Lanham 27. Linrothe R (2006) Siddhas and Śrīśailam: “where all wise people go”. In: Linrothe R (ed) Holy madness: portraits of tantric siddhas. Rubin Museum of Art/Serindia, New York/Chicago 28. Maas PA (2013) A concise historiography of classical yoga philosophy. In: Franco E (ed) Periodization and historiography of Indian philosophy. Institut für Südasien-, Tibet- und Buddhismuskunde der Universität Wien, Wien 29. Maas PA (2018) “Sthirasukham āsanam”: posture and performance in classical yoga and beyond. In: Baier K, Maas PA, Preisendanz K (eds) Yoga in transformation: historical and contemporary perspectives. V&R unipress/Vienna University Press, Göttingen/Vienna 30. Malinar A (2007) The Bhagavadgītā: doctrines and contexts. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 31. Malinar A (2012) Yoga powers in the Mahabharata. In: Jacobsen KA (ed) Yoga powers: extraordinary capacities attained through meditation and concentration. Brill, Leiden/Boston 32. Mallinson J (2007) The Khecarīvidyā of Ādinātha: a critical edition and annotated translation of an early text of haṭhayoga. Routledge, London/New York 33. Mallinson J (2011) Haṭha yoga. In: Jacobsen KA, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 3. Brill, Leiden/Boston 34. Mallinson J (2011) Nāth sampradāya. In: Jacobsen KA, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 3. Brill, Leiden/Boston 35. Mallinson J (2012) Siddhi and mahāsiddhi in early haṭhayoga. In: Jacobsen KA (ed) Yoga powers: extraordinary capacities attained through meditation and concentration. Brill, Leiden/Boston 36. Mallinson J (2013) Yogic identities: tradition and transformation [WWW document]. http://www.asia. si.edu/research/articles/yogic-identites.asp. Accessed 28 Nov 2018 37. Mallinson J (2013) Yogis in Mughal India. In: Diamond D (ed) Yoga: the art of transformation. Arthur

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55. Singleton M, Byrne J (eds) (2008) Yoga in the modern world: contemporary perspectives. Routledge, London/New York 56. Singleton M, Goldberg E (eds) (2014) Gurus of modern yoga. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 57. Strauss S (2005) Positioning yoga: balancing acts across cultures. Berg, Oxford/New York 58. Vasudeva S (2004) The yoga of the Mālinīvijayottaratantra: chapters 1–4, 7:11–17. Institut Francais de Pondichéry/Ecole francaise d’Extrême-Orient, Pondicherry/Paris 59. Vasudeva S (2012) Powers and identities: yoga powers and the tantric Śaiva traditions. In: Jacobsen KA (ed) Yoga powers: extraordinary capacities attained through meditation and concentration. Brill, Leiden/ Boston 60. White DG (2009) Sinister yogis. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 61. Wujastyk D (2018) Some problematic Yoga sūtra-s and their Buddhist background. In: Baier K, Maas PA, Preisendanz K (eds) Yoga in transformation: historical and contemporary perspectives. V&R unipress/ Vienna University Press, Göttingen/Vienna 62. Zysk KG (1993) The science of respiration and the doctrine of the bodily winds in ancient India. J Am Orient Soc 113:198–213

Hedonism ▶ Cārvāka

Henotheism (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The etymological study suggests that the lexicon henotheism has been derived from two Greek roots henos and theos, meaning “one god.” In Hinduism, there is one supreme spirit or god, namely, Brahman who has many forms. So basically Hindus worship one single God like Islam while accepting the existence of other

Henotheism (Hinduism)

deities unlike Islam [1]. Friedrich Schelling first coined the term “henotheism,” and Friedrich Welcker employed it to show primitive monotheism in old Greek cultures. Further, Max Muller, an orientalist and scholar of Hinduism, criticizes religious exceptionalism with reference to Western theological stance which held monotheism superior than henotheism [2]. Muller used the term “henotheism” extensively while describing the Indian religions and praising the concept of many deities as if they represent one ultimate divine essence. In Hinduism, the supreme spirit is symbolized by Aum or Om, the sacred syllable [1]. Hindus believe that Brahman is pervasive and eternal and it contains good and evil, male and female, creation and destruction, and stillness and movement. Notably, there are three main aspects of Brahman: the creator, Brahma; the preserver, Vishnu; and the destroyer, Shiva.

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oldest scripture of Hindus praises them as one supreme God and His manifestation or one supreme Goddess ultimately. The following table illustrates sources and hymns along with description with reference to the concept of henotheism. Step. no. 1 2 3

Source and hymn Rig Veda 8.25.16 Yajur Veda 32.3 Sama Veda 372

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Rig Veda 1.145.1

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Rig Veda 4.40.5

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Bhagavadgita

Discussion Schelling’s neologism “henotheism” has been derived from heis or heno, meaning “one, single,” and other terms associated with this concept are monolatrism and kathenotheism meaning “one god at a time” [2]. Though henotheism refers to a pluralistic theology, in Hinduism many deities are viewed as one manifestation of a unitary, equivalent divine essence. Considering this, sometimes equitheism meaning “all gods are equal” also, but loosely refers to henotheism [1]. Interestingly, the term henotheism incorporates monism, dualism, and nondualism too. So we can say that henotheism is an umbrella term, and many religious scholars give preference to one term over another, for example, some scholars prefer the term monolatrism over henotheism while discussing one, single god in the center and the existence of other gods in the periphery. Max Muller extensively employed the term henotheism while describing the theology of Vedic religion [1]. Muller explicated that the Rigvedic hymns mention and praise various deities, such as Varun, Indra, and alike; however, the German orientalist scholar believed that the

Description God is one the Lord of men, we observe His holy laws There is no parallel to Him whose glory is truly great He is one. Come together, you all, with power of spirit, to the Lord of Heaven, who is only one, the guest of people; He the ancient desires to come to new; to Him all pathways turn; really, He is one Seek Him everywhere, all is within His speech. He knows all things. Full of wisdom, He determines what ought to be done, He is our recourse, all powers are vested in Him. He fulfils all our aspirations. He is the source of all our nourishment and vigor, intelligence, and strength He is all-pervading, unchanging supreme being is the purest of pure. He permeates all eternal laws and manifest throughout. The universal life forces the sea, the earth, and the mountains You are the father of this world, moving and unmoving. You are to be adored by this world. You are the greatest guru, for these exists none who is equal to you; how can there be then another, superior to You in the three worlds. O Being of unequal power!

In Chandogya Upanishad, a hymn ekam evadvitiyam (6:2:1), meaning “He is one only without a second,” asserts that the essence of the many deities is one and the deities are simply the pluralistic manifestations of the same concept of the divine God [2]. The orientalist states that the Vedic era conceptualized the divine as more

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abstract than a monotheistic God. The Vedic hymns describe the supreme being as “indescribable, limitless, absolute principle” [2]. Therefore, we can say that the Vedic divine is more of a pantheism than simply a henotheism. Also, Hinduism developed the concepts of nondualism or monism as well as forms of pantheism and nontheism in the Upanishadic age around 800 BCE. Following this, started a tradition of questioning and interrogating the concept of God, and within Hinduism, there are many schools of thought ruminating metaphysical absolute concept, namely, Brahman, while incorporating within it the transcendent and immanent reality. The different Hindu schools of thought interpret Brahman as either transpersonal, personal, or impersonal. Some interpret Brahman beyond all dualities of existence and nonexistence.

References 1. Perry JM (1999) Exploring the evolving view of God: from ancient Israel to the risen Jesus. Sheed & Ward, Franklin 2. Runzo J (2001) Global philosophy of religion: a short introduction. Oneworld, Oxford

Hermeneutics ▶ Mīmāṃsā as Introspective Literature and as Philosophy

Hierophany ▶ Darśana, Image Worship

Hijra ▶ Aravani (Transgender)

Hermeneutics

Hijra (Hijada¯) ˙ Ananya Parida Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology Rourkela, Rourkela, Odisha, India

The term “hijra” refers to people who are neither male nor female, born with atypical sex characteristics. The western identical categories are intersex, hermaphrodite, and transgender. Intersexuality is acquired by birth, whereas hijraism is a choice made to get a place in the stratum of gender. An intersexual person, otherwise called a eunuch, has to undergo a process involving castration to become a “real” hijra. To be specific, a castrated eunuch is generally considered a hijra, though not all hijras are castrated. The term “hijra” originated from the Urdu word “hijr” which denotes “separation” or “absence from one’s own country” [6]. The word came into existence when Prophet Muhammad fled from Mecca to Medina in 622 A.D. to escape persecution for preaching Islam. This event of escape is called “hegira” in Latin, “hijrah” in Arabic, and “hijr” in Urdu and Persian. Literally, it means an exodus or migration. With cultural and linguistic diversity, hijras are known by a number of names. For instance, in the Indian subcontinent, kliba and napunshaka are Sanskrit words for hijra, where kliba symbolizes “unmanly” nature, whereas napunshaka suggests “impotency,” and the meanings often overlap and have changed with time. The regional variants of the word – often derogatory – include kojja, maada, and napunsukadu in Telugu, durani in Bengali, thiru-nangai and aravani/aravuni in Tamil, menaka in Malayalam, khudra in Sindhi, pavaiyaa in Gujarati, and hinjida in Odia. In all cases, sexual ambivalence remains central to the vocabulary. Hijras are termed as the third sex in Hindu scriptures, and their sexuality or behavior is termed as tritiya-prakriti [4]. Hijra as a recognized category of gender is often invoked in various scriptures from the Vedic period.

Hijra (Hijada¯) ˙

Ancient Hindu scriptures have multiple references to people who have gender ambivalence and are presented as neither male nor female, thereby succumbing to the third category of sexual identity. Although the Vedas do not refer to sexual ambivalence directly, the Rig Veda mentions this ambivalence as Vikruti Evam Prakriti (unnatural is natural) through the doctrine of Samsara that found full expressions in the early Upanishads and religious teachings of Buddhism, Jainism, and Hinduism. It claims that diversity is natural, so is diverse nature of human beings. The Manusmriti, one of the ancient legal treatises of Hinduism, believed to have been composed between the second and third century B.C.E., opines that when both male and female seeds are equal, either a thirdsex child or boy and girl twins are born (MS 3.49). The Naradasmriti lists 14 types of men who are impotent with women. The occupations, ceremonies, and rituals are often contextualized within the framework of Hindu culture. These texts present the religious ambivalence associated with the existence of this nature of human beings – obliquely or directly. They provide us with evidences of the presence of a third category of sex since antiquity and establish their identity through Hinduism. The Hindu religious scriptures, mythology, and regional folklore propose male-female union for reproduction, and the in-between space is considered sacred and powerful. The power of androgyny and sexual ambiguity is demonstrated through a number of deities. It is because of their identification with Hindu deities connected with gender diversity, especially Ardhanarishwara form, the androgynous form of Shiva and his consort Parvati, that hijras are considered auspicious because they also hold both masculine and feminine traits. A myth states that once Shiva had self-castrated because the act of creation he was about to undertake had already been accomplished by Brahma. So, Shiva breaks off his linga (phallus) and throws it away to the earth stating that there is no use of the linga he possessed. Wendy Doniger (1973: 131) suggests that from there starts the fertility cult of linga-worship

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and provides hijras a logical explanation for castration, popularly known as nirvana. In the absence of a well-documented hijra tradition, hijras have localized and domesticated Hindu epics and mythology to gain a status in Hindu society. They have created their own lore and mythology. They often establish their identity through localizing tales from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the grand epics of Hinduism, which obliquely hint upon the presence of a gender other than male and female. In the Ramayana, Rama, the central protagonist of the epic, when banished by his father, is bid farewell by his subjects. While leaving, he addresses the men, women, and children of Ayodhya to return home and goes away to the dark forests for 14 years. Upon returning he finds the people, who were neither men nor women, whom he forgot to address – the eunuchs – still waiting there for his command to return. Overwhelmed by their sincerity and devotion, Rama blesses the eunuchs, and thereby their blessings and curses would come true. Later, in the Mahabharata, when Krishna gives up the guise of Mohini, he foretells that “there will be more like me, neither man nor woman, and whatever words come from the mouths of these people, whether good (blessing) or bad (curse) will come true” ([1], pp. 20–21). So, the hijras are invited to bless the bride and progeny, and they are respected while performing Doli-bidaai or their ritual dance. On such occasions, they come with their clan, and if they are given a good price for their performance, they bless the newlywed to beget a male heir. In addition, it is believed that they have the power to protect the newborn baby from becoming impotent. In localizing the pan-Indian epics, the hijras of India have survived for centuries even during the British era when they were dubbed criminals. The instances of transformation of gender, male-female unification, and reincarnation among mythological characters have helped the hijras establish their community in Hindu society. For example, the Hindu deity Ayyappa takes birth, from the union of Shiva and Mohini, an incarnation of Vishnu, and Bhagiratha, the great king who is believed to have brought the river Ganges from

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heaven to earth and who never accepts defeat, takes birth from the union of two females. Likewise, Gadadhara is an incarnation of Radha in male form, and Chaitanya Mahaprabhu is considered an incarnation of Radha and Krishna combined. In the Mahabharata, Arjuna, one of the principal characters, lives the life of a dancer hiding himself as a eunuch. Similarly, Shikhandi, born woman but raised as a man, exchanges her sex with a Yaksha, a demigod, thereby deciding the fate of the Mahabharata War. With this gender transformation and possessing the male-female traits, she tactically disarms Bhishma, the greatest archer and warrior who had the boon of having control over his own death. In yet another local story, Krishna, the Hindu God of love and compassion, turns into a woman to marry Iravan, son of Arjuna and Naga princess Ulupi, the night before his heroic death in the Kurukshetra War. Taking aid of this story, in Koovagam, Tamil Nadu, every year a ceremonial marriage is organized in Koothandavar Temple dedicated to Iravan where hijras and other male villagers, who have taken vows to Iravan, get married to Lord Koothandavar for a day, soon to be widowed the next morning, representing the sexuality of the hijra community. The central deity of the hijra community is Bahuchara Mata, and in Southern India, Goddesses Yellamma, Renuka, and Pothiraja Mata are also worshipped by the community. Legend holds that when Bahuchara Mata and her sisters – when attacked by a marauder named Bapiya – announced themselves tragu (self-immolation) and cut off their breasts in protest, and consequently, Bapiya was cursed to become impotent. Only after he dressed and acted like a woman that the curse was lifted. She is said to be an incarnation of Amba, who was reborn as Shikhandi in the Mahabharata. Another lore claims that during Pandavas’ exile period, Arjuna took the guise of a eunuch in this temple to live as Brihannala for a year. And before taking up the character, he had hidden his bow and arrows in the Sami tree inside the temple. So, during the festival of Dusshera, the Sami tree inside the temple is worshipped by hijra devotees to mark the event. Also two fairs are organized every year where a large number of

Hijra (Hijada¯) ˙

devotees visit the temple. Another festival called Yellamma is organized five times between November and February at Yellamma temple near Belgaum City in Karnataka. The hijras parade nude covering their bodies with leaves of neem tree and offer themselves to God. The festival is associated with the Devadasi tradition that confers them the status of servants to God. These stories are localized and performed by the hijra community, and through these stories do they connect themselves to the mainstream Hindu religion. Vatsyayana’s Kama Sutra of the Gupta period (320–550 C.E.) is the first manual that has put hijra characters to prominence. The Kama Sutra mentions the performance of fellatio by the third gender who can neither be classified as male nor female. The ninth chapter of Kama Sutra indicates the presence and social position of the third gender in society. In Pali literature such as Vinaya Pitaka (composed about 500 C.E.), there is a reference to the third gender as “Pandakas” who could not be accommodated in either the male or female sections of Buddhist Viharas – the monasteries used as dwelling places for wandering monks during the rainy season and hence were treated otherwise. Culturally, the hijra community in India is divided into seven gharanas or houses. The community is guided by a guru-chela (teacherdisciple) relationship with a close-knit kin system. The head of each gharana has a nayak, a leader, called Badudaadi, great-grandmother’s guru, and all the seven nayaks live in Mumbai. Each time a eunuch wants to join the community, she/he is brought to Mumbai and with a formal ritual is admitted to one of the gharanas under a guru. The chela is given a female name and undergoes the process of castration, consisting of sacrifices and rituals for 45 days to become a “real” hijra. The first step is castration – nirvana, a ritual ceremony involving a hijra-quack known as thayamma – which is done manually, but in modern times hijras have started preferring bodyaltering hormone treatment and sex reassignment surgery. In both the cases, the penis, scrotum, and testicles are removed, and sometimes it follows a breast augmentation operation to make the person

Hijra (Hijada¯) ˙

a woman prototype. Emasculation and hijraism provide them an identity rather than being in-between, neither male nor female. Van Gennep (1960) suggests that with this operation the impotent male dies, and a new person, endowed with sacred power (shakti), comes into existence. The ambiguous body becomes definite. The process leads to rebirth of a new body and soul and gives birth to the “real” hijra accepted in their community to function in all spheres. Not all eunuchs join the hijra community; some lead life as females by hiding their gender under feminine clothes and gestures. The community has a distinct belief system. They have their sacred text called Bahuchara Smriti, and they use a secret code language known as Hijra Farsi, loosely identical to Urdu. It practices a syncretic form of rituals drawn from Hinduism. Hijra community claims that their founder is a woman, who was not normal as she did not menstruate. They are usually devotees of the mother goddess Bahuchara Mata for whose sake they undergo emasculation. Goddess Bahuchara, upon emasculation, confers them with a religious role to perform in births and marriages. They get the power to bless people with fertility or take away the same. This power is believed to be transferred to the hijras after nirvana. Hijra as a subject can be well understood in terms of roles they are assigned. In Jammu and Kashmir, they perform rituals and take marriage proposals to families. In North India they are perceived as demigods, and in the South the Aravani clout is provided with more rights. Hijras predominantly live in North India as they find more opportunities to perform traditional rituals there. Historically, the Mughals have a long tradition of appointing eunuchs to guard their harems, the women quarters of the royal household, as they are known to be faithful and trustworthy. They were also given influential administrative positions in the Mughal court. In addition, they also worked as beauticians, fortune tellers, and consultants to kings. They worked as ritual performers in temples who would perform on occasions such as birth of a child or wedding. But enforcement of the law

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under the Criminal Tribal Act 1871 dubbed them criminals. This is because the British saw the sexuality of hijras as “a breach of public decency” because as they were “suspected of kidnapping or castrating children or of committing offences under section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, or of abetting the Commission of any of the said offences” (Reddy 2005: 26). After the independence of India, they were de-notified in 1952. In 2014, the Rights of Transgender Persons Bill was passed. And on April 15, 2014, the Supreme Court of India ruled that transgender people should be treated as third gender community or listed under socially and economically backward class and entitled to proportional access and representation in education and jobs. The current transgender population according to the 2011 Indian census is about 4.88 lakhs. Of this number, 55,000 are in the 0–6 age group of population. Transgender activists claim that the number is higher than calculated. Hijra identity revolves round the three defining parameters – religion they follow, sex they choose, and survival method they undertake to live in the society. Although hijras exist in different parts of the world, they are distinctly prominent in Southeast Asia, and they carry the stigma and discrimination because of their unique religious and sexual practices. Notably, there are some hijras who do not limit themselves to any sex role, rather renounce sexuality altogether in order to transform sexual energy into sacred powers.

References 1. Nanda S (1999) Neither man nor woman: the Hijras of India. Wadsworth, USA 2. O’Flaherty WD (1973) Asceticism and Eroticism in the Mythology of Shiva. Oxford University Press, London 3. Reddy G (2005) With respect to sex: negotiating Hijra identity in South India. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Wilhelm AD (2008) Tritiya prakriti: people of the third sex. Xlibris Corporation, Philadelphia 5. Van Gennep A (1960) Rites of passage. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Merchant H (2016) Secret writings. Ed. Akshaya K. Rath. Oxford University Press, New Delhi

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Hima¯dri ▶ Himālaya

Hima¯laya Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Hima¯dri

Often it is not clear when it is alluded to in literature whether one peak called Himālaya is being named or whether it is the whole range that is being referred to. But Himālaya is always associated with snow and spectacularly high mountain peaks, a kind of fantasy realm where ascetics live and fabled pilgrimage sites are located. It also holds up the Earth ([6]: 323–327). Reference to Himālaya often also occurs when a simile is being made with something that is very stable and solid, such that a particular king will be compared to it because he is powerful and unyielding, as, for example, “The king who does not anger, who has no addictions. . .. Is trusted by his subjects as if he were the Snowy Mountains” ([2]: 301) 12, 57, 29–30).

Synonyms Hima¯laya as a Single Mountain Himādri; Himavat; Nagarāja The first verse of the Kumārasaṃbhava illustrates the mythical power and majesty of Himālaya:

Definition Mythological personification of a mountain range in North India.

The Hima¯layas Also called Himavat, Himādri, and many other names, Himālaya literally means “place of the snows” and refers to both the mountain range found in North India and an individual mountain seemingly encompassing other peaks such as Mt. Kailāsa, Mt. Mandara, and Mt. Gandhamādana. It names the most prominent mountain range in the mythical land of Jambudvīpa (India) as it is described often in Sanskrit literature. It contrasts with the Vindhyas which run down the central west of India and other individual mountains, many of which also have a profile in myth. Equally Himālaya is contrasted with the plains and rivers in the construction of a strongly mythological landscape. The names Himavat and Himādri occur as early as the Ṛg Veda, as one might expect given their place of composition in North India.

Formed of a living god, Himālaya, supreme Rajah of the Mountains, rises in the north and bathing in the western and eastern oceans stretches out like a rod that could measure the earth. ([1]:21)

It is because of its breadth, mystery, and sacrality that it is so celebrated in literature. The snowy mountains are a place where ascetics live, a place of fabulously lush forests, where many of the gods have their residences and where demonic figures also roam. It is the place in the Mahābhārata ([3]: 300) 3, 40, 16) where Arjuna fought with Śiva, the latter disguised as a mountain man. And in the Rāmāyaṇa ([4]: 331) 6. 61, 53), the mountains around it are said to be the home of Brahmā, Hiraṇyagarbha, Indra, and the horse-faced god and the place where Brahmā’s fifth head fell. It is famously described as “the lordly mountain of all herbs, illuminated by all its glowing herbs of healing” ([2]: 331). When Hanumān tried to take its herbs, they became invisible, and he had to tear off the mountain’s peak and fly with it to Mount Trikūṭa in order to heal Rāma and Lakṣmaṇa, after which he returned it ([2]: 331–332). Similarly it is also reputed to contain much wealth which it gave to Pṛthu, the mythical

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king, when he was being consecrated into the kingship ([2]: 310–311).

Hima¯laya Embodied In no sense is Himālaya a static physical structure. To the contrary, the majority of passages where it is found reveal a location alive with vitality and sensuosity. This comes out no more strongly than in Kālidāsa’s superb rendering of it in the first chapter of his Kumārasaṃbhava. As two scholars paraphrase “The mountains are frozen, snowwhite–and vibrant with redness. . . the very slopes are a site of fiery love–there is a persistent tension of the mountain as unexpectedly alive with passion” ([5]: 165). Individually Himālaya is the personification of the mountains, and he is himself called king of mountains. He is married to Menā and they had Maināka as a son, and then Satī, Śiva’s first wife who was reborn as Pārvatī, the goddess who became Śiva’s second wife, though who is really Satī reborn. He is personified as a living creature who is wholly animate and functions like a divine human, a sagely and gentle figure, famous as the father of Pārvatī, Śiva’s wife. Several of her names, including Pārvatī and Girijā, mean “daughter of the mountain.” Both her and her husband, Śiva, are intimately associated with mountains, Śiva in particular as a consequence of his role as an ascetic, and are depicted living there. He has a palace and a court, and other mountains visit his assembly when the world is in a state of crisis, much of which revolves around marauding demons.

Śiva and Pa¯rvatī’s Marriage A substantial part of the mythological role associated with the personified Himālaya concerns the part he plays in the marriage of Śiva with Pārvatī. This takes the form of an involved courtship with Pārvatī initially trying to attract Śiva who meditates as an ascetic on Mt. Kailāsa, part of the Himālayas. Himālaya refuses to give Pārvatī to Śiva unasked, even though Nārada

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had predicted she would be Śiva’s wife. The best rendition of this myth is in Kālidāsa’s Kumārasaṃbhava where the convoluted courtship and marriage of both these figures are described in beautiful language and the role of Himālaya as the father who seeks to facilitate their marriage occupies the first seven chapters of the poetic epic. The marriage is held in Himālaya’s palace, but with an ulterior motive in mind, to produce a son who will kill the demon Tāraka. And in many of the Purāṇas ([6]:164–171) dealing with Śiva, much attention is given to this plot and to Pārvatī’s doting father, a role also reproduced in some Bollywood mythological films dealing with Śiva and Pārvatī. As such Himālaya is a symbol of physical stability and strength, at the same time as he works actively to ensure the stability of the world when it is threatened by demonic forces and requires the birth of a hero. His function in instigating this birth through the marriage of Śiva and Pārvatī may place him in the background but it does give him a high profile in Śaivite mythology.

Cross-References ▶ Cosmology (Hinduism) ▶ Kalidasa

References 1. Heifetz H (1985) The origin of the young god. Kālidāsa’s Kumārasaṃbhava. University of California Press, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London 2. Fitzgerald JF (2004) The Mahābhārata, vol 7. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 3. Van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata volume 2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Goldman RP, Sutherland Goldman SJ (2009) The Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki: An epic of Ancient India, Volume VI: Yuddhakāṇḍa. Princeton University Press, Princeton 5. Handelman D, Shulman D (1997) God inside out: Śiva’s game of dice. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Dimmitt C, Van Buitenen JAB (1978) Classical Hindu mythology. A reader in the Sanskrit Purāṇas. Temple University Press, Philadelphia

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Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

modification in body and mind. If you think ill of others or speak hurtful words or intimidate someone or bring negative emotions and feelings or become or make someone angry, it is considered as an act of violence. In Hinduism, yoga practices, dhyan “meditation,” and satavik bhojan “vegetarian food” are prescribed to become totally silent and peaceful [6]. Moreover, subduing the desires and passions through detachment and renunciation is also recommended to establish harmony with oneself and others and to attain the state of non-violence [7]. Buddha and Gandhi both preached and practiced non-violence and considered it essential for liberation.

Introduction

Violence in Vedas

In Hinduism, himsa “violence” is condemned as well as it is promoted. The teachings that promote violence are contained in the doctrine of moral duty. Hindus believe that using violence for selfdefense is a righteous thing [2]. In Rig Veda, a hymn says, may you drive away your attackers with your strong weapons; may you defeat your enemy and may your army subdue the evildoer (1-39:2). Krishna, in the Bhagawad Gita, says, Paritranaya sadhunang vinashay cha dushkritam. . . for the protection of the good and for the destruction of evildoers, I am born from one age to another. In Hinduism, the word himsa has a deeper meaning than the general sense: it is not simply a means to hurt and injure others, but something that causes disturbance within oneself is also violence. Thus, both the physical and mental actions using force to abuse or injure fall under the purview of violence. The willful inaction is also considered violence when it is very much required to protect the self or others [9]. In Mahabharata, Lord Krishna persuades Arjuna that he should fight, for it is his dharma “duty” as he was born a warrior, and further Krishna says that violence only harms the body and not the soul [3]. On the whole, ahimsa “non-violence” is generally preferred over himsa “violence” in the Hindu spiritual scriptures. The spiritual connotation of the word himsa includes violence causing from any state of disturbance or agitation or

After looking at present-day right-wing Gau Rakshak “cow protector” Hindus, it is difficult to imagine that once sacrifice of animals would be stressed in Vedas for obtaining purusharthas “the purpose of man’s life.” In Rig Veda, Indra speaks: motivated by Indrani, the worshippers cook for me 15 to 20 bulls or oxen. I consume them and become healthy. Then, the worshippers fill both sides of my belly with wine as Indra is above all the world (10.86.14). We also find the sacrifice of animals in Ramayana, Mahabharata, Ithihaas, and Puranas. Vyasa, in his Brahmasutra, writes: Asuddhamiti cen na sabdat. When sacrifice is based on scriptural authority and it is a means of self-realization, how come it can be called an impure act? Further, Vyasa states that animal sacrifice is not sinful since it is sanctioned by the Vedas. The concluding passage of the Chandogya Upanishad praised non-violence and writes: Anyatra tirthebhyah, non-violence must be practiced except with regard to Vedic rites. We also find references of sacrifice of animals in Rig Vedic hymns 5.29.8, 1.161.10, 10.86.13, 10.27.17, and 10.94.3. Prabhupada, the founder of ISKON, comments on Bhagwad Purana (1.3.24) that Gautama Buddha rejected the authority of the Vedas because they sanctioned animal slaughter (1.3.24) [1]. Actually, Hinduism sanctioned animal slaughter but stopped it after being influenced by non-violent religions, such as Jainism and

Himavat ▶ Himālaya

Himsa¯ ˙

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Buddhism, and later on many medieval Hindu saints and sages also preached to stop violence and prohibited meat consumption. The Karma Kanda of Mimamsa system promoted animal sacrifices so much so that many people started abhorring Vedas and started converting into other nonviolent religions. Later on, Shankaracharya nullified the effects of Mimamsa and reestablished Hinduism by giving prominence to Jnana Kanda of the Vedas.

Hinduism and Himsa The “war” metaphor has been used many times in the Bhagavad Gita where life is compared with war [4]. The human body is a battlefield, in which elements both good and bad continuously rage war. Further, Gita says war is an obligatory duty to curb the bad, and the cycle of war and victory repeats until a person dies. One must not avoid fighting when it is very much necessary, and one must do his or her best to defeat the bad enemy, but one must fight a war with deference and detachment, and it should be like a service to god [8]. However, ancient texts describe four ways to settle a conflict before indulging into himsa: peaceful negotiation, to appease the enemy, strategic and political threat, and the fear of punishment. The Hindus are prescribed to use force in self-defense [5]. Rig Veda provides numerous references to violence. There were several causes for violence, such as oppression of the people, the maintenance of the balance of power, self-preservation, and securing imperial power. Rig Veda describes that there were violence for the purpose of getting cattle, whereas protecting the wife was the cause of violence in the epics Mahabharata and Ramayana [3]. Some of the Sanskrit words for warrior are gavisti “desire for cattle” and gosu yuddh “fighting for cattle.” Ironically, many Hindus now consider some of the Koranic verses violent and dangerous but how can they forget that most of the Hindu scriptures advocate the use of weapons and bloodshed. The primary reason why Buddhism did not flourish in India is that the Brahmin zealots overthrew the Buddhist viharas and killed thousands of the followers of Buddha.

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References 1. Bhaktivedanta PAC (1984) Śrīmad Bhagavatam: With the original Sanskrit text, its Roman transliteration, synonyms, transl. and elaborate purports by A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupāda. Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, New York 2. Bhatt GP (1986) Puranas. Motlal Banaarsidass, Delhi 3. Buck W, Triest SS, Nooten BA (2012) Mahabharata. University of California Press, Berkeley 4. Dwivedi AV (2015) Gods in Indian popular jokes. In: God and popular culture: a behind-the-scenes look at the entertainment industry’s most influential figure, vol 2. Praeger, Santa Barbara 5. Dwivedi A (2017) Hinduism. In: Joseph P (ed) The SAGE encyclopedia of war: social science perspectives, vol 4. SAGE Publications, Thousand Oaks, pp 786–787. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781483359878. n299 6. Ganeri A (2009) Hindu. Franklin Watts, London 7. Gibson L (2003) Hinduism. Raintree Steck-Vaughn Publishers, Austin 8. Heiney EB (1940) A Hindu myth. Hathaway Printery, Coatsville 9. Manu, Chaturvedi RG (2010) Manusmriti: the constitution of the Vedic society. Universal Law Pub. Co, New Delhi

Hindu Charitable Endowments Ginni Ishimatsu Religious Studies Department, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA

Synonyms Hindu endowments; Hindu religious and charitable endowments

Definition The term refers to income or property donated to Hindu temples or other religious organizations, such as monasteries, whose interest or revenue is intended to be used in perpetuity for the purpose of maintaining the institution or some part of it. In the case of Hindu temples, many endowments were given centuries ago by wealthy donors in

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order to ensure the uninterrupted performance of rituals, retain temple personnel, and so on. The central government has taken an active interest in the management of Hindu religious endowments; and many states have regulations and even government bodies to manage them, though the High Court in Karnataka has rejected the legality of government management of Hindu temples and their wealth.

Historical Background Hindu religious endowments have been recorded in temple inscriptions going back to the Gupta period in Northern India (fourth–fifth century) and Pallava in the south (ca. fourth–ninth century). From the earliest of these inscriptions, we see that that royal donors as well as private individuals gave cash and land grants to maintain the workings of temples and monasteries (mutts or maṭhas) “for as long as the moon and sun endure.” These endowments typically provided for the regular performance of rituals and festivals, the maintenance of religious personnel, and feeding of male Brahmans. In order to ensure that the endowments were used for their intended purposes, local temple authorities called māheśvaras or sthānikas would have been typically responsible for their management. For example, an early tenth century inscription records that a donor gave 90 sheep in charge of the shepherds of Tiruvaṇṇāttu for “one. . . lamp (to be burnt) with. . . (ghee) daily in (the temple of) Mahātēvar [Śiva] of Tiruvaṇṇāmalai. (The continued burning) of the lamp was left in charge of Kauśika Vayiri Cēmāṉāṉ belonging to the temple of Tiruvaṇṇāttu and his progenies. This is protected by the Paṉ-Māhēśvaras [administrators]” ([9], 186). Over time, the largest and wealthiest temples and monasteries came to possess tracts of land, villages, houses, and cash from which revenue could be generated. To guard against misuse of endowments, local rulers were expected to intervene when temple or monastic wealth was mismanaged or when disputes at such institutions became irresolvable [1]. Under British colonial rule, written

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documentation of these conflicts is abundantly attested in court cases, starting from the nineteenth century. For instance, in 1817 the government in Madras passed a regulation that for the first time made it the state’s duty to supervise religious and charitable endowments of Hindu temples and monastic centers, ostensibly to prevent embezzlement or irregular use of funds. In doing so, British officials may have been following the Indian ideal of the just ruler who protected religious institutions ([7], 20). The Board of Revenue and, under it, tax collectors, local temple trustees and managers retained oversight of the endowments. The British Raj thus displaced Hindu rulers as the ultimate regulators of temple wealth and set up the basis for centralizing the control or management of Hindu endowments. Already by the 1830s, the government had thousands of Hindu temples under its administration. British officials appeared at Hindu festivals and sometimes gave donations to temples. But this situation did not last long. In Britain, the evangelical revival among Protestant Christians that arose in the late eighteenth century led to the inclusion of a clause in the East India Company’s Charter Act of 1813, which permitted British missionaries to proselytize in India. But at the same time, Christian institutions were prohibited from receiving rent-free lands for missionary purposes in order not to provoke hostile reactions from Indians ([6], 32–33). In the 1830s, Christian missionary groups and their supporters voiced strong objections to what they perceived as British support of “idolatry,” calling Company administrators “the Dry Nurse of Vishnu” and “the Churchwardens of Juggernaut,” the latter a reference to the famous Jagannāth temple at Puri ([6], 33). In response, the government officially adopted a policy of “religious neutrality” with respect to Hindu institutions and from 1841 to 1863 passed measures that allowed temple administration to be transferred to local managers at some 75,000 institutions. Once the administration of Hindu temples and their endowments had returned to temple managers, trustees, and landholders, local stakeholders vied for status and control, especially at institutions where elections were held for seats on

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new temple committees, though some temples were administered by landowners, caste groups, and prominent families. At wealthy institutions, participation in temple management could be a matter of considerable prestige. For instance, at the time the Madurai Minakshi temple’s landholdings alone yielded some 200,000 rupees per year. But while the government had ostensibly returned control of religious institutions to local groups and individuals, the policy was not backed up by adequate legal measures, resulting in widespread misappropriation of temple funds and subsequent court cases, which in turn led to new forms of government involvement, particularly in the South. When temple or monastery administrators were charged with mismanagement of endowments, the courts were not empowered to force them to produce their financial records, and the accusations could not be substantiated ([6], 33). In 1890, the central government consequently passed the Charitable Endowments Act which allowed the state to appoint a government official as treasurer or monitor religious and nonreligious charitable endowments, who was empowered to take over trust properties or appoint officials to administer properties.

Hindu Religious Endowments in the Tamil Country The Tamil region of southern India has had the longest history of government involvement in Hindu endowments; hence, the following account focuses on developments in the Madras Presidency and, after Independence, the state of Tamil Nadu. In the wake of the passing of the Charitable Endowments Act, in 1925 the Justice Party in the Tamil region enacted a measure known as the Hindu Religious Endowments (HRE) Act as a further way to check conflicts and abuses of power in Hindu institutions and to help reduce the number of resulting lawsuits ([5], 251). The HRE Act was of monumental importance in that it centralized the administration of Hindu endowments for the first time. A central Board of Commissioners was established to oversee the maintenance and administration of Hindu

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religious institutions and their endowments with the aid of district-level temple committees, trustees, and managers of individual temples and monastic centers and the servants of these institutions. Members of the Board itself were appointed by the provincial government, which could also remove Board commissioners from office. Among its many powers and duties, the Board was empowered to take direct control of individual temples where it was deemed necessary, to appoint hereditary and non-hereditary trustees, and to divert endowments or surplus funds to religious and nonreligious charitable and educational purposes. The Board also brought monastic institutions under state jurisdiction for the first time. One purpose of the HRE Act had been to do away with excessive litigation, but in fact representatives of religious institutions appealed regularly to the courts as a way of challenging the HRE Board’s decisions ([6], 225). By approving the Act, state leaders in the Tamil region demonstrated that they were not merely interested in reforming temple management of endowments; they also wanted to impose centralized control on the temples and bring important patronage under their command ([3], 60). Indeed, under the auspices of the Act, the provincial government had the power to appoint and dismiss members of the Endowments Board, making it impossible for the HRE Board to act independently. Hence, the Act ended up allowing the officials in the state’s Legislative Council to intervene actively in local temple politics. Ministers exempted favored temples from the provisions of the Act, nominated their own candidates as commissioners to the Endowments Board, and appointed all the members of the new districtlevel temple committees. In these ways, the ruling party was able to obtain political patronage and extend their influence into the localities. Meanwhile, some local temple trustees and managers attempted to subvert the temple committees; trustees and temple committee members at times absconded with temple funds; succession disputes at wealthy monastic centers led to riots; and disgruntled local actors regularly filed appeals to the Endowments Board and lawsuits ([2], 86–87, 94, 96).

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After Independence, almost all the states in India passed legislation to regulate religious endowments; the Madras government in particular set up legal measures that would assure its involvement in temple and monastery affairs into the foreseeable future. By this time, the state government had replaced the temple committees with assistant commissioners and provided for various financial reforms. Then in 1951 the Madras Legislature abolished the HRE Board and replaced it with the Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments (HR&CE) department – part of the executive branch of the state government – whose officials were all appointees of the state. Ostensibly founded, as the HRE had been, to prevent local trustees from misusing temple funds, the HR&CE eventually gained regulatory power over the finances of the majority of temples in the state and increased centralized temple administration to a new level. In addition, the new department’s supervisory capacities were extended to include all charitable endowments, not just religious ones. In fact, the HR&CE became the primary means by which the state government attempted to regulate and reform temple practices. The HR&CE Act of 1959 consolidated amendments made to the 1951 Act and was made applicable to most Hindu public institutions and endowments. As a result of legal challenges in the 1950s, however, monastic centers became virtually exempt from the provisions of the Act. Regulation of temple wealth, however, was another matter. Besides overseeing endowments and ensuring that they were used for their intended purposes, the HR&CE Act allowed the state government to inspect and audit temple accounts and even require Hindu institutions to contribute a percentage of their funds to support the HR&CE administration. The HR&CE could also appoint and dismiss temple trustees and take direct administrative control of religious institutions if they were found to be mismanaged. Amended many times over the years, the 1959 Act made possible the Tamil Nadu governmental policies and powers which regulate and shape temple endowment administration today.

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Approximately half of the present-day Indian states have regulatory control over the finances of at least some temples, though Tamil Nadu has arguably the deepest level of state involvement in Hindu temple affairs, including their endowments.

The Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments Department Today The present-day Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments department in Tamil Nadu is organized with a view to regularizing and administering temple finances, personnel, and practices. A state-level Cabinet Minister in the state government holds the H&RCE portfolio, though at times the Chief Minister has held it. A Commissioner constitutes the head of the department and has general supervisory powers over Hindu endowments. Under the Commissioner and a team of assistants, including land revenue officers, are accountants, auditors, and engineers. At the regional and district levels are Joint and Assistant Commissioners, as well as Executive Officers appointed to the wealthiest temples. The Commissioner’s office is in charge of legal matters, revenue, assessment and administration, judicial inquiry, and administration of charitable endowments. All these officials are government appointees, with most of the important positions held by career civil service officers. The department controls close to 37,000 temples and monastic organizations. The 1959 Act has caused much debate over its provisions and its constitutionality, especially regarding issues of religious freedom and the legality of the secular state’s supervision of religious institutions. For example, the HR&CE Commissioner was empowered to divert surplus funds of wealthy temples and endowments for new purposes, such as the establishment of homes for the destitute and asylums for leprosy sufferers. Similarly, endowments could be diverted for religious purposes, such as classes for training temple priests or devotional singers or schools for religious training.

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The Act also reduces the power of local trustees to control the economic resources of the temple under their supervision, leading to a loss of local-level initiative. Before the advent of the British, the exchange between the state and local temple had been mutually beneficial, with the ruler supplying financial and other support in exchange for the social status and political power that the temple could provide. But the modern state does not give endowments to temples or base its legitimacy on them. Rather, it extracts temple resources in the form of surplus funds from wealthy temples and in fees that the HR&CE uses to support its own bureaucracy. This fundamental shift in state-temple relations, the culmination of a long and contested process, has further enabled the government to influence temple affairs. Besides wielding considerable power over temple funds and endowments, the HR&CE has also formulated explicit policies to promote its particular vision of Hinduism, despite the fact that it was founded to administer the secular (i.e., financial and administrative) affairs of Hindu temples. For example, the 1959 Act allows the HR&CE to divert endowment funds to needy religious institutions; to aid in the propagation of the religious tenets of such institutions; to establish and maintain schools for training priests, Veda reciters, and other temple servants; and to promote Indian arts and architecture ([4], ch. 5, sec. 66). The HR&CE may also evict anyone, even those with legitimate rights, from temple property if such individuals have “taken any action which has marred or is likely to mar the artistic appearance or the religious atmosphere of the religious institution. . ..” ([4], ch. 5, sec. 80 [1]). Indeed, members of the HR&CE do not clearly distinguish between “the regulation and the promotion of Hindu religious institutions” ([8], 253). Smith has even argued that the HR&CE has made itself into the central authority for Hinduism, giving it “a kind of ecclesiastical structure which Hinduism previously lacked” ([8], 252). But he overstates the case. The Act of 1959 did set up a centralized bureaucracy with broad authority over temple personnel and property.

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HR&CE officials are also required to be Hindu. Given such facts, the HR&CE’s policies concerning the use of temple funds may look “ecclesiastical,” insofar as funds may be used to train temple priests or to propagate religious tenets, as the Act allows. To this extent, it is indisputable that the HR&CE does not clearly distinguish between “the regulation and the promotion of Hindu religious institutions.” But the structure of the HR&CE is simply that of a bureaucracy, not particularly “ecclesiastical” in nature or function, especially in comparison to, say, the hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church. There, the Pope’s decisions are presumed to carry the weight of moral and even divine authority, and priests and lay adherents of the same faith control the administrative machinery. In contrast, the HR&CE presents the extraordinary case of a central authority for Hinduism in Tamil Nadu that has the legal authority to make and implement its policies but that completely lacks any moral or spiritual authority over temple personnel and the worshiping Hindu public. The top-ranking HR&CE officials are career civil service officers whose appointee status makes them vulnerable to the changing concerns of the dominant political party. At the same time, the powers of the HR&CE have hardly developed unchecked. The judiciary has proved to be an important counterpoint to the HR&CE’s actions and has been able to block a number of the latter’s reforms. However, the courts’ attitudes toward Hinduism and Hindu temples are as complex as the HR&CEs. For instance, although members of the state legislature have fiercely debated the legality and propriety of the Act, the state courts themselves have never directly addressed the issue. Rather, judges in Tamil Nadu have confined themselves to piecemeal rulings on specific cases.

Endowment Administration and Laws in Other States Several other Indian states have dedicated government agencies that oversee Hindu religious

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endowments. At the time of writing, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana had their own Endowments departments, while Kerala had four Devaswom (trust) boards, Madhya Pradesh a Religious Trust and Endowments Department, Odisha a Commissioner of Hindu Religious Endowments, and Bihar a State Board of Religious Trust. In addition, the Gujarat government had a dedicated Charity Commissioner; in Haryana the state controlled several important temples; and Rajasthan had a Devasthan Department, which monitors several temples, trusts, and dharmshalas. Moreover, several other states manage important temples, as is the case in Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Uttarakhand, though their involvement in endowments and administration of less prominent temples is nonexistent or limited. In a recent development, a few states have reversed the trend toward state involvement in temple administration. In 2000 the BJP-led government of Uttar Pradesh repealed the state’s Hindu Public Religious Trust (Prevention of Misuse of Property) Act, 1962, which had allowed the government to appoint an officer to investigate questions of misuse of funds at Hindu religious institutions. More importantly, Karnataka’s Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act was struck down by the courts in 2006. The government then produced amended versions, but in 2015 the state’s High Court struck those down as well because it determined that the changes were merely cosmetic. The Karnataka case is important because it could have ramifications for the involvement of other states in temple wealth management. In the 2006 Sri Sahasra Lingeshwara Temple vs. State of Karnataka, the court ruled that Karnataka’s Hindu Religious Institutions and Charitable Endowments Act violated Article 14 of the Constitution, which guarantees equality before the law and equal protection under the law; it also prohibits discrimination based on religion, race, caste, sex, and so on. The problem with the Act, as the court saw it, was that it regulated Hindu temples but not monasteries.

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Furthermore, according to Article 25 of the Constitution, the state may create laws to regulate, restrict, and/or reform Hindu institutions’ economic, political, or financial activities, where the term “Hindu” is assumed to include Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains. However, the court observed that only Hindu temples were regulated, but not institutions belonging to these others. Finally, Article 26(b) allows religious groups to manage their own affairs where religion is concerned “subject to public order, morality and health”; but the government had been taking over even temples that were well managed. The court therefore ruled that the Act was discriminatory and violated the Constitution. It remains to be seen whether this decision will influence future cases of conflict between endowments agencies and Hindu religious institutions in other states.

References 1. Appadurai A, Breckenridge CA (1976) The South Indian temple: authority, honour and redistribution. Contrib Indian Sociol 10(2):187–211 2. Baker CJ (1975) Temples and political development. In: Baker CJ, Washbrook DA (eds) South India: political institutions and political change, 1880–1940. Macmillan, New York 3. Baker CJ (1976) The politics of South India, 1920–1937. Cambridge University, Cambridge 4. Hindu religious and charitable endowments act (1959) (Tamil Nadu Act 22 of 1959). In: Hindu religious and charitable endowments department. http:// www.tnhrce.org/hrce_act_1959.html. Accessed 1 Dec 2017 5. Irschick EF (1976) Politics and social conflict in South India: the non-brahman movement and Tamil separatism, 1916–1929. University of California, Berkeley 6. Mudaliar C (1976) State and religious endowments in Madras. University of Madras, Madras (Chennai) 7. Presler FA (1987) Religion under bureaucracy: policy and administration for Hindu temples in South India. Cambridge University, Cambridge 8. Smith DE (1963) India as a secular state. Princeton University, Princeton 9. Srinivasan PR, Reiniche M-L (1990) Tiruvannamalai : a Śaiva sacred complex of South India, vol 1.1. Institut français de Pondichéry, Pondicherry

Hindu Diaspora in Portugal: The Case of Our Lady of Fatima Devotion

Hindu Diaspora in Portugal: The Case of Our Lady of Fatima Devotion Inês Lourenço1 and Rita Cachado2 1 CRIA, Centre for Research in Anthropology, ISCTE/IUL, Lisbon University Institute, Lisbon, Portugal 2 Department of Social and Research Methods, CIES-IUL Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology – University Institute of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal

Introduction The Portuguese Hindu-Gujarati in the Literature Gujarati populations throughout the world can be found in diverse East African countries, in the UK, and in other countries. Portugal is often omitted from the literature, although probably around 33000 people from a Gujarati origin live there. The amount of literature produced about this vivid population is high considering the small number of researchers committed with Diaspora and transnational studies in Portugal. And the reason for this production is driven by a high dynamic population considering adaptation processes to the host country. The first known studies represent the first years of Gujaratis in Portugal. They arrived in the late 1970s and early 1980s from Mozambique, so the first studies are about Indian businesses both in Mozambique and in Portugal. As an East African country, Mozambique is culturally connected with Kenya and Tanzania, countries that sent thousands of families to the UK during the Independence processes. But Mozambique, as a previous Portuguese colony, sent Gujaratis to Portugal, during the civil war after the Independence in 1975. Anthropologists [1, 2], sociologists [3], geographers [4], and economists [5] were interested in the Gujarati population and gave the first impressions about Hindu-Gujaratis in Mozambique and in

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Portugal. The attention then became focused on specific themes more concerned with representations, cultural practices, and social policies. New authors went along with the former, going deeper into the knowledge about Hindu-Gujaratis in Portugal. Influenced by them and by other researchers with their focus in India (e.g., [6–9]), a new generation of researchers went on inscribing the work about Hindus in Portugal. Music [10], gender and Diaspora [11], housing [12], and family [13] were the main topics of approach. This rather rich literature noted the significant transnational activities of Hindu-Gujaratis in Portugal. They notice the difficulties to find specific numbers due to families that live in Portugal, in the UK, and in India; the cultural practices such as religious music groups [10] and ritual practices that must be performed in Mozambique and in India [2, 11]; and the adaptation processes to social policies such as housing and new waves of migration [14]. In addition, an extended study about the History of the socioeconomic context of Hindu-Gujaratis was published [15], where the author defends the significance of economic aspects over the cultural practices. In sum, the history, economy, and sociocultural contexts of Hindu-Gujaratis in Portugal and in their other poles of Diaspora (India, Mozambique, and the UK) are already documented. It is also important to note that this literature, from which we just gave a small portrait, is largely published in Portuguese, and seldom in English. The Portuguese-Gujarati in Context The Portuguese Hindu-Gujarati population lives mostly in Portugal but also in the other three main poles of their transnationality, the UK, Mozambique, and India. As told before, most families living in Portugal came during the civil war in Mozambique, between the late 1970s and the early 1980s. Before that, the Portuguese HinduGujarati are mixed with other Hindu-Gujaratis in both Gujarat and Eastern African countries. Portuguese Gujaratis come from several cities in Gujarat to Mozambique, Tanzania, and also Uganda, and from there to Portugal and then to

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the UK. The Portuguese Hindu-Gujarati population has a single story not only because of the colonial history but also because of the related Indian Ocean history. A group of singularities have been found among Portuguese Hindu-Gujaratis. Some of them can and should be compared with other Hindu-Gujarati populations throughout the world, and other seem to have no ground for comparison, such as the Our Lady of Fatima devotion. On the one hand, Portuguese Hindu-Gujaratis seem to perform a type of transnationality which is – if not rare – at least deserves attention from both Diaspora and transnationality studies. They live not only in two countries, which is the common place for most migrants and well documented in the literature, sometimes they live in three or four national territories. And this case deserves attention because it shuffles the academic need to have exact numbers of the population – we never know if we are dealing with 30000 or 50000 Hindus in Portugal – which leads to question migration studies literature about the real need to count immigrants or, in the first place, why do we need to call these families migrants anyway, if, as in this case, they live in the country for the last 35 years. While living in “two or more countries,” this transnational population is also a population that lives more in urban areas than in national identities, which means that the national paradigm to study transnationality may be living in a crisis [16]. The urban paradigm is important because they choose big cities to live, and they are under urban policies that are defining the places where they live and where their sociabilities are thriving. Specifically in Lisbon, Portuguese HinduGujaratis live in three recognized areas: Santo António dos Cavaleiros (North Lisbon) and two in West Lisbon – Armador neighborhood and Portela. In Santo António dos Cavaleiros, the families bought and rented houses at low prices, because it is a suburban area and back then the accesses to the capital were very few (s. [11]). Hindu families living in Armador came mostly from Quinta da Holandesa (s. [1]) shanty town and those living in Portela also come from a shanty town called Quinta da Vitória (s. [17]). Beyond these two clustered populations, there

are hundreds of families living throughout the Lisbon Metropolitan Area. Public Temples As in the UK (s. [18]) the Hindu temple building is slow considering the population, but we cannot ignore that Hindu religion is highly performed in the domestic sphere, and in Portugal there is a great insight of community meetings at home (s. [11]) There are three Hindu public temples in Great Lisbon, apart from Swaminarayan and to Hare Krishna (ISKON) temples. Regarding Hare Krishna, the participation of devotees of Indian origin is not significant, since this movement is mostly turned to the adhesion of Western devotees. The other three are well known by the families who live in Portugal since the early 1980s. In 1983, in addition to their small domestic shrines, the Hindu population from an informal settlement, Quinta da Vitória, began the construction of the Jay Ambé Temple at the same time as they were building their own homes in this neighborhood. The family who manages the temple brought a statue of the goddess Ambé from a previous temple in Mozambique. This was the first Hindu temple built in Lisbon and until 1998 remained as the only public temple. This temple was relocated to a nearby social neighborhood, where many Hindu families have been rehoused in 2004. The temple was recognized as a place of Hindu worship only by that time, but this has been a recognized place of worship in Portugal. In 1985, the Hindu Community of Portugal was formally set up and immediately embarked on building the Radha-Krishna Temple in Lumiar, completed in 1998. This is the most high-profile Hindu place of worship in Portugal, located in central Lisbon. This temple is located not in a Hindu residential area; Hindu families come from various points in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area to attend ceremonies. The temple complex houses a big room which can be rented to perform marriages and other ceremonies. Finally, and completing this overview of Hindu religious diversity, the Shiva Temple was opened in Santo António dos Cavaleiros in 2001. Santo António dos Cavaleiros is a suburban area with hundreds of Hindu families. The process to build the temple began in 1991 when the Shiva Temple

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Social Solidarity Association was officially recognized as representing the Hindu residents of Santo António dos Cavaleiros. About 10 years later it had fulfilled its mission of building its own place of worship.

The Devotion to Our Lady of Fatima Devotion and Consumption The religious depth found in this community’s cultural reference – Hinduism – is not limited to Hindu deities’ worship and following the HinduGujarati calendar. Portuguese Hindu-Gujarati families have also approached the Catholic calendar and are particularly devoted to a Portuguese popular representation of Mary, mother of Jesus, Our Lady of Fatima. Mother Mary is then adopted as an image to Hindu domestic shrines and worshiped daily, along with Hindu deities. Moreover, Hindu families go at least once a year to visit the Sanctuary in Fátima, both in excursions for a large group or in family journeys. Statues of Our Lady of Fatima are converted into murtis (Hindu gods and goddesses’, statues believed to contain the divine essence) and they can be seen in domestic Hindu temples. Our ethnographic data shows that statues of Fatima are not only found in domestic Hindu temples in Portugal but also in other contexts with which this population establish ties. The same phenomenon can be observed in Diu, India, as well as in the UK and in Mozambique. Advantage is often taken of trips between the various poles of the Diaspora, going through Portugal, to purchase representations of Our Lady of Fatima in varying sizes, preferably bought in Fatima town but also from shops selling Portuguese products in either Portugal or the UK. Ethnography has been showing over the years that families and sometimes large groups of 30 to 50 people go to the Fatima Sanctuary to worship Our Lady of Fatima in its original place. Along with other devotees, they purchase candles in various sizes to offer to a permanent fire; they drink the water from the water spring in the sanctuary; they take the opportunity to walk around and buy souvenirs. The most important souvenirs are the Lady representation in statuetes. Families also buy water from the sanctuary and other souvenirs.

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Material culture is, as we know, a central axis through which communities construct, reconstruct, and reproduce their identity references, often associated with symbolic objects of extreme relevance. The relationship between migratory processes and material culture is clear, and the movement of populations according to the most diverse circumstances is inevitably associated with issues of materiality. Basu and Coleman [19], analyzing how migrant worlds constitute fragile and fragmented sets of immaterial and material resources, demonstrated how mobility affects the symbolic value of travel objects and how they can also assume different values in migration processes: renegotiation, agency, and ambiguity ([19], p. 326). Along with the process of identity maintenance through certain symbolic objects are the appropriations of cultural and religious elements by the diasporic groups. The processes of adaptation to the host societies sometimes lead to changes. As Williams demonstrated [20], the strategies of adaptation to the host societies developed by the Hindus in the USA were characterized by a maintenance and simultaneous adjustment of religious beliefs and practices. These phenomena, however, are often visible in the transformations of Hinduism itself, such as the adoption of pan-Hindu perspectives, or the Bhagavad Gita as a central text, as well as the discourses around the universalist notion of Sanatana Dharma. These are examples of what Williams called the “ecumenical strategy” [20]. The case presented here, however, refers to an adoption of a Catholic cult – with specificities of Portuguese popular Catholicism – by the Hindu practices such as the daily cult and the pilgrimage. In this sense, we present an inclusion of Our Lady of Fatima in the temples and in the pantheon of the Portuguese Hindus. There are obvious links between the Diaspora and their consumption and transactions of Our Lady of Fatima representations. On the one hand these items are, as other items, such as Hindu deities’ representations and national specific food items, part of the material culture that the Hindu Diaspora displays (see [21]). The UK and India provide cloths and deities representations in statuetes to the other poles of Mozambique and Portugal. Mozambique is known for national

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specific food items, such as cooked peanuts, raw cashews, and African material culture devices (Capulana cloths; ivory crafts, among other). Portugal is known for our Lady of Fatima devices. Before the years 2000s, when the open market gained a new impetus, there were more available specific items from each of these countries, but the national specific items transacted between families in different Diaspora countries are becoming less in quantity. Public Consumption of Fatima by Hindus As fieldwork shows us, excursions are very common among Hindu families. It is part of a religious life, to make religious journeys – yatra. The parallel between Yatra and the Fatima excursion is evident. Moreover, the value attributed to the Pope is significant. The Hindu-Gujarati population in Portugal has known three since the 1980s – all of them visited the Fatima Sanctuary. As in yatra, Hindu devotees wish to meet the guru, which, in Catholic Church, the pope is the utmost example of a guru. This is of course a comparative interpretation from fieldwork and lacks more reflection. Nevertheless, this phenomenon should not be thought of as a conversion to the Portuguese cultural patterns. Susana Bastos alerts for this pitfall: “Fatima can thus be incorporated into the daily lives of Portuguese-speaking Hindus, without requiring a reorganisation or transformation of the referential symbolic organisers of her non-Catholic devotees” ([22], p. 192). The adoption of Our Lady of Fatima as a manifestation of the Hindu Mother Goddess is certainly the most emblematic example of Hinduism’s adaptation process to the Portuguese society, and this adaptation found in ritual practices suggests the flexibility of Hinduism that is more evident in a Diaspora situation. Here is a description from one of this pilgrimages (Darshan means looking and receiving the divinity’s gaze. This exchange of looks implies a deep relationship between the deity and the devotee resulting in blessings received by the devotee, such as wellbeing and prosperity): Today is amas, the last day of the month Sravan, the most auspicious month of the Hindu calendar, and it is also the day chosen for a pilgrimage – yatra – to Fátima. The bus departs at 8:30 am from Portela de

Sacavém. The departure begins with lives to the gods and Our Lady of Fatima: “Jay Ambe ma! Jay Mataji! Jay Fatima mataji!”. The trip is very lively. Religious chants are played and candy is distributed to the children. Only three men accompany the large group of (mostly older) women and children. When we arrive at Fatima one of the men announces to the microphone that it is time to do “Fátima darshan”. The first step is to go and buy candles. M. looks for a place that sells body parts in wax to fulfill a promise she made. Then they go to the huge place where the devotees light up and deposit candles. After throwing the candles into the fire, the flames rise. The temperature is high but the devotees stay close to the place, venerating the fire that comes out. Apart from the holy water they buy, along with many images of Fatima, everyone wants to drink water from a drinking fountain that is in the Sanctuary, near the Capela das Aparições (Chapel of Apparitions) (September 7th, 2002)

As we have seen from the above passage, Hindu devotees adopt elements of Portuguese popular religiosity associated with Fatima (candles, promises, holy water), while they also develop a process of Hinduization of these popular Catholic practices. The flames that emanate from the place in the sanctuary where the candle is placed are a manifestation of Agni (Sacred fire, the Vedic fire god of Hinduism): Likewise, water, one of the central elements of Hindu ritual practice, has to be consumed. The drinking fountain, which for devout Catholics only serves to quench their thirst, is for Hindu visitors a source of what is considered sacred water, because it is natural from an equally sacred place. The process of adaptation to the Portuguese cultural context and religion goes further than those described in other contexts of the Hindu diaspora, studied by authors like Williams [20] or Hinnels [23]. Frequently, Hindu terms are translated from Gujarati into Portuguese such as padre (priest) for pujari or sashtriji, or igreja (church) for temple. Ideas are culturally translated, manifested in statements such as “We also have many of Our Ladies: Our Lady Of heaven, Our Lady of the sea . . . this [I am talking about] was Our Lady of destiny, the goddess of destiny, Vidhati, who writes our destiny with a hand behind her back” or “I asked for the help of the santinha (diminutive of saint, in the feminine)”

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(May 28, 2002), referring to both the Goddess and Our Lady of Fatima. Portuguese Hindus find affinities with Portuguese popular religiosity; hence they adapt, transform, and translate a group of popular Hinduism practices, in a creative process of Hinduization. The inclusion of the image of Jesus Christ, crucifixes, or various Catholic saints in Hindu domestic temples are other adaptations made in a smaller scale. However, the example of Fatima is more emblematic since it presents elements that go beyond the inclusion of new gods in the pantheon and relates to devotional and ritual practices itself. The prevalence of the Hindu appropriation of Fatima catholic cult is so obvious that, for example, the pilgrimage described above. The pilgrimage excursions are often complemented by a stop, back to Lisbon, on a beach where devotees bathed in the sea, considered purifying and performed different rituals on the beach, which include the use of coconuts, incense and flowers and ending with religious chants. The Our Lady of Fatima devotion is therefore an important specificity of the Hindu diaspora in Portugal. Diaspora specificities are a common phenomenon that evokes the nuances and variations ([24], p. 24), which are often omitted by the unifying versions of the diaspora concept. This phenomenon is also related with religious pluralism in Portugal and, at the same time, on the processes of (in)visibility [25] through which the Hindu community in Portugal has gone through the last decades. Pluralism and Its Facets On April 19, 2004, a group of Hindus from Lisbon visited the Sanctuary of Fatima and the event was reported by Portuguese broadcaster SIC. In the report the rector of the sanctuary, Father Luciano Guerra and the Bishop of Leiria-Fatima, Serafim de Sousa Ferreira e Silva, reinforced a good impression of Fatima’s ecumenism, based on openness to interreligious dialogue. Although there were no negative reactions from the Portuguese society, international conservative Catholic groups such as the Fatima Network Crusader launched an international campaign to charge the responsible for the sanctuary, accusing them of

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heresy for hosting other religious groups (http:// www.fatimacrusader.com/cr78/cr78pg90.asp). The Catholic Youth Movement of France and the Fatima Crusader magazine, led by the Canadian Father Gruner, opened a campaign with strong dissemination in the Internet, criticizing the ecumenical activities of the Sanctuary of Fatima, being the tensions intensified with the visit of Hindus to Fatima. Still, there was no negative reaction by the Catholic Portuguese regarding the Hindus visit to Fatima, which may be understood as an example of religious pluralism in Portugal, but, as the example above can demonstrate, can easily be jeopardized. The question of public visibility is particularly interesting to analyze the phenomenon of Hindu pilgrimage to Fatima in Portugal. Knott called them “tactics of visibility [as] a key method of obtaining a measure of agency in an alien milieu, and, – in a limited way – of rebalancing power from the bottom up” ([25], p. 52). The referred event was broadcasted by a large television channel by the fact that this was an official visit of the Hindu Community of Portugal (based in the temple Radha Krishna) to the sanctuary. However, Hindus regularly travel to the Fatima town and invoke our Lady of Fatima, establishing a parallel with the great Hindu goddess Mahadevi, usually called mataji, the Gujarati word for mother. In Fatima, Hindus distinguish from other pilgrims by their traditional clothing, particularly women, wearing colored saris or salwar kameez. In addition to their presence in the public space, whose clothing is clearly distinguished, is also their devotional practice, expressed in the veneration of fire and the Hindu ritual gestures that they perform when depositing the candles (Fig. 1). In these moments, they go from (in) visibility to visibility. Kim Knott states that these tactics are developed by the groups themselves as they encounter “renewed vigor to practice and share their beliefs in private [. . .] until again it becomes safe to emerge and deploy the tactics of visibility” (idem: 64). In fact pilgrimages to Fatima are becoming more frequent and have intensified in recent years, along with the process of visibility tactics to which they felt welcomed. This happens particularly at a time when India has become a

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Hindu Diaspora in Portugal: The Case of Our Lady of Fatima Devotion, Fig. 1 Hindu devotee by the candle pyre at Our Lady of Fatima Sanctuary, September 2002

global fashion, a symbol of cosmopolitan consumption and has boosted to the Portuguese media communities that have been in Portugal since the late 1970s.

Final Remarks Van der Veer speaks about the “complexities and contradictions of the South Asian diasporic experience” ([26], p. 1), and they are present in the discussed subject of Hindu cult of Our Lady of Fatima in Portugal. Thus, it was the different and divergent historical backgrounds that contributed to the fragmented nature of this population and to complicate the use of South Asian diaspora as a transparent category as well (idem: ibidem). Thus, the cultural dynamics presented contribute to challenge dominant views about the Hindu diaspora through perspectives that allow us to observe Indian diasporas, as Oonk [24] suggested, “with an eye for nuance and variation.” In this entry we presented a branch of the Hindu-Gujarati Diaspora. They are known as the Portuguese Hindu-Gujaratis because of their national identity and because of their history related with the former Portuguese colonies in Mozambique and in India. Although there is no certainty about its origin, most Hindu Portuguese families are also devotees to a Portuguese popular Catholic cult of Our Lady of Fatima. A representation of Mother Mary as Fatima in statuetes may be found in eventually

Hindu Diaspora in Portugal: The Case of Our Lady of Fatima Devotion, Fig. 2 Puja at São Martinho do Porto Beach, Excursion to Fátima Sanctuary, September 7, 2002

every Hindu house. The devotion is extended to a public domain, through organized excursions to Our Lady of Fatima Sanctuary (Fig. 2). This ethnographic situation has been observed in the last 17 years, and which should be inscribed in the profuse literature on South Asian Diaspora for its specific character. Beyond its peculiarity, it

Hindu Immigrants

contributes to discussions on cultural consumption and religious pluralism.

References 1. Bastos STP (1990) A comunidade hindu da Quinta da Holandesa. Um estudo antropológico sobre organização socio-espacial da casa. LNEC, Lisboa 2. Bastos STP, Bastos JGP (2001) De Moçambique a Portugal: Reinterpretações Identitárias do Hinduísmo em Viagem. Fundação Oriente, Lisboa 3. Ávila P, Alves M (1993) Da Índia a Portugal – trajectórias sociais e estratégias colectivas dos comerciantes indianos. Sociologia – Problemas e Práticas 13:115–133 4. Malheiros JM (1996) Imigrantes na região de Lisboa: os anos da mudança. Imigração e processo de integração das comunidades de origem indiana. Colibri, Lisbon 5. Leite JP (1996) Diáspora Indiana em Moçambique. Economia Global e Gestão 2, pp 67–108 6. Gomes da Silva JC (1994) A Identidade Roubada. Ensaios de Antropologia Social. Gradiva, Lisboa 7. Gomes da Silva JC (2010) Cult of Jagannatha: myths and rituals. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 8. Perez RM (2004) Kings and untouchables: a study of the caste system in western India, 1st edn. Chronicle Books, New Delhi. ISBN: 9788180280146 9. Perez RM (2012) The Tulsi and the cross. Anthropology and the colonial encounter in Goa, 2nd edn. Orient Blackswan, Delhi. ISBN: 9788192304601 10. Roxo P (2010) Negotiating identity through expressive culture. Hindu-Gujarati Portuguese in Mozambique, Portugal and England. In: Trovão S, Vilar Rosales M (eds) Das Índias. Gentes, movimentos e pertenças transnacionais. Edições Colibri, Lisboa, pp 169–206 11. Lourenço I (2011) Religion and gender: the Hindu diaspora in Portugal. South Asian Diaspora 3(1):37–51. https://doi.org/10.1080/19438192.2010. 539033. Print ISSN 1943-8192; Online ISSN 19438184 12. Cachado R (2012) Uma etnografia na cidade alargada: Hindus da Quinta da Vitória em processo de realojamento. Lisboa: Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian – Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia 13. Lourenço I, Cachado R (2012) Hindu transnational families: transformation and continuity in diaspora families. J Comp Fam Stud 43(1):53–70 14. Cachado R (2014) Locating Portuguese hindus. Transnationality in urban settings. Sociologia Problemas e Práticas 76:109–124 15. Dias N (2016) Remigração e Etnicidade: Trânsito Colonial entre a África de Leste e a Europa. Mundos Sociais, Lisbon

609 16. Schiller NG, Çaglar A (2011) Locality and globality. Building a comparative analytical framework in migration and urban studies. In: Schiller NG, Çaglar A (eds) Locating migration. Rescaling cities and migrants. Cornell University Press, Ithaca/London, pp 60–81 17. Cachado R (2011) Samosas and saris: informal economies in the informal city among Portugueses Hindu families. Urban Anthropol Stud 40(3,4):417–444 18. Peach C, Gale R (2003) Muslims, Hindus, and Sikhs in the new Religious Landscape of England. Geographical Review 93(4):469–490 19. Basu P, Coleman S (2008) Introduction: migrant worlds, material cultures. Mobilities 3(3):313–330 20. Williams R (1996) [1992] Sacred threads of several textures: strategies of adaptation in the United States. In: Williams R (ed) A sacred thread. modern transmission of Hindu traditions in India and abroad. Columbia University Press, New York 21. Rosales M (2010) O Verdadeiro Caril Moçambicano. Transnacionalismo, quotidianos e materialidades goesas na África colonial. In: Trovão S, Rosales M (eds) Das Índias: gentes, movimentos e pertenças transnacionais. Colibri, Lisboa, pp 59–80 22. Bastos STP (2005) Our colonizers were better than yours: identity debates in greater London. J Ethn Migr Stud 31:79–98 23. Hinnells JR (1998) Comparative reflextions on south Asian religion in international migration. In: Hinnells J (ed) The new penguin handbook of living religions. Penguin, London, pp 819–848 24. Oonk G (2007) Introduction. In: Oonk G (ed) Global Indian diasporas: exploring trajectories of migration and theory. IIAS/Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, pp 9–30 25. Knott K (2016) The tactics of (in)visibility of religious communities in contemporary Europe. In: Bochinger C, Rüpke J (eds) Dynamics of religion: past and present, vol 67. De Gruyter, Berlin/Boston 26. Van der Veer P (1995) Introduction: the diasporic imagination. In: van der Veer P (ed) Nation and migration: the politics of space in the south Asian diaspora. University of Pennsylvania Press, USA, pp 1–16

Hindu Endowments ▶ Hindu Charitable Endowments

Hindu Immigrants ▶ Hinduism in Surinam

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Hindu Mahasabha Mithilesh Kumar Jha Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati, Guwahati, Assam, India

Synonyms Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha; All India Hindu Mahasabha; Hindu Sabha

Definition Hindu Mahasabha is a political organization formed in the early decades of the twentieth century to protect the interests of the Hindus and to establish a Hindu Rashtra in India. The basis for the formation of Hindu Mahasabha is religious and cultural philosophy of Hinduism. Hindutva, as the basis of its ideology, is defined as a way of life. The major objectives of the Mahasabha still remain as the creation of “Hindu Rashtra” and “Akhand Bharat.”

Hindu Mahasabha: Its Formation and Growth It is believed that All India Hindu Mahasabha was formed during Kumbh Mela (A religious festival of Hindus, held alternatively at Nashik, Ujjain, Haridwar, and Allahabad every 3 years, and is believed to be the largest gathering of humanity on the Earth. The biggest Kumbh, also called as Mahakumbh, is held at Allahabad every 12 years. The last Kumbh at Allahabad in 2013 was attended by more than 120 million pilgrims.) in a meeting at Allahabad in 1915, with its headquarter at Allahabad. Prior to this, there were many Hindu Sabhas in different provinces particularly in Punjab and the United Provinces which were formed in response to increasing assertion of Muslim separatist forces, soft stand of the British

Hindu Mahasabha

government to the Muslim league and the perceived appeasement policy of the Congress toward Muslims. However, for a few years, not much of activities were undertaken except at some provincial level Sabhas. In later years, more so from the 1920s, the Hindu Mahasabha began to hold its annual conference, usually along with some religious fairs, and was headquartered at Haridwar. It has also begun to attract the stalwart leadership of the Indian National Congress besides Lala Lajpat Rai and Madan Mohan Malviya. The many members of the Mahasabha were critical of the Congress’ indifference to the “Hindu’s interest.” One can understand the growing discontent of the Hindus in the context of the rise of Muslim leagues and during the Khilafat or Noncooperation Movement, when Congress led by Gandhi suspended the movement on account of Chauri Chaura, with the rise of Kemal Ataturk in Turkey and growing notion of Pan-Islamism. Moplah riots (1922) and forcible conversion of Hindus to Islam in Kerala actually sparked the bitterness between the two communities and encouraged some people to think and organize in terms of exclusive Hindu identity and interests. The ideologues who energized the movement for the protection and promotion of Hindu interests were Bhai Parmanand, B. S. Moonje, Kelkar, Swami Shraddhanand, and others.

Hindu Mahasabha and Congress: Acrimony and Cooperation The genesis of Hindu Mahasabha can be traced to struggles for promotion of Hindi and Nagari script, cow protection movement, and social reforms movements in the North India. Before the formation of All India Hindu Mahasabha in 1915, there were already many Prantiya Sabhas, but most notably this organization was effective in North India – provinces of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and Punjab and in urban centers of Maharashtra, Bengal, and Madras. In the beginning there were lots of commonalities between Congress and Mahasabha, especially so at the lower levels of

Hindu Mahasabha

these organizations. At local levels it was difficult to distinguish its leaders and volunteers. For many years, its annual sessions were held along with Congress. Two of its stalwart – Madan Mohan Malviya and Lala Lajpat Rai – were active leaders of the Congress party even when they became the president of the Mahasabha. However, the Mahasabha began to play a more assertive role in Indian politics after the failure of the Noncooperation or Khilafat Movement. Since the beginning of the Noncooperation Movement, they were apprehensive about the Gandhiji’s focus on Hindu Muslim unity which turned out to be very short lived, and since 1920 Indian politics witnessed increasing religious polarizations. Hindu Mahasabha gradually began to differentiate itself form the politics of Congress, and with the election of Savarkar as the president of the Mahasabha, it began to focus on militarization of Hindu society. However, Hindu Mahasabha had to engage with a number of groupings and organizations with often contradictory positions which also sought to represent and protect Hindu interests. For instance, Mahasabha in the initial years played a kind of arbitrary role between Arya Samaj with its more radical programs like Shudhikaran (purification) or bringing back the converted Hindus to Hinduism and Sanatan Dharma Sabha or Bharat Dharma Mahamandal with its more orthodox approach. In fact, Arya Samaj and its activities were strongly opposed by the Sanatanis, more so in the eastern parts of North India. However, after the failure of the Noncooperation and Khilafat movement, all these organizations began to consolidate and formed a united front against the increasing assertive politics of Muslim separatists. This was most noticeable in the coming together of Lala Lajpat Rai – staunch Arya Samaji leader from Punjab and Madan Mohan Malviya – leader of the Sanatan Dharma Sabha. Both played significant role in giving distinct shape and character to the politics of Mahasabha. Both were the presidents of both Congress (Malviya 1909, 1918; Lajpat Rai) and Mahasabha (Malviya 1923; Rai 1925).

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Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and the Growth of Mahasabha as a Political Organization Under the leadership of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, there begins a new era in the politics of Hindu Mahasabha. Earlier, it worked under the shadow of Congress, and Congress members were allowed to be the member of Mahasabha as well. However, with the rise of Mahatma Gandhi and disciplining of Congress organization, Sabhaites were left with little space to maneuver within the platform of the Congress party to work for the protection of Hindu interests. And Muslim organizations were involved in seeking greater patronage from the British Government even at the cost of combined struggle for national independence. In such condition Savarkar charted out a distinct path for the Mahasabha making it more confrontative not just of Muslim leagues but also of Congress. The major contribution of Savarakar is the idea of Hindu Rashtra based on the ideology of Hindutva, which he defined as distinct from Hinduism. He clearly articulates the political role of the Mahasabha at the Nineteenth Annual Session in Ahmedabad in 1937. The Mahasabha is not in the main a Hindu-Dharma Sabha but is eminently a Hindu Rashtra Sabha and in a pan-Hindu organization shaping the destiny of the Hindu Nation in all its social, political and cultural aspects. (My italicization, 3:51)

It did increase the popularity of Mahasabha. Under his leadership, Mahasabha did not only confront Congress but also defied a ban imposed by the British Government on holding the annual session of the Mahasabha at Bhagalpur in 1941 [1–3, p. 54, 4]. He supported the Shuddhi movement as a political and national project. Many other prominent leaders like Dr. B. S. Moonje, Bhai Parmanand, Ganpat Rai, Chandragupta Vidyalankar, and Indra Prakash supported Savarkar to mould Hindu Mahasabha as a distinct political organization and not merely a social and religious reform movement. However, he failed to garner total support in his leadership, and his style of functioning was also challenged. This can be

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understood from the fact that although he was an inspiring figure for the founder of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Dr. K. B. Hedgewar (1889–1940), despite his repeated efforts, he failed to convince the second Sarsanghchalak, M. S. Golwarlkar, to forge a united front for the promotion of Hindu interest. In fact, there were stark differences in the opinion of these two great leaders. Where Savarkar was more inclined to political work, Golwarlkar focused on the cultural work and organizing Hindus and to develop in them a sense of service to create Hindu Rashtra. And therefore, he did never involve Sangh in the politics of Hindu Mahasabha.

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its political wing BJS and later BJP; Hindu Mahasabha almost lost its electoral and political significance after it immersed itself in Jana Sangha. Subsequently, it is RSS which exerts greater control on the organization of Jan Sangh and now Bharatiya Janata Party. It functions more like a parent organization, whereas the struggles of the Mahasabha until the independence and on the eve of formation of Jana Sangha are largely forgotten. Although Mahasabha still fights election and claims to have representatives in more than 20 Indian states, as a political force, it is yet to achieve its status of pre-independence era.

Conclusion Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and Hindu Mahasabha in Post-independent Indian Politics After Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was elected as the president of the Hindu Mahasabha in 1942, it followed a cautious path to get support from the government and to also maintain a workable relationship with the congress [5]. The utmost priority for Mukherjee was to make Mahasabha a massbased movement. And, it is true that Hindu Mahasabha became an important force in Indian politics, and the British government too recognized its strength and sought its support during the tumultuous times of the Second World War and Quit India Movement. It has made a call to the Hindu youth to join the military to support British war causes. Although Mahasabha did not officially endorse the Quit India Movement, many of its members especially at the local levels were part of this movement. Later on Shyama Prasad Mukherjee got a position in the Interim Government and on the eve of independence convinced the RSS to form a political party. And, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee from Mahasabha and Pt. Deen Dayal Upadhyaya from RSS played a key role in the formation and promotion of Bharatiya Jana Sangha. In 1980, it was reorganized as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). RSS maintained its effective position in national political life through

Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha in its contemporary phase of political activities is overshadowed by the combines of RSS and BJP. It remains limited to North India with little effective presence outside and in rural India. The main support base of the Mahasabha remains urbanbased upper caste Hindus. It still fights election and differs from RSS–BJP on many issues. One of the recent such issues was about the celebration of the death of Nathuram Godse as “Balidan Diwas” (Martyr Day). RSS distanced itself from this celebration which irked the Mahasabha. It still refuses to accept the partition of India and is working for the creation of “Akhand Bharat.” However, on many of the issues like the construction of Rama Mandir at Ayodhya, the Uniform Civil Code, repeal of Article 370, and cow protection, they are still on the same page with the RSS–BJP and other Hindu religious organizations. But, their political and electoral force has been significantly deteriorating in the postindependent Indian politics. One of the reasons for this deterioration has been Mahasabha’s inability to come into the terms with various radical turns in Indian politics. Yet, on many sociopolitical and religious issues, it continues to assert and influence the decision-making, and in some parts of India, it has its sway on religious and political matters.

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Cross-References

Hinduism ▶ Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)

▶ Hinduism in Surinam

References 1. Prakash I (1938) A review of the history and work of the Hindu Mahasabha and the Hindu Sanghatan movement. Akhil Bharatiya Hindu Mahasabha, New Delhi 2. Bapu P (2013) Hindu Mahasabha in colonial North India 1915–1930. Routledge, London 3. Gondhalekar N, Bhattachara S (1999) The All India Hindu Mahasabha and the end of British rule in India, 1939–1947. Soc Sci 7–8(27):48–74 4. Mishar AK (1988) Hindu Mahasabha: Ek Adhyayan. Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha, New Delhi 5. Gordon R (1975) The Hindu Mahasabha and the Indian National Congress, 1915–1926. Mod Asian Stud 2(9):145–203 6. Raghavan TCA (1983) Origins and development of Hindu Mahasabha ideology: the call of V D Savarkar and Bhai Parmanand. Econ Polit Wkly 15(18):595–600 7. Jafferlot C (ed) (2007) Hindu nationalism: a reader. Princeton University Press, Princeton

Hinduism (Overview) ▶ Religion of the Raika-Rabari

Hinduism and Commercialization Gwilym Beckerlegge Department of Religious Studies, The Open University, Milton Keynes, Buckinghamshire, UK

Synonyms

Hindu Nationalist ▶ Savarkar, Vinayak Damodhar (“Veer”)

Hindu Religious and Charitable Endowments

Commodification; Commoditization

Definition A process by which an activity or an institution is managed or a goal pursued in a manner intended to make a profit.

▶ Hindu Charitable Endowments

Introduction

Hindu Ritual ▶ Hinduism in Surinam

Hindu Sabha ▶ Hindu Mahasabha

When used in a pejorative sense, “commercialization” can imply that profit is maximized through exploitative means at the cost of quality and principle. The related terms “commodification” and “commoditization” refer to the practice of converting what had not previously figured in trade into an item for trade. It has been claimed that the economic value attached to the new commodity by these processes, like “commercialization,” can undermine and supplant other

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preexisting values, for example, social and religious values. Religious “markets” are created by consumers, producers, and investors – the three main economic roles that people play in religion ([9]: 468). In earlier periods, religion was typically conducted by religious professionals on a local basis. The nature of such “markets” changed and became less stable with the expansion of global models of religious organizations, the growth of international markets, human movement, and globalization. Religions that have expanded beyond their historic homeland have carried their “salvation goods” (following Max Weber) to new markets where their producers sought new consumers often in competitively pluralistic environments. Success in these settings has depended on adapting the product to the needs of consumers, just as in a free market producers and suppliers thrive by being responsive to changing demands, new technology, and market conditions ([24]: 48; [9]: 469). According to David Ludden, the “classical approach” explained Indian commercialization in terms of European capitalism, brought to India by British imperialism, forcing commerce upon communities that previously had relied on exchange rather than recourse to money or markets [11]. Ludden argues that this view has been superseded by one that recognizes that commercialization had a longer history in India, enabling British capitalism to feed upon existing markets. The commercialization of Hinduism, although undoubtedly accelerated by technical innovations during the period of British rule and increased travel to India, also had a longer history. For example, in addition to the activities of castes serving religious and ritual needs, temples contributed to the flourishing of commercial activity, particularly those located in seats of power, on trade routes, and associated with pilgrimage or the celebration of festivals.

Commercialization and Hindu Pilgrimage Pilgrimage has long been a religious activity that has encouraged commercial activity within

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Hinduism as in other religions. It provides illustrations of ways in which traditional Hindu systems of gifting within the caste system functioned historically like systems of exchange and trade, providing a means to reward or compensate for a service provided. For example, brahmanas as “producers” have traditionally received dakshina, a particular form of gift (dana) in recompense for conducting rituals on behalf of “consumers.” An account by a sixteenth-century English visitor to Banaras reports that brahmanas conducting rituals along the riverbank were rewarded with gifts of grain and money ([6]: 9–11). Modern forms of transport, and to this could be added tourism, have brought a new dimension to pilgrimage in India, turning its organization into a “thriving business” in which various categories of religious/ritual professionals or producers play their part ([6]: 21). These include pandas (pilgrimage priests) and ghatias (those who attend to the needs of bathers on the ghats, who receive ritual gifts (dana) and a fee (dakshina) for their services). In many instances, the relationship between panda and pilgrim has a hereditary basis. Apart from the performance of rituals, these professionals meet pilgrims at the railway station, arrange accommodation, and in general manage the pilgrimage, including such practical tasks as caring for the clothing and belongings of pilgrims while bathing. They also play a significant role in mediating the mythology associated with the location and repackage tradition by mingling explanation and glorification. Comparing the past with the present, it is also evident that historic temples now cater for the needs of tourists, as much as devotees, as do the stalls that surround these temples where murtis are bought and sold as souvenirs.

The Expanding Hindu “Market” Traditions now associated with “Hinduism” were not confined to India before the British colonial period, having been carried centuries earlier by trade to regions of Southeast Asia. During the British colonial period, indentured labor schemes led to the establishment of Indian communities in East Africa, enlarging the scale of the Hindu

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diaspora. Hinduism’s potential religious market was also reshaped, and not just geographically, by the mission of Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902) in the United States and London in the 1890s. The resulting formation of Vedanta Societies created a means whereby individuals not born into Hindu families could identify themselves with Hinduism, setting a precedent that has been followed by other recent Hindu movements. The British colonial period, coinciding as it did with a rapid acceleration in means of communication and the expansion of more rapid forms of transport, witnessed the transformation in certain respects of existing relationships between consumers and producers in India’s religious market and created a new relationship between producers and “customers,” meaning here those outside the Hindu tradition who chose to purchase its products. Immediate consequences of these changes can be seen in nineteenth-century India following the introduction of mechanized printing and the advent of photography, which in turn had an impact on artistic and craft traditions [1, 23]. The coming of chromolithographic printing in particular stimulated a fierce debate about the merits of the new artistic style, relative to earlier artistic forms based more closely on the aesthetic principles of the shilpa shatras. Crucially, it created a mass market for popular Hindu iconographic images, which were “sold by thousands at places of pilgrimage. . .and at local fairs” ([10], [15]: 1). At the same time, many artists responded to a new market opportunity created by British colonizers and other European visitors who sought out depictions of Indian life and purchased Hindu religious imagery as decorative art. The growing Hindu diaspora, further extended by economic migration after the Second World War, and increasing interest in the Hindu tradition by individuals not born into it, created demands for religious professionals, artifacts necessary for ritual and worship, visual resources, and publications on Hinduism. In addition to suppliers that serve the needs of local communities, many recently formed Hindu movements, such as the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) and the Ramakrishna Math and Mission, function as publishers and retailers not just for their adherents but also for anybody with an

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interest in the Hindu tradition who might encounter these movements through casually browsing the Internet. An important educative role has been fulfilled by commercial publishers who have reached out to a global market, and preeminently by Amar Chitra Katha, the Indian comic series created in 1967. It was aimed primarily at young Indians in urban families where children were less likely to be exposed to the influence of grandparents and who, because of this and their English-medium education, were becoming less knowledgeable about their Indian heritage. Published in English, and now available in online formats, Amar Chitra Katha has contributed to the education and religious nurture of children throughout the English-speaking Indian diaspora while representing Hindu culture very much as India’s classical heritage [8, 13, 18]. A large international readership has also been generated by the online journal Hinduism Today, which is subscription based in its print version but with an open-access archive. Commercial activity also sustains websites such as Hinduwebsite (http://www. hinduwebsite.com/shoppingmall.asp), which publishes information about Hinduism and translations of texts while also marketing a range of products and services.

The Media and Material Culture Just as readerships are exposed to representations of Hinduism created by commercial publishers, the viewers of television in India, including Doordarshan the public service broadcaster, encounter not just the values of the broadcaster but also those of the advertisers who use popular programs as a platform from which to promote their products [12]. Serials, such as the Ramayana, have been retransmitted by Doordarshan in partnership with commercial channels, resulting in large revenues from advertising, while raising questions about the role of film in promoting a particular notion of national identity [19]. The bourgeoning of styles of Hindu artistic and craft production since the mid-nineteenth century, aimed at different markets and intended for

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different uses that blurred distinctions between the sacred and secular, is reflected in Vineeta Sinha’s study of the merchandizing of Hinduism in Singapore, West Malaysia, and Chennai in the early twenty-first century [20]. Conceptualizing a range of familiar artifacts, Sinha distinguishes between “puja or prayer items,” “fancy items,” “decorative art,” and “religious art.” Her study draws attention to the intimate connection between commercialization and the production of Hindu visual and material culture, which, although vital to everyday Hinduism, has often been a neglected area in the study of Hinduism. Sinha illustrates the importance of the production and supply of the materials necessary for worship to the Hindu community in Singapore and the way in which such Hindu objects purchased in the twenty-first century by devotees as necessities and by tourists as desirable mementoes are likely to have been manufactured outside India, frequently in China. For some retailers and consumers, and possibly disappointed tourists in search of Indian artifacts, the provenance of such items has raised questions about their “authenticity.” Sinha also draws attention to the way in which merchants, by producing packs for the celebration of particular rituals and festivals, are actively reshaping the tradition. She insists that, far from desecrating Hindu practice, this enables everyday religiosity to continue. Sinha draws particular attention to the pedagogic role of festivals whose celebration is facilitated by retailers. Many of the retailers studied by Sinha, even when not Hindu themselves, were knowledgeable about Hindu tradition and sensitive to the needs of devotees. This cannot be said of all retailers who have attempted to create commercial opportunities in the global market. The American watchdog organization, American Hindus Against Defamation, has mounted campaigns against the incorporation of images of Hindu deities and symbols in marketing campaigns and in the decoration of fashion items from underwear to shoes, and notoriously in 2000 the use of pictures of Ganesha and Kali on the lids of toilet seats. In 2010, Hindu organizations in America again had reason to

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react angrily in defense of their conception of yoga when Playboy magazine produced a video in which a “Playmate of the Year” “demonstrated” yoga poses while naked.

Commercialization and Yoga Terms such as “repackaging” have been applied not just to the commercialization of Hindu artifacts but also to Hindu belief and practice, particularly from the late nineteenth century when Hindus felt called upon to explain their tradition to often unsympathetic representatives of the colonial power and to an increasingly international audience, including some individuals drawn to adopt a Hindu worldview. Some of this repackaging could be judged to have been tactical and in the interests of gaining a hearing for a particular Hindu movement or viewpoint, rather than being geared to commercial ends. In the case of yoga, however, there has been considerable and often heated debate about its repackaging and commercialization since the late nineteenth century and consequently about the authenticity of much current practice identified as yoga [21]. Yoga in the early twenty-first century, or more specifically what has come to be categorized as “modern yoga” [3, 4, 16, 22], is by any measure big business [16]. The commercial yoga market in the United States between 2004 and 2005 alone was worth in the region of $30 billion [7]. This covers among other things the production and sale of yoga classes, television series, handbooks and DVDs fronted by celebrities, and designer yoga wear and equipment. Yoga locations in India annually attract a rising number of international “yoga tourists,” turning them into sites of consumption. Teachers of yoga and providers of related services, such as accommodation, all derive income from this commodification of yoga. “Commodification” is used aptly in this context because yoga teaching is now bought and sold in an exchange generally between a professional teacher and a class, rather than being transmitted by a guru to an initiated

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disciple. The global growth throughout the early twentieth century of styles of yoga that center largely on postural practice has been criticized for having abandoned the traditional philosophical underpinnings of yoga in order to appeal to consumers primarily concerned with exercise, relaxation, and weight control, thus commercializing yoga – popularly dubbed “McYoga” – and turning it into a “sacred cash cow” ([5]: 10). Responsibility for this has been attributed in part to celebrity, non-Indian yoga teachers, as illustrated by press reports of the 2011 annual International Yoga Festival held at Rishikesh where participants were fiercely critical of classes held by two American teachers. Issues raised by the commercialization of yoga have been presented most vividly by the activities of Bikram Choudhury, the Kolkata-born founder of the Bikram Yoga College of India (BYCI) ([17]: 61–83). Bikram Choudhury is a transnational entrepreneur whose style of yoga has been marketed around the world. His teaching is packaged and programmatic and is delivered through books and in the style of a fitness class to large groups of students. Bikram yoga is based on the vigorous repetition in studios at a high temperature of a limited number of yoga postures (twenty-six) and two breathing exercises. In 2002 Bikram Choudhury attempted through the US courts to enforce BYCI copyrights and patents relating to his currently fashionable method of teaching. His use of copyright and patent law might be said to confirm his commercialization of yoga. Choudhury’s use of patent law and resort to the courts to protect his business interests raise a fundamental question about whether yogic knowledge resides in the public (part of a shared cultural heritage) or private (something to be owned) domain ([7]: 192). The selling of yoga has been examined by Jeremy Carrette and Richard King as one example of the privatization of Asian wisdom traditions, setting the commercialization of yoga within a wider context of the “selling” of spirituality, which has been instrumental in the

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commercialization of religion [2]. Popular notions of “spirituality,” they argue, have “replaced religion” or emerged as something of an alternative to religion, circulating in areas such as health and well-being (and thus yoga) and education. This has brought about “what amounts to a silent takeover of the “religious” by contemporary capitalist ideologies” ([2]: 2), and the concept of spirituality is now “being utilised to “smooth out” resistance to the growing power of corporate capitalism and consumerism as the defining ideology of our time” ([2]: 17). The separation of yoga from its religiophilosophical rationale to adaptations in India from the late 1930s onwards has made yoga accessible to the general public by creating a systematic posture-based style that seeks enlightenment through transformation of the body ([2]: 117). This has run alongside a style of psychologized, and privatized, yoga that has been attributed to Vivekananda’s influence. According to Carrette and King, it is largely the “more physicalist aspects” that dominate the global yoga market today ([2]: 119), offering a “secularised system of therapy, physical exercise and/or moodenhancement” ([2]: 114). In Karma Cola: The Marketing of the Mystic East (originally published 1979), an earlier critique of the commodification of Indian tradition, Gita Mehta wryly focused on the gullibility of “consumers” who had made their way to India in the 1960s in search of enlightenment, the opportunism of those Indian “producers” who readily exploited these travelers’ ignorance, and the dilution of meaning in their exchanges (e.g., [14]: 104–05). Relative ignorance of the underlying tradition has also been noted as commonplace among consumers of modern yoga ([3]: 187; [5]: 2011).

Conclusion Commercialization has been one of the drivers that has contributed to the perpetuation and expansion of the Hindu tradition and to its

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repackaging for the extensive Hindu global diaspora and the international religious marketplace. Some products of commercialization and commodification have undoubtedly given deep offense to some Hindus, and the wider outcomes of this ongoing process have prompted scholars and those within the tradition to consider questions of authenticity and legitimacy. Yet, at the same time, devotees are also consumers. Commercialized repackaging of the Hindu tradition and the merchandizing of artifacts and materials have sustained everyday Hindu practice, including in some locations where it might otherwise not have been feasible. Commercial publishing concerns, online providers, and media producers have also played an important educative role within the Hindu community and particularly so in the diaspora.

Cross-References ▶ Diaspora ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness ▶ Internet, Hinduism on ▶ Pilgrimage ▶ Religious Tourism ▶ Southeast Asia, Hinduism in ▶ Swami Vivekananda ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Beckerlegge G (2001) Hindu images for the mass market. In: Beckerlegge G (ed) From sacred text to internet. Ashgate in Association with The Open University, Aldershot 2. Carrette J, King R (2005) Selling spirituality: the silent takeover of religion. Routledge, London and New York 3. De Michelis E (2004) A history of modern yoga. Continuum, London and New York 4. De Michelis E (2007) A preliminary survey of modern yoga studies. Asian Medicine 3:1–19 5. Doniger W (2011) Assume the position. The Times Literary Supplement 4 March: 10–11 6. Eck D (1983) Banaras city of light. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, Melbourne and Henley

Hinduism and Commercialization 7. Fish A (2006) The commodification and exchange of knowledge in the case of transnational commercial yoga. Int J Cult Prop 13:194–201 8. Hawley J (1995) The saints subdued: domestic virtue and national integration in Amar Citra Katha. In: Babb L, Wadley S (eds) Media and the transformation of religion in South Asia. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 9. Iannaccone L, Bainbridge W (2010) Economics of religion. In: Hinnells J (ed) The routledge companion to the study of religion, 2nd edn. Routledge, London and New York 10. Jain K (2007) Gods in the bazaar: the economies of Indian calendar art. Duke University Press, Durham and London 11. Ludden D (2003) Commercialism and capitalism. Available online http://www.sas.upenn.edu/ dludden/IGNOUcommercialism.htm 12. Mannekar P (1999) Screening culture, viewing politics: an ethnography of television, womanhood, and nation in postcolonial India. Duke University Press, Durham and London 13. McLain K (2009) India’s immortal comic books: gods, kings, and other heroes. Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis 14. Mehta G (1998) Karma cola: the marketing of the mystic east. Vintage, London 15. Mukharji T (1886) The art industries of Bengal. Journal of Indian Art. January: 1–4. 16. Newcombe S (2009) The development of modern yoga: a survey of the field. Religion Compass 3:986–1002 17. Philp J (2009) Yoga, Inc.: a journey through the big business of yoga. Viking Canada, Toronto 18. Pritchett F (1995) The world of Amar Citra Katha. In: Babb L, Wadley S (eds) Media and the transformation of religion in South Asia. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 19. Shoesmith B, Mecklai N (2002) Religion as ‘commodity images’: securing a Hindu Rashtra. South Asia 25:265–279 20. Sinha V (2011) Religion and commodification: ‘Merchandizing’ diasporic Hinduism. Routledge, New York and London 21. Singleton M, Byrne J (eds) (2008) Yoga in the modern world: contemporary perspectives. Routledge, London and New York 22. Singleton M (2010) Yoga body: the origins of modern posture practice. Oxford University Press, Oxford 23. Smith H (1995) The impact of ‘God Posters’ on Hindus and their devotional traditions. In: Babb L, Wadley S (eds) Media and the transformation of religion in South Asia. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 24. Stark R (2006) Economics of religion. In: Segal R (ed) The Blackwell companion to the study of religion. Blackwell, Oxford

Hinduism in Canada

Hinduism in Canada Paul Younger Professor Emeritus, McMaster University, ON, Canada

Hinduism in Canada In 1962, Canada modified its immigration policy and a major stream of Hindu immigrants began to arrive in the country. During the first 2 years, many of the immigrants were professors and doctors who had been actively recruited and took up positions that were spread right across the country. It was not long, however, before larger numbers with a much wider range of educational backgrounds began arriving in cities like Toronto and Hamilton, and all Hindu groups in a local area began celebrating festivals and meeting regularly. In 1967, the legislation on immigration was formally changed, and a point system was introduced providing immigration opportunities to those with knowledge of English or French and an employable skill. In this new situation, large numbers of Hindus began to arrive from Guyana and East Africa as well as from India, and the Hindu gatherings in the different regions of Canada started being formally recognized as religious communities with tax-exempt status and the right to appoint their own clergy and conduct legally recognized weddings. The 2011 census conducted by Statistics Canada listed 497,960 persons describing themselves as Hindu. The Hindu immigrants of the 1960s received a warm welcome from the Canadian authorities. Part of this warmth came from the fact that Canada was in the midst of throwing off its own colonialized past and wanted to be perceived as a new nation open to the whole world. But another part of the warmth came from the fact that Canada wanted to make up for the racism-fueled misunderstanding that had aborted an earlier effort to bring Indian immigrants to Canada. By the 1960s, a generation of Canadians had been taught in school that in 1905, about 5,000 Indian

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immigrants arrived in Canada to work in the sawmills of British Columbia. At the time, however, the local citizens of British ancestry had been fighting to ensure that the Chinese workers who had built the railway did not stay in the country and that the Japanese fishermen living along the coast did not put down permanent roots. They panicked when they heard that Indian workers who were part of the British Empire had also arrived, and in 1907 widespread anti-Asian riots broke out. The provincial officials tried to halt the arrival of more Indians by insisting that all immigrants have a “continuous journey” ticket from their homeland, knowing that there were no “continuous journey” tickets from India. The Indian workers waiting in Hong Kong eventually tested the legislation by engaging a ship called the Komagata Maru and arriving in Vancouver Harbour in 1914. When they were not allowed to land, they almost starved and were eventually sent back to India, but the story of this ship became a story of shame in the school textbooks of Canada, and by the 1960s it was a story many across the country were familiar with. (Although the British Columbia newspapers of the day described all Indians as “Hindus,” most would appear to have been Sikh, and the Khalsa Diwan Society gurudwara in Vancouver was used as the organizational home of the Indian community. Some of the key leaders were radical Bengali Hindus, such as Taraknath Das, with whom Tolstoy corresponded in 1908, and Husain Rahim, who was operating under a Muslim name in 1914 in order to avoid police detection. The small Indian community that remained in British Columbia after 1914 chose to stick closely together around the gurudwara and all identified themselves as Sikh. Unlike the Sikhs in California who married Spanish-speaking women, those in British Columbia married only as the community grew and in the rare instances when wives could be brought from the Sikh homeland in India. The development of this Sikh community of British Columbia is intimately portrayed in Jagpal, Surjit Singh. Becoming Canadian, Vancouver, 1994 and Johnston, Hugh. The Four Quarters of the Night: The Life Journey of an Emigrant Sikh, Montreal:

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McGill-Queens, 1995 and has been thoroughly analyzed in a significant number of scholarly publications.) The national identity Canada was defining for itself in the 1960s was a complex one and is often too glibly described as “multiculturalism.” A stream of immigrants from different parts of the world would eventually make Canadian society visually multicultural, but the foundations of the society were already ideologically pluralistic. Distinctive indigenous groups had been able to survive the clumsy efforts of colonial authorities to take away their cultures. Quebecers had successfully insisted on federal protection of their culture. And English-speaking Canada had all along defined itself as culturally different from the majority culture of North America. In the 1960s, this last point was made emphatically by the excited debate that accompanied the publication of George Grant’s book Lament for a Nation in 1965. Grant framed his book in terms of a lament because he felt that the “Confederation” that had defined the nation in 1867 respected the spiritual heritages of each of the member communities, but the forces of homogenization that were sweeping across North America in the 1960s threatened both the spirituality and the political arrangements embedded in the earlier agreement. In many ways, the warning implicit in Grant’s book was heeded and Canadian nationalism underwent a revival in the decades to follow. The shrill political side of that revival tended to focus on Quebec and the leadership of Prime Minister Trudeau in redefining federalism. But perhaps of more long-term importance was the fact that during the decades to come, Asian civilizations with profound traditions were to become recognized parts of the Canadian spiritual heritage. By the 1970s, Hindu immigrants were sufficiently numerous in most cities of Canada so that when some of their members wanted to marry or unforeseen deaths occurred, families looked to the leadership of the community to find a way to carry out the proper rituals. Adhering to the pluralistic arrangements established from the time of Confederation, local officials helpfully explained that groups as small as 15 or 20 could determine that

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they wanted to worship together. Once they were recognized, one of their members could be named a clergyperson with a license to conduct marriages, and they could raise money as a taxexempt religious organization. During the 1970s, hundreds of Hindu community organizations were started in this way, and many went on to build temples of some kind and become temple communities. Because the government officials emphasized the role of the membership as well as the governing board in these organizations, the Hindu temple communities of Canada have a “congregational” style in which each local organization makes the decisions about theological principles as well as organization to follow. Because the earliest temple communities were made up of members from many different regions of India, and even from the Caribbean and East Africa, the theological principles of the early temples were developed very carefully and often included elements of a number of different traditions. As time passed and the numbers from a given background increased, it became more common for an Indian language to be used both in the worship and the organizational life of a temple community. But adherence to a locally defined congregational community remained part of the Canadian Hindu identity. Because for a brief moment Indian doctors and professors were employed in almost every city in Canada in the 1960s, the earliest temples bear some indication of their interests. In Halifax, Montreal, and Vancouver, the earliest temples made an attempt to develop what might be called a Vedanta style of worship in which a Vivekananda-influenced teaching on Brahman was the center of the worship and images as such were not fully installed and cared for. In Hamilton and Ottawa, the discussion of worship styles became prolonged, and as the membership expanded, compromises were eventually reached and images were properly installed in both the South Indian and North Indian styles. Even as the early community-style temples were being set up in many different cities of Canada, a number of more ambitious templebuilding projects were being developed in Toronto and Montreal where the Indian

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population was concentrated. These projects were initiated by immigrant leaders who had deep roots in a specific branch of Hindu practice and felt that a certain style of temple was especially appropriate for the Canadian Indian community. One of the most notable of these ambitious projects was led by the heart surgeon, Dr. Bhupendranath Doobay who arrived in Canada in 1975. He initiated a TV program entitled Voice of the Vedas and bought a prominent block of land on Yonge Street just north of highway #7 in order to build what would eventually be the Vishnu Mandir. Dr. Doobay came from a line of Guyana pundits and felt that the English-speaking sermons and the bhajan music of the Vishnu Mandir Sunday morning services would appeal to the secondgeneration immigrants from India as well as the Caribbean immigrants. In some ways, Dr. Doobay’s vision was a success, and he was able to raise money from the Dalmia industrialists of India and from the Canadian government’s support of the heritage museum built on the property. On the other hand the priestly work of Krishna Raj and others from Banaras remained in the background, and the ritual style of the temple is more and more seen as one among a number of Caribbean temple communities. Even as Dr. Doobay was developing his temple projects, a group of professionals from South India was trying to put together the most Brahmanical-style temple of North America on nearby Bayview Avenue. Challenged by the Hindu Temple Society of North America which was building temples in Flushing, Pittsburgh, and Houston at much the same time, the Toronto group eventually named their temple the Ganesha Temple after the first deity on the site. Gradually, a full South Indian-style temple complex developed with corridors or prakaras to carry the festival deities around the separate shrines of a dozen major deities. As major altars were added for Subrahmanyan and the Siva family of deities and for Vishnu as Venkateswaran, in accord with the vision enunciated by the Shankaracharya of Kanchipuram, the temple began to look much like those of South India with a full set of gopurams and vimanams. What gradually gave the worship in this Brahmanical South Indian temple

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a Canadian sense of community was that the board of the temple maintained its democratic membership and Sri Lankan Tamil refugees became a majority on the board at an early date. While the original group of priests brought from the Madurai temple in South Indian had a major impact on the ritual style, the democratically elected board gradually introduced ritual modifications and eventually hired Sri Lankan priests. As time went on it became possible for subsets of Hindu immigrants to raise enough money to build a temple in the style they preferred, and temples began to spring up with a strong democratic board and priests hired to perform a specific ritual style. Major North Indian-style temples went up in the Toronto suburbs of Oakville and Brampton and major Caribbean-style temples in the suburbs of Pickering and Mississauga. In a similar spirit, the Gujarati-style temple known as the Sanatana Mandir opened in 1995 with a number of large halls for public meetings in Markham where most Gujaratis had settled, whereas the BAPS Swaminarayan temple that opened in 2004 was located adjacent to the main highway out of Toronto and not in the area where its Gujarati-worshipping community is located. For the largest community of Hindus in Canada, the Tamil refugee community, the question of figuring out how to establish temple homes turned out to be more difficult. This community began arriving in large numbers only in the 1990s, and they tended to settle in different areas of Toronto and Montreal than the earlier Indian immigrants had chosen. In Toronto, they had the Ganesha Temple some distance away, and in 1994, the Durka Temple opened in Scarborough where more Tamils lived, but even then many small groups opened a temple of their choice in their own neighborhood. In Montreal, the momentum seemed to move in the opposite direction, and most Tamils joined in building the impressive Murugan Temple on the western outskirts of the city in 2000. Because of the government insistence on democratically elected temple boards, the Hindu community of Canada became very decentralized. Membership activities within each temple community are taken seriously, but there are no

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national bodies that provide the community with trained clergy or national policy positions. The security Hindus have come to feel within Canadian society is largely a passive one developed as the first and second generation watched the debate on a multicultural identity associated with the politics of George Grant and Pierre Trudeau and then enshrined in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms set out in the repatriated constitution of 1982. While for Sikhs the right to wear a turban or carry a kirpin has been repeatedly tested in court and Muslim women have had to claim their right to wear face coverings, Hindus have generally accepted their role as the quiet presence at the heart of the multiculturalism Canada is so proud of. Having accepted the decentralized character that comes with democratic temple membership and the security that comes with multiculturalism, the Hindu community of Canada found that it needed to find an acceptable symbol of its presence in Canadian society. Inadvertently, a poorly thought through effort to have a school in the Scarborough area of Toronto named after Mahatma Gandhi in 1987 stirred up the controversy. A member of the school board embarrassed all concerned by describing Gandhi as a “crank” the Indian immigrants should forget. On the other hand, Dr. Bhupendranath Doobay brought embarrassment to the Indian community when he led a public protest march through the downtown of Toronto. The more than life-size statue of Gandhi Dr. Doobay sculpted for the occasion eventually found a home on the grounds of the Vishnu Mandir temple, but what is impressive is that since that time, local governing councils in cities such as Edmonton, Winnipeg, Hamilton, and elsewhere have unanimously welcomed the erection of Gandhi statues in the center of their cities. Over the years, both the Indian community and the wider Canadian public came to agree that “Gandhi” provided a good symbol of the bonds being established. While the Gandhi statues scattered across Canada are like most statues proposed by persons and approved by city councils that are only vaguely aware of the significance of this public symbol, in Gandhi’s case, there may be more to this public

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act than meets the eye. In 2010, an Indian philosopher named Arati Barua published a book entitled M. K. Gandhi and George Grant: Their Philosophical Affinities. This was not a new idea. In Grant’s biography (Christian 1993), William Christian describes Grant’s lifelong fascination with Gandhi. And in more recent studies (Schwartzentruber 2011), other scholars have analyzed in detail the philosophical similarity there is between the “critical traditionalism” Gandhi employed and the way Grant sought to construct a spiritual foundation for the political philosophy underlying Canadian nationalism. There are two dimensions to the “traditionalism” that is referred to in this usage. The first is the simple acceptance of the plurality of traditions people think of themselves as following when they redefine their culture in each generation. Gandhi took a major political gamble in this regard when he returned to India from South Africa and rejected the two cultural strategies then in vogue with the westernized elite following Nehru and the Hindu revivalists following Savarkar. By trusting the masses to define the culture and religion they were accustomed to, Gandhi recognized both the plurality and the deep spirituality embedded in Indian culture. Meddling colonial scholars expected Indian culture to unravel. Gandhi expected it would once again flourish. Grant recognized that he was turning to tradition at a much later point than Gandhi had, and he felt obliged to lament the forces of homogenization and progress that he feared might overwhelm the traditional political communities of Canada and the spirituality that had undergird them. Grant’s “lament” was in some ways a tongue-in-cheek exercise and he was thrilled later on to see the rise in Canadian nationalism, the leadership of Trudeau and Quebec, and especially the role the great spiritual heritages of India and China began to play in the evolving Canadian story. For both Gandhi and Grant, the commitment to “traditionalism” was “critical” in the sense that they were modern figures fighting against the faith people were prepared to place in technology and the blind assurance that progress could be achieved by overriding the political and religious institutions tradition had cobbled

Hinduism in Guyana

together. Gandhi’s fight was set in the era of colonialism when it often appeared that it was one stubborn man against the empire, but as the colonial era recedes from memory, the voice of Gandhi continues to be the one the postcolonial era is keen not to forget. In Canada, the Hindu immigrants entered in the 1960s; Grant sometimes looked like a lost political figure who had missed his chance to oppose the homogenized culture then sweeping the world. In Canada, however, it turned out there were many from different backgrounds who wanted to slow that process, and it was not long before the Hindu community was part of that affirmation of tradition. By the end of the twentieth century, it was clear that Canada had survived both as a political entity and as a distinct cultural tradition. The Hindu community had by that point come to recognize itself as a part of the spiritual tradition of that society and was comfortable celebrating the plurality that characterized the Canadian character and made it different from the more turbulent cultural scene in the United States. In many ways, the traditionalism that characterizes both the Hindu religion generally and the nationalism of Canada are minority voices that continue to face off against the shrill debates about liberal and democratic values led by voices coming from the United States. What is different today from 1960 is that Hindus have found in Canada a home, and Canadians have found in their Hindu fellow citizens a spiritual strength that gives them new confidence for the debates that lie ahead. Canada is not a utopia that can be assured to provide a spiritual home for all groups for all time, but it is a traditional society that has always cherished a plurality of cultures. The Hindu immigrants who arrived starting in 1960 not only discovered that welcoming sense of plurality, but they helped strengthen it with their presence.

Hinduism in Diaspora ▶ Europe, Hinduism in

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Hinduism in Guyana Priyanka Ramlakhan Department of Religion, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA

From the colonial era to a post-independent nation, Guyanese Hinduism has persisted and emerged as a highly distinctive set of religious traditions. Presently, Guyana is known for is ethnically and religiously diversified population whose cultural continuities have been the subject of scholarly study. The population of Guyana is roughly 39.83% East Indian, 29.25% African, 19.88% mixed, 10.31% Amerindian, and less than 1% Portuguese, Chinese, and White. Hindus represent 24.83% of the population, while Christian traditions make up the largest religious group [1]. National and ethnic groups have largely informed the pluralistic population of Guyana, influencing how religious traditions have developed over time. The early history of Guyana dates from 1499 with the arrival of the Spanish, followed by the colonization of the Dutch and British [2]. The British ruled Guyana from 1831 to 1966, during which they sought to expand agricultural labor on sugar and rice plantations through Indian indentureship. The indentureship program lasted from 1838 to 1917, and it was through Indian laborers that Hinduism was initially introduced to Guyana [3]. The Indians who arrived were of mixed religion and caste; however the majority were Hindus (86.6%) from northern provinces in India. Roughly 70% of Indian emigrants were from Uttar Pradesh that included districts of Allahabad, Azamgarh, Banaras, Kanpur, Lucknow, among others, while a lesser population was from Bihar, Madras, and Rajputana. Though colonial recruiters preferred Indians from agricultural castes, ship records indicate that 2.1% were official Brahmans, 9.6% were Kṣatriyas, and the lower castes constituted two-thirds of the recruitment. The majority of Indians came from rural areas of over-population and were attracted by the financial opportunity of indentureship and an

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“escape from a social system in which they had many duties and few rights [4].”

Transmission of Traditions While Guyanese Hinduism has inherited practices from North and South Indian traditions, it has uniquely developed its own “invented tradition” as noted by anthropologist Paul Younger. The Madrasi tradition is a testimony to how Hinduism transformed in its transplantation to Guyana. South Indians arrived as indentured laborers in Guyana prior to the recruitment of North Indian groups, allowing them more time to establish the “Madras” religion. The British considered South Indian workers to be aggressive and unfit for plantation life and requested that fewer be sent as laborers from India. They further relocated the Madrasis from central plantations to Leonara and Triumph, the western and eastern regions outside of Georgetown. The geographic insulation of the Madrasis from other Indian groups and the colonial unwillingness to cooperate with them inadvertently resulted in their cultivation of religious patterns distinct from their South Indian predecessors which continue today [5]. The Madrasi tradition centers its worship on the South Indian goddesses Mariamman; however usage of the name “Kalimai” became more popular [6]. A major reason the Madrasi tradition was reinvented in Guyana was because of the lack of South Indian ritual specialists who would have been required to worship the goddess such as in South Indian temples. What ensued were reimagined rituals dedicated Kalimai that included pūjā (ritual worship), possession, fire walking, and animal sacrifice [7]. The development of rituals was attributed to a priest named Bailappa of the Albion temple, and several miracles and lore of the goddess were attributed to the Albion plantation [5]. The mandir, locally referred to as “church” became the center for Kalimai worship and replaced the traditional bamboo structures erected at times of pūjā. Though many churches dedicated to Madrasi tradition

Hinduism in Guyana

were built, Kalimai worship began waning in the 1930s and 1940s; however there was a revitalization of worship with today over 100 Kalimai temples in Guyana. The Guyana Maha Kali Religious Organization is the formal Hindu body governing Kalimai worship (Vert book chapter), and outside of Guyana, reference to the Kalimai tradition is popularly regarded as “Madrasi religion [6].” During plantation life, early historical records indicate that major life cycle rituals of marriage and death ceremonies were observed and almost “identical” to those practiced in their homeland. However, it was also noted that localized practices differed among plantations and different castes [8]. It can be gleaned from colonial reports that though Indians practiced the Hinduism of their homeland, it was reproduced according to their economic and cultural contexts. Caste was one of the first facets of Hinduism to be transformed. The notion of a Brahman became more of a position that could be acquired by religiously learned men who became paṇḍits, or priests, especially as ship records indicate that the percentage of Brahmans who came to Guyana were extremely low. At times Hindus acquired the status of a Brahman by lifestyle and name. Surnames became the most visible indicator of the Brahman caste and included the popular names of Prasad, Persaud, Dube, Tripathi, Pandey, and Sharma. The Kṣatriya, Vaiśya, and Śūdra castes became almost obsolete. Assuming the title of a Brahman became something more of fulfilling a societal need [9, 10]. Steven Vertovec theorizes that Hinduism in Guyana and elsewhere in the Caribbean evolved as an “ethnicization of religion under Brahman leadership,” and Brahmans have attained a more dominant position in the diaspora than in India. Brahmans assumed the role and were agents of change, instrumental in reorganizing and establishing homogeneity among religious and cultural practices. They enjoyed the luxury of authority that was not as challenged as it would have been in India and thus were able to monopolize ritual practice [11]. In the transmission of Hinduism, language became an important consideration. In North

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Indian groups, “creolized plantation Hindi” emerged as a combination of Hindi, Bhojpuri, and dialects of Avadhi. The Hindi-speaking North Indian groups practiced varied traditions of Vaiṣhṇavism and recognized a pan-Hindu pantheon of gods that included Vishnu and his avatars Rāma and Kṛṣṇa, Lakṣmī, Durgā, Śiva, Pārvatī, Gaṇeśa, and Hanumān. Vaiṣṇava temple culture, texts, and performance of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were of immense influence. The sixteenth-century Ramcharitrāmanas, composed by Tulsidas, an epic poem narrating the story of Rama, was the most authoritative text of the Vaishnavas who emigrated. It is important to note this text was written in Avadhi, a dialect of Hindi, and not Sanskrit, a scholarly language typically reserved for Brahmans. As the majority of Indians were from Hindi- and Bhojpuri-speaking states, Avadhi was an important tool for preserving a facet of Hindu tradition and retaining language. Hindi soon assumed the status of sacred language and over time English became the dominant language of the Indians. Music has played an affective role in sustaining Hinduism and innovating its practice. Indians who arrived during indentureship cultivated several forms of music that became “emblems” of their homeland yet were reimagined to meet the limitations of plantation life and by the midtwentieth century music became a “cultural icon.” Music was performed in congregational settings, through satsangas, and included amateur singing of bhajans (devotional songs) by women and men and chowtals especially during Phagwa (Holi) festival. The “neo-traditional genre” of tansinging, influenced by North Indian classical and semiclassical thumri, ghazal, and drupad, among other genres, was accompanied by vocalists, harmonium, dholak (drum), and dandtal (metal rodded instrument of Bhojpuri origin) [12]. As Guyanese Hinduism is largely centered on bhakti or devotional worship, musical performance was indispensable. The style of music developed in Guyana is similar to Indian music emerging from the Caribbean and is a recognizable feature of the tradition.

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Sacred Spaces and Observances A key facet to Guyanese Hinduism is congregational worship. During indentureship, worship was conducted in domestic spaces or in small shrines on plantations. From 1838 to 1880, temples were built as small mud huts made from bamboo poles and coconut branches. Large spaces surrounding the main shrine were ritually demarcated with auspicious emblems and flags (jhandis). In the late 1870s, Shivalas housing the Hindu god Shiva began emerging, and four from this period survive today. Sacred trees and plants such as the peepal, neem, and tulsi brought from India commonly accompanied the temple grounds. Indians recreated the sacred landscape of India by sacralizing rivers in Guyana like the Albion stream to the status of the Ganges and the Caveri. In the early 1900s, Creole-style cement temples based on Christian churches began being built and by the 1930s had become a fully integrated style of architecture. The structure included a chapel with a central nave, double aisles, and prominent altar at the front center opposite of the entrance. Hindus also modified this design suitable to their worship. A further development was the addition of the singhasan, a raised platform featuring a seat for the Brahman paṇḍit that resembled a throne. Starting from the 1950s, Hindu temples reflected the Indian desire for religo-cultural revival and became a “complex” that supported theater, dance, music, scriptural discourse, and Indian food and dress. Moreover, there was also an attempt to depart from Creolestyle temple architecture and emulate temple designs in India, a practice that continues today [7]. Overall, the temple became the locus for religious performance and a cultural space exclusively for construction of an Indo-Guyanese identity. The public celebration of religious festivals was also essential in the cultivation of Hindu identity and continues to thrive in Guyana and where Guyanese Hindus have geographically spread. Major pan-Hindu observances include Dīvalī, Holī, and Rakṣa Bandan, while Sanatan

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groups observe Mahāśivarātri, Rama Navami, Navrātrī, and Kṛṣṇa Janamaṣtami. Christmas and Eid were also holidays that became commonly celebrated by Hindus. Celebrations, though religiously mixed, were observed according to ethnic affiliation [8] and were common for the Madrasis, North Indians, and Indian Muslims participate in cross-cultural activity [13]. Guyanese Hinduism has historically been expressed in both public and domestic spaces. Public rituals are done in temples and are maintained by Brahman priests. A “yag” is one of the most common ceremonies that can span from 1 to several days and involves the recitation of scriptures, rituals, the singing of bhajans (devotional songs), and concluded with a feast. Well-known paṇḍits often officiate these ceremonies, and audiences can include up to hundreds of devotees. Popular yags are dedicated to the reading of Rāmcaritmānas and the Bhāgavatapurāṇa. The maintenance of a temple and its financial responsibility are upheld by the ceremony donors and by the congregational community [4]. Domestic rituals are major aspects of the tradition and are expressed both privately and publicly. Most Hindu families designate a pūjā room for daily rituals that typically houses a small pantheon of deities and ritual implements. Publicly, families also invite a Brahman paṇḍit to their home to officiate a pūjā done for special occasions and saṃskāras (lifecycle rituals) and are observed by relatives and community members. It is common for families to have their own paṇḍit from whom they take spiritual initiation from and refer to as their “godfather.” The paṇḍit takes on the role of officiating temple and domestic rituals, and popular saṃskāras like weddings and death ceremonies, and offering spiritual counseling [13]. The vast majority of Hindus in Guyana adhere to Sanatana Dharma, consisting of worship and traditions that emphasize orthodoxy [14]. This led to the creation of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha that established itself as the national voice for Hinduism. In 1927, the Pundit’s Council was formed as a regulating agency of ritual worship and worked with the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha in canonizing orthodoxy and orthopraxy. Smaller Indian groups who engaged in regional

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practices were eventually subsumed into the general body of orthodox Hinduism that was dominated by a Brahmanical system. However, the growing homogeneity of Hinduism was challenged by the arrival of the Arya Samaj between the 1910 and 1920s and in its intuitionalism in 1930s [15]. The Arya Samaj was originally founded in 1875 by Swami Dayananda Saraswati as an Indian social and religious movement based on practices and values considered as Vedic [16]. Major theological differences between Sanatanist groups and the Arya Samaj contributed to religious and political divides among Hindus. The Arya Samaj opposed the worshipping of images through murti pūjā; promoted the unity between Hindu gods, regarding them as human and not of divine origin; and emphasized yoga and meditation as primary ways of communing with God. A major difference that separates the Arya Samaj from Sanatana Dharma is its rejection of the caste system, advocating that individuals are not born into a caste; rather their actions condition their status as a Brahman, Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas, or Śūdras [7]. In Guyana, through the Arya Samaj, women were able to enjoy greater social equality through the role of a paṇḍita, or female priests, and could officiate rituals and lead discourses. Eventually an organizational split occurred between the dominant Hindu groups, and paṇḍits furthered the agenda of the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha to gain enough influence in the government to prevent the Arya Samaj from contributing to Hindu interests. The converts to Arya Samaj were however large enough to form viable groups that today are a dominant presence in Guyana and in the Indo-Guyanese diaspora. Other groups not identified as Sanatan but may share a Sanatan following are the Swaminarayanis, Sathya Sai Baba devotees, Hare Krishnas (International Society for Krishna Consciousness), and followers of various “Hindu-derived yoga and meditation groups [10].”

Race, Politics, and Diaspora According to Mclean, the source of ethnic conflict in Guyana “is based on assumptions of moral

Hinduism in Guyana

superiority and inferiority as Africans and Indians have a long history of racial tension.” Both groups shared similar experiences as each were colonized by the British and recruited for agricultural labor. The groups also worked in parallel but distinct movements for social, economic, and political agency and were often in direct competition and pitted against each other by the British [2, 17]. As Indians assumed the dominant race of Guyana, they sought to protect their community by preventing intermixing with other ethnicities through marriage. “Douglas” who are of mixed Indian and African race, though accepted in African communities, were largely rejected by Indians who viewed their race as polluted [17]. Intermarriage between Indian Hindus and Muslims were more tolerated because in the diaspora, ethnicity is at times more significant than religion [5]. In addition to this, the Indians and Chinese also did not share communal spaces and resisted intermarriage. When interaction occurred, it was usually during cultural observances or episodes of conflict. Overall, the resistance of Indians to intermarry between races was a primary contributor in preserving and nuancing their Hindu traditions. Historically, Africans first occupied government and professional jobs. However, after indentureship Indians, like the Africans who preceded them, were permitted to own the land they worked on, and many continued agricultural work. After the 1930s, there was an educational boom among young Indians that led to an increase in Indian lawyers and doctors. By the 1950s, Indians comprised 55% of lawyers in Guyana, and by 1966, 78% of all doctors were Indian [2]. They also continued a slow upward trend in occupying civil jobs and were increasingly active in the public sphere. Indians have played an immense role in the political arena, and at times affiliation has been a source of controversy. Rural Indians largely backed Jagan’s People’s Progressive Party (PPP), and Hindus and Muslims often worked alongside to gain parliament seats and secure representation. During the 1950s, the Sanatan Dharma Maha Sabha backed the PPP; however in the 1970s some elite members supported the mostly Creole People’s National Congress (PNC) in return for government

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positions, creating a disjuncture within Hindu groups [14]. However, the steady increase in education and finances among Indians led to revitalization of Hinduism in Guyana and the visibility of Indians in public administration. Over time Guyanese Hinduism has fully developed “sociologically and theologically” and remained intact in its transplantation in parts of Europe and North America. Since the 1970s, there has been an ongoing movement of Indians out of Guyana; however Indo-Guyanese congregations and religious leaders maintain communication with religious trends and politics in Guyana [5]. This has been especially true with the 1992 election of Indian Prime Ministers in Guyana [12]. Abroad, Indo-Guyanese realized their Hinduism, and ethnicity was distinct from other Indians, and at times this was a source of tension. However, possessing a strong ethnic and religious identity, the reproduction of their Hinduism and a paṇḍit-led community was a dominant feature of transplantation [10]. Large and vibrant communities abroad include those in parts of Toronto, Cananda, New York, and Florida in the United States and in Great Britain [5].

Concluding Remarks Hinduism of Guyana was initially transplanted within memories of Indian indentured laborers and because of the distance from their homeland, resulted in a distinctive and nuanced traditions. The resilience of Guyanese Hinduism is due to India’s commitment to adapting to their host environment and developing new practices amidst the pressures of plantation life, colonialism, and influence from multiracial and religiously pluralistic society. As Indians comprise the dominant ethnicity, they have not only influenced its religious landscape but also culturally and economically enriched Guyana. In many ways, Hinduism in Guyana can be examined as an ethnic religion as it is derived not only from a set of remembered practices from a homeland but also through those that were “invented” and blended with existing indigenous Caribbean religion. In the analysis of Guyanese Hinduism, it is important to not

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separate how ethnic and cultural identities and social class hierarchies have informed the Hindu Indo-Guyanese experience. Though there is a large presence of Christian and Muslim Indians in Guyana, being Hindu and Indian are often interchangeable experiences observable through the retention of Indian culture through food, dress, and music. Indo-Guyanese primarily speak English mixed with Creole and indigenous language, and though the majority have lost knowledge of Bhojpuri and Hindi [5], they remain in constant contact with their native tongue through liturgical practices. What has persisted in Guyana is the expression Indianness that is essential in constructing Hinduism in domestic, public, and national spaces [13]. Today Hinduism in Guyana and its diaspora continue to flourish as complex and rich traditions.

References 1 . B u r e a u o f S t a t i s t i c s (2 0 1 7 ) h t t p : / / ww w. statisticsguyana.gov.gy 2. Garner S (2008) Guyana, 1838–1985: ethnicity, class and gender. Ian Randle Publishers, Miami/Kingston 3. Nath D (1970) A history of Indians in Guyana. Butler & Tanner Ltd., South Norwood, London 4. Jayawardena C (1966) Religious belief and social change: aspects of the development of Hinduism in British Guiana. Comp Stud Soc Hist 8(2):211–240 5. Younger P (2009) New homelands: Hindu communities in Mauritius, Guyana, Trinidad, South Africa, Fiji, and East Africa. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Stephanides S, Singh KB (2000) Translating Kali’s feast: the goddess in Indo-Caribbean ritual and fiction, vol 43. Rodopi, Amsterdam 7. Singh KB (1980) Temples and mosques: an illustrated study of east Indian places of worship in Guyana. Release Publishers, Georgetown, Guyana 8. Ruhomon P (1947) Centenary history of the East Indians in British Guiana. Demerara Publishers, Georgetown, Guyana, pp 1838–1938 9. Jayawardena C (1968) Migration and social change: a survey of Indian communities overseas. Geogr Rev 58:426–449 10. Vertovec S (2000) The Hindu diaspora: comparative patterns. Routledge, London 11. Van der Veer P, Vertovec S (1991) Brahmanism abroad: on Caribbean Hinduism as an ethnic religion. Ethnology 30(2):149–166 12. Manuel P (1997) Music, identity, and images of India in the Indo-Caribbean diaspora. Asian Music 29(1):17–35

Hinduism in Malaysia 13. Jayawardena C (1980) Culture and ethnicity in Guyana and Fiji. Man 15:430–450 14. Vertovec S (1994) ‘Official’ and ‘Popular’ Hinduism in diaspora: historical and contemporary trends in Surinam, Trinidad and Guyana. Contrib Indian Sociol 28(1):123–147 15. Vertovec S (2010) Official and popular Hinduism in the Caribbean. In: Scher P (ed) Perspectives on the Caribbean: a reader in culture, history, and representation, vol 3. Wiley, Chichester 16. Jones K (2009) The Arya Samaj in British India 1875–1947. In: Baird R (ed) Religion in modern India. Manohar Publishers, New Delhi, pp 26–54 17. Gibson K (2005) Sacred duty: Hinduism & violence in Guyana. Group Five, Inc., Georgetown, Guyana 18. Gosine M (1990) Caribbean East Indians in America: assimilation, adaptation and group experience. Windsor Press, New York

Hinduism in Malaysia Carl Vadivella Belle Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia

Definition Indian migration within the colonial period resulted in the establishment of Hinduism as a significant minority religion in Malaya. Hindu beliefs and rituals in Malaysia are astonishingly heterogeneous and involve a wide range of practices and traditions which were initially molded by a multitude of localized factors including region of origin, caste, ethnicity, and class. Over the years various belief structures have interacted in complex and sometimes unexpected ways, often producing outcomes which commingle Agamic/Sanskritic and folk religious traditions in fresh, pragmatic, and sometimes innovative forms.

Overview The current ethnic Indian population of Malaysia can be traced to two major streams of immigration throughout the period of British colonialism, namely:

Hinduism in Malaysia

(i) The overwhelming majority of migrants recruited under various labor schemes to provide a low-skilled workforce within the colonial economy and drawn almost entirely from the Madras Presidency. (ii) A minority of technical, professional, and business migrants attracted by economic and commercial opportunities within British Malaya. Skilled and professional migrants included a Chettiar mercantile class, Ceylonese Tamils, Malayalees, North Indians, Sikhs, and professional and artisan Tamils. The cleavage between middle- and workingclass Indians (the latter comprising an estimated 80% of the total Indian population) remains as fixed and potent in contemporary Malaysia as it was in colonial Malaya [1]. The transplantation and historical evolution of Malayan/Malaysian Hinduism have occurred in the absence of those traditional points of reference – namely, the religious centers of learning or monastic orders (matha) providing a system of scriptural hermeneutics and exegesis, as well as an influential Brahmin or dominant orthodox caste – which had such a marked impact upon Hindu structures, belief systems, mythology, and patterns of worship in South India. The new arrivals, largely centered in plantations or government utilities, lacking wider points of reference, tended to automatically reproduce remembered belief structures, practices, and mores of their home regions [2]. The 2010 census revealed that Indians constitute only 7.4% of Peninsular Malaysia’s population of approximately 29 million. Some 84.1% of Indians identify as Hindu. There are approximately 17,000 Hindu temples in Malaysia [3]. Malaysia’s earliest temples were built around regional, caste, or sub-caste belief structures imported from the home localities of India. Temples were built either on or near most workplaces, embracing a gamut of religious entities from tutelary deities and clan goddesses, through village gods to those regarded as Agamic or received deities falling within “great tradition” Hinduism. In addition to providing a symbol of shared

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identity, temples became a focal point for community life. Agamic or “great tradition” Hinduism was imported to Malaya by middle- and upper-class Hindus, in particular, the Chettiar and Ceylonese Tamil communities. The initial burden of temple construction fell disproportionately upon these two communities. Both the Chettiar and Ceylonese Tamils established exemplary models of Agamic temple construction and maintenance and patterns of worship. A large percentage of Agamic temples in Malaysia are dedicated either to the “Tamil” deity Murukan (Subrahmanya) or to the goddess Mariamman [4].

H Caste in Malaysia Large-scale Indian immigration was accompanied by attempts to re-create known hierarchical jati rankings within the estates and workplaces of Malaya. However, the establishment of known caste relations was complicated firstly by the ambiguities of regional caste variations which had obtained within the Madras Presidency and secondly by the fact that within the plantations or workforce contexts, jati had no operational significance either as a term or as a concept. Caste distinctions among Indians in Malaya gradually ebbed as the Indian workforce became more settled within Malaya. The metropolitan Indian model of social organization, structured around the fundamental division of Brahmin, non-Brahmin, and Adi Dravida (Dalit) castes, was replaced in Malaya with the two broader and essentially more generic groupings. While “clean” castes identified themselves as Tamilar (uyarntaji or higher castes), Adi Dravida jatis were known as paraiyar (talntajati or lower castes). In general this basic division, which emerged in the years prior to World War II, continues to remain valid within Malaysia [3, 5]. Since World War II, a range of economic and educational influences, especially social and occupational mobility, have continued to temper traditional notions of caste and caste hierarchy. Moreover the postwar politics of communalism and the stress upon Indian identity vis-à-vis other

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ethnic groups have served to cut across prescribed intercaste modes of communication and to introduce more cooperative concepts of social organization. However caste remains a persistent and resilient source of social identification for many Hindus. Enduring caste signifiers centers upon the maintenance of endogamous marriage and observation of ritual purity and pollution, in social interaction [3].

Ritual Specialists There are very few Brahmin priests in Malaysia, and most are employed within the Agamic temples managed by the Chettiar and Jaffna Tamil communities, as well as in a number of recently Agamicized/Sanskritised temples. Many temples in Malaysia are served by a sub-caste of non-Brahmin priests known as pantarams, most of whom undertake a temple apprenticeship which equips them to deal with ritual contingencies. The majority of non-Agamic temples are served by pujaris, many of whom are parttime priests. Some pujaris are mediums or shaman diviners who are recognized to have skills in worshipping tutelary deities, in controlling spirits, or in divining forecasts and issuing prognostications for individual and familial welfare [3].

Major Festivals Thaipusam emerged early in the colonial era as the most widely observed “popular” festival within Malaya, with both Penang and Batu Caves clearly identified as prominent pilgrimage centers. By the 1930s Thaipusam was clearly established as the most important Hindu festival. Other festivals dedicated to the deity Murukan are also prominent in the Hindu calendar. Other major festivals include Deepavali (Diwali), a proclaimed national holiday, the only Hindu festival to achieve this status; the Tamil harvest festival of Thaiponggal, also known as Tamizhar Thirunaal (Festival of the Tamils); the

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important Agamic commemorations of Mahasivaratri and Navaratri; Tamil New Year; and major festivals for Vishnu, Krishna, and Rama (all observed by Malaysian Vaishnavites).

Malaysian Hindu Reform Movements It is possible to discern two generic thrusts of reform within Malaysian Hinduism: firstly a diffuse Dravidianism which has often sought to inspire egalitarian change and secondly impulses driven by an imagined Agamic or Sanskritic Hinduism and consisting of a mainly middle-class membership. These two reformist strands are not mutually exclusive and have frequently overlapped.

Dravidianism The major impetus to reform prior to World War II was the cult of radical Dravidianism launched by the Tamil cultural and political separatist movement, the Self-Respect Movement headed by E. V. Ramasami Naicker. Self-respect aimed at restoring and refurbishing an imagined autochthonous Tamil culture, which is was contended, had long been subjugated and adulterated by North Indian, Brahmin, and Sanskritic influences. Within the religious sphere, the Dravidian movement aimed at eliminating practices which were allegedly inconsistent with the “modern” age and of disentangling all Brahminic and Sanskritic accretions from Tamil belief structures [4]. The postwar religious revival among the bulk of the Hindu population was deeply influenced and ultimately shaped by more generalist Dravidian ideologies. The preponderance of Tamils within the Hindu population led inexorably to the “Tamilisation” of Malaysian Hinduism. This resulted in a greater use of Tamil ritual in temple worship, the publication of devotional material in Tamil, and the establishment of Tamil classes throughout Malaya. The Hindu renascence also

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resulted in the rediscovery and exploration of the full spectrum of Tamil arts [2].

Middle-Class Reform The Indian community’s wartime involvement in the politics of Indian independence promoted a renewed interest among Malayan Indians in the examination and reevaluation of their cultural and religious heritage. The latter phenomenon was especially pronounced among middle- and upper-class Indians. Many educated Hindus expressed interest in studying the philosophical basis of Hinduism, especially the teachings of Saiva Siddhanta, but also in reformulating elements of popular Hinduism. Reformist movements inspired by such prominent philosophers as Sri Ramakrishna, Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo, and by the political activism of Mahatma Gandhi, have had a profound influence primarily among English-educated and professional middle-class Hindus [3, 6].

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Hinduism as an overall ethnic marker. By imposing “higher” and uniform traditions of worship, Agamicization/Sanskritization reimages and repositions Hinduism (and by extension all devotees) in the eyes of other ethnic communities and presents it as a respectable, dignified, and cultivated religion [3, 7]. One of the most pronounced syncretic impulses within Malaysia, however, has been the “Tamilization” of Hinduism, and the concomitant absorption of other forms of Hinduism, especially the minority Vaishnavite tradition, within the overarching fabric of the majority popular Saivite traditions. Thus one finds Vaishnavite deities, especially Krishna and Hanuman, and to a lesser extent Vishnu, represented within the great Saivite festivals and the incorporation of some Vaishnavite motifs and scriptures into Saivite Hinduism. Similarly, many of those who adhere to Vaishnavite belief will often incorporate Saivite deities, especially Murukan, into their worship [3].

Islamization Sanskritization/Agamicization in Malaysia Over the past century, the processes of Sanskritization/Agamicization have had a major impact on the overall structures of Malaysian Hinduism. Within Malaysia this involves the redefinition of the role and attributes of village and tutelary deities and their subsequent identification with deities drawn from “great tradition” Hinduism. Relevant shrines and temples are upgraded, and temple rituals and protocols are revised to accord with worship patterns befitting deities who are now regarded as Agamic. The processes of Sanskritization/Agamicization have also resulted in the widespread veneration of former village gods and goddesses within the context of the great Agamic festivals as well as other calendrical rituals normally restricted to Agamic deities. Essentially Agamicization/Sanskritization may be seen as a lower-class-initiated movement dedicated to reshaping the form and boundaries of

The constitutional settlement of 1957 established Islam as the official religion of Malaya/Malaysia while guaranteeing the rights of non-Malays to practice and propagate their religions and languages. However the assurances of the ruling coalition that Islam would not unduly intrude upon public and political life were compromised from the very declaration of Merdeka (independence). The constitutional definition of a Malay as a person who professed the Islamic faith, and as one who because of his/her “race” enjoyed a suite of special rights in perpetuity, conflated ethnicity and religion, thus creating from the outset a fundamental bifurcation in the Malayan/Malaysian population between Malay/ Muslim and non-Malay/non-Muslim. The increasingly stringent and intrusive measures taken by the Islamic authorities to protect the religion from the perceived incursions of other traditions have ensured that this division has become essentially impermeable [1, 2].

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It was ultimately the perceived excesses of the Islamic authorities and the general disrespect shown toward major Hindu symbols and sensitivities which were to prove catalytic in igniting long smoldering resentments. Contentious incidents included a spate of temple demolitions, the seizure by Islamic officials of the remains of individuals who had identified themselves as Hindus, actual forced conversions of people who regarded themselves as practicing Hindus and the resultant breakup of established families, and unwise and gratuitously insulting comments regarding Hinduism offered by high level officials [1]. The Malay Islamic upsurge has been paralleled with a renewed Hindu involvement and exploration of their heritage and traditions. Much of this has occurred within the area of temple worship which has also been viewed as a central facet of Hinduism in Malaysia. Hindu resurgence has also been obvious in the increased number of devotees participating in festivals – both popular and local – and in the enhanced fervor with which they are being commemorated. The intensification of the Hindu revival has produced a more active engagement with the wider world of Hinduism, in particular, the attempt to situate Malaysian Hinduism in terms of its relationship with metropolitan Indian and the Tamil/Indian diaspora.

References 1. Belle CV (2015) Tragic orphans: Indians in Malaysia. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 2. Ackerman SE, Lee R (1988) Heaven in transition: innovation and ethnic identity in Malaysia. University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu 3. Belle CV (2017) Thaipusam in Malaysia: a Hindu festival in the Tamil diaspora. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 4. Arasaratnam S (1970) Indians in Malaya and Singapore. Oxford University Press, London 5. Rajakrishnan R (1984) Caste consciousness among Indian Tamils in Malaysia. Pelanduk, Petaling Jaya 6. Willford AC (2006) Cage of freedom: Tamil identity and the ethnic fetish in Malaysia. University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 7. Sinha V (2005) A new god in the diaspora? Muneeswaran worship in contemporary Singapore. University of Singapore Press/NIAS Press, Singapore/ Copenhagen

Hinduism in Mauritius

Hinduism in Mauritius Mathieu Claveyrolas CNRS, Paris, France

Hinduism Out of India Hinduism outside India challenges the scholar. How can a religion often perceived as consubstantially linked to the Indian territory travel, adapt, and take roots far from the “Motherland”? A Creole society with half the population declaring Hinduism as its religion, Mauritius indeed stands as an ideal case to question, not only the conditions of existence and evolution of Hinduism outside India, but also the interactions between ethnicity (Hindu-ness/Indian-ness) and hybridity (creole-ness) that are characteristic of these Hindu populations abroad [9]. We can find in Mauritius a perfect example of “Creole Hinduisms” [4] – those born in the peculiar context of the indentured labor system which transplanted Indians into plantation societies in the Caribbean, the Indian Ocean, or the Pacific isles during the nineteenth century. Such Creole Hinduisms result from the cohabitation, within a small island, both (1) between several Hindu traditions (from various castes and regional origins) and (2) with non-Indian religions (Christianity and Islam) and foreign cultures (Western or African). The Mauritian Hinduism indeed bears testimony of the ability of Hinduism to deal with contacts and adapt to alterity. To sum up the Mauritian history, let us mention it was deprived of any indigenous population, successively colonized by the Dutch (1658–1710), the French (1715–1810) – who imported African and Malagasy slaves, and the British (1810–1968) who brought indentured laborers from India (from 1835 to 1907) to help sugarcane planters face the abolition of slavery in 1835. After taking over the work of recently liberated slaves in the cane fields, inheriting their residence places in the plantation camps, a remarkable collective success-story made the

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descendants of indentured laborers (mostly Hindu Bhojpuris) gain access to political power through the twentieth century to the point of monopolizing it since independence (1968). The Mauritian history is deeply embedded in colonization, sugar industry, plantation, and the specific labor force it has required: it is a “plantation society.” As a direct consequence of such history, “globalization” means far more than a catch-all, fashionable phrase in Mauritius. Not only is Mauritius a plural society [3], often described as a “center of the world,” at the “crossroads of the three continents,” but Mauritius matches the Creole model of a typical postmodern society, built on the interpenetration of various cultures. One quarter of the Mauritian population comes from Africa and Madagascar, two thirds from India, and the remaining percent from France and China. You can hear Creole, English, French but also Bhojpuri and other Indian or Chinese languages fluently spoken in Mauritius [12]. And Hinduism, Catholicism, and Islam (but also Chinese religions and various Charismatic traditions) are all practiced as crucial identity markers. Hinduism in Mauritius must be understood through its rapid evolution (first when leaving India, then through the emancipation of Mauritian Hindus between 1880s and 1968, and finally during the last two decades) and through the Indianness/Creoleness dialectics [13].

The Evolution of Hinduism in Mauritius What is at stakes when dealing with the evolution of Hinduism in Mauritius should not be restricted to the issues of “what was lost or preserved” when leaving India – which would mean that such a thing as a “true,” “genuine” Hinduism exists, and is to be found in India only. True enough, the “paradigm of loss” is shared locally by many actors, but mainly by those few, in the elite, who combine reflexivity and a communal agenda. Doing so, they often neglect the highly constraining structure of the local, plantation context, which deeply influenced the foundation and evolution of Mauritian Hinduism.

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In the 1880s, Indian indentured laborers first had access to land owning thanks to the “Grand morcellement” of cane plantations [1]. This was a first step toward founding villages outside the plantation and toward a gradual economic and political empowerment of Indo-Mauritian communities – faithfully reflected in a long series of evolutions in Mauritian Hindu sacred places: from small rocks under trees, in the plantation camp or sugar field, the shrines were first erected in straw, then in corrugated iron, before the modern cement buildings with verandah, recently replaced by monumental temples [2]. Looking at the more recent evolution (since 2000), three core dimensions of Mauritian Hinduism must be pointed out. First, the Mauritian landscape hosts a considerably dense presence of Hindu sacred places. Second, these sacred places, which used to be quite syncretic, tend to show more and more distinct and exclusive confessional affiliations. Third, this sacred landscape is in permanent construction – with brand new temples or older ones being renovated and enlarged. Such a cartography of the Mauritian Hindu landscape focuses not only on the concentration but also on the redundancy of sacred places, including within a locality. Sometimes this can be explained by the structural complementarity in the Hindu pantheon: one Tamil temple is devoted to Mariammen or Draupadi, and the other one, a few hundred meters away, to Muruga. Other times, it is the social structure that stands for these many temples: one temple is reserved for high castes (grand nasyon) and the other one for lower castes (ti nasyon). Often, new temples are also founded following the will of an individual seeking prestige or after a conflict brought a “temple (managing) society” to split. Beyond the temples, it is the entire Mauritian Hinduism that is being constantly built and renovated.

The Rooting of Hinduism in the Plantation Hindu temples free from the plantation universe do exist in Mauritius. As soon as the 1860s,

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monumental temples were built under the patronage of wealthy Indian businessmen, mainly PortLouis Tamils who reached Mauritius as free men, well before indenture. Such temples faithfully follow the model of their South-Indian monumental counterparts, and both their architects and first priests were indeed Indians. However, these are not representative of the vast majority of Mauritian Hindu sacred places. In fact, the Hindu presence in Mauritius first came with kalimai or “plantation shrines” founded by Hindu laborers in the cane-fields or in the residence camps. First focused on the “seven-sisters” –goddesses, and then on the goddess Kali, these open-air shrines are still omnipresent and respected. Their major collective function is to delimit and protect the laborers’ territories: cane-field and residence camp. From the individual point of view, the plantation shrines host life-cycle rituals and other devotional practices linked to vows (mainly concerning health and fertility matters). Most of the time, no religious specialist is needed. The plantation being a total and self-sustaining structure, the kalimai logically came to bear witness to the social and inter-cultural relations within it. The most famous example is the common devotion to the Muslim saint Nargoulan. In many Hindu plantation shrines, a hand symbolizes the saint said to have protected Hindu and Muslim passengers alike when they crossed the Indian Ocean to reach Mauritius. Perhaps is it a trace of the Creole genius of assimilation, but one should not forget the pre-existence of Hindu devotion to Muslim tombs in India, nor that such Muslim devotion in a Hindu sacred place also answered the pragmatic necessities of sharing the one-and-only space planters first agreed to yield to laborers. In any case, the coexistence and mixing of various religious traditions remains a reality today, with many shrines hosting NorthIndian Hindu gods and South-Indian ones, but also crucifixes and statues or images of Mary, St. Antony, or the nineteenth century Catholic missionary Père Laval. Many small shrines attached to plantations have been replaced by monumental temples, sometimes exclusively North-Indian (then called

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shivala or mandir), sometimes exclusively SouthIndian (kovil), and sometimes retaining both affiliations. Not only are such temples still located on the peripheries of the camps, but the link with the plantation universe, and even the very notion of belonging to this universe remain central – resulting in a continuing sense of collaboration between Hindu devotees and laborers, and Catholic white planters who act as patrons. The temples are named after the plantations they are attached to; many memorial inscriptions are reminders of how the land was yielded by White administrators of the plantation who also often contributed to financing the building and to its inauguration; ritual processions themselves often delineate a sacred territory explicitly linking the temple and the factory. One of the most important deity who has been venerated in the kalimai also focuses on a structural link between Catholic planters and Hindu laborers. Dhi Baba is also known as gran dimoun (Creole for an “important person”). Known as a protector of villages in India, this guardian deity has a jurisdiction (kshetra) perfectly matching the plantation’s territory. The landowner being the white planter, it comes as no surprise that the Dhi is assimilated to this owner. The Hindu devotee then asks Dhi Baba (with candles – referring to Catholic practices) the permission to enter the shrine and pray the Hindu gods (with incense and camphor – referring to Hindu practices). It is said that the White administrators used to come to the kalimai and pay a visit the other way round: first to the Hindu gods, and then to Dhi Baba ([7], p. 161), in a perfect illustration of the collaborative model of the plantation. Such collaboration has also left its mark on the spatial organization of many plantation temples, directly inspired by Catholic churches. In Mauritius, the Hindu temple’s architecture (choir, twoface roof) sometimes reminds that of a chapel (the Creole word sapel is still used to designate these temples). Inside, the divine images stand at the end of the nave, a space reserved for priests (and main sponsors of the ceremony) during the cult; other devotees remain sat on ten rows of low wooden benches – with prie-dieu! – displayed on each side of a central corridor.

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Of course, the collaboration between White, Catholic barons and laborers in the edification of Hindu sacred places has also been conflictual. First, changes in Hindu festivities from India to Mauritius insist on the new status of the laborers, now more concerned by the hazards of their working conditions than by the success of the crops. Pongal, the harvest festivities very popular in India, has been widely replaced by the Baharia puja, when laborers ask gods to protect them from work injuries [11]. If the plantation’s context still means collaboration, such an evolution focuses on the new, hierarchical, relations of power. Second, in the kalimai, another guardian deity testifies of the laborers’ strategies of resistance to the planters’ power and oppression. Bram Baba, still the object of great devotion, is often presented as the deification of a laborer who fled his plantation and burst into flames, propagating one of those fires laborers are said to have set as one of their preferred acts of sabotage. The case of conversion to Catholicism could indeed be analyzed as an extreme instance of acculturation in a society ordered by an authoritarian, dominant, religion. However, this would mean forgetting pragmatic strategies of Hindu laborers and/or the nonexclusiveness of Hinduism. We know famous examples of overseers, such as Gokoola, converting to Catholicism at least partly as a successful strategy to reach higher positions in the plantation and then founding Hindu temples once leaving the plantation [6]. Beyond collaboration or conflict, the very meaningful translation of kalimai as “plantation shrine” precisely insists on the fact that the efficacy of the devotion, the socio-religious order it reflects, bear witness to a Hinduism well integrated into the hierarchized structure of the plantation. Still in the plantation context, the passage from kalimai to temple often comes with a more exclusive confessional affiliation in accordance with the most numerous communities in the camp. Often, many Hindu and Christian sacred places, each representing a community on the plantation, have been established a few meters one from the other. Among Hindus themselves, newly constructed temples also tended to follow caste

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lines – at least during the most part of the twentieth century [8]. However, the overall yearning for a sacred place specific to one’s (sub)-community does not necessarily result in constant competition – a fact that deserves attention in the Mauritian contemporary context of radical identity differentiation. Indeed, many among the Hindu sacred places were founded in an ecumenical spirit including not only the various Hindu communities (Bhojpuri, Tamil, and Telugu) but also the Catholic Creoles descendants of slaves. Such “total” ritual complexes were founded in the middle of cane fields, apart from main roads. They can include a North-Indian temple displaying the whole sanskriticized Hindu pantheon behind showcases, but also a South-Indian temple, a Catholic blue-painted shrine (grotte), and the hand-symbol of the Muslim saint Nargoulan. Often, the ritual complex is crowded by many devotees of all social and religious backgrounds visiting the popular religious therapist (guerisseur), a final indication of the pragmatic vocation of the plantation temple transcending communalist affiliations.

Leaving the Plantation? Villages and Circulations Following the access to land owning in the end of the nineteenth century, the foundation of villages outside the plantations is supposed to have paved the way to a spatial incarnation of the Indian culture momentarily set aside during plantation times. Whatever the actual projection of the Indian identity in the Mauritian space, such access to the land allowed an upward social mobility resulting, among other things, on the patronage of village temples. However, the most recent dimension of Mauritian Hinduism – the growing visibility of Indianness through the ever-increasing numbers of monumental, sanskriticized, temples – should not hide that, beyond the reinvented rooting in India, what has been at stakes until today still brings us back to the hierarchies and identities born on the plantation. Village temples in Mauritius are indeed rapidly distancing themselves from popular

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traditions: animal sacrifice is banned, a priest is installed, statues are bought from India, and both architects and artisans also come from India. Yet, many plantation shrines still stand at the margins of today’s village territory. In most cases, the village temple patrons have been the overseerssirdars of the plantation, and many officiating priests still are Mauritians. Renovated temples often grow on other kalimai; they are built thanks to local donations and helping hands, and the land needed to enlarge and transform the shrine into a monumental temple is yielded by the same sugar owner families that had yielded the piece of land for the original kalimai. The deities are still known under their Creole names (Maldeviren rather than the Tamil Madurai Viran, and Minis Prin for Muniswaran). Together with the resilience of the plantation universe, Hindu village temples are also embedded in the context of a pluricommunalist Mauritius – bringing devotees from all communities to Tamil fire-walking ceremonies or to the Bhojpuri mandir’s Shivaratri puja. The main evolution in the rooting process of Hinduism in Mauritius has been the activation and appropriation of the national territory through ever-increasing religious circulations leaving the plantation [10]. Such circulations were first witnessed with the pilgrimage to the sacred lake of Grand-Bassin/Ganga Talao. Regularly presented as the most prestigious Hindu sacred place in Mauritius, the lake (talao in bhojpuri) is considered a resurgence of the river Ganges in the very heart of the Mauritian territory. Even though many shrines have been erected, the Grand-Bassin site is most of all renown for hosting the annual Shivaratri pilgrimage. The first pilgrimage to the lake was organized in 1898 by priest Giri Gossagne. From then on, the pilgrimage site, temples, and deities have been thought of as a substitute to the Indian genuine Hinduness. If the Mauritian lake waters are supposed to come directly from the subterranean sources of the Indian Ganges, an Indian religious specialist nonetheless had to pour water brought from India in 1972 into the lake, marking the true ritual transfer of Hinduness from India to Mauritius. Apart from the sacralization of this specific lake, the whole Mauritian territory has been

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hinduized. Religious circulations travel across the Mauritian national territory and connect its various regions and villages through a Hindu network, which is not that of the plantation anymore. On the one hand, Grand-Bassin is connected with other Hindu sacred places in Mauritius, from its very origin. The Shivaratri pilgrimage has processions coming from everywhere in the island (each representing a temple, a locality, a soccer of youth association) that converge toward the lake, symbolizing its common denomination as the “center” of the island. As soon as the 1920s, the first village temples served as halting and meeting posts for pilgrims heading toward the lake. As it was the case for the inaugural pilgrimage, the many processions aim at unifying the local Hindu community in a temporary, egalitarian experience. On the other hand, the lake’s waters are part of a reversed movement: they are ritually transported through the island by pilgrims in order to bathe the divine images in temples or domestic altars. Such a classical function of pilgrimage as the activation of a nation-wide territorial network is unique in Mauritius where other processions only rarely travel beyond the village’s borders. As far as the descendants of Indian indentured laborers are concerned, pilgrimages and local processions alike have marked the symbolic and concrete distancing from the plantation. After the legal restrictions to circulation imposed through the “pass system” from 1867 on ([5], p. 200) – transforming the Indians outside the plantation into illegal “vagrants” – the first authorizations to leave the camp were negotiated for religious purposes [14]. Since then, the circulation of descendants of indentured has been exponential: the mountain road to reach Grand-Bassin has been “opened” during the 1920s; during his fieldwork in 1957, Benedict evokes 15,000 to 20,000 pilgrims for Shivaratri; today’s estimation would go as far as hundreds of thousands of pilgrims. Such an ever-growing Hindu circulation claiming the Mauritian territory as Hindu has changed the formerly relatively ecumenical pilgrimage into a symbol of the Bhojpuri hegemony in Mauritius. Nowadays, the Shivaratri pilgrimage to Grand-Bassin clearly appears as a locus for communalist assertions, even if the tribune it

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offers each year to Mauritian politicians and to Indian (religious and political) authorities does not go un-criticized. Similarly, the increasing stronghold on the pilgrimage’s management by radical organizations such as the Voice Of Hindu (V.O.H.) entails many criticisms, including within the Indo-Mauritian community.

The Mauritian Hinduism Between Village India and Creole Plantation The Mauritian Hinduism took roots in the plantation and then managed to take some distance from it. But even the most recent renovation movements among Mauritian Hinduism and temples with its ever-growing visibility in the landscape cannot be understood without referring to the plantation. True enough, such renovation goes with importing Indian architects, craftsmen, and other religious specialists (priests, musicians), seemingly re-indianizing Mauritian Hinduism and, most of all, reforming it by slowly eradicating popular practices such as animal sacrifice. But it must also be understood through the lenses of very Mauritian stakes such as communalism (urge of Indian communities to claim possession on the national territory shared with other non-Hindu communities) and intra-Hindu cohabitation and rivalries (between Tamil, Telugu, and Bhojpuri communities). More than a Hinduism in diaspora [15], we observe in Mauritius a specific Hinduism we can call Creole: it has been originally cut off from India and rooted in the local plantation system whose influences have been lasting until very recently. The installation in the plantation camps and fields of Hindu sacred places, the gods, and rituals first met the new living conditions of the laborers within the local socio-racial hierarchy, coexisting with other cultures and religions. Seemingly, the present construction frenzy takes its roots in the specific conditions of the Mauritian society, whether one considers socioeconomic welfare, land-owning regulations, or local relations of power in the communal game. The temptation to turn toward India in order to “correct” the contemporary Mauritian Hinduism

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can be explained by the mistaken idea of indenture having severed the link with the traditions of the ancestors. But the first plantation shrines in Mauritius faithfully resembled the Indian village temples. In fact, one must consider two roots for Mauritian Hinduism. The first roots indeed come from India, but they are twofold: on the one hand there is popular Hinduism from the villages where the ancestors of indentured come from; on the other hand there is the contemporary reformed, sanskriticized, Hinduism, partly built against the latter. Remember that at the very moment when indenture was organized, the word “Hinduism” hardly existed! The second roots for Mauritian Hinduism are to be found in the Creole plantation. Consequently, the Mauritian Hinduism is the “descendent” of both India and Creole Mauritius, bearing witness both to the resilience of Hinduness and to its ability to adapt and integrate alterity.

References 1. Allen R (1999) Slaves, freedmen and indentured laborers in colonial Mauritius. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2. Baumann M (2009) Templeisation: continuity and change of Hindu traditions in Diaspora. J Relig Eur 2:149–179 3. Benedict B (1961) Indians in a plural society: a report on Mauritius. HM’s Stationery Office, London 4. Benoist J (1998) Hindouismes créoles. Mascareignes, Antilles. Editions du CTHS, Paris 5. Carter M (1995) Servants, sirdars and settlers. Indians in Mauritius, 1834–1874. Oxford University Press, Delhi 6. Carter M, Govinden V (2012) Gokoola. Family, temple and village. Aapravasi Ghat Trust Fund, PortLouis 7. Chazan-Gillig S, Ramhota P (2009) L’hindouisme mauricien dans la mondialisation. Karthala, ParisMoka 8. Claveyrolas M (2015) The ‘Land of the Vaish’? Caste, structure and ideology in Mauritius. Samaj. http:// samaj.revues.org/3886 9. Claveyrolas M (2017) Quand l’hindouisme est créole. Plantation et indianité à l’île Maurice. Editions de l’EHESS, Paris 10. Claveyrolas M (2018) From the Indian Ganges to a Mauritian lake: Hindu pilgrimage in a diasporic context. In: Coleman S, Eade J (eds) Translating the sacred: pilgrimage and political economy in transnational contexts. New York, Oxford, Beghahn

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638 11. Couacaud L (2013) Recognizing Mauritius’s unique heritage: the relevance of estate temples and shrines. In: Teelock V (ed) Angaje. Eplorations into the history, society and culture of indentured immigrants and their descendants in Mauritius. AGTF, Port-Louis 12. Eisenlohr P (2006) Little India: diaspora, time, and ethnolinguistic belonging in Hindu Mauritius. University of California Press, Berkeley 13. Servan-Schreiber C (ed) (2014) Indianité et créolité à l’île Maurice. Editions de l’EHESS (coll. Purushartha 32), Paris 14. Sooriamoorthy R (1989) Temples over the years. In: Rajaram S et al (eds) Proceedings of the 7th international conference-seminar of Tamil STUDIES. Government Central Press, Mauritius 15. Vertovec S (2000) The Hindu diaspora: comparative patterns. Routledge, London

Hinduism in Singapore Bittiandra Chand Somaiah Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore Centre for Global Social Policy, University of Toronto, Singapore, Singapore

Synonyms Folk Hinduism; Hinduisms; Orthodox Hinduism; State management

Definition Hinduism in the ultramodern global city of Singapore is perhaps best defined by, but not limited to, these number of facets: (1) bureaucratic governmental surveillance and active management of its elements; (2) its “progressive” image maintained through firstly disciplined public performances which do not cross out-of-bound (OB) markers, and secondly its community services rendered; and (3) its syncretic blend and parallel practices inflected by folk and orthodox elements unique to the secular, postcolonial, cosmopolitan, island state. Singapore seeks to promote religious harmony over religious freedom. Singapore’s strong policies on

Hinduism in Singapore religious pluralism and its tight regulation of the national news media have resulted in low levels of interreligious conflict, even as the government has also been criticized for having too strong a hand in defining what is acceptably “religious”. The government attempts to manage difference through defining and making public various religious and ethnic collective identities, a strategy that serves to compartmentalize and tame difference by controlling the terms of debate about difference. ([1], p. 159)

This entry considers Singapore Hinduscapes from mainly the postcolonial period till the present day. While there are many who commonly perceive Hinduism to have first arrived only along with colonial indentured laborers from South India, religious exchanges in the archipelago preceded the arrival of the British ([2], p. 9). Hinduism is accepted in Singapore as a religion older than others. Its previous name – Singapura – is understood as originating from Sanskrit. Hinduism here vastly predated colonial rule with ancient historians agreeing a strong influence in the Southeast Asian region from at least the thirteenth century ([3], p. 491) if not earlier. The InterReligious Organization (IRO) in Singapore lists on its website the nationally sanctioned religions of Singapore in order of age-seniority, of which Hinduism is recognized as the most longevous. At public functions which are blessed by religious representatives which make up the IRO, the Hindu representative offers prayers first ([1], p. 164). Heterogeneity of Hinduisms in Singapore is actively managed, contested, and negotiated at bureaucratic, administrative, and grassroots levels. What is considered bona fide Hinduism is perpetually policed and parametered. Meanings are and continue to be constructed because the nature of Hinduism in Singapore is palimpsest-like, syncretic, and has evolved to be confidently able to hold its own ground without wholly looking to the Motherland (India) for its continued direction. As Babb posed, “The degree to which we may speak of a genuine ‘Singapore Hinduism’ constitutes an interesting and as yet open question” ([4], p. 30). Scholars of Hinduism in Singapore (of whom Vineeta Sinha is the most prominent) have tackled this

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question and more with great insight and rich evidence. The swift rise of Singapore from a third to first world economy has seen transformative change in how local Hinduism has been adopted, adapted, and made more appealing to cater to the variegated needs of diverse Hindu communities on the island. According to Pereira, Singapore’s current population who identify as “Hindu” stands at 5.1% ([5], p. 89). Diversity of belief and expression within the wide bandwidth of the census category “Hindu” however is often erroneously conflated with the often all-too-encompassing “racial” category of “Indian” [6]. The overt CMIO (Chinese, Malay, Indian, and others) model of racial categorization in Singapore society notably makes Singapore’s case particularly unique in institutional and systemic attempts at racializing and arguably marginalizing certain aspects of this minority religion. As per the opening quote by Finucane, the premise and diction for discussing religion in Singapore is already predetermined by the authorities. Singapore’s optic (a result of everyday governmentality) of categorizing its citizens into bracketed “races” and state-sanctioned “religions” is a queer feature of social life among its denizens. The label Hindu or Hinduism as defined by the state however is a prescriptive census category and is at times limiting to effervescent realities at the level of everyday devotion in unmarked shrines which pepper the island and within the domestic sphere where private altars can house many typically non-Orthodox Hindu gods such as the Taoist Quan Yin, Buddha, and Abrahamic Judeo-Christian figures and saints. This is not to forget the presence too of yoga inspired God-men (Sadhguru, Sri Sri Ravi Shankar) and Amma (Mother) who have been embraced in the swell of new religious movements (NRMs) within Hindu communities and beyond – morphing too with the ever-changing demographics of both skilled and “unskilled” im/migrant labor from South Asia, Southeast Asia, and other regions. Their presence follows previous waves of modern neo-Hindu Indian figures and movements. Singapore’s Hindu population primarily is made of individuals of South Indian, Tamil

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background. As per the 2010 census, the next numerically largest ethnic group after the Tamils are the Malayalees [7]. Others include Ceylon Tamils and Telugus. They too thus make up a number of the Hindus here. North Indian Hindus include the “Sindhis, Gujaratis, Uttar Pradeshis, Biharis and Bengalis” ([4], p. 30). A minority of Singapore’s Hindus have Sri Lankan and Chinese heritage. Saivism is thus the mainstream form of Hindu worship, with Tamil being the language often employed by temple priests. Most of Singapore’s Hindu temples are also constructed according to a Dravidian architectural aesthetic. The oldest temple in Singapore was constructed by Narayan Pillai in 1827 ([2], p. 13) and is dedicated to Sri Mariamman. The South Indian Hinduism or “Tamil Hinduism” ([8], p. 91) inclination has thus far been a reflection of the Singapore Indian ethnic makeup (Fig. 1). Hindus from Malayalee, Bihari, Gujarati, and Sindhi communities have also set up their own Hindu organizations such as the Singapore Malayalee Hindu Samajam, Sri Lakshminarayan Temple, Singapore Gujarati Society, and Singapore Sindhi Association, respectively. Hindu deities worshiped in Singapore include Murugan, Ganesh, Rama, Krishna, Hanuman, Mariamman, Durga, and Lakshmi among others. Due to Singapore’s attraction as an immigrant nation, with more recent arrivals of Hindus from North India, Singapore Hinduscapes have been

Hinduism in Singapore, Fig. 1 Sri Sivadurga Temple, Singapore. This temple, since the time this photograph was taken, has already undergone extensive renovations (Source: Author’s photo of Sri Sivadurga temple, Singapore (2007))

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changing more visibly and more quickly. In recent decades, there has been the “doubling of resident Indians in Singapore with Permanent Resident (PR) status between 2000 to 2010 from 16.6% to 31.7% of the Indian community” ([9], p. 3). This is part of the skilled “foreign talent” that Singapore has been actively courting. This has impacted among other phenomenon, linguistic shifts – “this immigration trend has corresponded with the tripling of Hindi-speakers in Singapore in the last decade” ([9], p. 3). This has had ripple effects within languages spoken within temples in Singapore among both lay Hindus and the priestly classes. On first glance, the impressive public Singapore Hinduscape can be viewed from the couple dozen officially registered temples. A closer look reveals how Singapore Hinduscapes however are not so neatly confined and exist in a multitude of spaces such as makeshift jungle altars, “unregistered shrines, ‘unauthorized structures’” ([10], pp. 216–217) and eclectic home altars. Recently, the Sri Thandavaalam Muneeswaran Alayam shrine was forced by the Singapore Land Authority (SLA) to relocate after it was deemed to be “illegally” “occupy(ing)” [11] land beside the disused Keretapi Tanah Melayu (KTM) railway tracks for half a decade. Despite a petition by devotees and members of the public, the shrine was rehoused in a rental property in prime real estate area Upper Bukit Timah Road. It is noteworthy that although a suggestion was made by the SLA to share the space with a preexisting temple, it was rejected by “the shrine management committee of about 20 people” [11]. So distinct are the various Hindu traditions in Singapore that sometimes reductivist solutions hamper efforts at broader Hindu integration. Hinduism in Singapore is contoured externally by global spiritual circulation of spokespersons, goods, and products. Internally, however, it is influenced by the friction between the government and the (lack of) agency of certain devotees all enacted “within a landscape of the management of religion by the Singapore government” ([1], p. 152). Nothing is left to chance as religious harmony is actively enforced and policed both in “public and semipublic spaces” ([1], p. 154). Only

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sites designated for religious activities are deemed legitimate by the state. Unregistered public shrines particularly in areas not zoned for worship are considered to be squatting on state land. Domestic religious activities, however in contrast, are only “casually monitor(ed)” ([1], p. 154). Hinduism in contemporary Singapore is inextricably linked to the nation-building project of this relatively young, independent nation whose traumatic birth in 1965 set it along a trajectory of alarmist discourse surrounding the need to unify citizens of many faiths and ethnolinguistic backgrounds. Moderation in all matters of religion, Hinduism included, was and continues to remain key to the management of its multiracial and multiracial population. Although “Freedom of religion” is a constitutional right (Section 5, Article 15), Hinduism like all other recognized religions in Singapore had and has to be strictly apolitical. Freedom of religion 15. (1) Every person has the right to profess and practise his religion and to propagate it. (2) No person shall be compelled to pay any tax the proceeds of which are specially allocated in whole or in part for the purposes of a religion other than his own. (3) Every religious group has the right – (a) to manage its own religious affairs; (b) to establish and maintain institutions for religious or charitable purposes; and (c) to acquire and own property and hold and administer it in accordance with law. (4) This Article does not authorise any act contrary to any general law relating to public order, public health or morality. (Singapore Statutes Online)

Hinduism, like every other state-sanctioned religion in Singapore, is heavily monitored. While Hinduism in its institutionalized avatar often serves as the comparatively uncontroversial, Brahmanical, orthodox, and public face of Hinduism, folk and more unorthodox Hinduisms have found ways to coexist together on this religiously effusive island. When politically contentious elements have risen among the variegated brands of Hinduism in Singapore, particularly in more middle to upper class echelons or among workingclass expressions, negative sanctions have been

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imposed swiftly. Some case studies include the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKON) movement and the Sathya Sai Baba Movement (SSBM) to various degrees. The Hindu Advisory Board (HAB), created in 1915 ([12], p. 831), was intended to provide consultancy services to the government and later to the HEB with respect on matters pertaining to Hinduism and Singapore Hindus (Hindu Advisory Board Members). Similar to the HAB, all members, including the chair are selected by the Minister of Culture, Community and Youth ([13], p. 175). With Singapore thrust into independence in 1965, crisis-mode took over with nationbuilding being urgently carried out. It was a nationally prioritized concerted activity with no efforts spared. For Hinduism to be recognized and celebrated, it had to be allied firmly with government-led projects of community building. In 1969, the Hindu Endowment Board (HEB) was founded ([12], p. 831) as a statutory board under the auspices of the Hindu Endowments Act (Hindu Endowments Board). The HEB serves largely in an administrative and managerial role to its endowments. These are four temples which were previously under the management of the Mohammedan and Hindu Endowments Board (MHEB) which was formed in 1907. These temples are historically significant and are some of the oldest, namely Sri Mariamman Temple, Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple, Sri Vairavimada Kaliamman Temple and the Sri Sivan Temple ([13], p. 171). As per the Act, the HEB possesses also “supervisory powers over the accounts of all Hindu endowments in Singapore – even those not administered by the Board” (Hindu Endowments Board). Members of the HEB (15 in total) are selected for a session of 3 years ([14] heb.org.sg). They can be viewed as a government allied arm within the acceptable Hindu sphere – defining it, disciplining it, and serving as gatekeeper. Through its overseeing of funds, superintendence at major Hindu festivals, and ordinance surrounding requests for new temples, it authorizes what is “correct” Hinduism in Singapore. In the 1960’s (sic) there was a dire need for the revival of Hinduism in the Singapore context./The young among those from Hindu families, especially

641 the young intellectuals, were seeking for the Truth./ When they could not find the answers from their visits to temples, and from their elders they turned to other belief systems for answers. There was this missing link among the youth. Mr. A.Suppiah saw this as a dilemma for many young people who were Hindus by birth./He met up with the late Swami Sthitananda of Ramakrishna Mission – Singapore, to discuss this dilemma. . . In 1965, Swami Sthitananda conducted the first prayer meeting at 204-B Kim Keat Avenue, the residence of Mr Suppiah. This prayer meeting marked the founding of Krishna Our Guide and the commencement of the first Sunday Class. (Krishna Our Guide [15])

Ambient discourses on reforming Hinduism and reformist Hinduism influenced the founding for Krishna Our Guide (KOG). Partially inspired by Hindu-reformist movements in India, Krishna Our Guide (KOG) wanted to “elevate” Hinduism in Singapore to a “purer” form – one that prioritized scripture and text over more organic, fluid and what was deemed to be overly ritualistic expressions. The Bhagavad Gita was studied to better equip the younger generations of Singaporean Hindus about their own religion lest they get “lost” to other faiths. “Life skills” ([16], p. 257) were taught in English ([17], p. 268) – catering to middle-class Singaporean Hindus although the group claims to have an economically diverse membership (ibid). There was concerted effort to crystallize Hinduisms into nuggets which could be easily digested and imported to others for Hindu community building objectives and Hindu identity makeovers. The Hindu elite of Singapore was invested in “cleaning” up the image of the Hindu community for strategic reasons. An upgrade was perceived to be needed. This was to “elevate” what was considered over-ritualistic, rowdy, messy, and public performances of Hinduism in Singapore’s ideologized, sanitized, garden-city streets. Bite-sized Hinduism with its clichés were required to be later inserted into newly authored school textbooks in efforts at urgent nation-building after Singapore’s less than glamorous foray into independent nationhood. In the early half of the 1970s, anthropologist Lawrence Babb documented Hindu mediumship practices in Singapore. He argued that it aligned with Singaporean (South Indian) Hindu norms and that it represented a “more inclusive religious

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system” ([4], p. 29). The demand of lay Hindus to connect to divinity on their own terms – without the authority of Hindu institutions and their extensions – via direct facilitators such as Hindu mediums was powerful. This was an arguably more democratic draw to an all-encompassing, both abstract and esoteric religion. The era of the 1970s for Singapore, not unlike its Southeast Asian counterparts, was a time of forging a pressing need for nationalism [18]. Constructing a national identity was paramount for this new nation. At the same time, during this period there was consciousness-raising among Singaporean Tamils around Tamil pride ([10], p. 228). The Tamil elite were focused on “educating” their community about the religion ([10], p. 227). Saiva Siddhanta and Saivism were thus cultivated through influences from Tamil Nadu ([10], p. 228). Reformist and revivalist Hindu movements which focused on how Hinduism could contribute to local community services characterized the 1970s [19, 20]. These were largely a response by attempts at conversion by Christian evangelicals. Hindu leaders organized to halt the migration to other religions ([18], p. 104). Hindu religious education for the young generation was seen as key toward ensuring the longevity of Hinduism in Singapore. The compatibility of this ancient religion within modernizing Singapore needed to be deliberately curriculated to renew its relevancy. This was done through a series of seminars, Hindu representatives, and talks to chalk up some a plan of action ([20], p. 135). Hindu Centre was formed on August 1978. Some months before this event, a group of concerned and dedicated Hindu professional, businessmen and academics met to decide on the formation of Hindu Centre. These pioneers had found that whilst temples were mainly dedicated to rituals and religious activities, no attempts were being made to explain these ancient mystical rituals to the young who wanted to know their religion. The lack of answers and guidance to the Hindu youths frustrated them and made them easy targets for evangelists and proselytizing groups. Thus, the founding fathers and pioneers of Hindu Centre knew that the prime objective of Hindu Centre should be the spiritual education for the Hindu youths, and the medium of instruction will be in English as the lingua franca of Singapore. (The Hindu Centre [21])

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The Hindu Centre was born within a climate where Hindu elites in Singapore were concerned with the currency of the religion among their “atrisk” youth. Religious ritual had to be translatable and accountable to others within the Singapore Hindu context and beyond. Rational explanations had to accompany religious practice so that minority Singaporean Hindu youth knew what Hinduism was about, not only for themselves but vis-à-vis secular Singapore. The Hindu Centre took it upon themselves to put in place remedial measures to “improve” and standardize the image of Hinduism in Singapore so that it could better understood in mainstream, majority Chinese Singapore. The Hindu Centre produced a Hinduism in Singapore inflected through Vedic Hinduism. Tamil language, although popular among Singapore Hindus, was cast aside for what can be argued as class- and power-based concerns. Hindu Centre also took the first step in teaching Hinduism in 1980s in line with the MOE introduction of the study of religious knowledge in schools./ Along with education came the need to engage with the needs of the poor. Hindu Centre started the Prahavika programme to aid needy poor students with school fees, transport, books, etc. (The Hindu Centre [21])

In Singapore, religion has been bound too with moral projects – in buffering citizens against the insatiable, potentially corrupt aspects of unbridled capitalism on “Asian values,” families, and communities. This of course was official, political discourse on religion in Singapore and is rarely a compelling project of the self that lay Hindus participate in during their embodied and emplaced performativity and enactments of Hinduism through temple-going, worship, prayer, and offerings. The school-wide implementation of religious knowledge contoured in significant ways, the way local Hinduism was viewed and understood. The Hindu Centre played a memorable role in this educational endeavor which was a governmental reaction to inculcate “Asian” values among its citizenry to neutralize excessive consumerism and “Western” immorality it perceived would be brought about through Singapore’s economic modernization. Religious knowledge was to

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serve as a “cultural ballast” [22] toward securing a firmer national and moral identity [23]. The “rationalization” [24] of Hinduism in Singapore was thus at play. This version of Hinduism, like other religions which adhered to nation-building ideologies and activities, consequently garnered legitimacy and visibility ([18], p. 106) in Singapore society. The 1980s saw zealotry among certain religious groups and this culminated in the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act (MRHA), in large part to protect minority religious communities like the Singapore Hindus. However, not only were there tensions between religions but within the broad Hindu fold. These included “aggressive Christian proselytization” (Internal Security Department paper quoted in Kuah [18], p. 115) and an incident where an effigy of Ravana was set alight by the Shiv Mandir incited backlash from the Tamil Hindus. KOG, in the 1990s, took responsibility to deliver more services for children. In the subsequent decade, it “became an affiliated member of the Tamils Representative Council (TRC) – a corporate member of the dominant political party’s ‘People’s Association’ (PA)” ([13], p. 176). In 2005, the legal registration of Sri Samayapuram Mariamman Pillaigal marked what Sinha has expressed as “a defining moment for expressions of Hindu religiosity on the island” ([17], p. 263). She argues this to be an example of “indigenous innovation” – where certain imports of Hinduism are selectively contextualized and adapted to

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Singapore and others retained and strongly protected ([20], p. 263). New religious movements (NRMs) from the Hindu fold have been researched by Pereira [25], Sebastian and Parameswaran [26], and Sebastian [27]. They have explored the histories of the Sai Baba and ISKON movements in Singapore. Waghorne has been in recent years researching “yoga-based spiritual movements in Singapore” ([28], p. 242) such as the Isha Foundation (Sadhguru Jaggi Vasudev) and Art of Living (Sri Sri Ravi Shankar) chapters in Singapore. Temple-going in Singapore has become a constitutive practice and expressive aspect of Hinduism in the public sphere ([8], p. 86). Three Hindu temples in Singapore are listed among the 72 national monuments of Singapore. They are the Sri Mariamman Temple (1827, listed in 1973), Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple (1855, listed in 1978), and the Sri Thendayuthapani Temple (1859, listed in 2014). Hindu temples in Singapore often are multifunctional. They cater to cultural activities such as traditional arts, music, and dance festivals, classes on Hindu philosophy and Sri Mariamman Temple previously even served as the Registry of Marriages for Hindus (HEB Sri Mariamman Temple) (Fig. 2). Hindu festivals observed in Singapore include Deepavali, the Tamil New Year, Pongal (harvest festival), Navarathri (Sri Mariamman Temple, Sri Thendayuthapani Temple), Vaikunda Ekadesi, Makara Vilaku (Sri Vairavimada Kaliamman Temple), Sivarathri (Sri Sivan Temple),

Hinduism in Singapore, Fig. 2 Sri Sivadurga Temple, Singapore (Source: Author’s photo of Sri Sivadurga temple, Singapore (2007))

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Purrattasi, Panguni Uttiram (Holy Tree Sri Balasubramaniar Temple), 1008 Sankabhishekam (Sri Mariamman Temple) (HEB, [2]), Krishna Janmashtami (Shree Lakshminarayan Temple), Chandi Homam (Sri Siva Durga Temple), and of course the more well-known Theemidhi (Sri Srinivasa Perumal Temple, Sri Mariamman Temple) and Thaipusam (Sri Thendayuthapani Temple, Sri Layan Sithi Vinayagar Temple). Deepavali is a national recognized public holiday. Theemidhi (fire-walking) is an articulation of an aspect of South Indian folk Hinduism involving self-sacrifice in honor of a vow undertaken by the pilgrim. While originating in Tamil Nadu, India, it migrated along with indentured laborers to other parts of India and beyond such as Singapore. It, along with Thaipusam, is commonly agreed upon by scholars of Hinduism in Singapore as being the anchoring festivals of the religion here ([29], p. 829). Thaipusam (carrying of a spiked kavadi) is an expression of extreme penance by devotees of Murugan, also reflecting supplicatory elements of South Indian folk Hinduism. As Sinha argues, “(t)he Singapore observance of this festival has produced several innovations compared to the Indian context, including the very imagination and the form of the kavati itself” ([30], p. 249). The materiality of Hinduism in Singapore is part imported from India and from Southeast Asia. Tangible material objects of Hinduism in Singapore however are not just merely bought and brought from abroad, but also produced, remade, and refashioned by Hindu worshippers in Singapore. This is particularly so for “festival-centered objects” made in “home-based workshops” ([30], p. 253). Despite having a chequered history with the authorities constantly policing public enactments of Hinduism, Thaipusam has come to be accepted as a spectacle for non-Hindus to appreciate Singapore’s official ideological stance of multiracialness and religious diversity. Krishnan [31] writes at length of the Chettiar involvement in this festival which precariously toes the line between more “deviant” and “ritualistic” traditional Hinduism, versus more “sanctioned” and “containable” Hinduism in Singapore every year. It is of significance to note how the past 2 years

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has seen a relaxation of past laws concerning live music during the festival. The procession in 2016 was the first time in 42 years where live music was permitted [7, 32] In 2017, there was in increase too in the number of points where music could be broadcast – 23 points, in contrast to 9 in 2016 [33]. These concessions finally occurred after feedback drawn from select groups was taken into consideration.

Happenings and Hopes: New Waves of Hindu Migrants and Implications While heterogeneity in Hinduism in Singapore is plentous, it can be to outsiders perplexing. However, this bewilderment is the plight only to those who have been regimentedly socialized upon narrow frames of religious referencing. To others, the crucible of Singapore which through paradoxcial governmental and ground-up pressures morphs Hinduism in Singapore in unique ways and can be oddly and unexpectedly liberating. The contradictions inherent in forcing a religion which actually has no central organization to assume “leaders” brings up challenges but it is reflective of Singapore’s administrative finesse at its best. While Babb in the 1970s argued that “It would not be far wrong to say that the very heart and soul of the Hinduism in Singapore is traditional South Indian domestic and public ceremonial” ([4], p. 30), this is undergoing a reincarnation. Rapid recent immigration of skilled “foreign talent” from “new” pan-India (post-1991 India which liberalized its economy) with its new waves of Hindu immigrants arrive in Singapore along with their spiritual and linguistic suitcases – yearning to belong, spread their roots like the banyan [34], and be of service to their new communities. While old hierarchies from the Motherland have given way to new ones (based on “appropriate” ethnicity and citizenship contingent on temple histories of leadership), the pitch of Singapore’s Hinduisms is unique from Hinduisms in India to the extent that it is not as enmeshed in everyday domestic or street life. In Singapore the Hindu sphere is more delineated to domestic altars

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or Hindu religious sites approved by the urban planners of Singapore. Hinduisms in Singapore are thus more confined to within and beyond the thresholds of the doorsteps on Hindu homes and just beyond the bells from the temple doors. But look a bit closer and one is sure to locate unofficial sites, spaces, and shrines to village deities, ancestors, and guardians, and to Hindu mediumship practices which fall under the radar but are no less valid, embodied, and emplaced expressions of the reality of multiple ‘neo-folk, indigenousitinerant’ [35] Hinduisms in Singapore.

Cross-References ▶ Hinduism in Malaysia ▶ Southeast Asia, Hinduism in

References 1. Finucane J (2016) Cosmopolitan spaces, local pathways: making a place for Soka Gakkai in Singapore. In: Place/no-place in urban Asian religiosity. Springer, Singapore, pp 149–166 2. Shankar V (2013) The heritage of Hindu temples in Singapore. Aadhii Designs, National Heritage Board, Singapore 3. Vivekanandan S, Ramasamy DN (2008) Hindu temples in charities and social services. In: Eng LA (ed) Religious diversity and religious harmony in Singapore. ISEAS Publishing, Singapore 4. Babb LA (1974) Hindu mediumship in Singapore 1. Asian J Soc Sc 2(1):29–43 5. Pereira S (2016) The management of new religious movements in Singapore. In: Managing diversity in Singapore: policies and prospects. pp 85–118 6. Reddy G (2016) Race rules in Singapore. In: Singapore: negotiating state and society, 1965–2015, pp 54– 75 7. Toh WL (2017) Devotees celebrate Thaipusam with festive procession, live music. The Straits Times. http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/devotees-celebratethaipusam-with-festive-procession-live-music. 9 Feb 2017. Accessed 18 July 2017 8. Sinha V (1999) Constituting and re-constituting the religious domain in the modern nation state of Singapore. In: Kwok KW (ed) Our place in time: exploring heritage and memory in Singapore. Singapore Heritage Society, Singapore, p 86 9. Lee WF (2013) Exclusively sacred: community, worship, and volunteerism in Singapore Hindu Temples. Master thesis, National University of Singapore

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Hinduism in Surinam March 2014, 82(1):217–247 https://doi.org/10.1093/ jaarel/lft103 Sinha V (1993) Hinduism in contemporary Singapore. In: Sandhu KS, Mani A (eds) Indian communities in Southeast Asia (first reprint 2006). Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore Sinha V (2017) Made in Singapore: conceiving, making and using ritual objects in Hindu domains. In: New religiosities, modern capitalism, and moral complexities in Southeast Asia. Springer, Singapore, pp 247–263 Krishnan GP (2000) Following Murukan: Tai Pucam in Singapore. In: First international conference on SkandaMurukan, held at the Institute of Asian Studies, University of Chennai, Chennai. http://murugan.org/research/ gauri_krishnan.htm. Accessed 12 July 2017 Toh WL (2017) Malayalam: language of poets and presidents. The Straits Times. http://www.straitstimes.com/ singapore/language-of-poets-and-presidents. Accessed 11 July 2017 Zaccheus M (2017) More music points on Thaipusam. The Straits Times, 24 January 2017. http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/more-musicpoints-on-thaipusam-route. Accessed 18 July 2017 Jayaram N (2004) The Indian diaspora: dynamics of migration. Sage, New Delhi Somaiah BC (2013) Neo-Folk, Indigenous–Itinerant ‘Hinduism’: the Kodavathees of Singapore. South Asia J South Asian Stud 36(4):520–538 Singapore Statutes Online (1965) http://statutes.agc. gov.sg. Accessed 26 May 2017

on the northeastern part of South America. When the Dutch authorities abolished slavery in 1863, replacement of the slaves became necessary to keep the sugar, coffee, and cocoa estates running. In that regard about 34,000 Indians were brought to Surinam between 1873 and 1916 under the Indenture Labor Act. After the expiration of their contract, about one-third opted to return to India, whereas the remaining two-third settled in Surinam as they were offered a piece of land and some cash if they would stay in the colony. When indenture labor stopped in 1920, most of the Indians started small-scale enterprises in agriculture and animal husbandry. Since then this group has prospered and established its social, religious, political, and educational institutions [1].

Hindu Immigrants

Caribbean; Diaspora; Hindu immigrants; Hindu ritual; Hinduism; Indenture; Religion; Surinam

The first Hindus came to Surinam in 1873 with the arrival of the first batch of totally 64 shipments of Indian indentured laborers. However, Hindus from neighboring British Guyana were present much earlier in Surinam, because after serving their contract in Guyana, where indenture labor began in 1838, small groups of immigrants crossed Surinamese border in search for work or for social purposes (cf. [2], p. 37). Of the 34,000 Indian immigrants in Surinam more than 80% were registered as Hindus. By 1951, their number had increased to 65,000 ([3], p. 11) and presently exceeds 120,000 (cf. [4], p. 116). It should be noted that before and after independence (1975), many Hindus migrated to the Netherlands, thereby decreasing their number from 29.5% in 1971 to 22.3% in 2012 (Ibid.). The number of Surinamese Hindus in the Netherlands now may be estimated to be above 100,000 (cf. [5], p. 236).

Surinam

Hinduism

Surinam, formerly known as Dutch Guyana, has been a Dutch colony until 1975. It is a tiny country

Since most of the immigrants in Surinam hailed from Uttar Pradesh and western Bihar, the religion

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Hinduism in Surinam N. Mohkamsing Department of Arts and Culture, Humanities Faculty, University of Surinam (AdeKUS), Paramaribo, Suriname

Synonyms

Hinduism in Surinam

of the orthodox Hindu immigrants agrees more or less with the popular Hinduism of Northeast India (cf. De Klerk, pp. 7, 23). The majority of Surinamese Hindus consider themselves Sanātanī’s, i.e., followers of Sanātan Dharma, the “Eternal Law,” because like other orthodox Hindus from all over the world, they adhere to the philosophy and ethics of classical scriptures such as the Rāmāyaṇa (Rāmcaritmānas), Mahābhārata, the major Purāṇa’s, and the Manusmṛti. The Sanātanī’s are also called Paurāṇika’s because of their adherence to popular Hinduism as propagated by the Purāṇa’s. They furthermore follow the general doctrines of dharma (duties), karma (action), punarjanma (reincarnation), and bhakti (devotion), as well as those which are characteristic to orthodoxy, such as the doctrines of casteism (jātī-vād), divine incarnation (avatār-vād), idol worship (mūrtipūjā), and cremation rites (śrāddha). Another Hindu denomination that has been influential in Surinam as well as the rest of the Caribbean is the Ārya Samāj. This small but strong protestant movement originated in India in 1875 and found its way to Surinam in 1912 where it strongly opposed the caste system, polytheism, idol worship, and so on.

Change While on the one hand Hinduism in South Asia is perceived as a monolithic continuum, it is also seen as a constantly changing and permuting way of life, manifested by an ever-growing variety of belief systems and practices. In the Caribbean however, things have developed in the opposite way, i.e., from an initial diverse form to a more unitary one ([6], p. 108 f.). Initially, this variety was definitely reflected by the presence of different Hindu denominations, but in course of time, practically all heterogeneity was neutralized or replaced by a standardized and homogenized Brahmanic form of Hinduism (i.e., Sanātan Dharma, cf. [7], pp. 151 ff., 157). Notably only two small non-Brahmanic denominations have

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survived this process, namely the followers of saint Kabir and some worshippers of Kālī-māī, the Mother Goddess, abhorred for her animal sacrifices (balī). During this paradigm change Brahmans gained a monopoly over ritual knowledge and appropriated all specialist functions such as that of priests, ritual specialists, astrologers, healers, exorcists, and black magicians (cf. [7], p. 151). Even though it is not easy to explain these changes, there are indications that the conspicuous weakening of the old Hindu caste system in the Caribbean may be singled out as an important factor. It should be noted that during indenture, most, if not all immigrants, including Hindus were put to work on the estates as fieldworkers or farmers irrespective of individual caste restrictions to enter other professions than that inherited by birth. This practice not only undermined the caste system but also strengthened the sense of equality (cf. [3], p. 29 f.). However, the erosion of the caste system in the Caribbean had in fact begun already with the unique experience of intercaste “brotherhood” on the ships during migration, when the migrants from different castes were forced to live together, prepare and consume food together, something that would be unthinkable in India. Accordingly, a unique sense of equality developed not only between Hindus of different castes but also between Hindus and Muslims (cf. [8]). The “brotherhood” experience during migration, followed by the egalitarian treatment on the estates, along with the activities of Ārya Samāj missionaries who strongly opposed the caste system in the colonies, all added up in weakening the old caste system beyond recovery. In this regard, the contact with Whites, Blacks, Amerindians, Maroons, Chinese, and Javanese in the colony should not be underestimated because they do not have comparable segregative systems. However, though weakened, the caste system still survives till date within a small circle of conservative Brahman Sanātanī’s and sympathizers [8]. By the 1960s, the Brahmanic grip on the prolific nature of Hinduism appears to have loosened

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up somewhat because various new Hindu denominations popped up in Surinam such as the ISCKON, Brahma Kumaris, Art of Living, Gayatri Parivar, Sai Baba, and Brahma Mission. Even the number of Kālī-māī worshippers grew by the influx of Guyanese into the country since the 1980s. Along with this fresh proliferation of sects, one also notices a rising interest in vegetarianism, spiritualism, Yoga, and Ayurveda. Formerly Hindus in Surinam could not cremate their dead as they used to in India, but only bury them according to Christian customs. However, just before the dead were buried, the lips of the deceased were touched with an ignited oil lamp (dīyā) as a substitute for cremation ([3], p. 230). Open air cremation became possible since 1969.

Continuity Despite the crumbling away of the caste system, Hindus faithfully adhered to their rituals and festivals. Brahmans had maintained their traditional authority and domination over the rest of Hindu society simply because the latter still needed the former as their religious specialists. It is perhaps because of this ritual interdependence between priests and clients (yajamān) that Hinduism in Surinam remained vibrant and resilient as attested by their rituals and festivals. First, there are private rituals for the daily worship (pūjā) involving simple prayers in the morning and at dawn, on which occasions flowers are offered or incents burned at a small altar inside or outside the house, usually with pictures and statues of some popular deities such as Rama, Krishna, Hanuman, and Durga. Some Hindus also offer water oblations to the sun or the deceased (tarpaṇa). Somewhat more elaborate is the homa or havan, basically a fire offering in which clarified butter (ghī) and fragrant substances are offered into a fire altar. Then follows the category of “occasional” rites at important moments in life (i.e., rites of passage) such as at birth, at the investiture of the holy cord (janeva) when a young boy goes to school, and at marriage

Hinduism in Surinam

and death. And thirdly, there is a class of rituals with “desired purposes,” e.g., when one desires prosperity, progeny or health, and so on. Two forms are in vogue: kathā (sermons) and jag (offerings). Both involve a more or less similar procedures – a formal worship (pūjā) followed by a fire offering (hom) and a sermon (kathā), concluded with the consumption of ritual food. Hindus usually perform a kathā once or twice a year at their residence, but only few can fund the prestigious and expensive jag, which may last for 9 days, but these days often reduced to 3 or just 1 day. Therefore, the latter is more often organized communally on the premises of a local temple. At a kathā, a priest (paṇḍit) first performs a pūjā by invoking and worshipping a series of deities, but focusing on a main deity (iṣṭadevatā), followed by a solemn fire offering (hom/havan). When the pūjā is held in a temple, visitors have a chance to offer prayers and sweets (parsād) to the deities. After the hom/havan the priest delivers a speech (kathā), for example, the Satnārāyaṇa kathā with religious and moral teachings from the scriptures. After the sermon follows the ceremonial planting of colorful, triangular flags (jhaṇḍī) in the front yard [3]. Because of these distinguishing features, the kathā is also called kathā-jhaṇḍī. Even though the tradition of planting flags on small and tall bamboo sticks in honor of Hanuman and other deities is not a universal characteristic of “mainstream” Hinduism, it is also not unique to Surinam or the rest of the West Indies, but most likely has its roots in the rural areas of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar where it is still found. Apart from their value as a religious symbol, they also seem to function as an identity marker, because in the Caribbean where Hindus live in a Creole environment, these flags make a strong religious and social statement of the presence of orthodox Hindus in the neighborhood. With the increase of Hindu immigrants from Guyana, one also notices a regional distinction between Surinamese and Guyanese jhaṇḍī’s (cf. [9]). At the end of the service the devotees share the blessings of the ritual by accepting the offering of

Hinduism in Surinam

light (ārtī), a sip of holy “nectar” (pañcāmṛta), and sweets (parsād). Usually the meeting is concluded with a sumptuous vegetarian meal (bhaṇḍārā). Hindus in Surinam have also maintained some of their religious festivals such as Navrātan (durgā pūjā) and Rāmlīlā which last for days. On the other hand, popular festivals like Holī and Divālī have become national holidays and are getting more popular each year. Besides their private celebrations, attempts are made to bring these festivals into the public domain by involving all ethnic groups. At Divāli celebrations, for example, crowds gather at the Independence Square where a huge national diyā (lamp) is lit symbolizing the unity of the nation.

Cross-References ▶ Antyeṣṭi ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhakti ▶ Brahma Kumaris ▶ Brāhmaṇa (Brahmin/Brahman) ▶ Dharma ▶ Hinduism (Overview) ▶ Hinduism in Guyana ▶ Idolatry (Hinduism) ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) ▶ Kabīr ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Pūjā ▶ Ram Lila ▶ Sacrifice (Village) ▶ Śrāddha

References 1. Ramsoedh H, Bloemberg L (1995) The instituteionalization of Hinduism in Surinam and Guyana. In: Rukmani TS (ed) Hindu diaspora. Global perspectives. University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam. pp 123–165

649 2. De Klerk CJM (1953) De immigratie der Hindostanen in Suriname. Urbi et Orbi, Amsterdam 3. De Klerk CJM (1951) Cultus en ritueel van het Orthodoxe Hindoeïsme in Suriname (“Cult and ritual of orthodox Hinduism in Surinam”). Urbi et Orbi, Amsterdam 4. Algoe K, Schalkwijk J (2016) Religion in suriname: demographic changes between 1971 and 2012. In: Menke J (ed) Mozaic of the surinamese population: censuses in demographical, economic and social perspective. http://www.igsr.sr/wp-content/uploads/ 2016/10/E-book-Mozaiek-van-het-Surinaamse-volk25.10.16.pdf 5. Lynbakke B (2007) Contested equality: social relations between Indian and Surinamese Hindus in Amsterdam. In: Oonk G (ed) Global Indian diaspora: exploring trajectories of migration and theory. Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam 6. Vertovec S (1994) ‘Official’ and ‘popular’ Hinduism in the Caribbean: historical and contemporary trends in Surinam, Trinidad and Guyana. Contrib Indian Sociol 28(1):123–147 7. van der Veer P, Vertovec S (1991) Brahmanism abroad: on Caribbean Hinduism as an ethnic religion. Ethnology 30(2):149–166 8. den Boer EP (2009) Kastenbewustzijn in Suriname. OSO Tijdschrift voor Surinamistiek 28(1):43–59 9. den Boer EP (2014) Hindu ritual food in Suriname: women as gatekeepers of Hindu identity? In: Beushausen W et al (eds) Caribbean food cultures. Culinary practices and consumption in the Caribbean and its diasporas. Transcript, Bielefeld, pp 257–277 10. Adhin JH (1956) Enige aspecten van het Hinduïsme. Vox Guyanae 2(1):41–48. http://www.jstor.org/stable/ 41851112 11. Arya U (1968) Ritual songs and folksongs of the Hindus of Surinam. Brill, Leiden 12. Bakker FL (1999) Hindoes in een Creoolse wereld: Impressies van het Surinaamse Hindoeïsme. Meinema, Zoetermeer 13. Hoefte R (1998) In place of slavery: social history of British Indian and Javanese laborers in Suriname. University Press of Florida, Gainesville 14. Sinha-Kerkhoff K, Bal E (2007) No ‘holy cows’ in Surinam: India, communal relations, identity politics, and the Hindostani diaspora in Surinam. SACS 1(2):17–35 15. Speckman JD (1965) Marriage and kinship among Indian in Surinam. Van Gorcum & Co, Assen 16. Strange, SE (2015) Hinduism in Suriname. Encyclopedia of Latin American religions. Springer Reference Live, pp 1–9 17. van der Burg C, van der Veer P (1986) Pandits, power and profits: religious organization and the construction of identity among the Surinamese Hindus. Ethn Racial Stud 9(4):514–528 18. Vertovec S (2000) The Hindu diaspora: comparative patterns. Routledge, London

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean Kumar Mahabir Indo-Caribbean Cultural Centre (ICC), San Juan, Trinidad and Tobago

Introduction Guadeloupe is one of three French-speaking countries in the Caribbean, the other two being Martinique and French Guiana. Guadeloupe has been represented in the French Parliament since 1871. Occupied by the British for a period of time, it was restored to France in exchange for all French rights to Canada in 1763. Guadeloupe is perhaps the only country in the Caribbean partnered with a city in India. Basse-Terre in Guadeloupe has been twinned with Pondicherry in India since 1981.

More than Half of the Indentured Laborers Died in Guadeloupe On December 24, 1854, the first batch of 314 Indians arrived on the ship Aurelie. The importation of Indian laborers gradually ceased after 1885 as a result of British Government’s new immigration policy and also because of the high mortality rates of the indentured workers. For the period of 35 years (between 1854 and 1889), 93 ships brought 42,326 Indians mainly from the Southern provinces of India such as Pondicherry, Mahé, Karikal, Chandernagor, and Yanaon. Unlike other territories in the Caribbean, only 10% of the immigrants had migrated from Uttar Pradesh in north India. More than half of them (24,891) died during Indentureship due to harsh conditions and poor treatment on the sugarcane estates. About one-fifth of them (9460) returned to India. Indians still dwell in rural parishes (“communes”) such as Le Moule, Port Louis, Petit Canal, Sainte-Anne and Saint-François in GrandTerre, and in Sainte-Rose, Lamentin, BaieMahault, Papaye Matouba, and Capesterre

Hinduism in the French Caribbean

Belle-Eau in Basse-Terre, where sugarcane and bananas have been traditionally cultivated. According to available information in 2010, the estimated Indian population of Guadeloupe is approximately 30,000 and they account for almost eight percent (8%) of the entire population (Fig. 1).

Henri Sidambarom Is Considered the Father of Indians in Guadeloupe Guadeloupe can boast about a few nationals of East Indian descent who have contributed significantly to the country. Henri Sidambarom fought in 1906 and again in 1919–1920 to defend the voting rights of Indians. He successfully argued that French civil law should be applied to Indians in Guadeloupe so that they could become French citizens with rights to vote and serve in the military. In 1981, Ernest Moutousammy became the first deputy of Indian descent from Guadeloupe in the French National Assembly. There is also a famous part-Indian, Dr. Jérôme Clery, who initiated the twinning of the cities, Basse Terre in Guadeloupe and Pondicherry in India, in 1981. Léo Andy was a “depute” [Member of Parliament] for Guadeloupe in the Assemblée Nationale in France from 1995 to 2002. There is a statue of an Indian laborer in Pombirray in St-François (Fig. 2). The past Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Mrs. Kamla Persad Bissessar, was present, as a guest of honor, at the unveiling ceremony in 1998. Since 2004, a commemoration has taken place annually near the seashore in Pointe-Pitre where the first Indian immigrant ship, Aurélie, had moored on December 24, 1854.

Organizations and Temples There are several organizations that have been formed to promote Indian culture in Guadeloupe such as the Hindu Sabha, the Guadeloupe Inde Sangam, Siddha Yoga Dham, Hare Krishna Movement, the Comité Sidambarom, and the Association Culturelle des Amis de I’Inde. The Institut du Monde Indien (Institute for the Study of the Indian World) was founded by Jacques

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 1 Animal Sacrifice. (Guadeloupe 2010)

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Siddambaron, Jean-Claude Petapermal, and Roland Gopy to resuscitate Indian rituals and to network with other Hindus in Trinidad, Reunion, Pondicherry, and Paris. The Asssociation Caribéenne pour l’Expression de la Culture Indienne (ACECI) was established in 1996. Nicole Vaitylingon Moorjani was the president for more than 10 years. The Conseil Guadeloupéen pour les Langues Indiennes has been under the direction of Fred Negrit. The school is dedicated to Hindi and Tamil instruction. In 1997, Sharad Sahai produced and hosted the (only) 2-h weekly Indian cultural radio program, called Musique à I’nde. The approximately 500 temples in Guadeloupe range from a simple, symbolic stone under a mango tree to a small corrugated iron shed, to an elaborate, painted, concrete chapel. All of these are characterized by the presence of tall bamboo poles with as many as four colorful flags. These temples are not owned by the community, but rather by families or poojarees [pundits]. Surprisingly, most of the custodians of these temples are Roman Catholics, who have retained some Hindu beliefs and practices. In fact, there are no more than 5000 Hindus in the population of 30,000 East Indians. The temples are mostly dedicated to Mariamman/Malièmin, who is a vegetarian

protector of diseases, or to Mother Kali, who is the benevolent Hindu goddess associated with eternal time and death. All the temples in Guadeloupe are located in the rural communities where most Indians live (Fig. 3). The most sophisticated temple is located at Capesterre (Fig. 4). Constructed in 1973, it has an elaborate gopura – an ornate tower at the entrance of the building. Unlike in Trinidad, Guyana, and Suriname, most of the deities worshiped in the temples in Guadeloupe are of South Indian origin (Fig. 5). Devotees have reconfigured these deities in the context of Roman Catholicism to which most of them belong. The dominant, governmentsupported Roman Catholic Church has long launched a fierce attack on any semblance of Hindu cultural and religious practices in Guadeloupe. In an attempt to retain their religion, Indians have synthesized Christian divinities with their traditional deities. This creativity on the part of Indians within a new and hostile environment must be seen as an act of creation, preservation, and liberation. The Hindu deities such as Maldèvlin, Maria-mman/Malièmin, Kӓli, and Nagoulou Mila became secondary divinities to be worshiped in private spaces. Although a minor deity in India, Maldèvlin is a chief male

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 2 Cooking for a Feast, (Guadeloupe 2010)

Hindu divinity in Guadeloupe. He is the god of virility and carries a sword with a lemon on the tip. According to Guadeloupian East Indian scholar, Ernest Moutoussany, “The gods of the Indian pantheon may have died in Guadeloupe and Martinique, but their burial is still to be completed.”

Hindus in Guadeloupe Resurrected, Adapted, and Created New Deities In the early days of indentureship in Guadeloupe (beginning in 1854), there were no murtis [consecrated statues], and Hindus used consecrated stones as the only objects of worship. In an attempt to preserve and propagate their religion in a hostile Roman Catholic environment, they were compelled to change the configurations of their

traditional deities. They gave new forms and meanings to their old divinities, and even invented new ones. Hindus worship Madourai Virin/Madourai Veeran/Maldevilen who is considered as the protector of poor people. Madourai is offered roosters and goats during poojas [ceremonial worship] dedicated to him. He is portrayed with a thick black moustache, bulging eyes, and a sword in his right hand. There are two types of poojas that are performed for these deities. One is familycentered and small, and the other is larger with specially invited guests. Offerings may be vegetarian or nonvegetarian depending on the deity being worshiped. Offerings may consist of flowers, camphor, assorted fruits, dried coconut, olive oil, cigarettes, rum, bread, baked casserole, boiled eggs, and sacrificial animals (Fig. 6).

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 3 Feast after Hindu Prayer (Guadeloupe 2010)

Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 4 Hindu Deities (Guadeloupe 2010)

Sacrificing an Animal Is Symbolic of the Offering of the Body and Blood of Christ It is a common spectacle to see animals being sacrificed at most Hindu temples in Guadeloupe. The act of ritually taking a life is suggestive of the

need to ascend from a lower to a higher spiritual plane. For the Hindu devotees, it is an act of communion just as the offering of bread and wine is symbolic of the body and blood of Christ. The act is also a form of reconnecting with the divine through fasting, dedication and sacrifice.

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 5 Hindu Temple (Guadeloupe 2010)

Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 6 Hindu Thanksgiving Ceremony (Guadeloupe 2010)

According to Max Sulty and Jocelyn Nagapin in their book (1989), sacrificing a life ensures that the devotee is born again through purification. The experience is the most intense phase of the religious ceremony. The sacrifice of animals to the deity Nagour Mira Nagoumila/Nagoulan/Nagoulou Mila is

unique. While the necks of other animals are sliced with a single slash of the machete/cutlass, the neck of the goat to this Muslim deity is punctured in keeping with orthodox Islamic practice. The animal is slaughtered by invoking the name of Allah and the meat is, therefore, hallaled [consecrated].

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 7 Offerings inside temple (Guadeloupe 2010)

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In Guadeloupe, the National Flag Is Converted into a jhandi

Indians in Guadeloupe Have Invented Moltani [Curried Goat-Head Soup]

Indians in Guadeloupe have created a new deity who is represented by Nagour Mira/Nagoumila/ Naoulan/Nagoulou Mila. The representation takes the form of the national flag of France, and its department of Guadeloupe. The flag is converted into a jhandi [flagpole] and is consecrated and revered by lighting candles at the bottom of the pole. The flagpole is installed on the temple grounds (Fig. 7). Nagour is believed to be a Muslim saint who had protected Indian immigrants in the stormy oceans while journeying to Guadeloupe. Nagour is also believed to have been the mythical Abdul Kadir, a worker of miracles who rescued the Dutch ship in the port of Nagapattinam in Tamil Nadu, South India. Hindus believe in giving thanks to Nagour because Hindu gods could not have offered them protection to cross the seas. Nagour is worshipped by Hindus, as well as Christians and Muslims. A mixture of dried coconut jelly, bananas, rice, and sugar is offered to the deity. Goats and cocks are also sacrificed, while songs and prayers are rendered in Tamil to the rhythmic music of drums.

Researcher Olivier Mounsammy (2005) states that Guadeloupean Indians have invented moltani – a new type of spicy soup. It is made with daal, shreds of goat’s head, and its ofal [testicles]. The soup is generally served to a selected group of guests, on the Monday, following the Sunday Pooja [ceremonial worship]. They have also invented a new type of daal [gravy] made by mixing curry, lentils, and pumpkin. This invention occurred due to the scarcity of palpou [split peas] in the island. The lack of knowledge of how to prepare traditional roti gave rise to three types of Guadeloupean lotis, two of them fried in ghee [clarified butter] or vegetable oil, and the other cooked on a tawa [baking stone]. However, even the tawa is a scarce kitchen item in Guadeloupe. The large feasts are held during, and just after poojas and are performed in temples where animals are often sacrificed (Fig. 8). In recent years, the number of feasts that serve vegetarian meals has increased. These feasts are usually held annually, or during occasions, such as a thanksgiving, or a request for a divine intervention (Figs. 9 and 10).

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 8 Preparing to Hoist Flag (Guadeloupe 2010)

Indians in Guadeloupe Drink French Red Wine with their Curried Dishes After pooja [ceremonial worship] is performed and as many as 30 goats and 40 roosters are slaughtered in the temple grounds, the meat is cooked and everyone participates in the dalmon [meal]. Boiled rice and colombo [curried] meat are served in abundance, using a plate as a spoon to serve from wooden trays, and metal and plastic buckets. Everyone sits on the ground in any available space and uses a banana leaf as a plate. The tradition of using the fingers to eat is preferred for these occasions. In recent years, sohari leaves have been brought from Trinidad. A bottle of French red wine is served to every four or five guests. The crowd swells at serving time. Curried meat is considered to be the national dish in Guadeloupe. Roti [round, flat bread] is not served, although Indians cook it regularly at home. There are a few roti [flattened bread] shops, one of which is in Port-Louis. Pigs and cows are not sacrificed in the temple, but pork and beef are

Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 9 Public Monument (Guadeloupe 2010)

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Hinduism in the French Caribbean, Fig. 10 River Lime (Guadeloupe 2010)

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eaten by most Indians. Killing a cow in the temple compound is as taboo as killing one’s mother.

and matalams [drums], and dances are performed. After these dramatic presentations, the feast begins.

Guadeloupean Indians Often Say: “I Am Going to a Monday”

When the Indian Is in Church, He Is a Christian; and When He Is in a Temple, He Is a Hindu

Usually, the 30 goats and 40 roosters sacrificed during a religious ceremony cannot be cooked and eaten on the same day [Sunday]. Therefore, the leftovers are prepared and served on the following day at the home of the chief donor of the sacrificial animals. Monday becomes both the English name of the event [valsè in French] and the day after the Sunday pooja [ceremonial worship]. In this context, it is common to hear Guadeloupeans say, “I am going to a Monday.” The feast takes the form of a celebration which begins with a procession. A young girl leads with a wooden tray on her head followed by family, friends, and guests. The decorated tray contains confectionary, bottles of wine, and slices of cake. These are first symbolically given to the host of the ceremony as a form of appreciation for his expenses and hospitality. They are then distributed to all those who helped in the pooja. Songs are rendered in Tamil, music is played with talams [cymbals]

Indians in the diaspora do not wish to return to live in their ancestral land. India is a point of reference, a spiritual inspiration, and an imaginative concept. It is quite remarkable that Guadeloupean. Indians have kept their faith in their cultural heritage despite the fact that they have had no physical contact with India, or with Indians in the English-speaking Caribbean. They have been able to preserve their culture through their own efforts. It is only in recent times that they have been able to access literature in French on Indian traditions and Indian movies with French subtitles. They have been able to survive on the strength of their creative aptitude to adapt to a strange and antagonistic environment. French colonial policy, at home and abroad, emphasized assimilation over multiculturalism. It was required that all French subjects adopt French culture through learning the language,

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norms, values, and customs of its mother country. As a department of France, Guadeloupe was required to promote French culture at the expense of other minority traditions, including the expression of Indian identity or indianite.

Hinduisms ▶ Hinduism in Singapore

Hindus in Europe ▶ Europe, Hinduism in

Historical Methods Shonaleeka Kaul Centre for Historical Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

In the year 1825, Harold Hayman Wilson, Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal and translator of masterpieces of Sanskrit literature and Hindu religion, such as Kālidāsa’s Meghadūta and the Viṣṇu Purāṇa respectively, sat down to translate parts of Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī, the twelfth century “Hindu History of Cashmir,” as he called it. Wilson famously observed about the Rājataraṅgiṇī that it was “the only Sanskrit composition yet discovered, to which the title of History, can with any propriety be applied.” Read closely, this adulation for the text’s historical qualities was in fact indictment of an entire literary culture and civilization for its lack thereof. Just a few years before him, James Mill, the British Imperialist historian, in his notorious The History of British India [13], had launched a diatribe against “backward” Indian literary and cultural traditions for not matching up to their GraecoRoman or Judaeo-Christian counterparts, which

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were famous for their historical traditions. The result was a downgrading and delegitimizing of indigenous Hindu, and generally all Indian, narratives of and approaches to their past. Comments such as those of Mill and Wilson can be understood as both illustrative of and foundational in the then-emerging misconception and propaganda that Indian civilization, and particularly Sanskrit traditions, were singularly lacking in historical sense or consciousness, a notion that came to endure and enjoyed great currency ever since. This “lack,” in turn, was believed to be on account of other stereotypes that were developing about India as the British colonial regime established itself in the early nineteenth century, namely, a greater proclivity of Indians to spiritual over material interests on the one hand, and a basic changelessness and stasis of Indian society itself, on the other. These together were deemed responsible for the apparent dearth of historical literature in India, especially as compared to the abundance of scriptures, mythologies, and aesthetic works produced. Against this entrenched bias of 200 years, documenting historical methods of the early Indic civilization assumes significance. We will do so both by surveying the range of evidence available of early Indian societies displaying a distinct regard for time and time-keeping and preserving and chronicling events for posterity, as well as by questioning the positivist Eurocentric basis on which the modern discipline of history has come to exclude traditional Indian modes of narrating the past like myth and didacticism. Conceptions of time and chronology are regarded as perhaps the single most important element of historical consciousness. Early India deployed both linear and nonlinear or cyclical systems of reckoning time. Among the former were a number of eras, epochs, or calendars known as saṁvat or kāla that were evolved and used across the centuries. The most famous of these would be the Vikram saṁvat dating to 57 B.C.E. and the Śaka saṁvat inaugurated in 78 C.E. Some others were the Gupta kāla (319 C.E.), the Kālachuri-Chedī era (248 C.E.), and the Harṣa era (606 C.E.). Though occurring also in texts, the use of these calendars is most

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prominently seen in thousands of inscriptions that have come down from early India. Early Indian inscriptions from at least the fourth century BCE onwards display an acute sense of history in so far as they were, by and large, punctilious about recording the date of their being inscribed as also of the event they were recording or commemorating, and the dates of the king during whose reign the inscription was instituted. Many of the more elaborate inscriptions especially from central and south India from the middle of the first millennium CE onwards, called the copper plate land grant charters, included a detailed genealogy of the ruling king and his entire dynasty. They also tended to give highly precise and complex dates starting with the era (saṁvat), year (varṣa), month (māsa), lunar fortnight (pakṣa), week (saptāh), date (tithi), down to the day (divasa), and hour (muhūrta) of the day! However, early Indian conceptions of time were not confined to anthropic and quotidian time; they were as conscious of vast cycles of cosmic time against which also they thought it important to situate human history. Thus the concept of caturyuga or four eras to be found primarily in that vast corpus of texts called the purāṇas. One yuga followed another in a cycle characterized by declining moral values and general lawlessness, which however was followed by another cosmic cycle of regeneration. The four yugas in their order of occurrence were the kṛta (the golden age), tretā, dvāpara, and kali (the dark or polluted age). Together they constituted a mahāyuga (great era), and 1000 mahāyugas formed a kalpa (cosmic aeon) which was equal to 4.32 billion (human) years. Each kalpa was divided into 14 intervals known as manvantaras (epochal intervals). The end of every kalpa was marked by deluge and annihilation of the world – till the next cycle of creation began. All these were exponentially widening divisions of time calculated in millions and millions of (human) years; our present is believed to be in the middle of the kaliyuga which clocks a total of 4,32,000 years! Rather than see the yugas and kalpas or cyclical time as mythic time, their sheer enormity and scale can be read as a statement on the unreckonable nature and vastness of time when

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seen from the very beginnings of creation – perhaps among the earliest expressions of the recent fields of “deep history” or “big history” which also seek to look into the very beginnings of the earth and the solar system. Further, the placing of moral order at the center of time suggests a deeply ethical worldview. And the cyclicity of moral ascendance and decline, where history and human behavior repeat themselves over and over again across the millennia, suggests that cyclical time was invested with cultural memory. As mentioned, the concept of yugas is best articulated in a corpus of texts known as the purāṇas: ancient narratives on the past. Among the pan-Indic purāṇas, there are 18 major purāṇas (mahāpurāṇas), such as the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, Śiva Purāṇa, and the Śrīmadbhāgavata Purāṇa, which were composed approximately between the third and ninth centuries CE, and another 18 minor ones (upapurāṇas) that were composed somewhat later; and still other local or sthalapurāṇas. The purāṇas are essentially sectarian, encyclopedic texts in Sanskrit that claim to cover/deal with five themes (pañcalakṣaṇa), though they actually contain much more material: sarga (creation), pratisarga (re-creation), manvantara (epochal intervals), vaṁśa (genealogy), and vaṁśānucarita (biographies). Therefore, apart from Hindu cosmology and theology, the purāṇas also document vital information on ruling families as well as great sages, and their entire lineages and lifehistories, many of these being historical. Thus the puranic vaṁśāvalis are an important source for recreating the political history of early India since they record important dynasties such as the Bārhadrathas, Haryaṅkas, Śaiśunāgas, Nandas, Mauryas (founders of the first empire in Indian history), Śuṅgas, Kaṇvas, Sātavāhanas, and so on down till the Gupta kings. The purāṇas are also of course a treasure trove of geographical and cultural history of early India. A companion genre to the purāṇas are the itihāsa texts. Literally, itihāsa means “thus it was” thereby attesting to an explicit engagement with the past in ancient India. The itihāsa texts refer to the Sanskrit epics, the Mahābhārata of Vyāsa (400 B.C.E.–400 C.E.) and Rāmāyaṇa of Vālmīki (500 B.C.E.–500 C.E.), which record in

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detailed and continuous narrative form the stories surrounding important events in the lives of kings and kingdoms of early historic India such as the Kurus and Pāñcālas of Hastinapura, and Ikṣavākus of Ayodhya, along with a host of other allied dynasties said to be ruling over a large part of the Indian subcontinent. However, the large number of myths to be found in them as well as in the purāṇas has led historians to only grudgingly accord them historical status, preferring to coin the phrase “embedded history” for the aspects of the past incidentally captured in them. But it needs to be remembered that both epics deal centrally with the issues of royal succession and war, thereby reflecting on important processes of state formation in early India. And again, at the heart of both epics are questions of ethics (dharma) and socio-political legitimacy, which merge with the imputed divinity of two central protagonists, Lord Kṛṣṇa and Lord Rāma in the Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa, respectively. The earliest traces we get, however, of a society self-consciously recording and preserving for posterity the names and feats of important individuals are in the Vedas themselves, the most ancient literature of India and the Hindus (1500–500 B.C.E.). Therein categories of verses titled Dānastuti (praise of charity), Nārāśamsī (Praise of Men), and Gāthā (stories) provide accounts of meritorious or heroic individuals and their social altruism. In a sense, the same impulse is seen in mature and expanded form a millennium later in the independent poetic genre of carita which are biographies chronicling and, by and large, eulogizing the lives of important personages, most of them kings. Among the earliest caritas we get are the life stories of Gautama Buddha, namely Aṣvaghoṣa’s Buddhacarita (circa second century C.E.), and of the Buddhist king Aśoka, namely the Aśokāvadāna (circa sixth century C.E., composed in Sri Lanka). Thereafter we see a spate of political biographies composed by court poets in regional kingdoms across the subcontinent, such as Bāṇa’s Harṣacarita (seventh century, Stahnīśvara/ Kanauj), Bilhaṇa’s Vikramāṅkadevacarita (eleventh century CE, Karnataka), Atula’s Muśikavaṁśa (eleventh century CE, Kerala),

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Sandhyākara Nandin’s Rāmapālacarita (eleventh century, Bengal), Jayānaka’s Prithvīrājavijaya (twelfth century, Rajasthan), and Hemacandra’s Kumārapālacarita (twelfth century, Gujarat). Among regional histories, the one name that towers above the rest is the history of Kashmir that we referred to at the very beginning of this entry: Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī (twelfth century CE) to which we will devote the rest of this discussion. There are two reasons for this emphasis: One, since this text is generally (and mistakenly) understood to represent the only specimen of true history in all of Sanskrit literature, and two, since it provides an opportunity to see other traditional modes of Indian history, such as myth and didacticism, in operation and how we may interpret them for history. The Rājataraṅgiṇī or The River of Kings gives a continuous chronology for Kashmir, using traditional Indian calendars or eras, such as kaliyuga and śaka saṁvat, to assign dates to the ascension and end of the reign of every king or queen of every dynasty that ruled early Kashmir from its origins till the twelfth century. These dynasties included the Gonandiyas (fifth to sixth century C.E.?), the Karkoṭas (seventh to ninth century C.E.), the Utpalas (ninth century C.E.), and the Loharas (tenth century to twelfth century C.E.). It also recounts in detail a host of primarily political events that occurred during these regimes, and the policies, deeds, and struggles of successive rulers and courtiers. It does not merely describe these; it seeks to explore the general and individual causes thereof and provide a range of plausible historical explanations for these. Another aspect of interest is that the poet Kalhana claims to have consulted local rock and copperplate inscriptions (śāsana) that recorded royal land grants and had evidently survived from ancient times. This is interesting since it gives insight into the sources that went into the making of the text that is today itself considered a source-material of history. One of the outstanding features of the Rājataraṅgiṇī is that it begins with a prolegomena clearly stating its purpose (prayojana) and its philosophy of history. Kalhaṇa states that “shedding both attachment and aversion, the voice of

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the poet should be unwavering when recounting matters of the past” (RT I.7). Modern scholars have read this as a statement recognizing impartiality or objectivity as a virtue in a historian. It is worth noting, however, that Kalhaṇa presents this as a poetic virtue and it may refer to the state of equipoise that Sanskrit poetic theory (alaṁkāra) of the times recommended to poets composing certain kinds of works aimed at achieving a state of equipoise or resignation (śānta rasa). While most historiography on the Rājataraṅgiṇī has valorized its objectivist qualities, like deference to chronology, objectivity, and causality, recent scholarship has drawn attention to its poetic qualities and figurative aspects as enunciating a historicality deeply charged with culturally specific meanings. It has been pointed out that the Rājataraṅgiṇī was primarily a classical Sanskrit epic poem (mahākāvya), and according to the genre’s long-standing and cherished tradition, the poet (kavi) was a seer (ṛṣi), who possessed spiritual omniscience and divine sight (divyadṛṣṭi). With these powers, which arose from his poetic intuition (pratibhā), he could gauge the real nature of things and even apprehend the different dimensions of time – “things that no one before had seen.” This claim to epistemic authority, however conventional, qualified the poet to speak on matters gone by and, as one of Kalhaṇa’s successors put it, rendered kavya as “a lamp that illuminates the past” (kāvyadīpam bhūtavastuprakāśakam). Significantly, however, the poet’s ontic access to history was inflected by kāvya’s didactic mandate to provide instruction (upadeśa) on a range of human goals and affairs, like piety (dharma), power (artha), and pleasure (kāma). In other words, history in the poetic mode was essentially ethical instruction. For a text like the Rājataraṅgiṇī, the area of instruction was specifically political morality (rājadharma) with the aim of ensuring social order (yojanam) and people’s welfare (prajānupālanam). Accordingly, the primary enterprise of the Rājataraṅgiṇī was not merely penning a factual record of Kashmir’s past but representation of Kashmir as a discursive political space mediated by an ethical paradigm.

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Thus, governance and kingship in the Rājataraṅgiṇī are evaluated according to certain moral principles. Good conduct (sat), righteousness, generosity/liberality (dākṣiṇya), discriminating intellect that could tell right from wrong (sārāsāraviveka) and which encouraged men of merit, character and learning, and the will to enforce justice (dharma) and ensure absence of fear (abhaya) among the subjects – these constituted the personal and political values to which the king’s commitment was expected. Then, these values were plotted through a series of exemplars that Kalhaṇa identified in Kashmir’s past kings, clubbing them in pairs elucidating their comparative morality. In this way, instead of being interpreted at face value alone for the facts and dates of history it reported, the entire River of Kings can be understood as a flow of ethical exemplars that unified this sprawling text in a narrative logic. In this traditional understanding, didactic and historical functions coalesced via poetry. This in turn meant that the model of epistemic truth generated by the Rājataraṅgiṇī was both transcendent, in invoking higher ethical ends, and contingent in so far as it was located in a referentially adduced historical past. What’s more, myth and popular memory were used to further this ethico-political agenda of history. Modern historians have tended to regard myth with considerable consternation, believing the mythic to be always fictive and false rather than a meaningful rendition of truth claims about the past. However, as Paul Veyne has perceptively observed, myth is not about the “real” as truth, but about what was noble as truth. Therefore, the standard of truth in myths, and their value to the narratives that preserved them, derived from something other than the verifiable. Myths in the Rājataraṅgiṇī based on local Kashmiri legends (kathā) about wrongdoing kings and their cities that were catastrophically destroyed by the anger of tutelary deities (nāgas), or about the origins of the land of Kashmir in an act of the great gods as told by the purāṇas – display precisely such a meaning and function in Kalhaṇa’s ethicized political commentary. Far from being a lapse in critical judgment, their inclusion served a

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purposive, didactic function, which was critical in the text’s scheme of things. By sanctifying the land and warning wrongful kings about the consequences of their actions, it provided the synergistic background for the unveiling of ethical monarchy and governance in the land of Kashmir, which seems to have been the larger purpose of writing Kashmir’s history. Thus early Indian historical traditions span a wide variety from the highly precise and factual, like the information inscribed and preserved in public epigraphs, to the ethical and didactic, like the literary representations of human history as a laboratory of social and political morality and a call to action. The sacred and the profane, the transcendent and the contingent were intertwined in this understanding of historical “truth.” Indic historical methods have to be grasped and understood in this larger sense, sensitive to the culturally specific functions and purposes this civilization assigned the genre of history. For early India, “facts” alone were not supreme and certainly did not exhaust truth; moralizing reality and transcending socio-moral and spiritual shortcomings was more the goal of recording and preserving history.

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References 22. 1. Basham AL (1961) The Kashmir Chronicle. In: Philips CH (ed) Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon. Oxford University Press, London, pp 57–65 2. Cox W (2013) Literary register and historical consciousness in Kalhaṇa: a hypothesis. Indian Econ Soc Hist Rev 50(2):131–160 3. Doniger W (ed) (1993) Purana Perennis: reciprocity and transformation in Hindu and Jaina texts. State University of New York Press, Albany 4. Eck D (2011) India: a sacred geography. Harmony Books, New York 5. Falk H (2007) Ancient Indian eras: an overview. Bull Asia Inst 21:131–145 6. Feldherr A, Hardy G (2011) The Oxford history of history-writing. Vol. I The beginnings to 400 CE and Vol. II 400–1400 CE. Oxford University Press, New York 7. Kaul S (2014) “Seeing” the past: text and questions of history in Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī. Hist Theory 53(2):194–211 8. Kaul S (2015) South Asia. In: Benjamin CW (ed) Cambridge world history. vol 4. A world with

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states, empires and networks 1200 BCE–900 CE. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Kaul S (2018) The making of early Kashmir: landscape and identity in the Rajatarangini. Oxford University Press, New Delhi Majumdar RC (1961) Ideas of history in Sanskrit literature. In: Philips CH (ed) Historians of India, Pakistan and Ceylon. Oxford University Press, London, pp 13–27 Mantena R (2007) The question of history in precolonial India. Hist Theory 46(3):396–408 Michael W (1990) On Indian historical writing: the role of Vaṁśāvalīs. J Jpn Assoc South Asian Stud 2:1–57 Mill J (1817) The history of British India, 3 vols. Baldwin, Cradock and Joy, London Pollock S (1989) Mīmāṁsā and the problem of history in traditional India. J Am Orient Soc 109(4):603–610 Pollock S (2007) Pretextures of time. Hist Theory 46(3):366–383 Rao VN, Shulman D, Subrahmanyam S (2003) Textures of time: writing history in South India 1600–1800. Other Press, New York Salomon R (1998) Indian epigraphy: a guide to the study of inscriptions in Sanskrit, Prakrit, and other Indo-Aryan languages. Oxford University Press, Delhi Slaje W (2004) Medieval Kashmir and the science of history. South Asia Institute, Austin Stein MA (ed & trans 1960 [1892, 1900]) Kalhaṇa’s Rājataraṅgiṇī or Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, 2 vols. Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi Thapar R (1996) Time as a metaphor of history: early India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi Thapar R (2013) The past before us: historical traditions of early North India. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Veyne P (1988) Did the Greeks believe in their myths? (trans: Wissing P). Chicago University Press, Chicago Warder AK (1972) An introduction to Indian historiography. Popular Prakashan, Bombay Wilson HH (1825) An essay on the Hindu history of Kashmir. Asiat Res XV:1–119

Historiography (Hinduism) Arpita Mitra Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla, Himachal Pradesh, India

Synonyms Study of Written Histories (of Hinduism)

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Definition Historiography means the study of the written histories on a subject. A historiography of Hinduism entails an examination of the various debates prevalent in the study of Hinduism. The historiography of Hinduism is ridden with several debates such as whether Hinduism is a product of Western discourses, with no existence before the nineteenth century, whether Hinduism can be called a single unified religion, whether Hinduism can be called a religion at all, and so on.

Introduction In the study of world religions, Hinduism has held a special place because of its somewhat unique nature and historical trajectory. The scholarly engagement with Hinduism also originated in a particular context – the modern encounter of Europeans with the phenomenon of the religion of the “Hindoos.” This context has informed many of the debates that emerged around Hinduism and have endured to this day. A major debate in the historiography of Hinduism is whether anything called Hinduism at all existed before the modern era. Another debate is whether Hinduism is one religion internally divided into many sects, or in reality different sects brought together to form one conglomeration under the pressure of historical circumstances. A related but distinct debate has also been if Hinduism can at all be called a religion in the Western sense of the term. Yet another debate has been if Hinduism of the modern times is authentic traditional Hinduism or a version, refashioned under Western influences, which should be called Neo-Hinduism. The historiography of Hinduism is thus ridden with controversies right from the time scholars started documenting it. In this essay, only one central historiographical debate will be addressed: if Hinduism – or at least a unified form of Hinduism – was a product of India’s encounter with the modern West. Whether Hinduism can be called a “religion” at all will also be touched upon briefly. The interlocutors in the debate, twentieth century onward, have been

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many: Wilfred Cantwell Smith, R N Dandekar, Robert Eric Frykenberg, Heinrich von Stietencron, Vasudha Dalmia, Brian K. Smith, Geoffrey Oddie, David Lorenzen, Julius Lipner, Wilhelm Halbfass, Joseph O’Connell, Timothy Fitzgerald, Wendy Doniger, John Stratton Hawley, S N Balagangadhara, Brian K Pennington, Arvind Sharma, Will Sweetman, and Andrew Nicholson, among others. In the present essay, only a few representative strands of the debate will be discussed. The first section of the essay will discuss the history of the term Hinduism. The second and third sections will discuss the debate whether a unified Hinduism existed before the modern era. The last section is devoted to a discussion of whether Hinduism can be called a religion.

History of the Term “Hinduism” Arvind Sharma discusses works of various scholars like A. V. Willaims Jackson (1922), H. W. Rawlinson (1954), and Hemchandra Raychaudhuri (1996) and concludes that the earliest traceable use of the word “Hindu” appears in the Zend-avesta as referring to the land of Seven Rivers (Hapta Hindu) and perhaps the earliest dateable reference to the word Hindu is also found in a Persian context – a sixth-century B.C.E. inscription of Darius I mentioning “Hidu” [Hindu] in the list of countries and clay tablets from Persepolis mentioning “Hiin-tu” to refer to India (confined mainly to the Sind region) [1]. In Chinese too, the term for India underwent a transformation – from the earlier version Shin-tu (also Hien-tau) to In-tu in the works of Hiuen Tsang (seventh century C.E.). India was called al-Hind in pre-Islamic Arabia. When Muhammad ibn Qasim invaded Sind in 712 C.E., he entered into “the Brahmanabad settlement” with the native non-Muslims of the land, who subsequently came to be known as Hindus. Thus, the term “Hindu” acquired a specifically religious connotation. With Mahmud of Ghazni’s plundering of Somnath in 1025 C.E., this religious connotation of the term further consolidated, and we see Al Beruni describing Hindus as “our religious antagonists”([1], p. 7). Thus, when India

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came in contact with the Islamic world, the same word “Sindhu” (generally meaning river and more specifically referring to the river Indus) gave rise to two different words – Hind (from Sind) to denote the Indian land and Hindu (from Sindhu) to denote the people who inhabited this land. It has, however, been noted that Al Beruni struggled with his definition of the religion of the Hindus – many points, for instance, the relationship between Hindus and Buddhists, needed to be ironed out. The ambiguities related to the term Hindu continued during the Mughal Empire. As noted by Sharma: “The usage of the word Hindu in the subsequent period retains the two ambiguities (1) whether it refers to a region or a religion and (2) whether, as religion, it is to be understood in a centralist or pluralist manner” ([1], p. 9). It may be safely noted that the Hindus started referring to themselves as Hindus at least since the sixteenth century (for details, see [1], pp. 13–14), and Sharma argues that the ambiguities continued even in these instances. British rule in India brought another proselytizing religion into the land – Christianity – and also brought into existence another term, Hinduism. In continuation of the ambiguities associated with the term Hindu, for the British, Hindu denoted “all things in India. . .which were not Muslim, not Christian, not Jewish, or, hence, not Western” (Frykenberg cited in [1], p. 17). But the invention of the word Hinduism is what started giving, in due course, a definite shape to what is known today as the Hindu identity. The earliest use of the term Hinduism has been traced to 1816, when Rammohan Roy used the word “Hindooism” and subsequently in 1817 when he remarked that “the doctrines of the unity of God are real Hinduism” (Killingley cited in [2], p. 3). The word “Hinduism” was then used in a letter published in the 1818 volume of The Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register and subsequently in an article on Hinduism in Bali by John Crawfurd published in the 1820 volume of Asiatik Researches [2]. The term was used in 1829, 1831, 1839 (Alexander Duff), 1858 (Max Müller), and 1877 (Monier Monier-Williams) (for details, see [2] and [1]). By the second quarter of the nineteenth century, the use of this term

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became common, especially in the writings of British authors.

The “Constructionist” Argument Several scholars subscribe to the view that Hinduism as a unified religion was a social construction – a result of India’s contact with the West through Christian missionaries, Orientalism and European Indology, and British imperial rule. Some of them are sophisticated enough to take into account the agency of the subject people of colonial India and their complicity in the process. But works that deal exclusively with the colonial period suffer from a major lacuna: in the absence of a close engagement with the pre-colonial past, it is difficult to accept as definitive the claim that Hinduism was created in the modern times alone. For example, let us take the arguments of Vasudha Dalmia [3]. Dalmia examines the relevant writings of Bhāratendu Hariśchandra (1850–1885), the polymath of Benares, who was also a follower of the Vaiṣṇava Puṣṭimārga tradition founded by Vallabhācārya (1478–1530). She argues that Hariśchandra’s impetus was to unify the Hindus under one umbrella, and, in this attempt, he projected Vaiṣṇavism as the oldest faith and prakṛt mata (true doctrine) of India. Dalmia then demonstrates how this view was in convergence with the views articulated by the likes of Monier Monier-Williams (1819–1899). The only difference was: for Albrecht Weber (1825–1901), Franz Lorinser (1821–1893) and F S Growse, Vaiṣṇavism bore the mark of Christian influence, while Hariśchandra maintained that the reverse was true. Dalmia may be right in tracing the interaction of Western and Indian discourses on Vaiṣṇavism, Hinduism, and so on in the nineteenth century, but this approach hardly sheds any light on the actual history of the development of Vaiṣṇavism since earliest times and its place in Hinduism before the latter acquired its name. On the basis of this evidence, therefore, it is difficult to be convinced of the premise regarding a nonexistent Hinduism prior to the nineteenth century. As rightly pointed

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out by Wendy Doniger: “The name ‘Hinduism’ was indeed of recent and European construction, but it is Eurocentric to assume that when we made the name we made the game. ‘Hinduism’. . .is, like the armadillo, part hedgehog, part tortoise. Yet there are armadillos, and they were there before they had names. . .religions are messy. It has proved convenient for us to call this corpus of concepts Hinduism; naming is always a matter of the convenience of the namers, and all categories are constructed” ([4], p. 36, emphasis in original). Unlike Dalmia, Stietencron deals with a source prior to the colonial period. The evidence he marshals in support of his argument is the practice of a certain ritual to be found in the text Somaśambhupaddhati, an early South Indian text on Śaiva rituals, written by Somaśambhu [5]. The earliest available manuscript of this work is from Kashmir, bearing a date equivalent to 1073 C.E. An aspirant willing to embrace Śaivism had to perform a specific ritual to uproot the presence of liṅga (not to be confused with the śiva liṅga) or marks arising out of association with other paths such as Vaiṣṇavism, Buddhism, Vedānta, and so on. This ritual is known as the liṅgoddhāra ritual, and its description is found in the chapter “Vratoddhāra” in the said text. According to Stietencron, this clearly indicates that the Śaivas looked upon themselves as distinct from others who today belong to the Hindu fold. Therefore, it becomes difficult to speak of a unified Hinduism. Incidentally, while Stietencron uses words such as “conversion” to denote this ritual action, and “religions” to denote the various dispensations like Buddhism, Vaiṣṇavism, etc., the usage of such terms in this context is highly problematic. Neither the terms nor the concepts and attendant meanings come from the source material. They merely reflect the scholars’ own understanding of a past phenomenon from the vantage point of the present. Just as it may be anachronistic to say that they were all “Hindus,” it is equally anachronistic to impose our ideas of “religions” and “conversions” on them. One might want to ask what terms the source text uses. Firstly, the others are referred to as anyeṣam vratayuktānām (persons committed to other observances). These others, namely, the

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Buddhist, the Jain, the Vedantin, the Bhāgavata, the Pāśupata, and the Mahāvratā, are established in differing tattvas. These others are subsequently referred to as liṅgins, that is, persons bearing a mark. Stietencron interprets liṅga to indicate “religious affiliation” ([5], p. 57), but if one considers it carefully, one would note that this is not a faithful rendition of the original term and concept. It may be worth noting that liṅgoddhāra-dīkṣa is also found in the texts of Trīkā Śaivism (Kaśmir Śaivism) such as the Tantrasāra and Tantrāloka, both by Abhinavagupta. In Chap. 17 of Tantrasāra, the same process is explained, and the word that is used to denote the different dispensations like Vaiṣṇavism and so on is “tantra,” which generally means technique, path, or system. This is not merely an issue of terminology, but a larger issue of the religious imagination of people in pre-modernity. According to Wilfred Cantwell Smith, the highly reified concept of religion is a strictly modern one, not only in the case of Hinduism or any Indian religion but also for Christianity and Judaism. Neither ancient Greek nor classical Hebrew had any word for religion. In India, there was no concept of Hinduism, but there was no concept of religion as we understand it today in the first place. “Nor was there any term enabling an Indian to discriminate conceptually between the religious and the other aspects of his society’s life” ([6], p. 55). Smith argues that no such concept of “religion” existed among the early Buddhists either. “Perhaps the most eloquent testimony to the inappropriateness of the new concept [of religion] to that situation and those processes [involved in the making of early Buddhism] lies in the persistent problem of whether or not primitive Buddhism was a religion. The modern West has proven incapable of answering this question. The early Buddhists and their neighbours, we may note, were incapable of asking it” ([6], p. 56). All this is not to mean that modern Western concepts created Hinduism; this is to mean that modern Western concepts created a concept of religion that is ill-suited to describe the premodern phenomenon of religion in general and Hinduism in particular.

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Will Sweetman writes that those who deny the existence of Hinduism prior to the nineteenth century “depend, implicitly or explicitly, upon a notion of religion which is too much influenced by Christian conceptions of what a religion is. . .” ([7], p. 329). This could involve notions such as belief in one God, adherence to one holy book, one historical founder, and so on. Sweetman points out that since Hinduism does not insist on doctrinal uniformity, it is easy but highly inappropriate to dismiss it as not being a (unified) religion.

Diversity: The Unique Nature of Hinduism So, what is the difficulty in accepting that Hinduism is one religion? Right from the time of the early Christian missions during British rule and some of the earliest Western scholarship on Hinduism, scholars have grappled with one feature of Hinduism – its internal diversity. Does Hinduism merit the description of a single religion? Stietencron writes: “. . .scholars who study the history of the Hindu religion more closely discover such a plurality of religious doctrine and practice within Hinduism, that the current practice of subsuming them under one religion appears inadequate” ([5], p. 51). It seems that there are two assumptions implicit in this statement – one, internal diversity is not possible within a single religion; and, two, the approach also views religions other than Hinduism as monolithic. In making this statement, Stietencron juxtaposes Hinduism with Islam, Buddhism, and Christianity, quite overlooking the fact that these religions too have a kind of diversity and at times even unresolved tensions within themselves. W C Smith has something very distinct to say in this regard: “‘Islam’ and ‘Christianity’. . .are also in fact, in actual practice, internally diverse, and have been historically fluid. They, however, have included a tendency to wish not to be so; this is not how they conceptualize themselves. Many Christians and many Muslims have come to believe that there is one true Christianity and one true Islam. Hindus, on the other hand, have

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gloried in diversity. One of their basic and persistent affirmations has been that there are as many aspects of the truth as there are persons to perceive it” ([6], p. 63). Smith, in fact, shifts the weight of the argument on to a positive side, by calling Hindu plurality a conscious drive and recognition, and the very nature of Hinduism, thereby not denying Hinduism its legitimacy on account of its internal diversity. It is in recognition of the pluralism embedded within Hinduism that Julius Lipner has proffered his theoretical formulation of Hinduism as the great banyan tree – “microcosmically polycentric, macrocosmically one.” He writes: “The characteristic of the banyan is well known: from widespread branches it sends down aerial roots, many of which in time grow thick and strong to resemble individual tree-trunks, so that an ancient banyan looks like an interconnected collection of trees and branches in which the same life-sap flows: one yet many. . .Like the tree, Hinduism is an ancient collection of roots and branches, many indistinguishable one from the other, microcosmically poly centric, macrocosmically one, sharing the same regenerative life-sap, with a temporal foliage which covers most of recorded human history” ([8], pp. 4–5). Furthermore, Lipner uses the concept of family resemblance: “. . .Hinduism is an acceptable abbreviation for a family of culturally similar traditions. It is a family term. Just as in an extended family there are a number of features distributed among its members, not uniformly but in permutations such that any two or more members (even distant cousins) can be identified as belonging to the same family, so too in Hinduism there are many traditions over which distinctive characteristics are distributed in overlapping ways such that we may identify each of these traditions as belonging to the same cultural family” ([8], p. 5). Gabriella Eichinger Ferro-Luzzi makes similar arguments about family resemblance features in Hinduism: “. . .it is not necessary to abandon the term Hinduism or deny it the status of a religion. What should be abandoned instead is the conviction that all concepts can be defined because they must possess common attributes and clear-cut boundaries. . .The rectification of our thinking

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about concepts had to await Wittgenstein’s discovery that concepts need not have common attributes and clear-cut boundaries but may be held together by ‘a complicated network of similarities overlapping and criss-crossing’. . ., in other words that a ‘family resemblance’ may exist among their members. Concepts formed in such a way now called polythetic. . .cannot be defined but only exemplified” ([9], p. 187). Ferro-Luzzi offers her definition of Hinduism as a “polythetic-prototype” concept. She explains why she has added “prototype” to the expression: “Most polythetic concepts, in fact, are not uniformly vague throughout their extension. Prototype, in the binominal polythetic-prototype, refers to a collection of the most frequent features reducing the vagueness of the polythetic notion” ([9], p. 191). The arguments offered by Smith, Lipner, and Ferro-Luzzi are theoretically much more sophisticated compared to arguments that deny legitimacy to Hinduism on account of its internal diversity. In fact, the latter at times turn out to be polemical in nature, refusing to broach the issue from a different perspective. Stietencron further argues (and so do several others) that “the whole concept of the oneness of Hindu religion was introduced by missionaries and scholars from the West. . .Historically, the concept of Hindu religious unity is questionable when applied to any period prior to the nineteenth century” ([5], p. 51). David Lorenzen disagrees with this position and instead claims that “a Hindu religion theologically and devotionally grounded in texts such as the Bhagavad-gita, the Puranas, and philosophical commentaries on the six darsanas gradually acquired a much sharper self-conscious identity through the rivalry between Muslims and Hindus in the period between 1200 and 1500 and was firmly established long before 1800” ([2], p. 2). Andrew Nicholson has also shed light on the issue of a unified Hinduism predating British rule in India. He argues that between “the twelfth and sixteenth centuries CE, certain thinkers began to treat as a single whole the diverse philosophical teachings of the Upaniṣads, epics, Purāṇas, and the schools known retrospectively as the ‘six systems’ (ṣaḍdarśana) of mainstream Hindu philosophy. . .After this late

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medieval period, it became almost universally accepted that there was a fixed group of Indian philosophies in basic agreement with one another and standing together against Buddhism and Jainism” ([10], pp. 2–3).

Is Hinduism a Religion? Hinduism has often been referred to as a “way of life” rather than a religion. While it communicates something, the expression “way of life” can be notoriously vague as far as an academic study of Hinduism is concerned, for it does not sufficiently describe the object of study. There have been, however, serious academic claims for not treating Hinduism as a “religion” in the Western sense of the term. Arvind Sharma argues that “the Western hermeneutics of the word religion is conceptually foreign to India” and “its foreignness consists in the double implication of the word religion (a) that one may adhere to only one religion at a time. . .and (b) that religion is separate from and separable from culture” ([11], p. 23). He further argues that “the hermeneutical approach of the West to the category of religion, and its application to India, is in a large measure responsible for the appearance of Hindu nationalism, specially as denoted by the word Hindutva” ([11], p. 23). He illustrates the first point through examples. One example is that of Sikhism becoming a distinct religion, calling for an exclusive belief in Sikh teachings alone, by virtue of the Sikh Gurdwaras Act of 1925. This ran counter to an earlier history of relative fluidity and flexibility in attitude toward other religions, attested by a kind of fuzziness of inter-religious boundaries in the nineteenth century and even the admittance of a new category “Sikh-Hindu” in the Census of 1911. Following from this, Sharma argues that V D Savarkar’s formulation of Hindutva or Hindu culture was in response to the introduction of the divisive Western notion of religion that demands exclusive adherence and also creates a separation of religion from culture. W C Smith has often been identified as the precursor of the argument that there was no

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Hinduism prior to modernity. But a closer examination of his views will reveal that what he tried to say was far more complex. His basic premise was that the rise of the concept of “religion” was a symptom of a modern Western trend of reification in general [6]. The pre-moderns lived a much less reified existence, where religion was more a way of life, inseparable from other aspects of society. This was true of almost all major world religions. The first sign of this unreified existence is that, with the exception of Islam, none had an inbuilt name to begin with. Buddhism, Hinduism, Taoism, Zoroastrianism, and Confucianism are all names formulated in the nineteenth century. Judaism acquired its name in relation to others. Christianity was also named by outsiders. There was not even any word for “religion” in many of these religions. Furthermore, “there is no evidence in the New Testament that the early Christians were conscious of being involved in a new religion. They, like Jesus himself, like the Hebrews before them, and like the Hindus, Buddhists, Far Easterners, ancient Egyptians,. . .simply did not think in such terms” ([6], pp. 57–58). Similarly, to call Guru Nanak, “the founder of Sikhism” would be “to misconstrue both him and history.” Thus, we note that Smith applied his theory to all world religions. To single out Hinduism would be highly misleading. Part of what he had specifically to say about Hinduism was discussed above. It is true that Smith did not consider Hinduism to be a unity, but, according to him, this tendency toward plurality was purposeful, and not unselfconscious, in the philosophical framework of Hinduism. It is because Hinduism truly accepts a plural approach in religion. Furthermore: “In classical India – again if we exclude personal religion, or religiousness – there is no word for our concept [of religion]. . .It is not, of course, that this age was inhibited by lack of sophistication or self-consciousness. The classical Hindus developed religious ideals and practices in richer profusion and subtler intellectual depth with more insistent emphasis and more refined analysis earlier than any other people. . .It is rather that. . .they were well able to be religious without reifying” ([6], pp. 54–55).

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It is only in the larger context of Smith’s views on religion and world religions that his following position vis-à-vis Hinduism is to be understood: “The term ‘Hinduism’ is, in my judgment, a particularly false conceptualization, one that is conspicuously incompatible with any adequate understanding of the religious outlook of Hindus. . .‘Hinduism’ as a concept certainly they did not have. And indeed one has only to reflect on the situation carefully to realize that it would necessarily have been quite meaningless to them” ([6], p. 61). What Smith meant when he said Hinduism is no religion is that the category of religion is not adequate to understand Hinduism. This subtle logic has often been missed by scholars, who have mainly focused on the part played by Western discourses to create a discourse on Hinduism or have applied modern Western categories to understand a pre-modern non-Western phenomena. The argument “Hinduism is no religion” can have both positive and negative connotations, depending on the vantage point from which one approaches the issue.

Cross-References ▶ Abhinavagupta ▶ Darśana, Overview of Six Schools ▶ Hinduism (Overview) ▶ Kaśmir Śaivism ▶ Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899) ▶ Müller, Friedrich Max ▶ Nationalism (Hinduism) ▶ Puṣṭimārga ▶ Savarkar, Vinayak Damodhar (“Veer”) ▶ Vallabhācārya

References 1. Sharma A (2002) On Hindu, Hindustān, Hinduism and Hindutva. Numen 49(1):1–36 2. Lorenzen DN (2006) Who invented Hinduism? Essays on religion in history. Yoda Press, New Delhi 3. Dalmia V (2007) ‘The only real religion of the Hindus’: Vaiṣṇava self-representation in the late nineteenth century. In: Dalmia V, von Stietencron H (eds)

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4. 5.

6. 7.

8. 9.

10.

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The Oxford India Hinduism reader. Oxford University Press, New Delhi Doniger W (1991) Hinduism by any other name. Wilson Quarterly 15(3):35–41 von Stietencron H (1995) Religious configurations in pre-Muslim India and the modern concept of Hinduism. In: Dalmia V, von Stietencron H (eds) Representing Hinduism: the construction of religious traditions and national identity. Sage, New Delhi Smith WC (1962) The meaning and end of religion. Mentor Books, New York Sweetman W (2003) “Hinduism” and the history of “religion”: protestant presuppositions in the critique of the concept of Hinduism. Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 15:329–353 Lipner J (1994) Hindus: their religious belief and practices. Routledge, London Ferro-Luzzi GE (1989) The polythetic-prototype approach to Hinduism. In: Sontheimer GD, Kulke H (eds) Hinduism reconsidered. Manohar, New Delhi Nicholson AJ (2011) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Permanent Black, Ranikhet Sharma A (2008) The hermeneutics of the word “religion” and its implications for the world of Indian religions. In: Sherma RD, Sharma A (eds) Hermeneutics and Hindu thought: toward a fusion of horizons. Springer, Dordrecht

History of Religions Method Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

The history of religions describes a distinct approach to the study of religions and their phenomena. Scholars adopting this approach to the study of religion share some common beliefs about the importance of history and objectivity and the role of comparison in their method. Although not the only practitioners of this method, these scholars tend to overlap in certain areas with each other, but there is no, strictly speaking, school of the history of religions. From a historical perspective, there is an overlap with and influence from a phenomenological approach that was shaped by Hegel and Edmund Husserl. Hegel conceived of a world spirit (Weltgeist) as the operative force in the world

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and an actualization of consciousness of itself as freedom, which is attained by the human mind as the spirit that works through world-historical individuals. In conjunction with the world spirit, there is the Volksgeist (spirit of a people or state), a more limited totality that represents a cultural complex that integrates art, religion, politics, and technology. This Hegelian emphasis on wholeness and the interconnected nature of cultural elements influenced the history of religions method. Instead of spirit and Hegel’s idealism, Husserl called philosopher’s attention back to the things themselves and the task of developing philosophy as a rigorous science. From Husserl’s perspective, humans are captive to the natural attitude and its limitations shaped by presuppositions, prejudices, and pre-understanding about the world. Husserl proposed two stages: eidetic and phenomenological reduction. The eidetic reduction proceeded from a phenomenon to general essences (eidos), which means pure generalities that manifest themselves before our minds without claiming that they are real. Phenomenological reduction leads from the external world to our immediate world of experience or from the phenomenal ego to transcendental subjectivity. Desiring to rid philosophy of abstractions and secondary qualities, Husserl wants to get into the world of primary experience, the life world (Lebenswelt), because it is the world that exists before one begins to reflect on it. In this second stage of his method, Husserl refers to the epoché (bracketing), our beliefs about objects of experience to strip perceived foreign appearances and allow the essences to be found. By using this part of his method, the philosopher avoids judgments about objective existence or nonexistence of the objects of consciousness, providing a means to more carefully examine that which is given to consciousness and to uncover intentionality, which means that consciousness is always conscious of something. What Husserl means is that intentionality takes the raw data of sensation and creates a synthetic unity that gives shape to the essence of things. Husserl’s philosophy influenced historians of religions to develop typologies, to classify religions and their phenomena, and to arrange phenomena into patterns of coherence. The promise that Husserl’s philosophy

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gave to religion scholars was the possibility of doing their research in a scientific way. The Germans did not make a sharp distinction with respect to the term science (Wissenschaft) because its meaning included the natural science, humanities, and the social sciences. What the Germans called Geisteswissenschaften (science of the spirit) included Religionswissenschaft (science of religion). Thus, the German term Wissenschaft (science) is much wider in meaning and scope than the English equivalent. As the disciple of the scholarly study of religion evolved, Religionswissenschaft served as a synonym for comparative religion and a historical philological science. It was used by a pioneering scholar like F. Max Müller, an Oxford University professor and editor of the Sacred Books of the East series of translations of the greatest religious literature of the East and his call for a science of religion. The history of religions is a good example of this quest for a science of religion. A basic presupposition among scholars was that doing research in a scientific way gave their work authenticity, veracity, and respect from their peers. The two most renowned scholars using the history of religions approach to the study of religion are Mircea Eliade, a Romanian native who did his doctoral dissertation on yoga, and Jonathan Z. Smith, both having held endowed chairs at the University of Chicago. They both think that history and the comparative method are essential to understanding religion. Smith does not, however, follow Eliade when he looks for patterns, structures, and essences in religion. Smith has been a vocal critic of Eliade over his alleged lack of historical evidence and his misuse of comparison. Smith wants to contextualize religious phenomena and avoid the quest for essences. Since Eliade has been the most well-known advocate of the history of religions method, he will be examined first. Eliade envisions the history of religions as an encyclopedic approach to religious phenomena, which involves morphological classification or typologies of similar phenomena. Morphology is a method of classification that synchronically organizes material spread over a vast expanse of

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time and place. This can be grasped as an eidetic reintegration into a phenomenon’s system of associations using morphological classification. The historian of religion looks for patterns or structures exhibited by the religious phenomena because an initial structure or archetype tends toward a larger context of structural associations. A given archetype cannot be understood by itself, but can only be grasped when the total system of associations is uncovered or reconstructed. This involves comparing a single phenomenon with many similar or dissimilar phenomena. The task of comparison is to find the universal element in the manifestation of the sacred. Thus, comparison helps to elucidate the meaning that is no longer obvious due to cultural camouflage. To understand the meaning of a sacred phenomenon, the historian of religions must place oneself in the context of homo-religious and compare elements by morphological classification to retrieve the universal elements, which enables the historian to capture the dialectic of the sacred, a tendency of the sacred to indefinitely repeat a series of archetypes. In his hermeneutical method, Eliade stresses that it is important not to reduce sacred phenomenon to a psychological, sociological, or historical statement. If something religious is reduced to another mode, the interpreter will miss the sacred, which is its unique and irreducible element. Toward the end of his career, Eliade envisioned the possibility for a new humanism arising from the history of religions. This new humanism goes beyond simply just reconstructing the history of a religious phenomenon and calling attention to its sociological, economic, and political contexts. The scholar must also understand its meaning and comparison helps one achieve comprehension. This new humanism is also dialogical when dealing with the fundamental values of a culture. These values have religious sources that we must understand when engaged in a dialogue with representatives of other religious traditions. By following this prescription for dialogue, we will overcome cultural provincialism and increase our knowledge of human beings. Eliade draws a distinction between the historian and the

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phenomenologist. The latter is mainly interested in the meanings of religious data, whereas the historian attempts to show how these meanings have been experienced and lived in the various cultures and historical movements and how they have been transformed, enriched, or impoverished in the course of history. Unlike the phenomenologist, the historian of religion is forced to relive a multitude of existential situations and to unravel numerous archaic ontologies. Eliade combined his vision of a new humanism with a call for creative hermeneutics that would stimulate philosophical thought, transform human beings, become a source for new cultural values, and enable one to find their place in the world. These benefits come with risks because one could get entrapped by a subject of investigation and not notice the sacred that is camouflaged within the mundane. Eliade’s grand vision includes a synthesis of religious knowledge. Smith criticizes Eliade for his use of morphological classification and comparison. With respect to Eliade’s use of classification, Smith claims that it is impressionistic and not a method for analytical inquiry. In addition, Eliade’s approach is unhistorical because it ignores linear development and fails to give new knowledge. According to Smith, Eliade’s approach leads to finding similarities, but it neglects differences that are more important than sameness. Smith’s method is influenced by Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951), who argued that the method of comparison is not about finding identity but is rather about discovering difference. Because the historian for Smith is immersed in the world, she must fabricate her standpoint. Her basic task is to complicate and not to clarify and to celebrate diversity. According to Smith, history forms the framework for religion, a quest for the power to negotiate and manipulate one’s situation to create space in which one can meaningful dwell. Religion helps in this endeavor by being a mode of human creativity that discovers and creates limits for human existence. Thus, to examine religion is to study its numerous attempts to map, construct, and inhabit positions of power established by using myths, rituals, and

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experiences. Contrary to Eliade, Smith asserts that there is nothing inherently sacred or profane. For Smith, there are situational or relational categories that change according to the map being used. Smith makes a distinction between a locative map and a utopian map. Smith describes a locative map as an attitude that seeks a congruence, whereas a utopian map is an anti-map attitude that finds maps artificial, constraining, and threatening. In addition, a distinction is drawn between a locative and a utopian vision of the world. A locative vision of the world emphasizes place, while a utopian vision of the world focuses on the value of being in no place. The locative map is centered and depends on order or a set of organizing principles. What Smith calls the “fit” is the relationship between map and territory. The congruence that Smith seeks is between map (worldview) and territory (experience). Rather than comparing one map with another, it is experience where meaning can be discovered. Thus, Smith is concerned to show the dynamics of the relationship between maps (worldviews) and territories (human experience). This way enables us to see that religion occurs in the play between map and territory. When a scholar becomes engaged in mapping, she dichotomizes the world into humans like us and nonhumans who are not like us, a sharp distinction into we and them. Drawing such a distinction, the result is, for instance, asserting that the West is active and makes history, whereas non-Western cultures are static and undergo history. The non-Westerners tend to stay invisible and nonhuman. The category “World Religion” is, for example, a religion like ours. The differences that a scholar finds in distinctive religious traditions fuel the method of comparison, which can be understood as a juxtaposition that places two or more things in adjacent places that implies relationship between them. Thus, juxtaposition is a precondition for comparison and even demands it. Juxtaposition creates a tension between items that raises questions among the items being juxtaposed in this

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interplay, which is driven by difference, a feature accepted by comparison. Difference is conceived commencing as incongruity, which gives rise to thought. In summary, Smith’s method involves juxtaposition (comparison), difference (incongruity or incredulity), and thought (reflection). These methodological steps enable a scholar to map data that exemplify religion through the imaginative acts of comparison and generalization. Where the scholar stands during the application of her method is important because it directs the study of religion. In Eliade’s work, he emphasizes the center. In response to Eliade, Smith responds by stating that all sacred things have their place and contribute to the maintenance of order in the universe by occupying the places allocated to them. For Smith a third map may be a more positive alternative to locative and utopian ideals. This third map would allow the incongruous elements to stand. The incongruity is not only between map and territory but also between either an ideal goal or its irrespective accomplishment. This is analogous to holding together the tragic and the comedic. In conclusion, Smith wants to assert that religion arises and exists because of the play of differences.

References 1. Eliade M (1959) The sacred and the profane: the nature of religion (trans: Trask WR). Harcourt, Brace, and Company, New York 2. Eliade M (1968) Patterns in comparative religion (trans: Sheed R). World, Cleveland 3. Eliade M (1969) The quest: history and meaning in religion. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Olson C (1992) The theology and philosophy of Eliade: a search for the centre. Macmillan, London 5. Olson C (2013) The allure of decadent thinking: religious studies and the challenge of postmodernism. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Rennie BS (1996) Reconsidering Eliade: making sense of religion. State University of New York Press, Albany 7. Smith JZ (1978) Map is not territory: studies in the history of religions. E. J. Brill, Leiden 8. Smith JZ (1982) Imaging religion from Babylon to Jonestown. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 9. Smith JZ (1987) To take place: toward theory in ritual. University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London

Holī (Holika¯)

Holī (Holika¯) R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Holi is a cultural festival of India celebrating the victory of good over evil. The term Holi has varied connotations in the sociocultural milieu of India; as a festival, as a metaphor, and as a mode of lodging protest, it has come up with different connotations on different occasions. As a religious and sociocultural festival among Hindus, it shows significant artifacts in Indian culture and registers its importance among many festivities celebrating the zest of life in nation. It is a long spanning spring celebration. The main festival is held on the full moon of the Hindu calendar month “Phalguna” (between the end of February and the middle of March). In the religious and folk texts, there are various mythological reasons behind the celebration of Holi. In the Bhgavatpurana and the Vishnu Purana, we find the mention of Hiranyakashipu who attempted to kill Prahlada by forcing him to sit on a burning pile of woods, in the lap of Holika. Holika was Hiranyakashipu’s sister and Prahlada was his son. Holika had a special blessing by Lord Brahma that shielded her from any harm from burning. Prahlada was a devotee of Lord Vishnu and has tread along the path of truth and righteousness. Under the command of Hiranyakashipu, the fire was lit. Prahlada started chanting the name of Lord Vishnu and miraculously came out unharmed. Surprisingly Holika was burnt, and Prahlada emerged unharmed. This myth shows the victory of goodness over evil. To commemorate the event, the festival of Holi is celebrated. The Bhagavata Purana and the Vishnu Purana have the mention of it. Prahlada’s coming out safe symbolizes the victory of goodness and establishes the canon of poetic justice. Related with the celebration of Holi, some other myths are also found. A myth of Krishna Leela is also very popular in the Braj region of

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India. Kansa, the king of Mathura, and the maternal uncle of Krishna, had come to know by an oracle that Krishna will assassin him and end the rule of tyranny. He, therefore, used to send different demons and Asuras to kill infant Krishna. Once he sent Pootna, a lady demon disguised as a woman. Pootna tried to poison Krishna by breastfeeding him. Infant Krishna sucked her poisonous milk. At this, she came to her real form of demon, and under the power of Krishna, subsequently, burst into fire and flame. Since Krishna had sucked the poisonous milk, his color became dark. In the series of his Leela, he used to complain his mother Yashoda of his dark complexion. His concern on color was also because of his friend Gopis, specially Radhika who was fair. Yashoda asked him to color Radhika or Radha in any color of his choice. In the eve of Holi celebration, igniting the pyre is the symbol of Pootna’s end, and playing colors the next day symbolizes of Krishna’s coloring Radhika and other Gopis. The Holi is also named Faag or Fagui in Braj region. In some zones, the story of Shiva Parvati, Rati, and Kamadeva is also popular behind the celebration of Holi. When goddess Parvati was to be married to Lord Shiva, Kamadeva, the god of love, and Rati, the goddess of love, tried to help her in bringing Lord Shiva back from meditation. Kamdeva shot his arrow on Lord Shiva, but Shiva who was beyond the clutch of worldliness got angry and opened his third eye. The powerful gaze of Shiva’s third eye burnt Kamadeva to ashes. Although Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati got married, Rati, Kamadeva’s wife, was at loss at the death of her husband and requested Shiva for bringing Kamadeva to life. He brought him to life virtually and in emotions. The Holika Dahan (the burning of Holi) is associated with the sacrifice for love. Besides these mythological reasons, there are some socioeconomic reasons as well behind the festivities of Holi. Firstly it is a spring celebration. By this time, winter passes far behind, and the spring cheers the people with warmth and the beauteous panorama of nature marked with the verdure and the perfume of pink, purple yellow, brown, blue, white, and red blossoms on the ground all around. Secondly the year ends happily

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on the Phalguna full moon with the mellowing crops in fields. The new Samvatsar comes on the first day of the Chaitra, i.e., the first day of Hindu Panchanga. The celebration also marks Hindu New Year. Thirdly it associates with the joviality concerning the arrival of the new crop of “Rabi,” when the cereals of wheat, gram, pea, mustard, etc. are harvested and the corn is thrashed and winnowed on the granary floor. So the farmers celebrate this festival owing to the glee of filling their houses with the reaped Rabi corn that is the fruit of their hard labor. Whatsoever be the reason behind the celebration, it is one of the most joyful festivals. The cheerful gathering around the Holi bonfire beats drums and other musical instruments and sings different folk and popular-culture songs. In different Indian folklores, these songs have a unique category making the Holi songs or Faag. This celebration of Holi, beginning from the night of Phalguna full moon, extends to the next day (in the month of Chaitra). Hindu Panchang, the calendar, begins on this day, and the New Year called Vikrami Samvatsar begins. The celebration continues for 8 days. The Holi songs are sung in association with musical instruments and the performance of folk dances like Jogira, Swang, Bhand Prahasan, etc. In the zest of Holi celebration, some people consume intoxicants like Bhang, diluting it in milk or other festive drinks. They play Holi merrily by sprinkling Kumkum (a colored powder) and splashing one another with dry and wet colors. Delicious dishes are cooked in every household, and it is offered to the visitors greeting Holi. They put a Teeka (sacred mark) on each other’s forehead with a red colored powder called Roli or Abeer. The festival of Holi is significant from mythological, social, cultural, and practical viewpoints. However there are certain evils too that grew in the wake of festivities. Throwing harmful colors, paints, chemicals, and mud, in some cases, with no emotions involved, develops estranged interpersonal relations. Sometimes some mischief mongers ever pelt the glass windows of trains and other vehicle in the frenzy of Holi. On the whole it is a festival of color, love, and amity,

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reverberating the message of shunning vices and cultivating virtues.

Hrsikesa

Hrsikesa ▶ Rishikesh (Hṛṣīkeśa)

Further Reading 1. Gopal M (1990) In: Gautam KS (ed) India through the ages. Publication Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, New Delhi 2. Mani V (1975) Puranic encyclopaedia: a comprehensive dictionary with special reference to the epic and Puranic literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 3. Jones C (2011) Holi. In: Gordon Melton J (ed) Religious celebrations: an encyclopedia of holidays festivals solemn observances and spiritual commemorations. ABC-CLIO, Santa Barbara 4. Doniger W (1999) Merriam-Webster’s encyclopedia of world religions. Merriam-Webster, Springfield

Hrśīkeśa ˙ ▶ Viṣṇu

Human Life Expectancy ▶ Longevity

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Icon ▶ Mūrti

Ideologue of Hindutva ▶ Savarkar, Vinayak Damodhar (“Veer”)

Idolatry (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Hinduism is a sanatana dharma “ancient religion,” and there is no specific date that marks its origin [2]. Unlike Christianity, Sikhism, Jainism, Buddhism, and Islam, there is no founder of Hinduism. Since this religion is more a way of life than religion, many myths, misconceptions, and fallacies are also associated with this world’s oldest religion. One such myth is whether Hinduism prescribes idol worship or not. Following the Vedas, Upanishads, and Bhagavad Gita, we get to

know that there is only one God, and wise Hindus, who are educated in scriptures, believe and worship only one. The Bhagavad Gita states that those who are stolen by material desires wrongly surrender themselves to demigods and incorporate personal whims and fancies and subjective rules and regulations to worship (7.20) [4, 5]. The Chandogya Upanishad clearly directs ekam evadvitiyam meaning He is one only without a second (6:2:1), whereas Svetasvatara Upanishad tells us that the supreme God is ultimate and He has no parents and lord (6:9). Both Yajurveda and Svetasvatara Upanishad inform us of the formlessness of God. Furthermore, Yajurveda explicitly warns such followers who worship the natural elements, such air, water, fire, earth, etc. – it says such people enter darkness, and they sink deeper in darkness who worship sambhuti “created things.” However, there are millions of Hindus who worship hundreds of gods. This article will throw light on idolatry in Hinduism.

330 Million Gods Many Hindus believe that there are 330 million deities. Actually, this number game is a metaphor for the innumerable forms the divine can take to manifest Himself. One of the names of God is Virat-Swarup, which means God is the container of everything that exists in this world. So God is everything, and nothing is ungodly. Probably, due

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to limited understanding, many people had started worshipping objects, idols, and nature, and these practices might have entered into Hinduism gradually. Another reason for idolatry in Hinduism is that since there is one supreme God and that cannot be fully comprehended by many, therefore out of ignorance such Hindus relate to God in their own subjective ways that suit them. Moreover, even while worshipping an idol, no Hindu will say that he/she is worshipping an idol. The reason behind such contradiction is that Hindus believe in the form of God – the representation of an idol. This form and representation perhaps help the Hindus to focus on the divine. For example, a wrestler may worship Hanuman, the monkey god who represents strength, whereas a businessman may worship Ganesha, the elephant god who represents success. The Westerners often wonder while seeing Hindus worshipping cows and trees; as a matter of fact, Hindus regard all creation and life as sacred, and therefore they just honor them for their value [3]. Though there are many hymns in the Vedas and Upanishads emphasizing the oneness and formlessness of God, still idol worship is not strictly prohibited in the scriptures to an extent that it may become a punishable offence. In some places, the preference is given to manasika puja, meaning individual choice to worship any god. For that, the worshipper requires to think of a god’s image in his/her mind and ruminate on that god and worship. But this method is prescribed only to yogis and saints who have mastered the art of meditation, and for the layman this method has been translated into idol worship. Moreover, some scriptures also inform us that the ways of worshipping God differ from one age to another. In Satya and Treta Yuga, yagya and tapa were practiced, and in Dwapara and Kaliyug, chanting gods’ name substituted them. Another reason why idolatry has been practiced in Hinduism is that the Puranas give more emphasis to the power of devotion. With devotion, it is believed that the followers can awake the divinity even to a lifeless form [1]. The duality of the object and the subject or the seeker and the

Idolatry (Hinduism)

known can be eliminated, and the follower can experience the presence of God in all things. Some Hindus scoff the idea of idolatry and consider it superstitious. They believe that when someone equals God with an object or thing and with this rules and that manner, then he/she is simply limiting Him. However, mostly devout Hindus accept idolatry as an innocent way of expressing their love, devotion, and faith to God, and they argue that only intellectuals who have false egos cannot surrender unto the image of God [7]. Moreover, they claim that idolatry is easy and accessible to all, whether you are a child or adult, illiterate or educated, devotional or intellectual, rich or poor. Hindus who follow idolatry argue that their devotion and dedication is far superior to the rationale and reason of the intellectuals. Hindus practicing idolatry know that the idol may not speak to them, but their prayers will definitely be heard, and sooner or later they will be blessed by God. Even if the prayers are not answered, the followers continue to worship in this way considering it a part of their spiritual journey [6].

References 1. Dobbins FS, Williams SW, Hall IH (1881) False gods: or, the idol worship of the world. A complete history of idolatrous worship throughout the world, ancient and modern. Describing the strange beliefs, practices, superstitions, temples, idols, shrines, sacrifices, domestic peculiarities, etc., etc., connected therewith. Hubbard Bros, Philadelphia 2. Embree AT, De BWT, Hay S (1988) Sources of Indian tradition: from the beginning to 1800. Columbia University Press, New York 3. Ferguson M (2005) Idol worship: a shameless celebration of male beauty in the movies. Star books Press, Sarasota 4. Monier-Williams M (1877) Hinduism. (Medical Heritage Library.) Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London 5. Penney S (2009) Hinduism. Heinemann Library, Oxford 6. Rumble L, Carty CM (1976) Virgin and statue worship quizzes to a street preacher. Tan Books, Rockford 7. Viswanathan E (1992) Am I a Hindu? Halo Books, San Francisco

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Illusions

Indian Theosophical Society

▶ Maya

▶ Theosophical Society

Image

Indians

▶ Mūrti

▶ Africa, Hinduism in

Incarnation

Indus Valley Civilization

▶ Rebirth (Hinduism)

Nalini Rao Soka University of America, Aliso Viejo, CA, USA

Indenture ▶ Hinduism in Surinam

Indian Culture in Europe ▶ Europe, Hinduism in

Indian Logic ▶ Nyāya

Indian Nationalism ▶ Sri Aurobindo

Indian Religions in Europe ▶ Europe, Hinduism in

The Indus Valley Civilization that flourished along the river Indus in north-western India (3000 B.C.E. and 1500 B.C.E.) was the largest and the most advanced in the ancient world, with a high level of technological sophistication. The archaeological remains of this civilization are found in Sindh, Punjab, and Balochistan in Pakistan, in the states of Haryana and Gujarat in India, and in Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, and Iran. Since the first city that was excavated was Harappa (Hariyupa), now in Pakistan, the civilization is also known as the Harappan Civilization. Harappa and Mohenjo-daro were the two important sites that were excavated in early twentieth centuries. However important breakthroughs have been made, and numerous Indus Valley cities have been discovered and excavated in India, around the river Indus and the lost river Sarasvati. Some of the important ones include Lothal, Kalibangan, Rakhigarhi, Dholavira, Banawali, Chahnudaro, Surkotada, Bhiranna, Kunal, Banawali, and others, that account to a total of about 2400 archaeological sites have been found. The extent of the Indus Valley ranged from 680,000 km2 to 1 million km2. (more than ancient Greece and Mesopotamia put together). It

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comprised of about 1500 settlements that included few large cities and small towns. The civilization evolved gradually from the pre-existing PreHarappan culture and can be broadly divided into Early Harappan 3700–2600 B.C.E., Mature Harappan 2600–1900 B.C., and Late Harappan 1900–1700 (or even to 1500) B.C.E.

Salient Features of the Civilization The most striking feature of the Indus Civilization is its homogeneity. The uniformity of its products, form and content of its products, and standardization of goods are remarkable. All Harappan cities have a uniform system of urban planning and civic administration. Towns and cities were built on identical gridiron plan, neatly laid-out streets and lanes, a high standard of public sanitation, similarity of tools and weapons, and organized trade on a uniform pattern. Even the sizes of house and bricks, tools and ornaments, and weights and measurements were standardized. In addition, this civilization is remarkably different from the Mesopotamians and Egyptian civilization, in terms of the size and composition of the bricks, weights, and seals. Indus Valley cities display a uniformity in city planning. Almost all cities consist of a citadel (or Acropolis) or upper town where perhaps the ruler lived and a lower town for the rest of the population. The whole town was divided into blocks, on which houses stood on a platform and houses constructed orderly on either side. For instance, in Lothal, in Western India, the average size of the house was 9  5.5 m, and only larger houses had a bath each. In Lothal, drains were paved by bricks, and to render them watertight, the joints were almost hairbreadth and the floor skirted by flat bricks. In regard to the underground drains, they were built all over the city to carry sullage and storm water, and lager soakage jars were added to them. The hole in the bottom of the soakage jar permitted liquid waste to soak into the ground, while the solid waste was regularly collected and removed to prevent choking of drains and overflowing of sullage water into the streets.

Indus Valley Civilization

The cities were designed uniformly and scientifically. They were fortified, with several distinct quarters, assembly halls, manufacturing units, furnaces for production of copper tools, ornaments, public baths, private houses for most inhabitants, sewerage through underground drains built with precisely laid bricks, an efficient water management with reservoirs, and wells. Width of the streets was in a set ratio: if the narrowest lane was one unit in width, other streets were twice, thrice, and so on. Houses were built with mud brick (sometimes kiln fired), and the bricks followed a standard ratio of 4: 2: 1.

Arts and Crafts Harappans were expert craftsmen. They made beads of carnelian, agate, amethyst, turquoise, and lapis lazuli and manufactured bangles out of shells, glazed faience, and terra-cotta. They carved ivory; worked shells into ornaments, bowls, and ladles; and cast copper and bronze for weapons. Some of the famous artworks include the Dancing Girl from Mohenjo-daro and Male Torso from Harappa. They worked silver and gold objects with great skill as seen in the gold necklace from Lothal. They engraved seals, mostly in steatite (or soapstone) with remarkable artistry, and over 3000 of these have been found. Each seal is incised with a writing in intaglio with an animal motif. It is believed that they served commercial purpose to identify consignments to be shipped and some ritual or spiritual images to invoke deities.

Aryan Invasion Theory In recent years there has been tremendous debate regarding the nature of the civilization and its relation with the Vedic culture. Indus and Vedic have been interpreted as foreign versus indigenous, superior versus inferior, Aryan/Sanskritic versus Dravidian, urban versus rural, and illiterate versus literate, respectively. There are some misconceptions and theories that have reigned

Indus Valley Civilization

supreme in the minds of people about this civilization such as the Aryan invasion theory. The uncritical acceptance of this theory has resulted in preconceived notions about the nature of the roots of Indian civilization. This is one of the most hotly contested issues since the 1990s and has become politicized. The theory has been challenged over the last couple of decades by both Western and Indian scholars on the ground that there is no convincing evidence to posit such an invasion or migration. An objective interpretation of the scientific excavations of the site disproved the Aryan invasion theory. It is important to reappraise the place of Indus Civilization within the indigenous Vedic culture in the light of new evidence. The story of the beginnings of Indian civilization is still told by Indians by recitations and repetitions of the word Sarasvati. On the banks of this river were composed the Vedic hymns, among which the Rigveda mentions the river Sarasvati 60 times as the most auspicious and uttered with the highest praise. Interpretation of the roots of Indian civilization changed when it was announced that a more ancient civilization had been discovered by Daya Ram Sahni and R.D. Banerjee and later excavated by Sir John Marshall (1922–1931) and E.J. H. Mackay at Mohenjo-daro and by Vats at Harappa. While Marshall was inclined to name it Indo-Sumerian Civilization, Mackay called it Harappa Civilization, as Harappa was the first site to be discovered. However due to its marked differences from the Mesopotamian cities, Marshall changed the title to Indus Civilization due to its proximity with the river Indus. However, even before the unearthing of the two sites, in 1785, Sir William Jones discovered that a number of languages such as Sanskrit, Greek, Latin, Gothic, Celtic, Old German, Persian, and other languages had a common origin; hence he gave it the name of Indo-European/IndoGermanic languages. Thus began a pursuit to locate the homeland, of the Indo-Europeanspeaking people outside India which was fixed in South Russia, Central Asia. With further excavations at the two sites, there grew a desire to know the place of origin of these languages, and

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their relation to Vedic culture was sparked. The latter with its superior Sanskrit language and grammar led to the theory that one branch of Indo-European language group probably left their homeland around 2000–1200 B.C.E.; migrated to Mesopotamia, Iraq, Iran, and Balochistan; and settled in Saptasindhu the land of seven rivers, where they composed the Rigveda. It was asserted that the Indus Civilization was pre-Aryan and charged the Vedic Aryans with destroying the urban cities of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro on the river Indus. The Aryan invasion theory was archaeologically constructed on the basis of a few skeletons reported to have been found scattered in Mohenjo-daro and by relating the Rigvedic term pur to the fortifications in Indus cities which were destroyed by invading Vedic Aryans. In the 1960s, a careful examination revealed that neither did the skeletons belonged to one and same stratigraphical context nor was there any proof of any massacre. Most of the skeletons positively showed that the few were drowned in severe and sudden flood in the river and there was no evidence of warfare. Moreover, the literary interpretation of the word pur was wrong, thereby proving that there was no battle between the Aryan and Dravidians. Linguistically, the theory claimed that a group, speaking an Indo-Aryan language, a sub-branch of the Indo-Iranian branch of the Indo-European family of languages, had invaded India in 1200 B.C.E. and imposed a very difficult Sanskrit language. This led to the dating of the Rigveda to circa 1500 B.C.E. In addition no such event is said to have been recorded in the Vedas or Puranas. Thus with no literary or archaeological proof, or collective memory, mythology, or cult, the theory was proved to be have been misconstrued; in the meantime its ramifications had been tremendous. Dales, Rao, Lal, Kenoyer, and other archaeologists agree that the invasion was in the imagination of the early excavators – Gordon Childe, Marshall, Piggott, and Wheeler. With the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, similar archaeological sites were discovered and scientifically excavated in India, such as at Lothal, Kalibangan, Chahnudaro, Rakhigarhi, Dholavira, Surkotada, and others.

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Almost 2400 settlements came to be known beyond the banks of the river Indus, and soon the Indus Civilization came to be known as the Indus Valley Civilization. The Vedic-Harappan dichotomy was replaced by Aryan migration theory, which contended that there were no invaders but migrants in small batches at different points of time and spread over a long duration and believed to have migrated from Ukraine, through Ontic steppes, Turkmenistan, northern Afghanistan to India. The migration theory claimed that the Dasas and Panis of the Indus Civilization were also outsiders and Indo-Aryan speakers, speaking a dialect different from the one used by the Aryans. Several archaeological cultures were identified with the migrating Indo-European speakers on their way to India, such as Pit, Hut and Early Timber, and Andronovo cultures but more importantly the Bactria-Margiana Archaeological Complex (BMAC). BMAC is the Bronze Age culture that was discovered during archaeological excavations in the Bactria-Margiana area. Bactria includes the basis of the Amu Darya or Oxus River in Northern Afghanistan and adjacent Southeastern Uzbekistan and Margiana, the deltaic region of the river in South Turkmenistan. Proof of the migration of the Indo-Europeans from BMAC was provided by artifacts in Mehrgarh VIII and at Sibri (typical of BMAC) and Jhukar culture of Sindh and Gangetic Copper Hoards (Parpola 1995, p. 370). The authors of the BMAC were believed to be the Dasas and the destroyers of the strongholds (purs) described in the Rigveda, relating to the Arya-Dasa wars in Central Asia. The BMAC and related minor theories regarding the flow of the Sarasvati in Afghanistan also negatively impacted the study of Indus Valley Civilization. The Aryan invasion theory had been proved as false as early as 1964 by Dales, Rao, and Lal and rejected by Shaffer, Kenoyer Hemphill, Lukacs and Kennedy, Elst, and Danino. With a shift toward the indigenous nature of the civilization, an out of India theory arose which was expressed in different ways. It held that the Rigveda was part of an earlier

Indus Valley Civilization

layer of world civilization that flourished before the rise of ancient Egyptian, Sumerian, and Indus Valley civilizations [1]. Based on a more logical linguistic interpretation were those who date the composition of the Rigveda to pre-3150 B.C.E. [2]. They assume that the Mesopotamian cultures were the borrowers from Indian cultures particularly in the use of bricks, rituals, astronomy, mathematics, writing, and mythological concepts. Meanwhile, in 1993 a dramatic evidence in the form of lands at imagery exposed the paleochannels which provided a scientific evidence of the drying of the historical river Sarasvati, around 1900 B.C.E. The collapse of the Indus Civilization seems to be wholly due to the disappearance of the Sarasvati and its associated rivers. The river Sarasvati lost two major sources of water, namely, the Satluj (Sutlej) and the Yamuna which used to feed the Sarasvati. The Sutlej began to join the Indus, and the Yamuna joined the Ganga due to tectonic disturbances. This initiated a rethinking of existing theories by providing a firm time period to the origins, evolution, and decline of the Indus/Vedic civilization(s), thereby altering the paradigm of the debate. The discovery of many more Indus Valley sites infused a new spirit into the controversy about the Aryan invasion theory. It was found that more Indus sites existed on the dry bed of river Sarasvati (Ganweriwala, Lakhmirwala, Kalibangan, Banawali) than on the river Indus. No longer were Indus sites restricted to Indus Valley but extended to Balochistan with 129 sites (belonging to mature phase), 108 in Sind, 310 in Gujarat, 60 in Pakistan Punjab, and 360 in Sarasvati. In other words about 32% of total sites were on the dry bed of the Sarasvati basin which comprised of Haryana, Indian Punjab, North Rajasthan, and Cholistan. The uncontested evidence is from the nonevidence of weapons. It was proved that at Mohenjo-daro the so-called massacre is an exaggerated domestic feud in which not more than six or seven were injured. Further the few skeletons bearing cut marks did not belong to the latest phase inferring that no invasion of Aryans had taken place.

International Society for Krishna Consciousness

The correlation between the two cultures is exemplified by many cultural facets, such as the discoveries of fire altars in Lothal and Kalibangan, discovery of Shivalinga in Harappa and Kalibangan, and two terra-cotta figurines of ladies wearing Sindhu in the parting of the hair from Nausharo (2600 B.C.E.). Besides the observance of Aryan religious rites such as fire worship and animal sacrifice, and the use of Aryan symbols as the Svastika and Asvattha (pipal leaf), the fact that the Harappans had knowledge of the horse and rice and practiced yoga conclusively proves that the indigenous population of the Indus-Sarasvati and Sabarmati Valleys were followers of Vedic religions. Terra-cotta figurines in yogic asanas (from Mohenjo-daro), Vedic priest from Mohenjo-daro, a terra-cotta figurine greeting with Namaste from Harappa, and probably impression of a seal depicting Siva in his aspect of Pasupati or lord of animals all support the fact that the Indus Civilization was part of India’s rich Vedic cultural and religious tradition. In addition is the substratum evidence in Vedic terms, i.e., an indigenous language as not being subsumed and displaced by an alien intrusive language has never happened in history. Furthermore the grammatical features and vocabulary of Indus seal inscriptions indicate the language belonged to the old IndoAryan (Sanskrit family) according to the reading of the Indus script by Dr. S.R. Rao. Thus the IndoAryan language was indigenous to India. Archaeologists have been successful in finding tangible archaeological evidence which proved that the invasion was a myth. Thus the extensive research by archaeologists removes any lingering doubt on the reality of the great river Sarasvati and the associated civilization and establishes that the highly evolved Indus and Sarasvati civilizations were in fact one and the same. The Aryan invasion theory was perpetuated and incorporated in all textbooks in India, although it was refuted by innumerable world archaeologists, historians, philologists, religious specialists, anthropologists, and DNA specialists. There is absolutely no archaeological or literary evidence for the theory and is based solely on

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misinterpretation of certain words. The word “arya” was a cultural term and does not pertain to race in ancient India and never was in Indian history. In fact, the civilization that flourished in India from about 3000 B.C.E. to 1200 B.C.E. was a singular, indigenous culture (Nalini Rao, Sindhu-Sarasvati Valley Civilization: New Perspectives). A study of the human skeletal remains from Harappa, Mohenjo-daro, Lothal, and Kalibangan has revealed that the Indus population was not homogenous; it was pluralistic. The Indus empire which was built on economic foundation rather than military force had innovated a system of writing. After the catastrophe in 1900 B.C.E. (when the river Sarasvati changed its course), many of the inhabitants migrated to safer regions and the civilization did not die a sudden death.

References 1. Frawley D (2001) The Rig Veda and the history of India. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi 2. Talageri SG (2000) The Rigveda: a historical analysis. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi

Instrument of True Cognition ▶ Pramāṇa

Intentional Communities ▶ Auroville

International Society for Krishna Consciousness ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

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International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

Āntaryātik Kṛṣṇa Bhāvanāmṛta Saṃgha; Hare Krishna Movement; International Society for Krishna Consciousness

ISKCON adheres to the monotheistic tradition of Gauḍīya or Caitanya-Vaiṣṇavism, which asserts that the ultimate goal for all living beings is to awaken their love for God or Kṛṣṇa – the “allattractive one.” This movement recognizes Kṛṣṇa as the “Supreme Personality of Godhead” who appeared on Earth over 5000 years ago according to the Bhagavata Purana and spoke the Bhagavad Gītā to his dear friend and cousin, Arjuna at the battlefield of Kurukshetra, India. For adherents of the tradition, Kṛṣṇa is said to have re-appeared as Caitanya in 1486, in the land of Bengal to establish the congregational chanting of Kṛṣṇa’s names. One of the major tenets of this tradition is that love for Kṛṣṇa is dormant in the hearts of all living beings, and it can be evoked through the chanting of the mahāmantra or “great mantra” Hare Kṛṣṇa, Hare Kṛṣṇa, Kṛṣṇa Kṛṣṇa, Hare Hare, Hare Rāma Hare Rāma, Rāma Rāma, Hare Hare.

Definition

Background and History

ISKCON or the International Society for Kṛṣṇa Consciousness was founded in 1966 in New York City by the Indian monk and Kṛṣṇa devotee His Divine Grace A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada (1896–1977). This was often considered by contemporary news media as a “new age” movement on the religious landscape of North America, especially because his early followers were a part of the counterculture movement of the 1960s and 1970s. However, scholars who met Swami Bhaktivedanta, and others in the following decades acknowledged this to be an international adaptation of a sixteenth-century devotional Hindu movement that was inaugurated by Śrī Caitanya Mahāprabhu (1486–1533), a mystic leader of a grassroots level bhakti movement, and considered by his devotees as a combined incarnation of the Hindu divinities Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa (See Rochford [5]). ISKCON now has over five hundred major centers in different parts of the world, about hundred affiliated vegetarian restaurants, a wide variety of educational programs and community projects, and millions of congregational members worldwide.

The name International Society for Kṛṣṇa Consciousness echoes the institutions of Gauḍīyavaiṣṇavism over the centuries, even though the abbreviation sounds relatively contemporary. Some of the historical documents of the Gauḍīyavaiṣṇava movement dating back to the period of Jīva Gosvamī notes how the land purchases in Brindavan was registered under the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Rāja Sabhā (Gupta [3]). During the Mughal period, the brothers Rūpa and Sanātana began to develop Brindavan as a place of pilgrimage, and left it to their nephew Jīva Gosvamī to formalize the land contracts. On the order of their uncles, Jīva Gosvamī got farmāns issued by the local government registering the places such Śyāma Kuṇḍa and Rādhā Kuṇḍa, considered to be the sacred among sacred lands of Brindavan and the institution that he identified himself as a member of was called the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Rāja Sabhā (Indian History Congress [4]). In the following centuries with the transition of power from the Mughal to the British, while Brindavan flourished as a place of pilgrimage, generations of priests from Bengal usually held authority over

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) Abhishek Ghosh1 and Devhuti Shaw2,3 1 Liberal Studies Department, Brooks College of Interdisciplinary Studies, Institute for Vaishnava Studies, Grand Valley State University, Allendale, MI, USA 2 Graduate Student, South Asia Institute, University of Heidelberg, Heidelberg, Germany 3 Bhaktivedanta Research Center, Kolkata, India

Synonyms

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

these lands through family succession. The institution as such does not find much mention in any of the historical or legal documents coming from either the residents of Brindavan or the followers of the Gauḍīya-vaiṣṇava movement in other parts of India. Later in the nineteenth century when a significant interest in the history and theology of Caitanya came about in Bengal, especially during the rise of the anti-Colonial movement when Caitanya became a hero whose memory was invoked in troubled times, there was a new push to revive what was considered the “lost” legacies of the Gauḍīya-vaiṣṇava movement (Bhatia [1]). During this time, the British civil servant Kedarnath Datta Bhaktivinoda, a self-professed devotee of Caitanya, took it upon himself to resurrect the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā. Bhaktivinoda was a convert to Gauḍīya-vaiṣṇavism from the Śākta tradition and was one of the most prolific scholars of Vaiṣṇavism in Bengal in the end during the nineteenth century. In his Sajjana Toṣani journal he describes how he invited one of his gurus, Jagannātha Dāsa Bābāji, who is said to have been about 120 years old at that time to re-inaugurate the initial version of the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā (Das [2]). After the passing of Bhaktivinoda, some of his sons and followers took up the mantle of his preaching ministry, his son Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati Thakura took the title of the secretary of the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā. Even though the cluster of monasteries and temples that feel about this upon the established across India came to be known as the “Gauḍīya Maṭha” in his personal letterheads he identified himself as a member of the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā. (In 1919, a famous Calcutta-based newspaper, namely, Amrita Bazar Patrika, reported: “On Wednesday last (fifth instant) was celebrated with great eclat the Advent ceremony of Sree Sree Vishnupriya Devi at the Sree Asana (1, Ultadanga Junction Road). The occasion was solemnised by the re-institution of Visva-vaiṣṇava raja-sabha as inaugurated by no less a personage than Sree Jiva Goswami himself, 11 years after the passing of Sree Sree Mahaprabhu and as given a fresh impetus by Sree Bhaktivinoda Thakura 33 years ago.” Publish. “Re-Establishment of the

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Vishva Vaiṣṇava Raj Sabha in 1919 - VINA Vaiṣṇava Internet News Agency.” VINA, April 30, 2011. https://www.vina.cc/2011/04/30/reestablishment-of-the-vishva-vaishnava-raj-sabhain-1919/) I would argue that the title ISKCON is an approximate translation of the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā, as the word viśva indicates “international,” sabhā translates approximately into “society,” and Vaiṣṇava in a sense points toward the neologism of its founder, “Kṛṣṇa Consciousness.” (The word Vaiṣṇava primarily indicates a devotee of Viṣṇu or one of his forms such as Kṛṣṇa or Rāma, but it can also indicate anything that is related to Viṣṇu or Kṛṣṇa, going by the Sanskrit Grammar rules on derivative words through secondary suffixes called taddhita-pratyayas. And “Kṛṣṇa Consciousness” means a state of mind where everything is seen in relation to Kṛṣṇa.) In this sense even though the founding of ISKCON historically located in 1965 in New York City, the conceptual idea of a society of Kṛṣṇa’s devotees that goes beyond ethnic Hindus in South Asia developed under the long shadow of the Viśva Vaiṣṇava Sabhā. Even though the translation itself might sound like a stretch, Swami Bhaktivedanta himself claimed that if he is accorded any credit for whatever he has done, he should be known for “not changing anything.” The shorthand of his uniqueness in his own words is that he has presented everything “As It Is” which not only applies to a literalist reading of the Bhagavad gītā and other Vaiṣṇavite texts such as the Śrimad Bhāgavatam and Śri Caitanya Caritāmṛta but might as well apply to the very movement he founded and the name he chose for it. Swami Bhaktivedanta was a married householder when he met Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati Thakura, the founder of Gauḍīya Maṭha and also his guru in 1922 and was formally initiated in 1933 at Allahabad. In the ensuing years after the departure of his spiritual master on 1 January 1937, there were disputes and the original organization was divided into two major factions, with several splinter groups. He witnessed disunity in his spiritual master’s institution as bitter lawsuits got fought between various factions of disciples. This was a time when the predecessor institution

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of ISKCON, “League of Devotees,” was formed in 1953 in Jhansi, perhaps echoing the “League of Nations” that came about after the First World War. Before assuming the renounced order in 1959 and being awarded the title Bhaktivedanta by his godbrother Bhakti Prañjana Keśava Mahārāja, Swami Bhaktivedanta had always envisioned an organization that focused on propagating what he called the transcendental message. Therefore, he set up the organization League of Devotees, which was a prototype for his future campaigns. In 1965 at the age of 69, he left India for America to preach the message of Krishnaconsciousness to the English-speaking world and arrived in Boston by a freight ship, carrying $7 in change and a trunk of books about Krishna. For the first year, he struggled alone to attract the young boys and girls to take an active interest in his mission. However, by 1966, he was living in the Lower East Side, Manhattan, and had begun regular weekly discourses on the Bhagavad-gita, along with public chanting sessions in Tompkins Square Park. It is in this humble surroundings that Swami Bhaktivedanta incorporated ISKCON in New York City, envisioning an international movement of the Bhakti tradition. The seven purposes of ISKCON were instituted as follows: 1. To systematically propagate spiritual knowledge to society at large and to educate all people in the techniques of spiritual life in order to check the imbalance of values in life and to achieve real unity and peace in the world. 2. To propagate a consciousness of Krishna (God), as it is revealed in the great scriptures of India, Bhagavad-gita and SrimadBhagavatam. 3. To bring the members of the Society together with each other and nearer to Krishna, the prime entity, thus developing the idea within the members, and humanity at large, that each soul is part and parcel of the quality of Godhead (Krishna). 4. To teach and encourage the sankirtana movement, congregational chanting of the holy name of God, as revealed in the teachings of Lord Sri Caitanya Mahaprabhu.

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

5. To erect for the members and for society at large a holy place of transcendental pastimes dedicated to the personality of Krishna. 6. To bring the members closer together for the purpose of teaching a simpler, more natural way of life. 7. With a view toward achieving the aforementioned purposes, to publish and distribute periodicals, magazines, books, and other writings. (“What Is ISKCON?” ISKCON GBC. Accessed December 1, 2019. https://gbc. iskcon.org/what-is-iskcon/). In 1967, the first Ratha-Yatra cart festival outside of India was held in San Francisco, and by 1968, ISKCON received widespread attention and many Americans began participating in the movement. Temples were inaugurated in New York, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Seattle, Montreal, and Santa Fe, New Mexico. The impact of the movement had also crossed the American boundaries, as Swami Bhaktivedanta began touring various parts of the world, expanding his fledgling movement. Once ISKCON began to grow in America, many followers of the movement shifted focus to London, where they came in contact with The Beatles. George Harrison took great interest in the worldviews and practices of Kṛṣṇa Consciousness and produced a music record called “The Rādhā Kṛṣṇa Temple” through Apple Records in 1969 which not only topped music charts but brought the chant, the Swami, and his movement into public spotlight. By 1970, a managerial committee was set up to govern the elaborate international functioning of ISKCON in various parts of the world as it was expanding fast. This committee is known as the Governing Body Commission (GBC) which has been executing its responsibilities even today. Between 1969 and 1973, various temples were opened in Europe, Canada, South America, Mexico, Africa, and India. ISKCON built two of its major centers (also known as its spiritual headquarters) at the pilgrimage sites of Mayapur and Brindavan, India. Its executive headquarters for India and abroad were set up at Mumbai and Los Angeles, respectively. Another one of ISKCON’s major

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

projects, Food for Life program, which offers food relief in different cities around the world began expanding during this time. In 1968, merely 2 years after founding the movement, Swami Bhaktivedanta was deliberating upon establishing a gurukula. He was of the opinion that the school system in America was simply engaging in making a living rather than giving them spiritual knowledge. In 1971, ISKCON opened its first formal school in Dallas, Texas. By 1974, about 100 children under the age of nine were already enrolled. In 1972, Swami Bhaktivedanta also founded ISKCON’s publishing enterprise, namely, the Bhaktivedanta Book Trust (BBT) which is now the world’s foremost publisher of books on Bhakti yoga. As an attempt toward developing spiritual academics, the Bhaktivedanta Institute was formed in 1973, inviting participation from interested students. During this period, ISKCON under the leadership of Swami Bhaktivedanta also continued to attract influential personalities. The grandson of the influential American industrialist Henry Ford, namely Alfred Ford, also formally joined the movement, being an initiated disciple of Swami Bhaktivedanta in 1974. In 1975, ISKCON Governing Body Commission as the head of the society also convened for its first annual meeting, presided by Swami Bhaktivedanta, who recommended the GBC follow parliamentary procedures according to Robert’s Rules of Order. Most managerial responsibilities were delegated and Swami Bhaktivedanta intervened only in cases of crises. Bhaktivedanta Swami had appointed 11 of his disciples to serve as gurus after his passing in 1977 and to direct the affairs of the organization. Many construed this as the Founder’s appointment of his successors and some others opined that the new gurus were not qualified for such an exalted position and further doubted that such appointments were, in fact, ever made. However, when some of these appointed individuals began engaging in questionable behavior, the GBC had to struggle to establish its right to exercise authority over them.

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ISKCON’s Struggles After Swami Bhaktivedanta’s Passing The 11 new gurus in ISKCON, appointed at the 1978 GBC meetings in Mayapur, India, became initiating gurus for particular zones around the world. This system that developed was known as the zonal acarya system. The aspiring devotees seeking initiation had to be initiated by the guru, heading the area or zone in which they resided. Hence, the devotees were limited from choosing their own guru, and the only way that someone could take initiation from a different guru was if they moved to a different zone. During the debates that surround the guru reform system that arose in 1984 emerges a group that believed in the Ritvik system to be what Swami Bhaktivedanta had envisioned for future ISKCON devotees. They argued that initiations must be carried out after Swami Bhaktivedanta’s departure, through the officiating acharyas (ritvik priests), he selected to represent the existing gurus. This was to operate as an alternative to the “successor gurus” system. This Ritvik-doctrine based ISKCON Revival Movement (IRM) emerged in the late 1990s asserting that the living gurus were neither authorized by Swami Bhaktivedanta nor were they qualified to serve in their positions. A separatist wing of ritvik followers continue to exist as ISKCON and mostly refer to their centers as ISKCON centers, in their own right. This has led a number of legal battles between the main authorities led by the GBC, and the Ritvik faction, primarily led by ISKCON Bangalore. Since the late 1960s, ISKCON was supported financially by donations received by devotees distributing incenses and religious literature on the streets of cities around the world which saw its peak between 1972 and 1980s which supported ISKCON’s worldwide expansion. By early 1980s however ISKCON’s book distribution began to fall significantly and the corresponding loss of revenues had an adverse effect on its communities, which were being supported financially by donations. Around the mid-1980s, substantial numbers of devotee families relocated to independent and self-governing householder

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communities, such as ISKCON’s New Ramana Reti community in Alachua. In any case, the management of ISKCON dominantly was in the hands of male sannyasi initiating gurus, which saw reforms only recently when women and householders held important positions in the GBC. Spiritual equality has been fundamental to the ISKCON movement, which facilitated its growth worldwide, reaching out to men and women of different ages, religions, nationalities, and ethnicities. However, regardless of this shared notion of equality in their spiritual identities; in a GBC meeting, it was admitted that the position of women in ISKCON underwent misinterpretation by many devotees and led to women’s exclusion from active participation in some cases. In 1992, a conference was organized by ISKCON Communications in Europe on the issue of women, and in 1996, the Women’s Ministry was formed. In 1998, two of Bhaktivedanta Swami’s female disciples were accorded membership to the GBC and the issue of women was given serious hearing at the annual meetings in 2000. Even today, the possibility of women acting as initiating spiritual masters is hotly debated within ISKCON. By 1980s, ISKCON had several schools inaugurated in different parts of the world. At this stage, there was a shift from gurukula or boarding school system of schooling to day schools. Around the same year, a Varnashram College was established at the ISKCON center “New Vrindaban” in West Virginia, to train older boys, and it grew to nearly one hundred adolescent boys residing with the College. In 1998, there was also a survey conducted by the Youth Ministry to determine if any exploitation or neglect was faced by the former gurukula students. Unfortunately, there emerged several reports of neglect, exploitation, and maltreatment. An Association for the Protection of Vaiṣṇava Children (APVC) was set up to further survey and work on issues of child protection in April 1998.

ISKCON’s Organizational Structure Bhaktivedanta Swami, in his role as the “founder” of ISKCON, also established the managerial

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

authority to govern the affairs of the society, posthumously. In ISKCON’s Direction of Management issued in 1970, Bhaktivedanta refers to this committee or authority as the Governing Body Commission – the highest managerial authority (hereinafter referred to as GBC). He chose a committee to preside over the activities of the entire movement, having learned from the disintegration of the Gaudiya Math, which broke into factions because of individualistic disagreements. He personally trained his disciples in governing the institution and also guided the first few sessions of the committee meetings. In its first meeting in 1975, Bhaktivedanta helped establish a parliamentary procedure for the GBC, whereby during the annual general meetings, issues would be raised, open to opinions followed by a voting system to determine the resolution, through majority votes. He found it necessary to form such a committee to take up responsibilities of expansion and maintenance of his movement. In his will, drafted in June 1977, he reiterated the importance of the GBC and emphasized on decentralization, with individual secretaries being made responsible for individual centers. Thus, by 1977 an official delegation of members was ready and he authorized the board to elect members on the basis of their competency, even after his lifetime. The primary administration decisions having global consequences or those relating to emergency situations or facilitation of annual general meetings are executed by the Executive Committee or EC that comprises of a chairman, vicechairman, and secretary. These positions are both rotatory and last for a short term of one year. For example, upon the expiry of one year, the vicechairman is promoted to the position of the chairman, the secretary to that of vice-chairman, and a new secretary is elected to the board. The responsibility of the GBC is to preserve disseminate and execute instructions of Bhaktivedanta and govern over management and spiritual standards in individual ISKCON temples or centers, affiliated projects, and their members. In its task, the committee is headed by an executive director, ministers, and deputy ministers, as well as additional managerial authorities such as regional governing bodies or RGBs and temple presidents. The RGBs have region-specific roles and responsibilities

International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON)

delegated by the GBC and under the supervision of the zonal secretaries. As of 2018, there are 36 GBC members – each member is elected by the committee itself, through votes. Most members of the GBC are also zonal secretaries, who supervise the management in different geographical regions and submit reports to the main committee.

Conclusion As ISKCON expands in the home-country of its founder and tradition, India, new trends appear to be emerging in how it constructs its own social identity. Most ISKCON devotees within India would identify themselves as Hindus who subscribe to the worldviews and practices of Vaiṣṇavism. Whereas, non-Hindu members, especially Westerners, would consider themselves as Vaiṣṇavas, but shy away from identifying as Hindus, because Hinduism would appear as sectarian to them, while Vaiṣṇavism does not. Due to this disparity in opinions, the GBC passed a resolution in 1992 stating that “Whereas ISKCON sometimes characterizes itself as alternatively Hindu and non-Hindu, often apparently according to convenience. . . GBC adopt the following official position statement on ISKCON’s relationship with Hinduism: The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), also known as the Hare Krishna movement, was founded by His Divine Grace A. C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada. ISKCON follows the teachings of the Vedas and the Vedic scriptures, including Bhagavad Gita and the Bhagavata Purana; it teaches and practices Vaiṣṇavism, or devotion to God in the supreme personal aspect of RadhaKrishna. . . In this way ISKCON faithfully continues the core traditions of the Hindu faith”. (GBC, “1992 GBC Resolutions,” accessed October 27, 2018, https://gbc.iskcon.org/1992/). Since the 2000s, members of ISKCON have expanded their efforts in diverse fields such as medicine and education. In its advances in health-related services and research, the Bhaktivedanta Hospital and Research Institute was established in 1998. The institution is legally outside the ambit of ISKCON and provides

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medical services to patients from Mumbai and adjoining areas, and a second one was opened in its headquarters in Māyāpur. Currently there are over 40 ISKCON eco-villages and farm communities around the globe, and ISKCON also stepped into delivering secular and theological educational programs with an added religious curriculum. The Bhaktivedanta College in Belgium and Hungary – the former having collaborative partnership with the University of Chester in the United Kingdom offering a Theology and Religious Studies degree program, along with business degree programs named the “Alfred Ford School of Business” and the latter being the first fully accredited Vaiṣṇava Theology College in Europe. ISKCON affiliates have also partnered with the UK government in establishing a series of Krishna Avanti Schools, and in India, they have several affiliated schools for children. In Mayapur and Brindavan, ISKCON runs its spiritual education program where devotees seeking to formally learn about scriptures can enroll for diploma and degree courses such as Bhakti Sastri and Bhakti Vaibhava with the Mayapur Institute for Higher Education (MIHE) and the Vrindavana Institute for Higher Education (VIHE). These schools also provide long-distance programs and affiliations to other centers. ISKCON’s engagement with contemporary educational system with a focus on spiritual standards was established with Cambridge-affiliated Sri Mayapur International School (SMIS) that supports formalized education for the children of residents at its world spiritual headquarters in Mayapur, India. Similarly, the Bhaktivedanta Colleges located in Budapest, Hungary, founded in 1998, and in Durbuy, Belgium, founded in 2002, administer courses relating to academic study of Vaiṣṇavism, theology, and Yoga. Another of its recent accomplishment in the field of education has been the establishment of the Bhaktivedanta Vidyapith in the Thane district in India – the Goverdhan Ecovillage, as a project of one its branches in Mumbai. Therefore, promotion of an educated clergy has been a recurrent step in ISKCON’s history, with many of its congregational devotees independently venturing into receiving academic qualifications in the field of

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science and religion, in reputed universities around the world. Some of the latest developments within ISKCON include programs such as Food for life, Annamrita, Akshaya Patra in India, and Krishna West in the USA. Founded in 1974, the Hare Krishna Food for Life is the world’s largest vegetarian nonprofit food relief organization, with projects in over 60 countries. Food for Life’s global principle affiliate, the Annamrita program, founded by and formally known as ISKCON Food Relief Foundation (IFRF) operates the mid-day meal program, initiated by the Indian government, providing nutritious cooked meals to students in municipal and government-aided schools, free of charge. It serves 1.2 million meals every day, through its 20 kitchens across Andhra Pradesh, Delhi, Haryana, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, and West Bengal. Another initiative of ISKCON Bangalore, the Akshaya Patra established in 2000, also provides mid-day meals in the rural schools feeding 1.3 million underprivileged children every day, operating in 19 locations across 9 states in India. In 2013, another project of ISKCON called “Krishna West” got incorporated in the USA to allow Westerners to practice Krishna consciousness without having to adopt ethnic Indian practices that seems to be a usual culture within ISKCON. Since most ISKCON temples in the West are run by Hindu diasporas, one of the original GBC members and followers of Prabhupada, Hridayananda Das Goswami, initiated this project to make the worldviews and practices of Vaiṣṇavism more universal and accessible to non-ethnic audiences. On August 13, 2015, ISKCON celebrated 50 years of the beginning of its founder’s journey to the West on a cargo ship named Jaladuta. At the event, ISKCON set the new Guinness Book of Records for maximum nationalities in a choir and yoga lessons, with participants from 106 countries. (Smullen, Madhava. “Epic 50th Anniversary of Prabhupada’s Journey to the U.S. Draws 35,000 People From 125 Countries.” ISKCON News. ISKCON News, April 17, 2017. https:// iskconnews.org/epic-50th-anniversary-ofprabhupadas-journey-to-the-us-draws-35000people-from-125-countries,5048.)

Internationalization

References 1. Bhatia V (2017) Unforgetting Chaitanya: Vaishnavism and cultures of devotion in colonial Bengal. Oxford University Press 2. Das S (1999) Hindu encounter with modernity: Kedarnath Datta Bhaktivinoda, Vaiṣṇava Theologian. Sanskrit Religions Inst 3. Gupta RM (2007) The Chaitanya Vaishnava Vedanta of Jiva Gosvami: when knowledge meets devotion. Routledge 4. Indian History Congress 1988 Proceedings – Indian History Congress 5. Rochford BE (2007) Hare Krishna transformed. New York University Press, New York

Further Reading Bryant E, Ekstrand M (2004) The Hare Krishna movement: the postcharismatic fate of a religious transplant. Columbia University Press, New York Flood G (1995) Hinduism, Vaiṣṇavism, and ISKCON: authentic traditions or scholarly constructions? ISKCON Commun J 3(2):5–15 Goswami TK (2012) A living theology of Krishna bhakti: essential teachings of a. C. Bhaktivedanta swami Prabhupada. Oxford University Press, New York Sardella F (2013) Modern Hindu Personalism: the history, life, and thought of Bhaktisiddhanta Sarasvati. Oxford University Press, New York

Internationalization ▶ Globalization (Hinduism)

Internet, Hinduism on Xenia Zeiler South Asian Studies, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

The study of the Internet and religious traditions has been moving forward ever since the pioneering days some two decades ago. Today, the field is established and continuously keeps expanding. The so far highlighted approaches and themes within the research on digital religion are numerous and diverse, a fact which reflects the understanding that “‘Digital religion’ does not

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simply refer to religion as it is performed and articulated online, but points to how digital media and media spaces are shaping and being shaped by religious practice” ([2], 1). The range of topics, themes, methods, and approaches in research on digital religion is thus remarkable. But, the research on digital culture, including the Internet, and religious traditions so far only tangentially touched Hinduism. This is true despite the fact that by today, also Hindu institutions, groups and individual actors all massively use the Internet and take part in dynamic discussions and as such, in diverse construction processes. Hinduism has traditionally embraced new technology ([3], 148). Not surprisingly, Hinduism was thus a present feature on the Internet rather early, as one of the earliest studies on Hinduism and cyberspace showed [10]. Since then, especially Hindu online practices such as online pilgrimages or online rituals, particularly online pūjā (for example, [6] on Vaishnava cyber pūjā) and online darśan (for example [4] on online darśan, [7] on Hindu devotional viewpoints on the ontology of cyber deities, and [9] on desktop deities), have become very popular with Hindu actors in both South Asia and the Hindu diaspora. Accordingly, they have been an object of study in some articles and book chapters. Studies beyond online practices for some years remained at the margins. Only rather recently, since about 2014, studies on digital Hinduism have emerged which focus more intensively on the intersection of the Internet and Hinduism beyond online practices. For example, Lal [8] published on the globalization of Hinduism as related to cyberspace. Bachrach [1], Scheifinger [11], and Warrier [16] focused on the employment of the Internet by Hindu gurus, on online advice forums, online yātrā, and online bhakti in contemporary guru traditions, respectively. Scheifinger [12] discussed the Internet and Hindu traditions in historical perspective, and Udupa [14] studied the political and ideological dimensions of the self-declared “Internet Hindus.” With current and ongoing technological and cultural transformations, it is logically consistent that the study of Hinduism and the Internet expanded to increasingly include the study of

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Internet-based digital technology more broadly and Hinduism, as well. For example, the interrelation of social media in Hindu contexts is gaining interest – Udupa [15] offered a study on religious politics of social media in India, and Zeiler [18] studied the social media–based organizing and advertising practices around the Hindu festival Durgāpūjā. Zeiler (for example, [17]) introduced the study of video games as related to Hinduism, as well. Apart from the ones mentioned above, only few studies exist to date. A small number of publications include some discussions of the Internet as related to specific aspects of Hinduism. For example, the topic is briefly touched in Sinha [13] on merchandising diasporic Hinduism and Jacobs [5] on Hinduism in a changing media context. An edited volume on Digital Hinduism [19] contains several chapters with an explicit focus on the Internet and Hinduism. Thus, while the interconnections of the Internet (and Internet-based digital technology more broadly) and Hinduism in actual publication outputs seem relatively underresearched, the interest in the field grows. This is indicated not only by the increasing number and variety of studies but also by the ever more visible trend to include lexica entries or book chapters on digital technology and Hinduism in larger overview volumes on broad topics dealing with contemporary India or Asia, Indian or Asian religions, media in India or Asia, and so forth.

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Darśana, Image Worship ▶ Pūjā

References 1. Bachrach E (2014) Is Guruji online? Internet advice forums and transnational encounters in a Vaishnav sectarian community. In: Sahoo AK, de Kruijf JG (eds) Indian transnationalism online – new perspectives on diaspora 2. Campbell HA (ed) (2013) Digital religion. Understanding religious practice in new media. Routledge, London/New York

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690 3. Helland C (2010) (Virtually) been there, (Virtually) done that. Examining the online religious practices of the Hindu tradition: introduction. Heidelberg J Relig Internet 4(1):148–150 4. Herman PK (2010) Seeing the divine through windows. Online Darshan and virtual religious experience. Heidelberg J Relig Internet 4(1):151–178 5. Jacobs S (2012) Communicating Hinduism in a changing media context. Relig Compass 6:136–151. https:// doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-8171.2011.00333.x 6. Karapanagiotis N (2010) Vaishnava Cyber-Puja. Problems of purity and novel ritual solutions. Heidelberg J Relig Internet 4(1):179–195 7. Karapanagiotis N (2013) Cyber forms, worshipable forms. Hindu devotional viewpoints on the ontology of cyber-gods and -goddesses. Hindu Studies 17(1):57–82. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11407-0139136-4 8. Lal V (2014) Cyberspace, the globalisation of Hinduism, and the protocols of citizenship in the digital age. In: Sahoo AK, de Kruijf JG (eds) Indian transnationalism online – new perspectives on diaspora 9. Mallapragada M (2012) Desktop deities. Hindu temples, online cultures and the politics of remediation. In: Dudrah R, Gopal S, Rai AS, Basu A (eds) InterMedia in South Asia. The fourth screen. Routledge, London/New York 10. Scheifinger H (2008) Hinduism and cyberspace. Religion 38(3):233–249 11. Scheifinger H (2014) Online connections, online yatras. The role of the Internet in the creation and maintenance of links between Advaita Vedanta gurus in India and their devotees in the diaspora. In: Sahoo AK, de Kruijf JG (eds) Indian transnationalism online – new perspectives on diaspora 12. Scheifinger H (2015) New technology and change in the Hindu tradition. The Internet in historical perspective. In: Keul I (ed) Asian religions, technology and science. Routledge, London/New York 13. Sinha V (2010) Religion and commodification. Merchandising diasporic Hinduism. Routledge, London/New York 14. Udupa S (2015) Internet Hindus. New India’s ideological warriors. In: van der Veer P (ed) Handbook of religion and the Asian city. Aspiration and urbanization in the twenty-first century. University of California Press, Berkeley. https://doi.org/10.1525/california/ 9780520281226.003.0024 15. Udupa S (2016) Archiving as history-making. Religious politics of social media in India. Commun Cult Crit 9:212–230. https://doi.org/10.1111/cccr.12114 16. Warrier M (2014) Online bhakti in a modern guru organisation. In: Singleton M, Goldberg E (eds)

Interpretation Gurus of modern yoga. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 17. Zeiler X (2014) Representation versus simulation. The global mediatization of Hinduism in Hanuman: boy warrior. In: Campbell HA, Grieve GP (eds) Playing with religion in digital games. Indiana University Press, Bloomington 18. Zeiler X (2018) Durgā Pūjā committees. Community origin and transformed mediatized practices employing social media. In: Rodrigues H, Simmons C, Sen M (eds) Nine nights of the goddess. Navarātri in South Asia and beyond. State University of New York Press, New York 19. Zeiler X (ed) (2019) Digital Hinduism. Routledge, London/New York

Interpretation ▶ Psychological Method

Iravan ▶ Aravan (Mythical Character)

Iravat ▶ Aravan (Mythical Character)

Iśvaravadin ▶ Āstika

Itiha¯sa ▶ Purāṇa

J

Jagadgurus ▶ Śaṅkarācāryas

associated with Jain and Buddhist faiths by certain scholars. It is also believed that he was originally god Nīlamādhava of Śabara or Savara tribe. Jagannātha is considered as Supreme reality, i.e., Pūrṇa Brahman from a metaphysical perspective.

Jaganna¯tha Iconography Shakuntala Gawde Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Synonyms Jagannātha Puruṣottama

Definition Jagannātha is popularly known as the form of Viṣṇu. Lord Jagannātha has a temple in Puri of Odisha. He is represented in triad, i.e., along with brother Balabhadra and sister Subhadrā.

Introduction The word Jagannātha is derived as jagatah nāthah, i.e., Lord of the universe. He is popularly considered as an important regional deity of Orissa Vaiṣṇavism. Jagannātha is also associated with Kṛṣṇa, Bhairava, or Śakti. It is also

Jagannātha is always presented as a part of triad of deities including Lord Balabhadra and Subhadrā. Unlike other temple idols, these idols are made of wood. They are carved on a wooden Nīma stump with large round eyes. The icon lacks demarcation in the neck, ears, and limbs. At the Puri temple, Jagannātha idol is a part of triad that includes Balabhadra and Subhadrā. He is worshipped with Sudarśana cakra, Mādhava, Śrīdevī, and Bhūdevī. Jagannātha idol has a square head with large round eyes, and the face is merged in the neck. There is no distinct visibility in hands and legs. In many legends, it is narrated that idols of Jagannātha triad remained incomplete. The idols of Jagannātha, Balabhadra, and Sudarśana cakra at the Puri temple are of 6 feet in height. Jagannātha’s idol is of black color with large round eyes having three concentric circles: red in outer border, white in the middle, and black in the center. He has Vaiṣṇava U-shaped mark called Urdhvapuṇḍra on his forehead. Balabhadra’s idol is of white color with ovalshaped eyes. Subhadrā’s idol is 5 feet in height

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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and its color is yellow and eyes are of oval shape. Sudarśana cakra has red color.

Vedic Origin RV 10.155.3 is considered as the earliest reference for Lord Jagannātha. Sāyaṇa ascribes this ṛc to Puruṣottama and Vaiṣṇavism by saying that “it exists on sea-shore in a far off place, the wooden image of a deity with the name Puruṣottama. By worshipping that one attains the Supreme realm of Vaiṣṇavas” (tena dārumayeṇa devenopāsyamānena parastaram atiśayena taraṇīyamutkṛṣṭam lokam gaccha |). He gives another interpretation because this hymn refers to destruction of Alakṣmī. Evil spirit is asked to use Dāru (wood) as boat for crossing the sea and going over to the far-off island. P. V. Kane prefers the second interpretation as it fit more into the context ([3], 693). K. C. Mishra refuting the same ([5], 72) prefers the first interpretation because popularity of Dārubrahman conception in Utkala region was great and the wooden image of Puruṣottama singularly attracted the attention of Vedic and other scholars of India.

Jain and Buddhist Origin Nilakantha Das believed that Jagannātha originated from Jainism and the rituals connected with the worship of the deity as non-Vedic ([5], 89). Jains have claimed Jagannātha as a Tīrthaṅkara and three deities (Balabhadra, Subhadrā, and Jagannātha) stand for the concept of Jain Trinity, viz., Samyakjñāna, Samyakcaritra, and Samyakdṛṣṭi. According to K. C. Mishra, he has not cited sufficient conclusive details and objective evidences in support of his suggestion ([5], 88). He refutes the view of Jain origin on several grounds and says that archaeological excavations have brought to light a large number of stone images of the Jain saints in various parts of Orissa. They do not resemble wooden images of Puri. It is possible that in the process of integration, the cult of Jagannātha adopted some of the rites and symbols which were vogue in Jainism. But that cannot prove that the cult of

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Jagannātha is itself Jaina or had any origin in the Jain religious tradition ([5], 89). Scholars like W. W. Hunter, A. Stirling, John Beams, N. K. Sahu, H. K. Mahtab, and Mayadhar Mansinha associate Jagannātha triad with Buddhism. Cunningham has argued that the following two points are sufficient to conclude in favor of the Buddhist triad – “the suspension of caste during the festival and the belief that the image contained the relics or bones of Kṛṣṇa.” In support of the second point, he says that it is also not at all Brahmanical; it is eminently characteristic of Buddhism. Cunningham asserts that the Brahmapadārtha/Maṇi (divine life material) is nothing but a Buddhist relic (Buddha’s tooth) ([8], 8). Three deities Jagannātha, Subhadrā, and Balabhadra are equated with Buddha, Dhamma, and Saṅgha. It is said that the tooth relic of Lord Buddha is preserved in the form of Jagannātha. The snāna yātrā (bathing festival), Rathayātrā (car festival), and Kaivalya (sacred food) are due to Buddhist impact. Jagannātha is mentioned as the manifestation of Buddha in Jñānasiddhi (c. 717 CE) of Indrabhuti. K. C. Mishra ([5], 92) refutes the theory of Buddhist origin of Jagannātha on the basis of multiple grounds. The idea of triratna is not very plausible because there are different triads in Hinduism like Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Maheśa; Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas; and Iḍā, Piṅgalā, and Suṣumnā. There is no sound evidence to connect it with the relic of Buddha. There is no evidence of Stūpa or Buddhist sanctuaries at holy place where the Jagannātha temple at Purī is located. The antiquity of bathing ceremony, car festival, and Mahāprasāda is traced back to the Vedic period, and therefore it cannot be considered Buddhist influence.

Vaisnava Origin ˙˙ Jagannātha is mentioned in Uttarakāṇḍa of Rāmāyaṇa wherein Rāma is asking Bibhiṣaṇa to devote himself to Lord Jagannātha, the family deity of Ikṣvākus (Vālmiki Rāmāyaṇa, Uttarakāṇḍa 108.30, Gitapress, Gorakhpur). This reference cannot be taken to decide the

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antiquity of Jagannātha because many scholars have agreed that Uttarakāṇḍa is an interpolation. In Mahābhārata, there is mention of a legendary king named Indradyumna, who performed profuse sacrifices. There is reference to Vedī in Mahābhārata which is identified with antarvedi where Lord Jagannātha is enshrined (Mahābhārata-Critical edition III.198, III.114.23–26). In Purāṇas, there are references pertaining to Puruṣottamakṣetra as well as Jagannātha. Padma Purāṇa, Pātālakhaṇḍa, Chapter 18 mentions the narrative regarding Jagannātha. The account of Padma Purāṇa mentions Bhilla community as associated with Jagannātha. Brahma Purāṇa mentions King Indradyumna had a dream of Vāsudeva holding conch, discus, and iron club. Vāsudeva tells him the means of procuring idols. He asks the king to go to the place where seawater comes to an end. There is a fig tree which should be chopped for procuring divine idol. He saw huge, terrible, and extensive tree. Viśvakarmā and Viṣṇu appeared in the guise of Brahmins for making idols. Viṣṇu instructed Viśvakarmā to make the first idol in the form of Kṛṣṇa. It should be extremely calm, having eyes as large as the petals of the lotus. It should have the mark of Śrīvatsa and Kaustubha jewel. It should hold conch, Sudarśana, and iron club. The second idol should have the color and luster of cow’s milk and moon. It should be marked with Savastika sign. It should hold the ploughshare as weapon. The third idol should be of Subhadrā, the sister of Vāsudeva. It shall be splendid and gold colored. Accordingly, Viśvakarmā prepares lustrous idols. After enquired by Indradyumna, Viṣṇu reveals his original form into a philosophical manner and offers boon to him. Then idols of Kṛṣṇa, Balarāma, and Subhadrā were brought on the divine chariots. He established these idols ceremoniously (Brahma Purāṇa, Chapters 47–48, J. L. Shastri (Ed.), MLBD, New Delhi, 1950). This narrative does not refer to the log of wood floating in the sea but clearly refers to idols as Kṛṣṇa, Balarāma, and Subhadrā which makes this narrative purely Vaiṣṇavite in nature. It has details of iconography of three idols without any mentions of idols remaining incomplete.

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Skanda Purāṇa, Utkala khaṇḍa (6–15) has detailed narration of Jagannātha triad along with the construction of temple. Brahmā enquired with Viṣṇu about the means of salvation. Viṣṇu told that he is being worshipped as Nīlamādhava in Puruṣottama Pīṭham on Blue Mountain. One can get salvation by visiting to this god. Yama was afraid of this because of the apprehension that he might lose his position. Viṣṇu assured that he will be invisible from that place after some days. There was a shrine of Nīlamādhava in the north of Rohiṇī Kuṇḍa at Blue Mountain, unknown to many but worshipped by gods. Indradyumna, a king of Avanti, once took a council of learned people in this regard. A saṁnyāsin answered that there is a perfect form of Puruṣottama on the Blue Mountain located in the country of Oḍra. Realization of this form is the means to emancipation. Indradyumna sent Vidyāpati, the brother of his family priest, to the country of Oḍra. Vidyāpati took resort of a Śabara village in the west to the Blue Mountain and told the Śabara chief to take him to the Nīlamādhava because his master Indradyumna is fasting till he returns. The Śabara chief out of compassion took him to Nīlamādhava, but when Vidyāpati returned to Indradyumna, the shrine of Nīlamādhava disappeared in the heap of sand to fulfill the promise given to Yama. Indradyumna had already set out for Utkala along with his forces and Nārada. Nārada assured him that Lord will appear in the form of Dāru (wood). The king went to Nīlagiri for horse sacrifice. At the concluding day of horse sacrifice, he got the news that Dāru with four branches is floating in the sea. The king brought it and placed it on the Mahāvedi with appropriate ceremony. There was a divine voice regarding construction of the temple. “The Lord Himself will construct His own images and thereafter will appear on the Mahāvedī which will be secretly covered for 15 days. The old carpenter with his instruments will get confined in the temple with the doors shut. Nobody can see that or hear the sound of the work till it is completed.” At the end of 15 days, four images of Balabhadra, Subhadrā, Jagannātha, and Sudarśana were manifested on Mahāvedī. Then there was divine instruction to Indradyumna to dress the deities

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with silken garments of peculiar colors and build the temple on Blue Mountain. After worshipping these deities ceremoniously, Indradyumna in order to build a temple went to Brahmā for the consecration of shrine by the advice of Nārada. As Brahmā got delayed, there was another king of Utkala named Gālamādhava who claimed the ownership of the temple, but Brahmā restored it to original builder. Skanda Purāṇa has clear mention of Nīlamādhava as a deity worshipped by Śabaras. Significant details like reference to four deities, specification of dresses and colors, and mention of Mahāvedi are to be noted. Observing the above sources, it seems that Skanda Purāṇa absorbed all the prevalent elements about Lord Jagannātha into Puruṣottama Māhātmya which was composed roughly around the fourteenth century. Purāṇic references clearly show tribal origin of Jagannātha deity as well as indicate its assimilation with Vaiṣṇavism by identifying Him with Viṣṇu or Kṛṣṇa. We find references to Jagannātha and Puruṣottamadhāma in Nīlādrimahodaya (1400 CE), a sthalapurāṇa giving detailed account of the rituals and festivals associated with the worship of Jagannātha. In addition to the four main deities mentioned in Skanda Purāṇa, additional three deities in Nīlādrimahodaya (Mādhava, Śrīdevī, and Bhūdevī) are mentioned ([5], 78). Literary texts in Oriya being local sources are significant in understanding the evolution of Lord Jagannātha. Mahābhārata of Sāralā Dāsa, Deulatolā of Nīlāmbara Dāsa, Dāru Brahmagītā of Jagannātha Dāsa, and other texts have narratives about Jagannātha with certain variations. The prominent feature of these narratives is that they give explanation as to how these idols remain incomplete. It was an attempt to justify unique features of Jagannātha idols that there is no demarcation in different limbs except the face. Sāralā Dāsa and Jagannātha Dāsa have connected the Jagannātha with Kṛṣṇa. All these versions invariably mention the Śabara community associated with Nīlamādhava. King Indradyumna is also mentioned invariably with the construction of temple.

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The cult of Jagannātha has link with Narasiṁha incarnation of Viṣṇu. Narasiṁha is emanated from a wooden pillar and killed the demon. During Navakalevara, Anabasara, initiation of the temple priests, mantras, and ritual practices center around Narasiṁha. Often Narasiṁha is referred to as Puruṣottama. Puruṣottama and Narasiṁha are construed as identical ([5], 153). This close link has led scholars to believe that the present Jagannātha figure has evolved from a tribal deity made of wood through the process of Hinduization. The round eyes on the image bear resemblance to the face of a lion. The account of Skanda Purāṇa, Puruṣottama Māhātmya, Chapter 15 has the reference saying that Brahmā called upon Indradyumna to worship Jagannātha with Narasiṁha. He saw the vision of yogī Narasiṁha seated on Lotus with Lakṣmī on his lap and Balabhadra of Śeṣa the serpent holding the hoods over the head like an umbrella. This narrative is clear to show the genesis of Jagannātha triad. There is practice of worshipping the new image at the time of Navakalevara with Narasiṁha mantra ([7], 342). All these points lead to the probability of the identification process that took place between Narasiṁha and Jagannātha.

Tribal Origin The story of Jagannātha is described in Vana parva and Muṣalī parva of Mahābhārata composed by Sāralā Dāsa (an Oriya poet of the fifteenth century CE). He reconstructed the narrative of Skanda Purāṇa with many sub-narratives by giving due prominence to Śabaras. When Lord Śrī Kṛṣṇa was killed by the arrow of Jarā, a fowler, then Arjuna tried to give the dead body in fire. Consequently, it was flown into the sea at length, but it floated in the form of Dāru, i.e., log of wood to the Nīlasundara shore of the sea. Indradyumna, son of King Gālamādhava, constructed a temple having constructed the images by Viśvakarmā ([7], 336). Sāralā Dāsa assigned “territoriality” of the Jagannātha cult by relating the events to Orissa and more precisely with the Puri region

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([1], 44). This narrative clearly links Lord Jagannātha emerging from the remains of Kṛṣṇa. Though Vaiṣṇavite tone is clear, the role of Śabara is noteworthy. Nīlāmbaradāsa (1500 CE) has the narrative regarding the construction of the Jagannātha temple. Nārada informs Indradyumna about the Nīlamādhava located on the shore of Eastern Sea. Indradyumna deputed his minister Vidyāpati to enquire about Nīlamādhava. He learned that Viśvāvasu, the chief of Śabaras, was the priest of Nīlamādhava. He had kept this cult a secret. He allowed no one else to visit the deity. Vidyāpati managed to get into his house in disguise of his guest. Lalitā, the daughter of the Śavara chief, fell in love with Vidyāpati. Vidyāpati put forth his desire of seeing Nīlamādhava through Lalitā. Viśvāvasu was not willing to permit the same because he was aware that if Indradyumna beholds the deity, then it would disappear. After continuous insistence of Vidyāpati, he was allowed to visit the god but he was taken with covering on eyes so that he could not follow the way. Vidyāpati was smart enough that he sown mustard seeds in way which got germinated in few days. Indradyumna having got the information from Vidyāpati proceeded to Nīlācala with his army. As expected, Nīlamādhava disappeared. Indradyumna performed severe penance for 21 days. There appeared a divine voice saying that Nīlamādhava has taken the form of Dāru (log of wood) and he should worship the same after making an idol of the same. Viśvakarmā having appeared in the guise of carpenter took up the task of making images in closed room for 21 days. The sound became very feeble gradually which made a room for doubt. Guṇḍichā, the queen of Indradyumna, became extremely impatient and made the door open. It was surprising that there was no carpenter but three incomplete images of Jagannātha, Balabhadra, and Subhadrā were found. Such images are still worshipped ([7], 336). Jagannātha’s early form of Nīlamādhava worshipped by the Śabara chief is clearly visible in the above narrative. In addition to that, it has added justificatory narrative to the iconographic features giving a sense of incomplete idols. Local versions emphasize the same fact that Jagannātha

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was worshipped initially by Śabaras and Indradyumna subsequently installed him in a temple. Kandarpa Patel ([7], 336) mentions another view that Purī is also known as Nīlādri (Blue Mountain) which was a richly wooded hill and was inhabited by Śabaras, a pre-āryan and preDravidian tribe of the Austric linguistic family. The Śabaras worshipped a tribal deity which was initially probably a tree or a log of wood. The Śabaras came to India after the Negritos and brought with them the cult of totem worship which was probably the basis for their tree worship. In later period, this primitive tribal deity came to be worshipped as Lord Jagannātha. Avinash Patra ([8], 9) summarizes the theories of tribal origin as below: Savaras, earliest tribal inhabitants of Odhisha were tree worshippers and their rituals involved dancing and singing before the ‘Kitung’ or ‘Jaganata’ or god. It is argued by some authors that when Vedic āryans migrated to Odisha, they adopted the local tribal tradition of ‘Jaganata’ worship and effected the transformation of the tribal wooden pillar ‘Jaganata’ to āyanized ‘Jagannātha’. ([8], 9)

Link with God Narasiṁha also directs to believe that Jagannātha was originally a tribal god. Avinash Patra ([8], 12) cited the example from the Andhra and explained the unusual idol of Jagannātha. In the Andhra village Jambulapadu (Anantapur), Narasiṁha Svāmī is worshipped as a pillar to which a sheet in the form of lion’s head is attached. This lion head explains Jagannātha’s large round eyes, typical of Narasiṁha on account of his fury (krodha). The head of Jagannātha makes sense when perceived as a lion’s head. The influence of Śabaras on the Jagannātha temple of Purī is significant. Sevakas called Daitāpatis are of Śabara origin. They are engaged in service of main deities particularly at the time of Navakalevara ritual. Lord Kṛṣṇa was born in Yadu race or Sātvata family. Vasudeva, father of Kṛṣṇa, was the cousin of Vasu Śabara. Vasu Śabara was having blood relation with the Sātvata family. When Lord Kṛṣṇa left his mortal body, there was fight between Śabaras and Pāṇḍavas on the issue of funeral. To solve this dispute, Arjuna and Jarā carried the body to the distant

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seashore of the east and started the funeral. Funeral ground is called as “Kaivalya Vaikuṇṭha” or “Koili Vaikuṇṭha” of Puri. Indranīlamaṇi (blue stone) was worshipped by Śabaras which they received from funeral ground as a token of sacred aspect of Lord. They might have prepared the image out of blue stone and that is worshipped as Nīlamādhava. Jarā Śabara who had killed Kṛṣṇa was looking for the body of his Lord after utter despair. He found the log of wood floating on the sea. He secretly kept that and began to worship with tribal simplicity. His son Viśvāvasu continued with the same. Dārubrahman which appeared in the dream of Indradyumna was exactly like the body of departed Lord Kṛṣṇa. Then wood was carved by Viśvakarmā. On Navakalevara occasion when Brahman is placed inside new images, it is presumed that possibly the blue stone which was worshipped by Śabaras might have been placed there ([5], 94).

Jaganna¯tha Cult: Assimilation and Acculturation Jagannātha cult has grown with encompassing different elements across the period. The legend of Indradyumna appearing in various texts has element of “assimilation and acculturation” clearly visible. It seems that Lord Jagannātha was worshipped in the form of Nīlamādhava but later on adapted by Indradyumna in mainstream Hinduism. Though Lord Jagannātha was āryanized, tribal elements of Śabara worship remained intact in the tradition. In fact, these tribal elements became a part of Hinduism.

Syncretic Deity It seems that Jagannātha got developed as a syncretic deity encompassing different schools of religion. Though generally Jagannātha represents Vaiṣṇavism, it has elements of Śaivism and Śāktism within Hinduism, and at the same time, the role of Jainism and Buddhism in the development of cult cannot be denied. According to Surendra

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Mohanty, Jagannātha is a generic term, not unique, as much as Lokanātha and Avalokiteśvara. In fact, the name Jagannātha could be applied to any deity which is considered Supreme ([6], 93). Jagannātha cult during its evolution absorbed elements from different strands of Hinduism prevalent in Orissa from time to time. As noted by Subhakanta Behera ([1], 57), Lord Jagannātha came to represent Paῆcadevatā – Nārāyaṇa, Rudra, Ganeṣa, Sūrya, and Durgā. He is Nārāyaṇa when He is on the Ratnasiṁhāsana, i.e., jeweled throne, Rudra in the ritual of Navakalevara, Gaṇeśa in Snānayātra, Sūrya in Rathayātrā, and Durgā at the time of Śayanotsava. Śaivas understand that the original shape of Jagannātha was in the form of liṅga. Balabhadra is also named as Śiva and Ananta Vāsudeva. Śāktas claim that in the Tantra system, Jagannātha has been accepted as Bhairava and associate deity Vimalā with Bhairavī ([8], 17). Puruṣottama Jagannātha stands for Viṣṇu and Subdhadrā for Lakṣmī. Eschmann observes similarity in the iconography of Khambeśvarī image of Aska and Subhadrā. Subhadrā is worshipped with Śākta mantra. This had led to believe that Subhadrā bears strong influence of Śāktism ([2], 177–180). Paῆcarātra cult greatly contributed to the development of Jagannāha theology. Paῆcarātra followers worship five heroes, namely, Vāsudeva Kṛṣṇa, Baladeva, Sāmba, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha. The Paῆcarātra system emphasizes the relation of Kṛṣṇa with Ekānaṁśā and his brother Balarāma-Saṁkarṣaṇa. In this system, Ekānaṁśā came to be interpreted as a form of Durgā and Balarāma as a form of Śiva ([1], 65). According to Eschmann and others, if Ekānaṁśā and Subhadrā were referred side by side in Mahabhārata but Ekānaṁśā gets identified with Subhadrā in the time of Skanda Purāṇa, it can be said that Ekānaṁśā has been virtually replaced by Subhadrā perhaps, a Vaiṣṇavite effort to wipe out the traces of Śāktism from the Jagannātha theology. Thus, the Śākta elements were vaiṣṇavised. It was part of conscious efforts to adapt the presiding deity of the region to the mainstream religious current of the time ([1], 66). Jagannātha cult also

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assimilated another cult of Saṁkarṣaṇa Balarāma. Saṁkarṣaṇa Balarāma is associated with Śaivism whose task is destruction of the creation. Introducing Saṁkarṣaṇa Balarāma as the elder brother of Jagannātha, the plausible explanation is to respect sentiment of the Śaivites whose number was quite predominant in the society ([7], 343). It is also said that Jagannātha triad evolved from the image of Ekapāda Bhairava. The close resemblance between the image of Ekapāda Bhairava and early image of Jagannātha as seen in Koṇārka sculptures proves this. Narasiṁha’s association with Bhairava also gives support to this theory ([7], 342). O. M. Starza states that Jagannātha Rathayātrā may have evolved from the syncretism of procession rituals of Śiva liṅgas, Vaiṣṇava pillars, and tribal folk festivals ([9], 70). Iconographic peculiarities of the image of Jagannātha suggest formless character (Nīrākāratā) and void (Śūnya). As mentioned by Subhakanta Behera ([1], 51), the Tāntric Vajrayāna Buddhism of which Orissa was an important center associated Lord Jagannātha with void. Śūnyavāda was incorporated in medieval Vaiṣṇavism of Orissa. Lord Jagannātha, the Supreme Being, was imagined as the Śūnya Puruṣa. As a result, Indrabhūti (c. 900 CE) for the first time mentioned Jagannātha as a manifestation of the Buddha in his book Jῆānasiddhi. Jayadeva also imagined the Buddha as the ninth incarnation of Viṣṇu ([1], 51). Jainism believes that the word Jagannātha is derived from the word Jīnānātha. Jagannātha idol resembles an ancient Jain idol. The 22 steps leading to the temple are constructed in the memory of 22 tīrthaṅkars ([8], 17). The theology and rituals associated with Jagannātha tradition combine Vedic, Purāṇic, and Tāntrika themes. He is the Vedic Puruṣottama, the Purāṇic Nārāyaṇa, and the Tāntrika Bhairava ([4], 140). As pointed out by K. C. Mishra, various primitive gods came to be absorbed in the Brahmanical religion. The resultant composite god was Puruṣottama and his cult assimilated diverse features belonging to different sects ([5], 25). Thus, Jagannātha cult has attained a syncretic form over the years.

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Patronage The Jagannātha cult got developed through several stages of evolution and assimilation. It emerged as a multidimensional, powerful, sociopolitical, and religious force in Orissa with royal patronage. It is believed that the Somavaṁśī king of South Kosala brought the tribal deity Nīlamādhava during their eastward expansion and enshrined Him at Puri as Jagannātha Puruṣottama. At present, the tribe priests Daitāpatis who perform the rituals of Lord Jagannātha also belong to the descendants of Śavara priests. They had migrated to Utkala along with their tribal deity Nīlamādhava under the patronage of Somavaṁśīs ([7], 337). Puruṣottama Māhātmya of Skanda Purāṇa and Mahābhārata of Sāralā Dāsa indicate that Jagannātha cult was already popular in Orissa. Nilādrimahodaya which was composed during the late fourteenth century CE seems to be the first local treatise on Jagannātha. As Subhakanta Behera has noted that during the Gaṅga dynasty when the kings dedicated their whole kingdom to Lord Jagannātha, they might have asked for the composition of this text in order to implement a code of conduct for the cult with royal pomp and grandeur ([1], 46). The historicity of Jagannātha cult is first established with reference to the Somavaṁśī king Yayāti I (925–955 CE) who reinstated the Jagannātha idol of Puri in a new temple according to the account of Mādalā Pāῆjī ([1], 60). The historicity of Jagannātha cult must be much prior to Yayāti I. Though Yayāti was a Śaivaite, he restored Jagannātha cult which was already into existence due to political compulsion. The Somavaṁśī dynasty had come from a region of Central India, Dakṣiṇa Kosala. He restored the faith of Jagannātha in order to become more acceptable in the conquered land. He declared Lord Jagannātha as “the Lord King of the Orissa” and himself as the Deputy of Lord Jagannātha as per the records of Mādalā Pāῆjī ([1], 62). The Gaṅga dynasty patronized the cult of Jagannātha by declaring Him as a state deity, though Gaṅgas were Śaivites and Śiva-

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Gokarṇeśvara was their tutelary deity. Chodagaṅgadeva (1078–1150 CE) constructed a huge temple at Puri for Jagannātha Viṣṇu. Then Gaṅga king Anaṅgabhīma III (1211–1238 CE) called himself as Rāuta (representative) of Lord Puruṣottama. He and his successors claimed to rule under the divine rule of Jagannātha. Thus, Jagannātha became Rāṣṭradevatā, and the kingdom was treated as Puruṣottama Sāmrājya (empire of Lord Jagannātha). Gajapati kings further highlighted the importance of Jagannātha. Gajapati Kapilendradeva (1435–1467 CE) made Lord Jagannātha symbolically responsible for all his important deeds. In a Warangal inscription, he is stated to have become the king of the Utkala country at the command of Lord Puruṣottama (Jagannātha) who is the Lord of 14 worlds ([1], 66). Kapilendradeva declared a general policy that whosoever would violate his order or act contrary to royal deed will be considered as rebel against Jagannātha. His successors Puruṣottamadeva and Pratāparudradeva continued his tradition of invoking Lord Jagannātha for every royal deed ([1], 66). Kings of Orissa considered it a proud privilege to serve as the hereditary sweeper of Jagannātha and this is adopted as a ritual during Jagannātha’s car festival. The descendant of the King of Purī sweeps the chariots of the deities with a golden broom.

Spiritual Masters and Poets Spiritual masters including Śaṅkarācārya, Rāmānujācārya, Madhvācārya, Nimbārkācārya, Naraharī Tīrtha, and Caitanya Mahāprabhu contributed to the development of Jagannātha cult. Caitanya Mahāprabhu popularized Vaiṣṇavism to the great extent in Orissa. It gave new dimension to Jagannātha theology. Gauḍiya Vaiṣṇavism identified Jagannātha with Kṛṣṇa. According to this tradition, Balabhadra is the elder brother Balarāma and Subhadrā, a younger sister of Kṛṣṇa. Gauḍiya Vaiṣṇavas identify Kṛṣṇa and Durgā. This is an attempt to amalgamate Vaiṣṇavism with Śāktism and to assimilate the Mātṛkā cult with that of Jagannātha through various manifestations of Śakti such as Durgā-Lakṣmī-Stambheśvarī, etc. ([7], 341).

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Five Oriya poets of the early sixteenth century, namely, Balarāma Dāsa, Acyutānanda Dāsa, Yaśobanta Dāsa, Ananta Dāsa and Jagannātha Dāsa, are popularly known as Paῆcasakhās. They declared Jagannātha as Supreme Being (Purṇa Brahman), Eternal Being (Nitya Puruṣa), and His place Nilācala Purī as Eternal place (Nitya sthala) ([1], 75). By singing the glory of Lord Jagannātha unanimously, they contributed to Jagannātha cult by making it the religion of masses. They explored deeper philosophical dimensions of Jagannātha cult. Due to their works, Vaiṣṇavism of Orissa attained its pinnacle. From the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries onwards, Lord Jagannātha came to be known as the Supreme god of Hinduism. He became the incarnator (avatārin) and not an incarnation (avatāra). Oriya poet Divākara Dāsa (seventeenth century) in his Jagannāthacaritāmṛta declares that “many millions of avatāras emerge out of the body of Jagannātha and become merged into Him again who is the highest Brahman himself” ([1], 66).

Temple, Rituals, and Festivals The Jagannātha temple of Purī is a popular pilgrimage center from ancient times. The temple was constructed by Coḍagaṅga in 1135 CE. The temple of Jagannātha is located on the Nīlācala as per references of Purāṇas. Purī is the modern state of Orissa which has become a place of Hindu pilgrimage. The land of Orissa was known by the name of Kaliṅga in ancient times. Though Indradyumna is associated with the construction of temple in many legendary narratives, historically it is not so. According to the tradition, Yayātikesarī, i.e., Yayāti II of the Somavaṁśī dynasty, built this temple. Inscriptional records say that it was Coḍagaṅga who built the present temple. According to K. C. Mishra, it is possible that the work of building of huge structure was begun by Yayāti and completed by Coḍagaṅga ([5], 101). The shape of the temple is square of 196 m by 190 m having a massive stone wall of 20 feet in height. The vimāna or the central tower over sanctum is 58 m in height. Nīlacakra is located on the

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topmost of the temple. The temple has gateway on each side of the enclosure. The compound on the east is known as siṁhadvāra, i.e., lion gate. The temple has four gates and two very big concentric walls called prākāras or āvaraṇas. Thus, it is dviāvaraṇa shrine. There are almost 120 temples dedicated to various gods like Śiva, Devī, Sūrya, and others. P. V. Kane has commented that almost every form of Hindu faith is represented here. He quotes Brahma Purāṇa 56.64-55 which says that the holy Puruṣottamakṣetra forbids all the wrangling between Śaivas and the devotees of Viṣṇu. This clearly shows the catholicity of Jagannātha ([3], 696). The main shrine of Puruṣottama is very ancient. It has four chambers, namely, Bhogamandira (hall of offerings), Nāṭamandira (hall of dance and music), Jaganmohanmandira (hall of pilgrims), and Garbhamandira (inner sanctuary). Rathayātra or the car festival is the famous festival of Jagannātha Puri. It starts every year on the second day of the bright half of the month of Āṣāḍha and ends on the tenth day of the bright fortnight of the same month. Lord Jagannātha’s chariot is known as Nandighoṣa or Garuḍadhvaja. Its height is 44 feet and color is blue. Balabhadra’s chariot is known as Tāladhvaja. Subhadrā’s chariot is known as Devadalana, Devīratha, or Padmadhvaja. Chariots are made from wood of Śāla tree, and this preparation begins on the day of Akṣaya Tṛtiyā. The cars do not start immediately after the installation of the three deities unless King of Purī, the descendant of the Gajapati king, comes in Palanquin, pays homage to the deities, and sweeps the platform of each car one by one with a golden broom. This process is called as Cherā Panharā, i.e., sweeping of the floor of the chariot ([5], 132). Thousands of people holding the huge rope pull the cars very slowly to the Guṇḍicā temple which is situated about 1.5 miles north to the temple of Jagannātha. The order of the chariots is significant – Balabhadra’s chariot is first, Subhadrā’s chariot is second, and then follows the chariot of Jagannātha. After the seventh day of their stay at the Guṇḍicā temple, deities return which is called as Bahuḍa yatrā. The worship of deities on Rathas during both the above yātras is marked with non-cooked food like milk, ghee,

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etc. Deities are worshipped in usual manner with cooked food as inside the Jagannātha temple during 7 days. The most significant feature of Rathayātrā is that this is open for all people irrespective of any cast and creed. Lakṣmī does not accompany Lord Jagannātha during this car festival. Different interpretations are put forth about this peculiarity. Lakṣmī is housed in a separate shrine of the Jagannātha temple. According to common belief, she behaves like Oriya housewife. She cooks and serves for her husband, brother-in-law, and sister-in-law. She does not appear before her elder brother-inlaw like an Oriya housewife ([5], 137). She appears on two occasions known as Hera Paῆcamī and at the time of return of Jagannātha. This has turned into a ritual called Lakṣmī-Nārāyaṇa bheṭ. When Jagannātha returns home after 9 days, Lakṣmī shuts the door. King of Puri then has to mediate between two and arrange a reunion. After earnest request made twice or thrice, she comes in palanquin. Lakṣmī being angry and jealous as she was not accompanied by her husband, she quarrels with Jagannātha. Their dialogues are portrayed by Daitās and Devadāsīs. The interpretation given by Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavas for why Lakṣmī cannot get associated with Lord Jagannātha is based on their philosophical standpoints and it is rooted in Bhāgavata. The Guṇḍicā temple is Vṛndāvana while Lord Jagannātha is regarded as Kṛṣṇa. Car festival is Lord Jagannātha’s journey to Vṛndāvana. Vṛndāvana is exclusively the abode of gopīs. None else can participate in the līlā of Lord with the gopīs. Lakṣmī practiced severe penance to take part in the lovely sports of Rāsalīlā. But as she was the queen of the Lord of Vaikuṇṭha and the goddess of aiśvarya, she was not allowed. Vṛndāvana is the abode of unmixed mādhurya, i.e., pure love ([5], 138). Snāna yātrā, i.e., bathing procession, takes place on the full moon day of the bright half of the month Jyeṣṭha. It is believed that Jagannātha was born on this day. At this time, three idols are brought out in procession to Snāna vedi and anointed with 108 pitchers of sacred waters. This procession is called as Pahandi or Pahandi vijaya. After the bath, deities are dressed like the image of

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Gaṇeśa or Gaṇeśaveṣa. Images do not have color in this period. Images are kept on the Ratnavedi inside the temple for 15 days away from the public view. This is called as Anabasara, i.e., the improper time for worship. Daitās color these images and then images are fit for worship on the sixteenth day. Candana yātrā is the last annual festival which lasts for 21 days. Goddess Lakṣmī and Sarasvati are taken in palanquin by the sevakas to the Narendra Sarovara. Images are placed in boats of the lake and rowed for a long time by sevakas. Wooden idols are replaced once in every 12 years. This is called Navakalevara (new body) in which old idols are replaced with the new ones. This festival takes place in the year which has two full moons in the month of Āṣāḍha, i.e., adhikamāsa or malamāsa. This month is also termed as Puruṣottamamāsa. This ritual takes place with utmost details having many sub-rituals. Four logs of tree are cut with utmost ritual specification, and they are brought covered in new silk garment by keeping them in four carts newly built for this purpose. They are brought in the temple through the northern gate. Sacred logs as well as old idols are bathed on snāna paurṇimā day. Then they are taken to their sheds called as Dārughara. About 108 Brahmins perform rituals on them and then the work on idol is started. No person is allowed to visit this place during this process. Then images are brought to the temple after circumambulation for three times. Then Ghaṭaparivartana takes place, i.e., transferring Brahman from old deities to new idols. Old images along with their bed, pillows, etc. are buried in the wells of Koili Vaikuṇṭha, and Daitās observe mourning for 10 days and then they performed purification ceremony on the eleventh day similar to the post death rites.

References 1. Behera S (1999) Oriya literature and the Jagannātha Cult, 1866–1936: quest for identity. D. Phil thesis, University of Oxford, Hilary 2. Eschmann A et al (eds) (1978) The cult of Jagannātha and the regional traditions of Orissa. Manohar, New Delhi

Jaganna¯tha Purusottama ˙ 3. Kane PV (1953) History of Dharmaśāstra, vol IV. BORI, Poona 4. Mishra B (2007) Orissa: Shri Krishna Jagannatha: the Mushali Parva from Sarala’s Mahabharata. In: Bryant E (ed) Krishna a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Mishra KC (1971) The Cult of Jagannātha. Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta 6. Mohanty S (1982) Lord Jagannātha: microcosm of Indian spiritual culture. Orissa Sahitya Academy, Orissa 7. Patel K (2001) Some aspects of social history of Orissa From AD 736 to 1110, Patel. PhD Thesis, Sambalpur University, Orissa 8. Patra A (2011) Origin and antiquity of the cult of Lord Jagannatha, Oxford Journals. Oxford University Press, Oxford 9. Starza OM (1993) The Jagannātha temple at Puri: its architecture, art and cult. E.J. Brill, New York

Jaganna¯tha Purusottama ˙ ▶ Jagannātha

Jainism ▶ Religion of the Raika-Rabari

Jajman ▶ Jajmānī System

Jajma¯nī System Om Prakash Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, Department of Humanities and Social Science, National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India

Synonyms Jajman; Village economy

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Definition

Observations on the System

Self-sufficient village economy was the distinct feature of Indian economy since ages. This structure remained intact despite rise and fall of dynasties. It witnessed a major transformation during the British period due to introduction of colonial form of capitalism. This system continued in the post-independent India, and the author himself is a witness of this system in his village in the region of Vaishali (ancient Licchavi republic) during the 1970s and 1980s. Jajmani system is a prominent feature of this feudalistic self-sufficient village economic system. It primarily means that local artisans produce the goods locally for local consumption.

The first detailed study of Jajmani tradition in India was made by William H. Wiser. He observes that the Hindu Jajmani system in its purest form was a corruption of the ancient system of “the custom of communal ownership” directed by the panchayat ([1], p. 110). He said, “Jajmani system serves to maintain the Indian village as a selfsufficient community” ([1], p. 38). According to Oscar Lewis, “Under this system each caste group within a village is expected to give certain standardised services to the families of other castes. Each one works for certain family or group of families with whom he is hereditary linked” ([2], p. 380). Prof. Yogendra Singh describes Jajmani system as a system governed by a relationship based on reciprocity in intercaste relations in a village ([3], p. 58). Harold Gould has described the Jajmani system as an interfamilial intercaste relationship pertaining to the patterning of superordinatesubordinate relations between patrons and suppliers of services. The patrons are the families of clean castes, while the suppliers of services are the families of lower and unclean caste. The jajman expresses the convergence of the sacred and the secular in rural economic interaction. His existence presupposes the existence of the value system embodied by the Brahman caste. In this sense, the jajman status is universal throughout India ([4], p. 31). The jajman status does not depend upon membership in any particular social group but upon the possession of land, or access to the produce from land by whatever means, and upon the determination to use one’s resources in the practice of social and religious orthodoxy ([4], p. 32). Both kamin and jajman are integral part of the Jajmani system and thus complementary to each other. The Jajmani system is called “Aya” in Mysore of South India, according to Ishwaran ([5], pp. 169–172). He maintains that this is centered on the values of honor, pride, and prestige. Interestingly he comments that it obliterates the dichotomy between the master and servant and participants are guided by the principles of dharma ([5], p. 38). In the time of crisis, the

Characteristics of Jajmani System The term jajman means a person who performs a yajna (sacrifice ritual). Later on it was identified with the householder who hired services or to whom the services were offered. It is a system of distribution whereby high caste land-owning families are provided services and products of various lower castes such as Badhai (carpenter), Nai (barber), Kumhars (potters), Lohars (blacksmiths), Dhobi (washerman), Chuhra (sweeper), etc. The servicing castes are called kamins, while the castes served are called jajmans. For services rendered the servicing castes are paid in cash or in kind (grains, fodder, clothes, animal products like milk, butter, etc.). So Jajmani system can be defined as a patronclient relationship. The Jajmani system is characterized by a continuous and unbroken relationship. The kamin remains obliged to render the services throughout his life to the jajman and the jajman in turn has the responsibility of hiring the services of a kamin. The Jajmani rights are enjoyed hereditarily. After the death of a man, his son is entitled to work as a kamin for the same jajman family. Due to the permanency of relationship, both the jajman and kamin families become mutually dependent on each other. They often take part in the personal and family affairs, family rituals, and ceremonies.

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service providers never mind providing free service, and similarly on the occasion of prosperity, the jajmans don’t mind giving more than the usual. Edmund R. Leach said, “Jajmani system maintains and regulates the division of labor and economic interdependence of caste” ([6], p. 45). Orenstein has mentioned that the families of village officials or village servants like the watchman maintain Jajmani relations with the whole village rather than with particular families ([7], p. 633). Thus, a watchman’s family is entitled to get a contribution during harvest seasons from every landowner’s family in the village. According to Raheja, the dominant landcontrolling caste is at the center of the local Jajmani system. Its ritual centrality, rather than superior purity of Brahmans, makes the system operate. His study exhibits the multidimensionality of caste in a Hindu society ([8], p. 143).

Critique on Jajmani System Jajmani system ensures security of occupation. Since this system is hereditary, the kamin is assured of his occupation. He knows that if he breaks his family’s occupation, he shall not be able to earn his livelihood. It also provides economic security to kamins as the jajman looks after their needs. In monetary crisis the jajman helps the kamins by extending all possible help to the kamins. The intimate relationship between the jajman and kamin nurtures the spirit of brotherhood. Jajmani system is hereditary and so both jajman and kamin sympathize for each other. The competition for work is almost absent in Jajmani system. No jajman goes without service nor does any kamin go without food. So this system creates an atmosphere of peaceful living by creating the spirit of fellow feeling and cooperation. Jajmani system has been critiqued as a source of suppression, exploitation, and discrimination of kamins by jajmans. MSA Rao has critiqued the Jajmani transaction as “brutality exploitative is too sweeping and obfuscating a generalisation” ([9], pp. 877–878). The agricultural castes, which are invariably upper castes, seek the services of

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the occupational castes, which are generally lower castes. The exploitation of lower castes continues under the garb of paternal ties. This system was pointed out by Oscar Lewis in his study of Jajmani system in Rampur village. In the past it was based on personal relationship; it has now become an instrument of exploitation. In this system, the kamins are considered low, whereas the jajmans are placed high. This has resulted in social inequality and feeling of superiority and inferiority in the minds of both jajman and kamin. Because this system is based on heredity, the kamin cannot take other job or occupation and the advantage of latest scientific developments to improve his economic condition. This system has resulted in lowering the economic standard of the kamins. It has been commented that Jajmani system has stood on the way of occupational mobility and resulted in lowering economic standard of the kamins. This system is hereditary, so there is no possibility of changing the occupation. In this way the system has checked social mobility. However the author’s experience shows the trends otherwise. Earlier the barber is used to provide services by visiting the householder. Now his sons and grandsons are free from such obligations; rather they are running their own parlors and saloons in cities and earning better livelihood. Dr. Majumdar found in his study that the conditions of kamins are miserable, and the upper castes subject them to great harassment and trouble. Intercaste disputes resulting from conflicts of interest between jajmans and kamins have, in the past, been settled by village panchayats ([10], p. 86).

Conclusion The Jajmani system has gradually decayed in modern time. The decline of belief in caste system and hereditary occupation has given a strong blow to the system. Growth of better employment opportunities outside the village and the increased mobility due to transport and communication have also led to decline of the system. Kamins can seek job or other occupations outside their village and are no longer compelled to do the job

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for jajmans. The social reform movements like Arya Samaj and the movements led by Mahatma Gandhi and Ambedkar have brought benefits to the suppressed castes in the form of Sanskritization. They sought to rise up in the social ladder. This also gave serious jolt to the Jajmani system. The forces, which have been unleashed due to modern global economic system in the capitalistic economy in the era of liberalization, privatization, and globalization, have also disrupted the Jajmani system since it is a system of feudal structure. The increased population base, the caste-free occupations, the money economy, the extension of cash crops and decline of subsistence farming, the effects of national and international markets on food prices, the replacement of many artisans’ goods by foreign imports, and the general impoverishment of a majority of both jajmans and kamins have resulted today. The increased intercaste violence has also given a blow to the system. Thus Jajmani relations and a variety of ritual obligations are now becoming obsolete.

References 1. Wiser W (1936) The Hindu Jajmani system. Lucknow Publishing House, Lucknow 2. Oscar L (1958) Village life in northern India. University of Illinois Press, Illinois, United States 3. Yogendra S (1973) Modernization of Indian tradition: a systemic study of social change. Thompson Press, Publication Division, Delhi 4. Gould Harold A (1964) A Jajmani system of north India: its structure, magnitude, and meaning. Ethnology 3(1) 5. Ishwaran K (1966) Tradition and economy in village India. Routledge & Kegan Paul, London 6. Leach ER (1960) Introduction: what should we mean by caste. In: Leach ER (ed) Aspects of caste in south India, Ceylon, and north west Pakistan. Cambridge papers in social anthropology No. 2. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 7. Henry Ornestein’s Book Review of Thomas O. Beidelman (1962) A comparative analysis of the Jajmani system. Monographs of the Association for Asian studies. J. J. Augustin, New York. 1959, in American Anthropologists 8. Godwin RG (1990) Centrality, mutuality and hierarchy: shifting aspects of inter-caste relationship in north India. In: Marriott MK (ed) India through Hindu categories. Sage, New Delhi

703 9. Rao MSA (1961) The Jajmani system. Econ Pol Wkly, 13(23), pp. 877–78 10. Beidelman TO (1959) A comparative analysis of the Jajmani system. Mono-graphs of the Association for Asian studies. Locust Valley, New York

Jana¯ba¯i Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

Janabai (also called Sant Janabai, Jani; about 1298–1350) was a woman saint and mystic poet of medieval India. She was a major figure in the Bhakti movement that swept the whole of India from twelfth to seventeenth centuries. She is well known as a composer of abhangas, or devotional verse, that are popularly recited or sung to this day. Sant Janabai, whose devotees prefix the honorific “Sant” or saint to her name as a mark of respect and honor, belonged to the Varkari Panth in Maharashtra.

The Varkaris The Varkaris, an influential religious community of bhaktas or devotees, worship Lord Vithoba (also called Sri Vittal, Pandhari, or Pandurang), a manifestation of Lord Vishnu, in the temple at Pandharpur in southern Maharastra. The Varkari devotees address their deity as sakha (friend), or a loving parent, more particularly a mother, or a lover, who admires and supports their devotion.

Childhood Janabai was born to a poor and lower-caste, Sudra family of Varkari devotees who lived in Gangakhed, a village on the banks of the River Godavari in the Parbhani district of Maharashtra.

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Little is known about her childhood. According to one legend, the 7-year-old Jana had come with her parents in a pilgrimage to the Vithoba temple in Pandharpur. But she fervently wished to stay near the Lord Vitthal and refused to return home with her parents ([1], p. 339). By another account, her mother Kurund died when Jana was very young; and, at the age of 7, Janabai was sent by her father Dama to work as a dasi or domestic servant in the household of Dama Shetty, an upper-caste, wellto-do tailor in the Gopalpur village, near Pandharpur. Jana became an orphan as her father too died soon after ([2], p. 151). Some other account holds that she may have been abandoned by her impoverished parents at Vithoba’s temple at Pandharpur ([3], p. 95). The little girl was then taken into the Shetty household as a maidservant. The Shettys too were Varkari devotees of Lord Vitthal. Dama Shetty was the father of the famous medieval mystic poet Namdev.

Jani of Namdev Namdev (1270–1350) was one of the chief Varkari saint-poets of Maharastra and a devotee of Vitthal, who taught that all were equal before God, irrespective of their caste, creed, gender, or social position. Janabai grew up as a domestic help in his family and remained his dasi or maid all her life. She took Sant Namdev as her spiritual Guru and became his disciple. Janabai wrote over 340 abhangas that are collected in the Namdev Gatha. The Namdev Gatha is a collection of verses composed by 15 members of Namdev’s household, including Namdev himself, his father, mother, wife, sister, sons, daughters and daughters-in-law, as well as his maidservant, Jani. Janabai signed her verses as Namayachi Jani (Jani of Namdev) and called herself Namayachi dasi Jani (Namdev’s maid, Jani).

Janabai, the Poet Janabai occupies a very special position as a poetsaint in the history of the medieval Bhakti movement in India. Her poetry is unique in the sense

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that it captures the nuances of a socially marginalized woman’s life – both secular and spiritual. Her verses, written in an extremely simple language, bring to the fore the deprivation, humiliation, and repressive conditions that she experienced as a low-caste, poor, orphan girl raised as a servant in an affluent home. The language of her poetry is grounded in her everyday reality as a maidservant. Images of everyday household chores – the never ending sweeping, dusting, pounding, grinding, washing clothes, gathering dung, scouring vessels, cleaning floors, and fetching water, all abound in her compositions. The ill treatment meted out to servants, even in the apparently liberal household of Namdev who preached ekata or spiritual equality among the masses, like going hungry, having only leftover food to eat, receiving beatings, or whipping at the slightest excuse, also figure prominently. Janabai’s abhangas are written on different themes. Some followed the Varkari conventions: namsankirtana or the repetition of God’s name; the birth and life of Lord Krishna; dasavatara or tales based on the ten incarnations of Lord Vishnu; the biographies of saints like Jnaneshwar, Namdev, or Chokhamela; santstuti or praise of saints; and upadesh or spiritual advice to commoners. But most poems brought to the fore her own spiritual experience and her special relationship to Lord Vitthal. In some verses, she flouted the social conventions of submission and conformity imposed on women like her and asserted her spiritual equality to God himself, thus showing her radical outlook. Apart from the abhangas or devotional verses, Janabai also composed many akhyanas or narrative poetry, like Krishna Janma (the Birth of Krishna), Draupadi Vastraharan (the Disrobing of Draupadi), Thaali Paak (the Dish in the Pan), Prahlad Charitra (the Biography of Prahlad), Baal Krira (Children’s Sport), Harishchandra Akhyana (the Parable of Harishchandra), and Draupadi Swayamvar (Draupadi’s Choice of Husband). Although her akhyanas followed the Varkari tradition, she chose her characters and themes from the Ramayana, Mahabharata, and Puranas – choosing only those who were delivered from their worldly

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sufferings by the grace of God and with whom she could herself identify.

Vitthal’s Daughter and Friend Although Namdev’s household followed the ethos of the Varkari sect and was egalitarian in outlook, yet, as a poor, low-caste, orphan woman and a servant overburdened with housework, Janabai felt persecuted. She was forced to lead an inferior, peripheral existence in this household, living a restricted life, full of hardships, pain, and suffering. To overcome the limitations in her secular and spiritual life, imposed by her gender and social status, she espoused Vithoba, the deity of Pandharpur, as her friend and constant companion who helped her in her daily, laborious tasks. She shared a unique personal relationship with her Lord Vitthal – sometimes Vithoba was her mother Vithalabai who took care of her; sometimes he was Vithai, a fellow maid who helped in her housework and eased her burden; and sometimes the God was Vithabai, her sakhi or intimate woman friend, as close and accessible as her confidante – a fellow seeker and an integral aspect of her own self. Painfully aware of her own subordinate relationship to the mainstream Varkari saints, as well as her inferior place in society as a lowcaste domestic servant, Janabai took refuge in divine companionship and constantly felt Vithoba’s presence by her side. He took his meals with her, swept the flour mill and kept it ready before she woke up, helped her carry heavy burdens or heated the bathwater, scoured the vessels, swept the leaves off the courtyard, and even carried the garbage out; he bathed her and washed her soiled clothes, and, when her head itched, full of lice, he scratched it for her, oiled, and plaited her hair, caring for her just as a mother would. Whenever in distress, she called out to him, and he rushed to her aid. Enchanted by her verses, he even wrote her poems down on paper with his own hands. He was the perfect companion to care for her and comfort her in her despair and loneliness. She drew emotional sustenance from him as he became everything that she had always yearned for but never had. For a dasi, a socially

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ostracized, lower-caste, poor, and orphan girl, Vitthal was all she had. She found in him her home, mother, father, friend, husband, children, and relatives. He was her lover too. Flouting social segregations of good and wanton women as well as norms of prescribed behavior, she even called herself a prostitute ready to sell herself on the roadside for Vitthal’s love. Secure in Vithoba’s love and companionship, she felt herself free and powerful, not restricted by the rules of society or its morality or decorum.

Janabai, the Saint Janabai’s poetry was a very personal poetry addressing a personal God. It was the poetry of self-expression, recounting her sufferings in this world, articulating her intense desire to transcend her condition in life and be delivered from this suffering through the union with her beloved God. The form and content of her poems show the influence of the Varkari sect, especially Namdev. Like him, Janabai advocated namsankirtana (repeating and singing God’s name) as a rightful path to devotion and promoted tirtha (pilgrimage) as leading toward the desired goal of union with the divine. She wrote poetic narratives and biographies of other saints. She also argued for social equality and composed devotional poetry in the language of the common masses. But, unlike the other saints of her devotional sect, Janabai did not see herself as a guide to others, with a well-formed philosophy to promote or a definite path to propagate among her followers. Her spiritual vision divinized all, from the most lowly to the almighty, asking the same kind of devotion and reverence for each and everything on earth. In her vision, both the deity and the devotee were inseparable, merged in love with each other. The devotee and the divine had a reciprocal relationship based on equality; there was a mutual nurturing love between them that marked absolute bonding and lifelong support for both. Through her personal devotion to the divine, an emotionally charged relationship in which there was no reserve or separation between herself and her Vitthal, Janabai sought a personal liberation from the

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social customs that discriminated between human beings and segregated them into higher or lower, touchable or untouchable, and worthy or unworthy. The close intimacy of multiple human relationships, with which she connected to the divine as Namdev’s maid or Vitthal’s daughter, helped in humanizing the divine and divinizing her own self in the process. Till finally, she lost herself into the divine in an ecstatic spiritual frenzy. It was a complete spiritual sublimation, a merging of the finite to the infinite, like a drop merging into the ocean. Emptied out of all consciousness, the secular self then became shunya (empty), transformed into a mighty, all-embracing divinity.

Legacy Janabai’s poems brought out the essential divinity in all creatures, animals, birds, and even hapless women in society who had no one and nothing to call their own. Janabai’s transition from a servant to a saint gave her the power to spiritually transcend her subjugated, insignificant existence and create the image of a powerful woman – one who could not only bear the hardships and torment of a socially and economically inferior existence with tolerance but could also proclaim her spiritually superior status by transgressing the social boundaries to become one with the divine. By conceptualizing the almighty God Vithoba as a woman very like her own self, Janabai made the divine accessible to other lowly and helpless women like her. Thus, in a way, Sant Janabai embodied the hope for deliverance for all marginalized and destitute women in society, who, like herself, desired and prayed for liberation throughout their lives. For, like Dasi Jani, herself the devotee, and the divine – both the bhakta and Vitthal, all women, however deprived or powerless, could now unite with their divine in life and attain their spiritual liberation.

Janaki 3. Vanita R (2010) God as Sakhi: medieval poet Janabai and her friend Vithabai. In: Vanita R (ed) Gandhi’s tiger and Sita’s smile: essays on gender, sexuality and culture. Yoda Press, New Delhi 4. Sellergren S (1996) Janabai and Kanhopatra: a study of two women saints. In: Feldhaus A (ed) Images of women in Maharashtrian literature and religion. SUNY Press, Albany 5. Tharu SJ, Lalita K (2004) Women writing in India: 600 B.C. to the early twentieth century, vol I. OUP, New Delhi 6. Zelliot E (2000) Women saints in medieval Maharashtra. In: Bose M (ed) Faces of the feminine in ancient, medieval, and modern India. OUP, New York

Janaki ▶ Sita

Jankavya ▶ Nīyoga’

Japa ▶ Kirtan in North America ▶ Mantra

Jīva Gosva¯min Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

References

Life and Works

1. Abbot JE, Godbole NR (trans) (1933) Stories of Indian saints: Mahipati’s Bhaktavijaya, vol I, 1998 reprint. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi 2. Pandharipande RV (2000) Janabai: a woman saint of India. In: Sharma A (ed) Women saints in world religions. SUNY Press, Albany

Jīva Gosvāmin (1517–1608) was a leading Gauḍīya-Vaiṣṇava theologian, one of the “six Gosvāmins of Vṛndāvana” or principal students of Caitanya (1486–1533) who are said to have been entrusted by Caitanya in formulating his

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theology. He was a son of Vallabha and nephew of the other two great Gauḍīya theologians, Rūpa and Sanātana, whom he succeeded as the leader of Caitanya’s following in Vṛndāvana, becoming “the highest court of appeal in doctrinal matters so long as he lived” ([5]: 150). In Vṛndāvana he founded the Rādhā-Dāmodara temple, in whose courtyard his tomb (samādhi) is located. His prominent students included Śrīnivāsa Ācārya, Narottama Dāsa, and Śyāmānanda Paṇḍita, whom he dispatched to Bengal with his own books and the books of the other Gosvāmins and who organized the Caitanya movement into a formal tradition that dominated Vaiṣṇavism in eastern India [1–5]. Jīva Gosvāmin was highly prolific, both in volume and genre, and his works have been grouped in four categories: 1. Treatises on theology and philosophy. The main work in this category was the Ṣaṭ-sandarbha, “The Six Weavings,” in which he arranged verses from the Bhāgavata Purana topically into six books, selecting some as heading verses in a fashion that resembles the adhikaraṇas of the Vedānta-sūtras, adducing more verses from the Bhāgavata and many other sources in their support, and commenting extensively on both. In doing so, he tried to establish the Bhāgavata as the ultimate authority of both Vedānta and devotion to Kṛṣṇa, a one-stop shop where any devotee can learn all about Gauḍīya doctrine. The six books are Tattva, Bhagavat, Paramātmā, Kṛṣṇa, Bhakti, and Prīti Sandarbha. The first four deal with what he calls sambandha, Kṛṣṇa as the ultimate reality and his relation to the world and the individual selves; the fifth deals with abhidheya, the process of attaining one’s relationship with Kṛṣṇa; and the fifth with prayojana, the goal or result that is achieved when the process bears fruit. These three correspond to the more common Vedāntic classification of tattva, sādhana, and phala. 2. Scriptural commentaries. The principal among these are (i) Krama-sandarbha, a rearrangement of the Ṣaṭ-Sandarbha in sequential order as a running commentary on the Bhāgavata; (ii) Laghu-vaiṣṇava-toṣaṇī, a

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commentary on the tenth book of the Bhāgavata; and (iii) commentaries on Rūpa Gosvāmin’s Bhakti-rasāmṛta-sindhu and Ujjvala-nīlamaṇi, called Durgama-saṅgamanī and Locana-rocanī, respectively. 3. Works on grammar and poetics. These include (i) Hari-nāmāmṛta-vyākaraṇa, a full Sanskrit grammar that uses names of Kṛṣṇa as technical terms and (ii) Bhakti-rasāmṛta-śeṣa, a work on poetics suitable for Vaiṣṇavas, a refashioning of Viśvanātha’s Sāhitya-darpaṇa with Vaiṣṇava illustrations. 4. Literary works. These include (i) Mādhavamahotsava, a mahā-kāvya of 1192 verses dealing with Kṛṣṇa consecrating Rādhā as the queen of Vṛndāvana; (ii) Gopālavirudāvali; (iii) Gopāla-campū, the largest Sanskrit work of the campū genre (a combination of prose and poetry), a retelling of the tenth book of the Bhāgavata; and (iv) Saṅkalpa-kalpa-druma, a verse summary of the Gopāla-campū [1, 2, 6].

Theology Jīva was a proponent of the Mīmāṁsā-Vedānta doctrine of śāstra as a form of knowing from linguistic utterances (śabda) that is not of the testimonial kind. For him, scriptures were not written by a human or divine agent, although they could be manifested through such individuals. He extended the classical scope of scriptures (śruti) to include the epics (Rāmāyaṇa and Mahābhārata) and the Purāṇas and advocated for the Bhāgavata as the absolute best in the total scriptural corpus [7–11]. The starting point of Jīva’s theology, presented in the Ṣaṭ-sandarbha, was a verse from the Bhāgavata Purāṇa (1.2.11) which runs: “Knowers of reality say that reality is non-dual consciousness, called Brahman, Paramātmā and Bhagavān.” For Jīva, the verse says that ultimate reality, which for convenience we may call God here, is a single substance – not in the sense of stuff or material but in the Aristotelian sense of that to which accidents or attributes can be predicated – which is in nature consciousness. Jīva adds bliss as the second essential feature of God,

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and this sets the definition in the context of the Upaniṣads and Vedānta, sat-cit-ānanda. That God is pure Being, consciousness, and bliss does not mean that he is a mere substance without any attributes, as understood in Advaita Vedānta. Rather, it is a unique thing that is differentially determined by manifestation of attributes in accordance to the cognitive ability of the subject of knowing. It is having this difference in mind that scriptures describe non-dual reality by using different terms, grouped under the three headings: Brahman, Paramātmā, and Bhagavān. The difference among these three states of reality is less ontological and more cognitive, and they are more like aspects than real states. Brahman is Being pure and simple, a substance conceptually understood in a general, featureless way. In truth, it is neither formless nor featureless, but it can be understood or cognized as something in which the difference of substance and attributes does not obtain for the knower. When that same substance manifests to a knower as bearing individuality and as having attributes, it is called Bhagavān or God proper. Bhagavān, in other words, is Brahman in which the difference between the substance and its attributes does obtain. Jīva calls the divine attributes as “energies,” śakti, and they belong to three broad groups: God’s internal energy, antaraṅgaśakti, a spiritual stuff which manifests his body, personal features, spiritual sphere, etc., and through which he conducts his internal affairs; his external energy, bahiraṅga-śakti, the dull matter that is both the stuff of the phenomenal world and the power of illusion that keeps the third, marginal energy, taṭastha-śakti, the individual beings, under its clutches. These three energies are treated in detail, but we should note here that they are ontologically real categories. In themselves, they are substances, but in relation to God, they are attributes because their existence is contingent on him as their locus and because they manifest the features that constitute God as a qualified unit and a person. The choice to call these properties “energy” suggests the idea that they are the means through which God operates:

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the term needs to convey a sense of graded personality, presence, and influence, from intimate to public, much after the fashion of a king’s own person, persona, and direct and indirect exercise of power. As śaktis, they are inherently neither the substance nor something different from it. In epistemological terms, they are in the domain of scriptural postulation (arthāpatti), which deals with realities that cannot be inferred because there is no direct data about them but whose existence must be accepted because without it other states of affairs cannot be accounted for. For these two reasons, Jīva’s doctrine is called acintya-bhedābheda, inconceivable simultaneous identity and difference. In brief, Bhagavān is different from Brahman only in the sense that the substance-attribute difference does obtain for the knower. They are the same substance but cognized differently. Gupta puts it nicely: “Brahman is Bhagavān, but with the splendor and glory suspended” ([9]: 35). Brahman is but a cognitive and conceptual reduction. The second feature of God, Paramātman or the Supreme Self, is also Bhagavān, with the “splendor and glory” not suspended but rather reduced. This reduction is not merely cognitive. Paramātman is a separate form of Bhagavān. It is a form, a “descent” or avatāra of Bhagavān in relation to the external and marginal energies. It is a form of God in which he appears as the efficient cause of the world and as its superintendent. Paramātman sets the world in motion by fertilizing matter, the external energy, with the seeds that are the individual beings, the marginal energy. Then, he conducts the affairs of the world by supervising the law of karma under which the world operates. He does that by impelling beings toward a goal that is set by their previous action. In this sense, he is the inner dweller or controller of the souls and matter that the Upaniṣads talk about. Thus, unlike Brahman, Paramātman is not merely a cognitive abstraction or a state that never truly obtains. It is a real form of God but a form for a specific purpose and manifesting Godhood partially. Indeed, God has innumerable such forms

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for the purpose of pastime or fun (līlā), and the creation of the world does belong to the realm of “divine fun.” These forms of God are not separate gods – it is the single and unique God that takes innumerable forms manifested by his internal energy, displaying attributes for specific pastimes and relationships. Such forms are not illusory or adventitious but are not a different substance in an ontological sense either. In a free and perhaps not too precise way, we could say that Brahman is the God of the philosophers, somewhat in a Spinozian sense, a substance with infinite attributes, but depersonalized as the ultimate basis of the world. Paramātman is the God of the theologians, the God in relation to whom it makes sense to ask questions about the existence of good and evil. Bhagavān is the God of the faithful, a God with whom one can establish a loving relationship. Bhagavān includes the complex of deities in the Vaiṣṇava universe but ultimately refers to the personal divinity Kṛṣṇa [2, 6, 12–15].

The Doctrine of Bhakti In terms of religious practice, Jīva was an advocate of bhakti and likely its most thorough theologian. For him bhakti was more than just a religious process: it was an essential feature of Bhagavān, an aspect of his internal power (antaraṅga-śakti) that was constituted as bliss (hlādinī). It was also a natural function of the living being insofar as one’s constitution was to be prone toward Bhagavān. However, this natural tendency could be obstructed under the influence of Bhagavān’s external power (bahiraṅga-śakti), in which case bhakti could be applied as a process, an adoration of Bhagavān (bhagavad-upāsanā) with the purpose of turning oneself toward Bhagavān. As a process, bhakti is of two kinds: [7] vaidhī bhakti or scripturally regulated devotion, consisting of actions such as hearing about Bhagavān from scripture, chanting mantras, meditation on Bhagavān, etc., and useful for the

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beginners and [1] rāgānugā bhakti or devotion that intentionally imitates the sentiment of some eternal associate of Bhagavān, useful for those whose devotion has become spontaneous but should be molded into a specific relationship with Bhagavān. Jīva recognized the value of the other traditional religious processes. Jñāna could lead one to Brahman and yoga to Paramātman, wherefrom one could further progress to Bhagavān. However, these were indirect ways and bhakti was the only direct method. Furthermore, they could be successful only if they already contained some measure of bhakti. The ultimate attainment of bhakti as a process is achieving qualitative similarity to Bhagavān through possessing the internal power of bliss in minute proportion. This presupposes the attaining of liberation but really involves a direct intuition of Bhagavān in which he is the personal God as the object and respondent of love, prīti. This prīti is also called prema-bhakti or loving devotion, and it can take five aspects expressing five forms of emotional exchange with Bhagavān: neutrality, śānta; servitude, dāsya; friendliness, maitrya; parental affection, vātsalya; and amorous love, mādhurya. Every devotee generally has one of these predominant emotional relationships with Bhagavān. This is the highest attainment of human life, parama-puruṣārtha, a permanent yet novel state, an actualization of an inherent potentially [2, 6, 16, 17].

Cross-References ▶ Acintyabhedābheda ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhakti ▶ Bhedābheda ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahman ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya) ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Līlā ▶ Puruṣārtha

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▶ Rasa ▶ Śabda ▶ Vedānta, Overview

References 1. Brzezinski J (1992) Jīva Gosvāmin’s Gopālacampū. PhD dissertation, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London 2. De SK (1961) Early history of the Vaiṣṇava faith and movement in Bengal: from Sanskrit and Bengali sources. Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta 3. Majumdāra B (1959) Śri Caitanya Caritera Upādāna. Calcutta University Press, Calcutta 4. Mukherjee T, Wright JC (1979) An early testamentary document in Sanskrit. Bull Sch Orient Afr Stud Univ Lond 42(2):297 5. Stewart TK (2010) The final word: the Caitanya Caritāmṛta and the grammar of religious tradition. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Dasa S (2007) The six Sandarbhas of Jiva Gosvami. In: Bryant E (ed) Krishna: a sourcebook. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 7. Broo M (2006) Jīva Gosvāmin and the extent of the Vedic paradigm. J Vaishnava Stud 15(1):5–29 8. Edelmann J (2013) Hindu theology as churning the latent. J Am Acad Relig 81(2):427–466 9. Edelmann J, Dasa S (2014) When stones float and mud speaks: scriptural authority and personal experience in Jīva Gosvāmin’s Sarva-saṁvādinī. J Hindu Stud 7(1):70–97 10. Elkman SM (1986) Jīva Gosvāmin’s Tattvasandarbha: a study on the philosophical and sectarian development of the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava movement. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 11. Gosvāmin J (2015) Śrī Tattva Sandarbha: Vaiṣṇava epistemology and ontology. In: Dasa S (ed) Sanskrit text with English translation and Jīva-toṣaṇī commentary. Jiva Institute of Vaishnava Studies, Vrindavan 12. Dasa S (2009) The concept of Bhagavān in Bengal Vaishnavism as found in Jiva Goswami’s Bhagavatsandarbha. J Vaishnava Stud 18(1):113–125 13. Gupta R (2007) The Caitanya Vaiṣṇava Vedānta of Jīva Gosvāmin: when knowledge meets devotion. Routledge, London/New York 14. Gupta R (2014) Caitanya Vaisnava philosophy: tradition, reason and devotion. Farnham, Routledge 15. Gosvāmin J (2014) Śrī Bhagavat Sandarbha: god – his qualities, abode and associates. In: Dasa S (ed) Sanskrit text with English translation and Jīvatoṣaṇī commentary. Jiva Institute of Vaishnava Studies, Vrindavan 16. Holdrege BA (2014) Meditation as devotional practice in Jīva Gosvāmin’s philosophy of education. ISKCON Stud J 2:45–70 17. Jīva Gosvāmin (2005) Śrī Bhakti-Sandarbha. In: Sanskrit text and translation by Satyanarayana Dasa, vol 3. Jiva Institute, Vrindavan

Jīvan-mukti

Jīvan-mukti Roger Marcaurelle Department of Psychology, Université du Québec à Montréal, Montreal, QC, Canada

Synonyms Kaivalya; Mokṣa; Mukti; Niḥśreyasa; Nirvāṇa

Definition A permanent state where one’s consciousness is experienced as unidentified with, and unbounded by, any mental, emotional, and physical limitations, while the body remains alive and mental faculties are still functioning normally.

Oneself as the Interface of the Finite and the Infinite Jīvanmukti is usually translated as “living liberation” or “embodied liberation.” Understanding jīvanmukti involves asking questions about ultimate personal identity: “If I assume the existence of a spiritual or divine reality, to what degree can I access and experience that reality while remaining a human being?” “To what degree would this experience transform my current identity?” “Can this experience provide me with inner fulfillment, lasting contentment, and freedom from suffering?” Jīvanmukti or living liberation addresses the interface of the finite with the infinite, the convergence of the immanence, and the transcendence of the divine (or the spiritual) in human beings.

Philosophy and Means of Living Liberation These questions about ultimate personal identity have been looked into by most Hindu traditions. The answers of a majority of traditions

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may be summarized as follows. Our usual identity is that of an organism consisting of a body and a mind which goes through constant change for good and for bad. This organism is part of the domain of Nature (prakṛti), including the ever-changing flux of mental contents such as sensations, thoughts, emotions, and experiences of pleasure and pain. Beyond the realm of Nature, there exists a Self that is not bound and not affected by anything belonging to Nature. Pure awareness, this Self is completely independent from the domain of Nature and never altered by any of its transformations, including psychological events such as thoughts, emotions, pleasure, and pain. Through various techniques and disciplines, and especially through meditation, whether cognitive or devotional, it is possible to “purify” the mind-body organism, that is, to transform its inner conditions, in a way that produces a direct knowing (experience) of the spiritual Self as free from the transformations, the pleasures, and the suffering of the organism. When, with repeated practice, this experience comes to be maintained in a permanent manner in the midst of the waking, sleeping, and dreaming states of consciousness, it may be called living liberation [1–3]. One who experiences such a state is said to be “living liberated” (jīvanmukta). However, the terms jīvanmukta and jīvanmukti themselves have not always been used in older texts, such as the Sāṃkhya Kārikā, to refer to this type of realization. Or, in some traditions such as the Śaiva Siddhāntins, the experience of the spiritual Self free from the fluctuations of Nature opens the door to spiritual love for a personal God, which is seen as the ultimate condition for living liberation [1]. Given that this state includes freedom from all desires, it “burns” all mental seeds and all influences from past actions (karma) which could trigger postmortem wishes to get reborn in a new body. Thus living liberation represents both inner freedom from all physical and mental limitations in this very life (without having to be freed from the body upon its death) and future freedom from the incessant repetition of deaths and rebirths (saṃsāra).

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Nontheistic Contexts Depending on whether the transcendental Self (ātman) is viewed as identical or not with the transcendental ground of the universe (Brahman), which varies among schools of thought, living liberation may take different forms. For instance, in the dualist systems of Sāṃkhya and classical Yoga, the ultimate ground of the mind-body organism is Nature and the latter is not reducible neither to the transcendental Self nor to a personal and ultimate God. Thus living liberation is essentially an experience of witnessing all physical and mental events occurring in the mind-body organism as completely separate from the transcendental Self, producing nothing more than a pure duality between Self and non-Self [1]. On the contrary, in the non-dualistic systems of Advaita Vedānta and Kāśmīrī Śaivism, for example, the transcendental Self (ātman) is identical with the transcendental ground of the universe (Brahman). In this light, living liberation is both witnessing all changing phenomena and the ability to recognize in all of them their spiritual ground, the absolute Brahman – Śiva in Kāśmīrī Śaivism. The resulting overall experience is then a deep sense of unity of all things in the transcendental Self [1–4].

Theistic Contexts In theistic traditions, the transcendental Self is understood to be free from the limitations of the mind-body organism and of Nature, as well as different from the transcendental ground of the universe, the Brahman which, in this context, consists of a personal God. According to Madhva’s dualism, the transcendental Self is seen essentially as a limited reflection (pratibimba) of the being of God, and it is ever dependent (paratantra) on Him. By the grace of God more than by one’s efforts, one may obtain a direct experience of God while living. This experiential knowledge eradicates the effects of the karmas (karmanāśa) that are performed during the current life. This state seems functionally similar to the possibility of living liberation in

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non-dualism, although Madha strongly disagreed with the identity of the Self and Brahman [1]. According to Rāmānuja and the theistic school of Viśiṣṭādvaita (“non-dualism of that which has attributes”), although fundamentally free from Nature, the transcendental Self is atomic, active, and dependent upon Viṣṇu, the supreme personal God. The Self cannot experience liberation in this life, but only when, at the time of death, Viṣṇu saves him and brings him in His heaven called Vaikuṇṭha. With countless other transcendental Selves, he constitutes the spiritual body of Viṣṇu. Liberation is having the postmortem privilege of living in a kind of communion with Viṣṇu, eternally contemplating His supreme qualities with perfect love and devotion [1, 5].

The Problem of Karma In the course of age-old discussions between traditions, nontheistic schools were challenged by a logical problem concerning living liberation. In these traditions, it is assumed that the experiential knowledge of the transcendental Self eliminates all ignorance about its unchanging nature. If this is so, after living liberation has been attained, how can it be that the mind-body organism is still bound by the limitations of actions (karma) and by all the changes that come with them, thus caught within the usual effects of ignorance of the unchanging nature of the Self? One of the answers to this apparent inconsistency is as follows. Given the complete peace and contentment found by the mind in the transcendental Self, as a whole, the mental residues of past actions (saṃcitakarma) cannot create further desires for objects. However, residues of past actions that have already started to fructify (prārabdhakarma) in the present life, namely, with the birth of the current physical body, will naturally continue to produce their effects in the realm of Nature until exhaustion. This phenomenon is said to be similar to the potter’s wheel which continues to turn until exhaustion after the potter has stopped giving it any impetus. Finally, the actions performed by the organism for the rest of the present life (kriyamāṇakarma) of the

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liberated person have no more binding power, since doership and experiencing are no longer attributed to the Self. Another explanation is that after attainment of living liberation, there is a small leftover of ignorance (avidyāleśa) which is not strong enough to overshadow the direct experience of the non-dual Self-Brahman [1, 2].

Moral Obligations Whether the liberated person is still under obligation to follow ritual and moral prescriptions is controversial in Hinduism. Theistic traditions tend to answer yes and their non-dualistic counterparts, no. Theistic believers understand that the Self always remains dependent on the Lord’s guidance [1, 5]. On the contrary, non-dualistic believers think that because the organism is consciously anchored in Brahman, the cosmological and ethical ground of the universe, it is no more led by egoistic desires and it naturally accomplishes the actions appropriate to the need of the moment. As a consequence, it does not have to be guided by external regulations such as ritual and moral instructions given by religion [1, 2]. Influenced by Christianity, neo-vedāntists of the modern age have insisted that, being devoid of selfish desires, the living liberated person naturally expresses an altruistic behavior that can benefit the whole society [6].

In Search of a Universal Potential By way of a variety of appellations and metaphysical contexts, living liberation has been a significant theme also in Buddhism (nirvāṇa), Jainism, and Sikhism as well as in non-Indian religions such as Taoism. Does this state of consciousness correspond to a universal potential in human beings? During the last few decades, some philosophers have tried to develop a new understanding of human consciousness based on the phenomenological accounts of mystics around the world which include experiences of a transcendental Self similar to what has been described here with living liberation [7–9].

Jones, William

Neuroscientists have also tried to identify neurophysiological correlates in people who claim to have the experience of the transcendental Self during meditation as well as in waking and/or sleeping states of consciousness. The results to date suggest that these experiences are distinct from those in ordinary states of consciousness and are correlated with an array of positive psychophysiological characteristics [10–13].

713 10. Arenander A, Travis FT (2004) Brain patterns of Self-awareness. In: Beitman B, Nair J (eds) Selfawareness deficits. W.W. Norton, New York 11. Badawi K et al (1984) Electrophysiologic characteristics of respiratory suspension periods occurring during the practice of the Transcendental Meditation program. Psychosomatic Medicine 46:267–276 12. Travis F (2002) Patterns of EEG coherence, power, and contingent negative variation characterize the integration of transcendental and waking states. Biological Psychology 61:293–319 13. Mason LI et al (1997) Electrophysiological correlates of higher states of consciousness during sleep in longterm practitioners of the Transcendental Meditation program. Sleep 20:102–110

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Karma- Duty ▶ Kaśmir Śaivism ▶ Mādhva ▶ Mokṣa ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śaṅkara ▶ Self ▶ Nātha Siddhas (Nāths) ▶ Soul ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta

Jn˜a¯na ▶ Science

Jňa¯na Ma¯rga ▶ Bhakti

Jones, William References 1. Fort A, Mumme PY (1996) Living liberation in Hindu thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 2. Warrier AGK (1981) The concept of mukti in Advaita Vedanta. University of Madras, Madras 3. Oberhammer G (1994) La délivrance dès cette vie : jivanmukti. Diffusion de Boccard, Paris 4. Sharma A (1993) The experiential dimension of Advaita Vedanta. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Lester RC (1976) Ramanuja on the Yoga. The Adyar Library and Research Centre, Madras 6. Fort A (1998) Jivanmukti in transformation. State University of New York Press, Albany 7. Forman RKC (1990) The problem of pure consciousness. Oxford University Press, Oxford 8. Forman RKC (1998) The innate capacity. Mysticism, psychology and philosophy. Oxford University Press, Oxford 9. Alexander CN, Boyer RW (1989) Seven states of consciousness. Modern science and vedic science 2:325–371

Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction William Jones, a polyglot, Orientalist, Sanskritist, translator, and poet, worked and lived in Colonial India as a Bengal Court Judge in the East India Company between 1783 and 1794. His poetical and prose works introduced Hinduism to the British and consequently influenced British literature from 1784 to 1812. Jones published quite extensively, focusing particularly on religion, philosophy, and the ancient mythological works of Hindu

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law, and his publications include translations, prose works, and poetic compositions influenced directly or indirectly by Hinduism [1]. Further, the impact of his works is also found on the works of later Romantic writers, including Percy Bysshe Shelley, Robert Southey, and William Blake. However, prior to Jones translator Charles Wilkins translated the Bhagavad Gita, showing the virtues of Hinduism, to which Warren Hastings, the Governor-General of Bengal between 1773 and 1785, lauded and appreciated it as a work of great originality and sublimity. When Hastings funded and supported the British to read, learn, and translate in English works of Hindu law, religion, and mythology, he did it for understanding Hinduism so that the Company could better administer its Indian subjects, whereas in Jones we find a personal revelation to Hinduism which was practically useless and inapplicable to the Company administration.

Jones’ Asiatic Society and His Works In 1784, Jones founded the Asiatic Society to enhance the research on Oriental subjects. Further, the name of the organization was modified twice: at one occasion “k” was dropped in 1825, and in 1936 the name changed to the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal. During the annual meetings, Jones used to propagate his findings of Hindu religion and culture, particularly the history and antiquities, the sciences, arts, and literature of Asia. In 1784, Jones wrote a letter to Richard Johnson, illustrating how the characters of Mahabharata would appear to him greater than Agamemnon, Ajax, and Achilles so much so that he was in love with the Gopia and charmed with Krishna. Jones found the Hindu mythology greater than the classicism, and for himself at one place, he had used the expressions, such as “devout” and “enthusiastic” scholar of Hinduism, and quite often he showed his admiration for Hindu deities, such as Krishna, Brahma, and Rama [1]. Contrary to Hastings and Wilkins, Jones did not find Hinduism confusing and abstruse, but he argued that the advanced representation of this religion was

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monotheistic, moral, and pious. His translation inspired and motivated him to compose a serious of original hymns between 1784 and 1789. In nine hymns he addressed specific Hindu gods and goddesses: Kamadeva “the god of love,” Narayana “the preserver god,” Brahma “the creator god,” Shiva “the eliminator god,” Saraswati “the goddess of knowledge,” Ganga “the river goddess,” Indra “the god of heaven,” Surya “the sun god,” Lakshmi “the goddess of wealth,” Prakriti “mother nature,” Durga “the goddess of destruction,” and alike [1]. Each hymn has two sections: argument and the explanation in the body of the poem; both sections serve and coordinate with each other. The mythological, philosophical, and etymological aspects of Hinduism are introduced by the argument, whereas difficult allusions and contexts are described in the poems. Jones’ allusions not only make the entire description lively and vivid but also negotiate to make Hinduism intelligible for Europeans – religiously and aesthetically. In his “Hymns” and “Preface of Sacontala,” Jones followed the idea of faithful translation so much so that he translated word for word into English, but then he disengaged from the stiffness of a foreign idiom to provide an authentic picture of Hinduism. Jones was aware of Indian diverse religious and theological traditions, and in his “On the Philosophy of the Asiatics,” he described the heterodox philosophies of Jainism and Buddhism which diverged from the conventional Hinduism. He mentioned two Buddhas – the Buddha of Buddhism and the Buddha of Hinduism – interestingly Hindus also consider Buddha as the sixteenth avatar “human incarnation” of Vishnu. However, the theological systems of Buddhism and Jainism rejected the Vedic authority, and gradually they established themselves as separate religions. In “On the Chronology of the Hindus” (1788), he spoke of the dual identity of Buddha: the Brahmanas universally speak of the Buddhas with all the malignity of an intolerant spirit; yet the most orthodox among them consider Buddha himself an incarnation of Vishnu; this is a contradiction hard to be reconciled (Works, IV, 17–18) [1]. Further, Jones’s works focus on

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understanding of the Vedic tradition, specifying Hindu philosophy and representing the core orthodoxy of Hindu belief. In “On the Philosophy of the Asiatics,” Jones describes the tenet of the Vedanta school “postVedic period” in terms of correcting the popular notion of Hinduism and in contending that it has no essence independent of mental perception, that existence and perceptibility are convertible terms, and that external appearances and sensations are illusory and would vanish into nothing, if that divine energy, which alone sustains them, was suspended but for a moment. (Works, I, 238–239) [1]. Vedanta philosophy, ascribed to mystic Sankara, postulates that a singular Divine source is the supreme reality, and all materiality including one’s own conscious self is a component of that Divine source. Jones describes a section within this, namely, Advaita Vedanta (non-dualist), and he states that the self is often disconnected from the divine source by Maya “illusory.” In “A Hymn to Narayana,” Jones describes the plurality of the material world in terms of Berkeleyan language that things exist only as far as they are perceived and as the mental

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perception. Also Jones states that Vedanta modifies one’s perception about materiality. Interestingly, Jones privileges Vedanta philosophy that is esoteric, mystic, and obscure over Nyaya which is reasonable, logical, and based on common sense [1]. In “A Hymn to Narayana,” Jones retells the Hindu creation myths through the symbols “the egg and the lotus,” referring to the birth of Brahma from the golden mundane egg and his control of cosmic existence. The Vishnu’s closing and opening of eye lids symbolizes the creation and destruction of the universe.

References 1. Johnson KA (2010) Sir William Jones and Representations of Hinduism in British Poetry, 1784–1812. PhD Dissertation, Department of English and Related Literature, University of York)

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Kaaval Katavul (Guarding Deities) Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Guardian deities are present in all traditional cultural communities. Goddess Covetina is believed to be the “guardian of the spring near Carrawburgh on Hadrian’s Wall,” UK.1 The Norse mythology refers to Disir as a guardian spirit. The people believe that Disir guards their families and so sacrifices are offered to bring them luck and increase the “fertility of the land and those owning it” [1]. The Scots believe that the Glaistig deity protects the cows, deer, and their family [1]. India also has a rich mythology of guardian deities. Dih (some people call the deity, Dih Baba), believed to be residing in Banaras, guards the “entire village and all its activities” and mediates the “influence of all supernatural energies and spirits” [2] Kashmiri Hindus regard Niila as their guardian deity [3]. The State of Tamil Nadu is known to have deities in all villages, which guard the people and the land. In Tamil, the guardian deities are called kaaval deivam (“kaaval” means “to guard” and “deivam” means “deity”).

Iconography of Deities The vehicles of the deities are usually horses and sometimes elephants. The icons of the deities are visually huge, probably three to four times bigger than human beings [4]. They have specific names and are sometimes mild in their temperament but mostly fierce and thirsty for blood. To satisfy their hunger regular sacrifices of goats, pigs, and chickens are offered to the deities. There are rituals and prayers attached to the deities [4]. There are sacred myths, origin stories, and stories about their supernatural interventions that are popular among the villagers. Thus, the villagers believe that it is necessary to seek the blessings of the deities on a regular basis. The guardian deities are deep rooted in the cultural imaginations of the communities [4].

Sacred Groves and Guardian Deities in Tamil Nadu The local guardian deities of the Tamil people are closely linked with sacred groves and spirits of the forests (Vanadevathai; “vana” meaning forest and “devathai,” goddess). Aiyanar, Sastha, Muniyappa, Veeran, Andavar are all protective deities of various communities in Tamil Nadu. “There are over 490 deities associated with sacred groves in Tamil Nadu. Of the 490 deities, 300 (are) male deities, 185 female deities and 5 are represented by hero stones” [5].

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Karuppuswami (literally, “Karuppu” means black and “swami” means deity) is a popular deity in Tamil Nadu. He is depicted with a sickle and big moustache [5]. As he is a short tempered deity, he expects people to meet him and feed him regularly. Thus, goats and sheep are sacrificed for the sake of the deity. He is generally believed to be a protector and guards temples, people, and all that belongs to the village. The local people have offered Karuppuswamy with sacred groves as their theistic imaginations are intertwined in their sociocultural life. It is a strong belief that the deity guards the groves and so the people should also follow suit. They believe that “removal of any animal,” “even a dry twig from the grove” will provoke the deity that might “result in the spread of disease and the failure of agricultural crops” [5].

Water-Guardians: Aiyanaar There are a few deities that guard water bodies [6]. The most popular among them is Aiyanaar. In a few villages in Coimbatore (a major city in the State of Tamil Nadu), Aiyanaar is considered the guardian deity of ponds. There is a myth attached to the tricking of Aiyanaar into the permanent guarding of a pond. The story goes thus: due to heavy rain, the pond was about to overflow which would result in the flooding of the village, nearby. Aiyanaar appeared to the caretaker of the pond, Mataiyan, and promised to take care of the pond until he returns after cautioning the village authorities about the flood [6]. The villagers thought that it would be a good idea that Aiyanaar guards the pond thereafter and so killed Mataiyan. The people then considered the killing of Mataiyan as a sacrifice to the deity, Aiyanaar. Now, people believe that Aiyanaar guards ponds, river, water tanks, and even the springs [6]. Aiyanaar is praised as “the supreme lord of rain” (Masilamani Meyer). The vehicle of Aiyanaar is horse. He is seen sitting with either right or left leg folded on the platform where he sits and holds a sword upright.

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Conclusion Guardian deities are human-like beings but larger and mightier than human beings. They are part of the naturecultures [7] of people who believe in such minor deities. The people believe that the guardian deities guard them but literally, they are the ones who guard the deities, in the sense that they preserve their theistic beliefs. These beliefs are representations of their identity and worldviews. Thus, these deities have a strong influence on their psychology, environment, religions, and all such socio-cultural productions.

References 1. Davidson HE (1993) The lost beliefs of Northern Europe. Routledge, London/New York 2. Leviton R (2007) Welcome to your designer Planet! A brief account of the cosmogony on Earth. iUniverse, Nebraska 3. Sircar D (1971) Studies in the religious life of ancient and medieval India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi/Patna/ Varanasi 4. Valk U, Lourdusamy S (2007) Village deities of Tamil Nadu in myths and legends: the narrated experience. Asian Folk Stud 66(1/2). Nanzan University, Japan, pp 180–182 5. Amirthalingam M (2017) Karuppuswami – a village deity of Tamil Nadu. ECONEWS Q Mag CPR Environ Educ Cent 22(1). CPR Environmental Education Centre, Chennai, pp 10–11 6. Masilamani-Meyer E (2004) Guardians of Tamil Nadu: folk deities, folk religion, hindu themes. Verlag, Franckeschen Stiftungen zu Halle, Halle 7. Haraway DJ (2003) The companion species manifesto: dogs, people, and significant otherness, vol 1. Prickly Paradigm Press, Chicago

Kaavu in Kerala (Sacred Groves in Kerala) Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Sacred groves are “small forests or stands of trees whose produce is set aside for the exclusive use of a

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deity” which has conservational and religious values attached to such “pockets of abundant and diverse flora and fauna” [4]. Dietrich Brandis, the first General Inspector of Forest in India, identified the religious conservation of kaavu and termed it sacred grove [1]. Sacred groves have been studied from various perspectives – ethnographic, ecological, theological, sociological, and mythical.

The Ecology of Sacred Groves Ecologists look at sacred groves as a rich conservatory of “rare and endemic species of plants” [3]. Approximately 13,720 sacred groves are identified in the 19 states of India with maximum number of them in Kerala, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, and Tamil Nadu [3]. Sacred groves have withstood the massive deforestation initiated by the British administration in India. But due to various reasons such as population growth, deforestation, land grabbing, development, change in land-use patterns, and religious conversions, sacred groves are disappearing [4].

Religious Perspectives on Sacred Groves All the sacred groves have direct religious implications in India. Usually, sacred groves are either part of a Hindu community/family temple or a traditional house. The belief is that the space where the sacred grove exists is sacred as the reigning deity of the family/community live in those trees [2]. All vegetation, animals, birds, rocks, and hills are protected as they are part of the dwelling place of the reigning deity. Generally, sacred groves are “dedicated to different gods, goddesses, spirits, demons, ancestors or serpents” [5]. There are a number of rituals attached to the place. In Kerala, the rituals and festivals attached to Kaavukal (plural of kaavu) depend on the deities attached to them. The sacred groves in Kerala are classified into three depending on the category of deity attached to it – Ammadaivakaavukal (sacred groves with reigning deities as mother goddesses), Purushadaivakaavukal (sacred groves with reigning deities as male gods), and Mrigadaivakaavukal (sacred groves with reigning deities as animals) [5]. Some

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of the mother goddesses are Bhagavathi, Durga, Bhadra, and Chamundi; some male gods are Vishnu, Shiva, Ayyappan, and Sastha, and animals are serpents and tiger [5]. Popular among these are the Sarpa Kaavukal (the sacred groves dedicated to serpents). A sarpakaavu is usually surrounded by several trees or has a single tree. The tree(s) is/are not allowed to be felled. The kaavu usually has a well-defined boundary, territorialized by a stone fence. The persons who enter this sacred space are expected to be pure in mind and body. This will please the deities. The wrath of the serpent deity is manifested in the form of diseases and misfortune [5].

Kaavu and the Ritual-Art-Culture in Kerala In Kerala, the rituals attached to sarpakaavu are of two kinds based on the castes of the people who own the grove. The Brahmins (higher caste) perform their daily worship by lighting earthen oil lamp (at dusk) and chant manthras in vedic style. The lower castes such as Nair, Ezhavar, Pulluvar, and Thandaar perform Kalamezhuthupaattu (an art of drawing color patterns on the ground and singing songs that are peculiar to the art form) and Paambuthullal (a dance form to invoke the sacred serpent) [5]. Usually these performances are done in front of the kaavu or in an open space in front of a traditional Hindu house. Kalamezhuthupaattu is a vibrant visual treat to the audience. As it is an expensive ritual, it is usually performed once in a year during the Malayalam (language spoken in the State of Kerala) month of Vrichikam (mid-November–midDecember). Aasaan (literally, “teacher”), the elderly artist, begins by drawing pictures of serpents using various colors. The elderly artist/chief priest draws the kalam (the drawing on the earth) in front of the sacred grove usually under a temporary thatched roof. The surroundings of the kaavu are decorated with leaves of fig tree, mango, palm, betel, and coconut [5]. After the kalam is complete, the lamps are lit, and the ritual begins. Invocation to the serpents and offering of flowers, food, fruits, and milk to the serpent gods are some major events along with the pulluva

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paattu (with the accompaniment of the singlestringed veena) [5].

Conclusion Kaavukal should be understood as a rich ecological space with varieties of trees and other living and nonliving beings preserved by the members of a community through rituals, religious practices, art performances, and oral beliefs. As the worldviews of the communities change, the Kaavukal are under threat, and so individuals, communities, and the state and National Governments should engage in more effective ways to preserve these ecological treasures.

References 1. Centre for Policy Studies (2011) The story of modern forestry in India. http://cpsindia.org/index.php/art/114science-sustainability-and-indian-national-resurgence/ d-science-and-technology-under-the-british-rule/1592-the-story-of-modern-forestry-in-india 2. Gadgil M, Vartak VD (1976) The sacred groves of western Ghats in India. Econ Bot 30(2):152 3. Jain P (2011) Dharma and ecology of Hindu communities: sustenance and sustainability. Routledge, London/New York 4. Kent EF (2013) Sacred groves and local Gods: religion and environmentalism in South India. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York/Auckland 5. Murugan K, Ramachandran VS, Swarupanandan K, Remesh M (2008) Socio-cultural perspectives to the sacred groves and serpentine worship in Palakkad district, Kerala. Indian J Tradit Knowl 7(3):455

Kabīr Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Khanqah – a place, building where the Sufis stayed and gathered.

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Nirguṇa – the supreme God without attributes as opposed to Saguṇa, the God with attributes. Brahma – the supreme God is called Brahma in the Upanishads. Advaita – Non-dualism.

Definition Kabīr was a mystic poet of medieval India, and his devotional poetry is still very popular among the Hindi-speaking population. Kabīr’s life and his time – the vernacular Bhakti (devotional) literature of the medieval period of India (twelfth–eighteenth century) had played an important role in giving shape to present day Indian religious tradition. Though not homogeneous, a significant portion of the Bhakti literature rejects rituals, superstitious, and caste discrimination. Kabīr’s poetry is also considered as a part of this medieval Bhakti literature, and he is one of the most frequently quoted poets by the Hindi-speaking people. Parallel to the growth of Bhakti literature, there was also a growth and spread of Sufism in India, which represents relatively liberal face of Islam. The Muslims and the Hindus, including the lower castes, mingled freely in the khanqah. Both these movements have given space to everyone, high and low, to articulate their mystic experience and also to raise voice against the discrimination. Kabīr appears to be a personification of this liberal voice, and he has followers among the Hindus and the Muslims both. Kabīr lived a major part of his life at Banaras; the city considered to be holy by millions of the Hindus. A mist of mystery surrounds his parentage. According to a legend, he was born to a Brahmin widow, who cast him away to save her reputation, and he was found out by a Muslim weaver named Neeru, who brought him up. It is also believed that Kabīr was a disciple of Ramananda, the Vaiṣṇava saint. Scholars believe that he was born among the weavers who were earlier low-caste Hindus known as korīs and were known as julāhās after their conversion to Islam ([4], p. 10), and him being a son of a Brahmin widow and a disciple

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of the Vaiṣṇava saint is probably myths added later to claim his legacy ([3], p. 18). Being of low caste, he also belonged to the marginalized section of the society. Low-caste converts to Islam were considered inferior among the Muslims as well. There is a disagreement about Kabīr’s period. Some scholars put him in the fourteenth–fifteenth century (1398–1448 A.D.) and some in the fifteenth–sixteenth century (1440–1518 A.D.). However Kabīr’s message found in his poetry is more important than Kabīr as a person of flesh and blood. Kabīr’s role in spreading the message of Bhakti, a simple devotion as opposed to ritualistic religion, is acknowledged by his contemporaries as well as by the people who immediately followed him. Kabīr’s poetry – as it is difficult to reconstruct the life of Kabīr as a historical person, it is better to treat the poems as the Kabīr tradition and try to understand the message. The experts also believe that there are many songs which are not originally composed by Kabīr but are popular among the masses as his compositions. Probably the hope and aspirations of the common people echo in his compositions, and he represents a collective voice of the people. The poetry that goes under Kabīr’s name can be sung with the different tunes and speaks about different dimensions of human life: spiritual and temporal both. His language is simple and direct and appeals to everyone. Kabīr had probably composed his poetry in Bhojpuri, a dialect of Hindi that was spoken in and around Banaras, but his songs travelling to distance places have undergone lot of transformations. The coming of Islam in the medieval period brought a lot of changes in the Indian society. Though there was a conflict at different levels, coming together of two different ways of life had also initiated a process of syncretism in all dimensions of life including religion. Bhakti and Sufi tradition had also provided a platform for dialogue. At places Kabīr’s poetry also reflects this spirit of syncretism. In his poetry we find the use of Hindu and Sufi symbolism, but Hindu symbolism is more profound, and Kabīr calls himself a Bhakt, a word usually used for a Hindu devotee.

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It appears that Kabīr’s poetry had spread in all directions along with the wandering monks, singers, soldiers, and merchants and had acquired local coloring. Some of his poems have travelled a long distance of thousand kilometers to reach as far as Punjab and are incorporated in “Guru Granth Sahib” the sacred book of the Sikhs. Tukārām, the seventeenth century saint-poet of Mahārāṣţra, also mentions him in his compositions. There had been also attempts of appropriating Kabīr in different traditions. The Sikh Kabīr often sounds like a down-to-earth householder, while the Vaiṣṇava Kabīr is swayed by love’s intensity ([6], p. 269). In the course of time from a poor, unlettered cotton weaver of fifteenth century Banaras, Kabīr has become a voice which tries to simplify the religion, scolds you for improper behavior, and is sarcastic about hypocrisy and superstitious. The modifications and improvisations of Kabīr’s song are described in a poetic language by Dharwadkar as: “When that weaver departed from his house, he left his unfinished weaving on his loom, with fables, allegories, sermons, satires, aphorism, riddles and songs stretched out as a wrap ‘ín process’. In the centuries since his departure, his collaborators have made the journey to his workshop and sat at his frame, shedding and picking, beating the weft thread by thread, finishing the great design that he began” ([4], p. 95).

Hawley classifies Kabīr’s compositions in three different literary forms: 1. Dohās or Sākhīs – a small two liners 2. Ramanās – rhymed lyric in caupāī meter, i.e., four liners 3. Padas (verses) – or Śabdas (words) – sung compositions whose length could vary from 4 verses to 12 or more ([6], p. 269) It is difficult to put his poetry in a particular framework due to divergent themes and varied styles. But he have acceptability across the wide spectrum of society starting from lower caste to Brahmins and from elite to commoners, Hindus, and Muslims, who try to understand and interpret Kabīr as per their situation and understanding.

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Born or brought up among the low-caste community who were recent converts to Islam, it is unlikely that Kabīr would have received any formal education. Kabīr acknowledges that he is illiterate as he says that he had never touched a paper, neither held pen ([11], p. 36). Kabīr probably composed his poetry and sang it to the illiterate sections of the society, and it must have been after a lot of time that he got recognition. Like most of the medieval Bhakti saints, Kabīr refused to acknowledge the superiority of Sanskrit and says: “Sanskrit is the water in a well, the language of the people is the flowing stream”([9], p. 568).

Kabīr’s Concept of Divine Indian religious tradition, being liberal in nature, gives space to dialogue and alternative viewpoints. In the Bhakti literature, we found the two prominent beliefs about the concept of God, i.e., “Nirguṇa” (the God without form and qualities) and “Saguṇa” (the God with form and qualities). However, this division is not totally exclusive of each other. Many Bhakti saints like Jňâneśvar (thirteenth century Mahārāṣţra) said that there is no difference between “Saguṇa” and “Nirguṇa,” and both are the manifestation of the same supreme divine ([2], p. 53). Kabīr also says that the divine is beyond “Saguṇa” and “Nirguṇa.” “Some concentrate on a god without formSome on a god who has outward shape The man of knowledge understandsThe Creator’s different from both of these” ([4], p. 201)

However Kabīr is popularly known as “Nirguṇa Bhakt,” because saint-poets who say that the God is beyond Saguṇa and Nirguṇa are also classified under the category of “Nirguṇa” by the researchers engaged with the Bhakti tradition. For Kabīr the divine is: “Unmoving, imperceptible, unknowable” ([4], p. 102)

Though Kabīr uses the name of Rama, he clarifies that his Rama is not Rama, the son of Dashratha and the hero of the epic Ramayana,

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but his Rama is omnipresent, omnipotent. According to Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, elevating Rama to the position of the supreme God is a legacy of Ramananda, and before Ramananda, Rama was worshiped as incarnation of Vishnu and not as a supreme deity ([5], p. 113). God is within us says Kabīr, “The east is Hari’s domicile, they say, the West is Allāh’s dwelling place. Look into your heart, your very heart: That’s where Karīm-and – Rāma reside” ([4], p. 203)

Kabīr’s concept of divine is very close to the Nirguṇa Brahma of the Advaita philosophy of the Hindus according to which there is no difference between the supreme and the individual soul, as he says, “All of creation’s composed from a single point of origin” ([4], p. 171)

And “These men and women, The whole lot of them, Are nothing but Your forms.” ([4], p. 64)

For Kabīr, the God dwells inside everyone, “Why look for Me anywhere else, my friend, When I’m here, in your possession? Not in temples, not in mosquesNot in Ka’aba, not in Kailash, Not in rites, not in ritualsNot in yoga or renunciation. Look for me and you’ll find Me quicklyAll it takes is a moment’s search. Kabīr says, listen O brothersHe is the very Breth of our breaths.” ([4], p. 195)

For him the God resides in the heart of each and everyone “Search your heart, Your heart of hearts: That’s his abode, That’s his camp” ([4], p. 63)

According to Kabīr, the God is omnipresent and omnipotent as he says, “If Khudā inhabits the mosque, then whose play-field is the rest of the world? If Rāma lives in the idol at the pilgrim-station, Then who controls the chaos outside? The east is Hari’s domicile, they say, The west is Allāh’s dwelling-place.

Kabīr Look into your heart, your very heart: That’s where Karǐm-and – Rāma reside. All the women and men ever born Are nothing but Your embodied forms: Kabīr’s a child of Allāh-and – Rāma, They’re his Guru-and –Pīr” ([4], p. 65)

Kabīr says that all the rituals, scriptures, temples, mosques, and pilgrimage are illusion and useless for establishing connection with God. The only thing that will lead to the God is devotion to the God, who is formless. According to Kabīr and his tradition, even the Saguṇa Bhakti is a false Bhakti ([4], p. 88). Kabīr says that there is no difference between the God of the Hindus and Muslims, but he had contempt for the bookish learning of the scriptures as he says, “Veda and Koran are traps laid For poor souls to tumble in” ([7], p. 52)

Kabīr’s rejection of all the institutionalized religion is termed as “theological secularism” by Dharvadkar. By rejecting the traditional practice of religion, Kabīr had made “Mukti” (liberation from the cycle of birth and death) assessable to all and made it a secular process ([4], pp. 93, 94). In Kabīr tradition, jap and nām sumiran, i.e., repetition and remembrance of God’s name, are important for achieving God. This led to dhyān (unbroken concentration), and the devotee will later enter sahaj samādhī, the easy, natural, and simple state of union with God ([4], p. 90). The state of bliss is difficult to explain; Kabīr tries to explain it as: “No life, no death exist in it, No grief, no joy. Both solitude and blissful union Are absent from it” ([4], p. 101)

Kabīr simplifies the Advaita as he says: “When I was, Hari wasn’t: Now that Hari is, I’m not.”([4], p. 173)

Kabīr says that it is the self-knowledge that is important and not pilgrimage: “Without self-knowledge The world’s all make-believe: What’s Mathura, What’s Kashi?” ([4], p. 200)

Kabīr is feeling sad at the ignorance of the world as he says that he is sad because he is

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awakened, and the world is happy because it is happy in eating and sleeping ([5], p. 259). Kabīr advocates the simple mode of achieving the God and, i.e., sincere devotion, but this simple way of loving God is not easy, and one may have to sacrifice everything as he says: “The love do not grow in the field neither it is for sale in the market, It is equally available for the king as well as for the commoners, but at the cost of head.”([8], p. 66)

Kabīr, the rebel – Kabīr preached that simple and sincere devotion to the God is important, and empty rituals are of no use. He did not believe in asceticism but believed in leading a simple, pure life of a householder. It is believed that he was also married and had children. He also continued with his hereditary profession of weaving. Kabīr’s position is unique in the sense that though he had followers among the Hindus and Muslims both he did not flinch from criticizing the practices of both the religion that he considered to be irrelevant. Criticizing the practice of Muslims who calls out loudly at the time of prayer he says: “I don’t know what sort of master you have. Is he deaf that the mullāh must screech from the mosque” ([4], p. 202)

Criticizing the Hindus for their superstition he says: “If by worshipping stones one can find God, I shall worship a mountain.” ([9], p. 568)

Criticizing the outward symbolism of religion Kabīr says: “If the union yogis seek Came from roaming about in the buff, Every deer in the forest would be saved. If shaving your head Spelled spiritual success, Heaven would be filled with sheep” ([6], p. 275)

He is also critical of the sacrifice performed by the Muslim as he says: “You rampage in, knock down a cow, cut her throat and take her life, You turn a living soul to a corpse and call it a holy rite” ([7], p. 69)

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Kabīr says that one need not to go around preaching: “Why run around offering water? There’s a sea in every house. If anyone is thirsty, by hook or crook, he’ll drink” ([7], p. 91)

The populations during the medieval period were shackled by the empty ritualism, burden of the oppressive caste discrimination, and the Hindu-Muslim strife. Kabīr spoke against all these. Rejecting the differences he says: “No one’s a Hindu no one’s Turk” ([4], p. 172)

Kabīr had put forward the dream of egalitarian society as he says: “I am a native of that country where there is no Caste, Varna and linage” ([1], p. 42)

According to a legend, a Brahmin named Sarvajit from South India, who came to Kashi to defeat Kabīr in the religious discourse, became a disciple of Kabīr. The story indicates toward popularity of Kabīr in the distant areas. According to another legend, Sarvajit married Kabīr’s daughter as well. We are not sure if these legends are historical facts, but the legends reflect the dreams of the people, and these legends suggest that the people, at least some of them, were dreaming of a society where a person brought up in a house of a Muslim weaver can have a Brahmin guru and can also have a Brahmin disciple and son-in-law ([1], p. 72). Kabīr did not adhere to any tradition. Nabhadasa, the sixteenth–seventeenth century saint-poet, writes about Kabīr: “Kabīr did not honour the world’s conventions, Such as caste, the four stages of life, the six philosophical systems” ([4], p. 23)

Rejecting the difference he says: “The lord of the Hindus and Turks Is one and the same” ([4], p. 22)

For Kabīr the divinity is not confined to one place but is omnipresent as he says: “If Allāh resides inside a mosque then whose is the rest of the land?” ([4], p. 63)

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He criticizes the hypocrisy as: “You’re a crook at heart, You pretend to pray” ([4], p. 64)

Though Kabīr draws heavily from different traditions, he empathically declares his independence from Hinduism and Islam, both important religions that he was exposed to. He also tried to kindle the fire of courage in those who claimed to be his disciple and asks them to be ready to lose everything, as he says: “I’ve burned my own house down, The torch is in my hand, Now I’ll burn down the house of anyone Who wants to follow me” ([5], p. 7)

Kabīr never calls himself Muslim, nor Hindu, but always says that he is neither Hindu nor Muslim. Kabīr appears to be an iconoclast and much ahead of his time. Many Bhakti saints like Jnaneshwar (thirteenth century Mahārāṣţra) were unable to overcome the conditioning of their time and gave the message that there could be egalitarianism in spirituality, but when it comes to the temporal aspect of human life, the Brahmins are at the highest ([10], pp. 9.458, 9.475). But Kabīr’s denounced the caste system altogether. He is also not willing to give any special place to the Vedas as well and says that the Vedas and rituals have no significance at the higher stage of spiritual accomplishment as Kabīr says: “No ritualistic duty or Vedas are of any use there” ([1], p. 41)

Kabīr condemns the fighting on the name of the religion as he says: “The Hindu says Rāma’s dear to him, The Muslim says it’s Rahīm. They go to war And kill each otherNo one knows The secret of things” ([4], p. 62)

Kabīr was rebellious and unconventional in his death also. He spent his whole life at Banaras, the city considered as holy by the Hindus, and there is a belief among the Hindus that, if somebody dies at Banaras, he will get moṣha, i.e., the freedom from the cycle of death and birth. But when the time of death came, Kabīr left Banaras and

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migrated to the place called Maghar and said that, if he dies at Banaras and gets liberation, then what is the use of his devotion? He was confident that due to his devotion he will get liberation at any place. The message was that the devotion and living a pure life are more important than believing in the superstitious practice of considering some places sacred and some are not. He says: “Kashi, Magahar: for a thoughtful man, They’re one and the same” ([4], p. 39)

Legacy – Kabīr became so popular in his lifetime that Brahmins and Maulavis both went the Sikandar Lodhi, the sultan of Delhi, and complained that people listen to Kabīr and not to them. Agarwal says that Kabīr was forced to leave Kashi because high-caste Brahmins were afraid of his influence ([1], p. 70). Many Bhakti poets of the medieval India fondly remember Kabīr. He became popular in his lifetime and remained so because he spoke what was closer to the heart of the people. The people were probably looking for a breath of fresh air as they were troubled by the religious conflicts, caste oppressions, and ritualism. In Kabīr, they found hope. His iconoclast zeal must have also fascinated many. Though the society envisioned by Kabīr as a society without discrimination and strife is yet to come into existence, nevertheless his contribution toward upholding the idea of egalitarian society is noteworthy. Though Kabīr himself did not form any sectarian creed, after his death different centers called “gaddis” came up at different places calling themselves Kabīrpanthis and claiming Kabīr’s legacy. The important “gaddis” are at Phatuha (near Patna), Banaras, Dhamkhera (near Bilaspur), and at Puri-Jagnath ([4], p. 31). Kabīr is visualized differently by the different people. For some he is a poet whose poetry is to be enjoyed; for some he is a social reformer; for some he is a philosopher; who simplified Advaita; and for some he is a guardian angel who corrects one’s behavior. Dharwadkar describes Kabīr’s multidimensional personality as: “Kabīr was at once a philosopher and a musician, a theologian and a social critic, a fearless speaker and a gentle bhakta” ([4], p. 95)

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Though Kabīr himself was against any rituals, his Muslim and Hindu followers quarreled after his death as the Muslims wanted to bury his body and the Hindus wanted to cremate him. The legend goes that, when the sheet covering his body was removed, his disciple found only flowers. Half of which were buried by the Muslims and half were cremated by the Hindus. Hindu and Muslim followers also later formed different sects claiming his legacy.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Bhakti ▶ Hinduism ▶ Mīrābāī

References 1. Agarwal P (2009) Ahatk Kahani Prem Ki. Rajkamal, New Delhi 2. Bhave B (1996) Jnandevachi Bhajane. Paramdham Prakashan, Pawnar 3. Dharmveer (2003) Kabīr Ke Alochak, Sut na Kapas. Vani, New Delhi 4. Dharwadkar V (2003) Kabīr, the weaver’s songs. Penguin, New Delhi 5. Diwedi H (1990) Kabīr. Rajkamal, New Delhi 6. Hawley J (2012) Three Bhakti voices. Oxford, OUP, Delhi 7. Hess L, Singh S (2015) The Bījak of Kabīr. Motilal Banarsidaass, Delhi 8. Kamla P. Payo Ram Ratan Dhan (2004). In: Krishna K (ed) Kabīr Vivid Paripreykshay. Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla 9. Mujumdar RC (1990) The history and culture of the Indian people, vol VI. The Delhi Sultanate, Bombay 10. Sakhre N (2001) Sarth Sri Jnaneshwari. Sarathi Prakashan, Pune 11. Singh P (2004) Kabīrka Atmvishwas. In: Krishna K (ed) Kabīr Vivid Paripreykshay. Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla

Kaivalya ▶ Jīvan-mukti

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Kaiyeluttu-grantham ¯ ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Kaiyeluttu-prati ¯ ▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Ka¯la ▶ Yama

Ka¯la¯mukha Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Asita Vaktra; Kālānana; Kālāsya; Laguda; Lakula; Lāngala; Lānjana; Nakula; Vakula

Definition The Kālāmukhas were a Śaivite sect of social and religious reformers with a strong social basis dominant in the north western region of Karnataka during ninth to thirteenth century.

Introduction The worship of Siva as the Supreme Being belongs in ancient Hindu tradition, called Śaivism, which goes back to Vedic times ([1], p. 1). Śaivism has different subtraditions or sects. The Pāśupata sect founded by Lākulīśa is one of them ([2], p. 244). The Kālāmukha was a group of

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Śaivaites, now extinct, which owed its origin to the Pāśupata sect.

Meaning of the Term Ka¯la¯mukha The Kālāmukha Śaivaite used to mark their faces with a black line as a distinctive symbol of their caste or group, hence the name “Kālāmukha,” which means “black-faced.” Being black-faced was indicative of a person’s belonging to this sect ([3], pp. 83–85). We know from the Purāṇas and other ancient texts that the Kālāmukhas were also designated by other name, such as, Laguda, Lakula, Nakula, Vakula, Lānjana, or Lāṅgala ([4], p. 19) and other words for black-faced, viz., Kālānana, Kālāsya, or Asita Vaktra ([3], p. 85; [4], p. 19; [5], p. 10). The names borne by the Kālāmukha ascetics mostly end in “śakti,” “śiva,” and “ābharaṇa” ([6], p. 244).

Origin and Development of the Sect The Kālamukha faith drew its doctrinal inspiration from Śri Nakuliswara or Lakuliswara. According to one opinion, Lākulīśa had probably been a Kālāmukha before he became the founder of the Paśupata Śaivism ([7], p. 74). We can say without much doubt that the Kālāmukhas and the Pāśupata sects are closely linked. As the agama texts of Śaivism became more popular, the Kālāmukhas became more influential. They were very organized in their activities and established monasteries or mathas (mutts) in which they live adopting the life of a mendicant. The Kālāmukhas constituted the dominant Śaivite sect in the north western region of Karnataka. On the basis of a royal charter from Mysore, it can be said that, the Kālāmukha monastic order was already active in this region in 810 A.D. According to Ramendra Nath Nandi, in the Rastrakuta grant of 807, we find the earliest mention of the Kālāmukha sect with Ishwaradasa, as the head of the Nandi temple in Karnataka ([3], p. 85). The royal grant of Chikaballapura of 810 mentions Ishwaradasa as the disciple of Kālāsakti. Further evidence about this sect comes from many

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inscriptions found at different Kālāmukha sites. ([3], pp. 85–87). Their period of influence as dominant religious sect in that region ranged from ninth to the thirteenth century, until the rise of Vijaynagara Kingdom. The presence of Kālāmukha was prominent during the reigns of western Chalukyas of Kalyana and subsequent dynasties of Kalāchuris and Sevunas or Yadavas of Devagiri ([8], p. 279). Many kings of these dynasties and their subsidiaries bestowed the title of Rājaguru on many teachers of Kālāmukha sect. In the absence of historical records, it is not possible to state definitely the reasons or causes behind the decline of the Kālāmukha sect after the thirteenth century. David Lorenzen holds that the decline may be correlated to the decline of these royal dynasties and the rise of the Vīra-Śaiva sect and other religious groups opposed to the Kālāmukhas ([5], p. 179).

Socio-Religious Practices of Ka¯la¯mukhas The Kālāmukhas as monastic order did not live in seclusion but among the masses, whom they tried to serve in different ways. Apart from preaching their religion of Siva, in whose service they built temples in accordance with the instructions given in the Śaiva Āgamas, established theological colleges, institutions of learning for general public, hospitals and homes for maternity services ([2], p. 244). As monks they lived a very simple life ([9], p. 201) and did not take meat, fish, or consume wine; their meals consisted mainly of vegetables, green roots, and milk. The kings as well as ordinary follower often sought lessons from them, on the conduct of a good life apart from other things. They led an austere life in the practices of yama, niyama, dhyāna, dhāraṇā, japa, mounānusthāna, etc. ([3], p. 86). These were among the religious practices they perform.

Two Division of Ka¯la¯mukha Information gained from the Kālāmukha epigraphs found at different sites, together with

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information available regarding Kālāmukha rituals and practices, shows that the Kālāmukha sect had two branches or groups, namely – the Śakti Pariṣad and the Siṁha Pariṣad. The Śakti Parisad ˙ The area of influence of the Śakti Pariṣad comprised mainly Dharwar and Shimoga Districts of Mysore ([5], p. 97). The surviving epigraphs belonging to the Śakti Pariṣad have been found at sites covering a large area. These epigraphs are generally larger in length than those of the Siṁha Pariṣad and therefore contain more information concerning the religion of the Śakti Pariṣad. We here may name some of the important teachers of the Śakti Pariṣad: Kedāraśakti Munipati, Śrikantha-Pandita, Someśvara Panditadeva (c. 1094), Vāmaśakti-Muniavara I (c. 1129), Vāmaśakti Panditadeva (c. 1156), Śrikantha Deva, Vāmaśakti-Deva (c. 1215), Candrabhūṣana Pandita Deva, Rudrābharaṇa, Vālmlki Muni (c. 1078), Vidyābharaṇa (c. 1129), Gautama-Muni (c. 1139), Jñānaśakti Deva, and Kriyāśakti pandita among others ([5], p. 101). ˙ ha Parisad The Sim ˙ The area of influence of the Kālāmukha group, the Siṁha Pariṣad or the Assembly of Lions seems to have been Guntur district of Andhra Pradesh, Gulbarga, Bijapur, and Bellary districts of Mysore ([5], p. 141). Five temples with only eight inscriptions of this group have been found scattered over a large area in this districts. The names of some of the important teachers of the Siṁha Pariṣad are given here: Lakaśipu alias Paśupati, Bhuvanaraśi-muni, Vidyeśvara, Prabhūtarāśi Pancuta, Vameśvara, Vidyeśvara, Prabhūtarāśi alias Kālamukhendra, and Paśupati among others ([5], p. 142). The evidence of royal grants or support to the Śakti Pariṣad and the Siṁha Pariṣad, respectively, shows that the former received greater royal attention and generosity than the later. It is probable that the Śakti Pariṣad wielded more influence than the Siṁha Pariṣad on the populace.

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¯ ca¯ryya Ra¯ma¯nuja and Ka¯la¯mukhas A We learn from Rāmānuja’s Śrībhāṣya that the Kālāmukhas prescribed certain means for the fulfilment of desire in this world and hereafter ([10], p. 192). These means are stated by Rāmānuja to be the following: (1) covering the physical body with the ashes of a cremated dead-body; (2) consuming such ashes; (3) taking food contained in a humanskull; (4) holding a stick; (5) imbibing wine; and (6) venerating the god as seated therein ([11], p. 127). In Rāmānuja’s description there seems to be a mix-up between the Kālāmukhas with the Kāpālikas for he states that the Kālāmukhas follows the practice of using a human skull as a container for taking food and keeping wine, a feature characteristics of the Kāpālikas but anathema to Kālāmukhas. With the growing influence and popularity of the Śaivaites, Rāmānuja, who was of a different persuasion felt cornered and left his native Tamilnadu. These factors may have worked on him in shaping his unflattering views about the Kālāmukhas. It is therefore doubtful whether the Śrībhāṣya version gives a faithful representation of the Kālāmukha position. According to Ramendra Nath Nandi, the Kālāmukhas aimed at social and religious reforms ([3], pp. 85–87) using their strong links with society.

Cross-References ▶ Kāpālikas ▶ Pāśupatas ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śaiva Āgamas ▶ Śaivism, Overview

References 1. Tagare GV (1996) Saivism some glimpses. DK Printworld, New Delhi, pp 134–135 2. Schouten JP (1995) Revolution of the mystics: on the social aspects of Vīraśaivism. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi 3. Nandi RN (1973) Religious institutions and cults in the Deccan. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi

Ka¯lamukhas 4. Dyczkowski MSG (1988) The canon of the Saivagama and the Kubjika tantras of the western Kaula tradition. State University of New York Press, Albany 5. Lorenzen DN (1991) The Kapalikas and Kālāmukhas. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi 6. Karmakar AP (1950) The religions of India. Mira Publishing House, Lonavala 7. Nagamma T (1988) Saivism and Saiva art in Andhradesa. Meenakshi Publications, Andhra Pradesh 8. Lorenzen DN (1988) The Kālāmukha background of Vira Saivism. In: Maity SK, Thakur U, Narain AK (eds) Studies in orientology. Essays in memory of Prof. A.L. Basham. YK Publishers, Agra 9. Parmeshwaranand S (2004) Encyclopediaof the Saivism, vol 3. Sarup & Sons, New Delhi 10. Hara M (2002) Pāśupata studies. Sammlung de Nobili, Vienna 11. Bhandarkar RG (1965) Vaisnavism, Saivism and minor religious systems. Indological Book House, Varanasi

Ka¯lamukhas ▶ Kāpālikas

Ka¯la¯nana ▶ Kālāmukha

Ka¯la¯sya ▶ Kālāmukha

Kali June McDaniel Department of Religious Studies, College of Charleston, Charleston, SC, USA

Synonyms Goddess of the burning ground; The dark mother

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Definition

Tantric and Yogic Worship of Kali

A Hindu goddess, associated with death, rebirth, and liberation.

Another form of Kali worship involves tantric and yogic practices. There are tantric elements from writings of the sixth century CE, and texts called tantras were written by the ninth century CE. Kali is reached by certain forms of meditation and visualization and by ritual worship, making use of mantras, mudras or hand positions, and yantras or visual diagrams. Yogic practice is often involved, especially kundalini yoga. Some practitioners focus on the Mahavidyas, or wisdom goddesses, who are understood to be forms or emanations of the goddess Kali. They each give special blessings, and each has her own priests. There are two major subtypes of tantric Kali worship. In the folk tantric type of Kali worship, the goddess gives supernatural abilities (siddhis) and power (sakti), and she may appear to the practitioner in the forest or burning ground. Folk tantra is largely an oral tradition, in which the term “tantra” refers primarily to a practice or sadhana. There is little emphasis on reading texts, and many folk tantrikas are illiterate. When texts are used, the instructions tend to be taken literally; and the rituals are physically acted out. In the scholastic tantric worship of the goddess, Kali is symbolic of liberation (moksa) and is she is understood to be a personification of infinite consciousness. She is able to grant the gifts of wisdom and insight. Her forms, whether beautiful or terrifying, are understood to be illusory, a part of her play of illusion or maya. They are used to test the tantrika’s worthiness and knowledge. The term “tantra” refers primarily to a set of texts, and the goal of this type of Kali worship tends to be liberation from rebirth, and knowledge of ultimate truth or brahman.

Introduction The goddess Kali is often regarded as the fierce Hindu goddess (devi) of death. However, in the religion of Shaktism or Hindu goddess worship, Kali is also a goddess of transcendence and a savior who brings her devotees to her heaven, to liberation, or to a good rebirth. Viewed by Shaktas (devotees of Shakti, the Great Goddess, or Mahadevi) as the Mother of all existence, she is understood as the power that brings the cosmos to life, destroys evil, and dissolves the universe in order for new creation to occur. She is the consort of the god (deva) Shiva and recognized as his power, or capacity for action. The term Kali is the feminine form of the Sanskrit term kala, which means “black” or dark colored, and also “time.” Her most popular images are dark ones: as the four-armed Dakshinakali and the ten-armed Mahakali. Kali may also be sky-blue, or even white – these are beneficent and auspicious forms of the goddess.

Tribal Worship of Kali There are several types of Kali worship in India. The first and probably oldest type of Kali worship is still found in rural areas, which may be called folk or tribal Shaktism. It involves the worship of both tribal goddesses and local Hindu goddesses (especially those understood to exist within natural forms, such as rocks and rivers, which are believed to be forms of manifestations of Kali). Kali may appear in the form of an old woman, whose knowledge is reflected in her years, as well as in the forms of mother and warrior. In her form as Mother, she grants fertility and happiness; as a Warrioress, she grants protection; as the Old Woman, she teaches and gives revelations.

Kali Bhakti, or Devotional Worship The most widespread style of Kali worship is that of Shakta devotion, or Kali bhakti. In medieval times, Shaktism was largely an esoteric religion practiced by small groups of tantric yogis, but over time she was described as beautiful and loving. The eighteenth-century bhakti poets

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portrayed her as a loving mother and a beautiful young girl, and devotional worship grew around these images. Devotees began to worship Kali with passionate intensity. She is Kali Ma, the universal Mother, who is sometimes frightening on the outside, but inwardly loving and compassionate. Three subtypes of Kali devotion can be distinguished. The first subtype is emotional bhakti. In this type, the goddess has a variety of roles: mother, child, friend, lover. She expects passionate devotion and dependence from her worshipers, who are most often described as her children. The most intense love is not romantic love, but rather parent/child love. Some devotees are initially fearful, but they end up loving her when they see the sweetness within her. The ideal attitude is total dependence, with love evoking divine vision or darshan, in which goddess and devotee meet and recognize each other. There are many miracle stories passed down showing Kali’s love towards her chosen devotees. Worship may be at household altars, or it may be on a larger community scale, with shrines, large painted statues, and sacred food piled high on silver trays, at festivals such as Kali Puja. Coming several weeks after the end of Durga Puja, on the night of the new moon, the holiday of Kali Puja has temporary shrines in the streets, and the statues of the goddess which are understood by devotees to hold the goddess’ presence. Food is often placed as an offering beneath the raised altar/stage which holds the statues. In the larger and more well-funded community, shrines (pandals) may be giant statues, 15 ft high or more. Kali Puja night is a time for magic shows and theater, for fireworks and celebrations, but also for animal sacrifice to the goddess and contemplation of her importance in this world and in the universe. Kali’s general worship or puja may also be performed more often, through repetitions of her hundred and thousand names. As a devotional goddess, Kali is Mother of the Universe, and the beloved parent of those who worship her. She is described with love, and her dark side is justified by the presence of death in nature – Kali represents what is true, not what people would like to see. She is described as loving,

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sweet, and compassionate in her poetry, but she is also capable of saving her devotees from their own karma and acting as a spiritual guide. Shakta poetry also portrays Kali as an innocent girl, unhappily married to the distant and wild god Shiva. The second subtype of Kali devotion is political Shakta bhakti or Shakta nationalism. In this type, the goddess represents the land – she is Mother India, Bharat Mata, or Bharat Devi, associated with the goddess Durga as a protectress. She is like the folk goddess who represents the village, but on a larger scale. The third subtype of Kali worship is Shakta universalism. In this approach, Kali is a loving mother who also represents infinite consciousness. Kali is understood to be symbolic of deeper states of awareness, and though the mother is the chosen symbol for this mystical state, other deities and symbols may also represent it. This goddess is not a jealous goddess – the altar of a Shakta universalist may hold the symbols of many deities, both Eastern and Western. In the twentieth-century literature of this tradition, Kali is more frequently described as a philosophical concept than as a person. Shakta universalism was strongly influenced by the Bengali sage Ramakrishna Paramahamsa. It is still an important perspective among Shaktas outside of India, especially in the United States. Ramakrishna was priest of a Kali temple and worshiped the goddess throughout his life, but he also claimed to have attained spiritual realization through other paths, such as Vaishnavism, Islam, and Christianity. Modern popular Shaktism echoes this universalist sentiment, saying that the ultimate aim of all religions is the same. Though Ramakrishna stated that all religions of the world were valid paths to the divine reality, and all forms of the deity were equally legitimate, he preferred Kali; though all forms of religious rituals were valid, he preferred worship of the goddess. All of these approaches to Kali, and to goddesses generally, may be found in India today.

History of the Goddess The name of Kali is first found in the Mundaka Upanishad, where Kali is one of the seven

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tongues of the sacrificial fire or yajna. Kali as a goddess is later mentioned in the Mahabharata, the Khila Harivamsa, and in Bhavabhuti’s Malatimadhava. One important origin text for the goddess Kali is the Devi Mahatmya. Kali is described as an emanation from the goddess Durga in the Chandi or Devi Mahatmya section of the Markandeya Purana. When Ambika (Durga) became terribly angry at her enemies, and her face then became dark as ink, then Kali emerged from her forehead. She was armed with a sword and noose, and a skull-topped staff, wearing a garland of skulls, and clad in a tiger’s skin. She was emaciated and frightening, filling the sky with her roars. She devoured the hosts of the asuras, the enemies of the gods. Kali is also mentioned in a variety of Hindu tantric texts, including the Yogini Tantra, the Kamakhya Tantra, and the Niruttara Tantra, which call Kali the greatest of the wisdomforms of Mahadevi, the great goddess. The Mahanirvana Tantra calls her the original form of all things, Adya Shakti Kali, the primordial one. Kali was first described in the seventeenthcentury writings of travelers, missionaries, and merchants from Europe who had visited India. She was usually described in a negative way, emphasizing her frightening statues, the animals that were sacrificed to her, and her association with the Thuggee criminal group. Later writers were more disturbed by tantric rituals associated with Kali, especially those involving visualized or physical sexuality. Some writers sensationalized her worship, coming up with the more imaginative understandings of Kali and her worship now termed Orientalism. Greater interest was inspired in the late nineteenth century by the lectures of Swami Vivekananda, the disciple of Ramakrishna Paramahamsa. He emphasized the symbolic nature of Hindu ritual and its universal appeal for the world. In the early twentieth century, there were major writings on Kali by Sir John Woodroffe, who wrote on Bengali tantra under the pen name Arthur Avalon. He interpreted Kali and tantra generally through a Vedanta perspective, with sexuality as symbolic rather than literal. He

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described Shakta tantra as a useful philosophical approach for the West.

Modern Views of Kali Later in the twentieth century, Kali traditions have been explored through various methodologies: anthropological, feminist, psychoanalytic, postcolonial, postmodern. These approaches have been controversial to traditional Shaktas, and there has been much debate over the legitimacy of applying Western methods of understanding to non-Western religions and cultures. An alternative scholarship of Kali may be found in New Age sources: magazines, books, artwork, websites. Here Kali is reinterpreted for a modern audience. She becomes a personification of female destruction and rage, or of uninhibited sexuality, or a friend from the dark universal unconscious. In these adaptations, traditional ritual is no longer required, and Kali becomes a new deity with new forms of activities and stories. She combats limiting ideas like purity and impurity, sin, and acceptable social behavior, and she rebels against patriarchal religions and their rules. She overcomes the fear of death and shows the positive side of anger, sexuality, and intense emotion. In New Age Shaktism, Kali is associated with the dark goddesses from various religions, and she is a major figure for Shakti Wicca and the new IndoPagan traditions. There are many interpretations of the goddess Kali: she can be a dark and regional Hindu goddess of death and destruction, a loving mother or innocent daughter, the divine creator of all existence, a spiritual guide who gives wisdom and liberation, and a savior from death and karma. All of these are possible understandings of the goddess.

Cross-References ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Durgā ▶ Ramakrishna Paramahamsa ▶ Tantra

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References 1. Avalon A (Sir John Woodroffe) (1978) Shakti and Shakta. Dover Publications, New York 2. Bhattacharyya NN (1974) History of Sakta religion. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi 3. Coburn T (1991) Encountering the goddess: a translation of the Devī-māhātmya and a study of its interpretation. State University of New York Press, Albany 4. Sena R (1982) Grace and mercy in her wild hair: selected poems to the mother goddess (trans: Nathan L, Seely C). Boulder, Great Eastern 5. Hawley JS, Wulff DM (1996) Devi: goddesses of India. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Kali Puja (trans: Saraswati SS). (1997) Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi 7. Kinsley DR (1988) Hindu goddesses: visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu religious tradition. University of California Press, Berkeley 8. Kinsley DR (1977) The Sword and the flute: Kali and Krsna, visions of the terrible and the sublime in Hindu mythology. University of California Press, Berkeley 9. McDaniel J (2004) Offering flowers, feeding skulls: popular goddess worship in West Bengal. Oxford University Press, Oxford 10. McDermott RF (2001) Mother of my heart daughter of my dreams: Kali and Uma in the devotional poetry of Bengal. Oxford University Press, New York 11. McDermott RF, Kripal JJ (2003) Encountering Kali: in the margins, at the center, in the West. University of California Press, Berkeley 12. Mookerjee A (1988) Kali, the feminine force. Destiny Books, New York

Kalidasa R. P. Singh Department of English and Modern European Languages, University of Lucknow, Lucknow, UP, India

Kalidasa is regarded as a significant figure in the galaxy of playwrights and poets in the world literature. Acknowledged as the greatest litterateur in Sanskrit, he enriched the genre of poetry and drama. The credit of specializing both the genres in the classical literary tradition of Sanskrit goes to Kalidasa only, generally no other writer has specialized both these genres altogether. His available writing comprises three plays – Abhigyanasakuntalam, Malavikagnimitram, and

Kalidasa

Vikramorvarsiyam, two epic poems – Raghuvansham and Kumārasambhavam, and two shorter poems. The Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the Puranas of Indian literary tradition, and collective consciousness offered him the meta texts that his power of literary communication could spread to the humanity. His life span spread during circa 400–455(?). No historical proof is found on the exact dates of his birth and death; the literary historians have deduced these dates out of the conjectures based on literary and cultural texts. On Kalidasa’s birth place, there is no consensus among scholars. The close reading of Kumarasambhava offers the references of his birth place in the lap of beautiful mountains of the Himalayas, the portrayal of a fascination for Ujjain in Meghadutam proves Ujjain as his birth place, and his affirmative and constructive portrayal of King Hemangada in the sixth book of Raghuvansham persuades the scholars to fix Kalinga as his birthplace. As per a popular belief, Kalidasa was the court poet of King Vikramaditya, a chivalrous emperor who ruled Ujjain during the first century BCE. It is also referred to that, this Vikramaditya was not a real figure, and the name refers to just a title put before the names of great emperors, as Chandragupta II (380 CE
415 CE) and Yashodharman (sixth century CE) also used this title with their names. The existence of Kalidasa during the reign of Chandragupta II is, however, most accepted. He, therefore, lived and worked during the fourth and fifth century. On the association of Kalidasa, famous Indologist, Daniel H. H. Ingalls, states that: The most famous author of the Gupta age is Kalidasa. He owes his fame to a number of factors. He is the oldest of the classical poets preserved in the school tradition of Sanskrit. I am here distinguishing Classical Sanskrit, the language purified by the grammarians, from the older literature of the epics and the Veda. For centuries it has been with Kalidasa’s Dynasty of Raghu, or his Birth of the Prince, or his Cloud Messenger that Indian children have begun the study of Sanskrit poetry. [1]

On the reception of Kalidasa to the western world, James Overholtzer’s view infers that “he remained largely unknown in the West until the English philologist and poet William Jones published a translation of Śakuntalā in 1789. In

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the decades that followed, Kalidasa garnered a reputation as “the Shakespeare of India,” in the words of Jones” [2]. The Abhigyanasakuntalam is Kalidasa’s most important play, the masterpiece work. It is the story of King Dushyant and Shakuntala, the adopted daughter of a sage. While on a hunting camp, Dushyant falls in love with Shakuntala, and marries her. Suddenly he had to rush back to his capital. While moving back, he gives a ring to Shakuntala and asks her to come to the court with it. Meanwhile a curse from a sage affects the memory of this love, later when Shakuntala reaches the court of Dushyant, Dushyant does not recognize her. The play revolves around the identification of Shakuntala. Malavikagnimitram is the story of Malvika and Agnimitra. King Agnimitra falls in love with the picture of a girl called Malvika. In the play, Malvika is presented as a servant girl. Agnimitra’s wife and queen discovers the passion of her husband for Malvika, and subsequently she orders for the imprisonment of Malvika. Later it is discovered that Malvika is also a princess. The play Vikramorvarsiyam offers the story of King Pururva and the celestial beauty Urvashi. Pururva is a mortal being but Urvashi is a heavenly nymph, who has come to earth as a result of some curse. They fell in love, but after the phase of curse for Urvashi gets over, she has to go back. Ultimately, King Pururva wins her by his valor and the two lovers unite. Epic poem Raghuvansham (the lineage of Raghu) offers a detailed note on the lineage of the clan of Raghu. Kumārasambhavam (The Birth of Kumára) is a description of the birth of Kumára, to Lord Śiva and deity Pārvatī. Kumára took birth for freeing the world from the terror of a she-demon Tadaka. His lyric poem Ṛtusamhāra (The congregation of the seasons) offers a classic description of six different seasons or Ritus in India and shows its effect on a newly married protagonist narrator. Having the unparallel force in similes and conceits, Kalidas’ writings give a major scope to the social, cultural, and personal spaces of the human soul besides the existing patterns of spirituality in the Sanskrit literary tradition. On the wider canvas of Kalidasa’s writings, Daniel H. H. Ingalls opines that “there is no doubt where Kalidasa’s heart lay. But his eyes and mind took in a broader world

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than the world of sacred books” [3]. Kalidasa is a great master of literary innovations. On this issue, the statement of K. Roychowdhury is appropriate, when he states that: Kalidasa’s great novelty lies in the advance that he makes from the purely decorative to the functional image: there is a complete change in the destination of the image. In his poetry, thought and emotion express themselves in terms of images in a simultaneous mental operation. In fact, he was thinking in images, in order to arouse the emotion more directly in the course of unfolding and development of the idea. His images come with great spontaneity under the stress of heightened emotion. The great bulk of his metaphors and similes are derived from direct observation of the things in nature and in life. The rest are largely imaginative and fanciful, by far the greater number being personifications, chiefly of states, qualities and emotions. [4]

Readers can find the notes of spirituality, mythology, worldly values, civil association, issues of nature, ecology and environment, human relationship, different kind of frailties, passion, ideals, delineation of nation, and a perfect harmony of human being, nature, and environment in the literary oeuvre of Kalidasa.

References 1. Daniel H, Ingalls H (1976) Kālidāsa and the attitudes of the golden age. J Am Orient Soc 96(1). p 18. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020 2. Overholtzer J. Kalidas. In: Trudeau LJ (ed) Classical and medieval literary criticism. Gale LPP, Farmington Hills. p 4. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020 3. Daniel H (1976) Kālidāsa and the attitudes of the golden age. J Am Orient Soc 96(1). p 20. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020 4. Roychowdhury K (1976) Kalidasa’s imagery in ‘Meghaduta’. Indian Lit 19(2):92–118. p 98. Retrieved 27 Mar 2020

KaliYuga Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

The term Kali Yug is a combination of the terms “Kali” and “Yug” in the Hindu mythology where

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the word “Kali” denotes the demon Kali who represents quarrel and contention. The nemesis of Kali is Kalki. Hindu mythology believes that toward the end of Kali Yug, Kalki will return riding on a white horse to battle with Kali and his destructive forces. The world will suffer a fiery and violent upheaval that will destroy all evil, and a new age (the Satyug, of the following Mahayuga) will begin. The word “Yug” refers to a period of time. A broad description of the Kali Yug appears in the Mahabharata as well as in the Laws of Manu apart from the works of renowned astronomers of ancient India such as Aryabhatta. The Hindu mythology describes time to be cyclical and is divided into four periods called: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Satyug Dwapar Yug Treta Yug Kali Yug

There have been around 30 ancient cultures which have also spoken about such division of time. Kali Yug is the last division of periods of time, and since it is the last of all the ages, it is marked by decrease in virtue, morality, and conscience in general. The Satyug is referred to as the Golden Age which is marked by wisdom, temperance, and ethics, and as time moves away from the Golden Age, there is degeneration of human values and virtues. Kali Yug being the farthest away from the Golden Age is characterized by the least possible moral progression. Virtue decreases by a quarter in every age is what is believed in the texts. The Mahabharata epic talks about the Yuga cycle where Lord Hanuman describes it at length to the Pandava brother Bhima. In the Sanskrit text Brahmavaivarta Purana, there is a dialogue between Krishna and the Goddess Ganges where Krishna says that after 5,000 years of Kali Yug, there will be a dawn of a new Golden Age which will last for 10,000 years which gives us a strong evidence that we are at the end of Kali Yug and are moving toward 9,000 years of three more cycles which will then bring an end to the ascending cycle of time.

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Saptarishi Calendar The Saptarishi calendar was used extensively during the Maurya period in the fourth century B.C. The first form of Yuga cycle was based on the Saptarishi calendar which describes time to be divided into a period of 12,000 years, comprising of the four Yugas. Every period lasts for 2,700 years, and each of the four periods is separated by a period of transition (300 years). Thus there is a period of 300 years when the Yuga period tries to reset itself to exit from one age and enter into another. It is a period of great transformation, reformation, and recreation which includes huge changes. This intervening period can be broken up into two more periods of 150 years each, one occurring at the beginning of the Yuga, known as Sandhya (dawn), and the other at its culmination, known as Sandhyansa (twilight). Apart from this theory, there is a logic of ascending and descending period as well. Hence there are 12,000 years of ascending period and 12,000 years of descending period in one Yuga cycle, and this cycle is infinite, with the Yuga’s following each other in succession for eternity. It is believed that we have been in the Kali Yug for the past 2,700 years and this period will come to an end in the year 2025. The Jaina religion also believes in Kalachakra (the cycle of time) wherein they believe in a period of progression and regression. The end of every Yuga is marked by cataclysmic changes over the Earth, all over the world in many forms such as wars, earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, moral decay, end of civilizations, severe environmental changes, and so on. Thus there is a total destruction of the past civilization, and a new civilization emerges with just a handful of survivors from the past age, carried forward to the new age. These survivors are the wisest and the noblest of all, loaded with spiritual wisdom and virtue. They were a collection of the seven holy sages known as the “Saptarishi” who come to being in the beginning of every Yuga and sow the seeds of new civilizations as well as created laws for the new civilization. The seven sages represent the seven stars of the Great Bear constellation (Ursa Major). The Great

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Bear constellation stays for 100 years in each of the 27 “Nakshatras” (lunar asterisms) which makes up to a cycle of 2,700 years. These sages possessed magical and mystical powers such as walking over the sea, due to the development of spiritual powers in their meditations. A Saptarishi calendar, which is still in use in India, calculated time in the Kali Yug starting from 3976 B.C. Historians believe that war of Mahabharata was fought during the 300 years of transition period between the end of Dwapar Yug and the beginning of the Kali Yug, more precisely 35 years prior to the starting of the Kali Yug. Mythological evidences suggest that the ending of the Dwapar Yug and the beginning of the Kali Yug were marked by the event of the passing away of Lord Krishna. Aryabhatta, the famous astronomer from India, calculated 17 February 3102 B.C.E. as the starting of the Kali Yug based on the theory that the five geocentric planets (Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn) arrive at zero degree in the Aries, where they are all perfectly aligned, and this marks the beginning of a new age. There is a huge amount of doubt regarding the logic and authenticity of this theory of Aryabhatta though. Yukteswar in his book The Holy Science talks extensively about the Yuga cycles where he speaks about the ascending cycle of 12,000 years as well as a descending cycle of 12,000 years and these changes in periods being external changes as well as internal changes in the physical environment as well as in human nature, in the material world, and in the spiritual world. Thus the 24,000 years of one cycle of the Yuga is in harmony with the time that the sun takes to “precess” or to move backward through the 12 zodiac constellations, which is approximately 25,765 years at least. A renowned scholar and freedom fighter Bal Gangadhar Tilak in his book The Arctic Home in the Vedas also indicates the Yuga cycle theory.

The Characteristics of Kali Yug It is suggestive that Kali Yug is the last period where morality will move in a descending order; hence Kali Yug will have the least elements of ethical principles. It will be a period characterized

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by lower spiritual abilities and higher engagements in physical pleasures. Sensual pleasures of gaining gratification from physical possessions and sensations will hold a higher value, while wisdom from the spiritual truths and sages will be seriously doubted. Great amount of knowledge, traditions, and skills from the ages will be lost. Rationality will reach at its epitome in the form of rejection of higher truths and knowledge. Religious truths will not be accepted without apprehension. Religion will be more of a ritualistic practice, marked with rigid laws, sacrifices, and prayers meant toward physical attainments and wants rather than a philosophical quest to gain the truths of life. Sparse attempts will be made to revive and enact upon the wisdom of the other three periods. It will be a period essentially qualified with personal gains, slavery, caste system, military conquests, and irreligiousness at a level reached never before. Civilizations far apart from each other will also have access to each other’s wisdom and resources. Knowledge of the ancient scriptures, sciences, and arts will be neglected and deemed to be irrational and insignificant to the masses. Some wise men from Kali Yug who tried to revive the wisdom of the past ages and repair the social crises, who also became popular as prophets and saints, are Buddha, Zoroaster, and Mahavira. In conclusion, there is a widespread belief among the major cultures of the world that around every 2,700 years our planet is affected by a series of cataclysmic events for a period of a few hundred years (which is the transition period between two Yugas), which brings about a complete or near total collapse of civilizations across the world. In all the cases, however, we find that civilization restarts immediately after the period of destruction. Plato also is seen to have spoken about the cycle of ages known as the Golden, Silver, Bronze, and Iron or Dark ages. He speaks of time as cyclical rather than linear as well. Many thinkers believe that the changes in the Earth’s temperatures, weather conditions, and exceptionally unusual phenomenons are an indicator that we are moving toward an end of this age, the Kali Yug, thereby making the process of changes in the Earth’s constitution inevitable according to the

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Yuga theory. Scholars who wrote about the Yuga cycles are Aryabhatta and Paulisa, Brahmagupta, Al-Biruni, Tilak, and Yukteswar.

Further Reading 1. Alberuni’s India, Chapter XLII. BiblioBazaar (April 4, 2010), Charleston, North Carolina, USA 2. Burgess E (2010) Chapter 1, Phanindralal gangooly. In: Sûrya-Siddhânta: a text-book of Hindu astronomy, p 41 3. Hancock G (2003) Underworld: the mysterious origins of civilization. Three Rivers Press, New York, pp 82–83 4. Kak S (2000) On the chronological framework for Indian culture. Indian Council Philos Res:1–24 5. Misra BD (2012) The end of the Kali Yuga in 2025: Unraveling the mysteries of the Yuga cycle. http:// www.bibhudevmisra.com/ 6. Paramhansa Yogananda. Autobiography of a Yogi. Self-Realization Fellowship (April 22, 2014), Los Angeles, p 167 7. Sri Yukteswar (1894) The Holy Science, Martino Fine Books (August 2, 2013), Eastford, p xi 8. Steinmetz D, Selbie J. Chapter 2, The Kali Yugas. In: The Yugas, Original edition (August 16, 2011), Commerce. Crystal Clarity Publishers, California 9. Swami Kriyananda. Chapter 5, Dating it all. In: The Hindu way of awakening. Crystal Clarity Publishers, California 10. The Mahabharata, Book 3: Vana Parva, Tirtha-yatra Parva, SECTION CXLVIII, Kisari Mohan Ganguli, tr. [1883–1896], from https://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/ m03/index.htm 11. Tilak LBG (1903) The arctic home in the Vedas, Messrs. TILAK BROS, Gaikwar Wada, Poona City

Kama ▶ Bhīma

Ka¯madhenu Lavanya Vemsani Department of Social Sciences, Shawnee State University, Portsmouth, OH, USA

Kamadhenu, the wish-fulfilling cow, is a representation of the symbolism associated with cow as

Kama

the all-beneficial animal companion of humans. Hindu sacred texts incorporate numerous accounts of the prosperity and fortune associated with Kamadhenu. Hindu culture and religion gives a special place for cow. This is especially clear in the coexistence of pastoral and agricultural modes of lifestyles in India. Pastoral tradition coalesced as part of settled agricultural life in India. The composite culture of pastoral-cum-agricultural style of life gives special place to cow as giver of food to the humans dependent on farming as well as fertility to the soil, through its manure. Thus it is seen as the sustainer of life, both human and plant. It has been recently established that the traditional farming methods of utilizing cow dung as manure preserved the organic content of the soil as opposed to the chemical fertilizers. Close connection between pastoralism and agriculture is noticed in the symbolism associated with the Vaishnava god Balarama. Balarama is depicted as god of agriculture symbolically through his weapons, the plow and the pestle, the most common tools associated with agriculture. His mother is Rohini, commonly depicted as a form of the divine cow Surabhi, the brown cow and daughter of Kamadhenu. The brown cow or the tawny one is ubiquitous across India. Rohini is also the star constellation, Rohini, the ninth star of the 28 star constellations of the cosmos, cross paths with the moon, an important point calculating time within the lunar calendar. Puranic stories depict Kamadhenu as Vasishta’s cow. Vasishta’s rival Vishwamitra is depicted as planning in vain to steal the cow. The story of Ramayana begins with Dileepa, the founder of Raghuvamsa, the lineage of Rama, serving the cow of Vashishta, Nandini, the daughter of Kamadhenu. His desire to beget able and just son is fulfilled through his service to Nandini at the Ashram of Vasishta. All the cows of the earth are considered to be the daughters of Kamadhenu, similar to Nandini, and hence treated with care and reverence as the King Dileepa had served Nandini. It is not usual to find cows handfed, bathed, and treated as family members across India. Many Hindu temples also maintain cow shelters, and it is not uncommon to find devotees

Kamakhya

offering their reverence and Prasad to cows at the temple. The earth as Vasundhara (Holder of Wealth) is depicted as divine cow. Subjected to kala (time), the earth cow, walk on four feet in Satyayuga, on three feet in tretayuga, on two feet in Dwaparayuga, while only on one feet in Kaliyuga, the current and final Age of a Kalpa. Krishna’s eternal paradise of bliss is known as Goloka, the world of cows. Bhagavatapurana depicts the intertwining life of pastoral and agricultural society of early spiritual India in the divine exploits of Krishna and Balarama in Mathura. Krishna and Balarama, the cowherds of Brindavana, along with the Gopis, the cowmaidens, symbolically depict the esoteric divine life of Goloka. Kapila is also considered the daughter of Kamadhenu. Kapila, the dark cow, is associated with valor, health, and passage to the next world. Kapila is associated with sage Jamadagni’s cow who assisted the gods in their eternal cosmic warfare against the demons. The cow Kapila is associated with the last rites, and hence numerous tirthas across India, where the last rites are named as Kapilatirtham (the ford of Kapila). Even though worship and adoration of cow is only noticed in India currently, worship of cow was common across Indo-European world during the Ancient period. Hathor is Egyptian goddess, depicted variously as mother the universe, and pharoes is also depicted as cow goddess. Zoroastrian texts mention primordial cow, Gavaevodata, crated by Ahura Mazda, from whom are created the beneficial animal life of earth. Gallo-Roman cow goddess is known as Damona, also associated with Irish cow deity, Boand.

Further Reading Biardeau M (1994) Kamadhenu: the divine cow of prosperity. In: Bonnefoy Y (ed) Asian mythologies. University of Chicago Press, Chicago Jha DN (2004) The myth of the holy cow. Verso Books, London Vemsani L (2006) Hindu and Jain Mythology of Balarāma. Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston, NY, US

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Kamakhya Sukhdev Singh Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology Patna, Patna, BR, India

The word kamakhya can be broken into kama and akhya. The meaning of the former has been defined in detail and popularized in the Kamasutra, which is usually ascribed to Vatsyayana. The word kama is generally understood in terms of love, desire, sex, or eros. There are several meanings of akhya, for instance, name, total amount, or appellation [11]. Another word that is related to this is called akhyana, which means story, narration, or telling [11]. Thus, kamakhya etymologically might mean desire incarnate, a narrative of desire, or someone or something that represents desire or kama. Kamakhya, the goddess, in this way, might be called embodiment of desire or kama, and she might also be viewed in terms of someone who fulfils one’s desires or wishes. Although the origins of Kamakhya, the goddess, are debatable, yet she can be located in the Kalikapurana, which is a ninth–tenth-century composition. After Sati killed herself in the sacrificial fire, because her father had organized the yajna, or sacrifice, without inviting her and her husband Shiva due to his dislike for her husband, Shiva carried her dead body while doing the tandava dance [9]. Because Shiva’s tandava could annihilate the entire cosmos, in order to pacify him, Vishnu cut Sati’s dead body into pieces, thereby causing her different parts fall on earth [10, 12]. The place where Sati’s yoni fell is in Guwahati, in the state of Assam in India. This is the place where, it is believed, Kamakhya’s temple was built in fourth–fifth century. It was rebuilt by the Koch king called Naranarayana in 1565 CE [8]. Despite the puranic origins, the locus of alternative origins of Kamakhya exists in the local cultures [14]. It is relatable to the Khasi term kameikha, by which the Khasi people mean paternal grandmother [1]. Similarly, from the

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same region, in the Garo language, the term kamakha is used to mean victory to my mother [1]. In other words, the local, non-Sanskritized, origin of Kamakhya, the goddess, differs from the conflicting daughter and wife’s roles narrated through a violent Kalikapurana account. The emphasis in the former account is on conjugality between a wife and a husband; but in the latter, in the local cultures, a motherly dimension is focused. Thus, the local people, the Khasis, the Garos, and others in Assam, perceive Kamakhya to be the Creator who nurtures them. Quite unlike what might be called the Vedic lore in which the female divine entities are placed lower than their male counterparts, in the local cultures, such as the Khasi, the Garo, and others in Assam, Kamakhya is not subordinated to any male gods. The significance of such independence from male authority may also be gauged by a locally prevalent narrative in which the goddess Kamakhya dances behind closed doors, but gives access to the priest of the temple [3, 4]. He somehow reveals this to the king Naranarayana. To extract pleasure, the king then peeps through a chink and watches the goddess dance. Obviously, the goddess Kamakhya gets to know it, and thereby kills the priest and curses the king and his entire clan [4]. This locally prevalent narrative is indicative of the goddess Kamakhya’s assertion that she is not an object of male desire, and violation of her consent and privacy will result in severe consequences. In other words, the goddess Kamakhya de-objectifies herself and displays her capacity to punish prominent males for infringement. The goddess Kamakhya, thus, establishes a matrifocal culture wherein females are prominent and self-assertive in Assam and neighboring regions as compared to the Northern regions in India. The unique dimension of the goddess Kamakhya is that she is not represented through a full physical form. The yoni that had fallen is the goddess herself. As there are linga worshippers, there are the worshippers of the yoni. Thus, the yoni could be on par with the linga. While existing simultaneously, the yoni remains distinct. In other words, the-goddess-Kamakhya-who-is-the-yoni

Kamakhya

builds an alternative space, especially, in Guwahati, Assam, where she resides on the Nilachala Hill. The worship of the-goddess-Kamakhya-whois-the-yoni is done through a grand celebration at the Kamakhya temple. It is called the Ambubachi Mela that is celebrated from 22–26 June every year [5]. Since the yoni is the goddess, the Ambubachi Mela is celebrated to mark its integral function, that is, menstruation [12]. During this period in June, it is believed that the goddess Kamakhya undergoes her menstruation cycle. The garbha gṛha, or the sanctum sanctorum, of the temple is closed to all. However, the yoni worshippers are allowed to celebrate her menstruation cycle through performance of rituals such as buffalo sacrifice and songs, and by holding discussions on tantric matters in the temple complex [13]. It might be argued that this celebration of menstruation cycle is also reflected, especially, on the people in Assamese society. It could also be seen in terms of prominence and self-assertion that are accorded to females, especially, in Assam at the time when a young female undergoes structural or bio-physical transformation for the first time [6]. A ceremony called Tuloni Biya is held at the time of arrival of menarche (the practice of which is declining in contemporary urban Assam due to tabooing of menstruation) [7]. It might mean according a young female a higher social status through marriage sometimes with a banana tree, or sometimes with a ceremonial pot. Just as the goddess Kamakhya’s menstrual cycle is celebrated, a girl’s first menstrual cycle is also celebrated through the ceremony of the Tuloni Biya in Assam. To sum up, the goddess Kamakhya represents an alternative, whether by being uniquely formed or by having origins in both Sanskritized and non-Sanskritized cultures. She has a motherly dimension as well as capacity to punish [2]. Through the goddess Kamakhya, a fundamental functionality of females gets foregrounded through a public celebration. In other words, through the goddess Kamakhya, a culture is built in which females are prominent and grow up to be self-assertive in Assam and other neighboring regions.

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References 1. Acharyya NN (1988) The deity Kamakhya. In: Proceedings of north east India history association. Ninth session. Jayanta Bhushan Bhattacharjee, Guwahati 2. Atre S (2011) The feminine as archetype. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 92:151–193 3. Biernacki L (2006) Sex talk and gender rites: women and the tantric sex rite. Hindu Stud 10:185–206 4. Biernacki L (2007) Renowned goddess of desire: women, sex, and speech in Tantra. Oxford University Press, New York 5. Das S (2013) Ambuvachi Mela and Kamakhya temple in Assam: a sociological analysis. Unpublished dissertation. Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi 6. Das M (2014) Performing the ‘other’ in the ‘self’: reading gender and menstruation through autoethnography. Indian Anthropol 44(2):47–63 7. Das S (2017) Declining of Tuloni Biya: a case study. Rupkatha J Interdiscip Stud Humanit 9(1):243–249 8. Deka M (2013) Sculptures of Kamakhya temple: an aesthetic view. Int J Sci Res Publ 3(10):1–5 9. Hazra RC (1941) The Kalika-Purana. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 22(½):1–23 10. Kalikapurana. http://webstock.in/001-Epics-PDF/Kali ka-Puran-Hindi/001-Kalika-Puran-Hindi.pdf 11. Kamakhya. http://spokensanskrit.org/index.php?tran_ input¼AkhyA&direct¼se&script¼hk&link¼yes& mode¼3 12. Patel KC (1994) Women, earth, and the goddess: a Shakta-Hindu interpretation of embodied religion. Hypatia 9(4):69–87. Feminist Philosophy of Religion 13. Urban HB (2001) The path of power: impurity, kingship, and sacrifice in Assamese Tantra. J Am Acad Relig 69(4):777–816 14. Urban HB (2011) The womb of Tantra: goddesses, tribals, and kings in Assam. J Hindu Stud 4:231–247

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second half of the third century A.D. in North India, perhaps near Patliputra or modern-day Patna. To get a widespread misconception immediately out of the way, the Kamasutra is not a book on positions in sexual intercourse. It is a book about the art of living – about finding a partner, maintaining power in marriage, committing adultery, living as or with a courtesan, and using drugs – and also about positions in sexual intercourse. The Kamasutra has attained its classical status because it is essentially about unchangeable human attributes – lust, love, shyness, rejection, seduction, and manipulation. Its author is Mallanaga Vatsyayana, of whom we know virtually nothing except what he tells us in the text that he composed the Kamasutra in “chastity and highest meditation.” Kama means desire and pleasure, not merely sexual but more broadly sensual – music, good food, perfume, etc. Sutra means treatise, though literally “thread,” on which pages (generally palm leaves) and thoughts are strung like beads. The Kamasutra is not the first of its genre, nor was it the last. The erotic science (kāma-śāstra) to which this text belongs was one of the three principal human sciences in ancient India, the other two being religious and social law (dharmashastra) and the science of political and economic power (artha-shastra).

The Contents

Kamalajanayana ▶ Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī

Kamasutra Sudhir Kakar Independent Scholar, Pulwaddo Pequeno, Goa, India

Composed in Sanskrit, the literary language of ancient India, the book is divided into seven parts and has a dramatic structure. In Book 1 or Act 1, the bachelor sets up his house. In Act 2, he perfects his sexual technique; this is the notorious Book 2 on sexual positions. In Book 3, he seduces a virgin. In Book 4, he gets married and lives with a wife (or wives). Tiring of her, in Book 5, he seduces other men’s wives. In Book 6, he frequents courtesans. Finally, when he is too old to manage it all, he resorts to ancient Indian equivalents of Viagra.

What is the Kamasutra? The oldest extant Hindu textbook of erotic love, the Kamasutra, was probably composed in the

Who Read the Kamasutra? It is difficult to know the extent of its audience in ancient India. The production of manuscripts was

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necessarily an elite undertaking in which men of wealth and power would commission texts for their private use and an urban (and urbane) elite consisting of princes and barons, high state officials, and wealthy merchants. The main reader of this text, then, well might have been like its protagonist: the urban, man about town, with a good deal of leisure although Vatsyayana insists that anyone can live the life of pleasure – if he or she has money. It is probable that as a shastra, its content also reached lower classes through specialists, called shastris, who knew the shastras and explained them to audiences ignorant of Sanskrit. Large portions of the Kamasutra are clearly written for men, yet Vatsyayana expressly recommends the study of Kamasutra to women, even before they reach puberty. Two of the book’s seven parts are addressed to women, the fourth to wives, and sixth to courtesans. Women in Kamasutra One of the most important aspects of the Kamasutra is the discovery of the woman as a subject and full participant in sexual life. The woman is very much a subject in the erotic realm, not a passive recipient of the man’s lust. Of the four embraces in preliminary love play, the woman takes the active part in two. In one she encircles her lover like a vine does a tree, offering and withdrawing her lips for a kiss and driving the man wild with excitement. In the other – familiar from its sculpted representation in the temple friezes of Khajuraho – she rests one of her feet on the man’s and the other against his thigh. One arm is across his back, and with the other clinging to his shoulder and neck, she makes the motion of climbing him as if he was a tree. In the final analysis, though, given the fact that the text was composed by a man primarily for the education of other men, the fostering of a woman’s sexual subjectivity is ultimately in the service of an increase in the man’s pleasure. The Kamasutra recognizes that a woman who actively enjoys sex will make it much more enjoyable for him. Women in the Kamasutra are not only presented as erotic subjects but as sexual beings with feelings and emotions which a man needs to understand for the full enjoyment of erotic

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pleasure. The third part of the text instructs the man on a young girl’s need for gentleness in removing her virginal fears and inhibitions. For the first three nights after they have been joined together, the couple sleep on the ground, remain sexually continent, and eat food that has no salt or spices. Then, for seven days they bathe ceremoniously to the sound of musical instruments, dress well, dine together, attend performances, and pay their respects to their relatives. All of this applies to all the classes. During this ten-night period, he begins to entice her with gentle courtesies when they are alone together at night. The followers of Babhravya say, “If the girl sees that the man has not made conversation (i.e. sex) for three nights, like a pillar, she will be discouraged and will despise him, as if he were someone of the third nature (i.e. a homosexual).” Vatsyayana says: He begins to entice her and win her trust, but he still remains sexually continent. When he entices her he does not force her in any way, for women are like flowers, and need to be enticed very tenderly. If they are taken by force by men who have not yet won their trust they become women who hate sex.

Erotic pleasure demands that the man be pleasing to his partner. In recommending that the man not sexually approach the woman for the first three nights after marriage, using this time to understand her feelings, win her trust, and arouse her love, Vatsyayana takes a momentous step in the history of Indian sexuality by introducing the notion of love in sex. He even goes so far as to advance the radical notion that the ultimate goal of marriage is to develop love between the couple and thus considers the love marriage (still a rarity in contemporary Indian society), ritually considered as “low” and disapproved of in the religious texts, as the preeminent form of marriage. The Kamasutra is a radical advocate of women’s empowerment in a conservative, patriarchal society in other ways, too. The law books of the time come down hard on women contemplating divorce: “A virtuous wife should constantly serve her husband like a god, even if he behaves badly, freely indulges his lust, and is devoid of any good qualities.” Vatsyayana, on the other hand, views the prospect of wives leaving their husbands with equanimity; he tells us that a woman who does not experience the pleasures of love may hate her man and leave him for

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another. He is equally subversive of the prevailing moral order between the sexes when he advises courtesans (and by extension, other women readers of the text) on how to get rid of a man she no longer wants. She does for him what he does not want, and she does repeatedly what he has criticized. . . She talks about things he does not know about. . . She shows no amazement, but only contempt, for the things he does know about. She punctures his pride. She has affairs with men who are superior to him. She ignores him. She criticizes men who have the same faults. And she stalls when they are alone together. She is upset by the things he does for her when they are making love. She does not offer him her mouth. She keeps him away from between her legs. She is disgusted by wounds made by nails or teeth when he tries to hug her, she repels him by making a ‘needle’ with her arms. Her limbs remain motionless. She crosses her thighs. She wants only to sleep. When she sees that he is exhausted, she urges him on. She laughs at him when he cannot do it, and she shows no pleasure when he can. When she notices that he is aroused, even in the daytime, she goes out to be with a crowd. She intentionally distorts the meaning of what he says. She laughs when he has not made a joke, and when he has made a joke, she laughs about something else. . .. Yes! That would get rid of him!

It is not that Vatsyayana idealizes women; only that he is equally cynical about men and women as far as sex is concerned. The Hindu law books are traditionally patriarchal in discussing why women commit adultery: “Good looks do not matter to women, nor do they care about youth; ‘A man!’ they say, and enjoy sex with him, whether he is good looking or ugly.” The Kamasutra, on the other hand, is more egalitarian: “A woman desires any attractive man she sees, and, in the same way, a man desires a woman. But, after some consideration, the matter goes no further.”

Kamasutra in the Contemporary World In our time, where instruction manuals for sex are available everywhere, the parts of the Kamasutra that was most useful in ancient India, the Book 2 on foreplay and positions for intercourse, is now the most outdated. What is perhaps important for us today is to be reminded of Kamasutra’s main message: finding a haven for the erotic from the

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ferocity of unchecked sexual desire. The feeling tone of Kamasutra’s eroticism is primarily of lightness. In its pages, we meet leisured gallants who spend hours in personal grooming and teaching their mynah birds and parrots to speak. Their evenings are devoted to drinking, music, and dance, that is, when they are not busy in talking poetry and engaging in light-hearted sexual banter with artful courtesans. In its lighthearted eroticism, the Kamasutra is part of a literary climate during the first six centuries of the Christian calendar where the erotic was associated with all that was bright, shining, and beautiful in the ordinary world. The Sanskrit poems and dramas of this period are also characterized by this lightness, an eroticism more hedonist than impassioned. The mood is of a playful enjoyment of love’s ambiguities, a delighted savoring of its pleasures, and a consummately refined suffering of its sorrows. The poems are cameos yielding glimpses into arresting erotic moments, their intensity enhanced by the accumulation of sensuous detail. The aesthetic of this period could confidently proclaim that certain emotions such as laziness, violence, and disgust do not belong to a depiction of the erotic. Today the “flavor” or “essence” – rasa – of sexual love knows no such limits. Today, when what were once called “perversions” are normal fare of television channels, video films, and internet sites, where small but specialized professions exist for the satisfaction of every sexual excess, the Kamasutra’s ‘project’ of rescuing the erotic from the raw sexual would find many supporters. In our post-moral world, the danger to erotic pleasure is less from the icy frost of morality than from the fierce heat of instinctual desire. Kamasutra’s valuable insight, then, is that sexuality must be infused with playfulness, that pleasure needs to be cultivated, and that in the realm of sex, nature requires culture.

Further Reading 1. Burton R, FF Arbuthnot (trans) (1962) The Kamasutra of Vatsyayana. E.P. Dutton, New York 2. Doniger W, Kakar S (trans) (2002) Kamasutra, a new translation. Oxford University Press, London

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742 3. Goswami DL (ed) (1912) Kamasutra of Vatsyayana, with the commentary of Yashodhara. Varanasi Kashi Sanskrit series, 29 4. Schmidt R (Hrsg Und Ueber) (1900) Das Kamasutra des Vatsyayana. Der indische ars amatoria, nebst dem vollstaendigen Kommentare (Jayamangala) des Yashodhra. Leipzig

Ka¯n˜cī (Ka¯n˜cīpuram) Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

This is one of the seven sacred cities of India but the only one located in the southern part of the country. It is the former capital of the Pallava dynasty, serving as a center for Jain, Buddhist, and Hindu culture. It is also home of a monastery founded by Śaṅkara, the great Advaita Vedānta philosopher of the eight century. The city is located about forty-four miles west of Chennai, a large south Indian city located on the Bay of Bengal. The term “kāñci” means “waist girdle,” which is a belt worn as an ornament around the waist of a woman and surrounds the navel. This root meaning suggests that Kāñcīpuram means “Town of the Waist Girdle” or “Town of the Kāñcī Tree.” In the Kancimahatyam (31.70), Kāñcī is called the navel of the world. The city temples are homes of gods that form a single extended family. The temples and divine icons are built facing the direction of the king’s palace, making the royalty a part of the divine extended family. During its reign as the capital of the Pallava dynasty, the city enjoyed economic prosperity associated with long-distance trade and local agriculture because it had coastal access via the Palar River to the coastal city of Māmallapuram and its strategic location at the center of one of the major cotton-producing regions. The demand for cotton during this time transformed the city into an important weaving center. Besides being a dominate center for commercial exchange, the city helped to supervise temples and collect

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commercial taxes, representing a convergence of court, temple, and marketplace. This relatively autonomous city was also characterized by its internationalism and religious ethos with several impressive temples. The Kailāsnāth temple was built, for instance, in the early eight century with the financial support of Rājasiṃha I (r. 700–725) and dedicated to Śiva, although yoginīs and other goddess figures appear prominently in temple sculpture. The temple can be construed as the union of two temples, one to Śiva and the other to the goddesses, which is built into the temple architecture. A large liṅga (masculine symbol) stands at the vimāna’s (towered shrine) inner chamber, while the surrounding prākāra (rectangular precinct wall) is lined with sixty-four cells that represent multiple aspects of yogini figures. This structure represents the female principle (yoni) circumscribing, embracing, supporting, and protecting the male principle (liṅga), creating a balance of sexual principles and transcendence of sexual dualism. The structure of the temple also separates married goddesses from martial, aggressive figures with the former facing toward the south and the latter facing north. But as one circumambulates the vimāna (temple), the separated goddess types exchange positions, suggesting a union of apparent opposites. The overall city is sacred to both Śiva and Viṣṇu, although the beautiful goddess Kāmākṣī is responsible for protecting the entire city, and both deities and their devotees have separate parts of the city. The Śaiva part of the city is called “big Kāñcī,” which includes large temples such as Kailāsanāth, Ekāmrēśvarar, Kāmākṣī Amman, and Vaikuntaperumāl, whereas the Vaiṣṇava part of the city is called “little Kāñcī,” an area on the eastern extremity of the city centered around the Śrī Varadarājaswāmi temple. The city also contains a significant Jain community in the city with its own temples, along with a Buddhist monastery that dates to the thirteenth century. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa (10.79: 14–15) connects the name of the city with Kāmakoti, a designation of the goddess Kāmākṣī according to Dessigane, although Friedhelm Hardy connects

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the term to a Sanskrit term suggesting “storeroom, treasury, enclosed area, and inner apartment.” The Padma Purāṇa (6. 253. 17–21) refers to it as a place of purification and a sacred place of pilgrimage that is equal to other holy places (6. 204. 37). The territory guarded by the goddess is like a sacrificial arena and the anchoring point of a cosmogony. From an alternative perspective, the text represents a local rendition of how chaos is transformed into cosmos. The gods even participate in establishing the liṅga to atone for their neglect of Śiva after he saved the cosmos by swallowing the poison produced at the churning of the ocean (12. 60). In a liberal spirit, the text gives two derivations of the name of the city. According to one version, ka signifies the “supreme being,” and aṅcī conveys the sense of “to venerate,” which means that the city is the place of veneration of Ka, suggesting the goddess (63. 35–36). Another interpretation claims that Kāñcī is the navel of women because the city is the navel of the goddess of the earth, whose name is similar to the name of Kāñcī (62. 36–39). Either derivation of the name of the city closely ties it to the goddess Kāmākṣī. Kāñcī is formed in the shape of a maṇḍala (sacred diagram) in which a sacred center is formed by its east-west axis crossing with the north-south axis. From a symbolic perspective, the north-south axis reflects human life caught between the struggles between gods from the northern direction and demons from the southern direction. Within the confines of the city walls, all major temples are built on the east-west axis to face the goddess Kāmākṣī and the ruler in his palace. In her mythology, the goddess Kāmākṣī is closely identified with Kāma, deity of desire and archenemy of the ascetic Śiva. According to the Brahmānda Purāṇa (4. 4. 30. 35–55), after the death of the demon Bhandāsura at the hands of Lalitā, representing the goddess of Kāṇcī at this point in the story, Kāma, who had been born as the demon after being burned to ashes by Śiva, is rendered bodiless, to the consternation of his wife, Rati, who petitions the goddess to restore him to life. Kāma, who is reborn invisible from a side-glance of the goddess, acknowledges his

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filial relationship to the goddess, and he wounds the meditating Śiva. This causes Śiva to abandon his ascetic practices, become infatuated with Pārvatī, marry her, and father a son named Kumāra, who is destined to lead the gods against the demon Tāraka. Kāmākṣī is thus not merely the reviver of Kāma. By means of her close association with him, she inherits some of Kāma’s attributes, which can be witnessed by her icon in her temple in Kāñcipuram. Her iconographical form depicts her holding a sugarcane bow and five flower arrows in her left lower and right hands, respectively. In her upper left and right hands, she holds a pāśa (noose) and an ankulśa (goad). The implements in her lower hands indicate her appropriation of some of Kāma’s attributes. This close association between Kāma and Kāmākṣī helps to explain the mythical origin of her name, “having the eyes of desire.” The Kāñchīmāhātmya (23. 1–35) relates a story about the origin of Kāmākṣī’s eyes that begins with Śiva laughing at Pārvatī after defeating her at a game of dice, which prompts his wife to respond with charges of cheating and derogatory remarks about her husband’s character, behavior, and appearance. Insulted, Śiva curses his wife to become black and have three eyes. Begging forgiveness and to free herself from the curse, Śiva informs Pārvatī that she must become Kāmākṣī and have her eyes. According to a Tamil myth, Kāmākṣī’s third eye can function much like the third eye of the goddess Kālī or Śiva and burn a victim to ashes. This myth relates the narrative of Kāttavarāyan, a trickster figure created by Śiva to guard his mother’s garden, who is destined to be impaled on a stake when seeking his mother Kāmākṣī, who is engaged in asceticism on the banks of the Kampā River. While wandering toward his mother, the hungry Kāttavarāyan kills a bird sitting in a tree; as it falls, the bird cries out to the goddess for help. Opening the third eye located on her forehead, Kāmākṣī reduces her son to ash, from which grows a branch and then an infant. Due to Śiva’s curse, which destined Kāttavarāyan to be impaled and caused Kāmākṣī to lose her place in the left half of the

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body of the god, the goddess attempts to divert her son’s amorous attention from a beautiful maiden and save him from his eventual terrible death (which, paradoxically, is the only way in which Kāmākṣī can be restored to the body of her consort). According to the Kāmākāivilāsa (14. 9–66), Kāmākṣī restores Kāma’s burned body after he worshiped her at her shrine. Displeased by her efforts against his arch foe, Śiva searches for the goddess and locates her at Kāñcī and asks her none too subtly to satisfy his desires, which she refuses to do. The goddess defends herself by creating an army of Kāmas that leads to a confrontation with Śiva’s Rudra forces. Śiva is defeated and begs forgiveness of the goddess, and she takes pity on the god and tells him to take refuge in her by meditating on her. After she reveals herself in all her beauty, Śiva responds by circumambulating her shrine, the Kāmakoti in the inner shrine of her temple in the city of Kāñcī. This local tradition transforms Śiva into a pilgrim of the goddess. In other words, at the city of Kāñcī, the goddess and her feminine power prevail even over a great god like Śiva. As the tutelary deity of Kāñcī, Kāmākṣī reigns with her consort Ekāmreśvara (Lord of the Mango Tree), a southern Indian form of Śiva. The central place of Kāmākṣī in the city is emphasized by the temple gopurams (pyramids) that stand facing the direction of her temple. There is further evidence that suggests the ascendance of feminine forces when Kāmākṣī is credited with saving the liṅga of Śiva. In a narrative that is similar to the story in the Skanda Purāṇa (3. 1. 44. 82–117), where Sītā, wife of the heroic Rāma, creates a liṅga made of sand, Kāmākṣī creates a sand liṅga at Kāñcīpuram, according to the Kāmākāivilāsa (8. 30), and she protects it from the flood waters that could have destroyed it. This scenario suggests that Kāmākṣī protects the god within the shrine and provides the very basis for worship of the male deity. For a localized goddess like Kāmākṣī, this means that her creative and supportive efforts tie her to the earth and a given locale. This localization of the cult and role of

the goddess is symbolized, according to the Kāñcipurāṇam (63. 364–401), by the marks of Kāmākṣī’s breasts and jewelry left on the sand liṅga. According to tradition, the philosopher Śaṅkara established a monastery in the city and placed his close disciple Suresvara in charge of his lineage. Although Śaṅkara taught a non-dualistic philosophy in which only Brahman is real, most of his followers were bhaktas (devotees) following a devotional type of Hinduism and not a path of knowledge as taught by the Vedānta thinker. The close association of Śaṅkara with the goddess Kāmākṣī is evident by his statue standing in her temple.

References 1. Dessigane R et al (1964) Les legends çivaites de Kañcipuram: Analyse de texts et iconographie. In: Publications de l’ institute français d’ indologie. Institut français de indologie, Pondichéry 2. Hall KR, Spencer GW (1980) The economy of Kanchipuram: a Sacred City in early South India. J Urban Hist 62(2):127–151 3. Hudson D (1993) Kanchipuram. In: Mitchell G (ed) Temple towns of Tamil Nadu. Marg, Bombay, pp 18–39 4. Hudson D (2008) The body of god: an Emperor’s palace for Krishna in eighth-century Kanchipuram. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Hudson D (2008) Ruling in the gaze of god: thoughts on Kanchipuram’s Maṇḍala. In: Selby MA, Peterson IV (eds) Tamil geographies: cultural constitutions of space and place in South India. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 87–116 6. Hudson D (2010) Krishna’s Mandala: Bhagavata Religion and beyond. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 7. Kaimal P (2005) Learning to see the goddess once again: male and female in balance at the Kailāsnāth temple in Kāṅcīpuram. J Am Acad Relig 73(1):45–87 8. Mahalingam TVK (1969) Kāṅcīpuram in early south Indian history. Asia Publishing House, London 9. Porcher M-C (1985) La representation de l’ espace dans le Kāñcīmāhātmya. In: Galev J-C (ed) L’ espace du temple: itineraries mediations. Éditions de l’ École des hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris. ??? PAGES 10. Raman KV (1974) Śrī Varadarājaswāmi Temple. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 11. Srinivasan CR (1979) Kanchipuram through the ages. Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi

Kane, P.V.

Kane, P.V. Om Prakash Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, Department of Humanities and Social Science, National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India

Introduction Pandurang Vaman Kane is a great name among the galaxy of scholars who worked indefatigably to mine and propagate the great knowledge of the Indic civilization hidden in the Dharmasutras and Dharmasastras. A great indologist, Bharat Ratna Pandurang Vaman Kane was born in 1880 in a village called Pedhem or Parasnrama near Chiplun in the Ratnagiri District of Maharashtra. A great professor of Sanskrit and Vice Chancellor of Bombay University, P V Kane was nominated to the Parliament for his distinguished achievements. Being a prolific writer, his writings in English, Sanskrit, and Marathi run in more than 15,000 pages.

Scholar and His Works The most significant work of P V Kane was the encyclopedic work the History of Dharmaśāstra. The first volume of the History of Dharmaśāstra was published in 1930. It deals with the chronology and relative importance of famous and lessknown writers and works and covers 760 pages. It begins with an introduction that gives idea and the purpose of the work. It begins with a classification of the Indian population and reviews the scope of dharma in the classical literature while invoking the value of dharmasastra’s precepts in contemporary India ([1], p. 23). The second volume of the History of Dharmaśāstra covering 1368 pages was published in June 1941. It discusses political, social, and religious background of Dharmasastra. The historian Ram Sharan Sharma says: “Pandurang Vaman Kane, a great Sanskritist wedded to social reform, continued the earlier

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tradition of scholarship. His monumental work entitled the ‘History of the Dharmasastra,’ published in five volumes in the twentieth century, is an encyclopaedia of ancient social laws and customs. This enables us to study the social processes in ancient India” ([2], p. 43). It provides an overview of Indian history and a descriptive catalogue of social and religious conditions in the “Pre-Vedic Age,” “The Vedic Age,” and the “Epic and Puranic Age.” The general aim seems to be to sketch out sociology of ancient India ([3], pp. xiv– xxiv). The third volume containing 1088 pages was published in October 1946 and deals with “Rajadharma, Vyavahara, and Sadacara” (customs and customary law) ([3], pp. xxi–xxiii). The fourth volume is spread over 926 pages, was published in October 1953, and deals with Pataka (sins), Prayascitta (expiation), Karmavipaka (fruition of evil deeds), Antyesti (rites on death), Asauca (impurity on death and birth), Suddhi (purification), Sraddha, and Tirthayatra (pilgrimages to sacred places) ([3], pp. ii–iii). The fifth and last volume deals with numerous topics, such as Vrata (sacred vows, observances, and festivals), and Kala was separately published in 1958. The second part deals with Puranas in relation to Dharmasastra, causes of the disappearance of Buddhism from India, Tantras and Dharmasastra, Sankhya, Yoga, Tarka and Dharmasastra, Purvamimamsa and Dharmasastra, Cosmology, doctrine of Karma and reincarnation, dominant characteristics of our Indian culture and civilization, and future trends ([3], pp. xxvi–xxix). The work of Kane is a mine of information and is an indispensable reference book. Kane commences with Varna, untouchability, and slavery, and then he moves on to the customs and rituals in the daily lives of the Hindus. The volumes reinforce Professor Kane’s unique insightfulness into Dharmasastra literature ([4], p. 380). They show how Professor Kane uses some of the most obscure, hitherto-unnoticed sources to project the fabulous legacy of India’s Dharmasastra literature. Covering diverse themes from Dharmasastra literature, ranging from Pauranic legends to the Pauranic worldview of dharma and sacrifices,

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from the literary use of the Mahabharata citations to the questions of identity and chronology of Dharmasastra authors, Professor Kane’s collection shows how King Bhoja evidenced the relevance of Dharmasastras to astrology, how far the Matsya Purana is indebted to Kautilya’s Arthasatra, or how, in turn, Kautilya’s classic compares with Kamasastra or Manu Smriti. Other books of Professor Kane published by Motilal Banarasidas publishers are History of Sanskrit Poetics (1994), The Sahityadarpana, (1997), and Harshacharita of Banabhatta, (1996). These essays are valuable for their descriptive content. He was instrumental in establishing Indic studies in Kurukshetra University. He was awarded the Sahitya Akademi award in 1956 for History of Dharmaśāstra, vol. IV, for his research under the Sanskrit translation category. He was also an honorary member of the Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, founded by K M Munshi to protect and propagate Indian’s great cultural heritage.

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Mr. B. G. Kher, then Chief Minister of the Bombay State, persuaded him to become Vice Chancellor of the Bombay University. London School of Oriental and African studies of the London University was pleased to nominate him as an Honorary Fellow. In December 1953 he presided over the session of the Indian History Congress at Waltair and delivered the presidential address to the noted historians of India assembled there ([5]: 1–18, pp. 3–11). In November 1953 the President of India nominated him a Member of Parliament, i.e., of the Rajya Sabha (Council of States) [6, 7]. While in Parliament he worked on several committees such as the Committees for considering the Hindu Adoption Act, the Hindu Marriage Act, and the Hindu Succession Act. In August 1959 the President nominated him as National Professor of Indology. In 1960 the University of Poona conferred on him the Honorary Degree of Doctor of Letters.

Conclusion Recognition of the Erudite P V Kane was appointed as professor of Sanskrit at Elphinstone College in 1909. In 1911 he resigned from his post and joined as Vakil in the Bombay High Court. In 1917 he was appointed as a Professor of Law in the Government Law College at Bombay. He was a member of the Senate of the Bombay University from 1919 to 1928. He was a member of the Regulating Council of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) and of its other bodies. He was a member of the Managing Committee of the Bombay Asiatic Society for about 45 years and a Vice-President and one of the editors of the Journal of the Society for many years. He contributed many long articles to the Journal of the Society and to the Annals of the Bhandarkar Institute. In 1942 the British Government conferred on him the title of “Mahamahopadhyaya,” i.e., the greatest among the great teachers. The Allahabad University conferred the Honorary Degree of D. Litt. In 1946 he presided over the All India Oriental Conference held at Nagpur. In 1947

Derrett has flatly asserted that the problems of establishing even a relative chronology of the verse smrtis are so great that “a timeless picture of the culture is possible, hardly more” ([8], p. 28). This sums up the greatness of the work of Kane. Kane’s painstaking work has in many respects not yet been improved upon. Lariviere believes that these essays, though groundbreaking in their time and valuable for their descriptive content, can seem inadequate in their approach to text critical and historical problems ([9], p. 117). But without a great deal of new, positive critical editions, no real progress can be made in writing the history of dharmasastra or indeed of most aspects of India’s religious and cultural development. The Asiatic Society of Bombay laid down Dr. P V Kane Institute for Post Graduate Studies and Research in 1974 to carry his legacy. This aims to promote, encourage, and facilitate research in oriental studies. P V Kane Gold Medal is given to a scholar for outstanding contribution in the study of Vedas and dharmasastras. P V Kane undoubtedly left behind an indelible mark on the study of Indology ([7], p. 234).

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References 1. Banerji SC (1998) A companion to Dharmasastra. D. K. Print World, New Delhi 2. Sharma RS (2007) India’s ancient past. Oxford University Press 3. Kane PV (1930–1961) The history of Dharmasastra, 5 vol. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 4. Moghe SG (ed) (1997) P V Kane: professor Kane’s contribution to Dharmasastra literature. D. K. Print World, New Delhi 5. Presidential Address of PV Kane in Proceddings of the Indian History Congress (1953) Waltair 6. Rajya Sabha Members Biographical Sketches (1952–2003) Rajya Sabha Secretariat, New Delhi 7. Johnson WJ (2009) A dictionary of Hinduism. Oxford University Press, London 8. Derrett JDM (1973) Dharmasastra and juridical literature. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 9. Lariviere RW (1989) The Narada Smriti, 2 vols. Department of South Asia Studies University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia

Ka¯pa¯likas Andrea Acri Sciences Religieuses, École Pratique des Hautes Études (EPHE, PSL), Paris, France

Synonyms Bhairavikas; Kālamukhas; Kāpālikavratins; Kāpālins; Mahāvratins; Somasiddhāntins

Definition Itinerant Śaiva practitioners belonging to the Kāpālika order/Tantric adepts following the skull-bearer’s observance (kāpālikavrata). The Kāpālikas (“skull-bearers”) were antinomian itinerant ascetics worshiping the terrific hypostases of Śiva (e.g., Kapālin, Kapāleśvara/ Kapālīśa, Bhairava) and/or the Goddess (e.g., Cāmuṇḍā, Caṇḍikā, Caṇḍā Kāpālinī, Aghorī). They are first mentioned in a handful of sources from the first half of the first millennium CE, including Hāla’s Sattasaī (third–fifth century CE; [1], p. 13), the Bṛhatsaṃhitā of Varāhamihira

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(first half of the sixth century), and, possibly, other Buddhist and Jaina sources from the fourth–fifth century ([2], p. 5 note 17). From the seventh century, references to Kāpālikas become widespread in the Sanskrit and vernacular literature from all over the Indian Subcontinent and beyond (e.g., Java; see below), eventually fading away after the twelfth century. Their name is derived from the observance of the skull (kapālavrata), according to which the adept must carry a skull as a begging bowl, a skull-topped staff (khaṭvāṅga), and a sacred thread made of the hairs of a corpse and adorn the body with necklaces, large earrings, bracelets, and other ornaments crafted out of human bones. Indeed, the word kāpālika also has the more general meaning of “cremationground attendant” of untouchable status ([3], p. 294). The existence of an institutionalized Kāpālika order has been questioned – not unreasonably – by David White ([4], p. 9; [5], pp. 152–155), yet it seems likely that the denominator “Kāpālika” could have referred, according to the context, to ascetics belonging to a distinct sect, to one of the related suborders within the Atimārga (such as the Somasiddhāntins, the Mahāvratins, etc.), or to Śakti- or Bhairavaworshipping Tantric practitioners who shared with the Kāpālikas the kāpālikavrata and other antinomian observances.

Ka¯pa¯likas as Fictional Characters and Social Realities in Medieval India Nothing has survived of the original literature of the Kāpālikas, and much of our knowledge about the beliefs and practices of this marginal movement comes from scant epigraphic data, as well as critical and stereotypical descriptions found in mainstream Sanskrit religious and literary sources. Tantric scriptures of the Kaula stream – especially the Bhairava-oriented Brahmayāmala and Jayadrathayāmala – could also have preserved Kāpālika material and be a direct development of Kāpālika Śaivism or what has been called by Alexis Sanderson “Atimārga III” ([2], pp. 11, 39). Ronald Davidson sees traces of the incorporation of Kāpālika cemetery lore and skull

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iconography by the “Siddha movement” ([6], p. 170). Indeed, the fringe (pseudo-)ascetics that mainstream Sanskrit sources call “Kāpālikas” or “Siddhas” constituted a popular, and proverbial, trope in the Indic imaginaire [7, 8]. They “survived mainly in the literary and religious texts of their opponents as stereotypical villains, buffoons, or heretics” ([9], p. 83) and were ridiculed in a number of plays, where they figured as hedonistic yet “scruffy, long-haired denizens of the margins of the Indian social institutions” ([6], p. 114). Thus, the Kāpālikas were scornfully depicted as supernaturally endowed, evil sorcerers who often posed as false Brahmans or ascetics; who sang, danced, and played in theatrical performances; who encouraged the practice of drinking alcohol and engaging in sex with promiscuous female attendants (dūtīs, kapālinīs, yoginīs); and whose attire included ornaments and musical instruments made of (allegedly human) bones, as well as human skulls or parts thereof. They were also accused of carrying out human sacrifices and practicing cannibalism as well as necrophagy. For instance, in Bhavabhūti’s Mālatīmādhava, the heroine is kidnapped by the female Kāpālika Kapālakuṇḍalā to be sacrificed to Cāmuṇḍā by his coreligionist and preceptor Aghoraghaṇṭa; variations of this theme are found in the Daśakumāracarita, Kathāsaritsāgara, Pārśvanātha Caritra, etc. [7]. Kāpālikas are featured in various farces, such as the Prabodhacandrodaya of Kṛṣṇamiśra (c. 1050–1100) and the Mattavilāsaprahasana (seventh century CE). The latter source, set in Kāñcī, portrays a Kāpālika as a hedonist engaged in wild dances, parties involving the consumption of meat and alcohol, and enjoying intercourse with his sexual partner, a dancing Kapālinī called Devasomā; v. 20 describes him as “having as hairs a wild and tangled mess, wearing a withered garland around his neck, his body covered with dust and ash. . . a garbage heap in the form of a man” ([9], p. 94). Besides this stereotypical description, the Mattavilāsa tells us that the Kāpālika character dwells at the Ekāmbaranātha temple. The westfacing Kacci Māyaṉam shrine situated within the Ekāmbaranātha precincts is connected in a

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Tēvāram hymn by Appar (4.99.8) with the practice of extreme austerities, including the smearing of the body with ashes, by Tantric devotees; in classical Tamil, the designation māyaṉam indicates that a temple was originally situated in a cremation ground and the Ekāmbaranātha’s position at the border of the settled area makes this scenario possible ([10], pp. 27–30). The popularity of the Kāpālikas in Tamil Nadu is further suggested by a reference to the legendary visit of a skull-bearing Bhairava-worshiping ascetic to the home of the seventh-century Nāyaṉār Ciṟuttoṇṭar narrated in the Periyapurāṇam (eleventh century). Although our knowledge of the connection of Kāpālikas with temples is scant, we know that Mahākālapīṭha in Avanti (Ujjain), Varanasi, Tripura, Khajuraho, Bhuvaneśvara, and especially Śrīparvata were considered Kāpālika strongholds ([6], p. 207). Hwui-Li, the biographer of seventhcentury Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, recounts that Hīnayāna Buddhist monks reproached King Harṣa during his visit to newly conquered Orissa for having built a vihāra at Nālandā, polemically asking him why he did not build a Kāpālika temple and claiming that the University’s “sky-flower doctrine” was not different from that of a Kāpālika sect ([11], p. 334). On account of the above evidence, it seems that by the seventh century, the Kāpālikas (or Tantrics of other denominations carrying out the Kāpālikaobservance) were a tangible social reality in the Indian Subcontinent; and yet, accounts in the Sanskrit philosophical literature make us wonder whether many of their descriptions are the result of the authors’ confusion, if not figments of their imagination: for instance, the Kāpālikas are invariably relegated to the very bottom of the hierarchy of rival schools and often equated to the materialists on account of what were perceived as hedonistic and epicurean attitudes ([1], pp. 47–48, 88–89, 217). This is the case, for example, of Guṇaratna Sūri’s Tarkarahasyadīpikā on Haribhadra’s Ṣaḍdarśanasamuccaya (fifteenth century), which fancily equates the Nāstikas to skull-bearing yogins covered with ashes [12]. Many ritual manuals, even within the Śaiva fold, prescribe special purifications and ablutions after having come into contact with a Kāpālika.

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Practices and Soteriology The uncertainty about the original practices of the Kāpālikas is compounded by the fact that some of their insignia were not specific to that group, overlapping with those of various categories of Tantric ascetics of Śaiva, Śākta, and Buddhist affiliations, as well as the cross-sectarian Siddhas or Vidyādharas ([6], pp. 178, 202). Even though the Kāpālika movement is now extinct, some of the peculiar practices of its adepts have been carried forward by modern Indian ascetic groups, such as the Aghorīs. In the autocommentary Svopajñavṛtti to his Yogaśāstra (IV.102.26–31 [13]), the eleventh– twelfth-century Jain polymath Hemacandra vividly depicts what may be Kāpālika ascetics as those who take up and abandon the Pāśupata observance according to their own advantage, having their hairs twisted together in a mass (jaṭāpaṭala) and their limbs covered with ashes (bhasmāṅga); dancing and singing (gītanṛtya); farting (putau vādayat) and roaring (nādavidhāyin) by drumming on their mouths as if it were a percussion instrument (vadananādenātodya); attacking sages, gods, and men with deceits (asatyabhāṣā); breaking their observances (vratabhaṅga) out of their desire “to become slaves of slave girls” (dāsīdāsatvam icchat); carrying ornaments made of human bones (narāsthibhūṣaṇabhṛt) and a pike or a khaṭvāṅga (śūlakhaṭvāṅgavāhin); wearing bells on their ankles (ghaṇṭānupūradhārin); indulging in the enjoyment of drink, meat, and women (madyamāṃsāṅganābhogaprasakta); and continually singing (gāyat) and dancing (nṛtyat) with bells tied around their buttocks (putānubaddha-ghaṇṭa). The extravagant outward look and practices of the Kāpālikas were meant to imitate those of their elected deity, Śiva Kapālin, that is to say the form assumed by Bhairava after having cut off Brahmā’s fifth head. According to the Purāṇic myth, in order to expiate the capital sin of Brahmanicide, Śiva had to undertake the 12-year penance called mahāvrata (“the Great Vow”), becoming a peripatetic Kāpālika ascetic carrying a skull as a begging bowl, the khaṭvāṅga, and the ash-smear. This observance, called also

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mahāpāśupatavrata, lokātītavrata, or simply kapālavrata, was carried out by the Lākulas, a group of the Śaiva Atimārga that according to Sanderson is coextensive with Kālamukhas and Mahāvratins, and the precursor of the Kāpālikas [14]. An intriguing link with the Somasiddhāntins, a group of possibly non- or pre-tantric Kāpālikas, seems to be implied by the fact that some Kāpālika names (such as the Mattavilāsa’s Satyasoma and Devasomā) contain the word soma “ambrosia, moon”; compare also the Pāśupata guru Somaśarman who initiates Lakulīśa (also known under the initiation-name jagadindu, “moon of the world”) into the mahāvrata (see ▶ Pāśupatas). A Brahmin (or deity) named Somaśarman figures in a handful of Cambodian inscriptions from the 7th to the 10th century ([15], pp. 133–134), while an ascetic named Śivasoma is mentioned in Cambodian inscriptions of the eleventh century – including the Sdok Kak Thom, which lists Śaiva texts of the Vāma division of the Vidyāpīṭha like the Vināśikha (for Vīṇāśikha), Saṃmohana, and Śiraścheda; the latter could be related to the Jayadrathayāmala ([2], pp. 37–38). It appears that for certain Kāpālika groups the word soma could point to their goal at liberation imagined as a state of blissful sexual union homologous to that of Śiva and Umā; thus, the compound Somasiddhānta would mean “the doctrine (siddhānta) of [Śiva] united with [his wife] Umā (sa-umā)” ([1], pp. 83, 90) Even if this view could have been true at some point in history, it seems that in origin the word soma might have denoted the “ambrosia” used by Kāpālikas in their rituals, namely alcohol or the essences of the human body ([16]). The Kāpālikas aimed at identifying themselves with their elected deity not only by mimicking it but also through possession, i.e., being penetrated by it through the mouth (āveśa); this trance-like state was triggered by frantic dances and transgressive behaviors. Indeed, from Sadyojyotis (late seventh–early eighth century) and other medieval Indian exegetes, we know that the Kāpālikas regarded the state of liberation/identity with Bhairava to be induced by divine possession – unlike the Pāśupatas, who believed in transference (saṅkrānti) of the Lord’s powers, and the Lākulas,

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who believed in the production (utpatti) of those powers in the individual soul ([14], pp. 180–182, 192–199).

Connections with Performing Arts and Tribal Religions The Kāpālikas’ imitative behaviors and the presence of possession, exorcism, and black magic among the services they offered to the community open up intriguing connections with the performing arts and tribal religions, respectively. The emphasis on dancing, singing, buffoonery, etc. may reflect their goal to becoming the “theatrical” human embodiments of their selected deity; see, for instance, the textual and iconographical representations of dancing Bhairavas carrying mṛḍaṅgas and ḍamarus; cf. the Tirthikacāṇḍālikā by the Siddha Acinta, describing himself as follows: “the Kāpālika is a glorious dancer; he will beat the ḍamaru in the sky and on the ground” ([6], p. 218). As for the link with tribal religions, Davidson ([6], p. 179) notes that those systems, just like Kāpālika and Kaula practitioners, were regarded in the Indic imaginaire as engaging in human sacrifice and practicing trance rituals involving possession. We also know of tribal wandering practitioners involved in staged performances, sorcery, and the worship of demonic forms of Śiva and the Goddess. This type of practitioners could be alluded to in the Mattavilāsa, where a drunk Kāpālika praises his Kapālinī for having obtained a beautiful appearance through the supernatural ability to assume any form at will (kāmarūpatā): compare the item kāmarūpitva, “the ability to assume any form at will,” one of the eight supernatural qualities of Śiva – as well as an usual attribute of demons (rākṣasa) in Sanskrit literature. The Santal tribal group knows of one Kamru (also, Kambru, Kamruk, or Kam), who was the first magician and teacher of witchcraft (Ojhaism); it seems natural to connect the word with Sanskrit kāma and kāmarūpa, whether in its original meaning of “taking any shape at will, beautiful, pleasing” or as the name of the predominantly tribal western

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portion of Assam (Kāmarūpa). This makes it possible to take it either as the name of person or as the name of a person from that region ([17], p. 766). Thus, the compound kāmarūpatā/kāmarūpitva “taking any shape at will” could be connected to both playacting (in a literal sense) and to supernatural powers (in a technical sense; [18], p. 126). Similarly, a class of Indian mendicant actors are called Bahrūpia, from Sanskrit bahu (“many”) + rūpa (“form”; bāhurūpya ¼ “manifoldness”), as referring to the ability to act; at the same time, Bahurūpa is a name for the black, fanged Southern face of the skull-bearing Aghora form of Śiva/ Bhairava. The Bahrūpia were known for impersonating gods, especially in their terrible forms (such as the Goddess Kālī), and to imitate the notes of animals ([18], p. 126). It seems, therefore, not not too far-fetched to hypothesize a crossfertilization between Kāpālika-Kaula and tribal milieux – both representing the “other” and situated at the margins of the Brahmanical social order.

The Ka¯pa¯likas in Java Kāpālika ascetics and Kāpālika-influenced traditions of the Kaula- and Bhairavatantras may have reached Java by the ninth century. The typical hairdos and attires characterizing the iconography of Kāpālika devotees and the divinity Bhairava/ Mahākāla, such as ornaments of the human skulls and Brahmanical cords and armbands made by snakes, feature in reliefs of the Loro Jonggrang temple complex at Prambanan in Central Java; in an Old Javanese inscription from the nearby Ratu Boko plateau dated 856 AD, prince Kumbhayoni allegorically likens himself to what is evidently a form of Śiva-Bhairava, who is described as performing an exalted dance on a corpse in a cremation ground, wearing a snake-thread, necklace, armband, and leg ornaments made by the King of the Nāgas (phaṇīndra), adorned with the blooddripping heads of defeated kings ([19], pp. 48–49). The expression (saṅ brāhmaṇa) kāpālikabrata “(a Brahman) adhering to the observance of the Kāpālikas” is attested in the probably

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tenth-century Udyogaparva, while a probably eighth–tenth-century bronze skullcap has been unearthed in Central Java (ibid.). The use of skulls as drinking bowls is mentioned in the ca. sixteenthcentury text Tantu Paṅgәlaran, which also describes a grueling ritual performed at a cemetery at midnight by two devotees of Bhairava (bheravapakṣin) with a corpse ([20], pp. 104–106, 112–113, 121). The depiction of skulls and cemetery-ground lore is pervasive in the statuary of the East Javanese kingdom of Siṅhasāri (thirteenth century), to which period is ascribed the impressive “dancing Bhairava” found near Caṇḍi Siṅhasāri, bearing many of the Kāpālika insignia (including a ḍamaru). But what is perhaps the most striking evidence of the existence and survival in Java of Kāpālikas are the mysterious canthang balungs, whose name “rattling bones” cannot be anything else but a “survival” pointing to their former status: this category of antinomian, low-status functionaries of the court of Surakarta in the late nineteenth century worn strings of flowers adorning their naked bodies – being reminiscent of the garland of flowers offered to the gods (nirmālya) worn by Pāśupata ascetics; performed dances and buffooneries; emitted dog’s cries, nonsensical interjections, and vehement laughter; superintended female dancers who also doubled as prostitutes and engaged in obscene acts on stage during their plays; indulged in drinking liquor on stage; held a staff or a pike; displayed mudrās during their performances; and originally possessed seals of office depicting a phallus inside a heart-shaped vulva, which are remindful of the heart-shaped pubic plaques worn by ascetics in East Javanese art. Their most un-Islamic antinomian practices would identify them as localized, and partially domesticated, Javanese “descendants” of the Kāpālikas [19].

References 1. Lorenzen DN (1991[1972]) The Kāpālikas and Kālāmukhas. Two lost Śaivite sects, 2nd edn. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 2. Sanderson A (2014) The Śaiva literature. J Indol Stud (Kyoto) 24–25(2012–2013):1–113

751 3. Sanderson A (2009) The Śaiva age—the rise and dominance of Śaivism during the early medieval period. In: Einoo S (ed) Genesis and development of tantrism. Institute of Oriental Culture/University of Tokyo, Tokyo 4. White D (2005) Review of Ronald M. Davidson, Indian esoteric Buddhism. A social history of the tantric movement. J Int Assoc Tibetan 1. On-line: http://www.thlib.org?tid=T1223 5. White D (2003) Kiss of the Yoginī: ‘Tantric Sex’ in its South Asian contexts. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Davidson RM (2002) Indian esoteric Buddhism. A social history of the tantric movement. Columbia University Press, New York 7. Bloomfield M (1924) On false ascetics and nuns in Hindu fiction. J Am Orient Soc 44:202–242 8. Samuel G (2006) The Siddha as a cultural category. In: Linrothe R (ed) Holy madness: portraits of tantric siddhas. Rubin Museum of Art/Serindia, New York/ Chicago 9. Lorenzen DN (2000) A parody of the Kāpālikas in the Mattavilāsa. In: White DG (ed) Tantra in practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton/Oxford 10. Stein E (2017) All streets lead to temples: mapping monumental histories in Kanchipuram, ca. 8th–12th centuries CE. Dissertation, Yale University 11. Dutt S (1962) Buddhist monks and monasteries of India. Allen and Unwin, London 12. Bronkhorst J (2016) Who were the Cārvākas? Rev Guillermo de Ockham 14(1):45 13. Jambuvijaya M (1977–1986) Svopajñavṛtti to Yogaśāstra; Yogaśāstra of Hemacandra with Svopajñavṛtti. Jain Sāhitya Vikās Maṇḍal, Bombay 14. Sanderson A (2006) The Lākulas: new evidence of a system intermediate between Pāñcārthika Pāśupatism and Āgamic Śaivism. Indian Philos Annu 24(2003–2005):143–217 15. Goodaall D (2017) What Information can be Gleaned from Cambodian Inscriptions about Practices Relating to the Transmission of Sanskrit Literature? In: Vergiani V, Cuneo D, Formigatti C (eds) Indic Manuscript Cultures through the Ages. De Gryuter, Berlin/ Boston 16. Törzsök, J. Why Are the Skull Bearers (Kāpālikas) Called Soma?. Paper delivered at the Symposium Saivism and the Tantric Tradition, 2016. hal-01447980 17. Koppers W (1940–1941) Probleme der indischen Religionsgeschichte. Anthropos 35–36(4–6):761–814 18. Acri A (2017) Tantrism ‘Seen From the East’. In: Acri A, Blench R, Landmann A (eds) Spirits and ships: cultural transfers in early monsoon Asia. ISEAS Publishing, Singapore 19. Acri A (2014) Birds, bards, buffoons, and Brahmans: (re-)tracing the Indic origins of some ancient and modern Javano-Balinese performing characters. Archipel 88:13–70 20. TG Pigeaud (1924) De Tantu Panggĕlaran. Uitgegeven, vertaald en toegelicht. Thesis, Leiden

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Ka¯pa¯likavratins ▶ Kāpālikas

Ka¯pa¯lins ▶ Kāpālikas

Karaikkal Ammaiyar ▶ Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār

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Sacred Verses on Tiruvālaṅkāṭu”), which are tenverse poems with an eleventh “signature” verse each and which are set to music (some texts call the first patikam Tiruvālaṅkāṭṭu Mūtta Tiruppatikaṅkaḷ and the second patikam simply Tiruvālaṅkāṭṭu Tiruppatikaṅkaḷ or Sacred Verses on Tiruvālaṅkāṭu). These works are included in the eleventh book of the Tirumuṟai, the Tamil Śaiva canon. Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār is the twentyfourth devotee and only female poet included in the Periya Purāṇam, Cēkkiḻār’s twelfth-century hagiography of the 63 Nāyaṉmār (“leaders,” singular nāyaṉār), the devotees of Shiva venerated as saints in the Tamil Śaiva tradition. Cēkkiḻār chronicles Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s life in 65 stanzas; this account endures as the authoritative and popular story of the poet’s life.

Life Story

Ka¯raikka¯l Ammaiya¯r Elaine Craddock Department of Religion, Southwestern University, Georgetown, TX, USA

Synonyms Karaikkal Ammaiyar

Definition Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār, the “Mother/Woman from Kāraikkāl,” a town in the southeastern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, was arguably the earliest poet to write hymns in the Tamil language to the god Shiva, in approximately the mid-sixth century. She is regarded as the author of 143 devotional poems organized into four works: Aṟputat Tiruvantāti (“Sacred Linked Verses of Wonder”), with 101 veṇpā verses; Tiruviraṭṭai Maṇimālai (“The Sacred Garland of Double Gems”), with 20 stanzas alternating in veṇpā and kaṭṭalaik kalittuṟai; and the two patikams called Tiruvālaṅkāṭṭu Mūtta Tiruppatikaṅkaḷ (“First

Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār was born in the prosperous coastal town of Kāraikkāl to the wealthy merchant Taṉatattaṉ and given the name Puṉitavati. She was a beautiful girl and an ardent devotee of Shiva, whom she began worshipping as soon as she could talk. When she was of age, she was married to the rich merchant Paramatattaṉ; she was a faithful wife and continued to worship Shiva, giving alms to Śaiva devotees who came to her door. One day a customer gave Paramattataṉ two mangoes that he told his wife to serve him for his midday meal. But before Paramattataṉ came home to eat, a Śaiva holy man came to the door for alms, and Puṉitavati gave him one of the mangoes along with rice to eat. When her husband came home, she served him his meal and the remaining mango, which was so delicious that he asked for the second mango. An apprehensive Puṉitavati went to the kitchen and prayed to Shiva for help; through his grace another mango appeared, which she served to her husband. This fruit was so much more delicious than the first, Paramattataṉ was suspicious and asked where it came from. When she reluctantly told him that Shiva had provided it, he doubted the story and asked her to repeat the miracle. She again prayed to Shiva, and another

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mango appeared; her husband was terrified of her power and ran away without releasing her from her wifely duties. Paramattataṉ set up another household in a different city, but Puṉitavati continued to live as his faithful wife. Eventually her parents found out where he was living and took their daughter to see him. Paramattataṉ and his second wife and daughter (whom he had named Puṉitavati) fell at Puṉitavati’s feet and worshipped her as a goddess. When Puṉitavati learned that her husband did not see her as a wife anymore, she begged Shiva to take away the beauty she no longer needed and to give her a pēy (demon) form instead. Shiva granted her wish. Out of her deepening knowledge of Shiva she sang her first two works, the Aṟputat Tiruvantāti and the Tiruviraṭṭai Maṇimālai. She then made a pilgrimage to Mt. Kailāsa in the Himalayas to see Shiva and Parvati, walking on her hands so as not to defile the sacred mountain with her feet. Shiva was so moved by her devotion he called her “Ammai” (“Mother”) and told her to go to Tiruvālaṅkāṭu where she would join his troupe of ganas or ghouls and perpetually witness his dance. Here she sang the two Tiruvālaṅkāṭṭu Mūtta Tiruppatikaṅkaḷ and remained at Shiva’s feet ([1], 133–34; [2], 73–76; [3], 74–94; [4]).

The Poetry in the Context of the Tamil Devotional Tradition The earliest Tamil literature was composed in the first few centuries of the Common Era, called the Caṅkam (“poetic academy”) period. Poetry of this period is divided into akam, or love poetry, and puṟam poetry, praising warriors and other heroes [5]. The earliest devotional poetry was influenced by Caṅkam literary conventions, as well as by the Dravidian cultural concepts embedded in the poems. Sanskritic mythic, philosophical, and linguistic elements spread into Tamil Nadu from the north during this period, setting the stage for the worship of Shiva in the Tamil landscape. Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s poetry developed in this milieu ([6], 130–151). Speaking to god in one’s mother tongue, rather than

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Sanskrit, was pivotal to the development of Hindu bhakti or devotionalism that arose in response to the religions of Jainism and Buddhism, which reached the peak of their popularity in South India during the fifth and sixth centuries [7, 8]. From the sixth to ninth centuries, the passionate hymns written by the Śaiva and Vaiṣṇava poets, the Nāyaṉmār and Āḻvārs, fueled a movement in Tamil Nadu to achieve liberation through communion with god. Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s poetry weaves Sanskritic myths with Caṅkam elements to create a vivid portrait of the heroic god whose grace liberates his devotees, localizing the worship of the pan-Indian god Shiva in the Tamil country and delineating a self-conscious community of devotees dedicated to him ([9, 10]; [11], 105–143). In several of her verses, Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār identifies herself as a pēy (demon or ghoul), a member of Shiva’s troupe of ghouls that dance with him in the cremation ground. Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s poetry refers to many of Shiva’s myths and iconographic forms, including the loving husband of the goddess Pārvatī, living on Mount Kailāsa; the ascetic yogi smeared with ash and adorned with snakes; the boon-giving lord receiving the goddess Gaṅgā in his hair; the heroic conqueror of the three demon cities; the wandering beggar who cut off Brahmā’s head; and the supreme lord performing his cosmic dance [2, 12, 13, 14]. The narrative iconography of Shiva performing heroic deeds in the Tamil landscape and liberating his devotees from the karmic cycle that first appears in Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s poetry is the focus of the later Śaiva poets. Campantar, Appar, and Cuntarar are the three poets that succeeded Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār; their poetry is collected in the Tēvāram, the first seven books of the Tirumuṟai and a fundamental text in the Tamil Śaiva tradition. These three saints, along with Māṇikkavācakar, who is not included among the 63 Nāyaṉmār but whose poems form the eighth volume of the Tirumuṟai, are considered the greatest poets in the tradition; their hymns are still regularly sung in Shiva temples in Tamil Nadu ([15]; [6], 130–144). Śaiva Siddhānta, “the established conclusion of Śaivism,” which developed over many centuries

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to become the dominant philosophical, theological, and ritual system associated with the god Shiva in Tamil Nadu, draws its devotional perspectives from the stories and hymns of the Śaiva saints. Sculpted images of the 63 Śaiva saints, including Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār, surround the central Shiva image, the liṅga, in most major Śaiva temples in Tamil Nadu; Ammaiyār is always shown in her skeletal form, seated, singing to Shiva. In addition, images of Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār are seen on several temples in India and in Southeast Asia [16, 3]. Two annual festivals to Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār are held in the two towns most closely connected to her life and poetry. Kāraikkāl, the poet’s birth place, holds a famous mango festival; and the Vaṭāraṇyēśvarar Śiva temple in Tiruvālaṅkāṭu, where Ammaiyār sang to Shiva dancing in the cremation ground and where her shrine is located, sponsors a celebration that ends with the ōtuvār or traditional performer of Śaiva devotional hymns singing all of Ammaiyār’s Tiruvālaṅkāṭu songs, and a ritual symbolizing Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār’s merging into Lord Shiva and achieving liberation from the karmic cycle ([2], 91–113; [17]; [18], 106–137).

Cross-References ▶ Hagiography ▶ Naṭarāja ▶ Nāyaṉmār ▶ Pārvatī ▶ Periya Purāṇam ▶ Śaiva Siddhānta ▶ Śaivism, Overview ▶ Śiva ▶ Tēvāram ( )

Karma- Duty 2. Craddock E (2010) Śiva’s demon devotee: Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār. State University of New York Press, Albany 3. Karavelane (ed and trans) (1982) Chants Dévotionnels Tamouls de Kāraikkālammaiyār, 2nd edn. Institut Français d’Indologie, Pondicherry 4. Pechilis K (2006) The story of the classical woman saint, Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār: a translation of her story from Cēkkiḻār’s Periya Purāṇam. Hindu Stud 10(2):173–186 5. Hart GL III (1975) The poems of ancient Tamil: their milieu and their Sanskrit counterparts. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Zvelebil KV (1975) Tamil literature. EJ Brill, Leiden 7. Champakalakshmi R (2004) From devotion and dissent to dominance: the bhakti of the Tamil Āḻvārs and Nāyaṉārs. In: Lorenzen DN (ed) Religious movements in South Asia, 600–1800. Oxford University Press, New Delhi, pp 47–80 8. Peterson IV (1999) Śramaṇas against the Tamil way: Jains as others in Tamil Śaiva literature. In: Cort JE (ed) Open boundaries: Jain communities and cultures in Indian history. Sri Satguru Publications, Delhi, pp 163–185 9. Mahalakshmi R (2011) The making of the goddess: Koṟṟavai-Durgā in the Tamil traditions. Penguin Books, New Delhi 10. Monius AE (2004) Love, violence, and the aesthetics of disgust: Śaivas and Jains in medieval South India. J Indian Philos 32:113–172 11. Ramaswamy V (1997) Walking naked: women, society, spirituality in South India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla 12. Doniger O’Flaherty W (1981) Śiva: the erotic ascetic. Oxford University Press, Oxford 13. Kaimal P (1999) Shiva Nataraja: shifting meanings of an icon. Art Bulletin 81(3):390–419 14. Zvelebil KV (1985) Ānanda-Tāṇḍava of ŚivaSadānṛttamūrti: the development of the concept of Āṭavallaṉ-Kūttaperumāṉaṭikaḷ in the South Indian textual and iconographic tradition. Institute of Asian Studies, Madras 15. Peterson IV (1989) Poems to Śiva: the hymns of the Tamil saints. Princeton University Press, Princeton 16. Dehejia V (1988) Slaves of the Lord: the path of the Tamil saints. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 17. Pechilis K (2009) Experiencing the mango festival as a ritual dramatization of hagiography. Method Theory Study Relig 21:50–65 18. Pechilis K (2011) Interpreting devotion: the poetry and legacy of a female bhakti saint of India. Routledge, London/New York

References 1. Craddock E (2007) The anatomy of devotion: the life and poetry of Karaikkal Ammaiyar. In: Pintchman T (ed) Women’s lives, women’s rituals in the Hindu tradition. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 131–147

Karma- Duty ▶ Eknāth

Kaśmir Śaivism

Karma Ma¯rga ▶ Bhakti

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Definition Kaśmir Śaivism collectively refers to a group of Tāntrik and monistic Śaiva traditions in Kaśmir that thrived from the latter half of the ninth century C.E. to the early twelfth century C.E.

Ka¯rukas ▶ Pāśupatas

Karumariamman ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Karumariyamman ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Karuma¯riyamman ¯ ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Kashmiri Śaivism ▶ Śrī Harṣa

Kaśmir Śaivism Joseph Milillo National Humanities Center, Research Triangle Park, NC, USA

Synonyms Monistic Śaivism; Nondual Śaiva Tantra; Trika Philosophy

Historical Background and Ta¯ntric Roots Though very little is known of the origins of Śaivism in Kaśmir, tradition testifies to its antiquity in that region of South Asia. The Rājataraṅgiṇī of Kalhana (circa 1150), the traditional text for Kaśmir history, states that Śaivism was present in the region when Aśoka arrived (third century B.C.) [1]. By the early ninth century C.E., there were two primary schools, the Śaiva Siddhānta and what we today call Kaśmir Śaivism. The term “Kaśmir Śaivism” collectively refers to a group of Tāntric and monistic Śaiva traditions in Kaśmir, mainly the Trika and Krama that thrived from the latter half of the ninth century C.E. to the early twelfth century C.E. [2]. Due to the Kula’s transgressive practices, Kaśmir Śaivism was limited in popularity. The Rājataraṅgiṇī makes minimal reference to the nondual Śaiva tradition and does not mention Abhinavagupta, one of the foremost philosophers of the tradition. The transgressive practices within Kaśmir Śaivism, such alcohol consumption, were abused, leading to many scandals. Further proof of this can be seen in the work of the Kaśmiri satirist, Kśemendra, and the chronicles of the Jain monk Somadeva. By the ninth and tenth century, Tāntric teachings spread into Kaśmir where they mixed with elite Brahmanical circles, and Kula rituals began to take on more symbolic meanings and yielded to a more complex metaphysics [3].

Textual Traditions Within Kaśmir Śaivism Given the developmental complexity of Kaśmir Śaivism, outlining its philosophy and yogic practices is challenging. One way to meet this challenge is to look at some of its most influential

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texts. Kaśmir Śaiva texts (śāstra) broadly fall within three categories: Āgama śāstra, Pratyabhijñā śāstra, and Spanda śāstra. A¯gama Śa¯stra Foundational Āgamic texts are the Mālinīvijayottara Tantra, Svacchanda Tantra, Netra Tantra, Rudrayāmala Tantra (including the Vijñānabhairava Tantra), and the Śiva Sutras. Like the Vedas, the Āgamas’ dates are difficult to determine, but they most likely came about in written form no earlier that the second century C.E. [4]. Through various commentaries, mostly written by Abhinavagupta, Āgama śāstra became the scriptural authority of nondual Śaivism. The whole of the Tantrāloka is based on the Mālinīvijayottara Tantra. The Svacchanda and Netra Tantras were both commented upon by Abhinavagupta’s disciple Kṣemarāja, as were the Vijñānabhairava Tantra and the Śiva Sutras’s of Vasugupta. Pratyabhijn˜a¯ Śa¯stra Pratyabhijñā, a technical term in Kaśmir Śaivism, means the recognition of the identity of the Supreme and individual soul. A large part of Kaśmir Śaiva philosophy comes from the Pratyabhijñā texts. Though systematically formulated by Utpaladeva and Abhinavagupta, the doctrine of philosophy was first discussed in the polemical work of Somānanda (c. late ninth century C.E.) titled Śivadṛṣṭi (Vision of Śiva). There are two main motives of the text. The first was to establish the fact that Śiva, through his Śakti, emanates a real universe that remains identical with himself. The second motive was to refute other popular traditions of the time such as Buddhism, Vedānta, Sāṃkhya, and NyāyaVaiśeṣika [5]. Somānanda’s disciple Utpaladeva wrote a commentary on his teacher’s Śivadṛṣṭi and several works which elaborated on ideas found within the Śivadṛṣṭi, becoming foundational texts of the Pratyabhijñā system. Of these, the most important works are the Īśvarapratyabhijnākārikā (Verses on the Recognition of the Lord) and two autocommentaries on this work, the short Īśvarapratyabhijñākārikā-vṛtti, and the more detailed Īshvarapratyabhijñā-vivṛtti. Abhinavagupta would

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later significantly add to this corpus with his own commentaries on Utpaladeva’s Verses on the Recognition of the Lord, entitled Īśvarapratyabhijñāvimarśinī and the longer auto-commentary entitled the Īśvarapratyabhijñāvivṛttivimarśinī. Given the highly analytic and technical nature of the texts mentioned above, Abhinavagupta’s disciple Kṣemarāja wrote a much shorter compendium called Pratyabhijñāhṛdaya (Heart of Recognition). This text, which consists of aphorisms and an auto-commentary, offers a concise presentation of Utpaladeva’s Verses on the Recognition of the Lord, while avoiding most of the polemics of his predecessors. Spanda Śa¯stra Spanda literally means vibration or throb. In the Kaśmir Śaiva philosophy, it is the creative pulse of the Absolute (Śiva) which manifests the manifold universe. Spanda can even be found in the Pratyabhijñā literature. For instance, in his Īśvarapratyabhijñā-vimarśinī, Abhinavagupta defines Spanda as the immovable (Cit or consciousness) which “appears to be moving” (kimcit calanam). Since consciousness does not actually change, i.e., the manifestation is still Consciousness, the movement, or manifestation itself, is only an appearance (see section “Manifestation” below). The main text in this category is the Spandakārikās. Authorship of the kārikās is disputed within the tradition itself. Kṣemarāja and Maheśvarānanda attribute the work to Vasugupta. Other leading philosophers such as Bhāskara and Baṭṭa Utpala claim they were written by Vasugupta’s chief disciple Kallaṭabhaṭṭa (855–883), who is also the only Kaśmir Śaiva philosopher to be mentioned in Kalhana’s Rājataraṅgiṇī. However, it is known that Kallaṭabhaṭṭa did write a commentary on the kārikas, as did Kṣemarāja and Bhāskara [6].

Metaphysics and Practices of Kaśmir Śaivism Defining Kaśmir Śaiva beliefs and practices is difficult due to two major reasons. First, the extant

Kaśmir Śaivism

Kaśmir Śaivite texts and commentaries are only a small portion of the scriptures and manuals of monistic Kaśmir Śaivism. Second, many of the practices and rituals we find in texts are not fully comprehensible as they are usually spoken of enigmatically in the text and are meant to be explained in detail to the initiated by an accomplished teacher (guru). It is generally believed that the Tāntric practices of Kaśmir Śaivism were secretly guarded, and since much of Kaśmir converted to Islam beginning in the twelfth century C.E., many of the vibrant lineages and teachers of the tradition disappeared [7]. However, based on the present texts and scholarship an outline of basic beliefs and practices can be given, much of which is shared with other Tāntric systems, though Kaśmir Śaivism is unique in its nondual interpretations. Ultimate Reality Kaśmir Śaivism speaks about Ultimate Reality as Pure Consciousness (Cit). This Consciousness is also Awareness (Vimarśa), and it is this Awareness which is the dynamic aspect of Cit, also called Śakti or Spanda [8]. These two aspects of Ultimate Reality are referred to as Śiva and Śakti. While in Śākta traditions Śakti is given prominence as the Great Goddess or Mother, in Kaśmir Śaivism, Śakti is seen as the power of Śiva. Śiva through his Śakti manifests the universe within himself, i.e., the universe is not something separate from Consciousness. Manifestation When Consciousness is spoken of as manifesting, its Śakti is further divided into five particular powers (panca-śaktis). First is the power of Consciousness itself (cit-śakti). This is Consciousness as the ground of existence. Next is the power of bliss (ānanda-śakti).Consciousness in Kaśmir Śaivism is joyful in a sense beyond ordinary joy. As manifestation takes place, this joy enters into the core of it. Third is the power of volition (icchā-śakti). Volition for the Kaśmir Śaiva does not mean the use of will or desire, but rather creative self-expression. Fourth is the power of knowledge (Jñāna-śakti) which gives underlying structure to the manifestation. Last is the power of

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action (Kriyā-śakti), the final stage of manifestation in which the universe and everything in it becomes apparent or shining (ābhāsa). This process of manifestation does not happen once, but it is happening every moment. This theory of ābhāsa contrasts from other theories of appearance or manifestation in Hinduism. The Advaita (monistic) Vedānta theory Vivartavāda states that the appearance is illusory and that only Consciousness (Brahman) exists. Viśiṣṭādvaita (qualified monistic) Vedānta’s parināmavāda (theory of transformation) claims the manifestation to be real as an effect of actual change caused by Brahman and yet is a part of It. Ābhāsavāda differs from parināmavāda in two important ways. First, according to Kaśmir Śaivism, ābhāsa does not follow from a law of cause and effect, but rather is due to the free-will (svātantrya) of Śiva’s expression. Secondly, Kaśmir Śaivism states that while the appearance is real, it is not an actual transformation of Śiva. The tradition explains this through an analogy of a city in a mirror. Without overextending the analogy by claiming there must be an outside city to be reflected, Kaśmir Śaivism simply states that an image of a city appearing in a mirror is not different from the mirror and that the mirror itself is not changing. Tattvas As important as the panca-śaktis are, the chief tenet of Tāntric cosmology is that of the 36 tattvas (“principles”). The list (mātrika) of these principles serves as a tool for practitioners (sādhaka/ sādhikā) to understand how the nondual consciousness appears as many. The principles describe, as it were, a widening cascade. At the top is undifferentiated Śiva/Śakti, which then becomes Śiva and Śakti, the light of consciousness, and its power. This is the first tattva. This light and its power proceeds further into more and more complex expressions until it reaches the level of the physical world (tattvas 1–17), where the elements that make up a person’s everyday experience take shape. Therefore, in Kaśmir Śaivism, the thesis that Consciousness is everything does not imply that the universe is unreal, but rather is meant quite literally.

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Mala Tattvas 14–16 include the elements which comprise the mind, most importantly the intellect (buddhi). If everything is consciousness and the intellect is able to discern it as such, then people would be aware of their divinity all the time. To explain why this is not so, Kaśmir Śaivism posits the idea of the three impurities (mala). The three impurities – āṇava, māyīya, and karma – are actually the finer forces which distract and scatter the intellect, thereby interrupting the recognition that everything is Consciousness. As with most lists in South Asian traditions, the lists of malas lead from the subtlest to the grossest. The subtlest impurity is āṇava-mala which is the creation of individual “I-ness” (ahaṃtā). This limitedness leads to māyīya-mala, the sense of difference. Māyīyamala results in the grossest impurity, karmamala, which consists in actions driven by one’s own will and desire. The removal of these impurities is the precondition for recognition (pratyabhijñā) of one’s true nature (svabhāva) and is possible through the instruction of a teacher (guru), liberative practices (rituals and yoga), and the grace (anugraha) of Śiva, who manifests this complex universe merely for fun (līlā/krīdā). Unlike Advaita Vedanta, which believes the appearance to be unreal, Kaśmir Śaivism takes manifestation to be real as it is nothing else but Consciousness. Sa¯dhana¯ The practices (sādhanā) that make up what can be called a system of yoga within Kaśmir Śaivism are mainly to be found in three foundational scriptures (āgamas): the Mālinīvijayottara Tantra, the Netra Tantra, and the Vijñānabhairava Tantra [9]. Much of what is considered Kaśmir Śaiva sādhanā is the contribution of the traditions two great exegetes, Abhinavagupta and Kṣemarāja. In his Tantrāloka, Abhinavagupta explains a triadic model of spiritual practice that he claims is found in the Mālinīvijayottara Tantra and was taught to him by his teacher Śambhunāth. This model is known as the three upāyas, or means of approach. They are the Divine means (Śambhava), Empowered Means (Śakti), and Individual Means (Āṇava). Besides his Tantrāloka,

Abhinavagupta also explicates these approaches in his other important commentaries and poems. Kṣemarāja’s contribution to understanding sādhanā is found in his commentaries on the Vijñānabhairava and Netra Tantra and also on other important texts of Kaśmir Śaivism, such as the Śiva Sutras and Spanda-kārikas. In his Pratyabhijñāhṛdaya, he further elucidates sādhanā within the Pratyabhijñā cognitive framework [10].

Kaśmir Śaivism Today After the twelfth century, Kaśmir underwent many changes due to the influx of Muslim rule. As many brāhmaṇas either converted or left the area, monistic Śaivism dwindled to a few learned practitioners who kept their practice secret. It was not until the turn of the twentieth century that both European and Indian scholars took an active interest in Kaśmir Śaivism, discovering, editing, and translating many of the texts mentioned above. The latter half of the century saw the rise of teachers both within and outside India. Swamis Lakshmanjoo and Muktānanda were very popular Kaśmir Śaivism teachers who travelled to various countries giving instruction in both theory and methods of practice. Today, there are a handful of men and women, lay and monastic, teaching some form of Kaśmir Śaivism as taught by the one of the two Indian teachers. In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Albert Rudolph, a charismatic American from Brooklyn, New York, began teaching under the name Rudrānanda, or simply Rudi. Some of his disciples are currently active, including Swami Chetānanda of the Movement Center in Oregon. What was once only understood as a tradition of power, Tantra became one of symbolism, contemplation, and awakening.

Cross-References ▶ Śaiva Āgamas ▶ Tantra ▶ Trika

Kathak

References 1. Dyczkowski MSG (1987) The doctrine of vibration: an analysis of the doctrines and practices of Kashmir Shaivism. SUNY Press, Albany 2. Lawrence DP (1999) Rediscovering God with transcendental argument: a contemporary interpretation of monistic Kashmiri Śaiva philosophy. SUNY Press, Albany 3. Nemec J (2011) The ubiquitous Siva: Somananda’s Sivadrsti and his tantric interlocutors. Oxford University Press, Oxford 4. Sanderson A (2014) The Śaiva literature. J Indological Stud (Kyoto) 24 & 25(2012–2013):1–113 5. Dyczkowski MSG (1992) The stanzas on vibration. State of NY Press, Albany 6. Muller-Ortega PE (1989) The triadic heart of Śiva: Kaula tantricism of Abhinavagupta in the non-dual Śaivism of Kashmir. Albany. J, Buddhists of Kashmir, Delhi, 1980. 7. Biernacki L (1999) Taboo and orthodoxy: making Tantra respectable in 11th century Kashmir. Dissertation 8. Dupuche JR (2003) Abhinavagupta: the Kula ritual: as elaborated in chapter 29 of the Tantrāloka. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi 9. Sanderson A (1990) The visualization of the deities of the Trika. In: Gourdriaan, Teun (ed) Ritual and Speculation in Early Tantrism: Studies in honour of Andre Padoux. Albany: SUNY Press, pp 31–88 10. Kṣemarāja (1911) Śivasūvimarśinī. KTS Series, Srinagar

Kathak Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

Origins of Kathak The word “Katha” denotes a story, and the word “Kathaka” signifies a storyteller. The Sanskrit word Kathak thus signifies the nomadic bards of the northwestern part of India who traveled long distances, making halts at various locations and telling stories accompanied with dance and music. There is a strong presumption that Kathak originated in Banaras or Varanasi and then spread in Jaipur, Lucknow, and many other regions of north and northwest regions of India.

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Stories communicated by the bards were recreated from Hindu mythology, specially tales from the life of Lord Krishna, a popular deity worshipped ornately in North India. Elaborate footwork, eye moments, artistic hand gestures, and undaunting facial expressions were the highlights of the performances. Thus Kathak evolved as a dance with strong rhythmic patterns accompanied by intricate footwork to match the taal beats. As per the literary records at Kameshwar library at Mithila, Kathak had its origin in the third or fourth century BC. It was during the Mughal era, in the sixteenth century AD, that Kathak received royal patronage and was performed in the courts of the Mughals to entertain the royals. With the change of time, the Kathak performers in search of better prospects and rich patronage left the temple and entered into royal courts. Transformation was inevitable. The dance started adapting itself to the demands of the court, but it was under the artistic guidance and patronage of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah that Kathak achieved greater dimensions. During this period, Kathak was also extensively performed by tawaifs, who themselves developed the art in parallel to its refinement in court. They frequently performed on lighter classical music of such as dadra, kajri, and tappa as well as thumri. Given the tawaifs’ environment, their performance style of Kathak also differed from the court style, involving more of what in Kathak is termed nakhra (mischievous playfulness). During this period, Kathak received elements of fusion from other dance forms like the Persian dance form wherein the art of straight-leg movements was introduced as also the spinning movement from the Sufi styles of devotion. Eventually, Kathak evolved to be a fusion of the Indian and Persian style, thereby formulating a magnificent art of expression. Natyashastra is the magnum opus of sage Bharat, which is the greatest literature created in the history of art, to examine the elements of fine arts. According to this book, every dance style has four pillars as its framework. They are bhava, rasa, taal, and raaga. Kathak has incorporated all of these elements exceptionally well in its compositions.

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The Three Kathak Gharanas (Schools): The Jaipur Gharana, the Banaras Gharana, and the Lucknow Gharana. The schools place different relative emphasis between aspects of a Kathak performance such as the acting and footwork. Wajid Ali Shah, the tenth and the last Nawab (ruler) of Avadh (a province in north India) and a ruler of the medieval era in the province of Lucknow, was a connoisseur of Kathak, and he has promoted and supported the dance style to enormous heights. The progress of Kathak as one of the supreme dance styles is due to certain efforts invested by the ruler. Shah himself was a poet and an artist, and therefore he understood the value of art patronage. A style of Kathak that developed in his court was popular as the Lucknow gharana. Wajid Ali Shah started two distinct forms: one is Rahas and the other one is called Raas. He himself choreographed a dance based on the moves of Kathak, called Rahas, that he danced himself with the ladies of his court. Kathak dance attained new heights of popularity and glory under his expert guidance and lavish patronage. Thakur Prasad was his Kathak guru, and the unforgettable Kalka-Binda brothers performed in his court. The Lucknow gharana reached its pinnacle of perfection under the guidance of Thakur Prasad Maharaj who was the chief court dancer in Nawab’s court. His legacy was carried forward by his sons – Bindadin Maharaj and Kalkadin Maharaj. Around the same time that Lucknow gharana was emerging, the Banaras gharana also evolved. This gharana was developed by Janaki Prasad. During British rule in India, Kathak came to be referred to as an uncouth entertainment form stereo cast as something associated with the trade of immoral women. Here on, Kathak saw a sharp decline in its popularity. The Nritya style is more associated with the Lucknow gharana, while Nritta is associated more so with the Banaras Gharana. The Banaras Gharana, which is the oldest gharana of all, has its own famous face in the form of Sitara Devi, daughter of Pandit Sukhdev Maharaj. Traditionally, the Jaipur gharana has had a strong spiritual flavor, covering a diverse range of ideas in Vaishnavism and Shaivism.

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The Jaipur gharana was originated by Bhanuji, a dancer famous for his skills in Tandava, the dance of Lord Shiva. His grandsons Laluji and Kanhuji were inspired by the legends of Lord Krishna; hence they together began the Jaipur gharana of Kathak. This gharana was patronized by the Rajputs of Rajasthan, and this gharana was purely Hindu in its style, untouched by the Moghul influences. The Bhakti Movement: Art in Devotion. The Lucknow gharana of Kathak was founded by Ishwari Prasad, a devotee of the Bhakti movement. Shri Ishwari lived in the village of Handiya situated in the state of Uttar Pradesh. It is believed that Lord Krishna came to his dreams and instructed him to develop dance as a form of worship. He taught the dance form to his sons Adguji, Khadguji, and Tularamji who again taught their descendants, and the tradition continued for more than six generations, thus carrying forward this rich legacy that is well acknowledged as the Lucknow gharana of Kathak by Indian literature on music of both Hindus and Muslims. The development of Kathak during the era of Bhakti movement predominantly focused on the legends of Lord Krishna and his eternal love Radhika or Radha found in texts like the Bhagavata Purana which were majestically performed by the Kathak artists.

Musical Instruments and the Costume Ensemble Table, majira, sarangi, and harmonium are the most widely used instruments during a Kathak recital. In early years of the evolution of Kathak, when Kathak was predominantly performed by dancers to depict stories from Hindu mythologies and there were no traces of the Persian influences, the performers wore sarees due to the Hindu influence. With the advent of the Mughal influence, the attire changed to anarkali suits with pajamas and lehenga with choli. A long piece of cloth to cover a women’s torso known as “Dupatta” or an Odhni (a veil to cover the head or face) is tied across from the right shoulder to the left side toward the waist. Women’s costume includes a skirt along with a tight-fitting trouser called churidar or pajama and

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a long coat to cover the upper body and hands. A head scarf covering the head is a part of the traditional costumes though it may be missing in the contemporary dancers’ trousseau. The anklets are one of the most imperative aspects of the ensemble of Kathak, without which the Kathak trousseau is incomplete. A huge band of anklets called ghunguru made of small metallic bells attached to it are wrapped in the artist’s ankles that produce rhythmic sound, while she performs intricate footwork. A male Kathak dancer usually wears a silk dhoti (a cloth worn around the hip and waist and covering the legs in a particular style) with a silk scarf tied on the upper part of the body which usually remains bare or may be covered by a loose jacket if preferred by the artist. A very typical aspect of the ghunguru bells that is exceptionally different from the ghungurus worn in other dance styles is that they are not stitched over a band of cloth but they are woven through a thick rope and then wore surrounding the ankle. There are typically 100 bells in one single piece of ghunguru.

The Kathak Repertoire A Kathak recital consists of three main sections – the invocation, one pure (Nritta) dance recital, and one expressive dance (Nritya). In the opening dance of invocation, the dancer offers respect to her guru and musicians onstage by special gestures of reverence toward them and invocation to Hindu gods and goddesses. Nritta represents pure dance where the dancer initially performs a thath sequence, performing elegant and slow movements of the eyebrows, neck, and wrists following which later translates into rapid movements, and the speed becomes twofold or more, while she completes the sequence of the Bol. In “Nritya” the dancer communicates a story, spiritual themes, message, or feelings through expressive gestures and slower body movements synchronized with musical notes and singers. A Kathak recital will always move from slow rhythmic patterns to fast motions and beats, thereby reaching the climax of speed as well as emotion accompanied by strong and fast footwork to match with the beats. There

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are two kinds of compositions that make a recital outstanding, they are shorter compositions known as “Tukra,” and the elaborate ones are known as “Toda.” There is also the style of expressions known as “Bhaav Batana” where pure Nritya is of prime importance rather than pure dance (Nritta). Popular Kathak artists: The following Kathak maestros have created their niche by their valuable contribution to the development and revival of Kathak. • • • • •

Bhanuji of the Jaipur gharana. Janaki Prasad of the Banaras Gharana. Ishwari Prasad of the Lucknow gharana. Raja Chakradhar Singh of the Raigarh gharana. Shambhu Maharaj was a renowned teacher of the Lucknow gharana, and his brothers Lachhu Maharaj and Acchan Maharaj were also prodigies in the art of Kathak. • One name that has almost become a household name with modern-day Kathak dance is Pandit Birju Maharaj, a progeny of the legendary Maharaj family and son of Acchan Maharaj. He is considered the strong advocate of the Lucknow Kalka-Bindadin gharana. • Sitara Devi, one of the most revered names in the history of Kathak. • Some renowned contemporary artists are Roshan Kumari, Shovana Narayan, Maya Rao, and Kumudini Lakhia to name a few.

Further Reading 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6. 7. 8.

9.

Cultural India, https://www.culturalindia.net/ Katha Dance Theater, https://kathadance.org/ Utsavpedia, https://www.utsavpedia.com/ Wajid Ali Shah – Wikipedia, https://www.rct.uk/ collection/1005035/ishqnamah Snodgrass ME (2016) The encyclopedia of world folk dance. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Lanham, Maryland, USA, pp 165–168 Walker ME (2016) India’s Kathak dance in historical perspective. Routledge, Queen’s University, Kingston, p 5 Vatsyayan K (1974) Indian classical dance. Sangeet Natak Akademi, New Delhi, National Book Trust Noorani A (2016 April 6) Kathak in confluence of Hindu and Muslim cultures, says Farah Yasmeen Shaikh. Images. Retrieved 29 July 2017 Kothari S (1989) Kathak, Indian classical dance art. Abhinav Publications, Indiana University

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Kathakali Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

The History of Kathakali Around the seventeenth century, the King of Kottarakara (Kottarakara Thampuran), a place in the southern part of Kerala, was fascinated by the dancers of Kerala who performed an art form known as “Krishnattam.” He wanted to invite the performers of the dance style to perform in his region, but the King of Calicut, Zamorin, did not accept the invitation. The Zamorin refused, saying that Krishnattam was not for the unsophisticated audience of southern Kerala. Consequently, the King of Kottarakara created eight new stories which narrated the lives of Lord Rama, and hence the dance form was named as “Ramanattam.” Later there were additions of stories from the epic of Mahabharata by some great poets, and hence the term “Ramanattam” did not stand appropriate to the content; eventually the name of the art was changed to Katha (story) and Kali (drama). It evolved to be one of the most dynamic arts of storytelling with all the elements of theater, poetry, makeup, song, dance, and story. This was the dawn of one of the seven magnificent classical dance forms of India. Kathakali brought the stories from a lesserknown language named Sanskrit to the streets of the common man, enlightening them to the folktales of the Hindu mythology. The King of Kottarakara also made certain revisions to the dance by introducing the local language called “Malayalam” to his dance dramas to enable the common man to understand the stories which were originally expressed in Sanskrit. A language which was a combination of Sanskrit and Malayalam, known as Manipravalam, was used in the compositions. He also added elements of the folk dance of the region along with the martial art Kalaripayattu to give it a new form altogether while preserving the purity

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of the heart of the dance. The plays were now performed in the temple courtyards to open the doors of this art for the common man to experience, apart from the aristocrats and religious heads. The king also composed four magnificent stories that became the foundation of Kathakali and a requirement of a Kathakali actor to be proficient in. Thus Kathakali became the gateway for the common man to learn the Hindu mythological stories in a vivid manner. By the end of the seventeenth century, there were numerous dance troupes established to develop Kathakali repertoire. These troupes were known as Kali Yuga. These troupes had a leader who trained the artists and designed performances, traveling through the various districts of Kerala. The influences from the British colonies and invasions from various other rulers marked the diminishing period of the glory of Kathakali, but some devout art connoisseur kept the flame of this art burning in its purest forms. The Namboodiri family is one such family that extended their support to the dance and helped its survival for 300 years. Traditionally Kathakali performances were reserved for the temples on days of festivals or special religious events only, but later it was performed at theaters and secular places for entertainment purposes.

Elements of Kathakali Kathakali is considered to be an amalgamation of five elements of performance: 1. Natyam (acting), the use of facial expressions to convey emotion 2. Nrityam, the use of hand gestures also known as Mudras to convey meaning and emotion 3. Nritham (pure dance), which is the use of rhythm and movement of the hands, legs, and body 4. Sangeetham (music): Song and vocal accompaniment (Geet) and instrumental accompaniment (Vadyam) 5. Chutti: Face and body painting or makeup

Kathakali

A Kathakali orchestra is composed of the following elements: 1. A lead vocalist (“ponnani”) with a gong made of bell metal (chegala), which can be struck with a wooden stick 2. A minor vocalist (“singidi”) with a pair of cymbals (elethalam) 3. A chenda (cylindrical drum) player 4. Maddalam player 5. Sometimes a percussion instrument known as an edakka is also used Songs were composed based on the Carnatic style of music as opposed to the Hindustani style of music from north India. A very distinct style of music known as “Sopana” was used which sets the mood for a religious environment. Facial Expressions Every form of Indian classical dance uses nine different categories of facial expressions known as the Navarasa. The nine emotions are the backbone of a Kathakali performance since the life of a performance lies in its emotional quotient of the actors enacting the story. It is a very important aspect of Nritya or dance drama. These nine feelings are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Shringara rasa (love and passion) Hasya rasa (humor) Bhaya rasa (fear) Karuna rasa (sympathy) Raudra rasa (anger) Veera rasa (courage) Bibhatsa rasa(disgust) Adbhuta rasa(wonder) Shant rasa (peace)

Hand gestures: There are 24 different kinds of hand gestures made using the fingers in different combinations of patterns. These hand gestures are known as mudras which are very typical of any Indian dance form. The mudras are used as sign language to connect with the audience and to express the story by enacting without the use of language.

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Grandeur in Makeup The dominant color of one’s facial makeup decides the character that one is playing in the drama since certain colors signify certain personalities in Kathakali. The five main categories of characters are as follows: 1. Pacha – green. It is a color that signifies virtue and nobility in a character specially a male. It could also be used to show an ethical king. 2. Kathi – knife. This element signifies pride, aggression, and unethical character like the demon kings or villains. Ravana, the villain in the Ramayana epic, is portrayed with a green background and red in the major areas. Katti characters are evil forces or fierce characters or demon characters. Ravana, Keechaka, Dussasana, and the like fall in this category. 3. Thadi – beard. There are three categories of beard: a red beard stands for an extremely aggressive person; pious and positive characters wear white beard, like Lord Hanuman is portrayed; and cave dwellers or forest dwellers are shown to have a black beard. 4. Kari – black. The most aggressive and unethical beings are shown to be black. Their faces are painted completely black with bits of a few colors such as yellow, red, or white. Kari (black) makeup is for female evil characters like Soorpanaka and Simhika. The faces are blackened and a red crescent is created in center cheeks. Different from other characters, a pair of Damshtraas (protruding teeth) will be there. 5. Minukku – polished. These characters are painted in yellow colors to show sages, saints, wise men, Brahmins, etc. The face paints are made with special mineral ores and colors from natural pigments, mixed with coconut oil and ground on a stone to form a paste to be applied on one’s face. Kathakali makeup is very intense and laborious and it is by itself an art one can take years to master. It is an art of patience and perfection, and it can take hours to complete one single character’s makeup. The term used to

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refer to a makeup artist for Kathakali recitals is called “Chuttikkaran.”

Performances Traditionally the Kathakali performances were designed to last for the entire night until the early morning hours, but later they were reduced to three or 4 h only, selecting the most interesting parts of the Katha (story). Kathakali is usually performed in front of a kalivilakku (“kali” ¼ dance; “vilakku” ¼ lamp), which lightened the main campus of the temple during the night hours since the performances were conducted during the night hours. A kathakali recital is announced in a very elaborate and loud manner with percussions called chenda and maddalam and cymbals called elathalam and chengila which could be heard from a far distant place, informing people about the future event. During the performance, a singer sings the words from behind the scene and the actors who perform silently while showing the gestures and facial expressions of the song being sung in the background. The stories undertaken for performance purposes are predominantly from Hindu mythology. Some very popular stories from the Mahabharata and the Puranas were: Keechaka Vadham Duryodhan Vadham Karna Shapadham Nalacharitham

Kathakali

The Revival of Kathakali Ithiraricha Menon was one of the original teachers at Olappamanna Mana. Some prominent poets who made compositions for Kathakali were Vallathol Narayanana Menon and Mukunda Raja, who also founded the Kerala Kalamandalam in the village of Cheruthuruthy to preserve the arts of Kerala. The Kathakali artists from Olappamanna transferred to the Kerala Kalamandalam to form the first group of teachers who are known as Ashan’s, who together established Kathakali as an international art form. Without the support provided by Namboodri’s families such as Olappamanna and establishments such as the Kerala Kalamandalam, the classical arts of Kerala may not have survived. Olappamanna Mana continues to support festivals and performances in the village and offers a chance for tourists to stay in their homestay and follow in the footsteps of the Kathakali masters. Some major institutions celebrated for Kathakali training and troupes are PSV Natyasnagam Kottakal, Margi Kathakali School, Kalanilayam Irinjadakkuda, and Sadanam Kathakali School. These schools have worked endlessly toward the preservation and development of Kathakali for future generations to enjoy. The Kala Chethena Kathakali Company was established by Kathakali chutti artist, Kalamandalam Barbara Vijayakumar, and Kathakali actor, Kalamandalam Vijayakumar, to bring the art and culture of Kathakali to the people of the UK. They have both worked immensely for 30 years to bring classical Kathakali to thousands of people of all ages throughout the Great Britain area.

Kathakali dance sequence: • Todayam (basic dance) • Purappadu (debut of the main character) • Tiranokku (curtain look by evil characters or demons) • Kummi (preamble for the female character’s appearance) • Kathakali (the main play) • Kalaasam (passage of hyped dance as hyphen between two pieces of verse play) • Samaapanam (concluding benediction dance)

Further Reading 1. Karmakerala. http://www.karmakerala.com/ 2. Culturalindia. https://culturalindia.net/ 3. New world encyclopedia. https://www.newworldency clopedia.org/ 4. Zonkerala. https://www.zonkerala.com/ 5. Asian Traditional Theater and Dance. https://disco.teak. fi/asia/ 6. Interview with Kanan Jani, Kathakali Artist from Mumbai, India 7. Nalanda Research center for fine arts, Mumbai, India

Kaula

Katha¯ka¯r ▶ Morari Bapu

Kaula Patricia Sauthoff History and Classics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Canada South Asian Languages and Cultures, SOAS, University of London, London, UK

Synonyms Kula; Kulamārga

Definition Kaula is an esoteric system of Śaiva Tantra in which adherents (also called Kaulas) utilize transgressive or “left-handed” practices to achieve the harmonious fusion of Śiva and Śakti.

Development The word Kaula refers to one who is part of a Kula, a family, clan, or lineage. Within the Kaula school of Tantra, such families are not necessarily hereditary but instead refer to a “family” of practitioners. Kaula practice can be divided into two streams: pūrvakaula, early Kaula, and uttarakaula, later Kaula ([1], p. 847). Pūrvakaula practitioners utilize forbidden substances, such as meat, liquor, dried grains, fish, and sexual practice, during ritual without restraint, while uttarakaulas seek union with the goddess through the symbolic application of such ritual elements. The term Kula was probably used first in Śaiva Vidyāpīṭha (goddess-centered) ([2], p. 35) traditions to describe clans of yoginīs, supernatural feminine powers, and mother goddesses (mātṛ) ([3], pp. 120–121).

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Kaula practice derives from the cremationground practices of the kāpālika tradition ([2], pp. 57–220). These ascetic practitioners left behind no texts, and much of what is known about them comes from reports of ash-covered skull bearers practicing extreme worship in charnel grounds ([4], p. 97). Such practices inspired a later phase of Kaula practice that developed around the ninth century ([5], p. 326). This later development emphasized eroticism over charnel ground rites. Here erotic rites with female companions, sanguinary rites to deities such as Bhairava and Cāmuṇḍa, the attainment of supernatural powers through yogic practice, initiation using consecrated liquor, and states of possession become central to worship ([6], pp. 28–29). Finally, in the eleventh century, the Kaula school developed into a philosophical system, led by the Kashmiri writer Abhinavagupta and his disciple Kṣemarāja, who combined Kaula practice with other Tantric lineages in the Trika school. Abhinavagupta reformed the Kaula, leaving the crematory imagery intact but withdrawing the transgressive Kaula practices, such as animal sacrifice, non-vegetarianism, alcoholic offerings, and ritualized sexual practices and imagery, from the public. Only a small number of initiated adherents would be allowed to know the full extent of Kaula ritual practice ([7], p. 173). This final phase of Kaula innovation was exported to Southern India where it served as the basis for the Śrīvidyā system ([5], p. 326). Throughout its development, Kaula ritual uses the body as the focal point to liberation. Practitioners partake in various transgressive ritual behaviors or Tantric visualizations that allow the practitioner to reshape their mental states by transforming the body ([8], p. 57). The Kaula influenced haṭha yoga works such as the Śiva Saṃhitā and incorporated Kaula physiology but not retain initiatory, mantric, or maṇḍalic practices ([9], pp. 328, 333, 341).

Major Literary Works Starting with the second phase of Kaula reformation, after the crematory practices of the kāpālika sects, Kaula texts and works with Kaula

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influences began to appear in the literary record. Kaula texts focus on the goddess Kuleśvarī, who sometimes appears with Bhairava, surrounded by the eight mātṛs. Works such as the Jayadrathayāmala and Brahmayāmala describe the extreme ritual practices associated with the Kaula. While texts such as the Kulapañcāśika, Kulasāra, Kulānanda, Kaulajñānanirṇaya, Yoginīkula, and Siddhāmṛtakaula clearly state their Kaula affiliation in their names, Śāktaoriented texts of the Tantric Mantramārga, such as the Mālinīvijayottara, demonstrate Kaula affiliation ([6], p. 28). This means a clear demarcation between the Mantramārga and Kulamārga is unclear. There is also a slight problem distinguishing between Kula and Kaula scriptures, which the Kaulajñānanirṇaya describes as distinct but overlapping ([10], pp. 214–110; [11], pp. 679–690). These internal classifications, while important to the texts themselves, overlap enough that modern scholarship has adopted both terms for the same traditions, noting that some texts only have Kaula elements, while others clearly belong to the Kulamārga. Kaula traditions are also sometimes seen as distinct from one another according to the goddess upon whom their rites focus ([12], p. 59). The Brahmayāmala and the later Jayadrathayāmala demonstrate kāpālika borrowings in descriptions of practitioners taking on the attributes and behaviors of a skull-bearing Bhairava. The Brahmayāmala features possession by the mātṛs, who grant supernatural powers ([13], p. 185). Similarly, the Siddhayogeśvarīmata tells of possession by Rudra’s female power, Śakti, and the highest mantra goddess Parā ([13], p. 187). The Brahmayāmala and other texts of the Mantramārga do not describe themselves or even appear to be aware of the Kula scriptural designation ([14], p. 157). Sixty-four yoginīs appear in the Kaulajñānanirṇaya, and the text classifies three types of consorts with whom the practitioner performs sexual rites. These three are the “innate” (sahajā) consort who is one’s own wife; the “clan born” (kulajā), a courtesan; and the “outcaste woman” (antyajā) ([14], p. 159). Abhinavagupta’s Tantrāloka presents an exegesis on Trika philosophy, a system that unifies

Kaula

the teachings on sound of the Spanda, the philosophical explanations of the Pratyabhijñā, and the rituals of the Krama, a subset of the Kaula that features Kalī as its main deity. In the Tantrāloka, Abhinavagupta and the commentator Jayaratha quote Kaula texts such as the Kulakrīdāvatāra, Triśirobhairava, Trikakularatnamālā, Yogasaṃcāra, Trikasāra, Bhairavakula, and Vīrāvalīkula to provide scriptural authority in its Kaula exegesis ([6], p. 29). These quotations of the Kulakrīdāvatāra and other texts are often the only extant sections of the texts known to survive ([6], p. 28). The Ciñciṇāiata speaks of four systems of Kaula teachings. These systems (āmnāya) adhere to the four cardinal directions, east (Pūrvāmnāya), north (Uttarāmnāya), west (Paścimāmnāya), and south (Dakṣiṇāmnāya). Each āmnāya focuses on the worship of a distinct pantheon of deities ([6], p. 28). The Kaula thought expressed in the Mālinīvijayottara and Tantrāloka adheres closely to the Pūrvāmnāya, which appears to be the original form of Kaula worship ([6], p. 28). The redactors of the Mālinīvijayottara appear to synthesize Saiddhāntika and Kaula teachings so that they could be assimilated into the Trika ([15], p. xli). The Paścimāmnāya tradition focuses on the goddess Kubjikā. Texts of the tradition, such as the Kubjikāmata Tantra, draw on Trika scriptures and share with the wider tradition a focus on Navātman, who is both a deity and a mantra ([16], p. 26). Unlike the majority of Kaula texts, the Kulārṇava Tantra places little emphasis on yoginī rites ([14], p. 21).

Practice Initiation (dīkṣā) is the most important rite of the Kaula tradition. It is through initiation that one gains access to the secret teachings and rites of the sect. Once a member, the worshipper can participate in yoginī rites. These include sexual intercourse with a dūtī, the ingestion of bodily substances, and the use of ritually forbidden offerings such as meat and alcohol ([17], pp. 860–861). While the transgressive practices of the Kaula have antecedents in earlier traditions, the Kaulas offer a reform that takes the focus away from

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sexual activity and the consumption of meat and alcohol as the production of powerful substances and moves them toward a means to access an expansion of consciousness through bliss ([11], p. 680). Offerings to the yoginīs became a way for the Kaula practitioner to delight in the senses by fusing himself with the yoginīs. This practice could also take place internally where one visualizes the gratification of the yoginīs through the breath ([11], p. 681). The Pūrvāmanāya Kaula emphasizes spontaneous and intense immersion with Kuleśvara over the elaborate ritual of other Tantric sects. Such practice includes an often passive practitioner whose guru opens his path to salvation, unifies him with the deity, and creates for him a divine body so that he can have a direct experience of the deity ([11], p. 682). Conversely, the Uttarāmnāya invites the practitioner to visualize a complex pantheon of deities, many of whom are characterized by animal faces. Here, sexual practice places the adherent into a state of possession by these deities. This possession offers him access to direct knowledge of the deity and the destruction of his awareness of differentiation ([11], p. 682). Six centers (cakra) along the body, associated with the five elements and the mind, make up the central features of the Paścimāmnāya ([16], p. 3). The initiate performs meditation and yogic practices that focus on the navātma mantra as it moves through the cakras. Meditation on the phonemes of the mantra and the various aspects of the divine allows the practitioner to identify himself with the powers of the deities and to realize the reintegration of consciousness ([16], p. 3). Finally, the Dakṣiṇāmnāya centers on Kāmeśvarī. It teaches erotic magic through the use of cakras and mantras in ritual and meditation ([18], p. 5). The Śrīvidyā or Tripurā tradition is the best known transmission of the Dakṣiṇāmnāya. Like the other traditions of Kaula worship, the Dakṣiṇāmnāya was influenced by Abhinavagupta and the Kashmir Śaiva Trika system ([18], p. 13). This means that much of the epistemological and ontological features of the Kaula are understood and reinterpreted, through the Trika lens. The

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specific deities and practices of the four Kaula traditions demarcate one from another.

Cross-References ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Kashmiri Śaivism ▶ Pratyabhijñā ▶ Śaiva Āgamas ▶ Śākta Āgamas ▶ Tantra ▶ Yoginī

References 1. Timalsina S (2010) Śakti. In: Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism. Brill 2. Sanderson A (2014) The Śaiva Literature. J Ind Stud (Kyoto) 24–25 3. Brunner H, Oberhammer G, Padoux A (2004) Tāntrikābhidānakośa. Verlag 4. Lorenzen DN (1972) The Kāpālikas and Kālāmukhas. University of California Press 5. Samuel G (2008) The origins of yoga and tantra: Indic religions to the thirteenth century. Cambridge University Press 6. Sanderson A (2015) Śaiva Texts. In: Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism. Brill 7. White DG (1998) Transformations in the art of love: Kāmakalā Practices in Hindu and Kaula traditions. Hist Relig 38(4):172–198 8. Timalsina S (2012) Reconstructing the tantric body: elements of the symbolism of body in the Monistic Kaula and Trika Tantric traditions. Int J Hindu Stud 16(1):57–91 9. Mallinson J (2012) Siddhi and Mahāsiddhi in Early Haṭhayoga. In: Jacobson KA (ed) Yoga powers. Brill 10. Sanderson A (1985) Purity and power among the Brahmans of Kashmir. In: Carrithers M, Collins S, Lukes S (eds) The category of the person: anthropology, philosophy, history. Cambridge 11. Sanderson A (1990) Śaivism and the tantric traditions. In: Sutherland S, Houlden L, Clarke P, Hardy F (eds) The world’s religions. London 12. Dyczkowski MSG (1988) The Canon of the Śaivāgama and the Kubjikā Tantras. State University of New York Press 13. Törzsök J (2013) Yoginī possession in early Śaiva tantras. In: Keul I (ed) “Yoginī” in South Asia. Routledge 14. Hatley S (2007) The Brahmayāmalatantra and the Early Śaiva Cult of Yoginīs. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania

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768 15. Vasudeva S (2004) The yoga of the Mālinīvijayottaratantra. Institut Français de Pondichéry, Ecole Française D’Éxtrême-Orient 16. Heilijgers-Seelen D (1994) The system of five Cakras in Kubjikāmantatantra 14–16. Groningen 17. White DG (2008) Tantrism. In: Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Routledge 18. Padoux A (2013) The Heart of the Yoginī: The Yoginīhṛdaya, a Sanskrit Tantric Treatise. Oxford University Press

Kaurava Komal Agarwal Department of English, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

Synonyms Dhārtarāṣṭra Kaurava is a Sanskrit term which refers to the descendants of King Kuru, a legendary king who is the ancestor of many characters in the ancient Indian epic the Mahābhārata. In common parlance, however, Kaurava is used to refer to the elder line of the descendants of Kuru, i.e., the hundred sons of the blind king Dhṛtarāṣṭra. Alternatively, the term Kaurava is also used to refer to the other warriors and armies (who may or may not have been related to the family of the Kurus) who supported the Kaurava camp in the Great War at Kurukshetra. The more popular Kauravas or Dhārtarāṣṭras (literally, the sons of Dhṛtarāṣṭra) are Duryodhana, Duḥśāsana, and Vikarna. The Kauravas also had a sister named Duḥśālā and a half brother named Yuyutsu, thus taking the total number of Kauravas to 102. The epic relates that the Kauravas were the descendants of the demon Pulastya, the grandfather of Rāvaṇa (from another Indian epic, the Rāmāyaṇa). The Kauravas represent the baser pulls and passions of the ego (like lust, greed, hatred, anger, envy, pride, vanity, etc.), which is symbolized by Dhṛtarāṣṭra, their father [1]. Throughout the epic, the Kauravas are shown to be jealous of the Pāṇḍavas (their first cousins), as they find in them strong contenders to the

Kaurava

throne of Hastinapura and therefore resort to underhand means to get them exiled or killed. However, during the Battle of Kurukshetra, the Kauravas stick to the protocol of the war and do not bend the rules of the war for the sake of victory (with the exception of the killing of Abhimanyu, Arjuna’s son), while their “righteous” cousins, who otherwise stuck to the principles of dharma, twist the rules of the war several times to defeat the Kauravas. All the hundred Kauravas are killed in the battle and ascend to heaven and are survived by Yuyutsu and their widowed sister.

The Story of Their Birth The line of King Kuru faces succession crisis several times before the birth of the Kauravas. In order to ensure an able successor to the throne of Hastinapura, Bhīṣma arranges the marriage of Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Gāndhārī when he hears that Gāndhārī has been blessed with the boon of a hundred sons by Lord Śiva. Another version, however, narrates the boon of begetting a hundred sons being conferred on her by Sage Vyāsa after her marriage to Dhṛtarāṣṭra when he is greatly pleased with her hospitality. Consequently, Gāndhārī becomes conceives and stays pregnant for 2 years until, hearing that Kunti has had a son (Yuḍhiṣṭhira), she is enraged and hits her abdomen. Soon after, she delivers a hard lump of lifeless mass. Sage Vyāsa appears and splits it into 100 pieces, which are then reincubated in pots of ghee at his command. At that instant, Gāndhārī expresses the desire to mother a daughter as well. So Vyāsa takes the leftover of the ball of flesh and puts it into another pot of ghee. After 2 more years of patiently waiting, Duryodhana, the first Kaurava, is born. His birth is followed by the birth of 29 other Kauravas and a sister, Duḥśāla. As soon as Duryodhana appears, there are ill omens all around, like the loud howling of jackals. Vidura, Dhṛtarāṣṭra’s youngest half brother (a wise man and Dhṛtarāṣṭra’s counsellor in administration), suggests that the child should be abandoned as the omens at his birth spell doom. But both Dhṛtarāṣṭra and Gāndhārī decide to keep their firstborn.

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On the same day, Bhīma (the second Pāṇḍava) is born to Kunti in the forest and Yuyutsu, another son of Dhṛtarāṣṭra, to Sauvali (Gāndhārī’s maid servant). Yuyutsu was conceived under the fear that Gāndhārī couldn’t produce any children, but because he was begotten by a vaiṣya woman, he could not make any legitimate claim to the throne and would be subjected to constant taunts by the other Kauravas.

Early Life The hundred Kaurava brothers were growing up with a lot of affection, especially from Dhṛtarāṣṭra. All was fine until the five Pāṇḍava brothers came back from the forest to Hastinapura with their mother Kunti after the death of their father, Pāṇḍu. The elders in the court and the people of the city developed great fondness for the Pāṇḍavas because of their well-bred manners and exemplary behavior. Recipients of undivided attention before the arrival of their cousins, the young and notorious Kauravas became increasingly jealous of the Pāṇḍavas. Additionally, the Kauravas had to now share their singular claim to the throne of Hastinapura with their first cousins, which added to their dislike of the Pāṇḍavas. Bhīṣma appointed Kripacharya and Drona as teachers to both the Kauravas and the Pāṇḍavas, who taught them the use of arms and the tricks of warfare. Both Duryodhana and Bhīma learnt mace fighting from Balarāma, the elder brother of Kṛṣṇa. Though the princes grew up playing and learning together, Bhīma would constantly poke fun at the Kauravas and hurt them physically as a child, thus adding to the rancor of the young Kauravas. Duryodhana even tries to get the young Bhīma killed, but he miraculously survives.

Growing Rivalry with the Pa¯ndavas ˙˙ The Kauravas have been described as envious, arrogant, and malignant [1]. The growing bitterness for the Pāṇḍavas in the hearts of the Kauravas is sealed with the crowing of Yuḍhiṣṭhira as the successor of Dhṛtarāṣṭra. Dhṛtarāṣṭra crowns

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Yuḍhiṣṭhira as his heir apparent because Pānḍu had been king and his son, Yuḍhiṣṭhira, was senior to Duryodhana in age. Dhṛtarāṣṭra bypasses his own son’s claim to kingship also because he was under immense pressure from Bhīṣma, who favored Yuḍhiṣṭhira as the king because of his merit, skills, knowledge, and righteous conduct. However, Duryodhana is greedy and far too ambitious and unwilling to accept the dictum of the king and the court. He had never reconciled himself to the bypassing of his father in the line of kingship because of his blindness. Additionally, his maternal uncle Śakuni kept on feeding his narcissistic pride and had pledged to make him the king (due to his hatred toward Bhīṣma arising from an earlier conflict between the two kingdoms). Duryodhana constantly hatches conspiracies to kill the Pāṇḍavas to ensure his ascension to the kingdom. In order to ensure undisputed sovereignty of the Kauravas, Duryodhana arranges to get the Pāṇḍavas out of the way by sending them away to a distant part of the kingdom, secretly planning to get them immolated along with their mother in a palace of lacquer. The plan, however, fails, and the Pāṇḍavas escape to safety. After this episode, the Pāṇḍavas who had been living in disguise jointly marry Draupadī. Dhṛtarāṣṭra, on discovering that the Pāṇḍavas are alive, calls them back to Hastinapura along with Kunti and Draupadī. In the hope of settling the dispute between the cousins, Dhṛtarāṣṭra divides the kingdom, giving the barren half to the Pāṇḍavas, while keeping the more prosperous territory of Hastinapura for his sons. Thereafter, the Pāṇḍavas live independently, carving out a kingdom for themselves. Despite the disadvantages, the Pāṇḍavas work hard, enhance their status through conquests and alliances, rule justly, and build up a grand capital called Indraprastha. Soon they become widely popular and powerful, but this again arouses the jealousy of the Kauravas, especially Duryodhana. Yuḍhiṣṭhira performs the rājasūya sacrifice (the ceremony of coronation) to commemorate his rise to imperial power. Duryodhana, having witnessed the opulence of the ceremony and the powerful political alliances of the Pāṇḍavas, is deeply disturbed and admittedly envious. He

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cannot stomach the fame and endless prosperity of his cousins and also feels insulted when Draupadī laughs at his inadvertent fall in a pool of water. He therefore pledges to avenge himself upon the Pāṇḍavas.

The Dice Game The jealous Duryodhana plots to usurp the other half of the kingdom through a rigged game of dice. In accordance with the plans of Śakuni, Yuḍhiṣṭhira, the Pāṇḍavas, and Draupadī are invited for the game of dice, much against the initial reluctance of Dhṛtarāṣṭra to give the proposed game a go-ahead. As the game proceeds, Śakuni, an expert in the game, throws the dice for Duryodhana, even though Yuḍhiṣṭhira objects to this arrangement. With each move, Yuḍhiṣṭhira loses his possessions, his brothers, and himself to the Kauravas. But in the end, he is challenged by Śakuni to wager his wife Draupadī (who is married to all the five brothers). Thus, Yuḍhiṣṭhira also loses Draupadī to the Kauravas in the last throw of dice. Following the result of the dice game, Duryodhana orders first his messenger and then his brother Duḥśāsana to drag Draupadī (who is now supposes to be “owned” by the Kauravas) to the assembly hall of men. A menstruating Draupadī, with her hair dishevelled and her body draped in a single piece of white cloth, is pulled by her hair into the hall. Draupadī calls out to the elders and the men in the hall to save her from disgrace and the disrobing she was being subjected to by Duḥśāsana, an epitome of wickedness and audacity. Duryodhana and Duḥśāsana are joined by Duryodhana’s friend, Karṇa, in their humiliation of Draupadī. No one in the assembly hall rises up to her call, with the exception of Vidura and Vikarṇa, who are also silenced by the Kauravas. Vikarṇa, one of Duryodhana’s younger brothers, is the only Kaurava who stands up to defend Draupadī after the initial intervention of Vidura, who is conveniently dismissed. Draupadī, who is finally saved from humiliation (either through Kṛṣṇa’s help or by a sense of cosmic justice), announces revenge against the

Kaurava

Kauravas for humiliating her in the assembly hall and their illegitimate claim to the kingdom of the Pāṇḍavas. In a fit of rage, Bhīma vows to kill all the hundred Kauravas and to drink Duḥśāsana’s blood from his chest and wash Draupadī’s untied hair with that blood. While Bhīma takes two oaths, to tear open Duḥśāsana’s chest and drink his blood and to shatter the thigh of Duryodhana (because both of them disrespected Draupadī), Nakula pledges to rid the earth of the Kauravas; Sahadeva takes the oath of killing Śakuni and Arjuna of killing Karṇa. After the eruption of bad omens, however, a frightened Dhṛtarāṣṭra retracts the whole contest and restores the kingdom and the freedom of the Pāṇḍavas. However, Duryodhana summons the Pāṇḍavas again for a second contest, and Yuḍhiṣṭhira loses miserably again, as a result of which the Pāṇḍavas are exiled for 13 years. The dice game foreshadows the apocalyptic war between the Pāṇḍavas and the Kauravas over a claim to the kingdom that is dubious on both sides, based on a highly confused genealogy. From the Pāṇḍava side, the game of dice was an honest one, since they abided by the rules as well as the consequences of the game; from the Kaurava side, however, the game was an utterly dishonest one, since they did neither.

The Failure of the Peace Mission After the successful completion of the 13-year exile, the Pāṇḍavas are denied their rightful half of the kingdom, as Duryodhana refuses to relinquish his control over the kingdom. The Pāṇḍavas negotiate with the Hastinapura court, but Duryodhana refuses to yield any land at all, thus spelling the inevitability of a war. Before the war, even Kṛṣṇa goes as an envoy of peace to the court of the Kauravas in his attempt to persuade them to avoid bloodshed of their own kin. He tries to employ every means possible for reconciliation and avoidance of a bloody war, where warriors would be killing their own kin. He requests Duryodhana to concede only five villages for the five Pāṇḍava brothers, but his proposal of peace is rejected. He even meets

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Kṛṣṇa, a mighty warrior from the side of the Kauravas, and reveals to him the secret of his birth: he is, in fact, the eldest Pāṇḍava, born to Kunti with the sun god, even before the birth of Yuḍhiṣṭhira. But Karṇa refuses to change his allegiance to the Kauravas, especially Duryodhana, since he stood by him in his moment of disgrace.

The Kurukshetra War The Kauravas manage to assemble 11 armies as against 7 of the Pāṇḍavas, Bhīṣma being the commander-in-chief of the Kauravas. The Kauravas have some of the greatest warriors fighting on their side: Droṇa and Kripa (the teachers of the Kauravas), Karṇa, Aśvatthāmā (the son of Droṇa), Jayadratha (the brother-in-law of the Kauravas), Śakuni, and the armies of Kṛṣṇa. Most of them know that the Kauravas are not on the side of righteousness, but they fight nevertheless because they strongly feel that they are bound to the Kauravas by a sense of duty (Drona and Kripa), friendship (Karṇa and Aśvatthāmā), revenge (Drona), self-interest (Śakuni), deceit (Śhalya, a supporter of the Pāṇḍavas), or because of the vow they have taken to protect the throne of Hastinapura (Bhīṣma). Yuyutsu, who had been an informant for the Pāṇḍavas which saved their lives many a times, chooses to fight from the side of the Pāṇḍavas. While the Battle of Kurukshetra is touted as a war between righteousness and evil, the proceedings of the war do not attest to this simplification. Contrary to popular belief, the Mahābhārata War is not a war between good and evil, with Pāṇḍavas on the side of good and Kauravas fighting on the side of evil. Quite unlike their attributes, as well as their conduct in the game of dice, the Kauravas behave more honestly and honorably in the war, following the protocol of the war (except in their killing of Abhimanyu) and never stooping to employ base and ignominious tricks [1]. The Pāṇḍavas, on the other hand, employ deceit at least five times in the war to slay the greatest warriors fighting from the side of the Kauravas (for the fall of Bhīṣma, for killing Droṇa, Jayadratha, Karṇa, and Duryodhana) and emerge

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victorious. The Kauravas turn out to be more manly, courageous, chivalrous, and noble in the war [1]. All the Kauravas except Yuyutsu are killed in the battle and Duḥśālā widowed. Bhīma fiercely kills all the Kauravas. Vikarṇa is the only Kaurava whose death is mourned by Bhīma, since he was a just warrior but fought for Duryodhana only to fulfil his duty. The killing of Duḥśāsana and Duryodhana by Bhīma is very gruesome. The fight between Duryodhana and Bhīma, who were both great mace fighters, is quite aggressive, where both display great skills in warfare. Duryodhana seemed to be invincible and Bhīma seems to be losing, when Kṛṣṇa hints to Bhīma to hit Duryodhana on his waist where he was weak, though hitting below the waist was considered to be a breach of the rules of war. After acting on the tip-off of Kṛṣṇa, Bhīma deals an additional foul blow on the thighs of the dying Duryodhana, quite against the rules of the combat. The epic records that at the moment of Duryodhana’s death, the gods themselves showered flowers on the defeated hero. The Kauravas fought heroically as well as honestly in the war. The single immoral act committed by the Kaurava army (against the protocol of the war) was the killing of Abhimanyu, the 16-year old son of Arjuna and Subhadrā, with six warriors from the Kaurava army pitted against the lone warrior Abhimanyu, who had broken into their battle formation unarmed with the knowledge to come out safely. One cannot afford to lose sight of the fact that the righteous Pāṇḍavas are able to win the war only by resorting to adharma, by employing a series of frauds. Kṛṣṇa confesses to the Pāṇḍavas after Duryodhana’s death that the Kauravas were great warriors and that he had to employ deceit and trickery to ensure that the Pāṇḍavas won and the Kauravas lost the war. The Kauravas were also not all vicious and sometimes behaved in a righteous or exemplary manner. Even Duryodhana displays some virtues, and the text mentions him as a good king, with Bhīṣma referring to him as a hero. Additionally, the good deeds of Vikarṇa and Yuyutsu have already been outlined above.

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Since Kuru, the ancestor of the Hastinapura kingdom, had a boon that anyone of his heirs dying on the land of Kurukshetra would always reach heaven irrespective of his/her deeds, all the Kauravas ascended to heaven after their death.

Survivors and the Aftermath Among the Kaurava warriors, only Aśvatthāmā, his uncle Kripa, and the Yadava warrior, Kṛtavarmā, remain alive, who flee from the Pāṇḍavas and take refuge in a forest. Burning in the fire of revenge, Aśvatthāmā is inspired by the workings of an owl in the forest during the night. He resolves to massacre the enemy forces when they are asleep. He kills Dṛṣṭadyumna, the brother of Draupadī, and all her five sons, along with all their sleeping armies. Kripa and Kṛtavarmā assist him by setting fire to the entire camp. Everyone perishes, except the five Pāṇḍavas, Draupadī, Satyākī (a Yadava warrior), and the charioteer of Dṛṣṭadyumna. The battle books of the epic are followed by the book of women, childless, and widowed, marooned after losing their sons and husbands. The book describes the loud lament of the women who come to the battlefield to look for the corpses of their men, especially the bereaved women from the Kaurava camp. After the war, Gāndhārī, who lost all her sons in the war, curses Kṛṣṇa for his role in the war when he could have prevented the carnage in the first place. The Pāṇḍavas rule over Hastinapura for 35 years before they renounce everything to retire to the Himalayas when they hear the news of the death of Kṛṣṇa, appointing Yuyutsu as the guardian of Parikṣita, Abhimanyu’s son and the future king of Hastinapura.

Cross-References ▶ Bhīma ▶ Bhīṣma ▶ Dhṛtarāṣṭra ▶ Draupadī ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Pāṇḍava

Kauravas

References 1. Sukthankar VS (1957) On the meaning of the mahābhārata. The Asiatic Society of Bombay, Bombay

Further Reading 1. Brodbeck SP (2009) The mahābhārata patriline: gender, culture, and the royal hereditary. Ashgate, Surrey/ Burlington 2. Chaitanya K (1993) The mahabharata: a literary study. Clarion, New Delhi 3. Das G (2009) The difficulty of being good: on the subtle art of dharma. Penguin, New Delhi 4. Hiltebeitel A (2011) Dharma: its early history in law, religion and narrative. OUP, New York 5. Iyengar KRS (1990) The mahābhārata: an epic of universality and deep human concern. In: Dandekar RN (ed), The mahābhārata revisited. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 6. Ramankutty PV (1999) Curse as a motif in the mahābhārata. Nag Publishers, Delhi 7. The Pandavas and Kauravas. In: Indian mirror. http:// www.indianmirror.com/history/mahabharatha/birth-andgrowing-of-pandavas-and-kauravas.html. Accessed 5 Mar 2017

Kauravas ▶ Mahābhārata

Ka¯vērī Rayson K. Alex Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Birla Institute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Praised as South India’s greatest river, Kāvērī is known for its traditional sanctity, fertile agricultural lands, dynastic temples on its banks, and its religious status. It has nurtured a rich tradition of music, art, literature, and architecture [1].

The Demography of Ka¯vērī The primary source of the river Kāvērī is at Talakāvērī in the Kodagu District of Karnataka.

Ka¯vērī

The river which emerges as a spring in Talakāvērī flows southeast through the States of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala [12]. The river with a catchment area of 72,000 km2 generates ten tributary rivers: Hemavati, Shimsha, Honnuhole, Arkavathy, Kabini, Lakshmana Tirtha, Lokapavani, Bhavai, Amaravati, and Noyyal, running to a span of about 765 km [7]. Of the Kāvērī river basin, 41.2% is in Karnataka, 55.5% in Tamil Nadu, and 3.3% in Kerala [8]. There are about six big dams and numerous canals built on the river to control the flow of the water for irrigation and industrial purposes. The first dam to be built on Kāvērī river was the Grand Anicut (in Tamil anai means “to hold” and katta means “something that is built”) near Trichirapalli during the reign of King Karikala in the second century AD [5]. The dam is functional even now and is a spectacle for local people and the tourists alike.

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context of Silappatikaram, where Kovalan and Kannaki spend a part of their life, is by the banks of the river Kāvērī. In Manimekalai, Kāvērī is described as “Sweet Ganga from the heavens! The divine bearer of celestial water” [10]. Kanthapuranam, written by the eighth century poet, Kachiyapper, mentions a different version of the legend [11]. Shivite and Vaishnavite poets like Sambandar, Appar, and Sundarar wrote in the context of Kāvērī. They praised Kāvērī as a Goddess. Sambandar in his Tevaram VII.48.2 writes about the Goddess Kāvērī who is a devotee of Shiva, thus – “O dancer in Pandikkodumudi worshipped by the Kāvērī with the garland of her circling stream! Even if I should forget you, my tongue would still say, Hail Shiva!” [11].

Spirituality and the Ka¯vērī River Ka¯vērī River in Tamil Literature Oral literary traditions have deeper impact on people attached to the river. The legend of Kāvērī is instrumental in such a deeper interconnection between the people living near the river and the river. Kāvērī, also called as Lopamudra, the daughter of Kavera who was a saint, was married to Agasthya muni (Saint Agasthya was a Vedic sage, a Tamil scholar, and a medical practitioner). Agasthya muni has a great reputation among the Tamil people as he is considered the Father of Tamil literature. There are many supernatural myths and stories around Agasthya muni. It is believed that Lopamudra was stored in a vessel. There was an acute famine and drought in the Tamil country at that time. Brahma decided to end the struggle of the people by disguising as a crow. The crow toppled the vessel that was full. Kāvērī flowed out of the vessel as a blessing and relief to the people, putting an end to the famine and drought. The region flourished and prospered with grain and water [9]. Though there are extensive references to Kāvērī in Manimekalai, a specific cultural

Goddess Kāvērī is a symbol of prosperity [6]. The Talakāvērī festival is celebrated in the dense green forests of Kodagu. The flood of water originated from Agasthya’s vessel is celebrated through the Talakāvērī festival. The festival which is celebrated on the 18th day of the month of Aadi (month according to the Tamil Calendar) is called the “Flood of the eighteenth.” People worship the river by lighting special lamps and offer flowers, fruits, and sweets to the river for her blessings and prosperity [2]. Among the several religious sites on the banks of the river Kāvērī, Talakkad and Somnathpur are prominent. Talakad was the capital city of the Ganga rulers from the seventh century onward. The Cholas invaded the region in the eleventh century. The Hoysalas conquered the region and became powerful during the thirteenth century. The Hoysalas, a religious group, were responsible for constructing about 648 temples in the area. Regular sacrifices were held in the temples to receive blessings for the prosperity of the kings and the people [4]. There are various other temples in the banks of the river Kāvērī in the various parts of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

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Kavi Chandidas

The Politics of Ka¯vērī

References

As the river mainly flows through Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, both the South Indian States are engaged in a conflict over the ownership and demand of water. The Kāvērī dispute began in the year 1892 between the Madras Presidency and the Princely State of Mysore [3]. There were contestations between both the States regarding building dams and the distribution of water. In the agreements arrived in 1892 and 1924, it was decided that Tamil Nadu and Puducherry get 75% and Karnataka gets 23%. Post-independence, after the twentieth century, Karnataka refused to supply water to Tamil Nadu as they opposed construction of dams on the river by Karnataka. In 1972 and in 1986, the Central government constituted committees to study the situation and negotiate. The conclusions arrived at were not acceptable to both the State governments. There were riots and protests. There were a few court orders and political interventions but until today the matter is unresolved to the satisfaction of both the stakeholders [3].

1. Arni C, Michell G (1999) From the Western Ghats to the bay of Bengal: the course of the Kaveri. In: Arni C, Michell G (eds) Eternal Kaveri: historical sites along South India’s Greatest River. Marg Publications, Mumbai 2. Bansal SP (2008) Hindu pilgrimage: the Teerthas: a journey through the holy places of Hindus all over India. Hindoology Books, Delhi 3. Cauvery Water War: and where are we now? (2016). http://www.firstpost.com/politics/kaveri-river-waterdispute-when-did-it-start-and-where-are-we-now2992002.html 4. Collyer K (1999) Riverside shrines at Talakad and Somnathpur. In: Arni C, Michell G (eds) Eternal Kaveri: historical sites along South India’s greatest river. Marg Publications, Mumbai 5. Everard M (2013) The hydropolitics of dams: engineering or ecosystems? Zed Books, London/New York 6. Jagannathan M (2005) South Indian Hindu festivals and traditions. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 7. Kaveri River Course (2013). https://www. mapsofindia.com/maps/rivers/kaveri.html 8. Khoshoo TN (2008) Environmental concerns and strategics. APH Publishing, New Delhi 9. Menon I (2013) Rhythms in stone: the temples of South India. Ambi Knowledge Resources Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi 10. Pari (2001) Kaveri. http://kaveri.org/wp/2001/02/ kaveri/ 11. Peterson IV (1999) The Kaveri in legend and literature. In: Arni C, Michell G (eds) Eternal Kaveri: historical sites along South India’s greatest river. Marg Publications, Mumbai 12. Srinivasan AV (2011) Hinduism for dummies. Wiley, Chichester

Conclusion Kāvērī river embraces people and land and provides life and prosperity to various organisms including humans from its origin in Talakāvērī in Kodagu until it joins the Bay of Bengal near Kāvērīpatnam. The religious and literary manifestations make the river a supernatural entity, showering blessings on humans, the earth, and the sky. The twentieth-century Tamil poet Bharatidasan calls the river “Kaviri,” punning on the Tamil word “viri” meaning “to spread.” Along with the poet, let us wish the goddess Kāvērī to keep spreading the fragrance every more: They call her Kaviri because she flows abroad like a blossoming grove, with flowers spraying honey into the sky, and spreading fragrant golden pollen everywhere [11].

Kavi Chandidas ▶ Chandidas

Kevala¯dvaita ▶ Advaita Vedānta

Khanqah ▶ Kabīr

Khasi Religion

Khasi Religion Sujata Miri Department of Philosophy, North Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya, India Indian Council of Philosophical Research, ICPR, New Delhi, India

Definition “Khasi religion” is the traditional religion of the Khasi tribe whose home is the modern state of Meghalaya in the northeast region of India.

Introduction Opinions differ about the origin of the word “khasi.” Some suggest that “kha” means “born of” and “si” refers to “an ancient mother.” Some others suggest that the word “khasi” may have originated from (a) cassia, a particular bay leaf found in the Khasi Hills or (b) from ghas generally meaning grass or (c) from kash a special grass found in the area. Then again, they are said to be an ancient race who could be the descendants of the Khasa tribe of prehistoric times ([1], p. 375). Today Khasi is the name for the people who are the majority inhabitants of the Indian state of Meghalaya, which was carved out of the two hill districts of the United Khasi and Jaintia Hills and the Garo Hills of Assam, in January 1972. They are flanked by the Brahmaputra Valley in the north, Karbi Anglong district in the east, Sylhet district of Bangladesh in the south, and the Garo Hills in the west. Their religion is known as Ka Niam Khasi, although many of them got converted into Christianity after the advent of the British colonizers. The followers of Ka Niam Khasi are known as Sen Khasis.

Origin Myth The beginning of Khasi religion is traced to the myth of origin of the Khasis.

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In the golden age when men and beasts lived together in heaven, the men, popularly called U Hynniew Trep, would come down through a golden ladder to cultivate the earth during the day. They spent their nights in heaven, obeyed God, and were dear to him. A total of 16 huts accommodated the humans in heaven. However, as the story goes, out of the 16, 7 families decided to stay on permanently on earth. They believe that their forefathers were the hynniewtrep hynniewskum which, literally translated, means seven huts – seven clans, who once resided in the house of God (U Blei). They forgot the Creator and, disobeying his orders, cut off the navel string, the bridge between heaven and earth. With time, these seven families increased in numbers and spread out all over the land. When man realized his mistake and asked for God’s forgiveness, God sent down three commandments to the people of the seven huts, saying that if they followed the three commandments they would go to heaven, to join the nine families after death. These were (a) Kamai ia Ka Hok, to earn righteousness; (b) Tip Briew Tip Blei, to know man and to know God; and (c) Tip Kur Tip Kha, to know one’s maternal and paternal kin. Man is required to lead a righteous life by being righteous, thus honoring his reason for living and assuring his ascent to heaven. Also a man does not come alone into the world; he has his clan (kur) to which he belongs. Therefore he is required to know and respect his relations or else God will punish and correct him and his clan.

Supreme Being According to Khasi tradition the highest reality is one supreme being called U Blei, god the creator. He is also the provider (Nongbuh) and the maintainer (Nongsei). Here is an actual prayer to U Blei: Ah Blei Lord the creator of heaven and earth, The giver of all things, structure and form, Health, wealth and wisdom and conquest, The protection from any danger and disgrace, All in all mighty Lord, we bestow ourselves upon Thy good care, all together we thank thee.

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God, Earth, and Man We could say that U Blei, man, and mother earth are the basis of all creation. U Blei produces all things, earth nourishes them, and man completes them. Man is placed at the center between the two powerful forces of U Blei, the maker of seven huts, and mother earth. In some sense man must see himself as central to the play of creation and always try to maintain the balance and harmony that existed between U Blei and earth. He is obliged to maintain equilibrium and reflect the impartiality and justice of God and Nature. Man’s attitude to U Blei is one of reverence, and for the Khasi, his faith awakens in his heart the divine presence of U Blei, his majesty and grandeur.

The Pantheon of Gods However U Blei has no form and is sometimes addressed as U Blei Ka Blei (He God, She God). Other than the supreme reality of U Blei, Khasis recognize a pantheon of gods such as U lei Umtong, the god of water; U lei Longspah, the god of wealth; U lei Muluk or U Leihima, the god of the country; U Leikhyrdop, the god of the village; and many more. These are by and large friendly powers as compared to the evil forces such as Ka Tyrut, the goddess of death; Ka Khlam, who brings cholera; and Ka Duba, who is responsible for causing mankind fever and related diseases.

Nature, Earth, and the Sacred Unlike their neighboring communities, their sacred places are not expressions of manconceived divinity in the form of temples and churches. For the Khasi, because the landscape is sacred itself, it embodies a divinity which it shares with everything that is part of nature, be it human beings, trees, and animals. Hills and mountains are recognized as gods such as U Blei Shillong; the cock, whose crowing brings forth the sun when the earth has been shrouded in

Khasi Religion

darkness, is regarded as the mediator between God and man. As earth holds the forces, rivers, mountains, men, etc., in her lap, she is mother not only to man but also to the natural forces in the sense that she is the source of the entire cosmos. “Ka Meiramew” is the word used to convey this. An important aspect of this emphasis on earth is the Khasi’s ability to identify and commit himself to his land. It is land that protects the spirits of our kin and therefore must in turn be protected. Each person’s self is metaphorically fused with a sense of place and country. One never leaves the place of birth. The spirits of the dead parents, in a Khasi legend, arrive every night from the land of the dead to help sow the seeds in the fields of their newly orphaned children. The spirits thereby show to the loved ones that they are not finished yet and will always be with them. While mother earth remains one of the most revered deities, the tradition sacralizes the forests that lie in the outskirts of most Khasi villages. These sacred forests are viewed as a symbol of U Blei in that their significance lies in containing the unity of all metaphysical and ethical intentions. Logical and aesthetic and legal and social intentions come together in this symbol of the sacred forest. To clarify further, let us say that the forest is not wilderness, and it is the home of plants and animals, birds, and beasts which live in complete interdependence. The rule of law needs no enforcing here; it springs, as it were, from the very being of the forest. And although the forest is not man’s home as well, man’s dependence on it is also near complete. Thus it serves as a constant reminder to man of U Blei’s sustaining and unifying power, of the spontaneity of moral life, and of man’s nearness to U Blei.

Knowledge of Man and Knowledge of God The name given to their religion by the Khasis is Ka Niam Tip Briew Tip Blei – religion of knowing man and knowing god – signifying that there is no special means of knowing U Blei and knowledge of man and god always go together. The word “niam” is derived from the word “nia” which

Khasi Religion

means reason. The belief in reason, which must be at the root of everything that occurs, requires the Khasi to seek it through divination whereby he reads the signs. This is specially done in times of calamity, disease, and other misfortunes. After the cause is found, prayers and sacrifices are offered to god and the ancestors to chase away the evil and seek blessings. Religious knowledge is thus the knowledge that man’s moral life has a rational foundation which derives ultimately from U Blei.

Religion and the Ethical Life The Khasi religion requires that man’s conduct in this world should be based on the principle of ban kamai ia ka hok, to earn righteousness in this world. What is most important for the religious Khasi is not a commitment to a doctrine or dogma but his behavior as a man and how he conducts himself in relation to fellow human beings and to nature. He must lead his life within a framework of rules and duties which are broadly classified as ka hok. The ritual aspect of the religion is captured in the phrase, ka niam ka rukam. Rituals must be observed with stringent correctness. The observances may occur in diverse ways and may even differ from one family to another, but such diversity is part of ka niam itself. What is significant is that Khasi customs and manners are sanctimonious, regulated by religion. Norms that are part of the core religion are so ingrained in Khasi social life that they are followed, even by members of the community who have converted to a religion like Christianity. Clan norms are unexceptionable even for Christians, and rules relating to endogamy prohibiting marriage within the same clan are strictly adhered to by the Seng Khasis as well as Christians. Showing reverence to ancestors and dead persons is an important form of worship observed by all Khasis as it is believed that by offering respect to the ancestors, the living will be protected from evil forces and they will obtain material prosperity. Among the ancestors, preeminence is given to the mother ancestress, Ka Iawbei, from whom the matrilineal Khasis trace their origin;

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U Suidnia, the first maternal uncle; and U Thawlang, the first father of the clan. A profound moral concern is really at the very foundation of their traditional awareness of things. The facts of moral life include not only obligatory rules of conduct but also a conscious pursuit of order, harmony, solidarity, and wellbeing. Indeed while for most of us moral sentiments only concern man’s struggle between selfregarding sentiment and the ideas that present the concern for others, for the Khasi the nonegoistic drives include specific phenomena such as sympathy, love, and respect for nature and natural forces. The natural forces or the gods of the Khasi pantheon in their own way suggest right actions to mankind. They do not preach, yet they set examples which, if received by man, can be proved true in the singleness of his life. In that sense nature is not beyond moral categories; a mountain can inspire respect as also disfavor. One can thus say the following about the Khasi faith: • It is a community-centered religion unlike the so-called world religions. • It has a profound moral core. • The moral universe of the religion embraces all of nature. • To know man is also necessarily to know his inalienably religious core.

Cross-References ▶ Adivasi ▶ Dharma ▶ Environmentalism (Hinduism) ▶ Religion ▶ Nature

References 1. Atkinson ET (1973) The Himalayan Gazetteer, vol II, part 1. Cosmo Publication, Delhi 2. Chowdhury JN (1978) The Khasi Canvas. Shillong 3. Mawrie HO (2010) The Khasi Milieu. Concept Publishing, New Delhi

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778 4. Miri S (1988) Khasi world view. CRRID Publication, Chandigarh 5. Miri S (2010) Ethics and environment, theory and the Adi and Khasi practice. Spectrum Publications, Guwahati, Delhi 6. Seng Khasi Series, No. 2 (1982) Where lies the soul of our race. Ri Khasi Press, Shillong 7. Synrem HK (1992) Revivalism in Khasi Society. Sterling Publisher, New Delhi

Kingship ▶ Cōḻa Dynasty ▶ Pallava Dynasty

Kingship (Hinduism) Nawaraj Chaulagain Religion Department, Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, IL, USA

In traditional Hindu contexts, kingship may be defined as the central institution of the state ruled by or centered upon the person of the king (for a definition and overview of kingship in different societies, see Riccardo [1]). A traditional Hindu society ruled as a kingdom was characterized by a complex and hierarchical internal structure. It often comprised different social classes for which the monarch represented the center or pivot of power and other institutions directly or indirectly helped to consolidate that power. The traditional Hindu kingdom was envisioned as formed of seven limbs (saptāṅga-rājya) – the king, country (land and people), associate ministers, army, fortified towns, treasure, and allies – and in this arrangement, the king was the apex and hub of power of the organic political system. (Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa (VDhP), II. 65.20–22. The seven limbs consist of the king (svāmī), ministers (amātyas), territory and people (janapada or rāṣṭra), fort (durga), treasury (koṣa), force (daṇḍa), and allies (mitra). Śukranītisāra compares these seven components with different organs of the body, i.e., “the

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king is the head, the ministers the eyes, treasury the mouth, the army the mind, forts and territory the hand and feet.” Mehta and Thakkar [2].) Hindu monarchy was a common form of government in South Asia, spanning at least from the Rgvedic time (ca. 1500 BCE) until 2008, when the last kingship was dissolved for a new federal secular order in Nepal. It was often represented by a kṣatriya (a person of the “warrior” class in the traditional fourfold class system consisting of brāhmin, kṣatriya, vaiṣya, and śūdra) class (varṇa) (The term kṣatriya is derived from the word kṣatra, meaning supremacy, power, and dominion. The word first occurs in the RV (I.24.11; IV.17.1), where it refers to the power of the gods, primarily of Indra and Mitra-Varuṇa. In contrast, for the secular ruler and his temporal power, the word rājanya (RV X.90; AV III.3–4) was first used. In later literature, these terms came to be used synonymously [3].), a feature that distinguishes Hindu kingship from the kingship of non-South Asian religious traditions. (Even if not stated explicitly, the kṣatriya varṇa seems to have been desirable for kingship even in Buddhist traditions in India, but it was not an absolute precondition for the king to assume power [4].) Similarly, royal and priestly functions were often differentiated in Hindu kingship, although the king was also enjoined to perform rituals and sacrifices (VDhP. II.65.48) that were traditionally priestly duties and to protect the kingdom by continence, chastity, asceticism and study of the Vedas” (AV II.5.17). (The term used for these religious austerities is brahmacarya, often translated as religious study and self-restraint. Jan Gonda mentions that the Indian ruler was not a priest-king, as the priestly function was taken care of by the priests belonging to the brāhmin class [5].) The priestly function was usually performed by brāhmins (alternatively, brāhamaṇas, priests or, traditionally, the ones who are learned in the Vedas) and sometimes by non-brāhmin priests, but the king also had a role mediating between various parts and interests that made up the social order and that connected the human and suprahuman worlds. Hindu kings were guided by their traditional duties and religious laws (rājadharma), which

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were mainly devised and handed down by brāhmins. (According to P. V. Kane, the rājadharma is said to comprehend within itself “all rules of custom/practice (ācāra), administration of justice (vyāvahāra) and penance (prayāścitta).” Kane [6].) In religious texts, such qualities and qualifications were often desired of a good king: of a noble family; godly, spirited, virtuous, truthful, unfailing in promises, and grateful; broadminded; prompt; powerful enough to control his feudatories; firm in mind; of good fortune; having a council of ministers of great caliber; and desirous of self-discipline (Kane, III, 45). Kane enumerates other qualities as mentioned in different dharma texts (related to customs, duties, laws, and so on), including the ones such as the ability to protect and impart justice, righteousness, (ritual) purity, truthfulness, compassion, impartiality, restraint of the senses, and valor (Ibid., 45–63). The rājadharma (duties of the king) often superceded the king’s temporal authority, influencing, if not always requiring, the king to rule according to the religious codes given in religious texts and traditions. The king’s religious, judicial, executive, and military power was symbolically represented by the royal staff (daṇḍa), and effecting royal policy through the skillful use of this authority (staff) was recommended for maintaining law and order. Hindu texts emphasize the need of a strong king to enforce law and order, and it is for this reason that the kings were theoretically desired from the warrior class although this was not an absolute precondition. The king is, therefore, referred to with such epithets: of long arms (dīrghabāhu), mighty arms (mahābāhu), a supporter (foundation) of the kingdom (rāṣṭrabhrt), and a worshiper of what is worshipable (pūjitapūjaka) (Gonda, Ancient, 5–6, 15). In fact, punishing wrongdoers, honoring the righteous, and protecting the people are among the most important duties traditionally expected of the king. Indeed, it is stated in Hindu religious literature that the gods and kings who possess the means of punishment are honored and those who do not are not worshiped (VDhP. II.70.12; Manu VII.14–32). The kings are also asked to engage in the “righteous war” (dharmayuddha) and employ

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the (traditional) methods such as conciliation (sama), offering material wealth for negotiated settlement of disputes or inducement (dāna), dissension or subversion (bheda), and force or violence or deterrent action (daṇḍa), and these methods were recommended in order of importance and necessity: if sama does not work, then dāna; if dāna does not work, then bheda, and if none works then daṇḍa. Other methods such as deceit (māyā) and jugglery (indrajāla) are also recommended in warfare (Kauṭilya, Arthaśāstra, IX). Hindu religious texts emphasize the need for establishing the harmony of the kingdom with the visible and invisible powers of the universe in order to ensure the welfare and prosperity of the nation. These texts envision the king as a mediator between nature and society, and the king’s office is similarly entrusted with many religious responsibilities because the fate and prosperity of the nation are understood to depend on the personality and actions of the king: “As is the king, so are his people” (Mbh II.8.32); “Where the ideal king lives, the people are prosperous, cheerful, healthy, pure in conduct, expert in works; there the sacrifices are performed and the clouds always pour waters” (Mbh IV.28.15). (Gonda, Ancient, 7. These and other quotes from the Mahābhārata are directly adapted from Gonda’s Ancient Indian Kingship.) Likewise, the fitness of the ruler and his dharma-based conduct are required for rainfall and fertility: “Indra, seeing that all the kṣatriya sovereigns ruled their kingdoms very virtuously, poured down vivifying showers of rain at the proper time and at the proper place, and thus protected all creatures” (Mbh. I.64.16). The texts also enjoin that the dharma-observing king is qualified for deva-ship or god-hood (Mbh XII.90.3), and conversely, the transgression of dharma (ritual, ethical, and so on) by the king is said to lead to drought and suffering (Mbh III.110.42). (The text also mentions that the rain can cease if the priest makes mistakes in the ritual performance. Therefore, the proper functioning of nature, including rainfall, depends on the virtues of the king and his purohitas (personal priests). Also, Gonda, Ancient, 8.) The Laws of Manu, for example, states that if the king and his priests act

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well (including offering proper ritual sacrifices to the deities), happiness and prosperity will prevail in the kingdom; if he does not act well and commits evil or sins, he becomes the root cause of people’s suffering. The king is also responsible for the correct worship of deities such as Indra and Varuṇa because these deities hold the scepter (daṇḍa) even over kings (Manu 9.245), as the king reigns over his people. The king is also envisioned as morally responsible to the deities and various orders of supernatural beings, and his behaviors are related to four different spans of time (ages): whatever happens in the kingdom is understood as directly correlated with, and even dependent on, the actions of the king (Manu IX. 303–325). In order to sustain their kingdoms, the kings used to involve in grand religious ceremonies, such as rājasūya, aśva-medhā, vājapeya, aindrī-mahābhiṣeka, and punarābhiṣeka, which were most possibly developed by brahmins living in the upper Gaṅgā Valley probably during the later Vedic age (ca. 1000–600 BCE) for the purpose of investing the king with a halo of divinity and supernatural power (Yamazaki, 32). In the Brahamaṇa texts, many royal rituals that invested the king with divinity were fully elaborated. Doniger argues that the extensively elaborated kingship during this period required “more extravagant sacrifices, which in turn required still more wealth” [7]. These kingship rituals “responded to a perceived need for an outward justification of the power exercised by “emerging kingdoms with their increasingly stratified societies, their multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multiracial population” (Ibid, 138). However, the kingship did not sustain itself with ritual authority alone, as it also other sources of authority, such as the army and the tax collectors (Ibid, 140). Doniger notes that the expanded rituals were much more expensive than simple coronations, which created the animosity between rulers and priests that is so central to the history of Hinduism, described by Heesterman as the “inner conflict of tradition” (Ibid, 140. Heesterman [8]). This partly explains why the Hindu texts do not have a uniform view of the divinity of the king and kingship. Moreover, it is also argued that the

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brāhmaṇic worldview regarding divine kingship declined precipitously with the rise of heterodox religions during the post-Vedic age (ca. 600–320 BCE). However, after the Maurya Empire (ca. 340–181 BCE), there was a revival of brāhmaṇism; the Laws of Manu preached the deification of kings from the standpoint of this orthodoxy. About the same time, the Kuṣāṇas (ca. 30–230 CE) introduced the worship of both reigning and deceased kings, which culminated in the reign of the Guptas, under which the orthodox view of the divine kingship was further advanced [9]. The divine kingship is a marked and consistent theme across Hindu myths and legends. In Hindu religious literature, the origin of kingship has been attributed to god(s), yet there are significant discrepancies and variations in these myths. The concept of the divine kingship appears in two distinct but related forms: kingship among gods and among human beings. Regarding the kingship among the gods, we have narratives, mainly of the Vedic deities Soma, Indra, and Varuṇa; with regard to the notion of the human kingship, the king is regarded as an embodiment of various divinities or as a manifestation of god himself. This mythic conception of the divine kingship through which the Hindu kings seemed to have ruled in different times is one of the distinguishing marks of Hindu history, although some scholars argue that the doctrine of the king’s rule by virtue of his divinity is not characteristic of the Vedic state [10] and that the Hindu kings never claimed divine origin (Ibid, 289). The myth of the divine origin of the human king is implied in the Ṛgveda (4.42.9) [9, 11], where king Trasadasyu is called a “demigod” and regarded, as his name suggests, as the “slayer of the foeman”; in the Ṛgvedic hymn, this mythological king is said to have been granted to the people by the Ṛgvedic gods Indra and Varuṇa (Ṛgveda, IV. 42. 9). The Vedic texts suggest that the internal and external migrations of Indo-Āryan people (such as the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanas, Śivas, Viṣāṇins, Pūrūs, Aṇus, Druhyus, Yadus, Turvaśas, Bhratas or Tritsus, and Uśīnaras) to the Sapta Sindhu area occurred sometime around 1600 to 1400 BCE (Questions about when and

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from where the Indo-Aryan communities entered the Sapta Sindhu are contentious.) and that they seemed to have joined together to fight the Dasyus already living there in cities and forts. However, this might just be a speculation and not a historical fact or metaphorical of the coming together of different types of communities in the past. (The formation of several Indo-Āryan communities into one or absorbing various communities into others is another debatable issue. However, there are examples in the Vedas regarding a loose association between the Aṇus and Druhyus, an alliance between the Turvaśas and Yadus, and a unity between the Pūrus and their former rivals the Bhāratas (both tribes merged into the Bhāratas’ close connection with the Śriñjayas). For more details, see Sinha’s [12]). The Vedic king was presented in the Vedic texts as a leader in war and a sacker of forts. He seems to have been elected, at least theoretically, by a body of people (In Ṛgveda, X. 124, 128, and in 173.1, we are told that viś chose the king, while Atharva-Veda III. 5–7 mentions that a group of men called the kingmakers – rājakṛt, the grāmaṇī, etc., chose the king. H. N. Sinha mentions that in the early Vedic age, the king was chosen by the people, but as the age advanced and states were formed and governments organized, the king was first chosen by the rājakṛtas and then accepted by the people (22).), but it is difficult to say whether he was actually elected or whether his newly gained status was just confirmed by some kind of royal assembly. Regardless, he was definitely the military leader (Ṛgveda, III. 43, 5) and was charged with such duties as protecting the people (Ibid, IV, 50, 59) while also acting as a judge and employing spies for the preservation of order in the kingdom (Ibid, I. 25.13; IV. 4. 3; VI. 67.5). Although mythical details cannot be regarded as historical facts, we are comparatively on a firmer ground after Aśoka’s reign. The inscriptions of Aśoka’s time (regnal, ca. 268–232 BCE) show that he was called devanām priya (beloved of the gods), and the Kuṣāṇa emperors, such as Kaniṣka, styled themselves as devaputra (son of god). Kaniṣka was also called the mahārāja, rājādhirāja, and devaputra (the great king, the king of kings, the son of Heaven) (Sinha, 238.

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Cf. Taxila Silver Scroll Inscription Ind., vol. II; I., 77). Similarly Vasudeva, the last of the powerful Kuṣāṇas, assumed the title of devaputra (Sinha, 238). This phenomenon was not confined to India alone. Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, for example, traced their descent from gods and goddesses. Alexander was deified during his lifetime in 324 BC by the Greek world, and Caesar’s image was carried among those of the immortal gods [13]. The inscriptions of the Gupta period (ca. 300 CE to ca. 647 CE) record that the Guptas were paramabhāgavatāh (the devout Vaiṣṇavites) and most of them record devotion either in honor of Viṣṇu or Śiva. From the Guptas up to Harṣa (ca. 590–647 CE), the independent kings who rose to prominence never failed to take the title of parameśvara (the supreme lord), mahārājādhirāja (the supreme king of kings), and paramabhaṭṭaraka (the most worshipful master) ([14], 1, 4, 5, 10, 12, 13; 32, 40; Sinha, 295). Samudra Gupta in the Allahabad praśasti (edict) has been called a “mortal only in celebrating the rites of the observances of mankind, but otherwise a god dwelling on earth” (Ibid, vol. III, no. 1.). The Siwani copper plate inscription tells us that Pravarasena I, the founder of the Vākāṭakas, performed the horse sacrifice before the time of the Guptas (Ibid, vol. III, no. 56.). During the Gupta period, Samudra Gupta became “the restorer of the ritual of horse sacrifice (Aśvamedha)” (Ibid, vol. III, nos. 4, 10, 12, 13, and 60; Sinha, 301.), and his grandson Kumāra Gupta also celebrated it [15]. These examples affirm that the kings were deified and they illustrate how their positions were elevated through periodic sacrificial rituals. The mythologies surrounding the concept of the divine personhood of the king are fully documented and preached in the epic, purāṇic and smrti, texts. (The quotes on the divine king and kingship are from Upendra Ghoshal’s A History of Indian Political Theories (reprint 2013) and The Beginnings of Indian Historiography and Other Essays (1944).) Although we do not know the exact history of these texts or the historical situation in which they were composed, there may have been a brāhmaṇic revival after

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the Mauryan Empire (ca. 323–185 BCE), for example, during the Śunga period (ca. 185–78 BCE) and afterward, which further developed the concept of the divine king and kingship. In the writings of this period, myths regarding the divinity of the king(s) were extensive and repetitive. Varying mythical interpretations tell of the supernatural origins of monarchs. In the Aitereya Brāhmaṇa, Soma was elected as king to fight the demons (AB, I. 14). This myth of the election of Soma as the king is intriguing, for it hints at the battle between those who possessed Soma (i.e., Indo-Āryan and “others”); in Taittirīya and Satapatha Brāhmaṇas (TS, II.4.2.1; Satapatha Brāhmaṇa, II.4.2), it is Prajāpati who gave the gods Indra as their king; in the Laws of Manu and Śukranītisāra (Manu, VII.3-4; Śukranītisāra, I.71), an unnamed creator provided a king for the protection of the world; in the Mahābhārata (Śāntiparvan, 59), Viṣṇu created the king out of his own mind; and, again, in the Mahābhārata (Śāntiparvan, 67.4), Brahmā appoints Manu as king. Some of these mythic tales (ŚB, III.4.2) indicate the election (not the divine creation) of the king prior to any divine role or intervention. Even in the case of the divinely ordained or divinely manifested king, versions differ about how many gods were actually manifested in the making of the kings, and the answer varies from one god to nine gods to all the gods, depending on the text. Further, the notion of the gods’ “portions” as manifested in the king is interpreted both literally and metaphorically. The Laws of Manu (VII.3-4) and Śukranītisāra (I.71), for example, stress that the god created the king for the protection of this world, which was otherwise chaotic and frightening without a ruler. The Laws of Manu and other religious texts also count the gods embodied in the person of the king differently: one, five, seven, nine, or sometimes all of them. Sometimes the names of the gods are considered metaphorical, and at other times they are taken literally. The Laws of Manu, for instance, states that the king was created by god out of the eternal elements of Indra, Vāyu, Yama, the Sun, Fire, Varuṇa, the Moon, and Kubera (Manu, V. 96; VII. 3–5) and

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that the king existed for the exaltation of the brāhmins and the Veda and for the protection of castes and traditional orders (Manu, VII. 35, 82, 133–134). Similarly, the Agnipurāṇa (226.17-20) mentions that nine deities operated through the actions of the king: the Sun, the Moon, Vāyu, Yama, Varuṇa, Agni, Kubera, the Earth, and Viṣṇu. According to Nāradasmrti (5. 20-31), it is really Indra who moves about in the form of the king, though kings exercise the functions of five deities – Agni, Indra, Somā, Yama, and Kubera (5. 26-31). The Markaṇḍeyapurāṇa (27.21-26) mentions the same five deities forming the person of the king. The Bhāgavata Purāṇa (IV.14.26-27) states that Viṣṇu, Brahmā, Śiva, Indra, Vāyu, Varuṇa, and other gods exist in the body of the king and that the king comprises parts of all gods. In many texts, the king and Viṣṇu are connected. For example, the Rāmāyaṇa (III.1.18-19, VII.76.3745), the Mārkaṇḍeyapurāṇa (24.23-28), and the Viṣṇudharmottara Purāṇa (II.2.9) mention that the king is the living incarnation of Viṣṇu. Likewise, the Vāyupurāṇa (57.72) remarks that in all past and future mānavatāras, universal emperors (cakravartin) were born on the earth with parts of Viṣṇu himself. The Mahābhārata presents two distinct mythic narratives of the origin of kingship, one contractual and another divine. Chapter 67.4 of the Mbh, for example, states that it is not the gods but the people who first made a compact among themselves and selected their king. On the other hand, the text also describes the creation of human kings by Viṣṇu. In Chapter 59 of the Mahābhārata, Bhiṣma paints a picture of an original state of human and divine society as innocent and governed by dharma – not at all the original states as narrated in the Laws of Manu. According to Bhiṣma (Mbh), human society, with its castes, was under perfect control, and the Vedas were regarded as supreme. There were neither kings nor kingdoms, neither chastisers nor punishment, and everything operated through the rule of dharma. Gradually, delusion and selfish attachment arose, and then greed, sexual desire, and passions ruled the lives of the people, leading them to disregard the dharma and the Vedas. In

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response, Viṣṇu restored the dharma and the rule of law by creating kings on earth. The six kings, beginning with Virājas, who supposedly proceeded from Viṣṇu’s mind did not, however, become successful; three of them were too ascetic, while the other three were too material to be ideal kings. Finally, the seventh in descent was Pṛthu. He was established by Viṣṇu and successfully ruled through divine kingship. The king is not always blindly glorified in these Hindu texts. Even those that promulgate the notion that the king is divine emphasize righteousness, stating that the unrighteous (adharmic) king is actually composed of parts of the demons (perhaps suggesting that the king incorporates both the divine and the demonic) and should be abandoned. Hindu religious texts are very practical, not just idealistic, and they also portray the king and his office in negative terms, and they equate the evil nature of the kings with crimes, brothels, slaughterhouses, and natural disasters because of the power and authority inherent in traditional kingship and possibility of the misuse of such powers in the hands of the bad kings (Quoted in J. C. Heesterman, The Inner Conflict of Tradition, 109). Hindu kings ruled thousands of years as independent rulers in the Indian sub-continent (bhāratavarṣa). In India, this was the case at least until the medieval times, after which some rulers were independent, mainly in southern India, while others were subsidiary and semiindependent, with the last powerful king Śivājī (regnal, 1674–1680 CE) successfully fighting the colonial powers and claiming Hindu and Indian independence. Some of the notable Hindu dynasties and empires in India include the Guptas (ca. 320–550 CE), the Cholas in Tamil Nadu (ca. 848–1279 CE), and the Vijayanagara Empire (ca. 1336–1646 CE). However, the story was different in Nepal, where from the earliest recorded history, hundreds of rulers belonging to different dynasties such as the Kirāta (early CEs), the Licchavī (ca. 300 to 879 CE), Malla (ca. 1200–1769 CE), and Śāh (1769–2006) ruled. The Malla Hindu kingship was notable for the promotion of art, literature, architecture, temples, and traditional Hindu

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festivals and ceremonies, with their cities constructed in various maṇḍala (geometric diagram) forms, while the Śāh Hindu kingship was increasingly projected and glorified in the contexts of the Mughal and British colonialism in India, presenting the Nepalese landscape as sacred and untouched by the colonial encroachment and thus most suitable for the Hindus to reside and its king most sacred. However, after the mysterious palace massacre of 2001, in which most of the royal family members of king Bīrendra were killed purportedly by the prince Dīpendra, and subsequent enthronement of Bīrendra’s younger brother Gyānendra Bīr Bikram Śāh (2001–2006), the Nepalese Hindu kingship could not sustain itself, despite more than 80% Nepalese being Hindus, leading to its suspension in 2006 and eventual dissolution in 2008 and introduction of the secular federal democratic order in the country.

K References 1. Riccardo G (2005) Kingship: an overview. In: Lindsay J (ed) Encyclopedia of religion (trans: Ellis P). The Thomson Corporation, Detroit, pp 5154–5161 2. Mehta U, Thakkar U (1980) Kautilya and His Arthaśāstra. S. Chand & Company Ltd, New Delhi, p 21 3. Stutley M, Stutley J (1984) Harper’s dictionary of Hinduism: its mythology, folklore, philosophy, literature, and history. Harper & Row, San Francisco, p 153 4. Yamazaki G’i (1999) Kingship in Ancient India as described in literary sources and inscriptions. In: Karashima N (ed) Kingship in Indian history. Manohar Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi, p 18 5. Gonda J (1966) Ancient Indian Kingship from the religious point of view. E. J. Brill, Leiden, p 71 6. Kane PV (1930–62) History of Dharmaśāstra, Ancient and Medieval religious and civil law, vol III. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, p 3 7. Doniger (2009) The Hindus: an alternative history. Penguin Group, New York, p 138 8. Heesterman JC (1985) The inner conflict of tradition: essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship, and Society. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago/London 9. Witzel M (2005) The Vedas and the Epics: some comparative notes on persons, lineages, geography, and grammar. In: Koskikallio P, Jezic M (eds) Epics, Khilas, and Purāṇas: continuities and ruptures. Croatian Academy of Sciences and the Arts, Zagreb, p 22 10. Ghosal U (1959) A history of Indian political ideas. Oxford Universal Press, Bombay, p 285

784 11. Jamison SW, Witzel M (2003) Vedic Hinduism. In: Sharma A (ed) The study of Hinduism. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia, p 65 12. Sinha’s HN (1938) Sovereignty in Ancient Indian polity: a study in the evolution of early Indian State. Luzac & Co, London 13. D. M. Lewis, eds., et al., The Cambridge ancient history, 2., vol. VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 433. 14. Fleet JF, Narain AK (1970) Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (CII), vol 3. Indological Book House, Varaṇāsi 15. Smith VA, Edwardes SM (1924) The early history of India. Clarendon Press, Oxford, p 299

Kirtan in North America David T. Schmit Interdisciplinary Studies, St. Catherine University, St. Paul, MN, USA

Synonyms Bhajans; Chanting; Japa; Mantras

Definition Kirtan is a form of sacred communal chanting set to music. The term first appears in the Vedas, indicating that forms of the practice are as old as Hinduism. In translation, kirtan connotes recitation, storytelling, or religious performance. In traditional Hindu settings, it is often practiced as a call and response chanting style with a singer leading and an assembly providing the response. As a form of sacred music, kirtan is linked to bhajans, which are songs and hymns with multiple verses. Japa, a religious practice that involves contemplatively repeating a mantra or an invocation of a favorite deity also shares similarities with kirtan. A compelling feature of kirtan is that it has found an audience far beyond the shores of the Indian subcontinent among people who were not born Hindu and would not necessarily consider themselves Hindu either. This gives kirtan a

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transnational and transreligious quality. A major destination for this diffusion of Hindu religious music is North America.

The Rise of Bhakti The popularity of kirtan as a religious music is closely associated with bhakti, the path of the liberation of the soul through love and devotion for God. Bhakti first appeared in South India in the seventh and eighth centuries and then spread to other parts of the country. Historians debate about whether or not bhakti was a popular religious movement [7]. Many scholars would agree, however, that bhakti’s “golden age” ran from the fourteenth through the sixteenth centuries when the legendary Bhakti saints lived: Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai, Tulsidas, Chaitanya, and several others [8]. The Bhakti saints are responsible for some of the highest expressions of Hindu devotion, including a stream of literature, poetry, bhajans, and chants that have profoundly shaped India’s religious-music sphere. Kirtan is so intertwined with bhakti, that to separate the two would deprive kirtan of its meaning and purpose. Singing kirtan and bhajans and performing japa are central practices for sects dedicated to the different pan-Hindu deities, including Rama, Sita, and Hanuman, Krishna in his several embodiments, Shiva, Durga, Kali, and Ganesh. Kirtan plays a central role in Sikhism as well. Historians claim that bhakti’s infusion permanently transformed Hinduism, making it a much more accessible religion of the people, infusing it with a lively spiritual music and advancing powerful communal forms of worship [8].

Hinduism’s Transnational Flow Kirtan is part of a set of Hindu philosophical, spiritual, and cultural ideas, practices, and objects that have flowed out of the Indian subcontinent to different parts of the globe. Vedanta, the philosophy of the transcendent atman, the journey of the soul, karma and reincarnation, the Bhagavad Gita, yoga and meditation, mantras, chakras, kundalini, liberation and enlightenment, and the stories of

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awakened holy people are all part of this transnational movement. Flow suggests seepage across permeable cultural boundaries. Traditional labels and prescribed practices become increasingly difficult to manage under these conditions. Along those porous edges, creative space opens up for hybridization between two cultural traditions. That is the case with kirtan in North America (The yoga postures are similarly positioned). By the twentieth century, this flow had reached Europe, South Africa, North and South America, Australia, Russia, and Japan where it found audiences among academics and those disaffected with or who were reaching beyond the religion of their birth. The role the Indian diaspora has played in this global diffusion is not well understood. How have temples and their attendant Indian immigrant communities in North America contributed to this transnational, transreligious flow of Hinduism to non-Hindus interested in its offerings? The prevailing view is that the spread of kirtan to North America was spearheaded by two groups: Hindu missionaries and yoga teachers who traveled to the West, and North Americanborn seekers who traveled to India in search of wisdom and enlightenment [6]. The first Hindu missionaries to teach in the West brought the philosophy of bhakti with them. The monks of the Vedanta Society [18] and later Paramahamsa Yogananda (1893–1952) loom large in these early missionary days. Yogananda, who was a fine musician and a superior bhakti-yogi, arrived in the USA in 1920 and spent nearly four decades teaching there [17, 20]. Among his publications is Cosmic Chants, a book of his original compositions in English with translations of traditional Hindu chants rendered in Western musical notation [21]. In a legendary concert at Carnegie Hall in 1926, before 3000 people, he reportedly chanted his English translation of Nanak’s Hey Hari Sundara (Oh God Beautiful) for nearly 90 min. With the loosening of US immigration restrictions in 1965, the number of Hindu missionaries arriving in North America swelled. The Swamis Satchitananda (1914–2002), A.C. Bhaktivedanta Prabhupada (1896–1977), Muktananda (1908–1992), and the yogis Baba Hari Das (1923– ), Amrit Desai (1932– ), and Yogi Bhajan

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(1929–2004) were part of the first wave of arrivals. All carried the message and practice of bhakti yoga to their North American audiences. The other group responsible for this transcontinental flow of Hinduism was Western-born seekers who sojourned to India in search of spiritual truth and enlightenment. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, theosophists, spiritualists, and “world religion” advocates led the way [1, 19]. By the 1950s, a number of American academics and literary “Beats” traveled to India and returned to extol the treasures of Hindu philosophy and spirituality to their respective North American communities. By the 1960s and 1970s, a far larger group of dissenters from conventional Judeo-Christian belief were in the vanguard. This included hippies and others in exodus from Western mores and sensibilities which they deemed overly materialistic. In their “journeys to the East” – as these travelers often represented them – the cultivation of an interior life via a psycho-spiritual search was exalted. Yoga, meditation, and Vedanta-inspired philosophy found audiences among the North Americans and Europeans of this mindset [6]. In this regard, the former Harvard psychologist, turned psychedelic researcher, turned spiritual teacher Ram Dass (Richard Alpert, 1932– ) has been influential [3, 16]. In their travels through India’s ashrams and temples, these seekers encountered their first kirtan, absorbed the philosophy of bhakti, and put to memory the chants they heard. Upon their return, they shared what they learned with others. By the mid-1970s, there was a small cadre of musicians and musically inclined bhakti-yoga lovers who were learning the chants and performing them in North America. By the 1990s, religious scholars were identifying a growing contingent of North American believers who categorized themselves as “spiritual-but-not-religious.” This group claims their relationship with God is important in their lives, but their faith is not attached to any one religion [5]. Within the pluralistic spaces where they operate, yoga and meditation have become valued practices. Concurrent with these historic developments in North American religious life has been the phenomenal growth of health and

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wellness lifestyle culture, with its fascination for yoga and meditation. Due to these two developments, the size of the North American audience for yoga postures has boomed in the last two decades. Estimates point toward over a billion dollar a year industry with up to ten million practitioners. Among this “spiritual-but-not-religious group” and the new yoga, health, and wellness converts are people open to other features of India’s spiritual heritage, including kirtan. In terms of the demographics, this group is broadly middle class, and women substantially outnumber men. People of white, Euro-American descent dominate, but the rest of the continent’s racial mix is represented there, albeit far less frequently. The overall numbers of practitioners of kirtan in North America, however, are small compared to the many millions involved in the practice in India. Kirtan shares some similarities with AfricanAmerican gospel music. Both traditions value communal song and chant and often feature calland-response style congregational singing. Both feature catchy rhythms and easy to learn melodies. Theologically speaking, both are considered exemplars of the “religious enthusiasms,” a way of approaching the Divine through human emotion and longing. Both celebrate the love and joy that comes from believers’ spiritual music making. What distinguishes North American kirtan from gospel, however, is that it has recently hopped continents and cultures. Musical hybrids are surfacing in it which elude easy categorization. In some circles, it is labeled “New Age music.” In others, it is considered “yoga music.” Given the experiential communal chant character of kirtan, however, it defies either label. Since it is relatively new on the North American religiousmusic scene, there is curiosity about what will become of it, because it is unlike anything else in the continent’s musical polyglot.

Four Characteristics of Global BhaktiKirtan Culture Given this global diffusion, a reasonable question is: what are the common features of Indian bhakti-

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kirtan culture that have been retained as it has diffused to points beyond India? Four features stand out. The Power of the Name The Bhakti saints infused chanting the name of God (nam) with a transcendental power. Chanting with great devotion cleansed the soul of all that stood as an obstacle to union with the Divine. Moksha (liberation) was available to the devotee who chants the name with complete surrender and love for their beloved God or Goddess. Stories of the Bhakti saints recount people absorbed in intense states of communion with the Divine while they were chanting. Some were swept up in a bhava – an ecstatic emotional mood – that could last for days. These aspirations and sensibilities have taken up residence among the practitioners of kirtan in North America. The hope of being drawn into states of spiritual bliss lures people to the practice. A Movement of the People In the hands of the Bhakti saints, spiritual liberation was made available to all, regardless of sect, creed, caste, or gender. To this day, a distinctive egalitarian culture surrounds bhakti and the practice of kirtan. Everyone is welcome to join into what believers hold is an open path to communion with God. Such a view holds great appeal for the democratic people of the West. As if taking a cue from this openness, women kirtan leaders are a growing presence in North American kirtan. Running parallel with this egalitarianism, the bhakti movement has often fostered a populist disdain for religious formalities. Kabir, one of the most loved of the Bhakti saints, was an outspoken rebel against religious orthodoxy. This spirit of dissent finds many admirers in the West as well, where a long history of protest against religious orthodoxy exists. Certainly, there are numerous bhakti-inspired groups where traditional guru-disciple obedience is expected. Yet within and around this tradition is a less structured kirtan culture that rejects religious formalisms and celebrates the personal pursuit of union with God.

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Accessible Language and Music The Bhakti saints typically sang their songs and chants in the linguistic and musical vernacular. The familiar folk music idioms, melodies, and rhythms made it accessible for people from all walks of life. That is contrary to classical music – both Indian and Western – which requires a more sophisticated musical ear to appreciate and an even greater skill to perform. There are customary tempo changes in a kirtan chant which are also easily transferred across continents and cultures, as well. Chants often start slow, not unlike the alap of a traditional Hindu raga, and then pick up speed, rising to a rapid rhythm before slowing down. The contemplative character of the music and the idea that more chanting yields greater spiritual benefit mean that it is not uncommon for a chant to go on for 20 min or longer. Linguistically, North American kirtan usually involves repeating over and over again just a few names of Hindu deities combined with some words of praise in Sanskrit or Hindi. The chants are usually so simple, that people of varied linguistic backgrounds can learn and enjoy them in their first sitting without a lot of effort. That certainly is the case for the North Americans who have come to love kirtan. The emphasis is not on linguistic or musical sophistication but on the quality of spiritual communion the chanting invokes. Indeed, most of the kirtan being performed in North America is not played by professional musicians, but amateurs who have sufficiently mastered an instrument to provide accompaniment to kirtan’s communal singing. The Harmonium Musical genres are oftentimes closely associated with a specific musical instrument, for example, rock and roll and the electric guitar, polka and the accordion, Christian church hymns, and the pipe organ. Kirtan’s special instrument is the harmonium and its sound is one of the most recognizable features of this music. Nearly all the highly regarded kirtan-wallahs (kirtan leaders) accompany their singing with it. The instrument is a descendant of the European pump organ, a brass-reed instrument with a keyboard and bellows that was brought to India by Anglican

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missionaries in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Indian instrument makers adapted it for their use by removing the legs and attaching the bellows to the back of the instrument so the musician could sit cross-legged and perform. The harmonium is portable and easy to play, which has served kirtan’s accessibility. There is now a small industry importing harmoniums from India for North American lovers of kirtan. After the harmonium, hand drums of Indian, Middle Eastern, or African origin are the preferred instruments of accompaniment. One of the distinctive changes going on in North American kirtan is the use of the guitar. In some events, it is supplanting the harmonium.

A Continuum of Practice Kirtan in its global context can be distinguished by how closely the players hew to or stray from traditional Hindu musical norms and styles. This can be understood as a continuum with strict adherence to traditional Hindu styles on one end, and a more open-ended musical and religious hybridism on the other. Does the kirtan leader and the musicians try to emulate tradition as perfectly as possible? Or do they try to meld their kirtan with the musical idioms of their own country? Does the leader hew closely to traditional Hindu religious sensibilities? Or does he or she calibrate its appeal to the psycho-spiritual needs of his or her countrymen and women? The nonHindu born kirtan players of the world, whether they are from Brazil, the USA, Canada, or Germany, must face this question. Two major North American groups illustrate this continuum of practice. One cannot write about the global flow of kirtan without mentioning A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada, the premiere missionary of Gaudiya Vaishnavism in the twentieth century. The International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON), founded by Prabhupada in New York in 1966, grew into an international movement with temples in a number of cities across North America, Europe, South America, and even Russia [2, 10]. In North America, tens

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of thousands – and likely a great many more – heard kirtan of the Hare Krishna Mahamantra in public parks, from San Francisco’s Golden Gate, to Miami’s Coconut Grove, to Central Park in New York City and beyond. George Harrison of the pop music group the Beatles was famously devoted to “Krishna Consciousness.” The kirtan practiced in ISKCON temples is positioned closer to traditional Indian styles in terms of its music and explicit sectarianism. It features traditional instrumental accompaniment, singular devotion to the Avatar Krishna and his incarnations and is more likely to include Indian-born Vaishnava immigrants in the audiences. At the other end of this continuum is the kirtan being produced in decidedly less sectarian, more pluralistic settings. The exemplars working in this space are Ram Dass and his brother disciples Bhagavan Das (Kermit Michael Riggs, 1945– ), Krishna Das (Jeffrey Kagel, 1947– ) [4, 12], and Jai Uttal (1951– ) [11]. All four found their inspiration from their Indian guru, Neem Karoli Baba (1900–1973) at his ashram in Kainchi, near Nainital in the foothills of the Himalayas [3, 4, 12, 16]. After their Indian travels, they returned to America and popularized bhakti-kirtan. Certainly, kirtan found its way into the country through many other American-born students of Indian spirituality, but these four individuals have been seminal. Of this group, Krishna Das has emerged as the most popular kirtan leader in North America. His down-to-earth style and friendly baritone has attracted thousands to the practice. Through relentless touring, he has built a large following across the USA and Canada. Recently, he even toured India. There are just a handful of musicians in North America who make a living performing kirtan and Krishna Das is at the top of this group. Similar to other musicians who are trying to earn a living in this line of work, Krishna Das supplements his performing income with CD sales, workshops, books, and even an online course [12]. North American kirtan also features a robust Sikh-inspired group of musicians and kirtan leaders. They trace their inspiration to the

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kundalini yoga teacher, Yogi Bhajan (Harbhajan Singh Kalsa). Bhajan emigrated to Canada in 1968; built a religious organization, 3HO; founded successful businesses; inspired a number of North Americans to convert to Sikhism; and died in New Mexico [15]. As far as the settings where this hybridized kirtan can be found, the hundreds of yoga centers that have sprung up across the continent are primary performance spaces. The few dozen yoga conferences that dot the landscape often feature kirtan, as well. Kirtan events can also be found in liberal churches, retreat centers, or other spaces where religious pluralism and performing arts mingle or where healing sounds and wellness are in the offing. Krishna Das’s popularity has allowed him to graduate to small theaters for his kirtan events. Several hundred or more might attend his concerts. Outdoor festivals are a noteworthy feature of North American kirtan culture. The largest is Bhakti Fest, a three-days-in-September yoga and kirtan festival that has been meeting annually since 2010 at Joshua Tree National Park in California [9]. Thousands have attended. There are small to robust kirtan scenes in many of the major metropolitan areas of North America (especially in the more liberal cities of the north and the west and east coasts). For example, in the author’s hometown, Minneapolis, his band, the Wild Moon Bhaktas is one of three regularly performing kirtan bands. The internet and social media allows regional groups to inexpensively build their audiences. Bhakti Beat magazine, an online publication, aspires to be the voice for the North American kirtan movement. It offers news and interviews of kirtan artists and reviews of recordings [14]. Despite these signs of a growing spiritualmusic movement, most North American kirtan events are small in scale. Typically, there will be a handful of people up to perhaps 40 attendees. Special events will draw more. A small donation for admittance is a widespread practice and underscores the kirtan leader’s commitment to egalitarian spiritual ideals. Professional musicians will command more as will visiting performers.

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Again, Krishna Das has moved into a higher echelon here. A ticket to one of his concerts will cost the equivalent of attending a performance by a mid-level popular music group.

Recordings By the mid-1970s, there were a few records and cassette tapes in limited circulation that featured Hindu-inspired chants performed by North Americans. As New Age music found an audience later in that decade, chanting of Hindu mantras began to appear on more recordings. A landmark was reached in the 1980s, when Robbie Gass, founder of Spring Hill Records, hired a group of professional musicians and singers to record a number of sacred chants which were sold as long-playing cassettes. His Om Namah Shivaya sold 300,000 copies [13]. Currently, Krishna Das is the king of kirtan recording in North America. He has released 15 albums and sold over 300,000 units [12]. Billboard magazine, the premiere publication of the North American recording industry, has recognized kirtan as a unique musical genre. At their 2012 annual awards, the Grammies, Krishna Das performed. That year his album, Live Ananda was nominated for the best New Age album. Kirtan-inspired albums by other artists have been nominated for Grammy Awards under the “World Music” category. There are record labels that specialize in chanting and kirtan (for example, White Swan or Spirit Voyage). Despite these signs of a national audience, most kirtan recordings are produced and distributed by local or regional kirtan artists and sell a few dozen to a few hundred copies.

Cultural Appropriation When the people of the modern West draw cultural material from non-Western, previously colonized peoples for their own use, it raises questions about cultural appropriation. Is North American kirtan an example of privileged, white Westerners

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“stealing” from an oppressed people? Is exploitation a subtext of this interchange? Critics have brought that complaint to the way yoga is being consumerized in the West. The argument, as applied to kirtan, has not generated much discourse, however. Historically, Hindus – missionaries and others – have generously shared their musical culture with non-Hindu North Americans. In many cases, they encouraged experimentation. The appropriation argument is weakened because the cross-cultural transfer of objects and musical ideas has gone both ways: a number of Indian kirtan artists have absorbed features of Western music, including some of its harmonic structures and rhythms, and also its bass and electric guitars, synthesizers, and recording technology. The harmonium, recall, was a Western instrument.

The Future Much is yet to be learned about North American kirtan. Will the audience for the live communal chanting experience continue to grow? As a spiritual practice, will people continue to believe in the Bhakti saints’ promise of communion with God through chanting the name? What if a large audience develops for kirtan? Will success produce vapid commercialism? On the other hand, interest in kirtan in North America could fade, indicating that it was merely a generational fad. The embrace of kirtan by North Americans remains an intriguing feature of Hinduism’s global reach. North American-born musicians and lovers of bhakti are taking a centuries-old Indian communal chanting form and hybridizing it – intentionally or unintentionally – with their own spiritual and musical sensibilities. Kirtan can now be heard fused with rock and roll, blues, gospel, soul, country, funk, Afro-Brazilian rhythms, and even hip hop. With so many new voices in the world chanting praises to Shiva, Krishna, Rama, and Durga, it is reasonable to predict that for the near future, this Hindu religious music will both transform and be transformed by the North Americans who love kirtan.

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Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya) ▶ Caribbean and Central America, Hinduism in ▶ Haṭhayoga ▶ Japa ▶ Mantra ▶ Mīrābāī ▶ Swami Muktananda ▶ Tulsīdās ▶ Yogananda, Paramahamsa

Kīrtana – A religious gathering, where a person sings devotional poetry and narrates religious stories accompanied by music ▶ Bahiṇābāī

Kīrtana or Kīrtan (Hymn or “Praise Song”) ▶ Music

References 1. Albanese CL (2007) A republic of mind and spirit; a cultural history of American metaphysical religion. Yale University Press, New Haven 2. Cole R, Dwyer G (2007) The Hare Krishna movement: forty years of chant and change. I.B. Tauris, London 3. Dass BR (1971) Be here now. Lama Foundation, San Cristobal 4. Das K (2010) Chants of a lifetime. Hay House, New York 5. Fuller RC (2001) Spiritual, but not religious: understanding unchurched America. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Goldberg P (2010) American veda. Three Rivers Press, New York 7. Hawley JS (2015) A storm of songs: India and the idea of the Bhakti movement. Harvard University Press, Cambridge 8. Hawley JS, Juergensmeyer M (2004) Songs of the saints of India. Oxford University Press, New York 9. http://bhaktifest.com 10. http://www.iskcon.org 11. http://www.jaiuttal.com 12. http://krishnadas.com 13. http://springhillmedia.com/about-us 14. http://thebhaktibeat.com 15. https://www.3ho.org 16. https://www.ramdass.org 17. https://www.yogananda-srf.org 18. Jackson CT (1994) Vedanta for the west; the Ramakrishna movement in the United States. Indiana University Press, Indianapolis 19. Schmidt LE (2005) Restless souls; the making of American spirituality. Harper, San Francisco 20. Yogananada P (1946/1998) Autobiography of a Yogi. Self-Realization Fellowship, Los Angeles 21. Yogananda P (1938/1974) Cosmic chants. SelfRealization Fellowship, Los Angeles

Kīrtankar – The main singer/ narrator in the Kīrtana ▶ Bahiṇābāī

Knowledge ▶ Science

Knowledge, Training, School, University ▶ Education, Hinduism: Ancient, Classical, Modern, and Contemporary

Kōlam (Kolam) L. E. Comeau Department of Humanities, University of the Sciences, Philadelphia, PA, USA

Synonyms Rangoli

Kōlam (Kolam)

Definition The kōlam (plural: kōlaṅkaḷ) is an auspicious threshold design, a geometric pattern applied to the entry way to a home or temple at the start of the day, just before sunrise. Kōlam design is practiced throughout southern India. In general there are two types of kōlams: one type, known as kampi kōlam uses snake-like lines that curve around but do not intersect with dots (puḷḷi) that are evenly spaced in grids, rather than weave between the dots, the other main style connects the dots, usually in radiating symmetrical patterns. Kōlam designs and styles vary by region across south India, as well as by the artist’s neighborhood, village, and caste [2, 3]. Basic kōlam designs include rings, knots, and labyrinth-like patterns [5]. For example, paṭi kōlams made by brahmins from east coast of Tamil Nadu typically feature a central square shape [6]. The art and style of kōlams are passed down, from grandmother, mother, or aunt to their daughters. Kōlams mark and guard the space between the public sphere and private homes or ritually pure sacred space in a temple context (see Nagarajan: 88). These decorative patterns also serve to welcome guests and prosperity into the home. In the morning before sunrise, usually the woman or a girl of the household sweeps and cleans the entryway by splashing it with water. Using small pinches of white powder, she applies evenly spaced dots on the ground, a common pattern for beginners is a four by four grid. Next, she draws a line that twists around and through the grids in a symmetrical geometric pattern. The line wraps around the dots but does not go back over a line that has already been poured into place. In general, kōlam designs do not typically include branching or angles, in favor of complex twists and curves. The powder is cupped at the top of the palm and poured out of the hand’s crease between the bent index finger and along the side of the thumb. While appearing easy to an onlooker, the practice of releasing the power at an even rate and a steady hand to draw a straight, smooth line is achieved only with

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considerable experience and confidence. Nonetheless, young girls who spend time practicing the various techniques for evenly pouring powder and marking dots with correct spacing may be given the opportunity to make their first kōlam as early as 6 years old. The powder used can be ground chalk or rice flour; the latter is meant as an offering to birds and insects that carry it away over the course of the day. In addition to the typical kōlam at the entrance of a house, these patterns can also be used to decorate the interior of the house, especially in a puja room. For people living in urban areas or apartment buildings, the women in the building share the responsibilities of daily kōlams at the building entrance by dividing up the calendar into rotations, including prestigious claims on holiday kōlams. Similarly for a temple, women in the community who are known for their particularly beautiful designs are recruited and also have claim to decorating the temple grounds for special holidays and events. For special occasions, the white powder can be mixed with colors for extra vibrant effect. In contrast, kōlams are not made during funeral rites, so a house without a kōlam at its threshold may indicate that there has been a death in the family. During holidays such as the South Indian harvest festival Poṅkal, kōlams are embellished with the brightly colored chalk powders. In addition to Poṅkal, kōlams are also a highlight on Deepavali (tipāvaḷi) and Karthigai deepam (kārttikai tīpam). For large chariot festivals during which a temple deity is brought out of the temple complex and pulled through the town streets, women draw enormous white kōlams to decorate the streets through which the procession will travel. Sometimes kōlams are additionally adorned with double lines, or small mounds of cow dung with blossomed pumpkin flowers gently pressed into the centers. Kōlams can be drawn for both male and female deities. Significantly, kōlams are also not exclusive to Tamil Hindus. Tamil Christians also practice drawing kōlams, participate in competitions, and decorate their own sacred shrines and places of worship with these threshold designs.

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In addition to the inherited knowledge of kōlam designs passed down within a household, women also collect ideas and inspiration by viewing the kōlams drawn around their neighborhoods, as well as from widely available and inexpensive printed booklets of designs. Using all of this information, girls and women can invent new, unique variations for themselves. They experiment and practice new ideas in notebooks or, again, referencing kōlam design leaflets. However, she will leave the papers and notes behind to draw the actual threshold kōlam from memory [4]. In this singular daily performance amendments and occasionally mistakes transform the last version seen on paper into the living, actualized blessing of the entrance. The kōlam is an exercise in artistry and concentration. Kōlams are also valued for the mathematical concepts that they demonstrate, ranging from spatial reasoning to fractals and knot theory (see Thirumurthy & Simic-Muller, Ascher). This is one reason why kōlams are practiced in school and teenage girls are especially encouraged to participate in very competitive kōlam contests. Daily applied kōlams are entirely temporary. No effort is made to preserve or avoid disturbing the designs once they have been poured out. On the other hand, there are a number of “short cuts” available for applying kōlams in homes and temples, including adhesive decals, tracing templates, and metal pans with punctured holes through which kōlam designs can be tapped onto the floor in single or repeating patterns. Kōlam designs are sometimes applied in paint to interior floors. For example, in the Meenakshi Temple in Madurai, Tamil Nadu, elaborate kōlams are painted in white with some pops of color onto the floors of the expansive hallways that surround the famous Golden Lotus Tank. Kōlam templates and booklets of patterns are commonly available in print and online. Video tutorials and blogs thrive on Youtube and other social media. Rangoli is another type of artistic floor drawing practiced in the northern parts of South Asia to bring blessings to a household. These colorful shapes are not bound to the same type of symmetry that is typical of kolam patterns, but do share

Kōtai

images of flowers and leaves, parrots and peacocks, paisley and other softly curving shapes. Overall, the aesthetic and ritual of kōlams are at once methodical, productive, dynamic, and the individual expression of the early-rising artist.

Cross-References ▶ Poṅkal (Pongal) ▶ Rangoli

References 1. Ascher M (2002) The kolam tradition. Am Sci 90(1):56–63 2. Huyler SP (1994) Painted prayers: women’s art in village India. Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., New York 3. Huyler SP (2008) Daughters of India. Abbeville Press, New York 4. Laine A (2009) In conversation with the kolam practice: auspiciousness and artistic experiences among women in Tamilnadu, South India. Doctoral dissertation, University of Gothenburg 5. Mall A (2007) Structure, innovation and agency in pattern construction: the Kōlam of southern India. In: Hallam E, Ingold T (eds) Creativity and cultural improvisation. Oxford, Berg 6. Murali T (2015) Padi kolam: an artistic tradition of Tamil brahmins. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, Seattle 7. Nagarajan VR (2007) Threshold designs, forehead dots, and menstruation rituals: exploring time and space in Tamil kolams. In: Pintchman T (ed) Women’s lives, women’s rituals in the Hindu tradition. Oxford University Press, Oxford 8. Thirumurthy V, Simic-Muller K (2012) Kolam: a mathematical treasure of South India. Child Educ 88(5):309–314

Kōtai ▶ Āṇṭāḷ

Krishna Chaitanya ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Krishna Shringara

Krishna Shringara Harsha V. Dehejia College of the Humanities, Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada

nigama kalpataro galitam phalam suka mukhadamr tadrava samyutam pibata bhagavatam rasam alayam muhurahi rasika bhuvi bhavukah Bhagavata Purana 1.1.3

Thus begins the Srimad Bhagavatam, which is like a fruit that has dropped from the wishing tree of the Vedas, urging connoisseurs who have a taste for the beautiful, to drink again and again this nectar of rasa which flows from the mouth of Suka. This mangalacharan establishes two prerequisites for the understanding and the experiencing of Krishna shringara so that it becomes a part of jnana or wisdom traditions. These two conditions are that the participant in the Krishna shringara of the Bhagavata be both a bhavika and a bhavuka. A bhavika also called a rasika is a prepared esthete who is able to transform the rati bhava of Krishna and the gopis into the shringara rasa as elucidated by Bharata in the Natyashastra and elaborated by Abhinavagupta in the Abhivava Bharati. A bhavuka is one who can deeply understand the romantic relationship of Krishna and the gopis as something truly beautiful, pick up the nuances of the romantic sentiment and move it from shringara to shringara bhakti. Both these key terms will become clear as the essay proceeds. It is in the Bhagavatam, which is the central text of the Vaishnavas, that Krishna shringara finds a textual basis.There is enough evidence to suggest that the Bhagavata Purana was the first Sanskrit sacred text to enunciate an emotional and ecstatic devotion to Krishna. It was composed in the Tamil country, between the ninth and tenth century, perhaps in the Pandya region, and it attained the status of a major pan-Indian Purana very quickly. The popularity of the Purana not only in the south, but all across the continent, is due in no small measure to the richly romantic

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ambience that pervades the dashama skanda, the tenth book of the Purana, for it was for the first time that a religion of ecstasy based on romantic love was given Puranic legitimacy. Pre-Islamic India of tenth century was now ready to receive a religion that harmonized the intellectuality of the northern Vedanta, the emotional fervor of the southern Sangam along with the spontaneity and earthiness of a popular or tribal sort, and this was to be found in the Bhagavata Purana. This was no easy task, for the Bhagavata through its simple songs and stories retains the advaita of Vedanta along with dvaita of the Alvars and the folk religion, and in doing so forges a unique form of advaita, called shuddha advaita, a term used by Vallabhacharya in the post-Bhagavata period. While the Alvars recognized maya (Tamil mayam, mayai), this was very different from the maya of Shankara. Maya for the Alvars were the miraculous and elusive exploits of the mischievous and romantic Krishna. The Bhagavata was able to reconcile these conflicting concepts through the twin epistemology of madhurya and viraha both of which required the skill of the authors on the one hand and the bhavika and the bhavuka on the other. Madhurya, or that which possesses madhu or honey, defines the shringara rasa of Krishna in Vrindavana and equally the ethos of pushtimarg Vaishnavism of Vallabhacharya. The word madhu has a very ancient pedigree and evolves into many nuanced meanings in the Vedic, Vedantic, Puranic, and Kavya traditions. In the Vedas madhu is associated with the purnakumbha, which stands for the overflowing kalasha and the word madhu stands for concepts of fertility, fecundity, and auspiciousness. In the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad the word madhu is associated both with knowledge and truth. This is a significant shift from the Vedas but the Upanishads, as they were idealistic in their outlook, favored the nirakar over the sakar, and therefore the word and the concept of madhu did not feature to any great degree in that tradition of forest discourses. Despite that one will have to admit that madhu as an attribute of knowledge did make its presence in a seminal form in Vedanta and it is because of this it could grow in the future. The kavya tradition uses the word madhu in its romantic

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and sensual aspects. In Kumarasambhava we find the phrase dehi mukha kamala madhupan 3.36, where the word madhu implies the drinking of honey from the lips of the beloved. In many poetic compositions the word madhu signifies the honey bee going flower to flower in search of honey. The story is told of a bee that was engrossed in drinking the honey that it overlooked the fact that the sun was setting. The lotus folded and the bee was trapped in it all night. Sending messages from the lover to the beloved with a lotus flower was a common trope in romantic poetry. It is not until we reach the ninthcentury Bhagavata Purana that the word madhu acquires both an esthetic and epistemological primacy. The dashama skanda of the Bhagavata ideally should be read in conjunction with the Subodhini of Vallabhacharya and the poetry of the ashtachaap kavis of the Pushtimarg tradition, chief of whom was Surdas, for this becomes an integral whole when it comes to Krishna shringara. Madhurya, or that which possesses madhu or honey, defines the shringara rasa of Krishna in Vrindavana and equally the ethos of pushtimarg Vaishnavism of Vallabhacharya. The etymology of madhurya from the root word madhu or honey reveals its many different meanings, implications, and nuances. Evoking feelings such as sweetness and tenderness, madhurya, like honey, arises when two saps mingle, that of the flower and the bee, just like the shringara of gopis and that of Krishna. Madhurya therefore implies the coming together of two into one, romantically and in a spirit of love, one enhancing the sweetness of the other, one melting and surrendering into the other, one awakening the dormant other; madhurya therefore is a mithuna when two saps meet and it is then that the rasa of madhu is created. If the flower with its pollen and the sap is the source of madhu the bees are the makers and seekers of madhu, and by the same token it is none other than Krishna that is the repository of the sweet sap of love which the gopis drink and He in turn then tastes the honey from them. The shringara of Krishna in the Bhagavata resonates closely with the bee and poets that followed have used this trope.

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The dashama skanda or tenth book of the Bhagavata posits Krishna as the paragon of sweetness and hence gives him epithets such as madhukara or madhupati. Vallabhacharya in his Madhurashtakam, or eight verses of sweetness, lists the many ways in which not only Krishna but everything around him is full of madhurya: adharam (lips), vadanam (face), nayanam (eyes), hasitam (laughter), hrdayam (heart), gamanam (gait), vachanam (speech), charitam (acts), vasanam (clothes), valitam (stance) chalitam (walk) brahmitam (wandering), venur (flute), renur (sand) panir (hands), padau (feet) nrtyam (dance) sakhyam (friendship), gitam (songs), pitam (drink), bhuktam (food), suptam (sleep), rupam (form), tilakam (forehead mark), karanam (deeds), taranam (swimming), haranam (stealing), ramanam (joy), vamitam (release) shamitam (peace), gunja (beads), mala (garland), yamuna (river), vichi (waves), salilam (water) kamalam (lotus), gopi (cowherd), lila (games), yuktam (meeting), muktam (liberation), drishtam (sight), shishtam (nobility), gopa (cowhers), gavo (cows), yashtir (stick), shrushtir (creation),dalitam (flourishing), phalitam (fruit).

and ends with this declaration madhuradi pater akhilam madhuram, the lord of madhurya is all together sweet.

It is important in this foundational verse that not only Krishna and his various attributes of body and mind, his lilas and kridas are sweet, but the entire Vrindavana with the Yamuna river and the lotuses, the birds, and the cows as well is Krishnamaya, full of Krishna, and therefore equally sweet. Madhurya that resides in Krishna is like honey that flows and touches and transforms everything around it, it brings with it a joyous awakening, a radiant blossoming, of being united in a common festival of love, where the sap that flows and animates the gopis is no different from that which quickens the blossoms and the birds, and the source of all this is Krishna. The rati bhava or the romantic attraction of the gopis to Krishna is no different from the erotic energy of the earth that creates the blossoms and the perfumes; one resonates in the other. Madhurya thus envelops and embraces everyone and everything that participates in the love of Krishna and becomes the defining feature of the romantic Krishna and is then the pramana of

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understanding Krishna Shringara. Madhurya then acquires an epistemological status. Krishna exudes madhurya through his acts and his gestures, his words and his flute, his clothes and his sports, in fact Krishna is nothing but a total expression of madhurya. Loving tenderness, lyrical softness, delicate movements, fragrant limbs, the mellifluous sounds of his flute, his innocent pranks, evocative clothes, beautiful adornments such as the vanamala or the garland of forest flowers, serene sensuality, graceful manners, charming and sensitive, passionate but not lustful, demanding but not aggressive all add up to the madhurya of Krishna, a madhurya that defines his love, and which he richly shares with the gopis and all that lives in Vrindavana. Thus the madhurya of Krishna is entirely sensual and esthetic and not intellectual or theologic. It is to be experienced and not discoursed, realized through a sensual affirmation and not ascetic rites or religious rituals. Madhurya then becomes the defining feature of southern Krishnaism of the Bhagavata and distinguishes it from Vedic rituals and Vedantic sacerdotalism. And the idyllic and sensuous Vrindavana provides the perfect setting for the sweet love of Krishna and resonates with the same sensual energy. It is here where the lyrical Yamuna flows, clouds shower rain as if they were flowers, peacocks dance in ecstasy, birds sing passionately, blossoms bloom affectionately and whisper words of love, winding creepers caress the trunks of trees as if a premika embraces her beloved, fruit-laden branches bend to provide a blessing with a sylvan canopy, bees dance around lotus pollen and sing a love song, cranes and swans fly towards Krishna and cows are drawn to the call of the flute and fragrant sandalwood winds intoxicate the mind, and thus it is that Vrindavana becomes the perfect locale in which Krishna’s sensuous madhurya unfolds, and all around there are flowing streams of honey as if to fully reveal Vishnu in themselves. It is said that Vrindavana is a mystical world of beauty; the ground is covered with devotional jewels named cintamani, each a fabulous gem supposed to yield to its possessor all desires. Even the trees are not ordinary and are called kalpataru or wishing trees. Vraja is of

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extraordinary abundance: the trees produce fruits during every season, cows give milk unlimitedly, and the water is nectar. Here all walking is dancing and talking is singing and time is only an eternal present with which unlimited varieties of divine events occur. The Bhagavata makes a firm connection between the joys and abundance of Vasanta or spring, its songs and its rhythms and the atmanim visnum or the in-dwelling Vishnu, a Vishnu that resides not only in the minds and hearts of the gopis but also in the sap that animates the birds and the bees, the trees and the creepers of Vrindavana, for to express joy and the thrill and dance to the rhythms of Vasanta, as in a Vasanta Ragini, is to fully express Vishnu and realize Krishna in all his sensuous glory. vanalatastarava atmani vishnum vyanjayantya ivapushpaphaladhayah Bhagavata Purana. X.35.9

Vishnu, according to the Bhagavata, is not to be expressed or experienced through ascetic rites and religious rituals, nor by intellectual and arid devotion, neither by inward contemplation and life-negating attitudes, but only by ecstatic and evocative expressions of madhurya or sweet love for everything and everyone in the world, a love that affirms one’s own sensuality and that of everything around, and makes sensual affirmation the basis of life and knowledge itself. Vaishnava poets liken Krishna to the bee for does not the bee take and give honey. Krishna, like the bee, is the repository of madhurya and the verdant Vrindavana resonates equally with it too, the gopis are equally tender in expressing and experiencing their love for Krishna, for they too have the honey of love within them. Whether it is in the pleasures of belonging or the pathos of longing, participating in the innocent lilas of Krishna or being charmed by his flute, the gopis in equal measure reflect the madhurya of Krishna. Krishna of the Bhagavata is the coming together of the form and the formless, the one and the many, the sensual and the spiritual, clearly establishing himself as a symbol of divinity but equally remaining a mortal full of sweet love and it is thus that he becomes the most

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beautiful embodiment of the seminal Vasihnava concept of prema. Madhurya, which is the defining feature of pushitimarg Vaishnavism, which takes its inspiration from the romantic poetry of Tamil Alvars and equally from folk and tribal religion and then underpins the dashama skandha of the Bhagavata, is a unique concept not only within Vaishnavism but in the entire Hindu sampradaya, for it operates not only through its own distinctive esthetics and theology but equally has an advaitic epistemology not matched by any other. Simple on the surface but profound and multilayered in its implications, madhurya combines in it both theology and philosophy and even more provides the basis for the many artistic representations of Krishna’s love. It creates what is called shuddha advaita, or a estheistic advaita, a term coined by Vallabhacharya, which on first encounter seems to be a contradiction. For any theology, in its essence, implies dvaita, a duality and a separation, between the devotee and the deity, for otherwise there can be no veneration and no worship. Thus the philosophic concept of advaita normally eliminates theology, a good example of which is Shankara’s advaita Vedanta. Other forms of Vaishnavism with their own theology eschew advaita as well in favor of dvaita. Thus in southern Sri Vaishnavism the recumbent Vishnu is reachable only through the petitions of Lakshmi on behalf of the devotee, the Vaishnavism of the Vijaynagar empire celebrates the exploits and power of Vishnu’s avatara as Narasimha, the Vishnu of Pandharpur in Maharashtra submits to the supplications of the Warkaris who chant mauli mauli, the Vaishnavism of Shankardeva of Assam makes the Bhagavata manuscript the object of devotion. However in each of these the devotee approaches Vishnu–Krishna in a spirit of awe and veneration and maintains dvaita, the epistemological distance between the devotee and the deity so necessary for devotional rites and practices. Even more, these sects of Vaishnavism bypass the romantic persona of Krishna all together and has no room for shirngara rasa. The immanence and transcendence of Krishna, the one and the many, the madhu and the

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madhurya, understood within the framework of shuddha advaita of the Bhagavata, is beautifully brought out in this sentence from the Subodhini: tatha bhagavan api sva samarthaya svaurpam va tatha sthapaitva brahman brahmannandam ca avirbhava tva reme. P. 282. Subhodini 5.17 Brahman or the presence of Krishna in Vrindavana and brahmanandam or the joyous ambience of Vrindavana are both manifestations of his own form and arise from Krishna’s madhurya. This is his samarthya.

This leaves little doubt about the strong ethos of nonduality of the Bhagavata and is in contradistinction to the duality of Krishna and Radha that evolves in the later doctrine of Chaitanya and it is madhurya that initiates and assures the advaitic relationship. Within the orbit of this advaita not only are Krishna and the gopis one, but everything around them in Vrindavana is of the same rasa or essence. Understood this way madhurya takes on a different hue. It is not only a manifestation of romantic love and sensuality but an expression of the inner beauty of everything that lives and longs, that grows and moves, and that forms one continuum. In the shringara bhakti, or ecstatic devotion to Krishna, spelled out in the tenth book of the Bhagavata and as practiced in the Nathadvara tradition of Shrinathji, both the devotee and the gosvami or the priest not only worship with the ecstasy and delight of gopi bhava, or the tender feelings of a gopi ,but sometimes even dress as a gopi and thereby do away with the distance and the space, the rites and rituals that characterize theistic practices in other sampradayas. The relationship between Shrinathji and the devotee is that between a nayaka and a nayika, the lover and the beloved, and there is here the intimacy of romance, the closeness of two people in love, the assurance that one belongs to the other, a certitude that nothing divides them, a comfort in the knowledge that they are two bodies but one in heart and a commitment that nothing in this samsara can change this, that even in viraha they experience the joy of oneness, for such is their dedication to Krishna of their love. Gopi bhava arises from madhurya and defines Krishna shringara and is further sustained by the pushtimarga doctrine of bheda abheda, or

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simultaneous identity and difference, which states that Krishna is both human and divine at the same time. If madhurya is the watchword of shringara rasa of the gopis and Krishna in the Bhagavata, Krishna’s presence in the Bhagavata is also defined by the pushitimarga Vaishnava concept of bheda abheda, or identity and difference. The doctrine of bhedaabheda, though not exclusively Vaishnava, is championed by Vasihnavas more than other sampradayas and among the Vaishnavas it defines the shringara bhakti of Krishna. Krishna is very much in and of this world but yet he is above it, he is immanent and yet transcendent, he is human and yet divine, on the surface a mere mortal in love with the gopis of Vrindavana but essentially divine, pulsating with earthy and sensual romance and yet given to the many divine lilas of love, amorous and sensuous in love but also pointing to the spiritual aspects of romantic love through the concept of viraha or longing, now dallying with child like playfulness and now exhibiting divine majesty, and as Surdas says: jogi kaum jogi hvai arsaum, kami kaum hvai kami. Sursagara. 1766. divine to the ascetic and a lover to those who love him.

And it is in the rasa lila more than any other lila that Krishna reveals his double identity. The Bhagavata makes it amply clear that as far as the gopis are concerned Krishna is a mere mortal and not divine. krsnam viduh param kantam na tu brahmataya mune. Bhagavata Purana X.29.12

He is one of them, abheda, for the Bhagavata argues, how can the sensually charged romantic love exist between the earthly and human gopis on the one hand and a celestial and divine Krishna on the other? It is to the mortal Krishna that the gopis direct their anger and passion, their fear and their love. kamam krodham bhayam sneham ekyamsauhrdayam va. Bhagavata Purana X. 29.10

And when there is this intimacy of Krishna through love there is no need for either

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contemplation or devotion that is generally reserved for god realization through theistic practices. jnana bhaktyostuavirbhavartham upayogah. Bhagavata Purana. X.29.15

There is a certain joyous ambiguity about Krishna in the Bhagavata, an ambiguity between his humanity and his divinity and this pervades the entire Krishna lore that followed and it is the source of both a delectable esthetic and theological tension. It is Krishna’s yogamaya, the shakti of his yoga, that helps him be human at one level and divine at another, for Krishna is also yogeshvara, the lord of yoga. Krishna’s recourse to yogamaya becomes evident more fully in the rasa lila. This is the beauty and the strength of the Vaishnava shringara rasa of the Bhagavata and it is only because of this that Krishna can remain the romantic hero through the tenth book of the Bhagavata and the rich Krishna literature and its representations in the various arts. It is because of the Vaishnava ethos of bheda abheda that Krishna is able to affirm and indulge in romantic love and lift that romantic love to divine heights, for did he not lift Mount Govardhan for this very purpose? Madhurya then is the thread that binds Krishna and the gopis together in body and spirit, fully sensual but yet never far from the spiritual, and it is because of it that romantic feelings flow both ways from Vishnu in heaven to his avatara Krishna on earth and from Krishna to the gopis and the gopis in turn respond with equal measure and the river of madhurya flows backwards to heaven. Surdas, the foremost of the ashtachaap kavis, who in keeping with the pushtimarg tradition, affirmed the sensual and the material in his quest for the spiritual and the transcendent, for while emphasizing the sensuality of madhurya in the love of Krishna and Radha he does not lose sight of its spirituality, for to him one reinforces the other, the material and the spiritual, deha and prana, body and spirit are two seamless aspects of the madhurya of Krishna, when he says: gaura syama kapola sulalita adhara amrta sara prana ika dvai deha kinhe

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Krishna Shringara bhakti priti prakasa one dark, the other fair drinking love’s sweet nectar love and devotion brightly blaze separate in bodies, one in spirit. Sursagara, 1866.

Of all of Krishna’s attributes, his flute and its mellifluous notes, are the prime source of his madhurya, and it is from this that his love flows, not only to the gopis but to the cows and the river, the trees and the blossoms, who are all drawn to him and are enveloped in the sweetness of his all embracing love. The Subodhini states: tena kriya shaktir udgata nadastha nirupita nadinam akarshe heturbhavati. Subhodini. 6.7 Thus has his power of action been described as going forth from him and dwelling in the sound of his flute and this is the reason why the rivers are attracted to him.

The gopis are transfixed, the cows are infatuated, and the rivers are captivated by the sound of the flute, such is its magic and its spell. When the sounds of the flute are heard there need be no words, for ultimately it is melody that carries the message of the heart where lyrics fail to reach. Has not the Upanishadic rsi said that language as an expression of human rationality is limited and even the best of words return baffled unable to reach their destination? Melody, like the wind, has the power and the beauty to convey deep and tender feelings and it is to the melody of the flute that Krishna entrusts his deepest longings. Melody, like the wind, flows as smoothly as a river and it is able to carry emotions from hidden recesses of the mind and touch those who have the sensitivity to listen. An Indian poet has rightly said that “if the words of man speak of his quests the spirit of man is revealed through his music,” and this is particularly true of Krishna’s flute. Reference to the atmani vishnum, the indwelling Vishnu, in the gopis and also in the cows and the trees, the birds and the blossoms, that respond and awaken to Krishna’s flute, is ultimately to the prana and the rasa of all things living, the sap and the substance, which not only sustains all life and everything that lives, but is the source of joy and delight and it is from here that the madhu dhara,

flowing streams of honey arise. This is the power and the purpose of Krishna’s flute and this is the meaning and the message of Krishna’s madhurya, which is to point out that at the core of our very being there is neither stark emptiness nor brilliant radiance but the sweetness and beauty of bliss and enchantment. Madhurya then is jnana, knowledge. The Bhagavata’s reference to the atmani vishnum is clearly an epistemological hint as this is its unique approach to atmajnana, selfknowledge that arises from the madhurya of the shringara bhakti of Krishna. This atmani vishnum takes its pedigree from the Upanishadic dictum raso vai sah, He is rasa, where knowledge of ultimate reality is posited in the atman. The Bhagavata clearly makes the atmani vishnum not only an epistemic principle or a principle of ultimate knowledge, namely that it leads to atmajnana and thus it is able to link it to the lofty Vedantic tradition. Equally the atmani vishnum has significant esthetic implications and links and is responsible for the many artistic manifestations in a variety of arts, for the rasa that flows through Krishna and the gopis is the same that animates the birds and the blossoms and the enchanted Vrindavana is a fit setting for the love of Krishna. However, the Bhagavata in tying itself to Vedanta departs from other Vedantic philosophic systems for this indwelling, sweet Vishnu is neither susupta, somnolent, like the atman of Sankara’s Advaita Vedanta, nor sunya, like that of the Buddhist Madhayamika; it is not purely theistic and dualistic and thus distances itself from Ramanuja’s Visistadvaita as well. At the core of the madhurya of Bhagavata there are streams of honey, fragrant, aromatic, sweet, mellifluous and within the Vedantic systems it therefore becomes a self-standing and unique system of philosophy, called shuddha advaita with its distinctive epistemology and esthetics. And it is Krishna’s flute that makes this stream of honey flow. The dark waters of the Yamuna then clearly become a symbol of this stream of honey and the jalakrida of Krishna, where Krishna and the gopis partake of the warm waters of the Yamuna, takes on a different meaning. Vrindavana, the idyllic forest where Krishna plays his flute and which enchants everyone is

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the metaphor of the atman. Madhurya then acquires not only theistic but epistemological relevance and it is through its aegis, and its motifs and metaphors that the pushtimarg Vaishnavas posit their theistic advaita. But as opposed to the advaita of Shankara the madhurya of Krishna is not exclusive but all inclusive and universal, for the honeyed notes of Krishna’s flute brings all of Vrindavana under its spell, the gopas and the gopis, the birds and the bees, the cows and the river, the blossoms and the creepers, and the various kridas and the lilas of Krishna are mere expressions and manifestations of this madhurya. It is apt that one of the many names of Krishna is Mohan, one who entices and charms, who draws you away from the mundane to the sublime, from the immediate to the ultimate, from the objective to the subjective, from the limited to the limitless, from form to formless, from the vyakta or spoken to the avyakta the unspoken, from the surface or outer manas or the outer mind to the deeper and serene manaso manah the mind of the mind, for it is there were the real Vrindavana is and it is there where Krishna’s flute is not just heard but deeply experienced. It is madhurya that not only defines Krishna’s presence in Vrindavana but resonates with the gopis and touches the idyllic world around them and equally chastens us who participate in that love, not as voyeurs but as sahhrdayas, of the same heart as that of the gopis and our quest for Krishna takes us to our inner being where Krishna resides and it is there that his flute is heard and it is in that cherished space that we shall ultimately find him. The esthetic celebration of Krishna’s madhurya is no ordinary journey but a yoga, the many paintings become a reflection of our inner self, the many romantic situations merely a mirror of who we really are. It is not an accident that the rsis of the Bhagavata chose to locate the love of Krishna and the gopis in the enchanted mythic and idyllic Vrindavana, and not in a home or haveli, for this earthly Vrindavana is the earthly paradigm of the celestial Vrindavana and which in turn is a replica of the atman. And it is here in the enchanted Vrindavana of the atman that the divine love of Krishna and the goips unfolds and presents to us

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in visually evocative terms both the ontology and epistemology of knowledge. The position of the Bhagavata is not so much to narrate a story but to illuminate our own atman or the state of ultimate beauty and knowledge, to make us realize that at the core of our being is an enchanted space, anandamaya, full of bliss and delight, where there is joyous abandon, playful dalliance, and a mellifluous state of being as if streams of honey flow. Understood in this way the loves of Krishna move away from mere a romantic dalliance and amorous interaction between Krishna and the gopis to a deeply chastening experience of our own innate and real self, for at the core of that self, the atmani vishnum, are madhu dhara, streams of honey, which animate and sustain us, which define our very being, which open the windows of our mind through sensual evocation and joyous exultation and lets us embrace the world around us, while we stand firm on this earth we are in tune with its rhythms and its movements, its songs and sounds, and we can raise our hands to touch the sky, through madhurya we not only affirm our own sensuality but we come to know that the sap that flows through the birds and the blossoms is no different from that which animates us, and thus we feel united with that beautiful world in a spirit of radiant effulgence, and are able to engage with it with a thousand bonds of delight and not by arid intellectuality or sacred rites and rituals. At this stage we are not far from the Hindu concept of vasudhaiva kutumbakam, the entire world is one family. Shringar bhakti has less to do with pundits or priests and more with luxuriating and venerating the fecundity of the world, it does not need a sacred space but considers the bowers and the mandapas a temple of love, it dispenses with mantras but evokes the beauty of spring as in the notes of raga Vasanta, it does not need the asanas of yoga but dances with the rain as in Raga Megh Malhar, it does not need thrones but prefers to swing as in Raga Hindola and as we taste madhu, the elixir of love we have built a stairway to the sky and a doorway to our atman. Vrindavana is not just a historical locale or a mythic space but an ontologic concept of what is the ultimate and real state of the human condition.

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And if Vrindavana has an ontologic significance the sweet love of Krishna or madhurya becomes the epistemology. To know, to experience, to be a part of this love is our path to our own selfrealization. The love of Krishna is not just a love story but an atmabodh, knowledge of our own real selves. After describing Krishna’s leelas the Bhagavata brings us the amorous play of Krishna and the gopis in the enchanted Vrindavana. The climax of this is the maha rasa, the circular dance of Krishna and the gopis on the purnima of sharada. The rasa lila of Krishna and the gopis is a dance of eternal and divine love, a love that leads to self-knowledge and it is neither a narrative dance or a dance of mere romantic pleasures. It is a dance of movement and not of stance, it a dance of heartfelt feelings and not of abhinaya, it is a dance not only of emotion but of transformation, it is a dance not merely of the affirmation of love but of its inner understanding, it is a dance not of superficial exultation but of a deep and inner realization, it is a dance of heart throbbing sensuality that leads the chastened mind to serene spirituality and not just romantic thrill and excitement, it is a dance in time and space that takes the dancer to beyond both time and space. The rasa pancha dhyayi of the Bhagavata Purana begins on this important note: bhagavan api ta ratrihi shardotphulla mallikah viksya rantum manas chakre yogamayam upashritah. Bhagavata Purana.X. 29.1 Krishna seeing those nights in autumn filled with jasmine flowers in bloom Turned his mind toward love’s delights fully taking refuge in Yogamaya’s illusive powers.

The jasmine flowers, variously called malati, mallika, jati, and yuthika define the sensuality of the romantic nights in which the rasa unfolds and underpins sensuality as the driving force of the dance. Its fragrance excites and allures the gopis. As the Bhagavata states: The garland of jasmine worn by Krishna is tinged with reddish kumkum powder coming from the breasts of his beloved whom he has embraced its scent blows in our direction. X.29.8

Krishna Shringara

If the jasmine evokes sensuality the night blooming lotus suggests spirituality: Seeing the lotus flowers bloom and the perfect circle of the moon beaming like the face of Rama reddish as fresh kumkum He began to make sweet music melting the hearts of fair maidens with beautiful eyes. X. 29.4

After the emotionally rich and sensually fulfilling romantic dalliance with the gopis Krishna invokes his powers of yogamaya to accomplish the next step in the evolution of shringara into shringara bhakti. Yogamaya is that power of Krishna to move the mind of the gopis from sensuality to spirituality, to make them realize that love in its sakar and sensual aspects is limited by time and space, but there is shringara above and beyond the sakar, which is nirakar and eternal. According to Vaishnava doctrine the timeless and endless rasalila of Krishna is the source of a stream of rasa that flows perpetually from the eternal Vrindavana to the earth and further it is this same rasa that flows as a stream of rasa to and between mankind. It is a timeless dance in which the divine and the human lose themselves in the rhythms, movements, and melodies of pure love. It is only fitting that the rasa lila has been called sarva lila chuda mani, the crest jewel of all lilas of Krishna. The rasa lila is a river and a fountain which has no beginning and no end, it is a stream so broad that it has no other shore, it is an ocean of nectar and of youth, of life and vitality, of joy and bliss, to drink its waters is to find love and to be touched by its waters is to find freedom, to be blessed by it is to find divinity and to be nourished by is to find oneself, for has it not been said rasa iva saha. Krishna’s rasa lila can be considered, ultimately, to be a lila of Krishna with himself, svapratibimba vibhramah or playing with his own reflection. The jiva or the gopis are a part of Krishna and Krishna was able to be with sixteen thousand gopis at once because of the power of his svarupa to be manifest in an infinite number of forms without any effect on his true nature. The rasa lila is ultimately about stillness and not about movement, for even though Krishna multiplies and takes part in the circular dance holding hands with gopis on both

Krishnamurti, Jiddu

sides, he also stands at the still center of the rasa; that is the source of energy, it is that unmoving center which makes movement possible, and into which all movement must end. It is when Krishna leaves and the mandala is dissolved that movement leads to stillness, shringara to shringara bhakti, a group activity becomes a personal search for the ultimate meaning of love. It is Krishna’s flute that ensures that the rasa takes place outside time and beyond space, in a Time which is beyond time and in a space that converts the earthly gokul to the celestial goloka. This is the quintessence of Krishna shringara as celebrated in the tenth book of the Bhagavata Purana. From this vantage point Krishna shringara proceeds in two directions. Vallabhacharya’s Pushtimarg Vaishnavism carries the ethos of the Bhagavata forward through the asthachaap kavis, chief of whom was Surdas. Another direction of Krishna shringara is the creation of Jayadeva’s Gita Govinda which then leads to Chaitanya’s Gaudiya Vaishnavism which celebrates Radha and the consort of Krishna. Examination of these two streams of Krishna shringara will require another journey.

Further Reading Bhagavata Purana (2002) Translated by G.V. Tagare. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi Sursagara (1938) Nirnay Sagar, Mumbai The Love Games of Krishna by Vallabhacharya. (Subhodini), Motilal Banarasidass (1983).

Krishnamurti, Jiddu Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The essence of every religion is to find out the ultimate truth. And this is also the kernel teachings

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of Jiddu Krishnamurti (Born 1895), but he believes that human being does not require any religious organization to realize it. He said: “Truth is a pathless land,” i.e., each individual must find out the truth through the mirror of relationship and not through priest or ritual, creed, dogma, or caste [1]. The understanding of truth is to be realized through observation and contents of one’s own mind and not through introspective dissection and intellectual analysis. Krishnamurti was selected by the Theosophical organization to be the new world teacher; however, he rejected this framework and withdrew himself from the organizational goals. Instead, he emphasized on the need for revolution in the psyche of every individual. He extensively wrote and spoke on the nature of mind, human relationships, psychological revolution, mediation, and inquiry throughout his life till he departed from this planet in 1986.

K Discussion Shakespeare’s sonnet “Let me not to the marriage of true minds” metaphorically throws light on Krishnamurti’s decision of divorcing himself from the goals and activities sponsored by the Theosophical organization – ultimately he wanted to be a free thinker. He was indeed a true mind, and he cleared his instance at many occasions. He said that he did not belong to any creed or group, religion, or organization. He did not want a line of followers, and he wanted to be free to an extent that at one point, he said, “I have no responsibility to you or to the people who listen to my talks [1].” He rejected the job of a torchbearer; instead he wished that each individual must become a light to him/herself. Precisely, he did not believe in the guru-shishya “teacher-disciple” tradition which is the basis of Hinduism because when an individual is influenced, she/he becomes a slave to persuasions and propaganda. Also, we find that Krishnamurti’s views are quite different from what the official scripture of Hinduism, namely, the Bhagavad Gita states: truth can be approached through a spiritual master, and only self realised souls can render real knowledge unto you because they have realised the truth;

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however, contrary to what Krishna says, Krishnamurti believes one does not require assistance to find out the truth. Also, the Bhagavad Gita states: once an individual obtains real knowledge, one can never fall again into illusory world, since real knowledge is the part of the supreme. Krishnamurti says philosophical knowledge is of no help in realizing the truth. Moreover, Krishna says that the seers have studied the nature of both the material body and the soul, and they know that the soul is eternal, whereas the body is perishable. However, Krishnamurti is of an opinion that intellectual analysis has nothing to do with the realization of the truth. Further, Krishnamurti provides a criticism of belief system which is the essence of many faiths and religions. Krishnamurti says that belief system actually conditioned our experience [1]. Being slave of our experience, we start seeing things and objects, such as Christian will see Christ, virgins, and angels; Hindus will see Brahma, Vishnu, and Mahesh; similarly the Jew, the Buddhist, the Communist, and the Muslim will see things conditioned by their belief systems. So if you believe in some gods, then you eventually build up some stories with their supposed proof. Krishnamurti says: “what is important is not what you believe but only why you believe at all?” This questioning is rather radial but important to free an individual from the clutches of dogmas and beliefs. Mostly, the reason of believing something is based on the fear of the unknown, the uncertainty of life, the lack of security, and the unchanging world. So when we remove fear from our life, do we really need any belief? Before starting believing in anything, each one of us needs to ask-why do we believe at all? Is it necessary? According to Krishnamurti, “belief is one thing and “what is” is another. Belief is a word, a thought, and this is not the thing, any more than your name is actually you [1].”

Kriya Yoga

Kriya Yoga Om Prakash Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, Department of Humanities and Social Science, National Law University, Jodhpur, Rajasthan, India

Definition Kriya Yoga is an advanced technique which revitalizes life force in the human body. As a consequence normal activities of heart and lungs slow down naturally which uplifts the consciousness to higher levels of perception causing an inner awakening more blissful and satisfying than any of the experiences of mind or the senses. wThe ancient science of God realization, Kriya Yoga, was revived in the year 1861, when in a remote cave in Ranikhet Himalayas, the great yogi householder Shyama Charan Lahiri received Kriya Yoga from his great guru, Mahavatar Babaji. The incident is mentioned in detail in the pages of Paramhansa Yogananda’s Autobiography of a Yogi. Babaji instructed Lahiri Mahasaya to teach Kriya Yoga for all the earnest seekers, who later became instrumental in the training of Paramhansa Yogananda to give this technique to the Western world. The great master Babaji is an ageless siddha living in Himalayas since ages ([5], p. 69). Kriya Yoga was sown in the Western world by Swami Paramhansa Yogananda in 1917. His classical work Autobiography of a Yogi is a must read text in the School of Religion and Philosophy in most of the Western premier universities and research centers, discussing in detail about this science.

Science of Kriya Yoga References 1. Jiddu Krishnamurti texts (n.d.) Retrieved from http:// jiddu-krishnamurti.net/en/the-urgency-of-change/197000-00-jiddu-krishnamurti-the-urgency-of-change-thereligious-life

Kriya Yoga enables the subconscious and the unconscious part of the mind under control. It is a pathway to self-discovery, blissful existence, and enlightenment. Kriya Yoga is science based on verifiable truth. It provides an understanding of

Kriya Yoga

our real self infinite blissful divine consciousness. In science anyone who applies particular steps will gain the same specific results ([1], p. 54). Justice V R Krishna Iyer, former Chief Justice of India says, “The religion Paramhansa Yogananda preached is a science. We need to understand and practice this deeper science in which the true explanations of lives phenomenon can be found” ([7], p. 123). Paramhansa Yogananda says, “Practice Kriya Yoga and discover for yourself the glories of soul within” ([7], p. 137). Paramhansa Yogananda further explains it, “Kriya Yoga is a simple, psycho-physiological method by which the human blood is decarbonized and recharged with oxygen. The atoms of this extra oxygen are transmuted into life current to rejuvenate the brain and spinal centers. By stopping the accumulation of venous blood, the yogi is able to lessen or prevent the decay of tissues; the advanced yogi transmutes his cells into pure energy” ([10], p. 235). Anandmoy Giri a senior monk of SelfRealization Fellowship while citing Paramhansa Yogananda says: “Kriya Yoga is the true fire ceremony extolled in the Bhagvad Gita and the Vedas. The spiritual potency of Kriya Yoga, like an all-consuming fire, destroys the seeds of past bad karma and of earth binding past and present desires. The daily performance of this sacred ritual gradually purifies the consciousness of all material dross” ([3], p. 62). Kriya Yoga is referred by Lord Krishna in stanza 29 of chapter 4 of the Bhagavad Gita: “Offering inhaling breath into the outgoing breath, and offering the outgoing breath into the inhaling breath, the yogi neutralizes both these breaths; he thus releases the life force from the heart and brings it under his control.” The interpretation is: “The yogi arrests decay in the body by an addition of life force, and arrests the mutations of growth in the body by APAN (eliminating current). Thus neutralizing decay and growth, by quieting the heart, the yogi learns life control” ([10], p. 236). This is India’s unique contribution to the world’s treasury of knowledge. The life force, which is ordinarily absorbed in maintaining the heart-pump, must be freed for higher activities by a method of calming and stilling the ceaseless

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demands of the breath. The Kriya Yogi mentally directs his life energy to revolve, upward and downward, around the six spinal centers (medullary, cervical, dorsal, lumbar, sacral, and coccygeal plexuses). Half minute of movement of energy in the spinal cord equals 1 year of natural spiritual evolution. Untying the cord of breath which binds the soul to the body, Kriya enlarges the consciousness to infinity. The tussle between the mind and the matter-bound senses ceases and frees the devotee to reinherit his eternal kingdom. He knows his real nature is bound neither by physical encasement nor by breath. This science is based on empirical methods of concentration and meditation exercises. It enables the person to switch off or on, at will, life current from the five senses of sight, sound, smell, taste, and touch. Attaining this power of sense disconnection, the yogi finds it simple to unite his mind at will with divine realms. Being master of his body and mind, the Kriya Yogi ultimately achieves victory over death by achieving breathless state. Paramhansa Yogananda says, “By Kriya Yoga you shut off the senses at will and take your mind and life and vitality and sensibility and plunge into the infinite” ([12], p. 64). He says further, “I did not come to give theological abstractions, but a technique whereby those who are sincere can truly know God, not just theorize about Him. The practice of Kriya gives the true experience of religion, which can’t be had just talking about God.” He says further, “Kriya Yoga ensures mental and spiritual progress by magnetizing the cells by sending life currents around the brain and spine. When the brain cells are revitalized, every cerebral cell becomes a vibrant brain, and one can find within myriads of awakened brains ready to grasp every vestige of knowledge. With these awakened brains, the multitude of cellular mentalities in the body will awake and all things will be apprehended by one” ([10], p. 294).

Sowing the Seeds of Kriya Yoga Shyamacharan Lahiri and his disciple Swami Sri Yukteshwar trained thousands of devotees in

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Kriya Yoga. The disciple of Swami Yukteshwar Giri, Paramhansa Yogananda received an invitation to serve as the delegate from India to an International Congress of Religious Liberals in Boston, under the auspices of the American Unitarian Association. Paramhansa Yogananda arrived in the United States in 1920. The young Hindu teacher got an enthusiastic reception of his address to the religious congress. Next 3 years he spent in Boston writing, lecturing, and teaching and in 1924 began a transcontinental lecture tour that attracted large audiences in principal American cities. The Los Angeles Times of January 28, 1925, reported: “The Philharmonic Auditorium presents the extraordinary spectacle of thousands...being turned away an hour before the advertised opening of a lecture with the 3000 seat hall filled to its utmost capacity. Swami Yogananda is the attraction. A Hindu is invading the United States to bring God in the midst of a Christian community, preaching the essence of Christian doctrine” ([9], p. 37). Millions of Americans attended his free lectures in the largest available auditoriums in Boston, New York, Buffalo, Rochester, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, Miami, Washington, Chicago, Detroit, Indianapolis, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Minneapolis, St Paul, St Louis, Denver, Salt Lake City, Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los Angeles, San Diego, and many other cities. Hundreds of thousands received personal instruction in Kriya Yoga techniques in the various classes he conducted in America during his stay of 32 years. ([12], p. 79) Self-Realization Fellowship (SRF) was founded in 1920 to continue the legacy of Kriya Yoga worldwide. In 1925, he established the International Headquarter of the Self-Realization Fellowship in a former luxury hotel atop Mt. Washington in Los Angeles with the prime aim to merge the intuitive spirituality of the East with the rational genius of the West to forge a new worldwide, democratic religious consciousness. It has centers and meditation groups throughout the world, which provides a place for people to come together to meditate and seek God. Spread across 62 countries, there are now over 639 SRF temples and meditation centers ([1], p. 51).

Kriya Yoga

Spread of the Movement SRF becomes a nonprofit religious organization in 1935. In the same year, SRF lessons were compiled and meditation groups began to form throughout the United States and abroad. The sublime teachings which made Kriya Yoga a movement were summed up by Paramhansa Yogananda in 1937: “An absolute necessity for the new generation is the recognition of the divinity of all mankind, and the sweeping away of all divisive barriers. I can’t conceive of a Jesus Christ, or a Lord Krishna, or the rishis of old calling any man a Christian, a Hindu, a Jew and so forth. I can conceive of their calling every man my brother. There will be no new order built on contempt of other races or on a ‘chosen people’ complex; but rather on recognition of the divinity of every man who walks the face of this earth, and on recognition of the common fatherhood of God” ([1], p. 55). In a letter to James Lynn, Paramhansa Yogananda writes, “Let us set ablaze new altars of self-realization all over America. Let us help to drive away all darkness in men. Let us leave spiritual footprints in this dream life, which others may follow to get out of the bedlam of misery making nightmares, on to the region dark dreams dare not tread-where God’s fountain of bliss play in ever new ways to enthrall us, and where we may satisfy all the beautiful desires and fancies of the human soul” ([7], p. 53). After a decade and a half of ceaseless spiritual work in the United States, Swami Yogananda returned to India in 1935. Understanding the significance and universality of Kriya Yoga as the scientific foundation of all religions, Mahatma Gandhi and his disciples in Wardha Ashram took initiation from him in 1935 ([10], pp. 419–436). He emerged as a spiritual torch bearer, lighting the path of Kriya Yoga for millions of people in the West. In 1934 he prophesized that a time will come when this great message from India will sweep the world, because it contains those immortal truths that are the very foundation of life and of all religions. To spread this spiritually liberating teaching is the purpose of Self-Realization Fellowship and Yogoda Satsanga Society of India.

Kriya Yoga

Impact on Practioners Lives The millions of practioners of Kriya Yoga in the world have their blissful and distinct experiences and how it changed their lives. Heidi Wyder shares, “Practicing Kriya Yoga has balanced my life, to stay calm and ‘present in the moment’ and thus be more productive and effective in day-today life. I now have a deeper understanding and awareness of myself, and emotionally and spiritually I am becoming more mature. I feel that all the bad things of the past are disappearing with the practice, softly. I feel that the practice gives us a way to burn the ‘walls’ created by the negative influence of bad events of the past, helping us to go on with energy and renewed strength” ([9], p. 87). James Lynn shares, “My life was business, but my soul was sick and my body was decaying and my mind was disturbed. I was so nervous I could not sit still. I was a totally frustrated man. I had thought money could give me happiness, but nothing seemed to satisfy me. I lived in a state of nervousness, a state of strain, an inward state of uncertainty. Then I met Paramhansa Yogananda and started practicing Kriya Yoga” ([7], p. 29). Paramhansa Yogananda says about James Lynn, “In him and in a number of other occidentals I happily see a fulfillment of Babaji’s prophecy that the west, too, would produce saints of true self-realization through the ancient yogic path.” Lynn attained the highest stage of Nirbikapa Samadhi in very short time. Swami Yogananda says, “I am proud that in Mr. Lynn a westerner has stepped forth to show the world the worth in daily life of yoga training. Through him the lives of many, many men will be profoundly changed and turned toward God” ([7], p. 60). Jennie Hill shares: “Regular meditations and SRF teachings help me to keep more balanced and calm, and give a perspective to what is happening in life. They cover an immense range of practical and spiritual subjects” ([1], p. 56). Alison Batley writes, “Everything I read and heard about him led me to believe this was someone talking from real experience, not just theory” ([1], p. 15). Swami Chidananda of Divine Life Society of India says about the mission of Kriya

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Yoga: “It enables you to form a dynamic personal connection with God, which transcends the superficial baggage that has accumulated around the various dogmatic religions. When you feel that connection, it does not matter what you call God-ultimate bliss, or joy, or truth, or spirit. What matters is the experience” ([1], p. 16).

India’s Contribution India has concentrated on understanding the consciousness of man. The right state of consciousness, devotion to God, and following the Kriya Yoga technique are a sure way to happiness. India through her great master Paramhansa Yogananda brought to the West priceless knowledge of soul realization. Today the Western man is in dire need of a spiritual technique such as Kriya Yoga for developing his soul resources. I revere India as a land whose saints develop the highest of all sciences – yoga the technique of soul exploration ([7], p. 137). Rishis of India found that without inner satisfaction, no amount of external good fortune can bring lasting happiness. That is the problem the wise men of India undertook to solve ([13], p. 6). It was in India that techniques of concentration and meditation for realizing God were first discovered. Paramhansa Yogananda’s appeal to Mankind is: “My children, there is a God. You have read your various scriptures in all the world religions, wherein are recorded the divine experiences of God Realization. But this is not enough. You must make truth your own, and Kriya is the way” ([8], p. 196). Through Kriya Yoga India has offered to the humanity diamonds of immortality. That is why Paramhansa Yogananda was sent to the West to teach the ancient scientific principles of God realization that will enable modern man to balance material progress with spiritual development. What India has given to mankind no other country has given? It is the greatest key to happiness and ultimate fulfillment ([4], p. 19). Justice Krishna Iyer regards all the four (Mahavatar Babaji, Lahiri Mahasaya, Swami

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Sri Yukteshwar, and Paramhansa Yogananda) not as India’s sole possession but belonged to the mankind. “Our task today is to imbibe the messages of these avatars-to uplift ourselves so that the human ascent and divine ascent may meet in a confluence that will liberate us from the curse of bondage under which we are living” ([6], p. 90). Justice Krishna Iyer shares his experience in Russia, “While visiting a town near Leningrad I asked a group of professors there whether they had thought about what happens when man dies. After a few minutes of discussion, one of the professors quietly went inside and came out with a book – Autobiography of a Yogi. I was surprised. In a country ruled by the materialistic philosophy of Marx and Lenin, here is an official of the Government Institute showing me Paramhansa Yogananda’s book” ([6], p. 90).

Conclusions Justice Ranganath Mishra, former Chief Justice of India said, “Sri Paramhansa Yogananda lived for uniting mankind as one family. Until we are able to accept the entire world as our common home, and all people as children of God and therefore our brothers and sisters it will be impossible to live in peace” ([6], p. 246). “The material energies of American culture need to be guided by the mature spiritual outlook that is India’s heritage. Ingrained in the consciousness of the Indian people is the concept of reincarnation of the soul, which surely influences their outlook. They seem to be live more in the consciousness of eternity” ([2], pp. 38–39). Experiences brought by Yoga unite all religions. This experience is the goal not of religion but of all life. It is the end of evolution. You become one with the infinite, absolute bliss consciousness of God ([3], p. 61). Today in India, Europe, North and South America, Australia, and everywhere, Paramhansa Yogananda is acknowledged as a “founding father” of his worldwide spiritual renaissance; interest in his teachings – all of his books, his lessons, the lectures, and meditations at YSS/SRF

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centers – has grown tremendously and continues to do so ([12], p. 14). Truth is one, because God is one, though men may ascribe to Him various names. Kriya Yoga shows that there is one common highway to God, the route followers of all religions must take if they wish to reach self-realization, God realization ([8], p. 224). Paramhansa Yogananda is often referred to as the Father of Yoga in the West due to his import of Kriya Yoga. He was able to present it in a way which Christians could readily appreciate and integrate into their own belief system ([11], p.76). Paramhansa Yogananda personally trained over 100,000 persons in Kriya Yoga including many of the great persons of his era including Mahatma Gandhi and the American botanist Luther Barbank. Today a new humanization and unification are necessary, and these can be achieved only by the guidance of the great souls who incarnate to help mankind. World unity will be truly established only by weaving into our relationship an awareness of divinity in everyone.

References 1. Batley A (2007) Ambassador of light. Yogoda Satsanga Mag, July–September 2. Giri Swami Bhavananda (2011) Towards a balanced world civilization. Yogoda Satsanga Mag, July– September 3. Giri Swami Anandmoy (1995) Kriya Yoga: divine dispensation for our awakening age. Yogoda Satsanga Mag III 4. Giri Swami Anandmoy (1997) India’s divine science: it’s value in the modern world. Yogoda Satsanga Mag iv 5. Govindam M (1991) Babaji and the 18 Siddha Kriya yoga tradition. Babaji Kriya Yoga Order of Acharayas, Chidambaram, Madras 6. Gupta A (2016) Two great masters: living a happy and joyous life. Unistar, Chandigarh 7. Lynn JJ (2010) A great western yogi. Yogoda Satsanga Society of India, Kolkata 8. Mata D (1976) Only love. Yogoda Satsanga Society of India, Kolkata 9. Wyder H (2003) Footsteps to freedom: four spiritual masters of Kriya yoga and a beginner. Kriya Source Publishing, Florida 10. Yogananda Paramhansa (1946) Autobiography of a yogi. Yogoda Satsanga Society of India, Kolkata

Krsna ˙˙ ˙ 11. Yogananda Paramhansa (2001) Journey to selfrealization. Yogoda Satsanga Society of India, Kolkata 12. Yogoda Satsanga Society of India, Paramhansa Yogananda in Memoriam, Kolkata 13. Yogananda Paramhansa (1997) What India can offer the World. Yogoda Satsanga Mag iv

Krsna ˙˙ ˙ Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

Kṛṣṇa is a pan-Indian god of great popularity who has also found a home in Western nations by the process of immigration of native Hindus and the influx of international religious movements such as the International Society for Krishna Consciousness. The Sanskrit term kṛṣṇa means “black,” whose significance is a matter of scholarly conjecture. The Chāndogya Upaniṣad (3.17.6-7), a pre-Buddhist text, refers to a Kṛṣṇa, the son of Devakī, but it is difficult to know precisely what this reference signifies because there are no further details provided by the author. Was this individual an Upaniṣadic sage? Was this Kṛṣṇa the same figure of later history? Was he a sage who was deified? We will probably never know the answer to these types of questions with any degree of certainty. However, we are not completely without historical evidence. The narrative of Kṛṣṇa is rooted in the folk beliefs of the Yādava tribe that fused with the beliefs of another tribe called the Vṛṣṇis or Satvatas, a tribe devoted to a figure called Vāsudeva, who may have been a king or hero of the tribe, resulting in a composite figure called Vāsudeva-Kṛṣṇa. As early as the fifth or sixth centuries BCE, there is evidence of the worship of Vāsudeva in a Sanskrit book of grammar composed by the famous grammarian Pāṇini in his Aṣṭādhyāyi (4.3.98). Additional evidence of a cult of Vāsudeva comes from Megasthenes, serving as the Greek ambassador to the court of King Chandragupta Maurya (c. 320 B.C.E.) in a work that mentions a god that this diplomat calls

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Heracles, which is the Greek equivalent of Vāsudeva. More evidence is later found on a column inscription at Besnagar in the region of Madhya Pradesh (c. 115 B.C.E.) by Heliodorus that testifies to a deity crowned by an image of Garuḍa, a later vehicle of the god Viṣṇu that is portrayed as half human and half vulture. Heliodorus uses the term bhāgavata (devotee of Vāsudeva or Bhāgavan) to describe his religious affiliation. From outside of the Hindu tradition, the Buddhist Pāli scriptures also confirm the existence of followers of Vāsudeva. Another grammarian, Patañjali, provides additional evidence of a cult around Vāsudeva in his Mahābhāṣya (Great Commentary 4.3.98) on the prior work of the grammarian Pāṇini. What is especially interesting with this bit of evidence is that Patañjali connects worship of Vāsudeva with the Vṛṣṇi tribe. By the time of the oral transmission of the epic Mahābhārata (c. 300 B.C.E.–300 C.E.), Kṛṣṇa is identified as the chief of the Yādavas. By the second century BCE, the fusion of Vāsudeva and Kṛṣṇa becomes complete with this composite figure worshiped as a distinct deity who becomes identified with Viṣṇu in the epic. In the Mahābhārata, Kṛṣṇa is a military figure who is cunning, calculating, duplicitous, and wise teacher. At the opening scene of the Bhagavad Gītā, Kṛṣṇa is the charioteer for the warrior Arjuna, and Kṛṣṇa drives the chariot to the middle of a battlefield between two armies about to enter a bloody conflict where these two warriors begin a dialogue about duty (dharma) and religion. During their dialogue, Kṛṣṇa becomes more than a warrior because Arjuna accepts him early in the text as his teacher (guru). The dialogue reveals to the reader that Arjuna is concerned about having to kill his relatives and former teachers over a kingdom, which raises ethical questions about proper conduct and duty. Arjuna is so distraught that he decides not to fight and adopts the life of a world renouncer, a choice that would relieve him from having to commit violence. The wise sage, Kṛṣṇa, counsels Arjuna that it is his duty as a warrior to fight. Kṛṣṇa gives additional rationale for fighting and tells Arjuna about the three paths to liberation that include knowledge (jñāna), action (karma), and devotion (bhakti). Up to this

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point in the dialogical exchange, Kṛṣṇa has played the roles of military advisor, friend, warrior, and teacher to Arjuna, while the mysterious identity of Kṛṣṇa has remained hidden. Finally, in Chapter 11, there is a major change in the tenor of the text because this chapter represents the culmination of the dialogue with the grand theophany of Kṛṣṇa. No reader should be surprised that Arjuna is emotionally and mentally overwhelmed by the revelation of the true nature of Kṛṣṇa. Overall, this portrait of Kṛṣṇa in the great epic narrative does not represent the full picture of this god and his evolution. The Harivaṃśa, a supplement to the Mahābhārata, develops the image of the god closer to that portrayed by the later Purāṇic literature that depicts a figure who is more playful, spontaneous, mischievous, and tricky, although there is a serious and ominous side to the Kṛṣṇa narrative. For this part of the Kṛṣṇa saga, it is important to recognize that the Bhāgavata tradition worshiping Vāsudeva-Kṛṣṇa merged later with another cult that was centered on Kṛṣṇa as a young man living in the idyllic town of Vṛvdāvana. In addition, the Bhāgavata tradition incorporates the tribal god of the tribe known as the Abhīras called Gopāla and his brother Balarāma or Saṃkarṣaṇa, who are pastoral deities associated with cowherding life. This tribal tradition combined its cow-related deities with the Bhāgavata religion resulting in the emergence of Gopāla-Krishna. A few centuries later, it is this synthesized deity who appears first in the Harivaṃśa and in later texts such as the Viṣṇu Purāṇa before achieving full development in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa and its tenth book with a full biography. The Purāṇic narrative begins with the birth of Kṛṣṇa’s evil uncle Kaṃsa, who was conceived when his mother was raped by a demon. As he grows older, Kaṃsa cannot lose the demonic side of his nature, being revealed by his evil actions of murdering children, incarcerating his father, and forbidding worship of Viṣṇu. Kaṃsa’s evil action creates a burden for the Earth, who appeals to the gods for assistance. The plea is heard by Viṣṇu, who agrees to intervene for the distressed Earth and destroy this evil king.

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By means of a prophecy, Kaṃsa discovers that the seventh child of a couple named Vāsudeva and Devakī would be Balarāma and the eighth child would be Kṛṣṇa who would destroy the evil king. To protect himself, Kaṃsa decides to kill Devakī, the mother of a champion to be and destroyer of the source of evil. But Devakī’s husband pleas for her life and agrees to yield all his sons to the king to be killed after their birth. The initial six sons are given to the king and slaughtered. In the interim, Kaṃsa also learns that the subsequent incarnated divine beings would be born as cowherders and commands his soldiers to slaughter every cowherd child in the region, causing a multiplication of parental despair and misery. The leading cowherd leader is named Nanda, who has two wives named Yaśodā and Rohinī, and they are destined to play a central role in the early life of Kṛṣṇa. When Devakī becomes pregnant for the seventh time, Viṣṇu seizes this opportunity to transfer the fetus to the womb of Rohinī, and Kaṃsa is misinformed about Devakī’s miscarriage to hide the truth about the transfer of the fetus to a safer location. When Devakī becomes pregnant for the crucial eighth time, the wicked king increases his vigilance and incarcerates Vāsudeva and Devakī. When the eighth child is born, Viṣṇu appears to Vāsudeva and instructs him to take the newborn infant to Nanda’s, a friend of Vāsudeva, home where a substitution would be made by exchanging Devakī’s infant daughter for the child in the womb of Nanda. By means of divine assistance extricating himself from his imprisonment, Vāsudeva switches the newborn infants. When Kaṃsa sees the newborn female infant, he attempts to kill her, but she is transformed into a goddess and informs the king that his rival has been born elsewhere. Thereupon, the king decides to have all male children killed in the region. Because of his being switched at birth, Kṛṣṇa is raised by a cowherding couple, matures within this peaceful and idyllic context, and passes his time playing with humans and demons, before he appears as an adult to return to the court of his evil uncle in the city of Mathurā and destroys Kaṃsa, achieving the purpose of his birth to restore righteousness and defeat evil as personified by his evil

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uncle. When he reaches maturity, Kṛṣṇa also frees the rightful king, marries the beautiful Rukminī, establishes his capital in the western city of Dwarka where he rules wisely, performs heroic acts, and finally dies. Before defeating his uncle and becoming a king, Kṛṣṇa is renowned for his playfulness (līlā), an important notion that helps to define the Purāṇic portrait of the god. Līlā is possible for divine beings because they are complete, suggesting that they need and desire nothing. In comparison, humans work for a living to survive – a practical matter – because they are incomplete. Because Hindu divine beings are complete, what explains the fact that they continue to act? The continued actions of divine beings are explained by līlā (play, sport, dalliance). These playful actions are not intended to accomplish anything. But they do represent the overflow of divine bliss (ānanda), an attribute of divine beings, and lack any pragmatic outcome. Divine play (līlā) is without purpose and simply spontaneous. More closely resembling an aimless display on the stage of the world, divine play dazzles, sparkles, and sometimes terrifies humans, but is forever fascinating to human witnesses. With their overflowing blissful natures, divine beings dance, laugh, play tricks, sing, and play musical instruments. What the divine players are doing can be characterized as superfluous, spontaneous, and free. The divine beings seem to enjoy entertaining humans eager for more blissful action, while humans also enjoy the experience of bliss. The location for a display of divine play is the Earth, which functions as a stage for the deities to demonstrate their ability to play, creating a close relationship between the world and play. In fact, the world is created in the spirit of play and divine joy. The world is a delightful place because it comes from the overflowing divine bliss, which means that it is not a dark dungeon from which one wants to escape. With this assessment of the world, it is completely unnecessary to renounce it because the world holds the promise of gaining salvation within the world. Rather than attempting to escape the world, we can watch and enjoy the dazzling show performed by the divine beings. Thus, the world is not merely an

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ephemeral sphere that is untrustworthy but is much closer to being a phantasmagoric display or an artful magic show that entertains its audience. The blissful nature of divine play overflows and sweeps its audience emotionally away to a realm of spiritual play and manifests a creative power associated with the divine. In fact, the world manifests a divine rhythm that functions as an invitation to participate in a stupendous musical extravagance and cosmic dance. This type of world, grounded in overflowing divine bliss, is the realm of devotional religion, a place that does not demand withdrawal from the world. Instead of renouncing the world and wandering to seek liberation, the devotee is invited to dance with Kṛṣṇa, the ultimate paradigm of the divine player. In the Harivaṃśa and later in the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, play (līlā) serves an essential role in the biography of the deity. No longer the cunning and wise advisor of the figure of the Bhagavad Gītā, the narrative begins with Kṛṣṇa’s childhood pranks, an aspect of his līlā (play) that is innocent and spontaneous. The aimless crawling and erratic movement of his arms and legs are described by the text along with his penchant to play tricks on others, such as stealing sweets and butter from his mother and other women. Even today, an individual devotee can buy lithographs of a healthylooking child sitting with his hand into an overflowing butter jar that adheres to the arms and hands of the child overtipping the jar and spreading onto the floor its golden liquid. But why steal the butter? The butter is not very valuable, yet the child-god feels compelled to steal it. Within the context of Kṛṣṇa devotionalism, butter is symbolic of love, and stealing it is part of playing a game of love, which overflows from its container and signifies the abundance of love. Moreover, there is an excitement associated with the act of stealing the butter, which retains its flavor for a longer time due to the illicit act that is really innocent because a child is the thief. The spirit of Kṛṣṇa devotional religion suggests that love is not a commodity that can be quantified, separated, and stored in containers because it is simple, ample, and valueless. Love is not a commodity that can be bought and sold for a price. Love is

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about relationships and not commodities, a point that is being made by the overflowing butter jar tipped over by the precocious child. When not stealing butter, the child Kṛṣṇa is stealing sweets, relieving his bowels on a neighbor’s floor, teasing younger children and making them cry, or setting cows free to wander. His mother and female neighbors scold him for his naughty behavior, but the child pays no attention, smiles, and laughs because he is beyond restrictions imposed by society. In fact, there is no pragmatic reason why he should obey social regulations. Kṛṣṇa’s antisocial behavior reflects his playfulness. In other words, Kṛṣṇa rejects acting in predictable and habitual ways because he prefers to play, which means that he acts more spontaneously and impetuously. The neighborhood of his hometown and the wider world are his playground where he is free to play without social constraints. To play as an infant suggests that Kṛṣṇa is intimately engaged in the world and informs people that he is easily approachable by devotees because an infant is a non-threatening figure. If one sees a child playing tricks and misbehaving, it is natural to respond to such a sight with a smile at the child’s cute antics. But Kṛṣṇa’s innocent tricks as a child are sometimes interspersed with direct attacks by demons to destroy him. The demoness Pūtanā, for example, disguises herself as a comely woman and visits Kṛṣṇa’s home and dotes on the child, asking his mother if she can breastfeed the infant. Unaware that the disguised demoness had poisoned the nipples of her breast, the child’s mother gives permission. As the infant nurses from the demoness, the poison has no effect on the child, and the child continues to not only feed but also proceeds to suck the life out of the demoness. In another episode, Tṛnāvarta, another demon, creates a great whirlwind to sweep away the little child. While twisting in the air, Kṛṣṇa transforms himself into something very heavy that forces the demon to drop the solid, weighty burden. Clinging to the demon’s neck, the child forces it to fall and kill itself. Bakāsura, a third demon, appears as a huge crane and swallows the child. But Kṛṣṇa transforms himself into an extremely hot substance in the throat of the demon that causes it to

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spit the child-god out its mouth, giving Kṛṣṇa an opportunity to tear the demon to pieces. A witness to these events might react with horror to the violence and gore. Although such a reaction could be considered normal, it would miss the point of these narratives because it would neglect to see the element of līlā (play) in these stories. Within the narrative context of Kṛṣṇa’s life, the demons that he encounters as an innocent, presumably weak infant, are nothing more than toys with whom he can play or figures he can trick. The child-god outtricks the demons by appearing to be a vulnerable child before he begins to play with them and dispatches these killers with relative ease. For ordinary mortals, combat is a matter of life and death. But for Kṛṣṇa, it is an opportunity to play. The playfulness of the child-god gives way to the adolescent prankster. At this period of Kṛṣṇa’s biography based on the tenth book of the Bhāgavata Purāṇa and the Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa, he is depicted as a young boy leading a band of fellow cowherding boys. During an auspicious religious month for making vows, cowherd women (gopīs) proceed to the banks of the Yamunā River to bathe, leaving their clothes, jewelry, and food delicacies on the bank. While the women are bathing in the river, Kṛṣṇa and his band of merry pranksters steal the women’s belongings, eat the food, and pile the clothing into a large heap. From a location in a tree, Kṛṣṇa announces to the women the theft of their belongings, proceeding to then tease the bathers about going naked and losing an opportunity to complete their religious vows. The women chase the young boys and surround them, but the boys give the clothes to Kṛṣṇa, who hangs them from the limbs of a tree. There are versions of this playful encounter when the cowherd women (gopīs) are reluctant to leave the water because of their modesty associated with their nakedness. Eventually, they find the courage to exit the water and beg Kṛṣṇa for their clothing. It is here that play becomes wedded to the erotic in the biography of the god. Despite his tricks on them, the gopīs become enamored of Kṛṣṇa and desire to constantly be with him. The gopīs would rondeaux with him in

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the forest, an event that often occurred at night, its darkness signifying a cloak for prying eyes, something secret, socially illicit behavior, mysterious, dangerous, and potentially scandalous. Some of the gopīs are married but surreptitiously leave their husbands and children at home when they journey for their meeting with the young god. When in the forest, they would look for signs of the deity such as his footprints. During periods when he was not present, the gopīs would recall stories about Kṛṣṇa’s heroic exploits, his pranks, and his playful nature. They would sing his praises and his name as they wandered in the forest seeking to find him. When he would suddenly appear, they reacted joyously, while they reacted with despair when he would suddenly disappear. This appearing and disappearing – exemplifying the to-and-fro movement of play – are instances when Kṛṣṇa plays with the women by emotionally uplifting them and then disappointing them. This playful game’s major theme is love in separation that can become erotic. But there is also another kind of play that is emphatically more erotic between the divine and human parties. Again, this occurs in the forest, a place outside of organized society, when the gopīs are lured to a meeting place by the sound of Kṛṣṇa’s melodious flute or his voice. In this instance, the god is calling the cowherd women to dance, an activity that is often a metaphor for sexual intercourse and a direct violation of their wedding vows. This dance is often depicted occurring in a circle, an event called the rāsa līlā (circle dance). The circle is portrayed as Kṛṣṇa standing next to each gopīs in the circle, which gives each of the cowherd women the impression that the god is dancing with just her, a formation made possible by the māyā (illusory power) of the deity that also deludes the husbands left at home into not be aware that their wives are missing from home. A variation of this depiction occurs when Kṛṣṇa is located next to each of the gopīs and is also depicted standing in the center of the circle playing his flute. This scenario suggests that his flute is anarchical because it breaks down social norms and ends habitual behavior. The sound emanating from Kṛṣṇa’s voice or flute produces an erotic sound that is also violent and dangerous,

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culminating with sexual relations with the god. It is interpreted theologically by the later tradition as god calling the soul back to its creator. Although performed in the spirit of play, Kṛṣṇa’s lovemaking with the gopīs is executed to enable them to experience bliss (ānanda). From a more theological perspective, the play of love between Kṛṣṇa and the gopīs is a salvific type of love that is bereft of egoism and unidentified by name. There are some literary references to Rādhā in, for example, the Gāhāsattasāī, a Prakrit work by Hāla dated anywhere from the first to the seventh century CE in which she appears as a mistress of Kṛṣṇa. There is also an icon of her at Pahārapur that dates to the fifth century CE. The Śilappadikāram, a Tamil classic work, includes a female named Nappiṇṇai who is identified as the wife of Māyan (Kṛṣṇa-Gopāla). The southern Indian poets Āṇṭāḻ and Nāmmāḻvār, respectively, female and male Āḻvār poets, included a woman named Nappiṇṇai in their poetic creations, who they depict as an incarnation of Viṣṇu’s consort. It is difficult, however, to discern with any certainty her being connected with the later Rādhā. There are no explicit references to Rādhā in the epic literature or in Purāṇic texts, such as the Viṣṇu and Bhāgavata Purāṇas. We do find mentions of Rādhā’s humble origins in the Padma Purāṇa (composed around 900 C.E.) and the Nāradīya Purāṇa (composed between 875–1000 C.E.) that mentions a Rādhā cult where she is called primal matter (mūlaprakṛti). The Brahmavaivarta Purāṇa, which is dated between 750 and 1550 C.E., develops a feminine theology around Rādhā where she is an active, creative, lifesustaining, loving, and redemptive goddess. Although it is difficult to determine with accuracy how Rādhā became a predominate figure associated with Kṛṣṇa, it is evident that Jayadeva’s poem the Gītāgovinda composed in 1170 C.E. played a significant role establishing her as favorite gopī of the dark god. In this erotic, comic, violent, and playful poem, Jayadeva depicts the couples’ sexual relationship beginning in the spring, a time of renewal and hope, and at night to hide their secret and illicit affair. This love affair is portrayed as an ordeal resulting in two bodies moist with sweat and worn-out by the

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effort. Rādhā’s jewel anklets create an erotic sound as she reaches the height of sexual pleasure during intercourse. The poet makes a reader wonder about the undescribed eight types of sexual intercourse and kissing that occur between the two lovers. The arduous nature of their encounter suggests that at times each loses control – physically and emotionally – which has comical consequences, such as confused speech and accidental exchange of clothing, suggesting the overturning of the world and attainment of an ideal world of constant bliss. For all the carnality of the text, Jayadeva depicts a simultaneous spiritual and transcendent experience. Jayadeva implies that Rādhā is the model devotee because she completely surrenders herself to Kṛṣṇa within the rhythm of divine play (līlā), even though there are examples when the poet makes her the winner in the game of love.

Theological Reflections and Krsna ˙˙ ˙ The biography of Kṛṣṇa and his play with the gopīs (cowherd women) has had a significant impact on subsequent theological thinking. Although neither Rādhā nor any other gopī plays a role in his theology, Vallabha (1479–1531) calls his work the “path of grace” (puṣṭimārga) and calls his system of thinking pure nondualism (Śuddhādvaita), which stands in opposition to Śaṇkara’s impure nondualism. Vallabha views his monism as pure because it includes bhakti (devotion) and excludes the doctrine of māyā (unreal, illusion). Vallabha assumes a sectarian position when he equates Brahman with Kṛṣṇa, the material and efficient cause of the world. Even though the world is real, the soul (jīva) is both different and nondifferent from Brahman. The soul is a manifestation of Brahman, but with the attribute of bliss obscured. Vallabha is opposed to renunciation and extreme forms of asceticism because the human body is a temple of god and devotion needs to be cultivated and does not involve rejection of the world. Vallabha is convinced that the path of devotion is superior to the path of knowledge, although action and knowledge can function to

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remove obstacles on the path. The way of devotion is superior to the path of knowledge because the latter way witnesses the seeker for liberation losing their body, which means that they cannot experience the bliss of god and cannot serve god in a disembodied condition. During the fifteenth century, an ardent devotee of Kṛṣṇa lived and led a group of devotees to publicly sing the praises of the god and chant his name. Originally named Viśvambhar, he would evolve to become known as Caitanya (literally meaning “he who awakens consciousness of Kṛṣṇa”). This mad Bengali saint saw Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa everywhere, and these experiences triggered ecstatic trance states when he would lose control of himself. He was also affected emotionally after hearing Kṛṣṇa’s name, for instance, by falling into a swoon, trembling emotionally, and crying profusely. Caitanya and his followers imagined themselves to be gopīs free to play with Kṛṣṇa and sing his praises. Caitanya’s enjoyment of līlā (play) occurred within a spiritual context of love in separation and madness. Being separated from his god drove him mad. Some of Caitanya’s contemporaries thought that he was an avatāra (incarnation) of Kṛṣṇa, while other saw him as an embodiment of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, implying that the god became incarnated in Caitanya to experience the same bliss felt by Rādhā when sexually united with Kṛṣṇa. Although Caitanya never wrote very much, he inspired a rich theological history as evident by the six Gosvāmins and their creation of the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava tradition. In their over 219 Sanskrit works, the Gosvāmins, especially Jīva Gosvāmī, insisted that the soul is the same and different (bhedābheda) from god, the supreme deity and not just an incarnation. The difference between god and the soul is due to distinctions in attributes and characteristics. The relationship between Kṛṣṇa and his devotee is characterized by pure bliss (hlādinī), whose essence is bhakti (love). The movement would eventually split over the interpretation about the relationship between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa and about whether she was his mistress or his wife. In part, it was an argument over which woman represented the superior exemplar of pure love (prema).

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A further development of the Caitanya movement was the Sahajiyā cult that stressed one’s native endowment at birth (sahaja) and implying what is natural or easy. Because a devotee’s senses are naturally endowed, they should not be rejected or suppressed. They taught an equilibrium between the self (microcosm) and the world (macrocosm). The sahaja represents a place free of the cycle of rebirth that is an eternity of bliss defined further as a place of Kṛṣṇa, an eternal Vṛndāvana, representing the eternal pleasure of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa located in a secret place called the “hidden moon.” In addition to these types of theological movements, Kṛṣṇa devotion was also given expression by gifted poets. In addition to Jayadeva’s poem, there was the Krishnakarnamśṛta (Nectar of the Acts of Krishna) by Bilvamaṅgala in the thirteenth century. The poet compares Kṛṣṇa’s body parts to features of nature. The poem also expresses the soul’s love of god and evokes various types of sentiments (rasas) related to bhakti (devotion). The illicit love between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa is a major focus of the poems of Caṇḍīdāsa and Vidyāpati in the fourteenth century. For these poets, this illicit relationship is a form of līlā (play). It is important for a person to dedicate oneself to the service of love, which for them was the most profound revelation. Caṇḍīdāsa composed his poems from his own autobiographical context because he fell in love with a lowcaste washerwoman, who assumed the role of Rādhā in his poems making them more personal. These poems scandalized some of the poet’s fellow Brahman caste members as he pushed them to accept his partner. An especially renowned poet was the blind Sūrdās (born c. 1478), who was a member of the Vallabha branch of Vaiṣṇavism, and had six works attributed to him. The Sūrṣārāvalī was devoted to the incarnation of Kṛṣṇa, and the Sāhitiyalaharī focused on the līlā (play of the deity). Inspired by the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, Sūrdās composed his most famous work entitled the Sūrsāgar, a compendium of poems devoted to the narrative of the god. The poet interpreted Rādhā’s status as a legally married wife of Kṛṣṇa and spiritually united in body and soul with the god, although

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the two figures gave their devotees the impression of being separated. In the region of Maharashtra, a very different type of Kṛṣṇa bhakti developed within the cult of Viṭhobā, a regional name for the dark god. In this region, Kṛṣṇa is now the husband of Rukminī, who has replaced Rādhā in the cult. The two major divisions of this cult are the Mahānubhāvas (literally, “those who have a great experience”) and the Vārakarīs (literally, “those who tour”), a reference to those who go on pilgrimage to the city of Pandharpur. The Mahānubhāvas worship a deity who has incarnated himself five times, forming the so-called five Kṛṣṇas, but is not considered an incarnation of Viṣṇu. Two additional incarnations, however, are identified as Guṇḍam Rāūl, a teacher, and Cakradhar, the founder of the sect. The sect stressed devotionalism combined with asceticism and renunciation of social connections and possessions. The Vārakarīs are devotees of strictly Viṭhobā and traces their origins to Jñāneśvara (1275–1296 C.E.), who composed a commentary on the Bhagavad Gītā called the Jñāneśvari, which gained the status of a sacred object as the text grew in stature. Besides these theological and sectarian developments, Kṛṣṇa devotion inspired public ways of expressing its religion with rāsa līlā performances of a dance followed by a one-act play based on one of the many episodes of Kṛṣṇa’s play. All the actors are richly costumed young boys. Devotional expressions were also represented by bhajanas, a form of congregational worship of Kṛṣṇa that is like kīrtana practice in the north of India. Kṛṣṇa devotion is also celebrated with festivals like the Holī festival, a celebration of social chaos and the riotous playfulness of the god and his devotees.

References 1. Dimock EC (1989) The place of the hidden moon: erotic mysticism in the Vaiṣṇava-sahajiyā cult of Bengal. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Haberman D (1988) Acting as a way of salvation: a study of Rāgānugā Bhakti Sādhana. Oxford University Press, New York 3. Hardy F (1983) Viraha-Bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, Delhi

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814 4. Hawley JS (1981) At play with Krishna: pilgrimage dramas from Brindavan. Princeton University Press, Princeton 5. Hein N (1972) The miracle plays of Mathurā. Yale University Press, New Haven 6. Hiltebeitel A (1990) The ritual of battle: Krishna in the Mahābhārata. State University of New York Press, Albany 7. Matchett F (2001) Krishna, Lord and Avatāra? The relationship between Krishna and Vishnu. Curzon Press, Richmond

Krsna Devotion ˙˙ ˙ Besides, men will ever recount thy ill-fame, and for one who has been honored ill-fame is worse than death. The great warriors will think that thou hast abstained from battle through fear, and they by whom thou was highly esteemed will make light of thee. Either slain thou shalt go to heaven or victorious thou shalt enjoy the earth, therefore, arise, O Son of Kunti, resolve the battle as your Kshatriya dharma. (Shri Krishna to Arjun in the Bhagavad Gita, Chapter 2, verse 31–37)

The Etymology

Krsna Devotion ˙˙ ˙ ▶ Puṣṭimārga ▶ Vallabhācārya

Ksatriya ˙ ▶ Pallava Dynasty

Ksetra ▶ Nīyoga’

Ksetraja ▶ Nīyoga’

Kshatriya Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

There exists no greater good for a kshatriya than a war enjoined by duty. Happy are the Kshatriyas O Parth, for whom such a war comes of its own accord as an open door to heaven. But if thou does not this lawful battle, then thou wilt fail thy duty and glory and will incur sin.

The word Kshatriya is derived from a Sanskrit word “Kshatra” which means dominion, government, administration, power, or rule. The root of the word “Kshatriya” is “Kshi” which means to rule or govern. They were the class or governors and warriors, and their basic duty was to protect the land of their descendant. The Persian words “Shah” and “Shahr” are related to this word as well as the Thai word “Kasat” and the Malay word “Kesatria or satria” which also show good connections to the word “Kshatriya.” The term denoted aristocracy, governance, and administration, a higher power who is the ruler of the land. The early Vedic period did not use the word “Kshatriya,” but the word popularly used specially by the Purusha Sukta for the ruling class was “Rajanya.” This was the first time that one can find a mention of the caste system in the Vedic texts. “Rajanya” was an adjective form of the word “Rajan” which means the ruler or the king, and it is picked from the Sanskrit root “Raj” which means “to rule.” The root is similar to the German term “Reich” for the empire. The Persian word “Kshatrapa” denotes the rulers as well. Thus “Rajanya” comes from two words, Raja the king and janya means the kins or the people; all in all the term symbolized the kins of the king. By the end of the Vedic period, the term “Rajanya” was replaced by the tem “Kshatriya.” The prominent distinction between the connotations of both the words is that Rajanya stresses kinship with the rajan or the king and Kshatriya denotes power over a particular domain. Eventually the term “Rajanya” denoted one’s identity to

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a lineage of kings, whereas the term Kshatriya denoted rulers. The Kshatriya class is represented by the Nyagrodha Banyan tree and the danda (a staff).

The Four Social Orders: The Hindu Caste System The term caste is derived from the Portuguese word “casta” which means pure or chaste which suggests a concern about keeping to one’s own class and avoiding intermingling of caste since it might result into social chaos and brings injustice in the society. The ancient Hindu society was stratified into four divisions of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas, and Shudras. The Kshatriya class is the second class in denomination though there have been rifts between the Brahmin and the Kshatriya classes to prove their supremacy over the entire hierarchy and both gave rational arguments to prove their supreme power over the other. The Kshatriyas were defined as the rulers, the protectors, and the warriors who ensured the safety and the administration of the region. In the ancient era, one’s position in a class was determined by their skill also known as guna, one’s actions or karma, and one’s inborn nature or personality, known as svabhava. However, as time progressed, the membership to the class was determined not by one’s aptitude but by birth. The class of the family determined the caste of the newborn. This system of “caste” was named as “Varna” system, and the four major castes later on branched into hundreds of “jatis” or subcasts, and the entire system came to be known as the “Varna Jati vyavastha.” These days, the Kshatriya varna includes a broad class of jati groups, differing substantially in status and function but unified by their claims to rulership, the pursuit of war, or the possession of clan lands. Varna generally means color and jati means caste. Duty toward one’s caste is considered an eternal duty known as nitya-dharma. One has to perform his nitya-dharma according to one’s psychophysical makeup. This is also known as one’s sva-dharma or personal duty according to one’s idiosyncratic inclination and

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body type. Thus the original system was based on quality and inclination and not on one’s family of birth. The major branches of Kshatriya varna are Chandravanshi, class of the descents from Chandra (Moon); Suryavanshi, claiming their descent from Ramachandra and (Sun) “Surya,” Agnivanshi, claiming descent from Agni (Fire); and Nagvanshi claiming descent from the Nagas (the serpent dynasty). There were instances of many non-Hindu communities which received the status of a Kshatriya clan. The Sakas, Yavanas, Kambojas, Pahlavas, Paradas were foreign invaders from the northwest but were designated into the Indian community as Kshatriyas.

Mythology A poem in the Rigveda (10.90.12) known as the poem of the primeval man from the Purusha Sukta contains a popular Hindu story to explain the origins of the four classes of Hinduism. The story starts such that the universe began with the great sacrifice of the cosmic being Purusha. The Mighty Purusha, the eternal Lord, expanded his universal body into the visible universe. His body was divided into four parts, and these were known as the four varnas or categories. From its head (mouth) came the Brahmin class and from its arms came the Kshatriya (warrior) class. Other classes came from its legs (Vaishyas) and feet (Shudras). As the warriors, the Kshatriyas protected Hindu society, whereas the Vaishyas pursued trade, while the Shudras performed menial jobs of farming, butchering, labor, artisans, and all the jobs required to maintain the physical needs of a society. The Brahmins managed the religious needs of the society and imparted knowledge of the higher truths of life. Another version of the story behind the creation of the four Varnas is that the Brahmins were created at dawn, Kshatriyas at noon, Vaishyas at dusk, and Shudras at night; hence the Brahmin varna was reddish as the sky before dawn, Kshatriya varna as the Sun at noon, Vaishya as the evening sky, and Shudra the color of night sky.

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The Kshatriya Dharma: Duties of a Kshatriya Lord Krishna, while imparting the Kshatriya wisdom to Arjun in the Bhagwat Gita, talks about the duties of the members of all four social classes of Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Shudra. Qualities and duties pertaining to the class of Kshatriya are heroism, vigor, steadiness, resourcefulness, not fleeing even in a battle, generosity, leadership, charity, farsightedness, physical strength and emotional balance, containment of desires, greed and lust, and lastly unsurpassing courage to face the enemies and love the people of the land unconditionally. Lord Krishna says that devoted to his own duty, man attains perfection. One does not incur sin when one does the duty ordained by one’s own nature. One should not give up the work suited to one’s nature though it may be defective. For a Kshatriya, the duty toward the state and the clan is higher than any purpose or duty, and one must not put their self before the state under any circumstances; your life is a dharma toward the rajya, and one may never default in this dharma by any means (Bhagwat Gita, chapter 17, Verses 40–48). Thus the two major duties of a Kshatriya are to govern and to wage a war. In conclusion, the Bhagwat Gita explains that the class distinctions are natural and every human fits into one of the classes in some way. When a person possessed the qualities of action, motivation, aggression and courage, seek honor, power, and have a martial and political temperament, they would be represented by the color red (rajo guna). Those that belong to this color belong to the Kshatriya class. Some most popular Kshatriyas in the history of India are Lord Rama, Lord Krishna, Mahavir, Kautilya (famous for his “Arthashastra”), and Gautam Buddha to name a few. The Kshatriya class is the backbone of every society that is civilized and governed under an ethical power.

Further Reading 1. Smith BK (1998) Reflections on resemblance, ritual, and religion. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 2. Klostermaier K (2007) A survey of Hinduism, 3rd edn. State University of New York press, Albany

Kuchipudi 3. Doniger W (2009) The Hindus, an alternative history. The Penguin press, New York 4. Rosen S (2006) Essential Hinduism. Praeger publication, Westport/London 5. Kshatriyas. New World Encyclopedia, 23 Jan 2018, 21:11 UTC. 25 Jul 2018, 06:30 http://www.newworlden cyclopedia.org/p/index.php?title¼Kshatriyas& oldid¼1009080 6. Singh U (2008) A history of ancient and early medieval India: from the stone age to the 12th century. Pearson Education, Noida 7. Bandyopadhyaya J (2007) Class and religion in ancient India. Anthem Press, London, pp 37–47

Kuchipudi Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

Kuchipudi stands as one of the seven magnificent classical Indian dance styles belonging to the state of Andhra Pradesh in the southern part of India (others being Bharatanatyam, Kathak, Kathakali, Kuchipudi, Manipuri, Mohiniattam, Odissi). It originated in the seventeenth century with the vision of Sidhyendra Yogi, of the dance drama known as Bhama Kalapam which is a story of Satyabhama who was one of the wives of Lord Krishna. The ascetic Satyendra Yogi gave this dance style a new vision and direction. A typical Kuchipudi dance performance begins with the sprinkling of the holy water and burning of lamps and incenses. The goddess of learning, knowledge, wealth, and energy are invoked. Later the main characters of the dance drama are introduced along with songs. The purpose of Kuchipudi is to emphasize bhakti, which is the worship and devotion toward the Hindu gods, and to connect devotees and The Gods through dance. Vocal and instrumental Carnatic music in the Telugu language accompanies the performance. The typical musical instruments in Kuchipudi are mridangam, cymbals, veena, flute, and tambura. Traditionally all characters were played by men since women never participated in dramas as it was considered dishonoring. Kuchipudi was originally a male dance tradition. Groups of men traveled from region to region, enacting stories

Kuchipudi

from the Hindu bhagwatas and mythology. It was only in the last nine or ten decades that women were introduced to this art form. Kuchipudi also refers to a small village in the state of Andhra Pradesh, Kuchipudi derives its name from the village of Kuchelapuram, in the Krishna district of Andhra Pradesh, India. The name of the village is itself derived from Sanskrit Kusilava-puram, which means “the village of actors.” Kusilava is a term found in ancient Sanskrit texts and refers to “traveling bard, dancer, newsmonger.” Every priest of that village is expected to perform the character of Satyabhama at least once in their lifetime, as an offering to Lord Krishna. Kuchipudi is unique in its form from the other six dance styles of India since it includes dance, drama, and singing. Kuchipudi developed as an epiphenomenon of the Bhakti Movement of South India. Kuchipudi has all the aspects of the Natyasastra (theory of performing art). It diligently follows all the rules of sanskrit theater. Kuchipudi is evenly balanced between the three aspects of dance: Nritta, Nritya, and Natya which means pure dance, expressions, and drama. The Jathis or rhythmic sequences concluding a verse or song are Nritta. The Sabdams in which an interpretative line alternates with a rhythmic passage are Nritya, while the dance dramas depicting a continuous story with a number of characters are Natya. This kind of complete and distinctive classifications is not found in the other classical styles of India. The four aspects of Abhinaya, which are Angika, Vachika, Aharya, and Satvika, are also to be found in immense measure in Kuchipudi style. The use of vachika abhinaya (spoken words) is a special feature of the Kuchipudi style. The dancer does not merely dance but also act with gestures, expressions as well as words. The Kuchipudi artiste should learn to sing with his voice, interpret the meaning of the song with his gestures, express the sentiments with face and eyes, and echo the rhythm with his feet. It is a holistic dance that involves the complete rendering of the principles of Natya Sastra, the book of dance. The technical aspect of Kuchipudi includes 67 hasta mudras, which include 13 Samyuta, 24 Asamyuta, and 32 Nrittahastas, as mentioned

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in Chap. 9, Verses 3–17, in the Natya Shastra. It includes the 108 Karanas, and also the Charis and Mandala are part of the Kuchipudi repertoire (Kuchipudi.com). Traditionally, there have been two parallel schools of dance: Nattuva Mela and Natya Mele. The first school known as Nattuva Mela includes a devotional purpose performed in temples by devadasis and type second, Natya Mela, intended for special occasions in the temples such as festivals, rituals, ceremonies, etc., for the sake of pilgrims. Nattuva Mela has developed into Bharatanatyam and Natya Mela into the Kuchipudi dance. The students are taught all the “Samyutha” and “Asamyuktha Hastas, with the 108 Karanas, Charis, and mandala movements of the head, neck, eyes, and eyebrows, according to the Natya Sastra. The student has to learn the Natya and Nayika styles completely. Angika, Vachika, Satvika, and Aharya – the four types of Abhinaya (actions) – are essential. Every student of Kuchipudi must be able to sing and present the meaning by hasta mudras and express bhava through his eye and rhythm by means of his footwork. It takes at least a decade for a student to master this art.

Repertoire The repertoire of Kuchipudi originally included both kalapas and yakshaganas. The kalapas have few characters with themes revolving around a single event or character. Yakshaganas, in contrast, have a complete storyline involving many characters. The most popular kalapa of Kuchipudi is Bhama Kalapam. One of the well-known solo compositions of Kuchipudi is Tarangam. This composition has a very interesting execution of the Nritta, where the dancer stands on the rim of a brass plate and interweaves several rhythmic variations. This is to show the skill of the dancer over rhythm. Guru Vempati Chinna Satyam, the genius of Kuchipudi dance form, has played a significant role in the rejuvenation and spread of the form. In general situations, Kuchipudi dancers dance to the songs of Jayadeva’s Gita Govindam, to the Tarangams of Narayana Teertha, and to the Padamas of Kshetrayya. They even perform to

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the slokas of Lilasuka Sri Krisjna Karnamritham. The songs composed by the Kuchipudi artistes are padams, kritis, and javalis, which are purely classical models for Abhinaya. Kuchipudi dance dramas are “Sringara”-oriented. Some famous artists and patrons of the Kuchipudi dance style are the following:

Kula

Kulama¯rga ▶ Kaula

Kumbha Mela • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Madhavayya Hari Pedda Satyanarayana Vempati Perayya Tadepalli Punnayya Hari Radhakrishna Murthy Chinta Guru Smt. Vijaya Prasad: Dr. Vempati Chinna Satyam Raj and Radha Reddy Shubha Naidu Yamini Krishnamurthy Uma Rama Rao Venkata Ramayya Chinta Vedanta Lakshmi Narayan Sastry Venkatachalapati Hari Venkatanarayana Vempati

James G. Lochtefeld Department of Religion, Carthage College, Kenosha, WI, USA

Synonyms None

Definition A Hindu religious festival.

Introduction Further Reading 1. Kuchipudi.com 2. Kothari S, Pasricha A (2001) Kuchipudi: Indian classical dance art. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 3. Narayan S (2011) Kuchipudi. The sterling book of Indian classical dance. Sterling Publishers, Pvt Ltd, New York 4. Lochtefeld JG (2002) The illustrated encyclopedia of Hinduism. The Rosen Publishing Group, Sterling, pp 103–104, 50–51 5. Vatsyayan K (1974) Indian classical dance. Sangeet Natak Akademi, Zurich 6. Lidova N (2014) Natyashastra. Oxford University Press, New York

Kula ▶ Kaula

Kulakundalinī ˙˙ ▶ Kuṇḍalinī

The Kumbha Mela (“Festival of the Pot”), widely considered the world’s largest religious gathering, is celebrated at four north Indian pilgrimage sites: Hardwar, Prayaga (near Allahabad), Ujjain, and Nasik; it generally returns to each site after 12 years, although the phenomena that determine its timing – the astrological position of the sun, moon, and Jupiter – sometimes bring it back after 11. Hardwar and Prayaga have a smaller “half” (Ardha) Kumbha Mela 6 years after the full Kumbha Mela, and these two sites have historically had far larger pilgrim numbers. The Kumbha Mela’s primary ritual action is bathing in sacred rivers: the Ganges at Hardwar and Allahabad, the Godavari at Nasik, and the Shipra at Ujjain. Its current charter myth describes the gods and the asuras churning the Ocean of Milk for the nectar of immortality: the gods ran off with the nectar for 12 divine days (equal to 12 human years), during which some of the nectar splashed on these four sites. Pilgrims bathe throughout each site’s months-long festival calendar, but

Kumbha Mela

each site has three primary bathing days on which the rivers are believed to revert to that primordial nectar. By established custom the 13 akharas – organized groups of Hindu ascetics – have exclusive bathing privileges at the holiest times on these days. These groups travel to bathe in highly choreographed ritual processions in a strictly defined order: the first seven are the Shaiva sanyasi akharas, the next three are Vaishnava bairagis, then two Udasi akharas (whose members worship various deities), and finally the Nirmalas, whose historical roots lie in the Sikh community. These ascetic groups stay for the entire festival, and the chance to meet them for teaching and blessings is a powerful attraction for ordinary pilgrims. Though commonly believed to be ancient, the present Kumbha Mela has developed relatively recently. One constant feature is that it has been a highly visible stage on which to contest for power and authority. This continues unabated today, as various groups vie for attention on a world media stage.

History and Development Although the current charter myth describes a single festival in four different locations, scrupulous historical inquiry yields a far more complex picture. The name “Kumbha Mela” first appears in the Khulasat-ut-Tawarikh, a Mughalera gazetteer written in 1695 ([11]: xi–xii). This text describes it an enhanced version of Hardwar’s annual spring bathing festival, held when Jupiter was in Aquarius (in the Indian zodiac, kumbha; [11]: 19). Since this text specifically names the Kumbha Mela as a Hardwar festival, and because Hardwar is the only Kumbha Mela site for which Aquarius determines the festival’s timing, it seems that Hardwar had the original Kumbha Mela. The same text describes Nasik’s Sinhastha Mela; this was held when Jupiter was in Leo (sinha) and thus would have also been on a 12year cycle ([11]: 51). This appears to have been a separate festival, since the 1883 Nasik District Gazetteer gives a completely different charter myth for its establishment ([8]: 652–53n). Eighteenth-century sources attest that the ascetic

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akharas attended both festivals and that disagreements over bathing precedence sometimes sparked pitched battles. Jupiter is also in Leo for the Ujjain Kumbha Mela, but in different months than at Nasik (spring versus late summer). It occurs in either the same calendar year as the Nasik Mela or the subsequent year (as in 2015–2016) – depending on whether Jupiter enters Leo before March or between March and August. Several sources ([9]: 50, [12]: 555) describe the Ujjain Kumbha Mela as initiated by the Maratha ruler Ranoji Shinde, who invited the akharas attending the Nasik Mela to Ujjain. A Kumbha Mela would highlight Ujjain as a renascent Hindu kingdom and reinforce Shinde’s image as a pious Hindu ruler. One hint that the Ujjain Mela was governed by an outside authority (i.e., Shinde) lies in the bathing pattern there. At the other sites, the akharas bathe sequentially, with the strongest groups claiming the holiest bathing times, but at Ujjain the akharas enter the water simultaneously. Prayaga’s Kumbha Mela takes place primarily during the month of Magh, which in other years is celebrated as the Magh Mela. Although the Magh Mela is well attested in the puranas, records of a 6- or 12-year festival cycle at Prayaga begin only in late 1800s. Kama Maclean contends that the first Prayaga Kumbha Mela was in 1870, although a source she mentions ([7]: 886) describes an “Adh Kumbh” in 1864. Based on the dearth of data, she posits ([7]: 890–91) that local elites transposed the form of Hardwar’s Kumbha Mela to Allahabad after the 1857 uprising, in an effort to create a festival too big for the British to ban. The 1906 Prayaga Kumbha Mela reportedly drew more than two million people ([6]: 196), and by the mid-twentieth century, its geographic advantages had made it the largest Kumbha Mela – the Ganges and Yamuna riverbanks provide a much larger festival space, and the surrounding region is densely populated. If these inferences are correct, then the festival’s current form – one festival, four sites – arose later in the nineteenth century, and its charter myth probably first circulated orally. The earliest known written source for this charter, Venirama Sharma Gauda’s Kumbha Parva Mahatmya, was

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published in Kashi in 1947. The original text is rare and difficult to find, but Bonazzolli ([1]: 106n) reproduces the passages connecting all four sites.

Trends The Kumbha Mela combines two key Hindu religious assumptions – that some places are holier than others and that some times are holier than others; combining these two provides an unusual religious opportunity. Each Kumbha Mela has three peak festival days, but most visitors stress that these religious benefits are not simply mechanical – since fish in the Ganges receive no blessings – but ultimately depend on the mindset one brings to this experience. After all, the “meaning” of any experience depends on how individuals interpret it – though individuals are always shaped by larger cultural currents. In addition to its religious importance, the Kumbha Mela has also been a highly visible stage on which to contest for worldly power. This trend began with the ascetic akharas, who reportedly fought bloody battles in 1760 at Hardwar ([10]: 455) and in 1799 at Nasik ([2]: 374) to determine bathing order precedence. Such precedence would have conferred economic benefits as well as ritual status – Hardwicke ([3]: 314–15) notes that the Shaiva sanyasis controlled Hardwar’s 1796 Mela and that fees and taxes collected there went into their own coffers, rather than to the putative Maratha rulers. The British were keenly aware of the festival’s sanguinary history. Their early efforts focused primarily on upholding the “traditional” bathing order – originally won by force of arms – and on preventing ascetic bathing processions from encountering each other. Later in the nineteenth century, colonial authorities took far greater (and often far more intrusive) measures to improve sanitation and control infectious disease; such measures validated the rationale of colonial rule being for the benefit of the colonized. To their dismay, by the early twentieth century, the British found the Kumbha Mela being used

Kumbha Mela

against them. British colonial policy stressed noninterference in religious matters, which made religious practices one of the few permitted venues to contest government control, and Hindu efforts to control the festival rose with the tide of nationalism ([5]: 112–13). This era’s steadily increasing attendance was spurred by better infrastructure and sanitation but also by the festival’s growing symbolism as a theater to express nationalist and communal sentiments. Strict government control has continued since independence, despite early fantasies that an Indian-controlled Kumbha Mela would have fewer problems. These assumptions were badly dented at Prayaga in 1956, when ineffective crowd control left over 500 people dead in a stampede. Spurred by this and other fatal accidents, most recently at Hardwar in 1986, the Mela authorities’ highest priority has become an injury-free bathing day. To accomplish this, they not only have retained the “colonial” British command structure but have enacted far stricter regulations than the British could have ever done. This enhanced commitment to public safety was visible in Hardwar in 1998 both by the draconian crowd control measures and by deploying paramilitary forces to quell potential akhara unrest. For the akharas, the Kumbha Mela remains a stage for status display. They see themselves as the festival’s central religious agents, and the bathing processions underline this. The government has regulated certain aspects of these processions – elephants are now prohibited, since they can behave unpredictably in crowds – but it has never challenged the ascetics’ exclusive rights to the holiest bathing times. These rights – and the akhara bathing order itself – are now based on “tradition” and protected by the state, whereas they originally depended on force of arms. The Kumbha Melas also give ascetics the chance to meet with and cultivate lay disciples, for whom this opportunity is one of the festival’s great attractions. Ironically, the akharas’ religious prominence belies their declining membership; many ascetics are opting out of akhara membership – which requires long years of

Kumbha Mela

discipleship before attaining high rank – for more immediate authority over their own ashrams. Many akharas still control significant wealth, but their diminishing rosters create a diminished presence. Their concerns over marginalization may be one factor behind recent ecological protests at Prayaga Kumbha Melas, when they threatened to boycott the baths unless the water quality improved. Aside from furthering their immediate interests by getting cleaner bathing water, they were also raising their public profile by addressing environmental degradation, an issue about which many Indians have considerable anxiety. The most intractable conflict is between the festival’s multiple constituencies over the nature of the festival itself. It has long attracted media attention, but as late as 1998, this was primarily traditional photo and print journalism. The Internet age has exponentially increased the Mela’s media exposure, but this has also drawn sharp protests, as by British South Asians in 2001, who excoriated a BBC television program featuring naked, hash-smoking ascetics as misrepresenting Hindu religion. Worldwide publicity and ideas about the festival’s deep religious meaning have also attracted foreign New Age seekers. At one level these foreigners have been largely accepted – Hardwar’s official 2010 Mela poster included a smiling, dreadlocked foreign couple – but deeper conflicts lie beneath the surface. The authorities want to promote the Mela as an international tourist event, and foreigners have money to spend, particularly the ones staying in the “luxury” tents. Some ascetics actively cultivate foreign disciples, who are a source of status and potential patronage. The foreigners themselves want a personal spiritual experience but often impose their own ideas on the festival; lack of cultural understanding can lead to inappropriate and grossly offensive actions – such as a Mexican woman who imitated the ascetics and bathed naked at Prayaga ([4]: 24). Finally, the Kumbha Mela has been an object of study for multiple academic researchers from many different disciplines – from geographers studying urban planning to social scientists

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studying disease transmission or the generation of ideas of well-being.

Conclusion The contemporary Kumbha Mela has multiple agents pursuing disparate agendas in a highly public space. This makes it ripe for future conflict, as their differing agendas collide. It also has multiple narratives spun by multiple narrators – among them the Indian media, the international media, and the YouTube-driven grassroots media. No single agent can now control the message, and these contrasting narratives prompt questions of ownership and authenticity. Perhaps the most basic question is “Who gets to be the Kumbha Mela’s public face?” The akharas point to their special status as evidence that they are the festival’s primary agents, yet since their actual authority is highly circumscribed, this claim seems an attempt to pump up their declining status. The government authorities who actually run the Mela – and pay for it – will continue to develop it as a domestic and international tourism event, even though many Hindus object to their religious practices being commodified as entertainment. Others object to outsiders “hijacking” their religious practices – whether these be starry-eyed New Agers projecting their own eclectic spirituality on the Mela or the photographers who stood in the water to shoot pictures of the akharas bathing and thus unintentionally bathed before them. Another nascent thread is environmental concern, as execrable water quality is being criticized using religious imagery, as an insult to Goddess Ganga. Finally, even though they have little media presence, most visitors are still ordinary, anonymous people coming for their own pious reasons – to have a bath at an auspicious moment and to meet with ascetics for teaching and blessings. In 2013 the BBC’s website posted video interviews with several such “ordinary” people, moving away from the exotic, sensationalist coverage of 2001. Given these wildly disparate forces, a highly public stage, and media-driven age, the Kumbha Mela cannot but continue to be contested ground.

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Kundalī ˙˙

Cross-References ▶ Asceticism ▶ Daśanāmī Order ▶ Nationalism (Hinduism) ▶ Pilgrimage ▶ Ramanandi Sampradaya ▶ Religious Tourism ▶ Swami Rama Tirtha

References 1. Bonazzoli G (1977) Prayaga and its Kumbha Mela. Purana 19(1):81–159 2. Burghart R (1983) Wandering ascetics of the Ramanandi sect. Hist Relig 22(4):361–380 3. Hardwicke T (1979 [1801]) Narrative of a journey to Sirinagur. Asiat Reschs 6:309–347. Reprint ed. Cosmo Publications, New Delhi 4. India Abroad (2001) Mexican Woman Strips. 26 January, p. 24 5. Lochtefeld J (2004) The construction of the Kumbha Mela. S Asian Popular Cultu 2(2):103–126 6. Low S (1906) A vision of India as seen during the tour of the prince and princess of wales. Smith, Elder, and Company, London 7. Maclean K (2003) Making the colonial state work for you: the modern beginnings of the ancient Kumbha Mela in Allahabad. J Asian Stud 62(3):873–905 8. Nasik District Gazetteer (1994 [1883]) volume 16 of the Gazetteers of the Bombay Presidency. Facsimile Reproduction. The Government Photozinco Press, Pune 9. Nigam S (1992) Simhastha archaeology, Ujjain. In: Chakravarty KK (ed) Ujjain: the city eternal. Cross Section Publications, New Delhi, pp 50–52 10. Raper F (1979 [1812]) Narrative of a survey for the purpose of discovering the sources of the Ganges. Asiat Reschs 11:446–563. Reprint ed. Cosmo Publications, New Delhi 11. Sarkar J (annot. and trans) (1901) The India of Aurangzib (Topography, Statistics, and Roads) Compared with the India of Akbar; with extracts from the Khulasatu-t-Tawarikh and the Chahar Gulshan. Bose Brothers, Calcutta 12. Vikrama-smrti-grantha 1944 or 1945 (samvat 2001). Gvaliyara-Rajya [Gwalior Princely State, India]: Vikrama Dvi-sahasrabdi Samaroh Samiti

Kundalī ˙˙ ▶ Kuṇḍalinī

Kundalika¯ ˙˙ ▶ Kuṇḍalinī

Kundalinī ˙˙ Shaman Hatley Department of Religion, FA-101, Concordia University, Montreal, QC, Canada Department of Asian Studies, University of Massachusetts, Boston, MA, USA

Synonyms Kulakuṇḍalinī; Kuṇḍalinī Kuṇḍalikā; Kuṭilā

Śakti;

Kuṇḍalī;

Definition The “coiled power”: the cosmogonic energy of the divine and, in yoga, the spiritual force dormant in the human person. Introduction and Early History In Hindu tantric traditions, especially Tantric Śaivism and its offshoots, kuṇḍalinī designates the power (śakti) of the divine both as primordial, creative energy and as a spiritual potency latent in the microcosm of the human person. In cosmological terms, kuṇḍalinī is the power stimulating creation, conceived of as an emanative, sonic sequence. In individuals this creative power lies dormant, likened to a “coiled” (kuṇḍalī, kuṇḍalinī), slumbering female serpent. Aroused through yoga, kuṇḍalinī rises through the body, engendering mystical experiences, occult power (siddhi), and, ultimately, liberation from the cycles of birth and death. In tantric doctrines, these dual movements – the emanative descent of the transcendent kuṇḍalinī and its yogic ascent in the person – mirror each other, representing the processes of creation or emanation (movement from subtle to

Kundalinī ˙˙

gross) and reabsorption or liberation (movement from gross to subtle), respectively. Kuṇḍalinī belongs conceptually to the esoteric physiology of tantric yoga, comprised of vital airs or energies (prāṇa), channels known as nāḍīs through which these flow, and focal points along the body’s vertical axis known as wheels (chakra) or lotuses. The vital air associated with respiration ordinarily flows through a pair of channels to the left and right of the spine – iḍā and piṅgalā, respectively – associated with the moon and sun. A yogi, however, seeks to open the subtle medial channel termed suṣumnā, associated with fire. When the vital air is drawn into the central channel, the kuṇḍalinī rises, hissing and straightening like a cobra struck by a stick ([10]: 269). Ascending from its resting point at the base of the torso to the head, it releases the “nectar of immortality” (amṛta), engendering experience of a supernal bliss. Aspects of this nexus of ideas may have ancient roots: the Kaṭha Upaniṣad (6.16), for instance, speaks of the heart possessing one hundred and one nāḍīs, of which one extends to the crown of the head; “Going up by it, he reaches the immortal” ([14]: 246). Ascension through the medial channel is a widely shared premise of yoga traditions, which nonetheless diversely conceive of what ascends: the soul or self (designated jīva, “life-essence,” or haṃsa, “the gander”), vital air (prāṇa), seed or seminal essence (bindu), mantric resonance, kuṇḍalinī, or, in Buddhist tantric systems of yoga, the fiery energy known as caṇḍālī (“the consort”). Absent from the “classical yoga” of Patañjali’s Yogasūtra, kuṇḍalinī first comes into evidence in circa sixth–eighth-century C.E. scriptures of Tantric Śaivism, known as tantras or āgamas. While significant to multiple tantric traditions, including the Śaivasiddhānta and Pāñcarātra [16], kuṇḍalinī attains particular prominence in the goddessoriented (i.e., śākta) Kaula traditions and the second-millennium texts of Haṭha Yoga. A potentially very early reference occurs in Sārdhatriśatikālottara Tantra 12.1–2, which speaks of a “primordial coil” (ādyā kuṇḍalinī) in the heart in the shape of a bud, possessed of moon, fire, and sun – possibly an allusion to the three principal nāḍīs – and associated with flowing

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nectar ([2]: 106–7; [16]: 110). Conceptions of kuṇḍalinī as both cosmogonic power and yogic energy come together in tantras such as the circa eighth-century Tantrasadbhāva, one of the earlier sources to characterize the śakti as serpentlike ([15]: 128–30). Kundalinī in Non-dual Śaivism ˙˙ Non-dualist Śaiva philosophers such as Abhinavagupta (fl. circa 975–1025) conceived of kuṇḍalinī in terms of cosmology and theories of language, as well as yoga. They in fact envisioned multiple kuṇḍalinīs, as reflected in a threefold scheme distinguishing śaktikuṇḍalinī, prāṇakuṇḍalinī, and parākuṇḍalinī: the cosmogonic creative power, the vital energy of living beings, and the supreme, ineffable power of the divine, respectively. Thus conceived, kuṇḍalinī represents “the origin, the substance and the consummation of everything” ([18]: 24). Cosmologically, kuṇḍalinī is the starting point of emanation when this is conceived of in terms of vibration or sound – the very stuff of creation. As the supreme creative energy, kuṇḍalinī unites with Śiva in the form of bindu, the “point” or “drop” from which the primordial creation issues forth as subtle resonance. The creative activity of kuṇḍalinī then gives rise to the Sanskrit alphabet in an emanative sequence, beginning with a – thence mantra (the ultimate form of language) and the sequence of tattvas (ontic levels or planes of existence) [15]. Ordinary speech also reflects the creative activity of kuṇḍalinī. At the level of the root chakra (mūlādhāra), the Word (vāc) exists in transcendent form (parā vāk) as undifferentiated phonic energy, containing the essence of language. With kuṇḍalinī’s imperceptible ascent to the navel chakra, sonic vibration reaches the incipient stage of differentiation – language in inchoate, potential form (paśyantī vāc). At the level of the heart chakra, this becomes particularized in intermediate form (madhyamā vāc) as the unexpressed inner dialogue of thought. Reaching the chakra of the throat, the Word attains expression as verbal utterance (vaikharī vāc), completing its movement from unmanifest to manifest [15]. In yoga, however, the ascent of kuṇḍalinī effects a movement from manifest to unmanifest,

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from materiality and diversity to the absolute unity of consciousness. In the microcosm of the person, the serpentine vital power lies dormant, situated in the basal or root chakra (mūlādhāra) at the root of the torso near the anus – a view common by the ninth or tenth century. Earlier sources diverge, however, owing to evolving conceptions of the chakras and nāḍīs: the base of the medial suṣumnā nāḍī, locus of kuṇḍalinī, was positioned varyingly in chakras of the heart or navel or frequently in a “bulb” (kanda) somewhere below, eventually being localized in the root chakra [6, 7]. There the kuṇḍalinī slumbers, coiled three and a half times around a bindu (point) representing Śiva. Blocking entrance to the central channel with her head, she contains a poison that enervates through sexual agitation. When awakened, she liberates. This may transpire through spiritual gnosis or techniques such as breath control (prāṇāyāma) and mantra incantation (japa). Ascending through chakras of the navel, heart, throat, and head, piercing various knots (granthi) and the “gateway to Brahman” at the aperture of the skull, kuṇḍalinī attains to the seat of the supreme deity 12 fingers above ([18]: 27–33). Kundalinī in Śa¯kta Tantra and Hatha Yoga ˙˙ ˙ Second-millennium conceptions of kuṇḍalinī have been profoundly shaped by a closely related yoga system first attested in the circa tenth-century Kubjikāmata, root scripture to the Western Kaula tradition (paścimāmnāya). This tradition equates its paramount goddess, the crone Kubjikā (“hunchback”), with kuṇḍalinī ([5]: 88–90). Its system of six chakras (mūlādhāra, etc.) was disseminated widely, becoming the basis for the influential yoga of Śrīvidyā (the cult of the goddess Tripurasundarī) as well as the kuṇḍalinī-yoga of trans-sectarian Haṭha Yoga ([17]: 687–88). A particular Śrīvidyā text teaching this system has influenced the modern image of kuṇḍalinī above all others: the Ṣaṭcakranirūpaṇa (Description of the Six Centres), Chap. 6 of the Tattvacintāmaṇi of Pūrṇānanda (sixteenth century). This was first published in 1918 with a translation and extensive introduction in The Serpent Power by “Arthur Avalon” – pen name of the British Indian judge, Sir John Woodroffe, and his Bengali collaborator, Atal Bihari Ghosh [20].

Kundalinī ˙˙

Modern conceptions of kuṇḍalinī, and indeed Hindu tantric yoga generally, owe an extraordinary debt to The Serpent Power. As Kathleen Taylor ([20]: 134) remarks, “It has probably helped to standardize the number and positions of the cakras in modern works on yoga, for it was for long the major work on the subject in English. It has been quoted in nearly all subsequent secondary sources for decades, even by Indian yoga teachers and gurus themselves writing in English, who used it instead of going to the original texts.” Composed in elegant Sanskrit verse, Description of the Six Centres ([22]: 317–479) describes an ascending series of chakras or lotuses, delineating the nāḍīs that connect them, their petals, geometric patterns, and colors, mantras, presiding divinities, and the occult powers (siddhi) attained through their mastery. Prominent here is kuṇḍalinī’s identity as the supreme deity Herself, the Mahādevī or Great Goddess, a śākta emphasis also conspicuous in the yoga of the influential twelfth-century Śāradātilaka Tantra [4]. According to Description of the Six Centres, kuṇḍalinī reposes in the basal lotus (ādhāra- or mūlādhārapadma) of four petals situated between the anus and genitals at the root of the suṣumnā nāḍī. Downward facing, its four red petals have inscribed the Sanskrit syllables VA-ŚA-ṢA-SA in gold and enclose a golden square in which the syllable of the earth element (LAṂ) is written in white. Presiding over the chakra are Brahmā, with an elephant as his vehicle, and the goddess Ḍākinī. In the center is a downward triangle with the icon (liṅga) of Śiva known as Svayambhu in the middle. Radiant like lightning, the serpentine kulakuṇḍalī coils around him three and a half times like the spiral of a conch, her gaping mouth covering the entrance to the suṣumnā nāḍī and the even subtler channels therein. With the mūlādhāra begin a series of lotuses or wheels: the svādhiṣṭhāna at the base of the penis (male anatomy is presupposed), maṇipūra at the navel, anāhata at the heart, viśuddha in the throat, and ājñā between the eyebrows, with a seventh lotus of a thousand petals (sahasrāra) above, the pinnacle of the yogic body and abode of the supreme deity, Śiva. One established in the disciplines of yoga may awaken the serpentine śakti, “attacking

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with the vital air and fire” the liṅga around which she slumbers and causing her to enter the medial channel (v. 51). Ascending through the six chakras, piercing liṅgas in the heart (anāhata) and forehead (ājñā) and drawing the life-essence (jīva) upwards with her, she unites with Śiva in the lotus of one thousand petals (sahasrāra), engendering the highest ecstasy. As kuṇḍalinī returns to the basal lotus, she releases a flood of divine nectar. Perfected in this process, the yogi may attain liberation. While basically sharing this system of chakras, the post-twelfth-century texts of Haṭha Yoga present a distinctive vision of kuṇḍalinī-yoga. These texts codify practices deeply indebted to the Kaula tantras but divorced from their sectarian moorings, doctrinal systems, and elaborate ritual [11]. Distinguishing Haṭha Yoga is its emphasis on corporeal disciplines, including cleansing practices (dhauti), postures (āsana), seals (mudrā), and locks (bandha), in addition to meditation (dhyāna) and breath control (prāṇāyāma). Due to the influence of the Haṭhayogapradīpikā, all of these came to be viewed in terms of arousing the kuṇḍalinī ([11]: 774–75), primarily through the manipulation of prāṇa. As the original Gorakṣaśataka describes, the downward-moving vital air, called apāna, must be forced upwards by “locking the root” (mūlabandha), a practice involving pressing the anus with the heel. Then, “when the apāna has become upward moving and goes together with the fire to the place of prāṇa, then—with fire, prāṇa and apāna having quickly come together—the coiled, sleeping Kuṇḍalinī, heated by that fire and stimulated by the breath, makes her body enter the mouth of the Suṣumnā. Then, having pierced the knot of Brahmā, which is born of the rajas guṇa, she quickly flashes like a streak of lightening in the mouth of the Suṣumnā” ([10]: 270–71). Such “forceful” (haṭha) techniques for raising the vital energy are prefigured in texts of Vajrayāna Buddhist yoga ([3]: 534–38; [21]: 220–22). Kundalinī in Modern Times ˙˙ In Yoga’s encounter with modernity, kuṇḍalinī has followed multiple trajectories. Haṭha Yoga and its traditional practitioners, including Nātha yogis, fell

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into disrepute in colonial India along with all things tantric, while in early twentieth-century India, religious revivalists and nationalists reinvented yoga in novel ways [19]. Though these reformulations usually marginalized tantric yoga, international attention and a new respectability attached to it with the publications of Woodroffe. This is exemplified by the psychologist Carl Jung’s fascination with kuṇḍalinī. Much like his appropriation of tantric mandalas, Jung’s kuṇḍalinī only vaguely resembles the śakti of the tantras; he identifies it with the “anima” of his psychoanalytical theory, the “suprapersonal” principle or divine urge ([8]: 21–22) which activates the unconscious. For the actual techniques of yoga, Jung had little use; he viewed tantric yoga as symbolizing the psychological journey of individuation. Western interest has by no means remained confined to the symbolic, however. Especially from the 1960s, diverse Indian gurus teaching tantric or Haṭha-Yoga-inspired kuṇḍalinī-yoga have attracted international followings, including Harbhajan Singh Yogi, Shri Mataji Nirmala Devi, Osho/ Rajneesh, Shrii Shrii Anandamurti, Swami Muktananda, and Swami Shivananda. The serpent power has also taken on colorful new guises in New Age spirituality ([12]: 265–94). The roots of kuṇḍalinī in tantric esotericism, sexual symbolism, and metaphysics, on the other hand, sit uncomfortably with the secularized and medicalized fitness regimen yoga has increasingly become [1]. This tension, as well as its creative possibilities, is exemplified by Gopi Krishna (1903–1984), a Kashmiri civil servant who wrote autobiographical accounts of harrowing mystical experiences he attributed to kuṇḍalinī. Krishna ([9]: 176) came to understand kuṇḍalinī as a biological mechanism that is “the real cause of all genuine spiritual and psychic phenomena, the biological basis of evolution and development of personality, the secret origin of all esoteric and occult doctrines, the master key to the unsolved mystery of creation, the inexhaustible source of philosophy, art and science, and the fountainhead of all religious faiths, past, present and future.” Released from its traditional habitat, the “spinal serpent” [13] thus rises into a liminal space straddling science, philosophy, and embodied experience.

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Cross-References ▶ Abhinavagupta ▶ Japa ▶ Kaula ▶ Śākta Āgamas ▶ Tantra ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Alter J (2005) Modern medical yoga: struggling with a history of magic, alchemy and sex. Asian Med 1(1):119–146 2. Bhatt NR (ed) (1979) Sārdhatriśatikālottarāgama avec le commentaire de Bhaṭṭa Rāmakaṇṭha. Institute Français d’Indologie, Pondicherry 3. Birch J (2011) The meaning of haṭha in early haṭhayoga. J Am Orient Soc 131(4):527–554 4. Bühnemann G (2011) The Śāradātilakatantra on yoga: a new edition and translation of chapter 25. Bull Sch Orient Afr Stud 74(2):205–235 5. Dyczkowski MSG (1988) The canon of the Śaivāgama and the Kubjikā Tantras of the Western Kaula tradition. State University of New York Press, Albany 6. Goodall D (2013) Piṅgalā. In: Goodall D, Rastelli M (eds) Tāntrikābhidhānakośa. Dictionnaire des terms techniques de la littérature hindoue tantrique, vol 3. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, pp 449–450 7. Hatley S (2013) Nābhi and nābhikanda. In: Goodall D, Rastelli M (eds) Tāntrikābhidhānakośa. Dictionnaire des terms techniques de la littérature hindoue tantrique, vol 3. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, pp 284–286 8. Jung C (1996) The psychology of Kundalini Yoga. Notes of the seminar given in 1932 by C.G. Jung (ed: Shamdasani S). Princeton University Press, Princeton 9. Krishna G (1971) Kundalini: the evolutionary energy in man, revised edn. Shambhala Publications, Boulder 10. Mallinson J (2012) The original Gorakṣaśataka. In: Gordon White D (ed) Yoga in practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton, pp 257–272 11. Mallinson J (2011) Yoga: Haṭha Yoga. In: Jacobsen KA, Basu H, Malinar A, Narayanan V (eds) Brill’s encyclopedia of Hinduism, vol 3. Brill, Leiden, pp 770–781 12. McDaniel J (2004) Offering flowers, feeding skulls: popular goddess worship in West Bengal. Oxford University Press, Oxford 13. McEvilley T (2002) The spinal serpent. In: Anne Harper C, Brown RL (eds) The roots of Tantra. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 93–113 14. Olivelle P (trans.) (1996) Upaniṣads. The world’s classics. Oxford University Press, Oxford

15. Padoux A (1990) Vāc: the concept of the word in selected Hindu Tantras (trans: Gontier J). State University of New York Press, Albany 16. Padoux A, Goodall D, Rastelli M (2004) Kuṇḍalinī. In: Brunner H, Oberhammer G, Padoux A (eds) Tāntrikābhidhānakośa, vol 2. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna, pp 110–112 17. Sanderson A (1988) Śaivism and the tantric traditions. In: Sutherland S et al (eds) The world’s religions. Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, pp 660–704 18. Silburn L (1988) Kundalini: energy of the depths. A comprehensive study based on the scriptures of nondualistic Kaśmir Śaivism (trans: Gontier J). State University of New York Press, Albany 19. Singleton M (2010) Yoga body: the origins of modern posture practice. Oxford University Press, Oxford 20. Taylor K (2001) Sir John Woodroffe, Tantra and Bengal. ‘An Indian Soul in a European Body’? Curzon Press, Richmond, Surrey 21. Wallace VA (2012) The six-phased yoga of the Abbreviated Wheel of Time Tantra (Laghukālacakratantra) according to Vajrapāṇi. In: Gordon White D (ed) Yoga in practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton, pp 257–272 22. Woodroffe SJ (2001) The serpent power, being the Ṣaṭ-cakra-nirūpaṇa and Pādukā-pañcaka, 3rd edn. Ganesh & Co, Madras

Kundalinī Śakti ˙˙ ▶ Kuṇḍalinī

Kuntī Ravi Khangai P.G.T.D., Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Dharma – Dharma is one of the most difficult words to translate into English. Sometimes it means a sacred duty, sometimes as a law, sometimes as an obligation, and sometimes as a desirable behavior.

Kuntī

Nīyoga – A practice refereed in the ancient Sanskrit texts, by which a woman is allowed to produce a son from a man other than her husband in special circumstances. Sati – A practice of woman burning herself with the dead husband. This was followed among some sections of the Hindus, and it is banned since early nineteenth century in India. Svyaṃvara – Literary “self-choice of a groom.” A ceremony during which the maidens selected their groom out of the assembled suitors.

Definition Kuntī is an important woman character in the epic Mahābhārata. Widowed at an early age, she brings up her five sons, the Pāṇḍavās with resilience. The Pāṇḍavās have a high regard for her words.

A Boon from the Sage Kuntī, also known as Pṛthā, was the daughter of Śūra, the Yādava chief. Her father gave her to his cousin king Kuntībhoja, as Kuntībhoja had no child of his own. She was named Kuntī on the name of her foster father. In the house of her adopted father, she was given responsibility of honoring guests. Once, an awesome and dreadful Brahmin sage who was known as Durvāsas came to the house of Kuntībhoja. On the instruction of her father, Kuntī devoted herself completely to the comfort of the Brahmin. The Brahmin stayed with Kuntībhoja for a year and pleased with her service gave her a boon. According to this boon, she can make any God enamored of her. Kuntī was curious about the boon and after seeing the Sun God in the sky, she called him. The Sun God came and wanted to unite with her and to give a son to her. But after calling the Sun God, Kuntī was frightened and wanted him to go back, but the Sun God was not willing to go back without giving her a son and threatened her. Frightened Kuntī gave in and in due course she gave birth to a son having natural armor and earrings. As she was a maiden

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and was afraid to lose reputation, she kept the child in a basket and abandoned him in the river. The child was found out by a charioteer and was brought up by him. The child is known as Karṇa, and he later became the mortal enemy of Kuntī’s other children, the Pāṇḍavās ([1], p. 330).

Kuntī Becomes Pa¯ndu’s Queen ˙˙ Kuntī’s other name was Pṛthā means the bigger ones. Probably she had a strong physique to match her iron will which is revealed during the narration of the epic. As she came of age, a Svyaṃvara was organized for her, and she selects Pāṇḍu, the king of Hāstinapur as her groom. Pāṇḍu later also married Mādrī, the princess of Madrā ([1], p. 332). Pāṇḍu accidently shot a sage while hunting and was cursed that if he approaches a woman for lovemaking he will die ([1], p. 343). Unhappy Pāṇḍu withdrew to forest along with Kuntī and Mādrī. Mādrī was younger and more beautiful than Kuntī. Though the curse has forbidden Pāṇḍu from approaching a woman, he was eager to have sons and coaxed Kuntī to have sons by Nīyoga. He suggested that a Brahmin should be called and asked to impregnate Kuntī and according to the prevailing practice, the son that will be born to her will be considered as the son of Pāṇḍu ([1], p. 332).

Birth of the Pa¯ndava¯s ˙˙ Kuntī now reveals that she has a boon to call any God and have son from him, and there is no need to call any mortal for begetting sons. She calls Dharma (the God of morality), Vāyu (the wind God), and Indra (the king of the Gods) one after another and has three sons Yudhiṣṭhira, Bhīma, and Arjuna, respectively, from them ([1], pp. 356–358). Mādrī was also eager to have sons and generously Kuntī lends her the boon. Mādrī calls twin Gods Aśvins and have twins Nakula and Sahadeva from them. She was eager to have more sons, but Kuntī felt that if Mādrī is allowed

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to have more sons, her position will become stronger as having sons was considered as an accomplishment for a woman, and Kuntī puts a full stop to having any more sons ([1], p. 363). All the five sons of Pāṇḍu were growing up in the forest.

Pa¯ndu’s Demise ˙˙ One day when Pāṇḍu saw Mādrī, lust overpowered his reason and he approached her for lovemaking. In spite of the protest of Mādrī, he held her in his embrace and as per the curse of the sage died instantly ([1], p. 364). Kuntī wanted to become Sati, i.e., to immolate herself with the dead body of Pāṇḍu, but Mādrī said that she will not be able to look after all five children equally, but Kuntī can do that and as Pāṇḍu had died due to her, it is she who should immolate herself and finally Mādrī burnt herself to death with Pāṇḍu’s dead body ([1], p. 365).

The Early Struggle Kuntī along with five children came to Hāstinapur. Though there was some murmuring among the people about the patrilineage of the Pāṇḍavās, soon they were accepted as Pāṇḍu’s sons. Though Dhṛtarāṣţra was on the throne, Kuntī’s son Yudhiṣṭhira was the eldest, and the succession issue became uncertain leading to conflicts among the cousins. Kuntī with no husband had to be extra careful to ensure the safety of her children and also to protect their interest. Bhīma being the strongest was the main target of Duryodhana’s conspiracy. He was poisoned and thrown in the water but he survived ([1], p. 373). Knowing that their position is precarious, Kuntī and Pāṇḍavās did not speak about this. Yudhiṣṭhira with his behavior earned the goodwill of everybody, and people started perceiving him as future king ([1], p. 420). Arjuna and Bhīma excelled everybody in the use of arms. In the friendly display of arms organized for the princes, it was Arjuna who performed spectacular deeds. But suddenly he was challenged by Karṇa, who unexpectedly stormed into the

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arena. Seeing the natural armor and earrings, Kuntī recognizes her first born son and fainted but did not divulge the secret to anyone ([1], p. 401). Envious Duryodhana hatched a conspiracy and tried to burn the Pāṇḍavās, along with Kuntī at Vāraṇāvata. But the Pāṇḍavās were given a hint of conspiracy by Vidura and they could escape. Before escaping they themselves set the house on fire. In the fire however, a woman of Niṣāda tribe along with her five sons were burnt to death ([1], p. 432). The Pāṇḍavās and Kuntī escaped from the assassination attempt and were wandering in the forest. They were attacked by a demon Hiḍimba. Bhīma kills him and takes his sister Hiḍimbā as a wife. A son Ghaṭotkaca was born to them, but the Pāṇḍavās and Kuntī left them in the forest and went ahead ([1], p. 450). Disguised as Brahmins, they went to the town named Ekacakrā and took shelter in the house of a Brahmin. In this town, the people lived in constant fear of a demon named Baka. In order to avoid widespread destruction of human life, the citizens had an understanding with the demon that every household will send a man and cartload of food along with two buffalos for the demon to eat. It was a turn of the Brahmin’s house and all the family members were crying. Kuntī enquired about the issue and then assured the Brahmin that instead of the family member; Bhīma will take food for the demon and will kill him. Yudhiṣṭhira was against putting Bhīma to risk, but Kuntī had faith in him. Bhīma killed the demon and thus freed the town from menace ([1], p. 466). Kuntī appears to be a personification of Kṣatriya spirit and sense of obligation. She said that it is their duty to repay the obligation to the Brahmin family and it is also a Kṣatriya duty to remove threat to the village.

Draupadī’s Svyamvara ˙ During this time the Pāṇḍavās attended the Svyaṃvara of Draupadī. Arjuna completed the difficult task and was garlanded by Draupadī. When Bhīma and Arjuna along with Draupadī

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went to Kuntī and announced that they have got something. She was inside the house and without realizing that it is a girl, said that whatever they have got, the Pāṇḍavās shall share it equally among themselves. To honor her words, all the five brothers married Draupadī ([1], p. 527). Though apparently exaggerated, it does indicate the kind of respect that Kuntī commended from her sons. In contrast we do not find Duryodhan listening to his mother.

Pa¯ndava¯s’ Exile ˙˙ Pāṇḍavās surfaced during the bridegroom choice of Draupadī and also got a powerful ally in the form of Draupada king. They were invited to Hāstinapur and to avoid conflict, the kingdom was divided. On the forest tract given to them, the Pāṇḍavās built a new capital but very soon lost everything during the dice game and were forced to go in exile. Considering her frail health, Kuntī stayed with Vidura in Hāstinapur during that period. When Draupadī and the Pāṇḍavās were departing for the exile, Kuntī gave a special instruction to Draupadī that Sahadeva should be well looked after and thus justifying the trust that Mādrī had put in her ([1], p. 824).

The War After the period of exile is over, Duryodhana refused to give the Pāṇḍavās’ kingdom back to them. The Pāṇḍavās explored all the possibilities of peaceful settlements. But Duryodhana was not willing to compromise. All the attempts of peaceful settlements were futile and the war became inevitable. When Kṛṣṇa went to Hāstinapur to explore the possibility of peace, he meets Kuntī and she opens her heart to him. She says that her life had been an unhappy life of struggle and says that it was her father who was responsible for her plight. He gave her to his friend Kuntībhoja like wealth is given as a donation ([2], p. 261). Though not clearly stated, this does give an indication that probably she did

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not have a very happy childhood in the house of her foster parent. During the period of the Pāṇḍavās exile, she lived as dependent on others. She says that this is deplorable and it is better to die than to live such a wretched life. Married to impotent Pāṇḍu, widowed early and shouldered with the responsibility of looking after five sons, Kuntī had seen many ups and downs in life. She saw her son rise to the great heights and crowned as the emperor but then suddenly losing everything, humiliated, and sent to exile. An attempt was made to disrobe her daughter-in-law in the assembly. She sends a very stoic message for Yudhiṣṭhira that he should not flinch from the war and avenge Draupadī’s insult and the time has come for fulfillment of the duty for which Kṣatriya women bring forth sons ([2], p. 261). She is not comfortable with Yudhiṣṭhira’s notion of Dharma, which was always in favor of avoiding war. She says that it does not suit for a Kṣatriya to live on something that is given to him out of charity. She also narrates a story of queen Vidula, who was quite strict with her son, who was reluctant to take up arms to recover his kingdom ([2], p. 359). Thus Kuntī becomes a mouthpiece of a Kṣatriya woman and sends a message for Yudhiṣṭhira “do not smoke away but blaze up” ([2], p. 357). She was aware that Draupadī also subscribes to similar version of Kṣatriya duty and sends a message for Arjuna that he should walk on the path desired by Draupadī ([2], p. 368). While asking about the welfare of her sons to Kṛṣṇa, she says that it is Draupadī who is dearer to her than all her sons and it was Draupadī’s humiliation that was most painful for her ([2], p. 259). Just before the war, she meets Karṇa. She tells him that he is her eldest son and now should change the sides and join the Pāṇḍavās. Karṇa however refuses and reminds her of being very unkind to him when he was an infant, but makes a promise that he will not kill any of the Pāṇḍavās except Arjuna ([2], p. 389). After the war Kuntī reveals to the Pāṇḍavās that Karṇa was her son and this comes as a blow to Yudhiṣṭhira. He holds Kuntī responsible for the fratricide and curses that women will not be able to keep secrets ([3], p. 12).

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The Final Journey

References

After the war, Dhṛtarāṣţra and Gāndhārī lived with the Pāṇḍavās for the period of 13 years and then decided to retire to forest. Kuntī insisted on going with them to serve them and all of them later perished in the forest fire ([4], p. 962). Kuntī going with Gāndhārī and Dhṛtarāṣţra to forest and serving them indicates something deeply sublime in her nature. Kuntī’s sons and Gāndhārī’s sons were mortal enemies. Duryodhana had tried to burn the Pāṇḍavās along with Kuntī. Probably Dhṛtarāṣţra was also a party to this conspiracy. Bhīma killed all the sons of Gāndhārī and Dhṛtarāṣţra, but Kuntī volunteered to serve them during old age. Was she trying to redeem what her son had done? The epic is probably trying to convey the message that one should not be unkind to those who had lost everything and being at your mercy. Enmity is also a fleeting emotion. It should cool down with the passage of time, and the human mind should find ways to cooperate and live in peace. Though resilient at the beginning of the war, Kuntī was satisfied when her sons got their kingdom. She was not attached to material pleasure as is obvious from her act of leaving the luxury of the palace and retiring to forest with Dhṛtarāṣţra and Gāndhārī. At the time of leaving for the forest, she feels guilty about Karṇa and says that he had died due to her wickedness. Feeling remorse for one’s mistake is also a human quality. When the Pāṇḍavās urged her to stay back and reminded her that it was Kuntī who inspired them to fight for the kingdom, she says that she had done it so that the Pāṇḍavās should get what is rightfully theirs and Draupadī’s insult is avenged.

1. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 1. Parimal Publications, Delhi 2. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 3. Parimal Publications, Delhi 3. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 7. Parimal Publications, Delhi 4. Dutt MN (2013) Mahābhārata, vol 9. Parimal Publications, Delhi

Cross-References ▶ Bhīṣma ▶ Dharma ▶ Draupadī ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Mahābhārata

Kutila¯ ˙ ▶ Kuṇḍalinī

Kūtiya¯ttam ˙ ˙˙ Rayson K. Alex Birla Insti tute of Technology and Science, Pilani K. K. Birla Goa Campus, Zuarinagar, Goa, India

Introduction Kūṭiyāṭṭam is a Sanskrit theater believed to have originated in its present form in the eleventh century [3]. The dance-drama form is prevalent in the State of Kerala. It is a multi-actor performance usually performed in temples. The term Kūṭiyāṭṭam is from the words “kuti” meaning “together; combined” and “attam” meaning “dance; acting”– multiple-actor dancing. The art form has its origin from two different traditions, the Kutu tradition in the ancient Tamil literature and the Sanskrit drama [7]. It is believed that the art form has a history of about thousand years [7]. In 2001, Kūṭiyāṭṭam was declared as the “Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity” by UNESCO [2]. The art form employs a histrionic style of elaborate acting of the hero and the other characters [2]. The vidushaka (the comic commentator and the trusted friend of the hero) narrates the story of the composition on the stage, and the performance follows his narration. The vidushaka speaks in the

Kūtiya¯ttam ˙ ˙˙

local language, Malayalam. Kūṭiyāṭṭam has its aesthetic rules set in the Natyasastra. As Natyasastra is a Sanskrit text, it used to be read and studied by the higher castes (a social discriminative system that is prevalent in some form or the other even today) like Brahmins. So the art was also meant for the elites and the high castes [2].

The History of Kūtiya¯ttam ˙ ˙˙ Traditionally, Kūṭiyāṭṭam is performed by the Chakyar community. When the main actor in Kūṭiyāṭṭam is a male belonging to the Chakyar caste, the female role is played by Nangyaramma belonging to the Nambiar caste [11]. Kūṭiyāṭṭam is believed to have originated from the Tamil tradition of Kutu. During the reign of Chola kings, Chakyars flourished in South India. In a Tamil inscription of King Parakesarivarman of the Chola kingdom, there is a mention of Sakkai Marayan Vikramasolan’s (a performer belonging to the Chakyar community) performance [8]. The inscription is dated AD 1041 [8]. However, the earliest account of the Chakyar community and their performance is found in the Tamil epic Silappatikaram. The text specifically mentions the dancing expert (reference to a Chakyar) from Paraiyur [8]. Kūṭiyāṭṭam developed into a codified form of art during the reign of King Kulasekhara Varman, a Chera King, from 978 to 1036 AD. After the eleventh century with a lot of regional variations of the features of Natyasastra, Kūṭiyāṭṭam gained prominence as it used Malayalam for communication [7]. It can be rightly said that the King Kulasekhara and his Brahmin minister, Tolan, reformed Kūṭiyāṭṭam. The narration of Kūṭiyāṭṭam is in Sanskrit (Sanskrit is not a spoken language). However, the vidushaka appears only to speak directly to the audience in Malayalam language (the people’s language), often interpreting and translating the Sanskrit narration [10]. Apart from introducing Malayalam language on stage, Tolan (along with King Kulasekhara) made further reforms in the art form. Narrating an introduction to every single character in the play,

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allowing the characters to improvise on the stage, and preparing the stage manual and acting manual for staging dramas were some reforms that Tolan made [12]. An important treatise written by a Brahmin is titled Vyangyavyakhya which literally means “subtext” of the two dramas Subhadradhananjaya and Tapatisamvarana written by the King Kulasekhara [4]. Tolan is believed to have authored Attaprakarams in Malayalam, in which he discusses “the staging of the plays ... [rendition of] songs, dances and the ragas” [1]. The text is also considered a manual for play directors. It also details the way of acting, the meaning of the verses, and the way actors should represent the characters through gestures and movements [1]. The earliest Attaprakarams in Malayalam are Mantrankam, Mathavilasam, Asokavanikankam, Surpanakhankam, and Ascharyachoodamani [1]. As Kūṭiyāṭṭam in the eleventh century turned more stylized and codified, it gained popularity as a refined art form, and the temple officials patronized it. Thus in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the art form completely moved to the temples and was performed in the temple premises, adding religious and ritualistic meanings to the art form. It was performed in a special place dedicated for temple art performances – Koothambalam, literal meaning, “the dance temple.” Koothambalams are permanent theater structures attached to some of the major temples in Kerala [2]. The Chakyar family was given the responsibility of training the future generations of Kūṭiyāṭṭam artists. Religious, epic, and historical stories were narrated. There was a shift from entertainment to didactic objectives focussing on moral messages [5]. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Kūṭiyāṭṭam reached its peak. But in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it began declining. The most significant reason for the decline of Kūṭiyāṭṭam is the emergence of Kathakali. Apart from Kathakali, Ottan Thullal – an art form founded by Kunjan Nambiar, the mizhavu (drum used in Kūṭiyāṭṭam) player in Kūṭiyāṭṭam, also attracted the audience, which led to the decline of the art form. The declining art was brought back to the stage by secularizing

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Kūṭiyāṭṭam. In the later part of the twentieth century and the twenty-first, Kūṭiyāṭṭam was staged outside of Koothambalam. This brought about more participation from various castes and of course even religions. Painkulam Rama Chakyar (a Kūṭiyāṭṭam performer) was instrumental in inviting the public to watch the Kūṭiyāṭṭam performances.

The Form and Techniques of Kūtiya¯ttam ˙ ˙˙ Kūṭiyāṭṭam is known for its “stylized acting and elaboration of action” [2]. The actor uses the technique of exaggeration to magnify the action though his histrionic skills and creativity to create a spectacular, dramatic world. Sudha Gopalakrishnan claims that the actor senses the audience and improvises the action in such a way that he collaborates with the audience “to create meaning in the theatre.” The performance begins with an invocation. Nambiar lights a lamp in the dressing room and on the stage. The actor takes a ritualistic bath before the performance and receives blessings from the temple priest. Before the show begins, Nambiar is seated behind the wooden frame of the mizhavu. Then, the Nangiar sits on the right side of the stage. Nangiar sings to the rhythm of the mizhavu praising Lord Ganapati, Goddess Saraswati, and Lord Siva. Nambiar then sprinkles holy water on the stage. A traditional performance lasts for six nights. Each night certain parts of the story are revealed by gradually introducing various characters. On the last night, all the characters appear on the stage, thereby living up to the name of the art form – acting together. Kūṭiyāṭṭam requires more dramatic potential than linguistic extravaganza; so, plays that have more descriptive potential are not chosen for performance. The performance repertoire of Kūṭiyāṭṭam involves three primary techniques: Angikabhinaya, Netrabhinaya, and Vyakhatha. Angikabhinaya includes body kinetics with “codified language of gestures and an extremely refined pattern of facial expressions” (movement of hands, eyes, cheeks, eyebrows, and lips) [2]. Expressions through the movements of the eyes of the actor are called Netrabhinaya.

Kūtiya¯ttam ˙ ˙˙

Eyes are the most important theatrical tool in Kūṭiyāṭṭam. Vyakhatha is the interpretation of an action. The actor, rather than performing a role assigned to him, interprets the action through theatrics to express various levels of meanings involved in the action [2]. Vyakhatha is a nonlinear method of “convoluted acting” [2]. Skillful improvisation is the core of the technique in the narration of Kūṭiyāṭṭam. Music, as in many performances, plays an important role in setting the right environment for the story to be acted on the stage. The musicians are seated on the stage and are clearly visible by the audience. The vocal singer is accompanied by percussion musical instruments such as mizhavu, idakka, kuzhithalam and wind instruments such as kuzhal and sanku. Specific ragas are employed to transform emotions and situations in the performance. The uniqueness of the music of Kūṭiyāṭṭam is in the use of a variety of rhythmic patterns using the percussion instruments [5].

Conclusion G. Venu opines that Kūṭiyāṭṭam is a full-fledged dramatic art that practices highly codified body movements, hand gestures, facial expressions, and eye movements [9]. It offers profound aesthetic experience (rasa) to the spectator.

References 1. Datta A (1987) Encyclopaedia of Indian literature. Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi 2. Gopalakrishnan S (2011) Kutiyattam: the heritage theatre of India. Niyogi Books, New Delhi 3. Introduction to Theatre in India. http://www.yavanika. org/theatreinindia/?page_id¼282 4. Menon AS (1982) The legacy of Kerala. DC Books, Kottayam 5. Prabhath B (2011) A comparative study of the contemporary actors training process in NOH and Kutiyatta (Ph.D) thesis. University of Hyderabad, pp 73–123 6. Rajendran C (2007) Vachikabhinaya in Kerala’s traditional Sanskrit theatre. Sangeet Natak, XLI 1 7. Rajendran C (2012) Changing paradigms in performance: Kutiyattam in historical perspective. http:// www.sanskrit.nic.in/svimarsha/V6/c17.pdf

Kūttan 8. Varadpande ML (1992) History of Indian theatre: Loka Ranga panorama of Indian folk theatre. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 9. Venu G (2005) Kathakali, Kutiyattam and other performing arts. Natana Kairali Irinjalakuda, Trissur 10. Verma A (2011) Performance and culture: narrative, image and enactment in India. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, Newcastle upon Tyne 11. Wetmore KJ, Liu JS, Mee EB (2014) Modern Asian theatre and performance. Bloomsbury, New York/ London, pp 1900–2000

833 12. Zarrilli PB, McConachie B, Williams GJ, Sorgenfrei CF (2013) Theatre histories: an introduction. Routledge, Oxon/New York

Kūttan ▶ Naṭarāja

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Laksmī (Śrī) ˙ Pratap Kumar Penumala School of Religion, Philosophy and Classics, University of KwaZulu Natal, KwaZulu Natal, South Africa

Synonyms Devī; Goddess; Śrī

Definition Lakṣmī refers to the Hindu deity who is popularly worshipped as the goddess of wealth. She is also known as Śrī.

Introduction Śrī-Lakṣmī is a deity with perhaps the most complex characteristics among all the Hindu deities.

However, she is also one who is the most favored deity as she brings wealth and prosperity to her devotees. From the Vedic texts where she appears in passing as it were (literally in the Appendix section of the Ṛg Veda) to the later Purāṇa and Itihāsa texts and further into the sectarian theologies of Vaishnavism, she certainly enjoys a long checkered narrative in which she undoubtedly becomes the dominant figure. What is perhaps continuous in her narrative is her link to the god of Agni.

Laksmī in Classical Literature ˙ In general Vedic literature treats Śrī in relation to the various qualities such as beauty, splendor, brilliance, and glory. Scholars have pointed out that the association of Śrī with Lakṣmī (wealth and prosperity) occurs in the Śrī Sūkta [4, 2]. Śrī Sūkta which is found in the Ṛg Veda (Maṇḍala 6) is often cited as one of the earliest hymns dedicated to Śrī. But the hymn indeed is addressed to Agni and not to Śrī/Lakṣmī, and she is only indirectly mentioned vis-à-vis Agni who is asked to bring her down (hiraṇyavarṇāṁ hariṇīṁ suvarṇarajatasrajām, candrāṁ hiraṇmayīṁ lakṣmīṁ jātavedo ma āvaha). Furthermore, it is important to note that the context of the hymn is the ritual and the reason why the hymn is named

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after Śrī notwithstanding the fact that neither Śrī nor Lakṣmī is mentioned in the hymn in the address form (locative case), as argued by Bhise, is the use of the hymn in the context of ritual. Bhise also notes that Śrī is not understood in this hymn as a goddess but an abstract idea ([1]: 28). It is in later literature such as Bhṛhaddevata (ch5: v91) that she is understood as goddess ([1]: 29). Dhal has noted that it is Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa that personifies Śrī as the daughter of Prajāpati [2]. Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa also speaks of Prajāpati having concentrated in him all the glory of Śrī and is identified with Agni ([3]: 114). Perhaps it is in the Viṣṇu Purāṇa that Śrī is closely identified with Viṣṇu as the Pradhāna and described as the “womb of the world,” “world mother,” and “speech” ([7]: 290). By the time of the Mahābhārata, she is identified with Draupadī the heroine and common wife of the Pāṇḍava brothers. As Draupadī she is born out of the sacrificial fire. In the Mahābhārata Śrī is described as fickle (cañcalā). In an encounter between Indra and Bali, the latter had been defeated. As Indra brags about his victory, Bali decides to give him a piece of advice. He reminds Indra that the very Śrī that has bestowed victory upon him will leave him one day as she is fickle (cañcalā). He further reminds Indra that he had seen many Indras before [4]. Her association with the Indras is also very intriguing. Again staying with the Mahābhārata, in a long and complicated narrative, the very Pāṇḍava brothers were said to be once Indras whom Śiva had imprisoned in a cave as they disturbed his privacy with Pārvatī. But as the fifth Indra was about to be imprisoned also, he begs Śiva to grant them all freedom. Śiva then agrees to give them Śrī for their wife when they would be born as Pāṇḍava brothers. By this time Śrī seems to have been permanently associated with Viṣṇu for Śiva hastens to add that he had sought Viṣṇu’s permission to give Śrī away to the Indras [5]. Notwithstanding her popularity in later literature and the significance she attains in the Hindu worship, there are no special temples dedicated to Śrī-Lakṣmī [2]. It is therefore not surprising that in the iconography where Lakṣmī is

Laksmī (Śrī) ˙

often seated next to or on the thigh of Viṣṇu, it is only Viṣṇu who is depicted as having the halo ([6]: 174).

Laksmī in Vaisnava Theology ˙ ˙˙ In later Vaiṣṇava theology, Lakṣmī (Śrī) attains special significance. This is particularly characteristic of the south Indian Vaishnavism, known as Śrīvaiṣṇavism, also known as Śrīsaṃpradāya. In Śrīvaiṣṇavism, Śrī acquires a special place both in ritual and in their theological discourse. One of the 18 theological doctrines that are significant for the Śrīvaiṣṇava followers is the place of Śrī in relation to Viṣṇu. In a long debate that went on between the thirteenth century and the eighteenth century, Śrī occupies a significant place and is one of the key points on which the Śrīvaiṣṇava community came to be divided into two groups – southern Vaiṣṇava group (Teṉkalai) and the northern Vaiṣṇava group (Vaṭakalai). While the Teṉkalai community insisted under the thirteenth-century leader and commentator that Śrī-Lakṣmī is subordinate to Viṣṇu, the northern group (Vaṭakalai) argued in favor of a position that placed both Śrī and Viṣṇu on a par. The southern group based its arguments largely on the Tamil texts, whereas Vedānta Deśika who led the Vaṭakalai position of sameness between Viṣṇu and Śrī seems to have derived his arguments from texts such as Lakṣmī Tantra. Tantra texts in general favor the position of equal status between the feminine and the masculine aspects of the divine [4].

Conclusion In contemporary Hindu worship, it is however difficult to ignore the popularity of Lakṣmī as the source of prosperity, wealth, and happiness. Trading communities particularly are known to worship Lakṣmī at least once a week on a Friday to ensure success in their business.

La¯kulı¯śa

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Goddess ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Prajāpati ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Śiva ▶ Śrī ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇavism ▶ Tribal Epics ▶ Vedānta Deśika ▶ Veda ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Bhise UR (1972) Śrīsūkta – A fresh approach. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 53(1/ 4):27–40 2. Dhal UN (1978) Goddess laksmï – origin and development. Oriental Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi 3. Joshi JR (1972) Prajāpati in vedic mythology and ritual. Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute 53(1/4):101–125 4. Kumar PP (2000) The goddess Lakshmi in South Indian Vaishnavism. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Mahabharata, [I: CLXLIX] Online edition [Ganguli Translation] http://www.sacred-texts.com/hin/mbs/ mbsi01.htm. Accessed 12 Sep 2013 6. Marcus MF (1960) Lakshmi/Narayana. Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art 47(7):173–178 7. Penner HH (1966) Cosmogony as myth in the Vishnu Purāṇa. History of Religions 5(2):283–299

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La¯kulı¯śa Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Nakuliśa; Pāśupata

Definition Lākulῑśa is the founder of the Pāśupata tradition of Śaivism, who lived in the second century.

Introduction Śaiva Pāśupata tradition owes its origin to Lākulῑśa, who is believed to be Śiva incarnate. The word “Lākulı śa” literally means “lord with a stuff.” In Sanskrit “Lakut” denotes “stuff” and “Īśa” denotes “Lord” ([1], p. 185). Lākulῑśa revive the Pāśupata doctrine embraced by the Pāśupata sect which is one of the oldest Śaivite sects. However, according to one opinion, the Pāśupata doctrine originated with Lākulῑśa and so there cannot be any question of his reviving it.

The Pura¯nic Myth ˙

Lakula ▶ Kālāmukha

La¯kulas ▶ Pāśupatas

The Liṅga purāṇa speaks of a tradition according to which Lākulῑśa is regarded as the twenty eighth and the last Śiva incarnate ([2], pp. 206–207). We learn from the Vāyu Purāṇa (V. 1.23.202–214), Lākulῑśa was contemporaneous with Vyāsa and Kṛṣṇa, as the 28th avatāra of Rudra. According to the Liṅga and Vāyu purāṇa, while roaming around as a mendicant (or Brahmacārin) and look in for an opportunity to serve the people in a way that would enable them to lead a good and

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moral life, he suddenly found a dead body on a cremation ground (śmaśāna) and entered the body as a soul ([3], p. 165). The dead man came to life. This place of which this happened was named Kāyāvataraṇa or Kāyārohaṇa. The freshly alive man as the incarnation of Lord Paśupati came to be known as Nakuliśa or Lākulῑśa. Liṅga Purāṇa mentions a tradition according to which Lākulῑśa was the first to propound Yoga. So it seems that Patañjali later developed Yoga in a more systematic form. In time Lākulῑśa had four sons or disciples. According to the Vāyupurāṇa, they were called Kuśikā, Gārgya, Mitraka, and Ruṣṭa, respectively, and Liṅgapurāṇa differs to them as Kuśikā, Gārga, Mitra, and Kauruyya ([4], p. 220). Dedicated devotees of Lord Paśupati worshipped him in the form of a Liṅga every day and covered their body with sacred ashes. They all acquired deep understanding of Vedic Saṁhitā. During their lifetime, they talked the Pāśupata doctrine to their disciples and it was left to them to carry on the tradition.

Historical Evidence It is believed that Lākulῑśa is of Brahmin origin and was an inhabitant of Kāyāvataraṇa or Kāyāvarohaṇa, now called Kārvan, a place in the district of Vadodara in the state of Gujrat ([5], p. 629). Alain Danielou holds that Lākulῑśa originally belonged to the Ājı vika sect ([6], p. 198). He was responsible for reviving Śaivism, a cult which belongs to the era of pre-Aryan Indus civilization. Different Śaivite sects active, in an almost secret way, under the garb of pāśupata, got united through the efforts of Lākulῑśa. It has been observed that Lākulῑśa’s doctrine is not in clash with the ājı vika Gośāla’s position. Lākulῑśa was opposed to both Jainism and Buddhism. He also brought Hatha Yoga and Tantrism to the fore. In M. R. Sakhare’s opinion, Lākulῑśa influence on the populace was so great that the Pāśupata cult found wide acceptance in North and afterwards in Central and Eastern India before the cult spread to South in the eleventh century ([7], p. 332).

Iconography It has been discovered that the walls of the Elephanta caves have images of Lākulῑśa depicted on them implying the practice of Pāśupata Śaivism there ([8], p. 515). Laxmaneswar group of Temples at Bhubaneswar also displays icons of Lākulῑśa. Icons of Lākulῑśa images have also been discovered in Rajasthan, Gujarat, and in some parts of the eastern India [9]. Lākulῑśa is represented in some of the images as a Yogi without any clothes on as carrying a staff and human skull. Lākulῑśa is also shown in the company of animals. Yogic urdhva-retaḥ is characteristic of almost all the images of Lākulῑśa.

Date There is no agreement among scholars about the date of Lākulῑśa. Citing the evidence of two inscriptions found in Balagumi in Mysore, which mentioned “Lakulesvara Paṇḍita,” J F Fleet fixes the date of Lākulῑśa in the eleventh century AD ([10], pp. 419–426). This is contested by T. Gopinath Rao who argues that reference to Lākulῑśa is found in the literature before the eleventh century [11]. R G Bhandarkar and K C Pandey place him in the second quarter of second century BC on the basis of a Pillar inscription discovered in Mathura in 1930 ([12], p. 28; [13], p. 93) (see thesis, p. 61, 70–71) and hold that it was Lākulῑśa who first propounded the Pāśupata doctrine. Moreover, Bhandarkar adduces some literary evidence from the Vāyu purāṇa and Liṅga Purāṇa ([14], p. 120), according to which Lākulῑśa was a contemporary of Vāsudeva Kṛṣṇa. There are also other opinions which date Lākulῑśa differently.

Philosophy Lākulı śa represents Śaivism in its early period. For a glimpse of Śaiva theology and rituals as conceived by Lākulı śa, we have to go back to his Pāsupata Sūtra and Kauṇḍinya’s (c. 500 CE) commentary Pañcārtha Bhāṣya. These two texts are not concerned with a philosophy of Śaivism as

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such but deal mainly with its ritual and practices an ascetic should observe. As S. N. Dasgupta points out, even in Madhava’s Sarva-DarśanaSaṁgraha, the Pāśupata system is not stated as a form of philosophy but as a description of some ascetic practices ([15], Vol. V, p. 130). According to Kauṇḍinya’s commentary, Paśupati is the creator of the world and had the good of all, in view. In Kauṇḍinya’s opinion five topics are discussed in the Pāśupata system. These are: (1) cause (kāraṇa), (2) effect (kārya), (3) meditation (yoga), (4) behavior (vidhi), and (5) dissolution of sorrow (duhkhānta) ([16], p. 10). The teachings of the Lākulı śa Pāśupata system have as its goal the total elimination of all kinds of sorrow (duhkha). Disciples who attain a certain level of spiritual development can only understand such teaching. According to Pāśupata Sūtra, an individual attains liberation directly through the grace (karuṇā) of Lord Siva. And the concepts of karma and of rebirth are given a go by. In Pāśupata system the word paśu is taken to mean all conscious being, but saints or enlightened beings fall outside this class. These conscious beings are animals or paśu in the sense that they are devoid of real power and knowledge of their true selves. The lack of real power or impotence constitutes the bondage of an individual, which is responsible for his beginingless entanglement in the causal net ([15], Vol. V, p. 131). All animals, caught in the net of cause and effect, become attached to the objects of their sense-images. Kauṇḍinya, the commentator of Pāśupata Sūtra, emphatically expresses the view that the liberation from, or the ending of, all sorrow is not the result of attainment of knowledge (jñāna), virtue (dharma), deliberate cessation of application of one’s miraculous powers (aiśwarya-tyāga), and disinclination (vairāgya), but comes from divine grace (karuṇā) alone ([17], p. 122). Not every person is qualified to be a Śaiva disciple, but only a Brahmin with heightened or keen senses. The teaching, given by way of charity, to those who wish to end all sorrow is aimed at prompting the disciple to devotional practices and generating in him aspiration to become Śiva.

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The union of the soul with God or the Supreme Being is expressed by Yoga. The way to yoga lies not in the attainment of knowledge, but in the adoption of a certain course of action or yogavidhi, which consists of the following – nonviolence, nonstealing, truthfulness, celibacy, nonirritability (akrodha), purity, and carefulness (apramāda) ([18], p. 33). Yoga or meditation is held to be the cause (kāraṇa) of cessation or dissolution of pleasure and pain, the effect (kārya). Besides these three categories of Yoga, cause and effect, there are two others, namely, vidhi (behavior) and duhkhānta (annihilation of sorrow). These five categories are the five topics of discussion of the Lākulῑśa sect.

Cross-References ▶ Haṭhayoga ▶ Jainism ▶ Pāśupatas ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Śaivism, Overview ▶ Samatha (Buddhism) ▶ Tantrism ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Johnson WJ (2010) Oxford dictionary of Hinduism. Oxford University Press, New York 2. Maxwell TS (1988) Visvarupa. Oxford University Press, New York 3. Siddhantashastree RK (1975) Saivism through the age. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi 4. Dalal R (2010) Hinduism an alphabetical guide. Penguin Books, New Delhi 5. Majumdar AK (1983) Concise history of ancient India, vol III. Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi 6. Daniélou A (2003) Shaiva oracles and predictions on the cycles of history and the destiny of mankind. Inner Traditions International, Rochester 7. Sakhare MR (1942) The history and philosophy of Liṅgāyat religion. Mahavir Press, Belgum 8. Singh U (2008) A history of ancient and early medieval India: from the stone age to the 12th century. Pearson Longman, Delhi

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840 9. Choubey MC (1997) Lakuliśa in Indian art and culture. Sharada Publishing House, New Delhi 10. Fleet JF (1907) Siva as Lakulisa. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland 39:419 11. Rao TG (2017) Elements of Hindu iconography. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 12. Pandey KC (1986) An outline of history of Saiva philosophy. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 13. Parameshwarananda S (2004) Encyclopedia of Saivism, vol 3. Sarup & Sons, New Delhi 14. Bhandarkar RG (1965) Vaisnavism, Saivism and minor religious systems. Indological Book House, Varanasi 15. Dasgupta SN (2010) A history of Indian philosophy, vol V. Motilal Banarasidass, Delhi 16. Shastri PA (1940) Pasupata sutras with Pancharthabhasya of Kaundinya. University of Travancore, Trivandrum 17. Sinha J (1975) Schools of Saivism. Sinha Publishing House, Calcutta 18. Hara M (2002) Pasupata studies. The De Nobili Research Library, Vienna

Lal Arifa ▶ Lāl Ded

La¯l Ded Shahida Shahida Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, National Institute of Technology, Kurukshetra, Haryana, India

Synonyms Lal Arifa; Lal Didi; Lal the Great; Lalishri; Lalla the Mistress of Yoga asceticism; Lalla Yogini; Lalla; Lallesvari; Mai Lal Diddi

Definition Lal Ded was a Kashmiri mystic poet known popularly for her vakhyans (sayings or proverbs of Lalla) that form an integral part of Kashmiri cultural tradition, and she is venerated equally by both Hindus and Muslims till date.

Lal Arifa

Life and Influences Lal Ded was born in the fourteenth century between 1317 and 1320 either in Sempore near Pampore or in Pandrenthan near Srinagar. The exact date and place of birth are rather doubtful because everything that we know about her is communicated orally or by legends and very little is known about her. There are no authentic manuscripts of her compositions. Most of them are documented from oral folktales and proverbs. Most of the Kashmiri historians from the fifteenth century onward are silent about her life and contribution. This is chiefly because they were busy documenting important events related to kings and rulers of Kashmir. It is only in the Persian chronicles and hagiographical accounts in around the sixteenth century Lal Ded is mentioned as a woman yogini who wandered in seminude or nude condition singing and dancing in ecstatic frenzy [1]. Lal is mentioned for the first time by Mulla Ali Raina in the Tadhkirat-ul-Arifin (1587) a hagiographical account of popular mystics and saints of Kashmir. Later, a passing reference of Lal Ded as “Lalla” a Saivite yogini occurs in Baba Daud Mishkati’s Asrar-ul-Akbar. Detailed account of her life occurs in Khwaja Azam Diddamari’s Tarikh-i-Azami or Waqiat-iKashmir (1736). Moreover, her life is shrouded in mystery as none of the accounts are completely authentic in documenting her life. This is because most of them are based on oral folktales and legends about Lal Ded. Most of the information that is available is inferred from her verses. A total of 258 vakhs attributed to Lal Ded is found to be an integral part of Kashmir’s popular tradition in the form of songs, proverbs, and prayers [1]. Legends say that Lal Ded was born into a Brahmin family. She was married at the age of 12, into a family that lived in Pampore. She had a troubled domestic life. Her deep spiritual inclinations and visit to shrines often resulted in cruel treatment from her husband and mother-in-law. She was starved and beaten at her in-laws home. At 26 she renounced home and family and started her spiritual journey under guidance of Saiva saint Sed Boyu or Siddha Srikantha. This was the beginning of her spiritual quest.

La¯l Ded

There are many folktales and oral narratives associated with her life and death. Some say Lal Ded went about nude because she believed “Kashmiris were not men” [2], and so she had no reason to be ashamed of, and when she saw Sayyid Ali Hamadani, she wore clothes. In yet another story, she was still a naked and wondering yogini, and when she saw Sayyid Ali Hamadani from a distance, crying out “I have seen a man,” she turned and fled. Seeing a bakers’ shop, she jumped into burning oven and disappeared, the saint who followed her enquired from the baker’s wife. Out of fear, the baker’s wife refused to have seen any woman passing. Sayyid Ali Hamadani continued his search, and suddenly Lal Ded emerged from the oven wearing green clothes from heaven [3]. There are numerous such tales associated with her and her interaction with popular saints of her age like Sayyid Ali Hamadani and Nund Rishi. Nothing can be said with surety as there are no accounts documenting her life and poems. Her association with Nund Rishi is known from his poems. She is believed to have inspired him. In fact Nund Rishi worshipped her as an incarnation of God. He pays her a tribute in the following shruk: Ta Padmanporachi Lale, Tami gale amryeth chav. Swa sanin avatar lwale, tithyui mye var ditam Diva. [4]

(The great Lal Ded of Padamanpura (modern Pampore) drank a mouthful of nectar. For us she is an incarnation. O Lord! Give me a similar boon as you gave her.) Regarding her death too, there are numerous folktales. In one of the versions, she died at Bijbahara “just outside the famous masjid (mosque) there, near its south eastern corner. When she gave up her soul, it buoyed like a flame of light in air and disappeared” [5].

Lal Ded’s Poems or Vakhs Lal Ded is one of the leading mystic poets of Kashmir Saivism, Yoga, and Tantra. She is known for composing vakhs, a vakh is a terse

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aphoristic four-lined stanza complete in itself. The themes of her vakhs or poems are mainly spiritual, yet she has touched almost all aspects of life including message of love, tolerance, communal harmony, religious dogmas to universal love, and peace; like in the following verse, she openly opposes the ritual of fasting and urges people to be kind and helpful: Don’t torture this body with thirst and hunger, give it a hand when it stumbles and falls. To hell with all your vows and prayers just help others through life, there is no truer worship. [6]

Kashmir Saivism which was limited to the elite class was brought to the domain of masses by Lal Ded through her vakhs. Her poems encourage common man to strive for highest goals of spirituality without total renunciation of worldly affairs. She instructed men to be balanced in their attitude toward God. Instead of abandoning familial responsibilities, men should try to overcome pride, anger, hatred, lust, and excessive involvement with the material world. She inspired common people to forsake rituals in the name of religion instead look for God within. The Lord has spread the subtle net of Himself across the world. See how He gets under your skin, inside your bones If you can’t see Him while you ‘re alive, don’t expect a special vision once you ‘re dead. [7]

It is the purity of heart without discrimination on the basis of caste, creed, religion, or belief that matters the most. Lal Ded is more of a social and religious reformer and vociferously opposed religious dogmas at a time when Kashmir was divided in terms of religion and faith. Her vakhs inspired people of all faiths to find God within: Shiva lives in many places. He doesn’t know Hindu from Muslims. The Self that lives in you and others: that’s Shiva. Get the measure of Shiva. [8]

People in Kashmir continue to recite her vakhs with great devotion and love every morning and evening along with their routine prayers. For centuries it has been part of rural consciousness and oral culture. It is much later in the twentieth

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century a British official decided to record and translate her vakhs. In 1920 Lalla Vakhyani was published by the Royal Asiatic Society, London as a monograph Vol. XVII edited with translation, notes, and vocabulary by Sir George Grierson and Dr. Lionel Barnett. The work was appreciated for its linguistic and philosophical scholarship. However, later on many writers have attempted to translate her poems from Kashmiri to Sanskrit, Hindi, and English like Richard Temple’s The Word of Lalla the Poetess and Being the Sayings of Lal Ded or Lal Diddi of Kashmir (1924), Jayalal Kaul’s Lal Ded (1973), Naked Song (1992) by Coleman Barks, Jaishree Odin’s To the Other Shore: Lalla’s Life and Poetry (1999), Ranjit Hoskote’s I, Lalla: The Poems of Lal Ded (2011), and Jawahar Lal Bhat’s Lal Ded Revisited (2014). Yet no text is believed to be completely authentic and similar because Lal Ded’s vakhs were transmitted orally, so a lot of interpolations have crept in over the years. Sir George Grierson talks about this as: Lalla’s songs were composed in old form of Kashmiri Language, but it is not probable that we have them in exact form as she uttered them. The fact that they have been transmitted by word of mouth prohibits such a supposition. As the language changed insensibly from generation to generation, so much the outward form of the verses have changed in recitation. But, nevertheless, the respect for the authoress and the metrical form of the songs has preserved a great many archaic forms of expression. [9]

Like her predecessors, the influence of Shaivism is evident in her vakhyans, and later on spiritual poets like Rupa Bhawani and Shams Fakir have accepted the impact of Lal Ded on their verses.

Conclusion Lal Ded is inheritor of the great Kashmir Saivism beginning with Vasugupta, then Somananda, Utpaladeva, and the great Abhinavagupta in the tenth century. The works produced by these scholars were in Sanskrit and exclusively for the elite Brahmins. Lal Ded is known for propagating the principles of Kashmiri Shaivism in a language that was understood

La¯l Ded

by masses. She used old Kashmiri language to express profound philosophical ideas. She is known to have initiated the first phase of the Bhakti upsurge in Kashmiri poetry which was totally dedicated to Shiva in a monistic setting, presenting him as impersonal and indeterminate absolute [10]. Lal Ded has left an indelible impression on mystical poetry. It is because of her deeper understanding of human condition, simplicity of language and everyday life imagery, and compassionate vision for spiritual liberation that elevates her as an avatar or a Goddess in Kashmir. Regarding her verses, Coleman Barks beautifully summarizes the great spiritual mystic as: Reducing shadow cloth to shreds and patches in fine work of poetry. Sometimes abstract and at other times wonderfully imaged, her short-song scissorbites cut free the conventional veils and solaces, the light-blockers that hide our own soul-nakedness. She leaves us out in the open with nothing on like the new moon. [11]

References 1. Haskote R (trans) (2011) I, Lalla: the poems of Lal Ded. Penguin Books, Delhi, pp 15–16 2. Temple RC (1923) The word of Lalla the prophetess, being the sayings of Lal Ded or Lal Diddi. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p 7 3. Bhat JL (trans) (2014) Lal Ded-Revisited. Vision Creative Services, New Delhi, p 124 4. Odin JK (trans) (2013) Lalla to Nuruddin: Rishi – Sufi poetry of Kashmir. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 5. Temple RC (ed) (1923) The word of Lalla the prophetess, being the sayings of Lal Ded or Lal Diddi. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p 9 6. Haskote R (trans) (2011) I, Lalla: the poems of Lal Ded. Penguin Books, Delhi, p 141 7. Haskote R (trans) (2011) I, Lalla: the poems of Lal Ded. Penguin Books, Delhi, p 107 8. Haskote R (trans) (2011) I, Lalla: the poems of Lal Ded. Penguin Books, Delhi, p 106 9. Temple RC (ed) (1923) The word of Lalla the prophetess, being the sayings of Lal Ded or Lal Diddi. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, p 10 10. Bhat JL (trans) (2014) Lal Ded-Revisited. Vision Creative Services, New Delhi, p 24 11. Barks C (trans) (1922) Naked song: Lalla. Maypop Books, Richmond, p 45

Līla¯

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Lal Didi

La¯ngala

▶ Lāl Ded

▶ Kālāmukha

Lal the Great

La¯njana

▶ Lāl Ded

▶ Kālāmukha

La¯lan-panthī

Life Span

▶ Bāuls

▶ Longevity

Lalishri

Līla¯

▶ Lāl Ded

Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

Lalla ▶ Lāl Ded

Lalla the Mistress of Yoga Asceticism ▶ Lāl Ded

Lalla Yogini ▶ Lāl Ded

Lallesvari ▶ Lāl Ded

The term līlā means play, sport, or dalliance. It describes the activity of the classical Hindu deities. It is especially an important notion in Hindu devotional religion. Because divine beings are complete in their natures, they need and desire nothing. However, they continue to act. Why do they continue to act? It is possible to intellectually and emotionally understand the further actions of these complete and perfect beings by the notion of līlā (play). The superfluous actions of divine beings are forms of play, suggesting that their actions are purposeless, spontaneous, devoid of intention, and non-pragmatic. In other words, the deities do not intend to accomplish anything by acting. They are simply free to play. Human beings are not as fortunate as deities because humans are compelled to work to support themselves, their immediate and extended families, and their society. Work is not fun or pleasurable; it is more akin to drudgery that leads to boredom and unhappiness. In contrast to the drudgery of human

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work, the play of the divine beings represents an aimless display that dazzles, sparkles, and sometimes terrifies humans, but it is always ultimately fascinating. The notion of play (līlā) is associated with bliss (ānanda), which is an attribute of divine beings. This combination of play and bliss enables deities to dance, laugh, play tricks, and sing. Whatever form they assume, these playful, blissful, and superfluous actions are executed in total freedom and spontaneity by the divine beings. When deities act, they often perform on earth, creating a close relationship between the world and play (līlā) with the world functioning as a stage where the divine beings can dance and dazzle human witnesses. In fact, the world is created in the spirit of play from the overflowing energy of a deity, implying that the world is a divine toy with which the deity can play. Although the world is something ephemeral, it is akin to a phantasmagoric display or magic show that entertains humans. In addition, the world is delightful because it stems from the overflowing of divine bliss and is pervaded with the creative power of the divine. If humans observe keenly, they will notice that there is a divine rhythm associated with the world that invites people to participate in a cosmic dance. Because the world is energized by the play of the deities and overflows with divine bliss, this type of religiosity does not call for withdrawal from the world as evident in other types of Hinduism with its ideal of the renouncer. Devotional forms of Hinduism with its notion of play do not demand renouncing the world. Within the history of devotional Hinduism, Kṛṣṇa is the divine player par excellence, although other gods and goddesses also engage in play. In the religious biography of Kṛṣṇa, he plays as a child, an adolescent, and an adult. Kṛṣṇa’s play as a child expresses a pure, spontaneous type of play that is characterized by his erratic bodily movements as an infant and the tricks of a young child. Besides his tricks of other children and adults, Kṛṣṇa at this stage of his life is renowned for stealing butter. Outside of Indian temples, it is possible to find lithographs for sale depicting a child with one hand holding a large butter jar, the other hand thrusting into the jar, butter flowing from the jar, and butter dripping from the hands

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and mouth of the divine child. This popular image of Kṛṣṇa suggests something important about the nature of love, which is symbolized by the butter: love cannot be quantified or separated apart into some sort of category. By its very nature, love is abundant and overflows any attempt to contain it; it is also simple, ample, and spontaneous. Love cannot be possessed by any one person because it is about relationship not possession. The stealing of butter simply enhances the excitement associated with an illicit act. The playful tricks of the child Kṛṣṇa demonstrate his disdain for social conventions and that the world is his playground in which he is free to play. During his childhood and as an adolescent, numerous demonic figures attempt to kill him, but he always prevails victoriously. Kṛṣṇa’s defeat of these demons is executed in the spirit of play. In other words, even with his life at risk, Krṣṇa never ceases to play. It is almost as if he cannot help himself. The violence associated with these demon conquests would appear to have nothing common with līlā (play) which would be a mistaken assumption. In fact, the demons are akin to toys intended for the amusement of Kṛṣṇa. Thus, Kṛṣṇa can take a violent life and death struggle and turn it into a form of play. As Kṛṣṇa develops into an adolescent, he continues to play tricks on others, especially the cowherd girls (gopīs). In his divine biography in the tenth book of the Bhagavata Purāṇa, the gopīs are depicted bathing in the Yamunā River. Kṛṣṇa arrives at this scene and steals their clothing while they are in the river. Kṛṣṇa places their clothing in a nearby tree in which he sits and forces each gopī to walk out of the water naked to retrieve their garments. At other times, Kṛṣṇa would frolic with the gopīs in the forest. When he suddenly disappeared from the gopīs’ sight, they became distressed and would aimlessly search for him looking for clues to his whereabouts. When they could not find him, they would recount stories about his exploits and/or sing his praises. When reunited with Kṛṣṇa, the gopīs joined him in a circle dance called the rāsa līlā. Playing his flute in the center of the circle, Kṛṣṇa also placed himself next to each gopī, giving each one the impression that the god was dancing right next to her.

Līla¯

The circle dance has erotic connotations because dance is a metaphor for sexual relations, and the gopīs have been lured from their homes at night by the sound of Kṛṣṇa’s flute, which is an extension of his beauty. By leaving their husbands and presumably their children at home, the gopīs are violating social conventions for married women, but the allure of a chance to play with their god is too powerful. Because of Kṛṣṇa’s māyā (illusory) power, the husbands of the gopīs are deluded by the deity and are unaware that their wives are gone. On the one hand, Kṛṣṇa’s motivation in this scenario is to enable the gopīs to experience bliss, while on the other hand, the gopīs exhibit a salvific love for Kṛṣṇa that is devoid of egoism. In later developments of Kṛṣṇa devotion, the gopīs are models for authentic devotional love. Besides devotional narratives concerning līlā (play), the phenomenon of play is expressed in public ways through devotional chanting and singing the praises or simply the name of the deity. In northern India, this activity, a congregational devotional worship, is called kīrtana, and in southern India recounted, it is known as bhajana. The singing is often accompanied by musical instruments and dancing. It is not uncommon to see people become very emotional as they participate in the singing of god’s praises. These practices occur weekly in private meetings, an annually performed marriage of Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa, street performances conducted in the morning, and independent gatherings. The participants begin to chant slowly and then speed up the chanting and raise the pitch gradually and finally lower and slow it down in reverse sequence. During weekly gatherings, songs of the Āḻvārs, poet saints, are recited; praises of founding gurus are uttered; and portions of the Gītāgovnda, a devotional work depicting the relationship between Rādhā and Kṛṣṇa by Jayadeva, are recited each week until the entire poem is recounted. The service ends with invocations for auspiciousness for the deity and the distribution of food as prasāda (gracious offerings). At the conclusion of monthly sessions, participants prostrate themselves to each other and roll around the floor clockwise around a lamp that symbolizes god. At the end of this sequence of expressions of surrender and humility, participants embrace each other. Devotees perform these types of play

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believing that singing the praises of god or chanting his name will win them salvation. By means of chanting, a devotee celebrates his/her love of god in a way that is direct and immediate without the need for a mediator. Another type of public form of play assumes the form of actual dramatic performances of scenes from the life and adventures of a deity, such as Kṛṣṇa and Rāma known a Kṛṣṇa līlā and Rāma līlā. Regardless of gender or age, all parts are played by young boys who are lavishly dressed to look like the characters being portrayed in the drama. These young boys lead an itinerant life style as they move to different villages and towns to perform their one-act plays based on Krsna or Rāma’s līlās captured in the narratives about them and their exploits. The purpose of a performed līlā is to encourage the audience to participate in whatever mood (rasa) is depicted by the drama. During a typical drama, an audience member feels the emotions of a character in the drama, which unites that person emotionally with a dramatic character so that a viewer can feel indirectly the emotions of another person. The mood in which a viewer participates unities the separate elements of the play into an integrated whole that brings together the causes of emotion, its effects, and its accompanying transitory emotions. These rasa līlā dramas combine visual, oral, and aural experiences with emotional states.

References 1. Coomaraswamy AK (1942) Līlā. J Am Orient Soc 61:98–101 2. Hawley JS (1979) Thief of butter. Hist Relig 18(3):203–220 3. Hawley JS (1981) At play with Krishna: pilgrimage drama from Brindavan. Princeton University Press, Princeton 4. Hein N (1972) The miracle plays of Mathura. Oxford University Press, Delhi 5. Kinsley DR (1975) The sword and the flute: Kālī and Kṛṣṇa: dark visions of the terrible and the sublime in Hindu mythology. University of California Press, Berkeley 6. Kinsley DR (1979) The divine player: a study of Kṛṣṇa Līlā. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Schwartz SL (2004) Rasa: performing the divine in India. Columbia University Press, New York

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Lin˙ga¯yata Robert J. Zydenbos Institut für Indologie und Tibetologie, LudwigMaximilians-Universität München, Munich, Germany

Synonyms Basava; Vīraśaiva

Definition A Liṅgāyata is a follower of Śaiva Hinduism that received its classical form through the work of the South Indian reformer Basava in the twelfth century CE.

Introduction The term “Liṅgāyata” is commonly used as a synonym for “Vīraśaiva”; literally the terms mean “one who has accepted the liṅga,” i.e., a person who is a follower of the teachings of Basava (twelfth century CE), a Śaiva Hindu reformer who lived in what today is the northern part of the Indian state of Karnataka and who taught a highly individualized and internalized form of devotional Śaivism. The etymology of the word has been traced to Sanskrit liṅgāyukta/ liṅgāyutta/liṅgāyatta/liṅgāyata [2, 4]. The term may also be used (just as the term “Vīraśaiva”) as an adjective to denote such doctrines, beliefs, and practices that are characteristic of the religious tradition in southern India that traces its origins to Basava.

Distinctive Use of the Terms “Lin˙ga¯yata” and “Vīraśaiva” Although today these two terms are commonly used interchangeably, one also regularly finds the opinion expressed in modern literature and in

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the speeches of religious leaders that “Liṅgāyata” and “Vīraśaiva” do not mean exactly the same or that it is advisable not to use them interchangeably, because they denote historically different elements within the larger tradition that lie at the root of religious and social distinctions that still are of significance today. Some religious leaders, who to outside observers seem part of the general Vīraśaiva community, insist that they are not “Vīraśaivas” but “Liṅgāyatas” and they will name their religious tradition not “Vīraśaivism” but “Liṅgāyatism” [7] (or even “Basavaism” [6]), to distance themselves from other religious leaders who belong to particular sections of the Vīraśaiva community and who do not uphold the religious and social guidelines of Basava (see the article on Vīraśaivism). Thus, the term “Liṅgāyata,” in specific contexts, is used to indicate a claim to stricter adherence to the teachings of Basava, especially his social teachings, and to assert a rejection of certain beliefs and practices that are associated with orthodox brahminical Hinduism, such as the performance of Vedicstyle homa and yajña rituals or the observance of caste-hierarchical social behavior. Some Liṅgāyatas have advocated that the religion should be considered a fully independent one, and not a variety of Hinduism. The Indian Constitution of 1950 mentions the Lingayats as having a religion separate from that of the Hindus ([9]: 175). The distinction between “Liṅgāyata” and “Vīraśaiva” concerns a divide in the social composition of the community. Modern Vīraśaivism developed out of a reorganization of religious life under the leadership of Basava in companionship with other mystics and religious thinkers, of whom the most influential were Allamaprabhu and Cennabasava. It was historically preceded by other forms of Śaivism in the southern Deccan, such as the Kālāmukha, Kāpālika, Pāśupata, and Śrōtrīya traditions, which later merged with the movement around Basava. Although the religion taught by Basava showed some of the strong socially emancipatory traits that were to characterize modern Vīraśaivism, till today the Vīraśaivas have maintained a strong connection with the Sanskritic scriptural tradition that

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produced the Śaivāgamas; a radical break with brahminical Śaiva Hinduism never took place, and till today some of the foremost Sanskrit scholars of southern India are Vīraśaivas. Basava himself was born in a conservative Śaiva brahmin family [1], but in his writings, he explicitly expressed scorn at those who prided themselves on their ancestral background rather than that they individually strove to perfect themselves on the spiritual path, and in characteristic humility, he chose not to emphasize his own background and to seek a closer rapport to those sections of society that traditionally had had no access to Sanskritic Hinduism. His nephew Cennabasava, on the other hand, who was to become one of the leading theorists of the new movement, was highly learned in the Sanskritic tradition of the Śaivāgamas, which he also quoted at length in the original Sanskrit in his own short writings (vacanas; see the article on Basava) in the Kannada language [10]. Similarly, the attitude to older brahminical temple ritual was ambiguous: Basava clearly stated that the temple cult is not of central importance in religious life, but he did not condemn it either; thus, Vīraśaiva temples exist still today, with a skilled priesthood, practicing largely according to the brahminical ritual tradition that already existed in Basava’s time, in agreement with the Śaivāgamas. M.M. Kalaburgi of Dharwad has pointed out that the word “Vīraśaiva” originally referred to a particular type of religious vow among pre-Liṅgāyata Śaivas that was associated with the cult of the deity Vīrabhadra ([4]: 322), and the religion of Basava was called “Liṅgāyata” or “Liṅgavanta”; only from the fourteenth century onward, beginning with the poet Bhīmakavi, is the word “Vīraśaiva” also used to denote the religion, and this usage of the word was introduced by the brahminical groups that had merged with Basava’s original movement [4, 5].

Remnants of Earlier Caste Identity In the course of time the Vīraśaiva community grew at an increasing pace, and new members did not only join individually (as seems to have

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been largely the case in the early years of the movement) but often collectively, as entire castes which preserved their caste identity within the Vīraśaiva community. Some of the castes of brahminical origin strengthened a trend toward preserving brahminical Śaiva elements in the new tradition, claiming a central authority for the Sanskritic scriptural heritage and downplaying Basava’s egalitarian reformatory social program as stated in the vacana literature. In such circles, one characteristically finds the idea that the whole of Vīraśaiva doctrine is based on a Sanskrit text, the Siddhāntaśikhāmaṇi of Śivayogisvāmin ([3]: 307), which, as recent research by Immaḍi Śivabasavasvāmi of Kundūru Maṭha, Mysore has shown, is in reality a rather late medieval text that was composed centuries after Basava, perhaps in the fifteenth century CE, and is in part a compilation of passages from older āgamic literature. Similarly, great authority is claimed for the Śrīkarabhāṣya, a commentary on the Vedāntasūtras, although this too is a relatively late work and should be understood as an attempt on the part of the originally brahminical sections of the Vīraśaiva community to participate in brahminical theological discourse and gain greater recognition of Vīraśaiva teachings among the higher castes of non-Vīraśaiva Hindu society. Typically, these sections among the Vīraśaivas (called ārādhyas in Andhra Pradesh and jaṅgamas in Karnataka—the latter not to be confused with the wandering mendicants with the same appellation) are socially recognized and respected by non-Vīraśaiva brahmins as more or less comparable with themselves in culture and lifestyle. The caste divide within the Vīraśaiva community is still strong, with the former brahminical groups generally not intermarrying with others. The level of cooperation and mutual trust between the pañcapīṭhas and the great majority of the maṭhas (the viraktamaṭhas) varies individually.

Two Types of Mathas ˙ The Vīraśaiva community is religiously organized in a system of maṭhas, monastery-like institutions

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headed by a maṭhādhipati or “lord of the maṭha,” and as a rule each member of the community feels a special allegiance to his or her own gurumaṭha or “maṭha of the teacher,” i.e., the maṭha of the person whom one considers to be one’s personal spiritual guide. In most cases, this allegiance is based on family tradition. There is a large number of Vīraśaiva maṭhas in existence today, but five of them stand out as the so-called pañcapīṭhas or five seats (three of them in southern India, two in northern India) that are mythically claimed to have been founded by five religious teachers (the pañcācāryas) who miraculously emanated from five śivaliṅgas representing the five faces of Śiva. This tradition is relatively new, as is the number five: early sources speak of only four teachers with four pīṭhas, the fifth one in Benares being a seventeenth-century addition ([3]: 307). Though nominally Vīraśaiva, these maṭhas function quite like brahmin maṭhas. In one dramatic change, the head of the maṭha of Ujjaini in eastern Karnataka (one of the pañcapīṭhas) in the nineteenth century appointed a successor not from the jaṅgama subcommunity, justifying this as being in agreement with original Vīraśaiva ideals. This led to a rift among the followers of the maṭha and bitter litigation, with the new maṭhādhipati moving to a new location, Sirigere ([8]: 267), and effectively founding a new monastery that in importance today greatly overshadows the still existing earlier one.

Loka 3. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Pañcācāryaru: eraḍu ṭippaṇigaḷu. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, vol III, 3rd edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 305–309 [in Kannada] 4. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Vīramāhēśvara > vīraśaiva, liṃgāyatavaṃta > liṃgavaṃta/liṃgāyata. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, vol III, 3rd edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 320–325 [in Kannada] 5. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Śivācārya (¼paṃcācārya)radu jātibhēda saṃpradāya. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, vol III, 3rd edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 370–372 [in Kannada] 6. Mahādēvi M (n.d.) Basavaism. A perfect method of teaching the art of life (perfection). Viswakalyana Mission, Bangalore 7. Mahādēvi M (1973) Liṃgāyata dharma kaipiḍi. Viswakalyana Mission, Bangalore [7th ed. 1995] 8. Schouten JP (1991) Revolution of the mystics. On the social aspects of Vīraśaivism. Kok Pharos, Kampen 9. McCormack W (1973) On Lingayat culture. In: Ramanujan AK (ed) Speaking of Śiva. Harmondsworth, Penguin, pp 175–187 10. Zydenbos RJ (1997) Vīraśaivism, caste, revolution, etc. J Am Orient Soc 117(3):525–535

Loka Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Definition Cross-References

The Hindu idea of world and space.

▶ Śaiva Āgamas ▶ Śiva ▶ Vīraśaivism

Loka as Favorable Space

References 1. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Basavaṇṇavaru yāva mūlada brāhmaṇaru? In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, vol III, 3rd edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 364–369 [in Kannada] 2. Kalaburgi MM (2010) Iṣṭaliṃga. In: Kalaburgi MM (ed) Mārga, vol I, 3rd edn. Sapna Book House, Bangalore, pp 164–167 [in Kannada]

This Sanskrit word is usually translated as “world” or “person,” where in the latter it is used as a collective noun to designate people in general. Its first meaning of “world” is most important in Hindu literature, and historically it has two basic senses attached to it. In the first it designates a particular space a person has constructed through ritual activity, whereas the second designates actual worlds people can live in or attain to by rebirth in some form.

Loka

In the earliest Vedic literature, the word loka seems to have conveyed the idea of “favorable space” ([1], p. 35). This reflected the background of the thought world of these people, one strongly influenced by the nomadic lifestyle they led and where good pasture free from any source of danger was always desired. Gonda ([1], p. 35) argues that in the earliest literature, loka was not a world or “some arbitrary point in space,” but a place that had its own value and “is important, safe, stable, and steady, a resting place in universal extensity towards which man directs himself.” Ritual activity helps a man create a loka for himself on the earth, the creation of which is an intentional act and a result of the correct performance of the ritual. This meaning was then extended to an understanding that the loka can be qualified in meaning by the word that comes before it, such that there is a multiplicity of lokas, as in Aitareya Brāhmaṇa 3, 46 ([2], p. 195) where is found the “loka of the sacrificer,” “the loka of immortality,” and “the heavenly loka.”

Loka in the Maha¯bha¯rata This idea passes further into post-Vedic literature, exemplified especially in the third book (Chs.80–153; [3], pp. 372–514) of the Mahābhārata dealing with pilgrimages. These chapters contain many formulaic statements declaring that a pilgrim going to a particular place and performing worship there will attain a divine status and reach a particular loka, of which there are at least a dozen possibilities associated with different gods and divine creatures. It continues the earlier thinking found in Vedic texts where performance of ritual acts at now wellknown sacred places will convey a person to a particular loka. In part this development is a consequence of the centrality of devotional theologies and practices taught in these texts where individuals can expect to attain the deity of their chosen deity. At Mahābhārata 3, 81, 5 ([2], p. 378), for example, it is said that a man who wishes to go to Kurukṣetra, merely by thinking of it, goes to Brahmaloka. And a few verses further on the same passage says: “One should then go on to

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Viṣṇu’s incomparable place, of the name of Satata, where Hari is present. By bathing there and worshiping Hari, the source of the three worlds (trilokaprabhavam), one obtains the reward of the Horse Sacrifice and attains to Viṣṇu’s world (viṣṇulokaṃ)” ([2], p. 378). Besides these there are at least 19 other lokas associated with particular deities or sages that a person can attain to by visiting particular sacred places, including even nāgaloka, the world of snakes.

The Triloka and Specific Worlds In its second basic meaning, loka designates the physical worlds defining the mythical/physical space where humans interact with deities and other divine or demonic creatures. In the Brāhmaṇas, the three lokas are named as earth (bhūrloka), the heaven (svargaloka), and the inbetween (bhuvarloka), which is the atmosphere, and this trichotomy becomes standardized in postVedic literature, where it is called as a group “the three worlds” (triloka, trailokya). As a collective, it functions as the spatial location for the narrated action in the mythic world found in all texts from the Brāhmanas onward. Because they are the places where human and divine activities take place, these worlds assume central importance in Sanskrit literature and do correspond somewhat to actual physical locations. Svargaloka seems to be boundless and cannot be defined in a spatial sense ([1], p. 87) but is seemingly a place of general prosperity and well-being. But there are other vague expressions in the early texts which can be translated as “yonder worlds” in a plural sense and designate places where the gods or the deceased ancestors live. In addition, in the Vedas and beyond, one finds mention of patiloka and pitṛloka, indicating a further plurality of lokas, but all indicative of a safe and secure place for those who inhabit them, although there are other lokas which are regarded as gloomy and unpleasant and become the hells of post-Vedic literature. In post-Vedic literature the meaning of loka becomes standardized in terms of a new and more extensive cosmology, which is being

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developed in the Mahābhārata and substantially finalized in the Purāṇas. At least seven worlds are differentiated in the Purāṇas and are systematically treated in the parts of the individual Purāṇas that deal with cosmology. The first three worlds make up the triloka, and when the world is destroyed at the end of a kalpa, a huge period of cosmic space, these worlds are burnt in the conflagration that occurs then. These three worlds do correspond to a physical space, but there are four other worlds called, respectively, Maharloka, Janaloka, Tapoloka, and Brahmaloka (¼Satyaloka), and these – with the liberated souls inhabiting them – escape the cosmic fire. Such worlds do not correspond to a physical space; instead, they correspond loosely to different stages reached on the way to complete spiritual liberation. The Purāṇas provide extensive descriptions of the geographical features of the Earth, the bhūrloka, but the other two components making up the triloka are simply said to be inhabited by sages and perfected beings and gods. Yet there is a clear distinction between the triloka and the other four worlds, for the Viṣṇu Purāṇa 2, 7, 19 says: This triple world (trailokyam) is called constructed, Maitreya. The three – jana, tapas, and satyam – are unconstructed. ([4], p. 310)

The word “constructed” (kṛtakam) indicates the performance of actions, especially sacrificial activity, in contrast to the other worlds where asceticism, meditation, and the focus on true knowledge are to be cultivated. But a third element comes into play in the Purāṇas, because a deity who is the object of devotion can transfer a devotee to his/her world purely as a reward for expression of devotion.

References 1. Gonda J (1966) Loka. World and heaven in the Veda. N. V. Noord-Hollandische Uitgevers Maatschappij, Amsterdam 2. Keith AB (1971) Rigveda Brahmanas: the Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmaṇa of the Rigveda. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi (1st edn, 1920)

Loka¯yata 3. Van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata, vol 2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Wilson HH (1980) The Viṣṇu Purāṇa. A system of Hindu mythology and tradition (enlarged and arranged: Singh NS). Nag Publishers, Delhi (Is ted. 1840), vol 1

Loka¯yata Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Bārhaspatya; Cārvāka; Nāṣtika

Definition Lokāyata is an ancient Indian school of philosophy, representing a kind of materialism with no God or soul independent of the body. That it sets up the pursuit of physical pleasure is the main aim of human life.

Loka¯yata The word Lokāyata is used in Indian philosophy to mean a certain kind of philosophy. The word Lokāyata combines the two word “loka” and “āyata.” The word “loka” can mean “this world” ([1], p. 1372); it can also mean “the people” ([2], p. 906); the word “āyata” can mean either of two things “based on” or “prevalent among” ([3], p. 1). So Lokāyata used to mean a philosophy based on the material phenomenal universe or a philosophy which is prevalent among the people. Such a philosophy that was prevalent among the people is called Lokāyata (Lokeṣu āyata Lokāyata) ([3], p. 1). E. B. Cowell, in his translation of Sarva Darśana Saṁgraha (by Mādhavācārya, fourteenth century A.D.), accepts the term in the

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sense of philosophy prevalent among the people or prevalent in the world ([4], p. 2). For Haraprasad Shastri, the “Lokāyata” means the world-outlook of the people. Buddhist text Divyāvadana uses the term, as S. N. Dasgupta points out, in the sense of “what is prevalent among the people” [5]. Guṇaratna Sūri, fourteenth century Jain Commentator, in his commentary on the Sad Darśana Samuccaya (by Haribhadra Sūri, eighth century) speaks of Lokāyatas as people who behaved like the unthinking mob, the common undiscerning people ([6], p. 103). The implication seems to be that Lokāyata means a philosophy accepted by undiscerning people who generally go after wealth and satisfaction of mundane desire. Mādhavācārya seems to be in consonance with this meaning when he calls the materialist view of the world associated with the Cārvāka, Lokāyata. Thus in Mādhavācāryya opinion, Lokāyatas are “the mass of the people who consider wealth and desire as the only ends of man” ([3], p. 2). Mādhavācārya’s view in a sense follows that of his great master Saṁkarācāryya who in his commentary on Brahmasūtra identifies crude or unsophisticated mob (“prākṛta janah”) with the followers of Lokāyata ([3], p. 2). The word is found in Kautilya’s Arthaśāstra where the word is not used to mean any materialistic philosophy but the science of logic or debate (ānvīkṣikīs) ([7], p. 15). Lokāyata in the Arthaśāstra is mentioned as part of the Vedic tradition ([8], pp. 25–26; [9], pp. 227–229; [10], pp. 597–640) alongside Saṁkhya and Yoga. In the fifth century, Saddaniti and Buddhaghoṣa associate “Lokāyata” with the Vaitaṇḍin (sophists). The use of the term Lokāyata to mean materialistic philosophy also began in the sixth century. The term Cārvāka was first used by the philosopher Purandara in the seventh century to mean materialists. Kamalaśīla and Haribhadra used the term “Cārvāka” in the same sense in the eighth century. But Saṁkarācāryya always used the term Lokāyata, instead of the term Cārvāka to refer to the materialists ([8], p. 196). It is from the eighth century, the terms Cārvāka, Lokāyata, and Bārhaspatya

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were being used interchangeably to mean materialism [16]. We thus see how the word came to be used not only for the philosophy prevalent among the people but also materialist philosophy. Bṛhaspati is considered to be the founder of the Lokāyata school of thought ([11], p. 759). According to the Viṣṇu Purāṇa (3.18), the main text of Lokāyata is due to Bṛhaspati. This text called “Bārhaspatya Sūtram” alternatively “Cārvāka Sūtram,” although not available, but referred to by ancient Indian philosophers, may be regarded as the original text of Lokāyata ([12], p. 31). The earliest materialist, whose views have been discussed in some details in Jaina and Buddhist texts, is Ajita Keśakambali (sixth century B. C.). He was a senior contemporary of Mahāvīra and Buddha [12]. There are six famous Lokāyata philosophers of ancient India. They are Bhāvaviveka, Kambalāśvatara, Abiddhakarṇa, Udbhaṭa Bhaṭṭa, Purandara, and Jayarāśi Bhaṭṭa ([13], pp. 25–26). It is Jayarāśi Bhaṭṭa alone whose text “Tattvopaplavasiṁha” is available to us. Of these six Lokāyata philosophers, the first four are mentioned in different philosophical works available to us, as commentators on the Bārhaspatya Sūtram. In a similar way, we also find the mention of Paurandaraṃ Sūtram and Pauraṁdarīyavṛtti. Of these two texts, the former is spoken of as containing the aphorisms of Purandara, the latter being his auto commentary ([8], pp. 109–111). There is a dispute regarding time of the origin of Lokāyata philosophy. In the opinion of most scholars, it originated between sixth century and the second century BC. Some trace it to a later time between second and the third century A.D. ([14], p. 71). No original text of Lokāyata philosophy is available to us. Some Lokāyata Sūtras or aphorisms have been quoted and discussed in the text of other schools of Indian philosophy, such as the Jaina, Buddhist, Nyāya, and Advaita Vedānta. According to Dakshinaranjan Shastri, there are three communities of Lokāyata philosophy, namely, “Baitaṇḍik” (Sophist), “Dhūrta” (the clever), and “Susikṣita” (the Sophisticated) community [11].

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Philosophy Let us now consider the main aspects of “Lokāyata philosophy.” The foundation of Lokāyata philosophy is provided by its theory of knowledge. Lokāyata philosophers regard direct perception as the only Pramāṇa or valid source of knowledge ([15], p. 47). All knowledge comes from the interaction of the senses with the external world. On their view non-perceptual or indirect sources like inference, the testimony of others, are not reliable and therefore cannot be regarded as Pramāṇas or valid sources of knowledge. We should not put our trust in anything other than what is directly known in perception. In perception we come to know only the material world, which is composed of four Bhūtas or elements of matter, viz., earth, water, air, and fire, known directly through the senses. These four elements combined in different proportions to account for all the objects in the world, including the human being. The existence of an immaterial soul in man cannot be accepted as there is no evidence in favor of admitting such an entity. On the Lokāyata view, consciousness is a quality of the living body which is a product of the material elements ([15], p. 70). That consciousness is an emergent quality arising out of material elements is no doubt a sophisticated view. According to the Lokāyatas, the concept of man’s soul as a conscious entity wholly distinct and independent of the body is a myth. So when a man dies, that is the end of him. It cannot be proved that a man survives in any form after death. For such a surviving man after life is not accessible to our direct perception. For the same reason, the existence of God cannot be proved. So the concept of a God as governing the universe or as creating the world should be rejected. So how did the world come into existence? As S N Dasgupta expresses the Lokāyata view, the world is a conglomeration of matter that is able to produce things out of itself ([5], p. 195). What should be the aim of a man in a world with no God, independently existing soul, or a life hereafter? On the Lokāyata view, a man’s end should be to maximize pleasure while avoiding pain as far as

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possible ([7], p. 1). Since a good action is one that produces more pleasure than pain and a bad action is one that brings in more pain than pleasure. This theory is a kind of hedonism viewing as it does the enjoyment of pleasure as the highest goal of life. Of the traditional four ends of human activity wealth (artha), enjoyment (kāma), virtue (dharma), and liberation (mokṣa), Lokāyata philosophers accept only the first two and reject the last two. There is no liberation beyond the cessation of all suffering in death, and it would not be wise for a man to strive for death. The distinction between virtue and vice is made on the authority of the scriptures. But the authority of the scriptures cannot be rationally justified. So both liberation and virtue go out of man’s reckoning as ends of life. So it remains for man to seek enjoyment and wealth, wealth not as an end in itself but only as a means to getting or having enjoyment that is physical pleasure. The moral view of Lokāyata philosophers may be summed up by saying that the highest aim of human life is to seek or strive for pleasure or happiness and avoid pain as far as possible. As Mādhavācārya puts it in his Sarva Darśana Saṁgraha, “While life remains let a man live happily.”

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Cārvāka ▶ Jainism ▶ Nyāya ▶ Samatha (Buddhism)

References 1. Apte VS (1959) The practical Sanskrit English dictionary, vol III. Prasad Prakashan, Poona, p 1372 2. Williams M (1990) A Sanskrit English dictionary etymologically and philologically arranged. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, p 906 3. Chattopadhyaya D (1985) Lokayata a study in ancient Indian materialism. People’s Publishing House, New Delhi 4. Cowell EB (1882) Sarva darsana Samgraha of Mādhavācārya. Trubner & Co., London 5. Dasgupta SN (1995) A history of Indian philosophy, vol III. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi

Longevity 6. Murty KS (1986) Sad-Darsana Samuccyaya a compendium of six philosophies by Haribhadra Suri. Eastern Book Linkers, Delhi, p 103 7. Gokhale PP (2015) Lokayata/ Carvaka a philosophical inquiry. Oxford University Press, Delhi 8. Bhattacharya (2011) Studies on the Carvaka/Lokayata (Cultural, historical and textual studies of religions). Anthem, New York, pp 25–26 9. Radhakrishnan S (1957) A Source Book in Indian Philosophy. Princeton University Press, Princeton, pp 227–249 10. Bhattacharya (2002) Cārvāka fragments: a new collection. J Indian Philos 30(6):597–640 11. Bajzelj A (2017) Materialism in Buddhism and Jainism. In: KTS Sarao and Jeffery D long, Buddhism and Jainism. Springer, Dordrecht 12. Bijayananda K (2013) Ethics in Indian materialist philosophy. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla 13. Bhattacharyya R (2010) Lokayata Darsana and A Comparative Study With Greek Materialism. In: Gosh P (ed) Materialism and Immaterialism in India and the West: Varying Vistas, HSPCIC, XII, 5. Project of History of Indian Science, Philosophy and Culture, Centre for Studies in Civilizations, New Delhi 14. Farquhar JN (1984) An outline of the religious literature of India. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 15. Chattopadhyaya D (2008) In Defence of materialism in ancient India. People’s Publishing House, Delhi 16. Shastri D (1957) A short history of Indian materialism. The Book Company, Calcutta

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Introduction The urge, instinct, or drive to live (abhiniveśa) is deeply ingrained in all living beings; from a lowly insect to highly evolved human beings. What is more, higher-order living beings have evolved complex rational strategies and systematic plans to preserve and prolong life as much as possible. This is the rationale behind the concept of longevity that is found in all cultures and societies of the world from the most ancient times. In India, thoughts on longevity were already discernible in the Ŗgveda [1], which subsequently crystallized into an art and science of living a long, healthy, and happy life (dīrghāyu) through the traditional system of medicine known as Āyurveda. Over the centuries, āyurveda became pan-Indic in scope and representative of the composite Indic world view and thought, thus acquiring in the process great potential for global application through its humanistic orientation [2, 3]. The Indian perspective on longevity has the same potential. While the world of modern medicine speaks of living long in terms of survival rates and the language of survival haunts daily life in modern times, in the tradition of India, life is a celebration (prāņaiṣaņā) and an instrument of satisfying two related desires: to live a comfortable, happy, and healthy life (dhanaiṣaņā) and to reach the “other world” (paralokaiṣaņā) at the end of life on earth [4].

Longevity Shrinivas Tilak Religious Institutions, Montreal, QC, Canada

Synonyms Āyurmānam; Human life expectancy; Life span

Definition Longevity is the genetically determined life span or the average number of years a person can expect to live under specific conditions with some input from environmental factors.

The Art and Science of Longevity In Indian understanding, health (svāsthya) connotes a natural or original state that coincides with being in one’s own true, natural state. It is a matter of health and balance as well as of identity and true self-understanding [5]. Such a notion of health emphasizes the close affinity between the ideal of longevity, yoga, spirituality, and the paradigm of self-realization (mokṣa) that dominates Indic spirituality [6]. Because long life is a function of one’s constitution (prakṛti), the pathway to optimal health may well be different for each person. One’s constitution is determined and recorded at the time of conception as a genetic code that is

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expressed through emotional responses and/or predisposition to specific diseases [7]. The genetic code, in turn, is determined by the three psychophysiological functional principles and energies known as vāta, pitta, and kapha (“humors” in ancient Western vocabulary), which are affected by the environment or other factors in various ways. From birth till death, humors play an important role in the maintenance of health and longevity. Kapha determines longevity on the cellular level. Pitta governs digestion and nutrition. Vāta, which is closely related to the life energy (prāņa), governs other essential physiological functions. The key to optimal health lies in helping the body in the daily (and seasonal) elimination of waste and toxins so as to reestablish the constitutional balance of the humors [8]. Because the body is constituted of food and sustained by it, food intake is to be wisely chosen based on the habitat, the nature of raw materials, methods of processing food, and mixing of food ingredients. Other determining factors include established rules and conventions regarding the hours of meals, the appropriate quantity and manner of food intake, habitat, time, and, most crucial of all, the constitution and actual health of the consuming individual [9].

Personal and Socio-ethical Hygiene of Longevity Āyurveda is primarily a preventive regime rooted in hygiene at the personal and social level, which Caraka discusses in terms of svasthavṛtta and sadvṛtta, respectively [10]. Personal hygiene refers to a lifestyle designed to promote health and successfully prevent or forestall the genesis of diseases [11]. One remains free from disease by maintaining the state of equilibrium of the seven body tissues (dhātus) by carefully planning food intake (āhāra). Since a long life of health is intimately connected to food, its proper digestion, and assimilation, the daily intake of food should be measured and in moderation and should include all the six savors (sweet, sour, salty, bitter, astringent, and pungent) to maintain the balance of the humors [12]. Eating according to the

Longevity

strength of the digestive fire prevents the formation of toxic material (āma) which is produced by improper or undigested food and is the root cause of most diseases [13]. Recommended health-promoting daily routine (dinacaryā) includes adequate sleep, inhaling medicated herbs, oil massage, and worship of a chosen deity [14]. Regular physical exercise (vyayama), practicing controlled breathing exercises (prāņāyāma), and cultivating a balanced outlook on life are other important factors leading to a long life. Recognizing that aging is inevitable āyurveda recommends a regime known as rasāyana to tone up and maintain the health in the normal person by slowing down the aging process (vayaḥsthāpana) [15]. It is, however, a lifelong process requiring a lifelong commitment [16]. The daily routine is to be adjusted to the exigencies of the six seasons ( ŗtucaryā) because a changing season affects the balance of the humors that must be reestablished by changing food intake and daily routine suitably. In the cold season, for instance, one should include more fat, meat, and wine in the meal [17]. Modern research seems to confirm this view in that all life comes with its inner clocks and rhythms that are matched to the periods of the sun or the moon. There are quite precise biological clocks of 24 hours and 60-day duration [18]. Socio-ethical hygiene (sadvṛtta) implies that individual lifestyle is to be balanced with the lifestyle of the community of which one is an integral part. Toward that objective traditional moral digests (Dharmaśāstras) prescribed a typical life course program (āśramavyavasthā), which is divided into four stages (each of 25 years duration) for fulfillment of the values of virtue (dharma), wealth (artha), gratification (kāma), and emancipation (mokṣa), respectively [19]. It is a life of combined engagement where body, mind, and spirit act as a whole and simultaneously, each being of equal value (with no claim of superiority on part of any one) [20]. Healthy, long life is a “good” for which one should actively strive during each of the four stages of life (āśramas) [21]. The basic philosophy of this model is to work for self in the first half

Longevity

of life and then selflessly for spiritual growth and also for the wellbeing of human society in the second half of life (ātmano mokṣārtham janahitāya ca). Collective and individual care through vigilant effort, thus, is a very important plank of personal and socio-ethical hygiene. Contemporary Indians that have lived by the art and science of longevity bear testimony to its practical utility. Thus, Indra Devi lived to 102, Tirumalai Krishnamarcharya to 100, and Patthabhi Jois to 94, and the once sickly B.K.S. Iyengar, born in 1918, is still active at the institute he founded in Pune [22].

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counteract epidemics [25]. Caraka warns of the “epidemic” of armaments, i.e., all round spread of armed terrorism or war mongering brought on by aggravated greed, wrath, misunderstanding, and vanity. World peace and social order, moreover, are threatened by the loss of balance through wrong utilization (mithyāyoga), non-utilization (ayoga), and excessive utilization (atiyoga) of time, mental faculties, and objects of sense organs [26]. In the modern era of globalization, therefore, people all over the world might consider taking a closer look at the basic rules of personal and social hygiene as spelled out in the tradition of India for a possible source of assuring a healthy long life.

Modern Lifestyle Challenges Longevity From the Bronze Age to the end of the nineteenth century, life expectancy grew by only an estimated 29 years – from about 20 to just under 50 years. But since the beginning of the twentieth century in the industrialized world, there has been an unprecedented gain of more than 30 years of average life from birth to over 77 years of age. Robert Butler has called this phenomenon the “Longevity Revolution” [23]. Yet, in the absence of clearly defined precepts and practices of living a happy and contended long life (as outlined in āśramavyavasthā), the elderly in modern societies are faced with death in hospitals or nursing homes where they receive inadequate pain relief and suffer from a prolonged dying process because of invasive medical technology at the end of life. Physician-assisted suicide is emerging as a viable alternative solution for those with terminal illness. The ultimate threat to humanity and to longevity is, thus, humanity itself. The effects of the scientific-industrial revolution (pollution and environmental spoliation by depletion of the ozone layer and by the greenhouse effect) continue to threaten the “Longevity Revolution” it helped create. The dangers of nuclear, chemical, and biological warfare and terrorism are additional threats [24]. The Indian tradition suggests additional factors that threaten the ideal of longevity on the global scale: epidemics and aggression ultimately traceable to vitiation of air, water, location, and seasons and spells out a plan to

Cross-References ▶ Āśrama ▶ Death (Hinduism) ▶ Kāla ▶ Life Span ▶ Medicine (Hinduism) ▶ Old Age ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Satavalekar SD (ed) (1997) Ŗgvedasaṁhitā. Svadhyay Mandal, Pardi, Dist. Balsad. Ŗgveda 10:59 2. Wujastyk D, Smith FM (eds) (2008) Modern and global Ayurveda: pluralism and paradigms. State University of New York Press, Albany 3. Svoboda RE (1992) Ayurveda: life, health, and longevity. Penguin, Harmondsworth 4. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 11:3–6 5. Halbfass W (1991) Tradition and reflection: explorations in Indian thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 6. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā śārīrasthānam 2:137–139 7. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) [with āyurveda dīpikā of Carakasaṁhitā

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8.

9.

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12.

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Longevity Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā indriyasthānam 1:5ff Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 1:57–62 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā vimānasthānam 1:21–28 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam chapters 5–8 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 5: 13–14 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā vimānasthānam chapter 1 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) [with āyurveda dīpikā of Carakasaṁhitā Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 25:25 Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 5: 13ff Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā cikitsāsthānam 1:1-4-6; 1:1.30 Tilak S (1989) Religion and aging in the Indian tradition. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 117–124

17. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam chapter 6 18. Kak S (1995) From Vedic science to Vedanta. Adyar Library Bull 59:1–36:12 19. Narayana Ram Acharya K (ed) (1946) Manu Smŗti [with the commentary Mānavārtha Muktāvali of Kullūka], 10th edn. Nirnaya Sagar Press, Bombay. Manusmṛti 4: 156–157 20. Crawford C (2005) The goals of medicine: setting new priorities: a hindu perspective. In: Vohra A, Sharma A, Miri M (eds) Dharma: the categorial imperative. D.K. Printworld, New Delhi, p 189 21. Garde GK (1983) Sārtha Vāgbhaṭa [Marathi translation of Aṣṭāṅgahṛdayam of Vāgbhaṭa]. Shri Gajanan Book Depot, Mumbai. Aṣṭāṅgahṛdayasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam1: 2 22. Goldberg P (2010) American Veda: from Emerson to the Beatles to yoga and mediation – how Indian spirituality changed the west. Harmony Books, New York, p 208 23. Butler RN (2008) The longevity revolution: the benefits and challenges of living a long life. Public Affairs, New York, p xi 24. Butler RN (2008) The longevity revolution: the benefits and challenges of living a long life. Public Affairs, New York, p 362 25. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā vimānsthānam 3:14 26. Vaidya Jādavaji Trikamji Āchārya (ed) (1941) Carakasaṁhitā [with āyurveda dīpikā of Cakrapāņidatta]. Nirņay Sāgar Press, Bombay, Carakasaṁhitā sūtrasthānam 1:53–54

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Madhura Bhakti

Introduction

▶ Bhakti ▶ Viṭhobā [Viṭṭhala]

Madhusūdana Sarasvatī (1525–1632 A.D.), a great Sanskrit scholar, accepted the tenets of Advaita Vedānta after being trained in NavyaNyāya and became a well-known Advaita philosopher of his time [1]. There is a dispute regarding the time of his birth and death. According to one opinion, his life span was from 1525 to 1632 A.D., and according to other it was 1540 to 1647 A.D. ([2], pp. xiii–xxv). This dispute remains still unresolved in the absence of reliable evidence. His books also give us no clue as to the exact time when he was born. As tradition has it, Madhusūdana Sarasvatī was born at Unshia village, under the division of Kotalipārā of Faridpur district, now Gopalganj district in Bangladesh ([3], p. 659). The son of Pramoda Purandara Ācāryya, a Sanskrit scholar, Madhusūdana was initially named Kamalaja Nayana. Madhusūdana received his first lessons from his father. After renouncing the world early in life, he became an ascetic under his Guru Bishweswar Sarasvatī, who was a peripatetic teacher of the Paramahaṁsa order ([4], pp. xii–xiv; [5], pp. iii–xi). At this time his original name was given up and he was named Madhusūdana. After some time he went to Navadvīpa, the famous center of learning in Bengal, and was trained in Navya-Nyāya by Harirāma Tarkavāgish and Mathurānātha Tarkavāgish ([4] pp. xii-xiv; [5], pp. iii–xi), the famous Naiyāiykas of that time.

Madhusūdana ▶ Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī

Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Kamalajanayana; Madhusūdana

Definition Madhusūdana Sarasvatī is a renowned Sanskrit scholar, Navya-Naiyāyika, and an Advaita Vedāntin Ācāryya. Apart from being a philosopher of great stature, he is recognized as a significant literary figure in Sanskrit by virtue of the fact he wrote plays and poems in Sanskrit.

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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The story goes that Madhusūdana’s reason for his trip to Navadvīpa is to meet Sri Caitanya Mahāprabhu, the great devotee of Lord Krishna, but the Sri Caitanya Mahāprabhu was reluctant to meet Madhusūdana. The Navya-Nyāya school of philosophy was then flourishing in Navadvīpa, and Madhusūdana began studying Navya-Nyāya. He focused his attention on the works of Udayanācāryya such as the Lakṣnavalī and the Tattvacintāmaṇi of Gaṅgeśa Upadhyaya and its commentaries and soon won recognition as a sound scholar in Prācīna Nyāya and NavyaNyāya. It is said that he was drowned to the Bhakti movement then dominant in Bengal emanating from Sri Caitanya. Madhusūdana’s concept of Bhakti, although similar in some respects to that of the Bengal school of Vaiṣṇnavism, differs from it in that Madhusūdana brought into greater prominence the epistemological and metaphysical aspects of the theory of Bhakti. Madhusūdana’s treatment of Vaiṣṇnavism thus is not the same as the Vaiṣṇnavism founded by Sri Rupa Goswami and Sri Jiva Goswami. One story has it that Madhusūdana at that time had embraced Bhedāvāda, the Doctrine of Difference, which seems to be logically supported by Nyāya realism. As his philosophical position was opposed at that time to Advaita Vedānta, he was eager to disprove Advaita Vedānta employing all his acute logical acumen. But he had no deep knowledge of the system of Advaita Vedānta; he decided to study Advaita Vedānta in details and then try to refute it. This desire took him to Benaras, the sacred city known for its learned erudite scholars. In Benaras he studied Vedānta under the tutelage of Rāmatīrtha. As his knowledge of Advaita Vedānta grew deeper and deeper, he became convinced of the validity of the tenets of Advaita. Madhusūdana then revealed to his Guru Rāmatīrtha that he had come to Benaras to study Advaita with the intention of refuting it and asked him what kind of prāyaścitta or penance he should perform. It is said that Rāmatīrtha advised him to become a monk ([4], pp. xii–xiv; [5], pp. iii–xi). On meeting Tulsidas, famous poet and composer of the Hindi Rāmacaritamānas, in Benaras,

Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī

he became enamored of him after being impressed and inspired by his scholarly discussions of the scriptures. Madhusūdana wrote a verse in praise of Tulsidas’ poetic prowess ([5], pp. iii–xi; [6]). He continued to carry on his activity in Benaras, and it was here that his monumental works were composed. He is said to have met the Mughal emperor Akbar (1556–1605). If we are to go by Daśanāmi legend, Madhusūdana made a complaint to Emperor Akbar that the Hindu ascetics had been attacked by Muslims. Emperor Akbar was appreciative of his scholarly qualities and honored him by bestowing a title on him. A friend of King Todarmal, Madhusūdana visited the court of Akbar ([4], pp. xii–xiv). Dinesh Bhattacharyy has pointed out that Āin-I-Ākbari ([7], p. 30-II) contains a list of learned men of Akbar’s time. The learned men were divided into different groups according to the different fields or areas of study in which they had proven themselves and had earned their eminence. As stated by Abu’l Fazl, the names of philosophers and ascetics fall in the first group. The name of Madu Sarasvatī occupies the topmost position in this group. Bhattacharyya holds that this name indicates none other than the famous scholar Madhusūdana Sarasvatī of Benaras ([5], pp. iii–xi; [8]). Madhusūdana came back to Navadvīpa when he was nearing the end of his life and was accorded a reception for his monotheistic philosophy. It was noteworthy that Madhusūdana met Gadādhara, the great Navya-Nyāya philosopher, in his old age. He passed away in Māyāpuri while meditating ([3], pp. 658–676).

Works Of the 21 texts ascribed to Madhusūdana, he was without doubt the author of 19 texts, but there is doubt about his being the author of the remaining 2. Twelve of his texts are on philosophy, and the rest are poems, plays, and miscellaneous themes. Among his philosophical treatises are some commentaries. Advaitasiddhi is the most famous of his philosophical work, in which he take the side of

Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī

Śaṁkarācāryya to support his monistic systems of Vedanta philosophy. All his philosophical works are directed toward the defense and exposition of Advaita Vedānta. The Advaitasiddhi is Madhusūdana’s the largest and the most respected works in which he adduces arguments against the Dvaita (dualist) position taken up in Vyāsatīrtha’s work Nyāyāmṛta [6]. The list of his philosophical works is given below: Advaita-siddhi, Advaita-mañjarī, Advaita-ratnarakṣana, Ātma-bodha-tīka, Ānandamand- ākīni, Prasthānabheda, Bhāgavad-gīta-gudhārtha-dīpika, Vedānta-kalpa-latikā Śāstra-siddhānta-leśa-tīka, Saṁksepa-Śārīraka-sāra-saṁgraha, Siddhāntatatva-bindu, and Aṣta-vikriti-vivarana His other works are: Veda-stuti-tīkā, Pramahaṁsa-priya, Īśvarapratipatti-prakāśa, Bhāgavata-bhakti-rasāyana, Kriṣna-kutuhala-nātaka, Śāndīlya-sūtra-tīkā, Hari-līlā-vyakhyā, and Śivamahimnastotra-Tīkā It is difficult to ascribe to Madhusūdana the authorship of all the abovementioned texts. Some of these treatises, however, possess internal evidence bearing upon the conclusion that they came out of a single pen. But as regards the other texts, the authenticity of their authorship is doubtful ([2], pp. ii–xxv; [4], pp. xii–xiv). It is doubtful whether Madhusūdana Sarasvatī was the author of two works of Rājānāmpartibodha and Bhakti-sāmanya-nirupaṇa, although these two works are ascribed to him. Among these works Advaitasiddhi, as already stated, is the most outstanding work, and this work was responsible for marking him as one of the most eminent and best teachers of Advaita Vedānta. Advaita Ratnarakṣana is a dialectical work and a criticism of Bhedaratna of ŚaṁkaraMiśra. Siddhāntabindu is a commentary on Śaṁkara’s Daśaśloki. Saṁksepa-Śārīraka Sāra Saṅgraha is a commentary on the Saṁkṣepa-Śārīraka written by Sarvajñātma Muni. His famous commentary on the Gita is his most important work on religious philosophy. In this extensive work, Madhusūdana Sarasvatī formulates his own opinions and expresses them in the course of his explanations. Another work on religious

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philosophy is Bhakti Rasāyaṇa, where Madhusūdana clearly described his views on different topics of religion. Bhāgavata Purāṇa Prathama Śloka Vyākhyā of Madhusūdana is a theological work. Mahimnah Stotra Tīkā is a commentary on Pushpadanta’s Śiva Mahimna Stotra ([2], pp. ii–xxv; [4], pp. xii–xiv). As regards Prasthāna Bheda, it would not be proper to consider this text as a separate work. In fact the entire text seems to have been carved out of the commentary on the seventh verses of Śiva Mahimna Stotra, with slight modifications here and there. This work gives us a list of different branches of knowledge. Madhusūdana Sarasvatī’s works give ample evidence of a great mind. His discussion of Advaita Vedānta encompasses the whole of Advaita metaphysics and the main problems of devotionalism. Madhusūdana often reinterprets the statements of renowned authors and searches for a deep-seated reconciliation among them for a correct and logical solution to a philosophical problem. His Advaitasiddhi bears it out and is considered a monumental work. He contributed greatly to Indian Philosophy by finding or creating in his works a space which can accommodate both monism and devotionalism. His doctrine of Bhakti is unique. Madhusūdana’s views on Bhakti are to be found in Śivamahimnastotratīkā and Bhaktirasāyaṇa. On his view Brahman and Bhāgavata are not different entities. When reaches its culmination in rasa, it is one and the same thing as Bhāgavata. Monism is thus preserved, and at the same time, the devotee gets a taste of full bliss in the form of rasa, enjoying in the process infinite love for Bhāgavata. Unfortunately his Bhakti Rasāyaṇa is available to us only in some fragments and not in complete form, which at least reveal his metaphysical approach to the theism of the Vaiṣṇavas.

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Gaṅgeśa

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References 1. Radhakrishnan S (1952) History of philosophy eastern and western. George Allen & Unwin, London 2. Divanji PC (1933) Siddhantabindu of Madhusudana. Oriental Institute, Baroda 3. Saraswati P (1927) Vedanta Darshaner Itihas. Sankar Math, Barishal 4. Karmakar RD (1962) Vedantakalpalatika. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona 5. Gupta S (1966) Studies in the philosophy of Madhusudana Saraswati. Sanskrit Pustak Bhandar, Calcutta 6. Potter KH (2001) Madhusūdana Sarasvatī. In: Arrington RL (ed) A companion to the philosophers. Blackwell, Oxford 7. Blochmann H, Jarrett HS (1873) A’in-i Akbari, by Abu’l-Fazl ibn Mubarak. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 8. Bhattacharyya D (1937) Sanskrit scholars of Akbar’s time. Indian Hist Q 13:31

Ma¯dhva Deepak Sarma Department of Religious Studies, Case Western Reserve University, Cleveland, OH, USA

History The Mādhva school (also known as the Dvaita school) posits that the relationship between Brahman (the impersonal absolute) and the ātman (individual self) is dvaita (dual). Madhvācārya (1238–1317 CE), the founder of the school, was born of Shivalli Brahmin parents in the village of Pājakakṣetra near modern day Udupi in the Tulu Nadu area of southern Karnataka. There is very little information about Madhvācārya’s life in medieval Tulu Nadu. Aside from relevant colophons found in Madhvācārya’s own works, his biographical data derives from the Madhvavijaya (The Triumph of Madhvācārya), a hagiography composed by his devotee and follower, Nārāyaṇa Paṇḍitācārya, and from inscriptional evidence and records found in Udupi maṭhas (monasteries). Aside from popular accounts, these two sources are the bases for knowledge about Madhvācārya’s historical background.

Ma¯dhva

Madhvācārya was, of course, familiar with the literature of the schools of Vedānta, proven by the 292 texts that he mentions by name in his works. Madhvācārya studied the Vedas and other relevant texts with a teacher who was of the Pūgavana family. He then studied aspects of the Advaita School of Vedānta founded by Śaṃkarācārya in the eighth century CE. This school was to become his greatest rival. Madhvācārya, an inquisitive student, was still not satisfied with what he had learned, so he next sought a new teacher in order to be granted saṃnyāsa (ascetic) status. Madhvācārya met Acyutaprekṣa, an ascetic who was also dissatisfied with the tenets of Advaita Vedānta, and underwent the prescribed saṃnyāsa rites (Madhvavijaya 4.4-30. Madhvavijaya 4.49-54). According to Paṇḍitācārya’s hagiography, Acyutaprekṣa then changed Madhvācārya’s name to Pūrṇaprajña (The One Whose Knowledge is Fully Developed). According to the hagiographic evidence, Madhvācārya did not have much luck with his new teacher due to their vehement disagreements. Even the name given to Madhvācārya did not last as Madhvācārya refers to himself as Ānandatīrtha (The Teacher of Bliss) in colophons. Madhvācārya has several names in addition to these, including Pūrṇaprajña, Pūrṇabodha (The One Whose Understanding is Fully Developed), and Vāsudeva (The Descendant of Viṣṇu), among others. Madhvācārya studied with several teachers and his experiences with them may be why he advises students in his Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya that they can opt to change teachers if the new one is superior (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.3.46-47)! After becoming a saṃnyāsin, he studied Vimuktātman’s Iṣṭasiddhi (ninth century CE), an Advaita text. After again disagreeing with his teacher, Madhvācārya was installed as the head of the maṭha by Acyutaprekṣa in deference to his student’s superior abilities (Madhvavijaya 5.1). After completing his studies, Madhvācārya traveled around South Asia in order to argue his new Vedānta position with other scholars. His exposure to, and interaction with, other schools of philosophy is evident in his hagiographies, his works, and the broader issues that he addresses. Paṇḍitācārya

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mentions that Madhvācārya refuted the six systems, indicating that he must have been familiar with them (Madhvavijaya 9.15). It is unclear as to which six systems he is supposed to have refuted, though it is likely to be some combination of the Buddhism, Cārvāka, Jaina, Nyāya, Pūrva Mīmāṃsā, Sāṃkhya, Vaiṣeśika, Uttara Mīmāṃsā, and Yoga traditions. Madhvācārya shows his knowledge of these traditions in his examination and refutation of their doctrines in a section of his bhāṣya (commentary) on the Brahma Sūtras (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 2.2). Madhvācārya’s travels took him to Mahābadarikāśrama, the home of Vyāsa, and author of the Brahma Sūtras, to meet the founder of the Vedānta tradition himself. Vyāsa is believed to be an avatāra (incarnation) of Lord Viṣṇu, the deity around which the Mādhva Vedānta is centered (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 0). Under the guidance of Vyāsa, Madhvācārya is said to have composed his Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya, a commentary on Vyāsa’s Brahma Sūtras. Madhvācārya himself has an unusual background as he proclaims himself to be the third avatāra of Vāyu, the wind God, who is also the son of Viṣṇu (Chāndogyopaniṣadbhāṣyam 3.15.1). He is preceded by the first and second who are found in the two epics of Hinduism, namely, Hanuman, the monkey deity in the Rāmāyaṇa, and Bhīma, one of the Paṇḍavas in the Mahābhārata. Vāyu, namely, Madhvācārya, is a guide for bhaktas (devotees) on their journey toward Viṣṇu and has a dynamic position as a mediator between devotees and Viṣṇu. Madhvācārya’s most informative autobiographical statement occurs at the end of his Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya: Vāyu, whose three forms are described in the Vedas, who has the great radiance of a god, who is bestowed upon [us] and, in this way, visible [to us], whose first manifestation was as a messenger to Rāma, whose second was as [Bhīma,] the destroyer [of the Kaurava army] and whose third incarnation is Madhva by whom this bhāṣya (commentary) is made for the sake of [establishing the supremacy of] Hari [that is, Viṣṇu]. (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 4.4.23)

Vāyu, thus also known as Madhvācārya, is thus the intermediary between the jīva and

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Brahman. Without his assistance, achieving mokṣa is completely impossible. Believing himself to be an avatāra, Madhvācārya places himself in the penultimate position in his hierarchy. Data taken from colophons, along with genealogical and chronological data found in the maṭhas, lead non-Mādhva scholars to conclude that Madhvācārya died in 1317 CE. Paṇḍitācārya records that Madhvācārya disappeared and was immediately honored with a shower of flowers from the deities (Madhvavijaya 16.58). According to the Mādhva tradition, then, he did not die and is considered to be alive and residing in Mahābadarikāśrama in the Himālayas with his teacher and father Vyāsa and Viṣṇu.

The Ma¯dhva Samprada¯ya (Community and Institutions)˙ In addition to composing treatises on Vedānta matters, Madhvācārya founded the Mādhva saṃpradāya in Udupi. According to traditional accounts, Madhvācārya discovered an idol of the god Kṛṣṇa, an avatāra of Viṣṇu, encased in mud in the ocean and installed it at a temple in Udupi. The idol is still worshipped in Udupi today. After ordaining eight monks, Hṛṣikeśa, Rāma, Narasiṃha, Janārdana, Upendra, Vāmana, Viṣṇu, and Adhokṣaja, Madhvācārya established each of them as svāmi of a maṭha, thereby establishing the aṣṭamaṭhas (eight monasteries) as an institutional tradition (Madhvavijaya 15.128-129). These are the Palimar, Adamar, Kṛṣṇapur, Putige, Sirur, Sode, Kaṇur, and Pejavar maṭhas. Viṣṇutīrthā, Madhvācārya’s younger brother, who is included among the eight svāmis, was ordained as head of the Sode maṭha. Madhvācārya placed the maṭhas of his disciples under his tutelage. The aṣṭamaṭhas still exist today and are loci for studying both doctrines and rituals and for the training of virtuosos. Madhvācārya may have developed paryāya, a rotating system of leadership that would begin after his disappearance. It is not altogether clear that the paryāya system existed immediately after Madhvācārya’s disappearance or if it was a later development. There is some inscriptional evidence, however, which indicates that it took effect

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immediately after he disappeared. In this system of governing, the svāmis of each of the eight maṭhas are proclaimed to be leader every 2 years. Although the community established by Madhvācārya has spread to different parts of India, it is still centered in Karnataka state and, most importantly, in Udupi. The Uttaradi, Vyasaraya, Rayara, Śripadaraya, Raghavendra, and Kukke-Subramanya maṭhas, among others, are also central to the contemporary Mādhva saṃpradāya.

Madhva¯ca¯rya’s Works: The Sarvamūlagrantha¯h (Compendium of All the Fundamentals)˙ Madhvācārya wrote a total of 37 treatises, together known as the Sarvamūlagranthāḥ (Compendium of All the Fundamentals). First, there are commentaries on the prasthānatraya (threefold systems). The Bhagavadgītā, the Brahma Sūtras, and ten Upaniṣads (the Aitareya, Bṛhadāraṇyaka, Chāndogya, Áśāvāsya, Kena, Kāṭha, Māṇḍūkya, Muṇḍaka, Ṣaṭpraśna, and Taittiriya) comprise the prasthānatraya, and each has a commentary. The Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya, a commentary on Vyāsa’s Brahma Sūtras, is, perhaps, Madhvācārya’s most important work and is, indirectly, a summary of the essence of the Mādhva position. Madhvācārya wrote three other commentaries on the Brahma Sūtras, including the Aṇubhāṣya (The Brief Commentary) (also known as the Sarvaśāstrārthasaṃgrahaḥ (Compendium of the Meaning of all the Śāstras)), the Anuvyākhyāna (An Explanation of the Sūtras), and, finally, the Nyāyavivaraṇa (An Exposition on Logic). This large number of commentaries on the Brahma Sūtras is unusual in comparison to founders and followers of rival schools of Vedānta. Śaṃkarācārya, for example, composed only one bhāṣya on the Brahma Sūtras. The second category consists of the daśaprakaraṇa (tenfold treatises on specific topics). In these short treatises, Madhvācārya presents arguments concerning epistemology and ontology. His most well-known works in the area of ratiocination are his Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya

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(The Complete Ascertainment of the Nature of Viṣṇu) and his Khaṇḍanatraya (A Trio of Refutations). The Khaṇḍanatraya is composed of the Upādhikhaṇḍana (The Refutation of the Upādhi Position), the Māyāvādakhaṇḍana (The Refutation of the Māyā Position), and the Prapañcamithyātvānumānakhaṇḍana (The Refutation of the Inference of the Illusoriness of Phenomenal Reality). The Māyāvādakhaṇḍana is, in part, a reaction to arguments found in Śrīharṣa’s (the twelfth century CE Advaita scholar) Khaṇḍanakhaṇḍakhādya. The third set, the purāṇaprasthāna (systems of Purāṇa texts), addresses philosophical matters exemplified in commentaries on mythological, epic, and historical-literary works. Madhvācārya has composed commentaries on the Mahābhārata and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa. His commentary on the Mahābhārata, the Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya (The Complete Ascertainment of the Meaning of the Mahābhārata), is known among contemporary scholars as “un passage étonnant de modernisme” because it is an early text wherein the author mentions that he has critically edited a text on which he is commenting (Siauve, La Doctrine, 23). In his commentary, Madhvācārya mentions the problems with multiple, corrupt, and conflicting manuscripts: In some places they put new [passages into the text. In some places] they deleted [texts] and in some places [there are] changes. In other cases they made changes by mistake. The texts that are not destroyed are entirely confused. For the most part, [there are only] corrupt texts. A fraction of the millions [of texts] is not even found. So the texts are corrupted. [In this way,] even for the gods the meaning is difficult to understand. So, in this perplexing time, ordered by Hari, by His grace, having studied all of the śāstra and the Vedānta, inspired by Hari, having seen the different copies of the text from different regions, I speak the correct purport [of the Mahābhārata]. (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 2.3-2.8)

Madhvācārya also includes commentary on the Mūlarāmāyāṇa in his Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya. Given that the main figures of the Mūlarāmāyāṇa and the Mahābhārata are both avatāras of Viṣṇu and, therefore, inextricably linked with one another, the enclosure of the former in the latter is not unusual. The Rg Veda and,

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therefore, Madhvācārya’s Rg Bhāṣya are also included among the purāṇaprasthāna by contemporary scholars of Mādhva Vedānta. The fourth set of Madhvācārya’s works is minor treatises on practical doctrines. These works still play a role in the contemporary practice of Mādhva Vedānta. The Tantrasārasaṃgrahaḥ (The Compendium of the Essential Parts of the Practical Doctrines) and Sadācārasmṛti (Tradition of Correct Practices) concern Vaiṣṇava rituals and worship frameworks. This fourth set also includes poetic texts such as the Dvādaśa Stotra (The Twelve Hymns), which can be set to music and may have helped to give rise to musical traditions in South Karnataka. Other Relevant Ma¯dhva Works Although there are a large number of followers of Mādhva Vedānta who composed commentaries on texts in Madhvācārya’s Sarvamūlagranthāḥ and independent treatises on Mādhva doctrine, two are especially noteworthy. These two scholars are Jayatīrtha and Vyāsatīrtha, both of whom, along with Madhvācārya, are known as the munitrayam (the three major thinkers) of Mādhva Vedānta. The two commentators, Jayatīrtha and Vyāsatīrtha, composed works that changed the trajectory of Mādhva Vedānta, in terms of Mādhva ratiocinative method and due to the sustained damage of their arguments against competing schools. Jayatīrtha (1365–1388 CE) is best known for codifying the doctrines of Mādhva Vedānta. Jayatīrtha earned the title ṭīkācārya (author of commentaries) with his two well-known commentaries on Madhvācārya’s commentaries on the Brahma Sūtras. His Nyāya Sudhā (Nectar of Logic) is a commentary on Madhvācārya’s Anuvyakhyāna and primarily consists of refutations of the tenets of rival schools. His Tattvaprakaśika (Explanation of Reality) is a commentary on Madhvācārya’s Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya. Jayatīrtha’s Pramāṇapaddhati (Way of Proof) is one of his independent works and became a standard textbook on Mādhva logic and epistemology. Vyāsatīrtha (1460–1539 CE) is best known for three of his works, called the Vyāsatrayam (The

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Trio of Vyāsatīrtha’s Works), by later Mādhvas. His Nyāyāmṛta (The Ambrosia of Logic), which presents arguments against Advaita doctrine, inspired a lengthy series of debates between the two schools of Vedānta. For example, Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī, the sixteenth century scholar of Advaita Vedānta, wrote his Advaitasiddhi in response to Vyāsatīrtha’s criticisms. Vyāsatīrtha’s Tātparyacandrikā was a further systematization of Madhvācārya’s position on the Brahma Sūtras. The third member of the texts classified as Vyāsatrayam is Tarka Tāṇḍava (The Dance of Logic). The Tarka Tāṇḍava is a refutation of fundamental Navya Nyāya principles and, indirectly, of several Pūrva Mīmāṃsā positions.

Basic Ma¯dhva Veda¯nta As stated in the Parama Śruti: “. . .the wise [recognize] that [the universe] is known and protected by Viṣṇu. Therefore it, [the universe,] is proclaimed to be real. But Hari [that is, Viṣṇu] alone is supreme (Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya 35).”

This passage, taken from Madhvācārya’s Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya, summarizes the chief elements in Mādhva Vedānta. For Madhvācārya, the universe is unquestionably real, as are its components. Viṣṇu, who is the pinnacle of the Mādhva system, governs all things. Furthermore, correct knowledge of Viṣṇu and the nature and function of the universe is the prerequisite for mokṣa (liberation). Ma¯dhva Ontology Viṣṇu is the facilitator of all entities and all possible events. The entire universe is manifested due to His activity and is utterly dependent upon Him. To reflect this dualism in ontology, Madhvācārya separates all of reality into svatantra (independent) and asvatantra (dependent) entities. The only svatantra entity is Viṣṇu, while all other entities are asvatantra (Tattvasaṃkhyāna 1). All things, moreover, are in a hierarchical relationship with one another and with Viṣṇu, where Viṣṇu is at the zenith. This chain of command is known as Madhvācārya’s doctrine of tāratamya

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(gradation). The hierarchy pervades every aspect of the Mādhva system and can be found even in mokṣa. There is tāratamya in mokṣa because of the gradation in the devotion toward Viṣṇu (Aṇubhāṣya 3.3). This is known as Madhvācārya’s ānanda-tāratamya-vāda (theory of a gradation in bliss) (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.3.33). Madhvācārya’s characterization of Viṣṇu is very similar to those offered by other Vaiṣṇava traditions that existed in medieval Karnataka. Such descriptions rely primarily on accounts found in the Purāṇas, the Mahābhārata, and the Ramāyaṇa, which are portrayals of Viṣṇu’s avatāras, and Viṣṇu is depicted as a personal God in them. These accounts are intended to inspire proper bhakti in the devotee. Viṣṇu possesses attributes such as beauty, ānanda (bliss), and intelligence (Upādhikhaṇḍanam 20). He is held to be all-pervading and to be one who devours everything. He possesses all characteristics, such as being immanent in the universe and in the individual selves and the like (Aṇubhāṣya 1.4). Lists of these and other attributes can be found in Madhvācārya’s Dvādaśa Stotra, a text dedicated almost exclusively to propitiating Viṣṇu. Knowledge of Viṣṇu alone is insufficient for attaining mokṣa. Devotees must also obtain the grace of Viṣṇu in order to obtain mokṣa. Madhvācārya writes: Direct realization of the highest Lord [comes] only from grace and not [from] the efforts of the jīva. (Brahma Śūtra Bhāṣya 3.2.22)

The jīva is utterly dependent upon Lord Viṣṇu as is exemplified in the need for Viṣṇu-prasāda (grace). The reward of Viṣṇu-prasāda is a natural outcome of bhakti yoga (the path to mokṣa via devotion). When bhaktas (devotees) show their awareness of the hierarchy of the universe, namely, the supremacy of Lord Viṣṇu, and act accordingly, then they are awarded for their submission. Madhvācārya explains: Hari [that is, Viṣṇu] is the master of all for [all] eternity. [All] are under the control [of the] Highest [One]. This tāratamya and the supremacy of Hari are to be known. (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 1.79)

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Cetanas (Sentient Beings)

There are several types of cetanas (sentient beings) in the Mādhva universe. Their position in the ontological hierarchy is determined by their ability, or lack thereof, to obtain mokṣa. Given the importance of hierarchy in the Mādhva universe, it should come as no surprise that cetanas are also hierarchically arranged. In fact status in mokṣa is also graded, since some sentient beings experience more ānanda (bliss) in mokṣa than others. These gradations, moreover, are inscribed in the fabric of the universe and are immutable. Sentient beings are twofold: duḥkhaspṛṣṭa (those who are connected with suffering) and tadaspṛṣṭa (those who are not). Ramā is the only tadaspṛṣṭa jīva and is nityāduḥkha (eternally without suffering) (Tattvasaṃkhyāna 3). Ramā is also known as Lakṣmī and as Śrī. She is Viṣṇu’s consort and is awarded special epistemological and ontological status. Despite having such an exalted status in the Mādhva pantheon, Śrī is nonetheless dependent upon Viṣṇu. Though Madhvācārya makes tadaspṛṣṭa part of his classification system, the category of sentient beings without suffering is comprised of only one member, namely, Śrī, Viṣṇu’s consort. Sentient beings who are spṛṣṭa-duḥkhas (connected with suffering) are twofold: duḥkhasaṃsthas (those whose state of being is suffering) and vimuktas (those who are already liberated from suffering) (Tattvasaṃkhyāna 4). The former can never end their suffering, while the latter can. Vimuktas are fivefold: devas (gods), ṛṣis (seers), pitṛs (ancestors), pa (protectors of the world), and naras (the highest among men). The duḥkhasaṃsthas are twofold: the mukti-yogyas (those qualified for release who can be liberated from suffering and are comprised of the same five groups as the vimuktas) and the mukty-ayogyas (those who cannot be liberated from suffering). Only the mukti-yogyas are fit to be liberated from suffering and to achieve mokṣa (Tattvasaṃkhyāna 5). According to Madhvācārya, there are muktyayogyas (sentient beings that can never change their status and are eternally predestined to suffer). These sentient beings neither can be released from suffering nor can they achieve mokṣa. The mukty-

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ayogyas are also subdivided into tamo-yogyas (those who are fit only for darkness) and nitya-saṃsārins (those who are eternally caught in the cycle of birth and rebirth). Tamo-yogyas are proclaimed to be fourfold: the daityas, the rākṣasas, the piśacas, and the martyādhamas (Tattvasaṃkhyāna 6). The tamo-yogyas are either immediately born or after some time eventually reborn in a place called tamas (hell). In South Asian cosmologies, it is typically the case that sentient beings temporarily go to hell to work through their individual karma and manifest their prārabdha (latent) karma. Hell is generally considered to be a place of provisional residence, except for its governor Yama and his wife Yami. Madhvācārya’s characterization of Hell as a place of permanent residence is thus different from the typical South Asian cosmology. He states: “. . . wicked [and stupid], they descend from there into Hell. And they, moreover, never rise up [out of it]. That [place] they call the pit” (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.1.14). The two deepest hells he labels Mahā Tamas (Great Hell) and Pañcakaṣṭa (the [Place] of Five Miseries). He explains: For those who sink down to the Mahā Tamas there is never a rising up [out of it] . . .. Everywhere else there is an alternation between pleasure and pain, but, in the Pañcakaṣṭa there is restriction to that unending [pain]. . ..(Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.1.15)

There are other hells in addition to these. Raurava ([Place of] Terror), Mahāraurava ([Place of] Great Terror), Vahni ([Place of] Fire), [Place of the] Vaitaraṇi [river], and Kumbipāka (the Pottery [Kiln]) are temporary places for jīvas to fulfill their prārabdha karma. Tāmisra ([Place of] Darkness) and Andhatāmisro ([Place of] Complete Darkness) are permanent places and are for the tamo-yogyas. Madhvācārya arranged these places according to dreadfulness (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.1.16). This tripartite distinction, namely the ucca (highest), madhya (middling), and nīcā (lowest), is Madhvācārya’s doctrine of predestination, svarūpatraividhya (threefold classification of natural kinds) (Tattvaviveka 6). This unusual link between ontology and eschatology is not found in many other traditions of thought in South Asia.

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Subject and Attribute

Madhvācārya’s ontology is based on the difference between entities in the universe, rather than their identity. If the universe is governed by difference and there is no identity, then one may wonder how to construe the relationship between Viṣṇu and His attributes. Are they identical with one another or entirely different? Given the Mādhva position, the former is clearly impossible. Besides, if they were identical, then why would two terms, substance and attribute, even be used? On the other hand, if they were entirely different, then their relationship would be so external that it would be odd to state that something is an attribute of Viṣṇu. Claiming that the relationship is bhedābheda (one of both identity and difference) is the most difficult to digest, since it requires the juxtaposition of mutually exclusive qualifiers, a position which, according to Madhvācārya, is logically impossible. The problem is not limited to Viṣṇu and His attributes but is found in the relationships between all entities and their respective attributes. Are they the same or are they different from one another? Take, for example, the purple shirt that I wore when I typed this sentence. What is the relationship between the purple color and the shirt? Are they different from one another or identical? If they are different, then how do they relate to one another? If they are one and the same, then why distinguish between “shirt” and “purpleness,” between substance and attribute? These questions can also be asked of “difference” itself. How should one understand the “difference” between any two entities? If “A” is different from “B,” where does the attribute “difference” (which I will call D1) between the two reside? Surely D1 must be different from A, its substrate. But if it were then, it would necessitate another “difference,” D2, between the D1 and A, the substrate, and so on! Madhvācārya posits a new category to avoid these potential problems. This ontological category with epistemological import is the viśeṣa, distinguishing property. Viśesas (Distinguishing Properties) ˙

The viśeṣa (distinguishing properties) is an integral part of the Mādhva system. Without it the

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Mādhva realism would be indefensible. Viśeṣa finds its roots in the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika tradition of philosophy. According to the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, a viśeṣa resides between an object and an attribute. The difference between two atoms lies in the viśeṣa that resides in each of the two. There is no explanation, however, of the relationship between viśeṣa and the substrate. Are they identical or different? Since they cannot be identical, they must be different. If they are different, then they would require another viśeṣa, V1. This viśeṣa, V1, would itself require another viśeṣa, namely, V2, which requires V3 and so forth. The result is anavasthā (an infinite regress) and a doṣa (flaw) to be avoided at all costs. This problem with the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika concept leads Madhvācārya to posit his revised version of the viśeṣa. Madhvācārya’s solution concerns the ability of the viśeṣa to establish difference without necessitating another viśeṣa. Given the logical problems of the Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika concept, viśeṣa must have this capacity. Madhvācārya explains that viśeṣa is sva-nirvāhaka (possessing self-sufficiency) and thereby does not require another viśeṣa (Gītātātparyam 11.9). By positing this capacity possessed by all substances, Madhvācārya is able to solve the problems of relating substances with their attributes as well as relating entities that are different from one another. In light of viśeṣa, it is possible for Viṣṇu to be related to His attributes via the viśeṣa. In fact, all objects are related to their attributes by means of the viśeṣa. This capability is intrinsic to all objects and is not itself an attribute. Bhedasa¯dhanam (Establishing Difference)

Madhvācārya believes that difference constitutes the svarūpa (essence) of all objects. Difference is apprehended when the svarūpa of any object is apprehended. An immediate awareness of the difference of an object is an awareness of its uniqueness. Madhvācārya explains that, in general, the svarūpa of an object distinguishes it from all other objects (Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya). If the svarūpa was not constituted by difference, then the immediate comprehension of the general uniqueness of an object would not occur. If this basic understanding that “this object is different” did not

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occur, then, Madhvācārya jokes, “it would be [possible] to doubt [whether] oneself was a pot! (Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya).” One would not be able to see oneself as being unique and different from all other things! The difference is apprehended in the same way as the viśeṣa is apprehended, instantaneously. For these reasons, Madhvācārya claims that the universe is governed by pañcabheda, fivefold differences: The universe has five [intrinsic] differences: There is a difference between the jīva and Lord [Viṣṇu]. There is a difference between Lord [Viṣṇu] and jaḍa (non-sentient material entities). There is difference between the individual jīvas. There is a difference between jīvas and jaḍas. There is a difference between one jaḍa and another. The [difference between these five] is real . . .. (Viṣṇutattva(vi) nirṇaya ).

These five differences are part of the fabric of the Mādhva universe. They also are the fundamental bases for arguments regarding ontological, epistemological, and soteriological matters between the Mādhva school and all other schools of Vedānta. Ma¯dhva Epistemology A means of valid knowledge is that which reveals an object [of knowledge] as it is (Pramāṇalakṣaṇa).

Madhvācārya begins his Pramāṇalakṣaṇa (Characterization of the Means of Valid Knowledge) with this rather bold statement revealing the foundation of his philosophy of realism: that it is possible to have knowledge of an object that is free from sublation. Such a position is not surprising, given that Mādhva philosophy is in part a reaction against Advaita Vedānta. Scholars of the Advaita School hold that objects that we see in vyāvahārika (our everyday experience) are not as they appear. Instead, objects are no more than superimpositions onto Brahman. For this reason, in Advaita Vedānta anything that one perceives can be sublated is not real, and one’s perceptions are not entirely valid. It is not possible to know an object as it really is. For the Advaita School, means of valid knowledge are not yathārtha as Madhvācārya defines it and, in fact, do not reveal the true nature of the objects of cognition. The

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status of all knowledge, perceptual and otherwise, is thus problematized in the Advaita epistemology. Madhvācārya’s epistemology of realism is in direct opposition to Advaita Vedānta. Sat (real) objects for Madhvācārya certainly are neither mere superimpositions nor products of our imagination. In contrast to the Advaita position, valid and true knowledge is knowledge that is not superimposed and cannot be sublated. The Sa¯ks¯ı (Internal Witness) ˙

The sākṣī (internal witness) is the most important component of Madhvācārya’s epistemology. Perceptual cognition has several layers and the sākṣī is the innermost one. The indriyas (senses) are at outermost layer, the manas (mind) are in the middle, and the sākṣī is at the core. In fact, it refers to the basic level of reflective consciousness, experience, and awareness that every sentient being possesses. The sākṣī is the experience and source of absolute certainty and awareness that there is a knower. As the conclusive adjudicator, the sākṣī cannot err. Not only must the sākṣī exist but it must also follow that it is without doṣa (defect). Any defect would make the sākṣī as erroneous as the sixfold indriyas and the manas thereby requiring another epistemic apparatus to serve as final judge of the truth. To avoid this problem, Madhvācārya holds that the sākṣī is sva-prakāśa (self-luminous) and self-validating (Anuvyākhyāna 3.2.56). If it were not, then it too would require a mechanism by which it is validated, V1. This grounds for validity, V1, would itself require another validation, namely, V2, which requires V3 and so forth. Infinite regressions such as this one is deemed a doṣa in tarka (logic) and to be avoided at all costs. Madhvācārya posits the sākṣī to avoid this epistemic problem. The existence of the sākṣī means that the experience of the sākṣī can never be sublated or replaced at any time (Anuvyākhyāna 1.4.98). The sākṣī is thus the final judge of the truth about the self (Anuvyākhyāna 3.2.55). If the sākṣī is infallible, then why are their errors? The sākṣī suspends its judgment when the manas provide defective data. The result is saṃśaya (doubt). The manas can be affected by

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passions and the like, and misperceptions can result. When such a situation arises, then the outcome is doubt. On the other hand, defectless data conveyed by the manas to the sākṣī and experiences that are available only to the sākṣī (time and so on) result in cognitive certainty. As evidenced by its unusual capabilities, the sākṣī is the foundation of Madhvācārya’s epistemology. Not only does it permit intuitive knowledge but also it acts as a final adjudicator due to its innate ability to determine validity. Without sākṣī, the Mādhva realism would be indefensible. As for its defensibility, it is equally problematic as Descartes’s cogito, which can be viewed as eminently compelling or radically flawed. Nevertheless, accepting the truth of Madhvācārya’s system necessitates accepting the unquestionable validity of the sākṣī. Ma¯dhva Eschatology/Soteriology Mokṣa (liberation), the goal of the Mādhva school, is the realization that the ātman is dependent upon Brahman. Madhvācārya holds that bhakti yoga (that path via devotion) is the only way to achieve aparokṣa-jñāna (unmediated knowledge) of Brahman and, subsequently, mokṣa. According to Madhvācārya, this vision is the climax of intellectual life of all bhaktas in saṃsāra. Bhakti Yoga, the Path Via Devotion Bhakti, devotion, comes from knowledge of the greatness [of God] and is the strongest [in all circumstances when compared] to others. Mokṣa [is achieved] by this [bhakti] and in no other manner. (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 1.85)

Madhvācārya holds that bhakti yoga (that path via devotion) is the only way to achieve aparokṣajñāna (unmediated knowledge of Brahman) and, subsequently, mokṣa. Madhvācārya’s emphasis on bhakti as the only method for obtaining mokṣa distinguishes his position from ones in which knowledge alone is sufficient. Bhakti is the central component in Madhvācārya’s soteriology. Not only is bhakti yoga the sole method for obtaining mokṣa but it also most accurately characterizes the experience of mokṣa. Fostering bhakti and becoming a bhakta is both the means and the ends of Mādhva Vedānta.

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Given the importance of bhakti, all other activities serve to enhance it. For example, Madhvācārya states that behaviors that are integral to karma-yoga (the path via action), such as giving alms, going on pilgrimages, ascetic practices, and performing Vedic rituals, are merely aids to meditation and devotion (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 1.98100). Karma-yoga is not efficacious unless it is combined with the required devotional disposition, thereby leading to enlightened action. Karma-yoga thus requires jñāna-yoga to be complete. As already mentioned, jñāna alone is also insufficient. In fact, jñāna without bhakti is as useless as bhakti without jñāna. Knowing the intricacies of the Mādhva system without having devotion to Lord Viṣṇu does not result in puṇya (meritorious karma) and certainly does not lead to aparokṣa-jñāna and mokṣa. Similarly, devotion to Lord Viṣṇu without awareness of His place in the hierarchy of the Mādhva ontology is also empty and ineffective. Madhvācārya states: “Hari [that is, Viṣṇu] is the master of all for [all] eternity. [All] are under the control [of the] Highest [One]. This tāratamya and the supremacy of Hari are to be known (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 1.79).” Though bhakti is still more important than jñāna, proper bhakti has its roots in proper jñāna and vice versa. Bhakti must be accompanied by jñāna (Mahābhāratatātparyanirṇaya 1.104). Devotees must possess the correct emotional state, namely, an enlightened devotion, in order to be granted mokṣa. Not surprisingly, the extent to which one is and can be devoted to Viṣṇu is part of the innate character of the individual jīva. Some jīvas possess a capacity to be more devoted than others. This gradation among the bhaktas, devotees, is replicated in mokṣa, which is itself a locus for gradation. Increased devotion in saṃsāra leads to increased bliss in mokṣa, all the while dependent on the capacity of the devotee. Moksa, Liberation ˙

Those whose bodies are [of the nature of] consciousness and bliss enjoy [liberation according to their] desire. And they lack the great power of emitting and creating the universe as well as other powers. And they are powerful according to their

Ma¯dhva desire which is attributed to their excellent inherent natures. They are under no one’s control [as they are in saṃsāra other than Viṣṇu] and are free from increase and decrease [of the body]. They are free from suffering and other [imperfections and] delight [in] pleasure eternally [and] continually. (Aṇubhāṣya 4.6-.7)

Mokṣa is an experience overflowing with ānanda (bliss) that inspires bhakti and is also filled with bhakti. Once the jīva has achieved mokṣa, the pain and suffering which is an intrinsic part of life in saṃsāra is a thing of the past. Like all else in the Mādhva universe, the experience of mokṣa differs for each bhakta (devotes) and is dependent upon the amount and degree of jñāna and bhakti. There is tāratamya in mokṣa because of the gradation in the devotion toward Him (Aṇubhāṣya 3.3). This is known as Madhvācārya’s ānanda-tāratamyavāda (theory of a gradation in bliss) (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.3.33). Madhvācārya holds that the gradation in mokṣa is not simply a different in degree of bliss but that it is manifested in terms of where one resides. Those with more bhakti reside nearer to Viṣṇu, while those who have less are further away. Some who meditate on Viṣṇu attain release and remain in the lower levels of mokṣa. Others experience mokṣa in Anatrikṣa-loka (the Intermediate Region), in Svarga (heaven), in Mahar-loka (the Great Region), in Jana-loka (the Region of Creatures), in Tapo-loka (the Region of Austerities), and others still in Satya-loka (the Region of Truth). Others who have great knowledge reside in Kṣīrasagare (the Ocean of Milk). These are ordered by the degree of knowledge held by their residents, and this is further linked to their proximity to Viṣṇu (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 4.4.19). Just as there is a hierarchy with each varṇa (class) in Hinduism, namely, by jāti (caste), there is a gradation within each one of these regions in mokṣa. In Kṣīrasagare there are four grades of devotees: sālokya (those simply in the region), sarūpa (those similar to Viṣṇu), sāmīpya (those close to Him), and yoga (those joined with Him) (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 4.4.19). Though each of these bhaktas is in mokṣa, their experience of bliss differs in light of their level of bhakti and jñāna. These jīvas are made up of every kind of sentient

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creature including people, gods such as Brahmā and Rudra, and still others. Though diverse, they can be arranged in a hierarchy with the one ahead possessing bhakti and bliss one hundred times the previous. In mokṣa, the hierarchy itself is worshipped and is the object of bhakti. Those lower on the scale worship those higher up and all worship the four-faced god Brahmā (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 4.4.19). All are lower than Viṣṇu, toward which all are devoted. One may wonder if these gradations lead to jealousy and envy, but Madhvācārya believes that they do not because jīvas would not have come to know Brahman and attained mokṣa if they were affected by such mundane defects (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.3.34). Madhvācārya believes that liberated jīvas wander around, eat, play, and ride chariots as well as frolic with women and liberated or newly liberated jīvas such as themselves. Some may also sing chants from the Rg Veda, the Gāyatri, and other āgamas (Viṣṇutattva(vi)nirṇaya). None of these activities are obligations since they are liberated. Instead, they are activities that are followed by those who have obtained Viṣṇu-prasāda, aparokṣa-jñāna, and mokṣa and who wish to increase their ānanda (bliss). Activity is thus a matter of choice and not duty. Jīvas are not bound to anything in mokṣa nor do they incur any pāpa when they choose not to act (Brahma Sūtra Bhāṣya 3.3.28-29). Having been granted mokṣa, the jīvas are able to bask in the glory and supremacy of Viṣṇu, fully aware of their location in the hierarchical universe.

References 1. Apte VS (1986) The practical Sanskrit-English dictionary. Rinsen Book Co., Kyoto 2. Govindācārya (ed) (1969–74) Madhvācārya. Sarvamūlagranthāḥ. Akhila Bharata Madhwa Mahamandala, Bangalore 3. Lakṣmīnārāyaṇopādhyāya PP (ed) (1971) Madhvācārya. Daśaprakaraṇāni. (4 vols.). Pūrṇaprajña Vidyāpiṭha, Bangalore 4. Panchamukhi (ed) (1994) Madhvācārya. Brahma Sutra Bhashya. Indological Research Centre, Delhi

869 5. Prabhañjanācārya B (ed) (1989) Paṇḍitācārya, Nārāyaṇa. Sumadhvavijayaḥ. Sri Man Madhwa Siddantonnahini Sabha, Bangalore 6. Prabhanjanacharya (ed) (1996) Nārāyaṇa Paṇḍitācārya. Sumadhvavijayaḥ. Varna Graphics, Bangalore 7. Prabhanjanacharya (ed) (1999) Madhvācārya, Sarvamūlagranthāḥ. Sri Vyasa Madhwa Seva Pratisthana, Bangalore 8. Rao CRK (1929) Srimadhwa, his life and doctrine. Prabhakara Press, Udupi 9. Rao PN (1976) The epistemology of Dvaita Vedānta, Adyar library series, vol 19. 1970. Adyar Library and Research Center, Madras 10. Rao MAV (1997) The Udupi Madhva matha. Seminar 456:52–55 11. Sarma RNR (1937) Reign of realism in Indian philosophy. The National Press, Chennai 12. Sarma D (2003) Introduction to Mādhva Vedānta. Ashgate, Aldershot 13. Sharma BNK (1981) History of the Dvaita School of Vedānta and its literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 14. Sharma BNK (2001) The question of the date of Madhvacharya. In: My latest four Research Papers. B.N.K. Sharma, Mumbai, pp 67–72 15. Sheridan DP (1992) Vyāsa as Madhva’s guru: biographical context for a Vedāntic commentator. In: Timm J (ed) Texts in context: traditional hermeneutics in South Asia. SUNY PRESS, New York, pp 109–126 16. Siauve S (1968) La Doctrine de Madhva: Dvaita Vedanta, Publications de L’Institut Français D’Indologie, vol 38. Institut Français D’Indologie, Pondichéry 17. Vaiṣṇavacaraṇ (1975) Dvādaśastotra of Śrī Madhvācārya. Dharmaprakash Publications, Madras

Magic ▶ Maya

Maha¯balipuram (Ma¯mmalapuram) Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

Mahābalipuram is a coastal city that is located about 60 km south of the city of Chennai, formerly named Madras. The city was also called

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Māmallapuram, a name derived from the title (biruda) of Mahāmalla, a term that means great prosperity in Tamil used by king Narasiṁha. The name of the city changed in the sixteenth century to Mahābalipuram. During the period of the fifth– sixth centuries, the Vaiṣṇava saint Bhutattaḷvar was born and lived in the city, events that transformed it into a pilgrimage center from its previous identity as a commercial town that was famous as a location for salt production, a royal prerogative because of its commercial value. During the seventh and eighth centuries C.E., kings of the Pallava dynasty initiated the construction of cave temples, monolithic shrines, stone temples, and expansive relief panels carved on the exterior rock face of hills in the area. The Pallava splurge of construction included the five unfinished Rathas, which were related to episodes and figures associated with the epic Mahābhārata carved from solid rocks. The five Rathas include the Dharmarāja Ratha, Bhima Ratha, Arjuna Ratha, Nakula-Sahādēva Ratha, and Draupadī Ratha. The term Ratha means chariot or vehicle. The Draupadī Ratha is actually misnamed because it is a shrine for the goddess Durgā. The largest and most elaborate Ratha is the Dharmarāja Ratha with its three stories and pyramid shape. On its back wall of a small sanctum is the oldest Somaskanda panel. During the Pallava dynasty, the Somaskanda panel was very popular as evident by the over 40 of them to be found. In fact, they originated with the Pallava kings of the seventh and eighth centuries C.E. The term Somaskanda means (saUma-Skanda) that can be literally rendered in English as “with Uma and Skanda.” It is a family portrait depicting Śiva with his wife Uma and young son Skanda seated on a royal throne. Some scholars think that the Somaskanda panel represents a distinct effort to integrate the worship of Śiva with the Devī (goddess) cult and the Murugan cult. Some unknown artist or royal personage conceptualized the depiction of the three divine figures as a family, a notion that evokes feelings of unity. Another famous relief panel is the Penance Panel. There is a popular belief that it represents Arjuna’s penance as told in the Mahābhārata. But

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scholars have shown that it represents Bhāgiratha’s penance and the descent of the Ganga River from heaven. This outdoor relief carving reflects a narrative from the Rāmayāṇa. The narrative relates to its reader that Bhāgīratha wanted to honor and sanctify the ashes of his departed ancestors with the holy water of the Ganga. But the river was confined to the heavenly realm. To induce the river to descend to earth, Bhāgiratha practiced severe forms of penance, which eventually elicited a positive response from the deity Brahmā, who warned the protagonist that due to the power of the water it would devastate the earth. To overcome this perceived problem for the earth, Bhāgiratha continued with his penance with the intention of securing Śiva’s protection from the terrible consequences of the Ganga’s descent. For an entire year, Bhāgiratha stood on one leg with his arms upraised as his body became emaciated. This penance pleased Śiva and motivated him to appear before the ascetic and to grant his boon. Śiva tames the flow of the river by directing it to flow through his hair where she loses her fury and flows gently to earth. In addition to these types of panels, Pallava kings also built temples, such as the so-called Shore Temple built by king Rajasiṁha in the early eighth century in the form of three separate shrines. The eastern and western shrines were constructed with high towers dedicated to Śiva, whereas the central shrine is dedicated to Viṣṇu. The two Śaivite shrines contain Somaskanda panels. Each temple has door guardians (dvarapalas) depicted with horns. Scholars have offered four interpretations of the horns. The first interpretation of the horns argues that the horns evolved from a multiheaded snake hood of Nagaraja, a Buddhist motif developed into two horns. The second attempted interpretation claims that the horns referred to the practiced of primitive tribes wearing horns like the Nagas and Gonds. A third effort says the horns represent a humanized form of the bull Nandi, vehicle of Śiva. Finally, it is argued that the horns represent the trident (trisula) of Śiva. Unfortunately, the door guardians could not stop damage to the structures and disruption of temple construction by

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invasions of the Chalukyas, arch-enemies of the Pallavas. In addition to Rathas and temples, the Pallava kings also promoted the construction of cave temples carved from solid rock. Mahēndravarman I, a Pallava king reigning during the second half of the seventh century, is credited with introducing the practice of excavating cave temples. Some of these temples are dedicated to the Trimūrtis – Brahmā, Viṣṇu, and Śiva. There are eight major cave temples: (1) Kōṭikal Maṇḍapam, (2) Dharmarāja Maṇḍapam, (3) Ādivarāha cave, (4) Varāha II cave, (5) Rāmānuja Maṇḍapam, (6) Mahiṣamardinī cave, (7) Trīmūrti cave -temple, and (8) Kāṇēri Maṇḍapam. In the Ādivarāha cave, the goddesses Durgā and Lakṣmī are contrasted with each other with the eight armed former goddess located on the southern wall (location of death) and Lakṣmī seated on a lotus flower located to the north, a direction of life, while holding lotus flowers in each hand. In the Mahiṣamardinī cave, a visitor finds a carving of Viṣṇu reclining on the serpent Śeṣa (remainder) who floats on the cosmic waters. On another panel, there is depicted Durgā defeating the buffalo demon, Mahiṣa, being surrounded by a retinue of poised women and dwarfs with large bellies. In the Varātha II cave, a viewer finds that this Viṣṇu temple ceased the practice of including Śaivite symbols. In the Śaiva Rāmānuja Maṇḍapam, we find Viṣṇu’s discus and conch shell are engraved on the wall, signifying the reappropriation of the god’s emblems later by Vaiṣṇava sectarians. The Trīmūrti cave temple is dedicated to Śiva, although the name of the temple refers to the triple configuration of Śiva, Viṣṇu, and Subrahmaṇya (who replaces Brahmā). The kings who provided the financial resources to construct these edifices were building places for themselves as well as the gods. The Tamil word for temple is kō-y-il, meaning king’s abode. The title of king Mahēndra that appears on an inscription in the Tiruchi cave temple is Anumānaḥ (mental power), which suggested that the king had attained spiritual identity with god that would enable the king to defend the religion through religious arguments. This identity between king and god is evident in the stone image of Śiva Gaṅgādhara where the king

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creates his own image into that of the deity with the king becoming a physical embodiment of the god. King Mahēndra also had carved a figure of Śiva Gaṅgādhara in the anthropomorphic form of himself. Thus, when a viewer looks at the figure of Śiva, she also sees the king. An inscription confirms this point by stating that the king became immortal together with Śiva before the eyes of the world. This type of inscription is supported by the common conviction that the human body is a temple of god. In addition to the panels, Rathas, cave temples carved from stone, and freestanding temples, the Pallava kings supported the carving of statutes of gods and goddesses. The image of Chamuṇḍā is a good example of a freestanding image of the midseventh century. Representing the destructive power of time, she is depicted with a skull on the center of her headdress, a diabolical grimace on her face, bulging eyes, pointed elf ears, and two fangs protruding downward from her mouth. Among her ornaments is a miniature corpse hanging from her pierced right earlobe. Diagonally across her body, she wears a garland of severed human heads that are strung together. In addition to these ornaments, she holds a dagger in her lower right hand and grips a second corpse in her lower left hand, while her upper right hand holds a bell. This horrific image makes an interesting contrast to the beautiful goddess Kāmākṣī, patroness and guardian of the city of Kāṅcīpuram, which is located more inland from the coastal location of Mahābalipuram. Along with all these building projects related to their religion, Pallava kings made use of birudas (titles) glorifying the kings and gods. Typical examples are Dharmanapāleha (protector of the righteous), Satyasandha (he who sticks to the truth), and Guṇadhara (the bearer of virtues). A king like Rajasiṁha uses the title of lion to inform others that he is a lion among kings, a lion among men, a lion in battle, a lion among heroes, or a lion in valor. The choice of a lion is intended to suggest that the king is regal, embodies majesty, and possesses power. Some Pallava kings displayed a sense of humor by using paradoxical expressions, such as Mattavilāsa (drunken sport) or Virasa (tasteless).

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Royal self-aggrandizement and allusions to divine status are not the major responsibilities of a king. Besides protecting the populace, the king is expected to be generous by supporting building projects for the benefit of everyone and to promote prosperity for everyone in his kingdom. In Mahābalipuram, the king can rely on the goddess Lakṣmī, Viṣṇu’s consort, who is associated with good fortune and wealth in a Vaiṣṇava context. But rulers of Mahābalipuram can also rely on Mahiṣamardinī, killer of the buffalo demon, because she is also representative of prosperity in the kingdom. Various textual and cultural elements link these two goddesses into a unity and make them incarnations of prosperity, which must accompany a king in all circumstances.

References 1. Francis E, Gillet D, Schmid C (2006) Trésolrs inédits du paystamoul: chronique des études pallava II. Vestiges pallava autour de Mahābalipuram et á Taceūr. Bull l’Ecole française d’ Extrême-Orient 93:431–481 2. Lockwood M (1982) Māmallapuram and the Pallavas. Christian Literature Society, Madras 3. Lockwood M, Siromoney G, Dayanandan P (1974) Mahabalipuram studies. The Christian Literature Society, Madras 4. Nagaswamy R (2011) Mahabalipuram (Mamallapuram). Oxford University Press, New Delhi 5. Schmid C (2005) Mahabalipuram: La prospérité au double visage. J Asiat 293(2):459–527 6. Sivaramamurti C (2006) Mahabalipuram. Archaeological Survey, New Delhi 7. Srinivasan KR (1975) The Dharmarājaratha and its sculptures: Mahabalipuram. Abhirav Publication, New Delhi

Maha¯bha¯rat, TV Version Komal Agarwal Department of English, Shaheed Bhagat Singh College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

The Mahabharata, the timeless Hindu epic, boasts of a dynamic, ever-evolving existence as a cultural-historical text which has been adapted into myriad genres – movies, television serials,

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and theatrical plays since the 1960s, while also inspiring other art forms like poetry/fiction, music, dance–and painting. However, the most popular and iconic adaptation of the Mahabharata thus far is the Indian television series Mahabharata produced by B. R. Chopra, first aired in the year 1988. The serial followed Ramanand Sagar’s Ramayana (1986–1988), overlapping with it in its last weeks. Audience from yesteryears, who had access to televisionsets in the 1980s, testify to how streets remained isolated and people left their work to watch Chopra’s Mahabharata and Sagar’s Ramayana, both of which had become inextricable parts of Sunday morning routines of the Indian masses within weeks of their respective launches. Mahabharat Katha (1991), the 45-episode Hindi series, was a spin-off series which showcased the subnarratives left out in Chopra’s Mahabharata. The Hindi series, Mahabharata, comprised of 94 episodes, each episode running for approximately 45 min. The soap was originally broadcast from October 2, 1988 to June 24, 1990 on DD National. Produced by B. R. Chopra, the show was directed by his son Ravi Chopra. The music was composed by Rajkamal, and the title track was sung by Mahendra Kapoor. The script was written by the Urdu poet Rahi Masoom Raza, who based it on Ved Vyasa’s original epic. The total cost of producing the Mahabharata series is estimated to be INR 9 crores, a whopping sum for those times. The series shattered all previous television records, claiming unprecedented Target Rating Points (TRPs). The viewership of the series, at a time when the number of television-sets in the country was limited, is estimated to be 80–97%. Families with television-sets even hosted people and children from their neighborhoods for the show [1]. The series was also dubbed in all major South Indian languages. It was broadcast on numerous Indian television channels, namely, Sony Entertainment Television, Star Utsav, Epic, and WOW. The series was uploaded on the website Rajshri.com along with its dubbed Tamil version. In addition, All India Radio (AIR) also aired the series. Two new Hindi versions of the Mahabharata have been on air over the last few years: one produced by Sun Networks, and the

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other by Star, but neither has come close to the glory of Chopra’s Mahabharata. Chopra’s Mahabharata also enjoyed extraordinary popularity outside India, especially among the Indian diaspora. When the series was aired in the United Kingdom on the BBC, the series achieved a record audience figure of five million, unheard of for a subtitled series being aired in the afternoon [2]. It was also the first program broadcast on BBC 2 after its 1991 revamp and had also been aired on BBC 1 previously. Additionally, the series had also been shown on FBC TV in Fiji, twice in Indonesia, and on Rogers OMNI in Ontario and British Columbia. In September 1985, a former bureaucrat, S. S. Gill, during his tenure as the secretary with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, approached both Chopra and Sagar to produce the two Indian epics for national television. Both of them grabbed the opportunity and began work on the two epics. While Sagar was ready with a few episodes from the Ramayana in a few months, for Chopra, the endeavor turned out to be both ambitious and tedious, and his series went on air 2 years after Sagar. A team of three experts was chosen to research the multidimensional epic and create a wellinformed, nuanced content: Narendra Sharma who had worked with the AIR came with his expertise on the epic, Satish Bhatnagar’s efforts were geared towards the scenarios and research, and Rahi Masoom Reza handled the screenplay and dialogues [3]. The series was shot mostly at Mumbai’s Film City, while the grand battle of Kurukshetra was shot in Rajasthan [3]. The shooting continued for 24 months, aided by hundreds of crew members, lead actors, and thousands of extras to fill the screen [3]. Over 5,000 actors were auditioned to choose the perfect cast for the series, arguably the most extensive auditions in the history of the then television according to Gulfi Paintal, who played multiple roles as the show’s associate director, casting director, and production designer, in addition to playing the unforgettable character of Uncle Shakuni in the series [4]. Some significant and memorable actors/characters from the series were Nitish Bhardwaj, who played the role of

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Lord Krishna, Raj Babbar, who was cast as King Bharata, Mukesh Khanna, who played Bhisma, Debashree Roy as Satyavati, Giriraj Shankar as Dhritarashtra, Pankaj Dheer as Angaraj Karna, Gajendra Chauhan as Yudhishthira, Praveen Kumar as Bhima, Firoz Khan as Arjun, Roopa Ganguly as Draupadi, and Puneet Issar as Duryodhana, among several others. Some of them, like Babbar and Roy, were established actors in Bollywood, while most others were relatively new actors or lesser known theatre personalities. The series turned out to be a turning point in the lives of many of these actors, who shot to fame with the Mahabharata, and some of them, like Bhardwaj and Issar, continue to play their characters in theatre circles down to this day, with their plays running to packed houses. Interestingly, Bharadwaj did not want to play the role of Krishna, but became an overnight star with the series, so much so that overwhelmed people would touch his feet as a sign of respect wherever he went; and he admitted that playing the character of Krishna on screen also changed him as an individual in real life [5]. Each episode typically began with a title song that consisted of lyrical content and two verses from the Bhagavad Gita. The title song was followed by a narration of a personification of Samay (Time), by Harish Bhimani, an Indian voice artist, detailing the current circumstances in the series and highlighting the spiritual and philosophical significance of the episode. The opening monologue of Time served to establish a compelling philosophical link between an ancient, arguably historical narrative and contemporary sociopolitical scenario. The series begins with an introduction to the Kuru family, to the good rule of King Bharata and the questionable choices of his successor, King Shantanu. The story races ahead to the dramatic events involving Santanu, Ganga, and Bhisma. The subsequent narrative delves into the birth of Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and their marriages to Gandhari and Kunti, respectively, followed by the birth and education of their sons, the Kauravas and the Pandavas. The plot then moves to the birth of Draupadi and Drishtadyumna, and the svayamvara (a contest meant for bridegroom choice) of

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Draupadi and her polygamous marriage to the five Pandava brothers. The Rajasuya Yajna of Yudhishthira follows, and then the episode of gambling at Hastinapura catapults into Yudhishthira’s loss of ownership over his property, his brothers, and himself, and in a final wager, he stakes and loses Draupadi to Duryodhana. This leads to the cataclysmic disrobing of Draupadi and the exile of the Pandavas. The story then moves to the final year of the exile of the Pandavas in the kingdom of Virata, Abhimanyu’s marriage to Virata’s daughter, the Pandavas’ sending of the peace proposal through Krishna to Hastinapura, and Duryodhana’s refusal to give Pandavas their rightful share of the kingdom, thus making the imminent war inevitable. Consequently, the narrative shows Indra taking Karna’s divine earrings and armour, which had been blessed to ensure his invincibility, thus leaving him vulnerable in the wake of the apocalyptic war. The story then progresses towards the disclosure of Karna’s identity and the meeting between Karna and Kunti. The plots rapidly moves towards the war, with Sanjaya receiving the divine vision, the preparations for the war, the episode of Arjuna dropping the weapons at the beginning of the war and the teachings of Krishna which comprise the Bhagavad Gita, the fierce and glory war, the fall of Bhisma, the killing of Abhimanyu, Jayadrath vadh (killing), followed by the killing of Ghatotkach, Drona, Dushasana, Karna, and Shakuni. Towards the end of the series, the audience is taken through the duel between Bhima and Duryodhana, the death of Duryodhana, the end of the war, and Dhritarashtra’s foiled attempt to kill Bhima. At the end of the series, Yudhisthira becomes the king of Hastinapura and Bhisma embraces death. However, there are a few departures that Chopra’s TV version made from the original epic. In fact, the very opening episode of the show stirred a controversy by making a bold statement about the legitimacy of power. While Vyasa’s Mahabharata begins with how King Shantanu’s reckless passion sows the seed of the fratricidal conflict and the great war; Chopra’s Mahabharata goes back in time to King Bharata’s visionary perception of monarchy, wherein, according to legendary sources, he had appointed an outsider, Bhumnayu, as his successor as he did

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not consider any of his nine sons fit to govern Hastinapura [6]. The first four episodes of the show foreground Shantanu deviation from the tradition of appointing only the wisest and the ablest man as the ruler, thereby setting in motion events which led to the Mahabharata war, thus juxtaposing Shantanu’s failure against Bharata’s exemplary political vision [6]. The question of whether power should be inherited or acquired by merit proved to be a politically explosive statement because of its conspicuous allusions to the Nehru family [6]. Needless to mention, the episodes had to face the axe from Doordarshan. Another digression that the series made was in its brief encapsulation of the birth and youthful years of Krishna, to his maturity as a wise philosopher and warrior, as opposed to the epic Mahabharata where Krishna makes his first appearance only as an adult during Draupadi’s svayamvara [6]. This possibly might have been done keeping in mind the largely religious and devotional audience during those times. However, the watershed series, which quashed the superstition of every Indian – that having the epic in the precincts of one’s house would inevitably snowball into a breakdown of the family – and brought the epic to every Indian household, also had quite a few detractors [3]. It was criticized for a homogenizing North Indian approach to the epic, ignoring numerous regional versions and interpretations of epical events [3]. Some critics claim that although the series largely avoided the devotional motif of its predecessor, the Ramayana, relying instead on a more realisthistorical presentation of the epic’s stories, the serial was received as a dharmic, religious one by the commoners, contrary to its original intention of being a secular show [7]. The extent of influence that Chopra’s series had on the Indian populace can also be gauged from the favor it found with the Indian diaspora, who watched it on cable TV, video, or broadcast TV. Numerous ethnographic studies on the reception and interpretation of the television serial among the Indian diaspora have been conducted in recent years, namely, by Gillespie and Bandlamudi [8, 9]. Both Gillespie and Bandlamudi study the ways in which the viewing of Chopra’s

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Mahabharata among specific communities/families situated in the west has led to the continuance of Hindu norms and values in such families who are distant from their homeland, culture, and traditions. While Gillespie concludes that viewing the series helped in recreating and representing tradition among the younger diasporic generations, Bandlamudi read the act of viewing the series as aiding the formation of selfhood in different generations of diasporic Indian families. Nonetheless, there is no denying the fact that while watching the Mahabharata series was an act meant for entertainment, at some level whatsoever, the show’s appeal can unapologetically be read as an affirmation of a Hindu collective consciousness [7]. The TV version of the Mahabharata was undoubtedly a show that made people aware of the ancient repertoire of Indian narratives – a task previously started by the Ramayana – while also uniting the audience across the spectrum of caste, class, gender, and national boundaries.

Cross-References ▶ Globalization (Hinduism) ▶ Internet, Hinduism on ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Rāmāyaṇa, TV Version

References 1. Mohan L (2015, 16 October) Epic television. The Hindu. https://www.thehindu.com/features/metroplus/radio-andtv/retelling-of-mahabharata-on-television-over-the-year s-epic-television/article7770181.ece. Accessed 16 Dec 2018 2. Jones M (2013, 7 June) The returned: how British TV viewers came to lose their fear of subtitles. The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/tv-and-radio/2013/ jun/07/british-television-subititles. 16 Dec 2018 3. Mazumder R (2017, 22 April) Happy b’day BR Chopra: the story behind his iconic ‘Mahabharat’. The Quint. https://www.thequint.com/entertainment/tv/on-br-chop ras-birth-anniversary-heres-looking-back-at-how-his-gre atest-creation-mahabharat-came-into-being. Accessed 30 Oct 2018 4. Awaasthi K (2016, 6 May) Actors talk about what went into making Mahabharat in 1988. Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustantimes.com/tv/actors-talk-about-

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what-went-into-making-mahabharat-in-1988/story-W5i 1GX9wqpY25Pijoa1NaI.html. Accessed 16 Nov 2018 Rakheja H (2017, 14 August) Janmashtami 2017: actor Nitish Bharadwaj recollects his days from the Mahabharat. Hindustan Times. https://www.hindustan times.com/tv/janmashtami-2017-actor-nitish-bharadwajrecollects-his-days-from-the-mahabharat/story-4QN6M WDOS51wUeMVvjKRjP.html. Accessed 30 Oct 2018 Rahman M (1988, 31 October) B.R. Chopra’s serial ‘Mahabharat’ promises to be another bonanza. India Today. https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/society-thearts/story/19881031-b.r.-chopras-serial-mahabharat-pro mises-to-be-another-bonanza-797829-1988-10-31. Accessed 30 Oct 2018 Rajagopal A (2001) Politics after television: Hindu nationalism and the reshaping of the public in India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Gillespie M (1993) From Sanskrit to sacred soap: a case-study in the reception of two contemporary TV versions of the Mahabharata. In: Buckingham D (ed) Reading audiences: young people and the media. Manchester University Press, Manchester Bandlamudi L (2011) Dialogics of self, the Mahabharata and culture: the history of understanding and understanding of history. Anthem, London

Maha¯bha¯rata Ravi Khangai Department of History, Rashtrasant Tukadoji Maharaj, Nagpur University, Nagpur, India Hindu University of America, Orlando, FL, USA

Synonyms Āpad-Dharma and Dharma – Dharma is one of the most difficult words to translate into English. Sometimes it is refereed as sacred duty, sometimes as a law, sometimes as an obligation. Apad means crises and Apad-dharma is a duty or acceptable behavior at the time of the crises. The epic gives a message that there could be a significant difference between the Dharma at the normal times and the Apad-dharma. Asharamas – According to the Indian tradition, a man’s life was divided into four stages, i.e., Brahmacharya (the celibate), Grihastha (the householder), Vanaprastha (the forest dweller), and Sanyasa (the renouncer).

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Kauravas – Literally, the descendents of the Kuru dynasty. However, the word is mostly used for the sons of the Dhṛtarāṣţra and their supporters. Nīyoga’ – A practice by which women used to have sons from men other than her husband in special circumstances. Svyaṃvara – A ceremony in which a princess selected a groom. Sometimes a difficult task is to be performed by a person desires to marry the princess. Varṇa – The society in Ancient India was divided into four categories called Varna, i.e., Brāhmaṇas, Kṣatriyas, Vaiśyas, and Sūdra.

Definition The Mahābhārata, longest known poem in the world, is the Sanskrit epic of India. India is having two Sanskrit epics the other being Rāmayāṇa.

Growth and Development of the Maha¯bha¯rata . . .whatever is here, on Law, on Profit, on Pleasure, and on Salvation, that is found elsewhere. But what is not here is nowhere else (1,130).

The Mahābhārata, developed over the centuries, is like a treasure house giving an insight into the Indian attitude toward life. Comprising of nearly 100,000 verses (1,xxiii), the epic is divided into the 18 books called the Parvas. The central story of the epic is about the fratricidal war between the cousins, the Kauravas and Pāṇḍavās. Experts believes that the epic was written roughly between 400 B.C. and 400 A.D., but the story and the legends that has found place in it were in oral circulations in the Indian subcontinent much before this time. The evidence of oral transfer of the epic is recorded in the epic itself. Sage Vyāsa, the legendary composer of the epic, narrated it to sage Vaiśaṃpāyana, who then narrated it at the sacrifice of king Janamejaya. Bard Ugraśravas heard it there and then narrated it to the sages assembled in the forest (1,20).

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The epic records three distinct phases of the gradual expansion. It was called Jaya in the beginning with 8800 verses, which was expanded to 24,000 verses to become Bhārata and finally became the Mahābhārata, i.e., the Great Bhārata with 100,000 verses. The epic that was transferred orally initially and later on passed through the different hands is bound to have variations from place to place. In the nineteenth and early twentieth century, mainly Bengal recension, the Southern recension, Bombay edition, and the Kumbhakonam edition of the epic were in circulation. At the end of the nineteenth century, K.M. Ganguli translated the epic in English which was mainly based on Bengal edition and Bombay edition. The scholars at Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute (BORI) Pune, India, undertook an extensive project from1919 to 1970 A.D. to prepare a standard edition of the epic. They collected different manuscripts of the epic and finally prepared an edition which is commonly known as the critical edition of the Mahābhārata with 89,000 + verses. The task of translating the critical edition into English was started at Chicago University Press. So far four volumes are published, which covers book one to five and book eleven and twelve of the epic. The complete translation of the critical edition in the prose form is recently done by Bibek Debroy and is published by Penguin India from 2010 to 2014.

Eighteen Books of the Epic 1. Ādiparvan (the Book of the Beginning) 2. Sabhāparvan (the Book of the Assembly Hall) 3. Āryaṇyakaparvan (the Book of the Forest) 4. Virāṭaparvan (the Book of Virāṭa) 5. Udyogaparvan (the Book of the Effort) 6. Bhīṣmaparvan (the Book of Bhīṣma) 7. Droṇaparvan (the Book of Droṇa) 8. Karṇaparvan (the Book of Karṇa) 9. Śalyaparvan (the Book of Śalya) 10. Sauptikaparvan (the Book of the attack on sleeping enemy) 11. Strīparvan (the Book of the women)

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12. Śāntiparvan (the Book of Peace) 13. Anuśāsanparvan (the Book of Instructions) 14. Āśvamedhikaparvan (the Book of the Horse Sacrifice) 15. Āshramāvsikaparvan (the Book of the Hermitage) 16. Mausalaparvan (the Book of the Club) 17. Mahāprasthānikaparvan (the Book of the Great Journey) 18. Svargārohaṇparvan (the Book of the Ascent to Heaven)

The Central Story of the Epic King Śaṃtanu was the king of Hāstinapur. One day he saw a beautiful woman who was the river Ganges in a human form. The king fell in love with her and asked for her hand. She agreed on a condition that he will not stop her from doing anything that she wishes, and if he does, she will leave him. They beget eight children and the first seven children were drowned in the river by the Ganges. When she went to drown the eighth child as well, the king objected and as per the condition laid down by her she left him along with the surviving child, i.e., the eighth one. This child was named Devavrata, and after training him in the warfare and in scriptures, the Ganges restored him to his father. Devavrata was an expert in handling of weapons and master of scriptures. King Śaṃtanu nominated him as a successor. One day when the king was on his hunting expedition, he saw a beautiful girl named Satyavatī, the daughter of the king of Niṣādas (fishermen). Infatuated by her beauty and sweet fragrance, the king proposed to marry her. Satyavatī’s father put a condition that the son that will be born to Satyavatī should succeed the throne. Śaṃtanu was unwilling to disregard Devavrata, who was capable in all respect to succeed him. Sad at heart and pining for love, Śaṃtanu came back. When Devavrata got a hint about it, he himself went to Satyavatī’s father, agreed to the condition put forward by Satyavatī’s father, and demanded the hand of Satyavatī for his father. But now the king of Niṣādas expressed a fear that even though

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Devavrata may relinquish his right to the throne, his sons may fight for it in future. Eager to ensure happiness of his father and to nullify any possibility of conflict in future, Devavrata now took a vow that he will be a celibate throughout the life. At this the sound of Bhīṣma, Bhīṣma (meaning terrible) echoed from the sky, and Devavrata came to be known as Bhīṣma thereafter. Śaṃtanu married Satyavatī and she gave birth to two sons, Citrāngada and Vicitravīrya. After Śaṃtanu’s demise Citrāngada became the king with Bhīṣma as regent. Soon Citrāngada got killed in a duel and Vicitravīrya became the king. On the advice of Satyavatī, Bhīṣma abducted three princess Ambā, Ambikā, and Ambālikā of Kāśi from the Svyaṃvara to be married to Vicitravīrya after defeating all the suitors. Ambā later revealed that she is in love with king Śālva and Bhīṣma allowed her to leave. Ambikā and Ambālikā became Vicitravīrya’s wives. Śālva however refused to marry Ambā as she was won by Bhīṣma after defeating him. Rejected, she went back to Bhīṣma and asked him to marry her as he won her. But Bhīṣma refused to break his vow of celibacy. Frustrated in all her efforts to convince Bhīṣma to marry her, she finally committed suicide and became the cause of Bhīṣma’s death in the next birth. Vicitravīrya died issueless and now the linage was about to become extinct. Satyavatī requested Bhīṣma to produce a son on the widows of Vicitravīrya and rule the kingdom. But Bhīṣma refused to break his vow of celibacy, and as a way out Satyavatī called her premarital son Kṛṣṇa – Dvaipāyana Vyāsa, who was born to her from the sage Parāśara and asked him to produce sons on the widows of Vicitravīrya by Nīyoga. From Vyāsa, Dhṛtarāṣţra was born to Ambikā and Pāṇḍu to Ambālikā. Vyāsa also produced a son, Vidura, on the maid of Vicitravīrya. When they grew up, Pāṇḍu became the king as Dhṛtarāṣţra was born blind. Vidura became the prime minister of the kingdom. Dhṛtarāṣţra married Gāndhārī and Pāṇḍu married Kuntī and Mādrī. Once during a hunting expedition, Pāṇḍu accidently shot a sage who was making love to his wife. Before dying, the sage cursed him that he will die if he approached a

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woman for lovemaking. Pāṇḍu was eager to have a son and he tried to convince Kuntī to have sons by Nīyoga. Kuntī revealed that as a maiden she got a boon from a sage that she can call any God that she desired and have a son from him. She however did not tell Pāṇḍu that she had tried this boon as a maiden and a son was born to her from the Sun God, which she abandoned to save reputation. She now begot Yudhiṣṭhira from God Dharma, Bhīma from Wind God, and Arjuna from God Indra. Mādrī was also eager to have children and Kuntī graciously lent her the boon. She also got twins Nakula and Sahadeva from the twin Gods Aśvins. These five children are collectively known as the Pāṇḍavās. The son that was abandoned by Kuntī before her marriage was found out by a charioteer, who brought him as his son. This son was named Karṇa. Gāndhārī had a boon of a hundred sons. Though she was pregnant for 2 years, she was not delivering the baby. When she got the information that Kuntī in the forest had given birth to a son, she was enraged as she was apprehensive that in future, Kuntī’s son, being the eldest among his generation, will become the king. In anger she hit upon her pregnant belly and delivered a ball of lifeless hard flesh. Though the ball was thrown out, Vyāsa intervened. He got the ball divided into 101 pieces, out of which 100 sons and 1 daughter were born. The sons were collectively known as the Kauravas, and the eldest among them was Duryodhana. Unable to control himself, one day Pāṇḍu approached Mādrī for lovemaking and died as the result of the curse. Mādrī burnt herself along with the dead body of her husband, and it was Kuntī who now became responsible for all the five children. Dhṛtarāṣţra now ascends the throne, but it was Bhīṣma who really exercised the authority. The Kauravas and the Pāṇḍavās grew up together learning use of weapons from the Brahmin Guru Droṇa. As Yudhiṣṭhira was the eldest, he was perceived as a successor to the throne. But the claim was contested by Duryodhana as he claimed that being the son of the ruling king, he has right to the throne. This became the main cause of conflict between the cousins. The rivalry grew as Bhīma, who was very strong used to bash

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up Duryodhana and his brothers. Unable to match him in a straight fight, Duryodhana tried to kill Bhīma by poisoning him and throwing him in the river, but Bhīma survived miraculously. As the princes completed their training, a show contest was organized for them to show their skills in handling weapons. Bhīma and Duryodhana showed their skill in mace fighting, but it was Arjuna who stole the show with his superb archery skill. As he was applauded by the audience, Karṇa entered the arena and challenged Arjuna to duel. But he was rebuked and insulted for being son of a low-caste charioteer. Duryodhana came forward to defend Karṇa and made him the king of Anga so that he can now challenge Arjuna. This took lot of time and it was already evening. The dual between Karṇa and Arjuna did not take place. Karṇa felt immensely indebted to Duryodhana and pledged his lifelong support to him. Kuntī sitting among the royal audience recognized her abandoned son. She fainted but did not reveal the secret to anyone. Holding grudge against the Pāṇḍavās, Duryodhana decided to eliminate them and make his succession secure. He pressurized Dhṛtarāṣţra to send the Pāṇḍavās to a place named Vāraṇāvata for picnic, and there he got a palace of easily combustible material built for them with the intention of burning them in it. But the Pāṇḍavās got a hint of the conspiracy through Vidura, who was sympathetic toward the Pāṇḍavās. To deceive Duryodhana they themselves burnt the house and escaped. A tribal Niṣāda woman along with her five sons, who took shelter with the Pāṇḍavās were also burned alive in it. Next day when the skeletons were found, everybody thought that it was Kuntī and the Pāṇḍavās who were burnt alive in the fire. Escaping the attempt on their life, the Pāṇḍavās along with their mother took shelter in the forest. In the forest they encountered a demon named Hiḍimba, who wanted to devour them. Bhīma killed him and married his sister Hiḍimbā. They had a son named Ghaṭotkaca. Leaving Hiḍimbā and Ghaṭotkaca behind, the Pāṇḍavās and Kuntī went ahead and took shelter in a place called Ekacakrā disguised as mendicant Brahmins surviving on the alms.

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Having heard about the contest to win princess of Pāňcāla, the Pāṇḍavās went there. The challenge was very difficult. The contestants were required to shoot at the overhead target through the gap in the rotating wheel. Many kings and princes were invited for the ceremony including Duryodhana and Karṇa. Arjuna won the contest and was garlanded by Draupadī. When the Pāṇḍavās went back to their place and announced that they got something, Kuntī, who was facing other side, did not know what they brought and asked them to share it equally among the brothers. To obey mother’s word, Draupadī became a common wife to all five brothers. After Vāraṇāvata episode, everyone thought that the Pāṇḍavās have perished in the fire, but the contest at Draupadī’s bridegroom choice brought them in the light, and they also got powerful ally in the Pāňcālas. They were invited to Hāstinapur with Draupadī, and to avoid any conflict, it was decided that the kingdom of Hāstinapur will be divided. The Pāṇḍavās were given the forest tract named “Khāṇḍava.” With the help of Kṛṣṇa, who was their cousin from the mother’s side, the Pāṇḍavās cleared the forest track. Arjuna and Kṛṣṇa burned the forest and killed large numbers of creatures. A demon named Maya was spared by them who built a beautiful assembly hall called “Mayasabha” for the Pāṇḍavās. The new capital was named as Indraprastha. The Pāṇḍavās decided to perform the sacrifice called Rājsŭyā Yajňa which will proclaim Yudhiṣṭhira as universal sovereign. The Rājsŭyā sacrifice was conducted. Yudhiṣṭhira remained in the capital conducting the ritual, and the four brothers Bhīma, Arjuna, Nakula, and Sahadeva went in four directions for conquests. They conquered many kings who were compelled to come to the capital with the gifts. Duryodhana was also invited. Seeing the wealth of the Pāṇḍavās, he became restless. He was also mocked by Bhīma and Draupadī when he accidently stumbled and fell in the assembly hall. This had further aggrieved him. Jealous and angry, Duryodhana along with his maternal uncle Śakuni hatched a conspiracy to deprive the Pāṇḍavās of their kingdom. The Pāṇḍavās were invited to Hāstinapur and

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Yudhiṣṭhira was invited to a dice game. Śakuni played for Duryodhana and one by one Yudhiṣṭhira lost everything, wealth, army, kingdom, his brothers, and also himself. Finally he staked Draupadī and lost her as well. Duḥśāsana, Duryodhan’s younger brother, dragged Draupadī to the assembly hall and tried to disrobe her in front of everybody. Nobody in the assembly came forward to rescue her. Finally she pleaded to Kṛṣṇa. A miracle happened, and as Duḥśāsana pulled at her cloth, another cloth appeared till he fell down exhausted. Enraged at this, Bhīma took a vow that he will kill Duḥśāsana in the war and drink his blood. He also vowed that he will kill Duryodhana and all his brothers. Seeing that the things had gone too far, Dhṛtarāṣţra intervened; he gave back the kingdom to the Pāṇḍavās and released them. But Duryodhana insisted on having another game with only one throw. The condition was that the loser will have to retire to forest for the period of 12 years and spend 1 year incognito. Yudhiṣṭhira lost this game as well and the Pāṇḍavās along with Draupadī retired to forest. The Pāṇḍavās stay in the forest as described in the Āryaṇyakaparvan (The Book of the Forest). This was a learning experience for them. The sages, one after another, visited them and a long philosophical discussion took place between Yudhiṣṭhira and the sages. During this period Arjuna also acquired a divine weapon from the Gods as a preparation for the war in case Duryodhana refuses to give the Pāṇḍavā’s kingdom back. After 12 year in the forest, the Pāṇḍavās spent 1 year incognito in the kingdom of Virāṭa and then requested Duryodhana to return their kingdom, but he refused. All the attempt of reconciliation failed and the Great War took place. Indebted to the throne of Hāstinapur, Bhīṣma and Droṇa fought from Duryodhana’s side. Kṛṣṇa and Kuntī tried to convince Karṇa to leave Duryodhana and join hands with the Pāṇḍavās. They revealed the secret of his birth to him. But indebted to Duryodhana, he fought on his side. Aided by Kṛṣṇa, the Pāṇḍavās won the war. Though it was supposed to be Dharmayudha, the righteous war, both sides indulged in the unethical practices.

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Very few people survived the war. All the hundred sons of Dhṛtarāṣţra, Bhīṣma, Droṇa, and Karṇa along with large number of soldiers from both sides were killed. The Pāṇḍavās also lost all their children including Bhīma’s son Ghaṭotkaca. Feeling remorse for being the cause of such destruction of human life and causing death of his kith and kin, Yudhiṣṭhira wanted to retire to forest, but he was convinced to rule by Bhīṣma, who was lying on his deathbed. Headed by Yudhiṣṭhira, the Pāṇḍavās ruled for many years. But when they got information about the demise of Kṛṣṇa, they lost any interest in life. Handing over the kingdom to Arjuna’s grandson Parikṣit, they journeyed toward the Himālaya along with Draupadī. One by one everyone fell and it was only Yudhiṣṭhira who reached heaven in his mortal body.

Maha¯deva

▶ Āśrama ▶ Bhīma ▶ Bhīṣma ▶ Dharma ▶ Draupadī ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Nīyoga’ ▶ Pāṇḍava

References 1. van Buitenen JAB (1973) The Mahābhārata. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago

Maha¯deva ▶ Śiva

Relevance of the Maha¯bha¯rata The epic had undergone a lot of transformations during the process of its growth. As a result it has become a kind of timeless text and is still considered as an encyclopedia of Indian way of life as the Indian society is considerably rooted in the tradition. It is a very important source of understanding the “history of ideas” developed in the ancient India. It has an elaborate discussion on the concept like non-violence, Dharma, Apaddharma, Varna, Asharamas, etc. Apart from this it also makes a very good psychoanalysis of the human mind like how, blinded by the attachment to own child, a person commits unethical acts (example – Dhṛtarāṣţra) and how the desire for revenge makes a monster out of human being (example – Aśvatthāman who, violating the code of the war, kills the sleeping Pāṇḍavā army). The epic has also inspired many creative writings in English as well as in Indian languages.

Maha¯deviakka ▶ Akka Mahādevī

Maha¯deviyakka ▶ Akka Mahādevī

Maha¯pa¯śupatas ▶ Pāśupatas

Mahaprabhu ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Cross-References ▶ Ahiṃsā ▶ Āpad-dharma ▶ Arjuna

Mahari ▶ Devadāsī

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi

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the Maharishi instituted a teacher training program so that others could initiate people into the practice.

Robin Rinehart Lafayette College, Easton, PA, USA

Growth of Transcendental Meditation Definition Founder of Transcendental Meditation, a meditation technique that gained popularity in the West as well as in India.

Background The man who came to be known as Maharishi Mahesh Yogi was born in central India in about 1917 and died in the Netherlands in 2008. Though not much is known about his childhood, he studied physics at Allahabad University. As a young man, he became a disciple of Swami Brahmananda Saraswati and took the name Bal Brahmachari Mahesh, serving as Swami Brahmananda’s personal assistant for thirteen years until Swami’s death in 1953. After a couple of years spent in solitary spiritual practice, Bal Brahmachari journeyed to southern India, where he was asked to give a public address. Later in the 1950s, while traveling and teaching, he was given the title “Maharishi” or great sage, and he was best known by this title or the name of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. He began promoting the idea that anyone could take up spiritual practice, not just renouncers, and developed the meditation technique that would later be known as Transcendental Meditation or TM. In the late 1950s, he announced that he planned to spread this form of meditation worldwide. The Maharishi visited several southeast Asian countries and arrived in the United States in 1959, where he attracted some followers and established centers for meditators. He also traveled to Europe and Africa to teach his meditation technique. As he continued his travels, the Maharishi began to receive media attention, which drew additional people curious about meditation. Interest in Transcendental Meditation was so great, in fact, that

The late 1960s saw an explosion of interest in Asian spirituality in the West, which brought even more seekers to the Transcendental Meditation movement. The Maharishi published The Science of Being and Art of Living in 1963, a book that outlined the key features of Transcendental Meditation, albeit with the caveat that one could pursue TM only with the guidance of a certified instructor. The Maharishi established the Students’ International Meditation Society in 1966, and branches soon opened at many campuses throughout the United States. Maharishi’s fame continued to grow with continued media attention, including magazine cover stories and television appearances, and most notably with his meeting with the Beatles (who spent time studying with the Maharishi in India in 1968) and other celebrities who proclaimed the positive benefits that meditation had in their lives. To meet the demand for meditation instructors, Maharishi held more sessions to train teachers. He established additional organizations such as the International Meditation Society to offer conferences and courses addressing the “Science of Creative Intelligence.” He also spearheaded efforts to found research institutions to investigate the effects of meditation. Studies on TM practitioners revealed that their stress levels were measurably reduced, bringing about positive changes in everyday life ([2], p. 165). TM was promoted as a natural technique that was not a specific religion or philosophy ([1], p. 36), a universally accessible, science-based technique with demonstrable benefits that required no other major lifestyle changes ([3], pp. 338–340). Scholars of new religious movements were fascinated by TM’s phenomenal growth; it has been common to attribute it in part to TM’s institutional structure and effective marketing, as well as the Maharishi’s gift for presenting his ideas in the idiom of science [2, 3].

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The Maharishi in the United States and Europe In 1974, the Maharishi International University (now known as the Maharishi University of Management) opened in Fairfield, Iowa, emphasizing “consciousness-based education,” with a curriculum that included regular meditation. The following year, Maharishi launched the TMSidhi Program, inspired in part by Patanjali’s Yoga-Sutras, which sought to develop meditators’ siddhis or spiritual powers such as “yogic flying,” during which the body makes short hops into the air. TM leaders proclaimed that if a sufficient percentage of the population practiced yogic flying, the effects would be felt far and wide, bringing peace and reducing crime rates ([2], pp. 170–171). There was also talk of the “Maharishi Effect,” the positive effects brought about when significant numbers of people within a society meditate on a regular basis. Researchers at the Maharishi International University conducted studies seeking to show a causal relationship between TM practice and crime rates and other indicators of societal health; skeptics saw the TM-Sidhi Program as an effort to stem a decline in interest in TM. In the 1980s, Maharishi also began promoting astrology and Ayurvedic medicine, helping to launch Deepak Chopra’s career as a holistic health expert. From the early 1990s until his death in 2008, Maharishi spent most of his time in the Netherlands, making few public appearances. He established the Natural Law Party in 1992, with branches in a number of countries, hoping to bring TM principles to governments worldwide, but chose to end this political enterprise in 2004. In 2000, he launched an effort to establish a “Global Country of World Peace,” a nation without borders that would help bring about world peace and prosperity. Maharishi taught that his style of meditation, practiced twenty minutes twice a day while seated with the eyes closed, led to an effortless transcending of the self, bringing the mind to a comfortable, natural state of “restful alertness.” He explained that the goal of TM is enlightenment, defined as the natural state of health for

Maharishi Mahesh Yogi

mind, a state in which the mind knows itself rather than wandering in worldly concerns. TM promotional materials assert that TM creates a state of mind that cannot be achieved through other forms of meditation, such as mindfulnessbased techniques, and highlight the consistency of their teaching training as a means of assuring that everyone gets the same quality of instruction [4]. TM cannot be learned from a book, but must be taught by a trained instructor in order to be fully effective. Everyone goes through the same sequence of instruction, paying the same fees in each country in which the technique is taught. As part of their initial instruction in TM, practitioners are given a mantra or short phrase to use in their daily meditations, selected by the instructor to suit the individual meditator, following a tradition that the TM movement explain originated with the Vedas. Practitioners are instructed to keep the mantra confidential, though most accounts of the movement note that there were not many different mantras given out. According to Maharishi, the mantras were powerful not because of some specific meaning to the mantra itself but because repetition of the mantra, specially selected for each meditator, helped to minimize mental activity and bring about the state of restful alertness. Regular practice, in turn, would bring about greater physical and psychological wellbeing and would have positive effects that could extend far beyond the individual.

Cross-References ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Nātha Siddhas (Nāths)

References 1. Bloomfield H, Cain M, Jaffe D, Kory R (1975) TM: discovering your inner energy and overcoming stress. Dell, New York 2. Goldberg P (2010) American Veda: from Emerson and the Beatles to yoga and meditation – how Indian spirituality changed the west. Harmony Books, New York

Maha¯-va¯kya 3. Johnston H (1980) The marketed social movement: a case study of the rapid growth of TM. Pac Sociol Rev 23(3):333–354 4. “How Is Transcendental Meditation Different?” http:// www.tm.org/tm-is-different. Accessed 29 Aug 2013

Maharshi Debendranath ▶ Tagore, Debendranath

Maharshi Debendranath Tha¯kur ▶ Tagore, Debendranath

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the roles of hermeneutic keys [6]. In a similar vein, Matthew Kapstein talks about Śaṅkara’s careful deployment of mahā-vākyas or passages derived from the Upaniṣads in his Upadeśa-sāhasrī as a way of structured teaching [4]. Further, Richard H. Davies says that Indian commentators often highlighted especially powerful statements in the Bhagavad-Gītā for special attention as mahā-vākyas or great utterances [3]. In fact, only few statements have been historically called mahā-vākya, and their characteristics have revolved around length and hierarchy of scriptural passages, and finality of meaning. The idea itself developed in the two traditions of Vedic theology, Mīmāṁsā and Vedānta, and its role was to a degree theological, concerned with stratification of validity of texts, but primarily soteriological.

˙ sa¯ Maha¯-va¯kya in Mīma¯m

Maha¯-va¯kya Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Definition A scriptural passage expressing finality of meaning. A meditational mantra for Advaita renunciants.

Introduction Mahā-vākya is an idea which scholars of Hinduism use often but whose origin and precise meaning is rarely discussed. It is commonly taken to denote any short sentence signifying something important primarily but not necessarily from the Upaniṣads. For instance, Julius Lipner in his study of Rāmānuja says that both Śaṅkara and Rāmānuja erected their respective systems of Vedānta on the foundation of select statements from the Upaniṣads, mahā-vākyas, which served

The idea of mahā-vākya was a relatively minor but still common currency in classical Mīmāṁsā. It is explicitly mentioned only rarely, it is never explicitly theorized, and it is never an object of contention, which suggests that it was an idea clear and acceptable to all. In general, any larger sentential unity in which a smaller sentence has been absorbed, finalized, and, if so required, altered can be called a mahā-vākya. In principle, this works at any linguistic level, and it is rather in relation to short sentences that the term is first used by Śabara in his comment on the Mīmāṁsā-Sūtra [7]. Take, for instance, an injunctive sentence, such as “One should look at the rising sun,” which, when negated, becomes a prohibition: “One should not look at the rising sun.” The second sentence becomes a mahā-vākya in relation to the first, which is completed and altered in it yet maintains its individual existence as its constitutive part. The two distinct units, the injunction and the negative particle, restrict one another, such that the injunction becomes a prohibition and the general negation becomes specific. The final sentence is a mahā-vākya, while the two elements become avāntara, intermediate.

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Mahā-vākya is, thus, most commonly paired with avāntara, an intermediate sentence which becomes finalized in a composite whole. Once the intermediate sentence has become finalized in the mahā-vākya, it keeps its independent existence but not its independent validity. While it is a constitutive part of the mahā-vākya, it has lost its independence. The combination of individual words and sentences and their mutual delimitation can continue to a point where a whole manual delineating a Vedic ritual is formed around the central role of the ritual action. This is the ultimate point in which a “final” final meaning is obtained, one in which all individual meanings have been terminated. In the truest sense, only this is a mahā-vākya because only here everything is finalized. In this use, mahā-vākya is synonymous with what Mīmāṁsakas call prayogavākya or prayoga-vidhi, a manual delineating the performance of a Vedic ritual and presupposing everything on which the success of the ritual depends. A mahā-vākya is, thus, literally a “great,” long sentence, a whole book indeed, one in which the ritual has been outlined through hierarchically arranging its distinct elements and in which a single sentential reference has been obtained: the ritual action qualified by all the ritual details. As such, mahā-vākya is paired with laghu-vākya or short sentence [1].

Maha¯-va¯kya in Early Advaita Veda¯nta Scholars commonly associate the idea of mahā-vākya with the great eighth-century philosopher Śaṅkara but historically that is wrong. Śaṅkara mentions mahā-vākya twice in his authentic works. In the first case, in his BrahmaSūtra-Bhāṣya [9], his understanding is influenced by the old Mīmāṁsā idea: an injunction which, when negated, becomes a prohibition. In the second, in his commentary on the Aitareya Upaniṣad [8], he brings mahā-vākya into the context of the Upaniṣads but leaves it quite open: there are Upaniṣadic mahā-vākyas, different from the Vedic which function in the realm of injunction and prohibition. He does not define them, but they seem to be pedagogical devices.

Maha¯-va¯kya

The first thorough account of Upaniṣadic mahā-vākyas was presented by the eleventhcentury Advaitin Sarvajñātman in his treatise Pañca-Prakriyā [5]. Sarvajñātman discussed two sentences from the Upaniṣads as mahā-vākyas, tat tvam asi or “you are that” of the Chāndogya (6.8.7ff) and ahaṁ brahmāsmi or “I am Brahman” of the Bṛhad-āraṇyaka (1.4.10). Taking tat tvam asi as the example, a mahā-vākya is a sentence in which two word referents – Brahman on the one hand and the Self or ātman on the other – are purged of their mutual incompatibility to obtain a single referent, Brahman which is the Self. The two words that signify them individually are really ellipses for definite descriptions obtained from Upaniṣadic passages that present Brahman and the Self, respectively, without their non-distinction obtaining. These definite descriptions are avāntara-vākyas, exactly parallel to the Mīmāṁsā case. The two words, tat and tvam, stand to their respective avāntara-vākyas in a relation of cohesion: their resolution or the understanding of their meaning requires looking back at the avāntaravākyas, for without them they are meaningless. On the side of Brahman, the avāntara-vākya is formed from passages such as satyaṁ jñānam anantam brahma, “Brahman is Being, consciousness, unlimited,” and ānando brahma vyajānāt, “He knew Brahman as Bliss” from the Taittirīya Upaniṣad (2.1 and 3.6), which present Brahman as a real thing that is not insentient and liable to suffering and limitations of any kind. Brahman is, further, presented in Upaniṣadic texts as the creator of the world and its inner ruler. These are illustrative texts that are not really about creation and the like but function by using the categories of creation to gradually focus on the true nature of Brahman. They should intimate the idea that Brahman is not something that transforms into the world, but is the world, and thus assist in the formation of the avāntara-vākya. When this procedure has been applied, Brahman remains as the only real thing behind the multitude of phenomena. On the side of the Self, ātman, the avāntaravākya is formed through texts such as those about the five sheaths of the Self from the Taittirīya (the Self as food, as life breath, as mind, as cognition, and, finally, as bliss) and texts about the three or four

Maha¯-va¯kya

states of the Self common to a number of Upaniṣads (the waking, sleep, deep sleep, and the transcendent state). These also gradually zero in on the true pure Self, so that the referent of the avāntara-vākya is formed as a single, universal Self for all beings, which is but consciousness in nature. The two referents are still, however, impure beings, “dappled” with distinguishing spots. Brahman is the only real category, but to the religious student, it appears as something extraneous. We could say, using Russell’s epistemological categories, that it is not known through acquaintance but from description. The Self, on the other hand, is known most intimately, but because of the absence of acquaintance with Brahman, it also appears as different from Brahman. So, when the two words are put in a relation of identity, they must drop these last distinguishing features. Something’s got to give, and Brahman is purged of its being external, whereas the Self is purged of duality. The mahā-vākya, thus, refers to the Self which is Brahman in any and all ways. Thus, the structure is that of avāntara-vākyas which are finalized in the mahā-vākya and which have under them illustrative passages to facilitate the formation of their meaning. There is, in other words, an exact parallel to the Mīmāṁsā case: a central short sentence that develops into a massive one (thus, a mahā-vākya, a long sentence). The processes involved are different – ritual and teaching – but the result is the same: large, hierarchically organized texts, in which something that is valid on one level is no longer so on another, because its meaning has been changed. The mahā-vākya is only formally short. Finally, we should note that the role of the Advaita mahā-vākya is strictly soteriological: it provides the final liberating knowledge that eradicates ignorance and transmigration. It operates in the context of teaching: it is the basis of instruction for a guru to a qualified student.

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Upaniṣads, which later became an integral part of what can be described as “a structure of fours” each mahā-vākya expressing the essence of an Upaniṣad, which in its turn expresses the best and highest knowledge contained in one of the four Vedas; these four Vedas have been entrusted in care to the four great monasteries at the four cardinal points, coming in succession from one of the four principal students of the great cultural hero Śaṅkara. These four mahā-vākyas, with their corresponding Veda, sacred place in a cardinal direction and Śaṅkara’s student, are: 1. Prajñānaṁ brahma in Aitareya Upaniṣad 3.3 of the Ṛgveda ! Puri ! Padmapāda 2. Ahaṁ brahmāsmi in Bṛhad-āraṇyaka Upaniṣad 1.4.10 of the Yajurveda ! Shringeri ! Sureśvara 3. Tat tvam asi in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad 6.8.7 of the Sāmaveda ! Dwaraka ! Hastāmalaka 4. Ayam ātmā brahma in Māṇḍukya Upaniṣad 2 of the Atharvaveda ! Badrinath ! Troṭaka These four became liberating mantras which ascetic gurus whisper in the ear of renunciants from the Daśanāmī Advaita orders during the second stage of their initiation into renunciation (vidyā-saṁskār or virajā-havan). Modern Advaita renunciants, thus, receive mahā-vākyas as liberation mantras and meditate on their significance [2].

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Śaṅkara ▶ Upaniṣads

References Maha¯-va¯kya in Monastic Advaita Veda¯nta At a point of history, mahā-vākya became associated strictly with four short sentences from the

1. Jha G (Trans) (1907) Ślokavārttika of Kumārila Bhaṭṭa. Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta 2. Clark M (2006) The Daśanāmī-Saṁnyāsis: the integration of ascetic lineages into an order. Brill, Leiden/ Boston

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886 3. Davies RH (2015) The Bhagavad-Gita: a biography. Princeton University Press, Princeton/Oxford 4. Kapstein M (2015) Interpreting Indian philosophy: three parables. In: Ganeri J (ed) The oxford handbook of Indian philosophy. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Kocmarek I (1985) Language and release: Sarvajñātman’s Pañcaprakriyā. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 6. Lipner J (1986) The face of truth. State University of New York Press, Albany 7. Jha G (Trans) (1933) Shabara-Bhasya, in three volumes. Oriental Institute, Baroda 8. Swami, G. (Trans) (1937) Eight Upaniṣads with the commentary of Śaṅkarācārya: volume two. Calcutta: Advaita Ashrama 9. Swami, G. (Trans) (1965) Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya of Śrī Śaṅkarācārya. Kolkata: Advaita Ashrama

Mahavira

Mahisa¯suramardinī ˙ ▶ Durgā

Mahotsava ▶ Brahmotsava

Mai Lal Diddi ▶ Lāl Ded

Mahavira ▶ Hanumān (Hanumant, Hanūman)

Maithili ▶ Sita

Maha¯vratas ▶ Pāśupatas

Malti Shetty ▶ Gurumayi Chidvilasananda

Maha¯vratins ▶ Kāpālikas

Maheśa ▶ Śiva

Manana ▶ Reason (Hinduism)

Ma¯nas ▶ Rāmāyaṇa

Ma¯heśvaras

Mangala

▶ Pāśupatas

▶ Auspiciousness

Ma¯nikkava¯cakar ˙

Ma¯nikkava¯cakar ˙ Jean-Luc Chevillard Laboratoire d’Histoire des Théories Linguistiques (UMR7597, HTL), CNRS – Université ParisDiderot Paris 7, Paris, France

Māṇikkavācakar (“He whose utterances are rubies”) is the most well-known designation for a Tamil saint-poet, also called (Tiru)vātavūrār (or Tiruvātavūr Aṭikaḷ), because he was born in Tiruvātavūr. To him are ascribed two compositions, the Tiruvācakam (comprising 51 works) and the Tirukkōvaiyār (a single work, containg 400 stanzas), which together constitute the 8th Tirumuṟai, which is part of the “twelve Tirumuṟai” (paṉṉiru tirumuṟai), the poetical corpus which is the basis for the Tamil devotion to Śiva. With Campantar, Appar, and Cuntarar, the three authors of the Tēvāram, Māṇikkavācakar is one of the Nālvar “Four-HUMAN-PL.” But, unlike them, he is not one of the 63 Nāyaṉmār, although there have been attempts to identify him with Kāri Nāyaṉār, the 47th saint in the series. Māṇikkavācakar’s date has been the object of many debates, concisely summarized by Zvelebil ([11], pp. 405–407), who agrees with other scholars that Māṇikkavācakar probably lived in the ninth century. A longer examination (in Tamil) of all the arguments which have been raised for deciding whether Māṇikkavācakar lived before or after the three Tēvāram authors is found in Veḷḷaivāraṇaṉ ([9], pp. 100–131), who concludes that he probably lived at the time of Varakuṇa the first (792–835). The literary production of Māṇikkavācakar is less homogeneous and more complex than the one by the three earlier Tēvāram authors. An important part of it contains devotional works in 652 stanzas, some of which appear as popular songs associated with some feminine games or some feminine ritual activities. Such is the case of the very popular Tiruvempāvai (20 stanzas). This work has a close resemblance with the Vaiṣṇava Tiruppāvai (30 stanzas) composed by Āṇṭāḷ, both being associated with a winter solstice rite,

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starting in the month of Mārkaḻi and ending in the month of Tai, already attested in the 11th poem of the Paripāṭal (lines 74–92) (see Veḷḷaivāraṇar ([9], pp. 175–186 and see Gros [5], pp. 245–247). Other poems, possibly more scholarly, use older meters, such as āciriyappā and kaliveṇpā, which may show that poets were eclectically diversifying their production, after what may have been a musical revolution, in the early stages of the bhakti age. Finally, his longer work, the Tirukkōvaiyār, with its 400 stanzas, is as much part of pure literary history (possibly echoing the Pāṇṭik kōvai, having replaced a king by a god), as it is part of devotional literature. In addition to his being an author, Māṇikkavācakar is also, among others, the hero in four stories which are part of the series of the “64 sacred sports” (Tiruviḷaiyāṭal) of Śiva in Madurai. In the most ancient version preserved, the Tiruvālavāyuṭaiyār Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟpurāṇam, which was composed (in the twelfth or thirteenth century) by Perumpaṟṟappuliyūr Nampi, those stories are numbered 27th to 30th, and in the more recent version due to Parañcōti (seventeenth century), those stories numbered 58th to 61st. The first story ([27] Ñāṉōpatēcañ ceyta tiruviḷaiyāṭal “the sacred game of giving spiritual initiation”) tells of the meeting in Tirupperuntuṟai (nowadays Āvuṭaiyār Kōyil), a coastal town, between Māṇikkavācakar (called Vātavūrar), who is minister to the king of Madurai (who has sent him to buy horses) and a guru (who is Śiva), surrounded by devotees. After his spiritual conversion, the narration of which is the occasion for Perumpaṟṟappuliyūr Nampi to cite some verses from the Tiruvācakam, we see Vātavūrar surrendering to his new company the treasury which the king had given him for buying horses. When the time comes for him to return to the king with horses, he has to rely on a “miracle” (in fact a trick played by Śiva) which backfires, as told in the following two chapters ([28] Nari kutiraiyāṉa tiruviḷaiyāṭal “the sacred game of jackals becoming horses” and [29] Kutirai nariyāṉa tiruviḷaiyāṭal “the sacred game of horses becoming jackals”). The horses which Śiva had miraculously provided quickly return to their original nature (of jackals), creating

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havoc in the city of Madurai, and Vātavūrar finds himself in prison. Because of that, Śiva causes a flood in the river Vaikai. The whole city has to do manual work in order to reinforce the dams, as told in the fourth chapter concerning our hero ([30] maṇcumanta tiruviḷaiyāṭal “the sacred game of carrying earth”), where Śiva himself, disguised as a youth, takes part in the carrying of earth but in a very (provocatively) inefficient way. This causes him to be condemned to be beaten. However, in the words of G.U. Pope ([7], xxviii), “when the first blow is struck, all the universe shudders. Every god in heaven and every sentient being on earth feels the blow.” After this, Vātavūrar/Māṇikkavācakar is set free from prison, abandons courtly/worldly life, becomes a full-time poet and saint, and the narration of the Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟpurāṇam concerns itself with some other stories. It should be added, as a conclusion, that the miracle of the jackals turned into horses has been used as an argument by those who want Māṇikkavācakar to be earlier than the Tēvāram, because Appar (Tēv. 4-4, (2)) seems to refer to it. Veḷḷaivāraṇar ([9], pp. 104–108) has shown how this (and other possible allusions) can be interpreted differently.

Further Reading 1. Cāminātaiyar U Vē (ed) (1972) Tiruvālavāyuṭaiyār Tiruviḷaiyāṭaṟpurāṇam. Cellinakarp Perumpaṟṟappuliyūr Nampi iyaṟṟiyatu, mūṉṟām patippu, 3rd edn. Śrī Tiyākarāca Vilāca Veḷiyīṭu, Chennai 2. Cuppiramaṇiyaṉ Ca Vē (Patippāciriyar) (2009) (tiruttiya iraṇṭām patippu), Paṉṉiru Tirumuṟai, Maṇivācakar patippakam [mutaṟ patippu: 31, ṭicampar, 2007] 3. Dessigane R, Pattabiramin PZ, Filliozat J (1960) La légende des jeux de Çiva à Madurai, d’après les textes et les peintures, Fasc.1: Texte. xvi, 130 p. Fasc. 2 : Planches. 50 plates 4. Gopal Iyer TV [Kōpālaiyar Ti Vē] (1991) Tēvāram, Āyvuttuṇai (Tēvāram, Etudes et glossaires tamouls). Publications de l’Institut Français d’Indologie (PIFI) 68-3, Pondicherry 5. Gros F (1968) Le Paripāṭal. Texte tamoul, introduction, traduction et notes. Publications de l’Institut Français d’Indologie N 35, Pondichéry 6. Naṭarācaṉ Pi Rā (2005) Patiṉorān Tirumuṟai, mūlamum uraiyum. Umā Patippakam, Chennai

Manimēkalai ˙ 7. Pope GU (1900) The Tiruvacagam; or, ‘Sacred utterances’ of the Tamil poet, saint, and sage ManikkaVacagar: the Tamil text of the fifty-one poems, with English translation. Clarendon, Oxford 8. Ramachandran TN (trans) (1989) Tirukkovaiyar. Tamil University, Thanjavur [English translation] 9. Veḷḷaivāraṇaṉ Ka (1969) Paṉṉiru Tirumuṟai Varalāṟu, Iraṇṭām Pakuti (8–12 Tirumuṟaikaḷ), Aṇṇāmalai Palkalaik Kaḻakam 10. Veluppillai A (2004) The position of Saint Appar in Tamil Śaivism. In: Chevillard et Wilden, South Indian Horizon: Felicitation Volume for François Gros on the occasion of his 70th birthday. Publication du département d’Indologie N 94, Institut Français de Pondichéry, pp 29–47 11. Zvelebil KV (1995) Lexicon of Tamil literature. Leiden, Köln, New York

Manimēkalai ˙ Anupam Jash Department of Philosophy, Bankura Christian College, Bankura, West Bengal, India

Synonyms Maṇimekhalā; Maṇimekhalāi

Definition Maṇimekalāi is a Buddhist epic poem written in Tāmil and composed by Chithālāi Chāthānar.

Introduction Maṇimekalāi is a Tāmil epic poem composed by Chithālāi Chāthānar. It has a story line, but its real purpose is to use the story to preach Buddhism. It is the first Buddhist epic poem in Tamil. One of the five great epics in Tamil literature, Maṇimekalāi is a follow-up or continuation of another great epic, Silappatikāram ([1], p. 238). The epic Maṇimekalāi derives its name from its central female character Maṇimekalāi, whose evolution from an ordinary woman into a female bodhisattva is depicted in the poem.

Manimēkalai ˙

The Poet Chitha¯la¯i Cha¯tha¯nar A Buddhist of the Sautrāntika-Yogācāra school, well-versed in Tāmil, Pāli, and Sanskrit, the Tamil poet Chithālāi Chāthānar was also an astute logician and an able proponent of Buddhist philosophy and religion ([2], p. 458). According to one opinion, he is placed between 450 to 550 AD ([3], p. 298), while there are other opinions about his date, which place him in the different period ranging from second century to third century AD.

The Epic Poem The poem Maṇimekalāi (the Jewel Belt) has 30 cantos and a preamble ([4], p. 115). This story in the poem may be summarized as follows: Maṇimekalāi is the beautiful daughter of Kovālan and Mādhavi ([5], p. 7). Kovālan named her daughter after the goddess Mani-Mekhalāi, because the Goddess had once saved Kovālan’s ancestor ([6], p. 164). Maṇimekalāi’s mother Mādhavi had a vision of the Goddess who told her that her daughter was esteemed to be a nun and that they should bring her up, accordingly. From her very childhood, Maṇimekalāi was a worshipper of the Hindu local deities, had little worldly concern, and had a desire to become a nun by renouncing the world. Chola Prince Udaykumāra falls in love with Maṇimekalāi. To avoid the advances of the prince, Maṇimekalāi disguises herself as a different woman, Kāya-Chandikāi. On seeing Maṇimekalāi with the prince, who still was pursuing her despite her disguise, the jealous husband of the real Kāya-Chandikāi killed the prince. This incident leads to the imprisonment of Maṇimekalāi, but she is released when the Queen is convinced of her saintly nature ([7], p. 141). Maṇimekalāi makes a trip to the temple of Goddess Kannaki. In response to the advice of the goddess to study the different systems of philosophy, she goes to the ācāryas of different schools of philosophy to learn from them what they had to teach about their respective philosophy. In this way she comes to have a hold on the basic principles of Veda, Vedāṅga, Brahmavāda

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(Vedānta), Śaivism, Vaiṣṇavism, Sāṁkhya, Vaiseṣika, Āj īvikism, Jainism, and Lokāyata Bhutavāda (Canto XXVII). This exercise leaves Maṇimekalāi dissatisfied. She then goes to meet the Buddhist monk Aravana Ādigal ([8], p. 97) in Kānci, from whom she gets her first lessons in the Buddhist epistemology and logic expounded by Diṅnāga ([9], p. 197) and Śaṁkarasvāmin. This teaching was designed to enable Maṇimekalāi to discern what is real knowledge from empty verbiage (Canto XXIX). After receiving this preparatory lesson, Maṇimekalāi learns about the positive doctrines of Buddhism from Aravana Ādigal. From the lessons given to her by the old sage, she comes to know about the life and works of Buddha, the 4 noble truths, the 12 Nidānas, the 5 skandhas, the 5 bhavanās, the 4 benefits and the 6 usages which constitute the essential core of Buddhist teachings ([10], p. 89) (Canto XXX). The Buddhist teaching of equality, fraternity, and kindness goes to Maṇimekalāi’s very heart. Finally, Ādigal advices Maṇimekalāi to achieve full liberation from greed (rāga), hatred (doṣa), and delusion (moha), which are responsible for the prevalence of evil. The concluding sentence of the poem tells us that Maṇimekalāi is trying hard to shake off the bondage of the cycle of birth, old age, and death and that she joins the Buddhist Saṅgha to fulfil her destiny ([11], p. 28). We are further told that Maṇimekalāi reaches the highest state of spirituality by following the Buddhist teaching to become an arhant.

Place of Manimekala¯i in the History of ˙ Indian Philosophy Chapters 27, 29, and 30 of the poem contain discussions of various Indian philosophical systems. Chapters 29 and 30 are devoted to the discussion of Buddhism [12]. Ten systems of Indian philosophy, namely, Veda-vāda (M īmāmsā), Vedāṅga, Brahmavāda (Vedānta), Śaiva-vāda, Vaiṣṇava-vāda, Sāṁkhya, Vaiśeṣika, Ājīvikism, Jainism, and Bhutavāda, are taken up for discussion in Chapter 27 ([13], Vol. 4, p. 219). In this chapter there is a valuable discussion of ten

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Pramāṇas, namely, (1) Kātchi (Pratyakṣa), (2) Kāruttu (Anumāna), (3) Uvamām (Upamāna), (4) Āgamam (Śabda or Āgama), (5) Arupatti (Arthāpatti), (6) Iyālbu (Svabhāva), (7) Aitiham (Aitihya), (8) Abhāvam (Abhāva), (9) Mitchi or Olibu (Pariśeṣa), and (10) Undaneri (Sambhava) ([14], p. 58). In the context of this discussion, three authorities are mentioned, VedaVyāsa, Kṛtakoṭi, and Jaimini. We need to specially note here that out of the ten Pramāṇas, the two Pramāṇas Iyālbu (Svabhāva) and Olibu (Pariśeṣa) are not recognized as Pramāṇas in any systems of traditional Indian philosophy, orthodox or heterodox. It may be infer that this two Pramāṇas were accepted by some philosophers at the time when this epic poem was written. Secondly of the three authorities mentioned in this connection, Veda-Vyāsa and Jaimini are well known. But Kṛtakoṭi is practically an unknown figure. Krishnaswami Aiyangar ([14], p. 58) points out that he found Kṛtakoṭi mentioned in the chapter Upāṅga Prakaraṇam of the book Prapañcahrdaya edited by Mahamahopadhaya Ganapati Shastri ([15], pp. 38–50). It is therefore reasonable to support that Kṛtakoṭi was a Vedāṅga philosopher. Maṇimekalāi must be credited with having first brought Kṛtakoṭi to our knowledge. According to Maṇimekalāi, Lokāyata philosophy and Buddhism are both included within the Vedic systems. It would seem that Lokāyata and Buddhism, usually characterize as non-Vedic, were not so regarded at the time Maṇimekalāi was written. Another significant feature that emerges out of the study of Maṇimekalāi is that Yoga system is not at all mentioned in any chapter of the poem. Sāṁkhya is usually treated in conjunction with Yoga, in the orthodox Indian philosophy. But in Maṇimekalāi, Sāṁkhya is discussed by itself, and the association of Yoga is completely lost ([14], p. 69). This may be explained by supposing that Yoga philosophy did not reached the Dravidian region at the time of the Maṇimekalāi. It is beyond doubt that Chapter 27 of the epic poem Maṇimekalāi holds a special place in the history of Indian philosophy and culture, in that it serves as a link between the pre-Maṇimekalāi era and the era following. It is evident from the

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foregoing discussion that certain things that are usually accepted in the later period were not so at the time of Maṇimekalāi. In an overall estimate, we must say that Maṇimekalāi has a very liberal outlook, for although it focuses on Buddhism, it gives a patient hearing to what the other systems of Indian philosophy have to say.

Cross-References ▶ Lokāyata ▶ Pramāṇa ▶ Samatha (Buddhism)

References 1. Chattopadhyaya B (2009) A social history of early India. Pearson Education, New Delhi 2. Richman P (2003) Cīttalai Cāttanār, Manimekhalai. In: Potter KH (ed) The encyclopedia of Indian philosophies: Buddhist philosophy from 350 to 600. A.D. MLBD, New Delhi 3. Singh NK, Mishra AP (2007) Encyclopaedia of oriental philosophy and religion, vol 8 Buddhism. Global Vision Pub House, Delhi 4. Spuler B (1951) Handbook of oriental studies. Brill, Netherlands 5. sengupta AR (2006) Manimekalai dancer with magic bowl. Regency Publication, New Delhi 6. Kanakasabhai V (1989) The Tamils eighteen hundred years ago. Asian Educational, Madras 7. Zvelebil K (1974) Tamil literature. Otto Harrassowitz Wiesbaden, Germany 8. holmstrom L (1996) Silappadikaram Manimekalai. Orient Longman, Delhi 9. Basham AL (2009) History and doctrines of the Ajivikas, a vanished Indian religion. MLBD, Delhi 10. Monius AE (2001) Imagining a place for Buddhism: literary culture and religious community in tamilspeaking South India. Oxford University Press, London 11. Singh U (2008) A history of ancient and early medieval India. Pearson Education, Delhi 12. Kandaswamy SN (1978) Buddhism as expounded in Manimekalai. Annamalai University, Tamilnadu 13. Warder AK (1994) Indian kavya literature. MLBD, New Delhi 14. Aiyangar SK (1928) Manimekhalai in its historical settings. Luzac & co., London 15. Ganapati ST (1915) Prapancahrdayam, chapter IV. Trivandram sanskrit series, vol XLV. Travancore Government Press, Trivandrum

Maniprava¯la ˙ ˙

Manimekhala¯ ˙ ▶ Maṇimēkalai

Manimekhala¯i ˙ ▶ Maṇimēkalai

Maniprava¯la ˙ ˙ Suganya Anandakichenin NETamil Project, École française d’ExtrêmeOrient, Pondicherry, India

Definition Maṇipravāḷa, or “gems and coral,” is, broadly speaking, a technical term that can be used to describe a language or dialect that combines Sanskrit with a vernacular language. More specifically, it is used as a designation for languages or dialects that are explicitly identified by its speakers or in its literary corpus as falling under this general rubric in South India, e.g., Śrīvaiṣṇava Tamil Maṇipravāḷa, (Malayalam) Maṇipravāḷa, Kannada-Maṇipravāḷa, and TeluguMaṇipravāḷa.

The Origins and Different Types of Maniprava¯la ˙ ˙ The Sanskrit commentary, Jayadhavala, composed by Jinasena on Jain scripture Ṣaḍkhaṇḍāgama (ca. ninth c.), first mentions the compound maṇipravāḷa (MP) in reference to the text’s use of both Sanskrit and Prakrit. It is in Abhinavagupta’s (eleventh c.) commentary on Bharata’s Nāṭyaśāstra that the expression is first used to refer explicitly to an admixture of two languages. The author refers to MP as being a tradition from the “South,” in which Sanskrit is

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mixed with the regional language (deśa-bhāṣā). He also points out that in Kashmir, when Sanskrit is combined with the local Kashmiri languages, it is called Śāṭakula [1]. Tamil Sanskrit MP While the words of this compound are found in an ancient classical Tamil text, the Akanāṉūṟū (third–fourth CE?), which mentions the phrase maṇi miṭai pavaḷam (“coral mixed with gem or pearl”), the earliest reference to the compound “MP” in Tamil occurs in the verse 180 of the eleventh c. grammatical treatise Vīracōḻīyam: when Sanskrit syllables are blended with Tamil writing, it is known as viraviyal, and if it is words that are mixed, then it is called maṇipravāḷam. The same verse suggests that the author is referring to the context of poetics in his definition of MP, as he claims that the use of etukai (initial rhythm that occurs on the second syllable) is not mandatory, whatever the choice of style (etukai naṭai ētum illā) [2]. Two centuries before these definitions came into being, however, the style had already been used in some passages of Peruntēvaṉār’s Pārataveṇpā, a Tamil rendering of the Mahābhārata (ninth c.). In this work, classical Tamil (¼ centamiḻ) is reserved for poetic passages, and MP is used for prose. Other works in Tamil that were written during that period, especially the Jaina ones, e.g., the Śrīpurāṇam, used the MP style. Other minor Jaina works in MP include Jayakumāraṉ katai, Ottāyaṇamāhārajaṉ katai, Pārikṣeṇakumāraṉ katai, and Satyaghoṣaṉ katai inter alia [1]. Other than the Jains, it was the Śrīvaiṣṇavas of the Rāmānuja sect who extensively used MP. The first extant Śrīvaiṣṇava work in MP is a twelfth c. commentary on Nammāḻvār’s Tiruvāymoḻi known as the Āṟāyirappaṭi (“6000 units,” one paṭi roughly corresponding to 32 syllables [eḻuttu]) by Tirukkurukai Pirāṉ Piḷḷāṉ, claimed to be Rāmānuja’s disciple. This was followed by a series of commentaries, both on the Tiruvāymoḻi and on the remaining works of the Nālāyirativviyappirapantam. Many sectarian works, such as the rahasya-granthas, expounding the tenets of viśiṣṭādvaita (“qualified non-dualism”), and the

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hagiographies, describing the lives of the Āḻvārs and acharyas, were also composed in MP by the Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas. Various (sometimes contradictory) reasons have been given to explain the choice of such a register: the Tamil Tiruvāymoḻi, having been accorded the status of Tamil Veda, needed to be commented upon with the use of Sanskrit terms, especially for explaining critical concepts and with quotations from important Sanskrit sources such as the Upanishads and the Rāmāyaṇa, for example. It has also been claimed that MP was opted for so that the non-educated people could understand the simple concepts of Śrīvaiṣṇavism expressed in Tamil, while the more complicated tenets were reserved for the (Sanskrit-)educated elite, who were not so prone to misunderstanding complex arguments. It has further been hypothesized that MP was used because it represented the acharyas’ acceptance of both the Sanskrit and Tamil Vedas (a philosophical position termed Ubhayavedānta or “both Vedāntas”) [2]. Whatever the reason, MP literature has thrived in the hands of the Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas up to this date, and a diluted version of it is still spoken on certain occasions, e.g., during religious discourses. Though the designation of “MP” meaning simply a mix of Sanskrit and Tamil might suggest an ad hoc intermixture of the two languages, the linguistic structure of Maṇipravāḷa as it is found in the works of the Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas is, in fact, entirely predictable. One finds a clear preference for Sanskrit words in the noun and adjective categories, while the verbs, adverbs, pronouns, and underlying grammar are largely of Tamil derivation. In order to accommodate the Sanskrit sounds which are absent in Tamil, a script called “grantha” was also adopted in the medieval period. Malayalam Sanskrit MP In medieval Kerala, both Sanskrit and Tamil influenced the local language as well as the literature. While Tamil influence led to the composition of pāṭṭus (“songs”), in which the phonemes and meters had to be Dravidian and in which Tamil etukai (rhymes that occur

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on the second syllable) was imposed, Sanskrit had more of an impact on the region. A consequence of this was that a hybrid language, the MP, was born. The literature in this MP dialect is comprised of many poetic works. There is, furthermore, a separate grammatical treatise that discusses the use of this dialect in a poetic context. Thus, the Līlātilakam (fourteenth c.), a predominantly Sanskrit treatise on grammar and poetics for writing using the local language, describes and defines the practice of mixing Sanskrit with the local language. MP in the Kerala region was used to compose dance dramas (kūṭiyāṭṭam), didactic treatises like the eleventh-century Vaiśikatantram, campu works (narratives in which prose and verse are mixed) in the thirteenth–fourteenth centuries (e.g., Unniyati Caritam by Dāmōdara Cākkiyār), and other short poems [3]. Kannada Maniprava¯la ˙ ˙ Kannada had two styles of writing, one in which Sanskrit was more predominant (the very popular kavirāja-paddhati) and another in which Kannada was preferred (deśī-paddhati). In the early eleventh c., the Pārśvanātha-purāṇa by Pārśvanāthakavi refers to a Jain work in praise of Jinanātha, the Rūpastavana by Agalakavi, which it claims was written in MP. But the passages supposedly written in MP in the above work are lost so that the claim cannot be verified [1]. Telugu Maniprava¯la ˙ ˙ Similar to Kannada, there existed two styles in Telugu, with the same main distinction, one that preferred the use of Sanskrit over the vernacular (mārga-paddhati) and the other, which favored the local language (deśī-paddhati). Nannayya, a renowned eleventh c. Telugu poet who wrote the Mahābhārata in the local language and who was a proponent of the mārga-paddhati, sometimes used Sanskrit words with Sanskrit declensions and conjugated verbs in Sanskrit. It is not before the Vṛṣādhipaśatakamu by the thirteenth c. Pālkuriki Somanāthasarma, however, that the compound MP is used to refer to a hybrid language in a Telugu work [1].

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Cross-References

Introduction

▶ Āḻvār ▶ Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (Nālāyiradivyaprabandham) ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇava ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta

A growing familiarity in the West with the Sanskrit word “mantra” frequently coincides with mispronunciation and inaccurate connotation, such as is in the use of mottos for social or political opinion (i.e., as a conservative, his mantra is “cut taxes”). The original application of the idea of mantra (pronounced “mun-tra” as in the word fun, not “fan”) appears in the oldest literature of the Indo-Iranians as either mantra in Sanskrit (Veda) or manthra in Old Persian (Avesta). In ancient India (ca. 3000–800 BCE), the center of religious life in the Vedic culture was the yajña or ritual sacrifice. Two central features of Vedic ritual are the sacrificial fire and sacred words and syllables in the form of mantra. According to the Sanskrit dictionary, mantra is (m. “instrument of thought,” speech, sacred text) is a chant-formula composed of word(s) and/or syllable(s) in the Sanskrit language (saṁskṛta, “well-formed,” considered the reproduction in sound of the structure of reality). Another explanation is from the root man ¼ mind, plus tra ¼ transformation. The mantra is thus a kind of verbal device or formula for mental transformation. As verbal devices, mantras correspond to objective reality like visual objects, only in sound form. According to Thomas Hopkins ([12], p. 20), “Sanskrit words were not just arbitrary labels assigned to phenomena; they were the sound forms of objects, actions, and attributes, related to the corresponding reality in the same way as visual forms, and different only in being perceived by the ear and not by the eye.” The importance of speech in the execution of ritual acts as well as for examining the nature of Sanskrit language led to the personification of Vedic mantras as Vāc, Goddess of Speech, who was also rendered in image form as the Goddess of Learning and Music, Sarasvatī. Vedic ritual chant as a central part of Vedic ritual was also an important precursor to the linguistic concept of Śabda-Brahman in the Upaniṣads and sacred cosmic sound known as Nāda-Brahman discussed in the Tantras, grammatical literature, and the musical treatises. Before ritual acts are performed, the intonation of sacred sound in the form of mantra is absolutely

References 1. Venkatachari KKA (1978) The Maṇipravāḷa literature of the Śrīvaiṣṇava ācāryas, 12th to 15th century A.D. Ananthacharya Research Institute, Bombay 2. Monius A (2009) Imagining a place for Buddhism. Literary culture and religious Community in Tamilspeaking South India. Navayana, New Delhi 3. Raman S (2007) Self-surrender (Prapatti) to god in Śrīvaiṣṇavism: Tamil cats or Sanskrit monkeys? Routledge, New York 4. Freeman R (2006) Literature and the development of regional consciousness in medieval Kerala. In: Vora R, An F (eds) Religion, culture, and politics in India. Manohar, Delhi

Mantra Guy L. Beck Asian Studies and Continuing Studies, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Synonyms Aum; Gāyatrī; Japa; Om; Stotra; Stuti; Vāc; Yantra

Definition A mantra is a power-laden linguistic unit comprising a syllable, word, or series of syllables and/or words in the Sanskrit language that functions as a transformative tool or instrument of thought, speech, or action, especially when employed as chant in ritual.

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necessary in Hindu religion, as noted by Jan Gonda ([11], p. 83): “If ritual acts and ceremonies are to be performed successfully the consecratory word is an indispensable requirement.” The ritual utterance is consequently performative in that the act is accomplished only if the prayer-formulas are first released in sonic form. Often the offering is voiced in the formula and then given to a particular deity with the word svāhā. According to Hopkins ([12], p. 19), “Sound had, like fire, a central place in the sacrifice from early times. . .. The fires, the sacrificial plot, ritual actions, and offerings of various kinds were woven together into an elaborate structure that was heavily dependent on the mantras which established the basic identities and correspondences.” J.A.B. Van Buitenen ([22], p. 178) further explained how the sacred word or syllable of the mantra is radically tied to the ritual fire itself:

Mantra

The idea and use of mantra so utterly pervades the world of ancient Vedic ritual that the earliest portion of the Veda, the Rig Veda, is referred to as mantra, since most of the verses have a ritual application, as carefully organized in the Yajur Veda. And while the verses of the Sāma Veda are rendered in musical hymnlike style, the bulk of the Atharva Veda comprises hundreds of mantras for various and sundry occasion. Special verses of the Upaniṣads, known as mahāvākyas, function as mantras to awaken human consciousness to the reality of non-dualism or Advaita.

Bhartṛhari, argue that the effect or meaning of a mantra “bursts forth” (sphuṭ) in the mind only when there is comprehension of its entirety, as a sentence makes sense only with the correct semantic structure. That is, the meaning is something more than the mere sum of its syllables or words. Another school of thought is Varṇavāda, derived from the Mīmāṁsā philosophers Jaimini and Kumarila Bhatta, which argues that meaning is always quantitatively associated with the incremental accumulation of śakti (energy) mysteriously contained in the separate syllables or words of a mantra. According to this school, one does not need to separately perceive the semantic meaning of a mantra, since the final meaning is automatically deposited in the mind due to the mysterious accumulation of potency and unseen merit (apūrva) contained in the syllables. Depending on the theological orientation of a particular theistic or philosophical school, one or another of these perspectives has been adopted or refuted, creating a lively history of linguistic debate over the issue of exactly how mantras work in human consciousness. For example, nondualistic schools tended to favor Sphoṭavāda, and dualistic and theistic traditions tended to accept Varṇavāda. To continue the debate about mantras and meaning into modern times, Frits Staal has argued that mantras are inherently meaningless because they were originally mere components of ritual in the earlier stages of history and only later accumulated semantic meaning due to the influence of religion and myth. While the issues he raises are worth consideration, his overall notion of the meaninglessness of religious language (mantra) has been dismissed by many Hindu scholars as untenable, since “meaningfulness” may be conveyed in multiple ways, only one of which is tied to semantics.

Linguistic Debates

Mantras in Hindu Practice

The linguistic aspects of mantra have been debated for centuries by Indian philosophers. One of the most hotly debated issues is how meaning is conveyed to the hearer. Advocates of one theory, Sphoṭavāda, established by

Hindus utilize an extraordinarily immense assortment of mantras for almost any occasion. Many or all of these are believed to have been revealed by divine beings or gurus and gain sacred status alongside Vedic mantras. The most significant

The ultimate measure of the word is the syllable from which all formulae start and to which their power can be reduced. . .. For speech to be effective at all, it must be spoken in conjunction with the ritually powerful fire of the sacrifice. . .. The interdependence, the bi-unity, of Word and Fire . . . [is such that] Fire is contained in the germ of speech which is the syllable. . .. Mantra bears the fire . . . [and] fire begets the mantra.

Mantra

are those employed as part of Pūjā rituals conducted by purohits (priests) for temple liturgies, festivals, calendrical rites, domestic ceremonies, public commemorative events, deity installations, fire sacrifices, removal of transgressions (prayāścitta), and private worship. The textual sources for these mantras are normally the group of Sanskrit works called Purāṇas (histories) that contain large sections devoted to rituals and their execution. From these, and from other sources including perhaps oral tradition, smaller collections of mantras have been extracted and compiled along with additional verses to create paddatis (ritual manuals) for priestly use in conjunction with, for example, Kāli Pūjā, Śiva Liṅga worship, Krishna Janmaṣṭamī celebrations, or Nāg Pañcamī. As part of the standard Pūjā serial format of offerings including water, flower, incense, food, fan, etc., recitation of appropriate mantras is required to accompany each when presented to a deity. While certain mantras like the Gāyatrī Mantra are obligatory for caste Brahmins, practicing Hindus normally select a variety of mantras for their morning and evening sādhana (spiritual practice) along with verses from scripture such as the Bhagavad Gītā. The Gāyatrī Mantra is perhaps the most famous mantra in Hindu tradition, consisting of three lines of eight syllables (in Gāyatrī meter) of a verse in the Rig Veda (3.62.10). While the original Gāyatrī is a petition to the light of the sun to illuminate one’s mind, alternate names appear to have been substituted in the mantra to direct attention to another deity or spiritual power. There are consequently thousands of other “Gāyatrī mantras,” often referenced in the Purāṇas and ritual manuals associated with sectarian schools, with names such as Gaṇeśa Gāyatrī, Krishna Gāyatrī, Kāma Gāyatrī, Śiva Gāyatrī, Durgā Gāyatrī, etc., that are employed by Hindus both Brahmin and nonBrahmin. For further information on this phenomenon, see Beck [4].

Mantra and Tantra The Tantric tradition, also called Śākta-Tantra, has greatly enlarged the application of mantra perhaps

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more than any other single branch of Hinduism to incorporate entire processes of sanctification of places, articles, utensils, and parts of the body (nyāsa-mudrā) in conformity with localized deities and calendrical or astrological configurations. Mantras are often organized into patterns that are set into diagrams known as yantra or maṇḍala, for the purpose of invoking special potencies to gain personal or communal outcomes. The underling basis of Tantric teaching includes the recognition of both male and female dimensions of reality, including language and sound, and the homology between the human and the cosmic which is especially visible, or audible, in the domain of sacred sound and mantra. According to Tantric scholar Andre Padoux ([17], p. 357) The cosmic process and the human process of word, sound, or speech are parallel and homologous. From this central idea ensues the entire impressive development of the metaphysics of the Word, of the phonic and phonetic cosmogonies, and of the practices which are achieved through the use of speech or word, and more specifically through its most efficacious and usable form, the mantra and bīja. This is essential to Tantrism.

In fact, the entire Tantric worldview is permeated by sonic utterance or mantra, whereby the study of Tantra is nearly synonymous with the study of mantra: The most characteristic practices are those associated with the use of sacred and ritual formulas, mantras and bījas (phonic “germs”). These linguistic or phonetic elements – sentences, words, letters, sounds – symbolize spiritual entities and are believed to embody the very power of the main deity. Such formulas are used at all times and in all types of Tantric practice, initiatic and religious rites as well as usual duties or activities. There is no life for a Tantric adept . . . without mantras. Indeed, Mantra-Śāstra, the teaching of mantras, is often taken as meaning Tantra-Śāstra, the teaching of the Tantras. ([18], p. 278)

As an esoteric tradition, Tantrism employs many mantras which hold secret or clandestine interpretations barely recognizable to ordinary Hindus. As bīja-mantras (seed-mantras), these include such phonemes as Klīṁ, Śrīṁ, Hrīṁ, etc., to signify various female spiritual potencies associated with goddesses. Within this framework of understanding, the adage “mantra and devatā

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(god or goddess) are the same” is an operative expression in both ritual and daily life for initiates in the Tantric tradition. For further analysis of mantra and sound in Hindu thought, see the work of Annette Wilke [24].

Current Applications of Mantra Over the course of centuries, mantras have served a variety of religious and quasi-religious functions for Hindus. The function of Epiclesis involves the invitation of a deity or spirit to a sacrifice or Pūjā, whereas Apotropaia involves the purifications of space from demonic presences and the chasing away of evil forces. Mantras can also offer praise to a deity, give thanks, petition (or enact) a favor or expiation from a spiritual entity, invoke a spirit presence, recall a mythic narrative, install a deity, inaugurate a temple, consecrate a sacred shrine, perform transitions in life stages (āśramas), and direct offerings to the ancestors. Beside the purely religious or liturgical application, there are numerous mantras designed for conceiving a child, for birth ceremonies, twice-born initiations, weddings, and cremations. There are special mantras for waking in the morning before sunrise, brushing one’s teeth, beginning a business venture or course of study, laying the first stone of a house or building, installing a king, bathing in sacred waters, for personal hygiene, and even for sleep preparation. Mantras may also dispatch a curse or a boon upon a third party, heal various afflictions, or construct a weapon of mass destruction (in mythology). There are thus literally thousands of mantras scattered throughout canonical, and noncanonical, literature designed for virtually any conceivable purpose.

Cross-References ▶ Aum ▶ Gāyatrī ▶ Japa ▶ Mahā-vākya ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Nyāsa

Mantra

▶ Om ▶ Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī ▶ Mimamsa Philosophy ▶ Sonic Theology ▶ Stotra ▶ Tantra ▶ Vāc ▶ Yantra

References 1. Alper H (ed) (1989) Understanding mantras. SUNY, Albany 2. Beck G (2012) Sonic liturgy: ritual and music in Hindu tradition. University of South Carolina, Columbia 3. Beck G (1993) Sonic theology: Hinduism and sacred sound. University of South Carolina, Columbia 4. Beck G (1994) Variations on a Vedic theme: the divine names in the Gāyatrī mantra. J Vaishnava Stud 2(2):47–58 5. Bharati A (1970) The tantric tradition. Doubleday Anchor, New York 6. Coward H (1986) The Sphota theory of language. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 7. Coward H, Goa D (1991) Mantra: hearing the divine in India. Anima, Chambersburg 8. Dasgupta S (1957) The role of mantra in Indian religion. In: Dasgupta S (ed) Aspects of Indian religious thought. Firma KLM, Calcutta, pp 22–41 9. Gonda J (1975) The Indian mantra. In: Selected studies, vol IV. Brill, Leiden, pp 248–301 10. Gonda J (1975) Medieval religious literature. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 11. Gonda J (1975) Vedic literature. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 12. Hopkins T (1971) The Hindu religious tradition. Dickinson, Encino 13. Kaviraj G (1984) Aspects of Indian thought. University of Burdwan, Burdwan 14. Kunjunni Raja K (1963) Indian theories of meaning. Adyar, Madras 15. Mishra U (1926) Physical theory of sound and its origin in Indian thought. Allahabad Univ Stud II:239–290 16. Padoux A (1989) Mantras-what are they? In: Alper H (ed) Understanding mantras. SUNY, Albany, pp 295–318 17. Padoux A (1981) Review article: a survey of tantric Hinduism for the historian of religions. Hist Relig 20(4):345–360 18. Padoux A (1987) Tantrism (an overview, Hindu Tantrism). In: Eliade M (ed) The encyclopedia of religion, vol 14. Macmillan, New York, pp 272–280 19. Padoux A (1990) Vāc: the concept of the word in selected Hindu Tantras. SUNY, Albany

Manuscripts (Hinduism) 20. Staal F (1984) Ritual, mantras and the origin of language. In: Amrtadhara: Prof R.N. Dandekar felicitation volume. Ajanta, Poona, pp 403–425 21. Staal F (1989) Vedic mantras. In: Alper H (ed) Understanding mantras. SUNY, Albany, pp 48–95 22. Van Buitenen J (1959) Aksara. J Am Orient Soc 79:176–187 23. Wheelock W (1989) The mantra in Vedic and tantric ritual. In: Alper H (ed) Understanding mantras. SUNY, Albany, pp 96–122 24. Wilke A, Moebus O (2007) Sound and communication: an aesthetic cultural history of Sanskrit Hinduism. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin

Mantras ▶ Kirtan in North America

Manuscripts (Hinduism) Deepro Chakraborty Department of History and Classics, University of Alberta, Edmonton, AB, Canada

Synonyms Grantha; Hastalikhita; Hastalikhitagrantha; Hastalikhitaprati; Hastalipi; Hastaprata; Hastaprati; Kaiyeḻuttu-grantham; Kaiyeḻuttu-prati; Mātr̥kā; Pāṇḍulipi; Pōthi;Pum̐ thi; Pustaka; Suvaḍi; Tāḷiyōla

Definition The word “manuscript” has many meanings. It can refer to a handwritten document, a codex, or a book or any work before publication. In historical and religious parlance, however, the term “manuscript” usually refers only to those handwritten documents which have certain historical, literary, or artistic importance in terms of their content, illumination, illustration, or calligraphy. Unlike inscriptions that are engraved on stones, metallic plates, or coins, Indian manuscripts have birch barks, palm leaves, or papers as their writing supports.

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Manuscripts in the realm of Hinduism may refer to those which consist of texts (religious or secular) composed by Hindu authors, the major bulk of which are written in Sanskrit and Prakrit, while others are in other South and Southeast Asian languages. However, one should keep in mind that there is no way to recognize a Hindu manuscript other than abstracting them from other religious spheres, such as Buddhism or Jainism. Manuscript cultures of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism were often overlapping. Moreover, there are manuscripts which comprise Persian translations of Hindu texts by Muslim scholars. The religious category “Hinduism” is not necessarily the best way to capture the complex plural cultural affiliations that make up South Asia’s manuscript heritage. Old Hindu manuscripts (mostly in Sanskrit) consist of texts (sometimes illustrations, too) on wide range of subjects—dharmaśāstra and religious manuals, literature, arts, epics and purāṇas, grammar and linguistics, metrics, phonetics and phonology, lexicography, the Vedas and the Upaniṣads, astronomy and astrology, mathematics, architecture, āyurveda, politics, ethics, philosophy, logic, yoga, sexology, Tantra, hymns, eulogies, dramaturgy, poetics and esthetics, musicology, etc. Although Indic culture emphasizes oral transmission of knowledge, the tradition of writing in the Indian subcontinent has a fair antiquity, and this oral tradition has been immensely supplemented by a steadily active written transmission of texts through manuscripts. The Indian subcontinent and regions such as Central Asia, Tibet, and Southeast Asia that are culturally connected with it have a great heritage of manuscript culture. The antiquity of Indian civilizations and knowledge traditions engendered a highly rich tradition of manuscripts which is one of the most important manuscript cultures in the world. Without such a persistent tradition of copying manuscripts, Indian knowledge could never have survived on a large scale in spite of the fact that a very tiny section of these manuscripts has survived today. Manuscripts were the chief medium by which texts were transmitted until the advent of the printing press and its popularity in the Indian subcontinent and in Southeast Asia.

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History of the Tradition South and Southeast Asian manuscripts, being made of organic materials which are vulnerable to the hot and humid climate of these lands, did not survive for a very long period of time. Therefore, there is no manuscript evidence which actually predates the Christian era. There are, however, ancient inscriptions which prove the antiquity of Indian writing systems. The earliest archaeological pieces of evidence of writing in the Indian subcontinent are the Indus inscriptions on various seals dated from 3500 to 1900 BCE. The Indus script has hitherto not been deciphered despite many attempts nor even is it unanimously agreed that the symbols of the Indus script represent a writing system. The inscriptions of the Mauryan era dated from the third century CE in the Brāhmī, and the Kharoṣṭhī scripts are the next evidence of writing. While the Aśokan inscriptions in Brāhmī are distributed almost all over the Indian subcontinent, the Kharoṣṭhī inscriptions are mostly found in the northwestern part of the subcontinent. Gradually, the Kharoṣṭhī script died out, and the Brāhmī script prevailed producing a number of derived writing systems scattered in all over South and Southeast Asia including Tibet. The extant oldest manuscripts from the first millennium CE have mostly been found in the dry and cold regions of Central Asia, the northwestern, and the Himalayan regions of the subcontinent. However, many of these oldest finds are Buddhist manuscripts. One of such oldest manuscripts is the Bower Manuscript (a collection of seven birch bark manuscripts containing Sanskrit texts of medicine written in the Gupta script between the fourth and the sixth centuries by a Buddhist monk called Yaśomitra discovered in Kucha in Central Asia) ([1], xxvi). Hindu manuscripts from the first millennium CE are extremely rare. The Bakhshālī Manuscript (a birch bark manuscript containing a Sanskrit mathematical work with commentary composed perhaps in the seventh century and written likely to be about 900 CE ([2], 138) in the Śāradā script) discovered at Bakshali, near Mardan in presentday Pakistan ([2], 135), a ninth century palm leaf

Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Skandapurāṇa manuscript preserved in Nepal and another ninth century palm leaf Parameśvaratantra manuscript from Nepal are some of the important Hindu manuscripts from the ancient era. There has been a gradual increase in the number of the available manuscripts from the thirteenth century onwards, and the increase has reached its peak in the 1820s and 1830s. By the end of the nineteenth century, the number of Hindu manuscripts lessened significantly. The main reason behind the rapid decline of manuscript culture is the rise of the printing press and the consequent demise of the traditional profession of manuscript scribes. ([3], 161). Different manuscript cultures, which were often sectarian or institutional and function mostly in a specific script, developed in the subcontinent. In Hinduism, the manuscripts of scriptures were often considered to be sacred, and their circulation was encouraged by assigning religious merits to hearing and copying them. Certain rituals were cultivated in association with the use of manuscripts, such as the copying of a manuscript, the correction of the newly produced copy, a public procession that carried a manuscript to a temple or a sacred place, the donation of manuscripts to a temple, the performance of appeasement rites, the performance of public readings and instruction on daily worship, and the preservation of the manuscripts ([4], 25–26).

Physical Description Unlike European, Egyptian, and Arabic manuscripts which are mostly in scroll or codex forms, a typical South and Southeast Asian manuscript is a bundle of separate folios kept loose with two wooden boards as protective covers on both sides. The wooden boards are usually tied by a cotton string. These wooden boards are often decorated. Sometimes the folios of manuscripts are illustrated too. The manuscripts are usually kept wrapped in red or yellow cloth. This form of manuscripts is known as pothi. However, a few North Indian manuscripts are available in codex form (loose pages sewn together along one edge

Manuscripts (Hinduism)

and bound between thin leathers as the protective covers). These manuscripts are known as guṭakā. There are some scrolls, too, especially horoscopes. Many Gāndhārī manuscripts (chiefly Buddhist) are available in scrolls. There are, however, some basic differences between the manuscripts from the northern part of the subcontinent and those which are from South India, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia. Until the twelfth century, the main writing support of the North Indian manuscripts was birch bark (bhūrja patra), which was abundantly available in the Himalayan regions. After that, the use of paper became more common in this region ([5], 101). Kashmir valley and Sialkot in Punjab were famous for paper manufacture ([6], 35). The writing was done on birch bark or paper with ink using pen or brush. There are some North and East Indian palm leaf (usually from Talipot palm tree or Śrītāla) manuscripts in which writing was done by ink and pen. On the other hand, Indian, Sri Lankan, and Southeast Asian manuscripts were incised with a stylus, and inking was done separately. In these regions, palm leaf (from Palmyra palm tree or Kharatāla) was used as the main writing support until the recent past ([5], 101). Talipot palm was also used as the writing support in South India ([3], 166). In a palm leaf manuscript, two (sometimes one) holes are punched on the middle points of both halves of the leaves, which are secured with the wooden boards with similar holes through which a thick cotton string passes and ties the manuscript. In the Brahmaputra Valley of Assam, Aguru bark (Sām̐ cipāt) was used as the writing support. A few manuscripts are also found that use leather, cloth, wood, copper, and other writing supports.

Languages and Scripts The primary language of Hinduism is Sanskrit, the main carrier of ancient and medieval Indian knowledge. It served as the main language of education and learning in the Indian subcontinent and to some extent in Southeast Asia. Therefore, manuscripts in Sanskrit are found almost

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everywhere, constituting the largest part of the South Asian manuscript corpus. The rest of the manuscripts are in Prakrit or in regional languages. There are manuscripts of Persian translations of some Hindu texts in the Perso-Arabic script. A handful of Hindu manuscripts written in Urdu also use Perso-Arabic script. The Indian subcontinent is remarkable for the use of numerous scripts. The very language Sanskrit is written in different scripts in different parts of the subcontinent. Unlike the Arabic script of Islam, no script in Hinduism is considered sacred and superior to others. There is the regional distribution of scripts of manuscripts, often in connection with the regional languages. Due to high popularity of the Devanāgarī script over the vast area of northern and central India, the greatest number of Hindu manuscripts in Sanskrit, Hindi, Awadhi (also in Kaithī), Nepali, Marathi, Sindhi (also found in Khudābādī, Khojkī, and Laṇḍā scripts), Bhojpuri, Rajasthani languages, etc., are found in this script. Khudābādī script was used by the Sindhi Hindu community to write Sindhi, but it was not used for writing Sanskrit. Most of the manuscripts from the northwestern part of the subcontinent are written in the Śāradā script (used mainly for writing Sanskrit and Kashmiri), and a few are in its descendants—Laṇḍā (mainly used for Punjabi language), Ṭākrī (for Dogri and some other Pahari languages), and Gurmukhī (mainly used for writing Sikh scriptures and Punjabi language). An offspring of the Gupta script called Siddhamātr̥kā or Siddham was popular in northern India till the thirteenth century CE. The Tibetan, the Tirhutā (Mithilākṣar), the Bengali, and the Oriya scripts originated from this script. However, mostly Buddhist manuscripts (from Nepal and Bengal) are found written in the Siddhamātr̥kā script. The greatest number of manuscripts from northern India is in the Devanāgarī script, while a few (non-Sanskrit texts, mostly in languages of Uttar Pradesh and central and southern Bihar, such as Awdhi, Bhojpuri, etc.) are found in the Kaithī script. In Nepal, the Newārī (also called Rañjanā) script was used to write Sanskrit and Newari texts. The larger bulk of Newārī manuscripts, however, are Buddhist

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manuscripts. Manuscripts from northern Bihar in Sanskrit and Maithili are mostly in the Tirhutā script, a script very similar to the BengaliAssamese script. Hindu manuscripts in Bengal and Northeast India are mostly written in the Bengali-Assamese script in Sanskrit, Bengali, Assamese, and Meitei languages. A few manuscripts in the Assam valley are written in Ahom language using the Ahom script. Manuscripts from Odisha are mostly in Sanskrit and Oriya and in the Oriya script. Gujarātī (also called Gurjarī or Mahājanī) script, a very close variant of Devanāgarī, has been used in Gujarat region along with Devanāgarī for writing Gujarāti and Sanskrit. A southern variant of Nāgarī known as Nandināgarī was in vogue to write Sanskrit in inscriptions and manuscripts in South India (mostly in Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh) since the seventh century CE. It was the official script of the Vijayanagara Empire. Along with Devanāgarī and Nandināgarī, Moḍī script was used in Maharashtra. It was the official script of the Maratha rulers. However, it was used to write documents mostly in Marathi, not in Sanskrit. A script called Goykānāḍī, similar to Kannḍa, was used in the Goa region for writing Konkani and Marathi and probably for Sanskrit too. After the fifteenth century CE, Kannada and Telugu were separated from the Hāḷekannaḍa script (also known as Kadamba script) in which manuscripts are available, too. A huge number of Sanskrit and Telugu manuscripts are available in the Telugu script, the use of which was mostly in the regions of today’s Telangana and Andhra Pradesh. The Kannaḍa script was used for writing both in Kannada and Sanskrit in the Karnataka region. A script called Grantha, which originated from the Pallava script, was used for writing Sanskrit in Tamil Nadu and the adjacent regions, as Tamil script was not suited for Sanskrit. Numerous Sanskrit manuscripts are found in this Grantha script. However, Tamil manuscripts are in the Tamil script, and a few old ones are in the Vaṭṭeḻuttu script. The Malayāḷam script has been used in Kerala for writing both Malayāḷam and Sanskrit. In the Tulu region, many Sanskrit manuscripts are found in the Tigaḷāri or the Tuḷu script. Saurashtra script was used in manuscripts written

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in Saurashtra language in Tamil Nadu. In Sri Lanka, manuscripts in Pali, Sanskrit, and Sinhalese languages are written in the Sinhalese script. But, most of these manuscripts belong to Buddhism. There are some Hindu manuscripts in Grantha and Tamil scripts in Sanskrit and Tamil, respectively. Southeast Asian scripts are all derived from the South Indian Pallava script. Indonesia has a considerable number of Hindu manuscripts. Indonesian Hindu manuscripts are mostly in Javanese script (natively known as Aksara Jawa) along with its Balinese variant (Aksara Bali), and their texts are in various Indonesian languages, such as Sundanese, Javanese, Balinese, Madurese, Sesak, etc. Some Kakawin verses (poems in Old Javanese based on the stories derived from the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa) have quotations in Sanskrit, too. Manuscripts are also found in the earlier version of the Javanese script called Kawi. Older Malay Hindu manuscripts (adaptation of the Rāmāyaṇa called Hikayat Seri Rama and other Hindu texts) are found in Kawi and Recong scripts, while the Jawi script (an adaptation of the Arabic script) was used in the later manuscripts. The manuscripts of Laos (usually in Tham or Dhamma script) and Cambodia (in Khmer script) are predominantly Buddhists and are written in Pali and regional languages. Cambodia has some Sanskrit Hindu inscriptions though. Similarly, most of the Siamese manuscripts are in Pali and Thai languages and are in the Thai script. There are some manuscripts of Ramkien, a Siamese adaptation of the Rāmāyaṇa.

Repositories Millions of manuscripts are scattered in various government, public, and private collections of South and Southeast Asia, and many, collected mostly during colonial rule, are in western countries, especially in Britain, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and the United States. The number of Hindu manuscripts must be more than 15 million. The ancient monastic institutions in the subcontinent often had manuscript libraries, some of

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which were destroyed during the Turko-Afghan incursions. Though most of these institutions were Buddhists, the libraries had non-Buddhist manuscripts, too ([3], 167), Most of the temple libraries in India are Jain manuscript libraries (called Jñāna Bhāṇḍāra). These libraries have significant collections of Jain and Hindu texts ([7], 85). Though many were destroyed during foreign invasions, a considerable number of libraries have still survived those foreign onslaughts, such as Koba Tirth in Koba, Gujarat; L. D. Institute in Ahmadabad, Gujarat; Gyan Bhandar Library in Jaisalmer, Rajasthan; Sri Hemachandra Jain Gyan Mandir in Patan, Gujarat, etc. Most of these libraries are in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Delhi, Madhya Pradesh, and Uttar Pradesh, while a few are in Bihar, West Bengal, and Kerala. There are some Hindu temple libraries which house manuscripts, such as Raghunath Temple library, Jammu, Kanchi Sankara Mutt library, etc. A lot of Brahmin families in India possess manuscripts in their private collections. Former Maharajas often had huge manuscript collections in their royal libraries, some of which have been taken on by the state governments and made open to the public use. The Oriental Research Institute and Manuscripts Library, University of Kerala (belonged to the Maharaja of Travancore); Oriental Research Institute Library (belonged to the Maharaja of Mysore); Government Museum Library Alwar (belonged to the Maharaja of Alwar); Sarasvati Mahal Library, Thanjavur (belonged to the Maharaja of Tanjore); Scindia Oriental Institute, Ujjain (belonged to the Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior); Durbar Library, Nepal (belonged to the Maharaja of Nepal, now known as National Archives of Nepal) are some of the important royal libraries. Some of the libraries were established by the donation of the maharajas—Central Library, Kameshwar Singh Darbhanga Sanskrit University (manuscripts were donated by the Maharaja of Darbhanga), Oriental Institute Baroda (many manuscripts were donated by the Maharaja of Baroda), etc. There are many private institutions, trusts, and societies which house some of the great manuscript libraries, for example, Asiatic Society

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Library, Kolkata; Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune; Anandashram Library, Pune; Adyar Library, Adyar, Chennai; Vishveshvaranand Vedic Research Institute Library, Hoshiarpur (erstwhile in Lahore); The Kuppuswami Sastri Research Institute, Chennai; Kamrup Anusandhan Samiti, Guwahati; Anup Sanskrit Library, Bikaner; Sanskrit Sahitya Parishad, Kolkata; Prajñā Pāṭhaśālā Maṇḍala, Wai; French Institute of Pondicherry, etc. Some of these libraries receive government funding, too. Government initiatives to collect manuscripts began in 1868. Sanskrit scholars such as Georg Bühler, Franz Kielhorn, Peter Peterson, R. G. Bhandarkar, and others collected a huge number of manuscripts for which Government Manuscript Libraries were established in Poona and Madras. The Poona collection is now at Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. The Government Oriental Manuscript Library is still existing in Madras (Chennai). Some other important government libraries with manuscript collections are as follows: The National Archives of India, New Delhi; National Library, Kolkata; Kalanidhi (Indira Gandhi National Centre for Arts), New Delhi; Government Museum Library, Alwar; Odisha State Museum Library, Bhubaneswar; Punjab Public Library, Lahore; Directorate of State Archaeology, Archives and Museum, Srinagar; Dogra Art Museum and Archives, Jammu; Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute, Jodhpur; National Archives of Nepal, Kathmandu; Kaiser Library, Kathmandu (a private library erstwhile), etc. Libraries of some of the old educational institutes also have magnificent collection of manuscripts—Sanskrit College Library, Kolkata; Sarasvati Bhavan Library, Sampurnanand Sanskrit University (formerly Banaras Sanskrit College), Varanasi; Bharat Kala Bhavan, Banaras Hindu University; Sri Venkateswara Oriental Research Institute Library, Tirupati; Dhaka University Library, Dhaka; Deccan College Library, Pune; Vaidik Sanshodhan Mandal, Pune; Punjab University Library, Lahore, etc. Many European libraries have good collections of Hindu manuscripts. Approximately

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30 thousand Sanskrit manuscripts are preserved in Britain, and a similar number of Sanskrit manuscripts are in some other countries, such as Germany, France, Italy, etc. ([8], 135). Even though the number of Hindu manuscripts preserved in these foreign libraries is far less in comparison to the manuscript libraries in the Indian subcontinent, some of these libraries possess some rare collections ([8], 133). For example, some of the oldest manuscripts mentioned before—the Bower manuscript and the Bakshali manuscript—are in the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, and the Parameśvaratantra manuscript is in the library of University of Cambridge. Some other important European manuscript libraries are as follows— British Library, London; Wellcome Library, London; National Library, Paris; National Library, Berlin; Tübingen University Library; Hamburg University Library, Hamburg; Bavarian State Library, Munich; Leiden University Library, etc. Some North-American libraries such as Harvard University Library, Massachusetts; University of Columbia Library, New York; and Penn Library, University of Pennsylvania also possess Hindu manuscripts.

Cataloging Enormous Hindu texts have already become extinct as their manuscripts were dilapidated and destroyed. Even a large body of extant texts are still not available in printed form. In order to know about them, we need to depend solely on their manuscripts. Unless they are properly archived and cataloged, it is not possible to trace them. A single manuscript may contain more than one text. On the other hand, a single text can be found in more than one manuscript. Therefore, in most cases, the total number of manuscript and total number of text in a collection do not match. A manuscript containing not more than one text is technically known as “simple manuscript” ([9], 20). In catalogs of manuscripts, texts are arranged either in subject-wise or in alphabetical order, following the sequence in which they appear in the manuscripts. Sometimes a combined method is followed.

Manuscripts (Hinduism)

Numerous catalogs of various manuscript collections have been published. The oldest known manuscript catalog available to us is prepared by Kavīndrācārya Sarasvatī during the reign of Emperor Akbar in the seventeenth century. But his library was dispersed after his death and no longer exists in one place today. From the nineteenth century onwards, various catalogs of manuscripts began to be published in India. In the latter half of the nineteenth century, the Indian government projects of collecting and cataloging manuscripts produced important catalogs of manuscripts available in both government and private collections. The royal libraries and the public or institutional libraries too produced many volumes of descriptive catalogs and handlists. European libraries with Indic manuscripts also prepared catalogs of their manuscripts. After the World War II, the Sanskrit manuscripts of Germany were re-cataloged as they were scattered due to the war ([8], 137). Realizing the need for a general index of the manuscripts, Theodor Aufrecht produced Catalogus Catalogorum, an index of Sanskrit manuscripts notified in the available catalogs at his time (1891–1903). But a lot more manuscripts were identified, and their catalogs were published after Aufrecht’s work. In 1949, in the University of Madras, V. Raghavan initiated a project of the New Catalogus Catalogorum in which he included the manuscripts of the Prakrit languages too. Its 39 volumes have been published so far, and the project is about to be completed. An online database of Indian manuscripts is being prepared and made available by the National Mission for Manuscripts, a project of the Government of India.

Concerns Manuscripts are the carriers of ancient and medieval knowledge. Illustrated manuscripts are important materials in art history. The concerns to preserve this heritage have still not reached to the satisfactory level in the countries of the Indian subcontinent. Manuscripts are highly fragile objects and are decaying day by day. Many

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manuscripts have already been destroyed. Preventive measures are often taken to extend the lives of the manuscripts. Microfilming and digitization are also useful for preserving such documents in other forms and can save them from multiple handling. However, a very limited number of manuscripts are well-preserved and digitized in the subcontinent. Manuscripts in the European and American libraries are often better preserved than their counterparts in the Indian subcontinent. Moreover, the South and the Southeast Asian hot and humid climate does not favor long life of the manuscripts. The finding aids are sometimes not useful. The condition of the private collections is more distressing as in most of the cases, the manuscripts are not cataloged, and those which are cataloged are often not traceable. The New Catalogus Catalogorum is not entirely comprehensive nor is it complete yet. Same is the case with the initiative of India’s National Mission for Manuscripts. There is a high need for a consolidated open-access database of manuscripts. Access to manuscripts is often challenging in South Asia. Many manuscript librarians in South Asia are not keen on providing copies of manuscripts to researchers. Manuscripts in European libraries are comparatively better preserved and easier to access. As there is a need to save the manuscripts through both physical and digital preservation, there is an urgent need of saving the texts from these manuscripts, before their natural destruction, through critical editions and translations. But unfortunately, scholars working in the field of textual criticism and codicology are insufficient for the large number of extant manuscripts.

903 4. de Simini F (2016) Of gods and books: cult and donation of knowledge in the medieval Hindu traditions, Studies in manuscript cultures. Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston 5. Isaacson H (2011) Sanskrit manuscript culture. Manuscript cultures. Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures, Hamburg 6. Murthy R, Shivaganesha S (1996) Introduction to manuscriptology. Sharada Publishing House, Delhi 7. Cort JE (1995) The Jain knowledge warehouses: traditional libraries in India. J Am Orient Soc 115(1):77–87. https://doi.org/10.2307/605310 8. Wujastyk D (2012) Sanskrit manuscript collections outside India, with special reference to Āyurveda. In: Gangadharan GG (ed) Saving India’s medical manuscripts. National Mission for Manuscripts and Dev Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi, pp 133–244 9. Tripāṭhī C (1975) Catalogue of the Jaina manuscripts at Strasbourg. E. J. Brill, Leiden

Ma¯ran ¯ ¯ ▶ Nammāḻvār

M Ma¯ri ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Mariamman ▶ Māriyammaṉ

References 1. Hoernle A, Rudolf F (1893) The bower manuscript. Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing, Calcutta 2. Plofker K et al (2017) The Bakhshālī manuscript: a response to the Bodleian Library’s radiocarbon dating. History Sci South Asia 5(1):134–150. https://doi.org/ 10.18732/H2XT07 3. Wujastyk D (2014) Indian manuscripts. In: Quenzer JB et al (eds) Manuscript cultures: mapping the field, Studies in manuscript cultures. Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Munich/Boston

Ma¯riamman ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Ma¯riyammai ▶ Māriyammaṉ

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Mariyamman ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Mariyamman

Māriyammaṉ embodies the power of life and death and requires ritual sacrifice; she is the creator of the cosmos, but she is also the mother to her devotees. Māriyammaṉ shares characteristics with Śītalā, the goddess of poxes and other contagious conditions widely worshipped in northern India.

Ma¯riyamman ¯ Elaine Craddock Department of Religion, Southwestern University, Georgetown, TX, USA

Synonyms Karumariamman; Karumariyamman; Karumāriyammaṉ; Māri; Mariamman; Māriamman; Māriyammai; Mariyamman; Māriyāttāḷ; Māriyāyi; Muttumāriyammaṉ

Definition Māriyammaṉ is traditionally the Hindu goddess of smallpox who is worshipped extensively in Tamil Nadu and other regions of South India, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia. Especially since the eradication of smallpox in India in the 1970s, she is also responsible for other poxes like chickenpox, many infectious diseases, and other disorders. She both afflicts people with disease and takes it away; pox can be a sign of Māriyammaṉ’s favor, or a reminder not to neglect her. “Ammaṉ” means mother; “māri” means smallpox, as well as rain: annual festivals to this goddess often take place in the dry, hot season when the earth as well as those afflicted with disease are most in need of cooling rain. Māriyammaṉ draws worshippers in rural and urban areas and across caste (and even religious) lines. Many devotees consider her one of the Seven Sisters, a group of goddesses who respond to human needs and who take local forms in villages and neighborhoods, and are called by many names. Village goddesses are generally considered forms of one Goddess, Śakti, the female, creative, primordial force of the cosmos.

Stories of Ma¯riyamman ¯ The stories of how Māriyammaṉ became the goddess she is are conveyed orally as well as in vernacular and Sanskrit texts. The stories vary from region to region, but are thematically linked by her transformation from a woman to a goddess through suffering unfortunate, usually violent incidents at the hands of celestial or human males [1–3]. One of the most common narratives, especially in the northern areas of Tamil Nadu, is a version of the story of Reṇukā, found in the Mahābhārata (3.116.1–18). Reṇukā is the faithful wife of the sage Jamadagni; through the power of her chastity, she can carry water for her husband’s daily pūjā without a vessel. But one day while collecting water in the river, she sees the reflection of a Gandharva flying overhead and, admiring his beauty, instantly loses her chastity and her ability to carry water without a pot. An enraged Jamadagni orders their son Paraśurāma to kill his mother; he consents when his father agrees to give him a boon in return. Paraśurāma chases his mother with an ax to kill her; Reṇukā hides in the house of a washerwoman [or a Cakkiliyār/ leather-worker] who tries to protect her, but Paraśurāma finds them and chops off both of their heads. He then asks his father for the boon that his mother be brought back to life, so Jamadagni gives his son a vessel of water and tells him to attach his mother’s head to her body and sprinkle her with water. But in his haste Paraśurāma attaches the wrong heads to the wrong bodies, so Reṇukā becomes the goddess Māriyammaṉ with her own head and the body of an Untouchable woman. The gender, caste, and ritual implications of the transposition of heads and bodies are analyzed by multiple scholars ([4], pp. 126–129; [5], pp. 185–190; [6], pp. 148–150; [7], pp. 204–231;

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[8], pp. 252–253). Māriyammaṉ is often considered unmarried, her independent status solidifying her power and authority [3], but in some locations she is married to the god Śiva [4]. Various stories explain how she achieved the power to inflict and remove pox ([3], pp. 70–73; [6], pp. 156–157; [9], pp. 110–113).

Śakti, Possession and Healing Māriyammaṉ is considered to be Śakti, the transcendent power of the cosmos, but she is also an immanent force, embodied in local divine forms and in human vehicles, especially women. Since Māriyammaṉ is a goddess of disease and healing, many possession rituals focus on diagnoses and cures. She can possess people in the form of disease, but she also possesses devotees as her vehicles, some of whom become regular mediums of her power and protection. Her mediums and the people they serve cross caste and gender lines [10], including a Dalit woman ([11], pp. 29–70; [12]), a Smārta Brahman woman [13], and upperclass men [14]. Srinivasan [15] examines the effect of colonial rhetoric about public health on the evolution of Māriyammaṉ’s worship.

Rituals and Iconography at Temples and Festivals Possession is enacted in many contexts, including at temples and during festivals, where other rituals to Māriyammaṉ are also performed. Animal sacrifice has traditionally been central to Māriyammaṉ’s worship, most notably the sacrifice of a buffalo. In her magnum opus, Biardeau assembles textual, ethnographic, and iconographic evidence to elucidate the history and contemporary practices surrounding buffalo sacrifice in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, and Orissa [5]. Other core rituals include piercing the skin and tongue with skewers; hook-swinging; carrying the firepot, through which devotees share in the goddess’s heat; fire-walking; rolling circumambulation; offering nine grains; and offering and wearing cooling neem leaves [2, 6, 9]. These rituals

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are essential components of the annual festivals for Māriyammaṉ in South India [4–6, 9, 16, 24], Malaysia [17], and Guyana [18]. Māriyammaṉ is traditionally a low-caste village goddess; the renowned temple in Thiruverkadu was reportedly under Paraiyar (Untouchable) control until a few decades ago ([19], pp. 93–94). But in some temples, the goddess and her worship have evolved to appeal more comfortably to middle-class tastes, including at the famous temple of Samayapuram and Melmaravattur ([2]; [20], pp. 129–170). Māriyammaṉ’s iconography includes full-bodied images, but she commonly appears in temples as a head surrounded by a cobra; she is also widely worshipped in aniconic forms, most notably anthills, as well as trees and stones. She also has an extensive film iconography [21].

Ma¯riyamman in the Diaspora ¯ Māriyammaṉ’s worship has spread throughout the Hindu diaspora, taking familiar as well as newer forms as the goddess and her devotees adapt to different sociopolitical and cultural contexts. Balasundaram [22] explores the worship of Māriyammaṉ on tea plantations in Sri Lanka; Clothey describes Māriyammaṉ shrines in Singapore ([17], pp. 58–77) and festivals in Kuala Lumpur (176–198). Pintchman profiles the Karumariamman temple in Pontiac, Michigan [19, 23], and Waghorne explores temples in the USA and the UK, in addition to Chennai [20]. Younger describes the Māriyammaṉ festival in Guyana ([18], pp. 133–143), and Diesel [1] provides an overview of the stories and worship of Tamil Hindu goddesses, including Māriyammaṉ, with a focus on KwaZulu-Natal.

Cross-References ▶ Africa, Hinduism in ▶ Durgā ▶ Globalization (Hinduism) ▶ Goddesses: Overview ▶ Hinduism in Canada ▶ Hinduism in Guyana

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▶ Hinduism in Malaysia ▶ Hinduism in Singapore ▶ Hinduism (Overview) ▶ Kaaval Katavul (Guarding Deities) ▶ Kali ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Middle-Class Hinduism ▶ Pārvatī ▶ Pilgrimage ▶ Possession (Hinduism) ▶ Sacrifice (Village) ▶ Śākta Āgamas ▶ Śiva ▶ Southeast Asia, Hinduism In ▶ Śūdra ▶ Village Religion ▶ Vrata ▶ Women, Overview

References 1. Diesel A (2005) The suffering mothers. The Hindu goddesses as empowering role models for women. Alternation, Special Edition 2:35–53 2. Harman W (2012) From fierce to domesticated: Mariyamman joins the middle class. Nidān: Int J Study Hinduism 24:41–65 3. Srinivasan P (2012) The ascetic goddess who is half woman: female authority in the discourses of Māriyammaṉ’s Tapas. Nidān: Int J Study Hinduism 24:66–83 4. Beck BEF (1981) The goddess and the demon: a local South Indian festival and its wider context. Puruṣārtha 5:83–136 5. Biardeau M (2004) Stories about posts: vedic variations around the Hindu goddess (trans: Hiltebeitel A, Reiniche, M-L, Walker J). University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Craddock E (2001) Reconstructing the split goddess as Śakti in a tamil village. In: Pintchman T (ed) Seeking Mahādevī: constructing the identities of the Hindu great goddess. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 145–169 7. Doniger W (1999) Splitting the difference: gender and myth in ancient Greece and India. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 8. Van Voorthuizen A (2004) Māriyammaṉ’s Śakti: the miraculous power of a smallpox goddess. In: Korte A-M (ed) Women and miracle stories: a multidisciplinary exploration. Numen book series: studies in the history of religions, vol 88. Brill, Leiden

Ma¯riyamman ¯ 9. Foulston L (2002) At the feet of the goddess: the divine feminine in local Hindu religion. Sussex Academic Press, Brighton 10. Harman W (2011) Possession as protection and affliction: the goddess Mariyamman’s fierce grace. In: Ferrari FM (ed) Health and religious rituals in South Asia: disease, possession and healing. Routledge, New York, pp 185–198 11. Trawick M (2017) Death, beauty, struggle: untouchable women create the world. University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 12. Trawick Egnor M (1983) The changed mother or what the smallpox goddess did when there was no more smallpox. Contrib Asian Stud 18:24–45 13. Hancock ME (1995) The dilemmas of domesticity: possession and devotional experience among urban Smārta women. In: Harlan L, Courtright PB (eds) From the margins of Hindu marriage: essays on gender, religion, and culture. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 60–91 14. Kapadia K (1996) Dancing the goddess: possession and class in Tamil South India. Modern Asian Stud 30(2):423–445 15. Srinivasan P (2014) Constructing goddess worship: colonial ethnographic and public health discourses in South India. In: Padma S (ed) Inventing and reinventing the goddess: contemporary iterations of Hindu deities on the move. Lexington Books, Lanham, pp 63–88 16. Brubaker RL (1979) Barbers, washermen, and other priests: servants of the South Indian village and its goddess. Hist Relig 19(2):128–152 17. Clothey FW (2006) Ritualizing on the boundaries: continuity and innovation in the Tamil diaspora. University of South Carolina Press, Columbia 18. Younger P (2002) Playing host to deity: festival religion in the South Indian tradition. Oxford University Press, New York 19. Pintchman T (2014) From local goddess to locale goddess: Karumariamman as divine mother in a North American Hindu temple. In: Padma S (ed) Inventing and reinventing the goddess: contemporary iterations of Hindu deities on the move. Lexington Books, Lanham, pp 89–102 20. Waghorne JP (2004) Diaspora of the gods: modern Hindu temples in an urban middle-class world. Oxford University Press, New York 21. Srinvasan P (2010) The creative ‘Modern’ and the myths of the goddess of poxes. In: Dimitrova D (ed) Religion in literature and film in South Asia. Palgrave MacMillan, New York, pp 83–91 22. Balasundaram S (2014) An indentured Tamil goddess: Mariyamman’s migration to Ceylon’s plantations as a worker. In: Padma S (ed) Inventing and reinventing the goddess: contemporary iterations of Hindu deities on the move. Lexington Books, Lanham, pp 103–120

Ma¯rkandeya ˙ 23. Pintchman T (2016) The goddess’s Shaligrams. In: Pintchman T, Dempsey CG (eds) Material religion in South Asian traditions. State University of New York Press, Albany, pp 115–134 24. Moreno M, Marriott M (1990) Humoral transactions in two Tamil cults: Murukan and Mariyamman. In: Marriott M (ed) India through Hindu categories. Contributions to Indian sociology, occasional studies, vol 5. Sage, New Delhi, pp 149–167

Ma¯riya¯tta¯l ˙ ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Ma¯riya¯yi ▶ Māriyammaṉ

Ma¯rkandeya ˙ Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

Definition Prominent mythical sage.

Long-Lived Sage Mārkaṇḍeya is a sage, a brahmarṣi, who is very prominent in the Mahābhārata, where he is active in the education of the Pāṇḍavas and his name also gives its title to the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa. He seems not to be found in Vedic literature. In the Mahābhārata, he is not a god, but he has special wisdom of a type taking him beyond the narrow

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vision possessed by many gods, and like other sages such as Nārada and Vyāsa, he both provides teachings and participates in the action of the Mahābhārata narrative. What is most conspicuous about him and gives him his special knowledge is his immense age. He is one of the few people who has witnessed the beginning and end of kalpas, which means he has seen the creation and destruction of the cosmos. The archetypal image of Mārkaṇḍeya is given in an early chapter of the third book of the MBh where he is declared to be “a man of boundless soul and long-lived in the Law. . .” (3, 32; 10,1: 282). In the Rāmāyaṇa, he is several times listed as one of a group of sages and is said to be “long-lived,” and in the Mārkaṇḍeyasamāsyāparvan of the Mahābhārata, the sages and the Pāṇḍavas ask him “Is there anyone longer-lived (cirajātatara) than you?” and a myth (3, 191; 1:605–606) is narrated which tells how he is one of the longest living of all creatures. Finally, the extremity of his age is signaled at 3, 186, 2: “You have witnessed, great hermit, the end of many thousands of eons; no one in the world has lived as long as you have, except the great-spirited Brahmā Parameṣṭhin” (1: 585).

As Teacher While Mārkaṇḍeya is found at many places in the Mahābhārata, his most significant intervention in the plot occurs in its third book (3, 179–283; 1: 568–664), while the Pāṇḍavas and their retinue are in the Kāmyaka Forest or “forest of desires.” It is in the famous Mārkaṇḍeyasamāsyāparvan (2: 613–662), where he teaches Yudhiṣṭhira, in particular, his brothers and many brahmins about cosmogony, cosmology, dharma, philosophy, and devotion. This set of contents mirrors all of the important themes that conceptually shape the epic as a whole and Brahmin culture as it is being developed conceptually at that time. But he is not just an indifferent witness who describes what he sees, because he is both emotionally responsive to some aspects of what he describes and is also actively involved in the action in one famous

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episode where he directly encounters Viṣṇu. It is not entirely clear what the purpose of this teaching is in the immediate context of the Mahābhārata’s third book, except that it offers the Pāṇdavas a total picture of the larger cosmos in which they live, exploring questions of dharma and cosmology, in anticipation of preparing them for the battle that will inevitably come.

As Devotee of Visnu ˙˙ He is a participant in certain dramatic events integral to the development of the devotional frame of the Mahābhārata insofar as it relates to the god Viṣṇu. In the famous narrative of 3, 186–187 (1: 585–593), he is portrayed as becoming a devotee of Viṣṇu/Nārāyana and a direct consequence of him becoming a devotee is that he can now genuinely teach Vaiṣṇava theology to the Pāṇḍavas because of his personal vision of Viṣṇu. The story runs thus: “Mārkaṇḍeya finds himself as the last surviving creature at the end of the cosmic destruction and he wanders about on a cosmic ocean. He swims around until he sees a banyan tree in the midst of the ocean, and on one of its branches he finds a child sitting. Despite his great knowledge he is shocked. He then enters the child’s mouth and sees the entire world before him, and though wandering through it for one hundred years he can find no end. So he seeks refuge in the god (3, 186, 112; 1: 590), who takes him out of his body and gives him a personal viewing of the god’s true form, leading Mārkaṇḍeya to bow before him in a manner appropriate for a devotee. He then requests the god to tell him about himself (3186.122; 1: 590) and what he really is. He agrees to tell him this, knowledge which is unknown to the gods and that he is doing so because Mārkaṇḍeya is devoted to the deceased ancestors, he has come to him for refuge and because of his great celibacy (3, 187, 2; 1: 591). Following which is a long statement of Vaiṣṇava theology, where Nārāyaṇa declares himself to be Viṣṇu as well as all the other gods, and also everything else, including the Vedas, the sacrifice, the directions and whatever else that can be seen.

Ma¯rkandeya ˙

In the midst of his speech he announces himself as the avatāra (3, 187, 26; 1: 592). At the end of the chapter Mārkaṇḍeya eulogizes him in a manner reminiscent of the stotra like praise form one finds so frequently in all devotional literature.” While this has the purpose of ensuring that the Pāṇḍavas, who are witnessing the vision being conveyed to them, will now know Kṛṣṇa to be Viṣṇu, it also represents an important irruption of Vaiṣṇava theology in this part of the Mahābhārata. What is normative here, however, is not just what he learns but the process by which he learns it. In his desolation on the primeval ocean and then his discovery of Nārāyaṇa’s true nature and the accompanying gift of boons, he undergoes a series of transformation; the end result is his acquisition of devotee status. This occurs elsewhere in the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas (3: 25–57) and here associates Mārkaṇḍeya very much with emerging Vaiṣṇava devotion. It is this episode and his teaching in the Mahābhārata’s third book that really establishes Mārkaṇḍeya’s status as a prominent Hindu sage. This status was enhanced with the attribution to him of the Mārkaṇḍeya Purāṇa (6th–8th ACE), but he does not appear much in it except as a primary interlocutor. Over the past 50 years, there have been at least three films – in Tamil and Telugu – made of Mārkaṇḍeya as a devotee of Viṣṇu.

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Dattātreya ▶ Dharma

References 1. Van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata volume 2. The Book of the Assembly Hall, 3. The Book of the Forest. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 2. Biardeau M (2002) Le Mahābhārata, Un récit fondateur du brahmanisme et son interprétation, vol 1. Éditions du Seuil, Paris 3. Bailey G (1988) The semantics of bhakti in the Vāmanapurāṇa. Rivista degli Studi Orientali LXII:25–57

Mathematics

Maruti ▶ Hanumān (Hanumant, Hanūman)

Maskarin ▶ Ājīvika

Materialism ▶ Cārvāka

Mathematics Subhash Kak Department of Computer Science, School of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA

Synonyms Algebra; Calculus; Gaṇita

Definition Concerning the measurement, properties, and relationships of quantities and sets, using numbers and symbols.

Introduction Indian texts have many ill-understood mathematical allusions and they speak of large numbers at many places. The Yajurveda gives a sequence of powers of 10 going to 1012. In the Vedic book called Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa (ŚB), there is a sequence speaking of different successive divisions of the year that amounts to 10,800  156

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parts. Elsewhere, the number of stars is given as 1.08  107. Other numbers are used symbolically [13]. A famous verse from the Īśa Upaniṣad speaks of “fullness” from which “fullness” arises and if “fullness” is subtracted from it, “fullness” remains, which indicates that the Vedic authors had the intuition of the mathematical idea of infinity. In another text, there is explicit mention of infinity as being uncountable. Some stories in the texts have a mathematical basis. For example, the Maitrāyaṇīya Saṃhitā has the story of Manu with ten wives, who have one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, and ten sons, respectively. The one son allied with the nine sons, and the two sons allied with the eight, and so on until the five sons were left by themselves. They asked the father for help, and he gave them each a samidh, or “oblation stick,” which they used to defeat all of the other sons. Since the ten sons did not ally with anyone, and the pairing of the others, except the five left over, is in groups of ten, the counting is in the base 10 system. In this mathematical story, the sticks help make the five stronger than the other 50. Perhaps this happens because each stick has a power of 10, and therefore, the 5 now have a total power of 55 which vanquishes the 50. This could imply knowledge of the place value system if one conjectures that each oblation stick is in the higher place value so that 50 + 5 ¼ 55. In ŚB, the total number of syllables in the Ṛgveda is taken to be 432,000, equal to the number of muhūrtas in 40 years (each muhūrta ¼ 48 min). The Yajurveda and the Sāmaveda taken together are taken to be another 432,000 syllables. An early index to the Ṛgveda due to Śaunaka states that the number of words in the book is 153,826, and this number is twice 76,913, which is a prime number. Since the mantras are in verses of two lines, one might expect that the number 76,913 is the more basic one and it was deliberately chosen. Likewise, the total number of verses in the Ṛgveda is 10,522 ¼ 2  5,261, and 5,261 is prime. But these two examples of primality could just be accidental, unless one could show that the Vedic authors actually knew this concept [10].

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It appears that in the Vedic texts, one can distinguish between numbers that are derived from observed phenomena and others that are ideal, or have an abstract basis. It is the latter numbers that are likely to be prime. It is due to the assumption of connections, bandhu-, between the astronomical, the physical, and the elemental, which is central to Vedic thought, that many numbers are astronomical and related to the motions of the sun, the moon, and the planets. Other numbers show up where the narrative transcends astronomy or physical structure and describes the Puruṣa, the Cosmic Man, as in yantras. These are nonastronomical and may be prime or have large prime factors. Astronomical numbers in the Vedic texts are related to the 360 tithis of the lunar year, the 365 or 366 days of the solar year (or 371 or 372 tithis), the 27 or 28 nakṣatras, the 29 days of the month, numbers related to the divisions of the year, the planet orbits, synchronization periods for the lunisolar motions or planet motions, and so on. Another astronomical number is 108, the distance to the sun or the moon in terms of multiples of their respective diameters, and it figures in the earliest temple design. This number is also related to the nakṣatra year of 324 days (12 “months” of 27 lunar days). The earliest extant astronomy is in the Vedāṅga Jyotiṣa [9] which has an internal date of the middle of the second millennium B.C.E., and this provides an idea of the mathematics of that period. Astronomical numbers are generally highly composite. The best examples are the cosmic cycle numbers, such as the longest cycle of 311,040,000 million years. Other numbers, which appear nonastronomical, may actually have an astronomical basis. For example, the 33 gods are likely related to the count of 27 nakṣatras, the five planets, and the moon. Or consider Āyurveda physiology where the number of joints in the body (marma) is taken to be 107, a prime number. Its primality may not be the reason for its choice, because the 108 disks of the sun from the earth may have been taken to be mirrored in 108 links from the feet to the crown, and these 108 links will then have 107 joints. Some of the nonastronomical origin

Mathematics

numbers may not be actual counts, but rather ideal counts and, therefore, the choice of the number as a prime becomes significant.

Bra¯hmanas and the Śulbasūtras ˙ The Brāhmaṇas and the Śulbasūtras include several mathematical results that include the socalled Pythagoras theorem, many centuries before its later discovery in Greece [5, 17, 19]. The other theorems of the Śulba include: • The diagonals of a rectangle bisect each other. • The diagonals of a rhombus bisect each other at right angles. • The area of a square formed by joining the middle points of the sides of a square is half of the area of the original one. • A quadrilateral formed by the lines joining the middle points of the sides of a rectangle is a rhombus whose area is half of that of the rectangle. • A parallelogram and rectangle on the same base and within the same parallels have the same area. • If the sum of the squares of two sides of a triangle is equal to the square of the third side, then the triangle is right angled. A variety of constructions are listed in the Śulba texts. Some of the geometric construction in these texts are based on algebraic solutions of simultaneous equations, both linear and quadratic [15]. It appears that geometric techniques were used to solve many of these problems. These texts are familiar with fractions. The altars built according to the Śulba rules demonstrate knowledge of the lunar and the solar years. Since the shapes of the earth and sun altars were different (round and square, respectively), the representation of the year required constructions equating the area of the circle to that of the square. The early Śulbasūtra of Baudhāyana has several examples of Pythagorean triples and approxpffiffiffi pffiffiffi imations to π and 2. The approximation to 2 is

Mathematics

quite remarkable in that it is correct to 5 decimal places: pffiffiffi 1 1 1 21þ þ  3 3  4 3  4  34 Suśruta in his Saṃhitā says 63 combinations can be made out of 6 rasas or tastes (bitter, sour, salt, astringent, sweet, and hot) taking them one, two, or more times. A calculation of combinations gives us 6, 15, 20, 15, 6, and 1 that does add up to 63. The theory of permutations and combinations plays an important role in Indian music theory as given in the Nāṭya Śāstra, Bṛhaddeśī, Saṅgīta Ratnākara, and other works. The ancient text Bṛhaddevatā (c. 500 B.C.E.) has the result: 2 þ 3 þ    þ 1, 000 ¼ 500, 499

A Formal Structure and Binary Numbers Mathematics at its deepest level concerns formal structures. Pāṇini’s Aṣṭādhyāyī, “The Eight Chapters,” (fifth century B.C.E.) provides 4,000 abstract and algebraic rules that describe the Sanskrit of his day completely. It is remarkable that Pāṇini set out to describe the entire grammar in terms of a finite number of rules. Scholars have shown that the grammar of Pāṇini represents a universal grammatical and computing system [3, 14]. The Aṣṭādhyāyī deals ostensibly with the Sanskrit language. However, it presents the framework for a universal grammar that can apply to any language. Two important early commentaries on this grammar are by Kātyāyana and Patañjali. Its philosophical basis was examined in an important work by Bhartṛhari in the fifth century C.E. Pāṇini’s grammar begins with metarules, or rules about rules using a special technical language, or metalanguage. This is followed by several sections on how to generate words and sentences starting from roots, as well as rules on transformation of structure. The last part of the grammar is a one-directional string of rules, where a given rule in the sequence ignores all

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rules that follow. Pāṇini also uses recursion by allowing elements of earlier rules to recur in later rules. This anticipates in form and spirit by more than 2,500 years the idea of a computer program. In Pāṇini’s system, a finite set of rules is enough to generate infinity of sentences. The algebraic structure of Pāṇini’s rules was not appreciated in the West until when similar ideas were proposed in modern linguistics and computer science. Pāṇini took the idea of action as defined by the verb and developed a comprehensive theory by providing a context for action in terms of its relations to agents and situations. This theory is called the kāraka theory. These kārakas are (1) that which is fixed when departure takes place; (2) the recipient of the object; (3) the instrument, or the main cause of the effect; (4) the basis, or location; (5) what the agent seeks to attain, deed, and object; and (6) the agent. These kārakas do not always correspond to the nature of action; therefore, the kāraka theory is only a via media between grammar and reality. It is general enough to subsume a large number of cases, and where not directly applicable, the essence of the action/transaction can still be cast in the kāraka mold. To do this, Pāṇini requires that the intent of the speaker be considered. Rather than a structure based on conventions regarding how to string together words, Pāṇini’s system is based on meaning. The kārakas do not have a one-to-one correspondence with grammatical cases. Grammars based on Pāṇini’s ideas have been devised for languages other than Sanskrit also. Binary numbers are described by Piṅgala. According to an old Indian tradition, Piṅgala was the younger brother of Pāṇini and this is so stated by Ṣaḍadguruśiṣya in his Vedārtha Dīpikā. Other scholars date him a couple of centuries later. In Europe, a rediscovery of the binary notation, in a slightly different form, was made by Gottfried Leibniz (1646–1716) at the end of the seventeenth century. The syllables of a meter are prosodically either short (laghu) or long (guru). A laghu syllable is a short vowel followed by at most one consonant and any other syllable is a guru. Within each

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quarter verse a sequence of laghus and gurus defines the meter, and this is quite like the representation of a number by the succession of 0s and 1s used in the binary arithmetic of computers. Piṅgala presented a method where all the binary laghu-guru sequences were shown as a matrix, prastāra. Given a specific sequence he showed how this could be converted into an equivalent decimal number; he also showed how a given decimal number could be expanded into the sequence of laghus and gurus. This suggests that an understanding of the basis in the representation of numbers existed. Piṅgala summed the geometric series 1 + 2 + 22 +    + 2n. In the Chandaḥśāstra two basic classificatory schemes for meters are presented. One of them is direct and it represents a regular binary number mapping; the other represents a meter in terms of groups of three syllables, which is really an octal representation of numbers. The Piṅgala octal assignment has much similarity with the Kaṭapayādi notation for representing numerals as words. The term lopa as null morpheme appears in Pāṇini’s grammar. Piṅgala uses śūnya as a marker in his algorithm. The symbol zero seems to have been begun being used in its current form in the early centuries of C.E. and it appears to have emerged from the symbol for Brāhmī ten which was a “fish” sign laying sideways.

The Positional Number System Numbers in Sanskrit are expressed in a decimal style. Brāhmī script was in general use in India during the centuries that the sign for zero is likely to have been developed. The round sign for zero is likely to have emerged from the 10 in Brāhmī that is written as a fish sign facing left and a careless writing of 10 would have looked like a vertical bar (for one) and a round sign. It is noteworthy that the signs for 5 and 10 in Brāhmī are similar to the corresponding signs in the Indus script [10]. It is also significant that there is much correspondence and continuity between the archaeological remains of the Harappan period and the historical period [1, 10].

Mathematics

One of the words for zero in Sanskrit is kha, and as a consonant in the Brāhmī syllabary, it is a round circle with a hook on top. It appears that the full potential of the zero sign (also called śūnya) was realized around the first century C.E. for soon after that the philosopher Nāgārjuna propounded a philosophy that elevated the idea of śūnyatā (emptiness). The positional system was apparently used alongside the earlier system where the multiples of 10, 20, and so on had their own signs for several hundred years. For a parallel consider Europe where it took the Indian numerals nearly 600 years to oust the less convenient Roman numerals [6].

Mathematics in the Classical Age The original Sūrya Siddhānta (c. 400 C.E.) contains the roots of modern trigonometry. The jyā or bhuja-jyā of an arc of a circle is actually the half chord (ardha-jya or jyārdha) of double the arc. In astronomical calculations it was useful to calculate the Rsine (jyā), the Rcosine (koṭi or koṭi-jyā), and Rversine (śara) of the arc (cāpa). The study of Rsines played a unique role in Indian mathematics [2]. At a later age, geometry itself got to be called jyotpatti (jyā + utpatti, source of Rsines). Āryabhaṭa (born 476 C.E.) is the first of the great astronomer-mathematicians of the classical age of India. His main contributions in mathematics included the good approximation of 3.1416 for π, a table of sine differences, and a method to solve indeterminate equation of a certain type that is important in astronomy. He used a very novel representation of numbers as words. His figure for the sidereal rotation of the earth was extremely accurate. He also gave an algorithm for the extraction of the cube root of a number [11]. He presented the kuṭṭaka (pulverizer) algorithm to solve an indeterminate equation of first order. Āryabhaṭa gave the earliest tables of sine, cosine, and versine values, in 3.75 intervals from 0 to 90 , to four decimal places of accuracy. Āryabhaṭa wrote at least two books: the Āryabhaṭīya and the Āryabhaṭa-siddhānta,

Mathematics

of which the latter is known only through references in other works. The Āryabhaṭīya is one of the landmarks of the history of astronomy. Apart from its continuing influence on Indian astronomy, it was translated into Arabic as Arajbahar, which in turn influenced Western astronomers [18]. The Āryabhaṭīya is divided into four parts. The first part, Gītikā, provides basic definitions and important astronomical parameters. It mentions the number of rotations of the earth and the revolutions of the sun, moon, and the planets in a period of 4,320,000 years. This is a partially heliocentric system because it presents the rotation information of the planets with respect to the sun. The second part, Gaṇita, deals with mathematics. The third part, Kālakriyā, deals with the determination of the true position of the sun, the moon, and the planets by means of eccentric circles and epicycles. The fourth part, Gola, deals with planetary motions on the celestial sphere and gives rules relating to various problems of spherical astronomy. The notable features of the Āryabhaṭīya are a theory of the earth’s rotation and excellent planetary parameters based on own observations made around 512 C.E. [4]. His computation methods made the Sūrya-siddhānta techniques more accurate. Unlike the epicycles of Greek astronomers, which remain the same in size at all places, Āryabhaṭa’s epicycles vary in size from place to place. Āryabhaṭa took the sun, the moon, and the planets to be in conjunction in zero longitude at sunrise at Laṅkā on Friday, 18 February, 3102 B. C.E. In a period of 4.32 million years, the moon’s apogee and ascending node too are taken to be in conjunction with the planets. This allowed him to solve various problems using whole numbers. The theory of planetary motion in the Āryabhaṭīya is based on the following ideas: the mean planets revolve in geocentric orbits; the true planets move in eccentric circles or in epicycles; and planets have equal linear motion in their respective orbits. The epicycle technique of Āryabhaṭa is different from that of Ptolemy and it appears to be derived from an old Indian tradition.

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Āryabhaṭa made important innovations on the traditional Sūrya-siddhānta methods for the computation of the planetary positions. The earlier methods used four corrections for the superior planets and five for the inferior planets; Āryabhaṭa reduced the number of corrections for the inferior planets to three and improved the accuracy of the results for the superior planets. Āryabhaṭa considers the sky to be 4.32 million times the distance to the sun. He and his followers believed that beyond the visible universe illuminated by the sun and limited by the sky is the infinite invisible universe. Rather than taking the universe to be destroyed at the end of the Brahmā’s day of 4.32 billion years, he took the earth to go through expansion and contraction equal to one yojana. The Brāhma-sphuṭa-siddhānta (c. 628 C.E.) of Brahmagupta is the first available text that discusses the mathematics of zero in which six operations with zero are discussed in the chapter on algebra; he also deals with operations concerning positives and negatives. He gave a second-order interpolation formula for the computation of Rsines for arbitrary arcs. He presented a theorem on the diagonals of a cyclic quadrilateral and the quadratic indeterminate equation x2  N y2 ¼ 1 is solved by him for special cases. The Bakhshali Manuscript. This birch bark manuscript was discovered in 1881 by a farmer digging a field about 50 miles from Peshawar. Written on leaves of birch in Śāradā script, it has been dated to around the eighth century based on paleographic arguments. The text is a collection of algorithms and sample problems in verse, with a commentary explaining them in a combination of prose and numerical notation. It provides unique evidence for how medieval Indian mathematics was written outside of the field of astronomy. The topics covered by the manuscript include the rule of three, linear equations with as many as five unknowns, the quadratic equation, arithmetic (and geometric) progressions, compound series, quadratic indeterminate equations, simultaneous equations, fractions and other advances in notation including the use of zero and negative sign, and method for calculating square root. The

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approximation used for finding the square root was pffiffiffi pffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi r r 2 ∕ 4a2 A ¼ ð a2 þ r Þ ¼ a þ  2a 2ða þ r∕ 2aÞ Vīrasena (ninth century) considered logarithms to base 2 and 3. Mahāvīra (ninth century) made important contributions to algebra and he found a general result for the area and diagonals of a cyclic quadrilateral. Mañjula (tenth century) made contributions to differential equations. Bhāskara (1114–1185) wrote several works on mathematics and astronomy. The first two sections of Siddhānta-Śiromaṇi (SS) deal with mathematics. His contributions include arithmetical and geometrical series, plane and sold geometry, and combinatorics. In algebra, he recognized that a positive number has two square roots and he presented solutions of general equations, including a general solution of x2  N y2 ¼ 1 using Jayadeva’s cakravāla (recursive) method of the tenth century. He explains that one could speak of two kinds of kuṭṭākāra: one with residue and the other without residue. Bhāskara presented the rules concerning zero in a systematic manner. He stated: “If zero is added to a number, the result is the same number; the square etc. of zero is zero; any number divided by zero is khahara (infinity); the product of a number and zero is zero.” Furthermore, he argued that in some cases where division by zero has been necessitated by the algebraic operations in an intermediate step, the 0 of the denominator may be carried forward and it can cancel out at the end with a zero of the numerator. This is equivalent to the modern operation of the limit. Bhāskara also stated that anything added to khahara (infinity) leaves it unchanged. He developed differential calculus and stated its foundational trigonometric formulas. He gave an excellent rational approximation to the sine function. To compute the daily motion of planets, he introduced the notion of instantaneous velocity. The result δ(sin θ) ¼ δθ cos θ is implicit in his work.

Mathematics

The interpolation formulas used by Bhāskara included the second-order difference formula: nð n  1Þ 2  ½Df ðxÞ  Df ðx  hÞ

f ðx þ nhÞ ¼ f ðxÞ þ nDf ðxÞ þ

Kerala School of Mathematics The flourishing of the Kerala school of mathematics and astronomy began with Mādhava of Saṅgamagrāma (c. 1340–1425). He brought mathematics into the modern age by consideration of infinite series approximations for a range of trigonometric functions. He also made pioneering contributions to calculus, trigonometry, geometry, and algebra [7, 12]. The other major mathematicians in the Kerala school included Parameśvara (1380–1460), Nīlakanṭha Somayāji (1444–1545), Jyeṣṭhadeva (1500–1610), and Acyuta Piṣāraṭi (c. 1550–1621). The most important results, series expansion for trigonometric functions, were given in a book by Nīlakanṭha called Tantrasaṅgraha (c. 1500). The theorems were stated without proof, but proofs for the series for sine, cosine, and inverse tangent were provided a century later in the work Yuktibhāṣā (c.1530), by Jyeṣṭhadeva, and also in a commentary on Tantrasaṅgraha. Mādhava used the improved series to derive a rational expression for π correct up to 11 decimal places. This is cited in the works of Nīlakanṭha and Śaṅkara Vāriyar (c. 1500–1560): p

2, 827, 433, 388, 233 ¼ 3:141592653592 9  1011

The infinite series obtained by Mādhava include sin x ¼ x 

x3 x5 x7 þ  þ  3! 5! 7!

cos x ¼ 1 

x2 x4 x6 þ  þ  2! 4! 6!

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Two impressive representations of π found by him include

commentary on the Kāma-sūtra, Yaśodhara describes two kinds of this writing [8]:

p 1 1 1 ¼ 1  þ  þ  4 3 5 7

• Kauṭiliyam. In this letter substitutions are based on phonetic relations, such as vowels becoming consonants. A simplification of this form is called durbodha. • Mūladeviya. Its cipher alphabet consists of pairing letters and using the reciprocal ones.

and the much faster convergent: p 3 1 1 1   ¼ þ þ  4 4 33  3 53  5 73  7 These were used to derive rational approximations for π. Mādhava’s formulas for sine and cosine are equivalent to the interpolation formula: f ðx þ nhÞ ¼ f ðxÞ þ h f 0 ðxÞ þ

h2 00 f ðxÞ þ    2!

Indian mathematicians used concepts of integration, differentiation, and operations with infinitesimals. The operation with a vanishing quantity was called śūnya prāyamāya sāṅkhya (number that has almost become zero).

Notation and Representation Symbolic algebra has a long history in India and the simplification of notation led to increased accessibility of mathematics. Addition was indicated by placing the numbers side by side, subtraction by placing a dot over the subtrahend, and division by placing the divisor below the dividend, similar to modern notation but without the bar. Multiplication, evolution, and unknown quantities were represented by abbreviations of appropriate terms. The two sides of an equation were written one below the other; the unknown variable was often called yā which is short for yāvattāvat. Bhūta-saṅkhyā (where numbers are represented by words) and Kaṭapayādi where the mapping is based on a matrix which maps numbers to words in more than one way were frequently used. Āryabhaṭa developed his own representational scheme. Vātsyāyana’s Kāma-sūtra describes cryptographic writing as mlecchita-viklapa. In his

In the Bakhshālī manuscript, equations are set off from the text by horizontal and vertical boxes like modern displayed formulas. Numerals are expressed in decimal place form and the zero is represented by a round dot. Fractions are written in the familiar way, but with no line dividing numerator and denominator, and negative values are shown by a small cross after the number, similar to the modern “+” sign. The term yāvattāvat was used for the unknown variable. In Brahmagupta’s treatment of algebra in the Brāhma-sphuṭa-siddhānta, distinct colors are used to represent distinct unknowns. He also includes a full arithmetic of negative numbers. The use of negative numbers to represent points on a line to the left of a base point appears in Bhāskara’s Līlāvatī.

Proofs Most Indian mathematical books that have survived are books of theorems and formulas. The constructions and logical reasoning used to establish the results were a part of the commentarial tradition that has not always been preserved. Many proofs were devised by geometric constructions. Others proofs implicitly used mathematical induction as in results on mathematical series [16]. Some proofs employed reductio ad absurdum as in the proof given by Kṛṣṇa Daivajña (c. 1612) on the absence of a square root of a negative number in his commentary on Bhāskara’s Bījagaṇita (algebra): There is no square root for a negative number: it cannot be the square of a positive number since the product will be another positive number; it cannot be the square of a negative number since the product then also will be a positive number.

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Thus, if a negative number cannot be the square of either some positive or negative numbers, no number can be the square root of a negative number.

Spread of Indian Mathematics Indian mathematics has influenced world mathematics in a profound way. The Indian number system and its many methods for the solution of geometric, arithmetic, and algebraic problems were spread to Europe by Arabic intermediaries. The notion of a formal generative system in the manner of Pāṇini’s grammar influenced not only mathematical thought but also other disciplines that include comparative and historical linguistics. Pāṇini’s grammar is the world’s first formal system. In devising his grammar, Pāṇini used auxiliary symbols, in which new affixes are designated to mark syntactic categories and the control of grammatical derivations. This technique, rediscovered by modern logicians, is a standard method in the design of computer programming languages. Indian mathematical ideas accompanied the spread of Buddhism into China in early centuries C.E. The translations of Āryabhaṭa’s Āryabhaṭīya as Arajbahar, Brahmagupta’s BSS as Zij alSindhind, and his Khaṇḍakhādyaka as Arkand had far-reaching influence on Arabic works and through them on European astronomy and mathematics. The Arabic scholar al-Khwarizmi (c. 780–850 C.E.) is known to have written two works: one based on Indian astronomy (Zij) and the other on Indian arithmetic (possibly Kitāb alAdad al-Hindi). A Latin translation of this second work “The Book of Hindu Reckoning” (Algorithmi De Numero Indorum) was made in Spain around the eleventh century. This book and Fibonacci’s Liber Abaci (Book of Calculation) that appeared in 1202 spread Indian numerals into Europe. Some scholars have suggested that knowledge of the results of the Kerala school of astronomy and mathematics was transmitted to Europe

Mathematics

through the trade route from Kerala by traders and Jesuit missionaries [7, 12].

Cross-References ▶ Astronomy ▶ Numbers ▶ Science

References 1. Abhyankar KD (2008) Pre-siddhantic Indian astronomy. I-SERVE, Hyderabad 2. Achar BNN (2002) Āryabhaṭa and the table of Rsines. Indian J Hist Sci 37:95–99 3. Bhate S, Kak S (1993) Pāṇini’s grammar and computer science. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 72:79–94 4. Billard R (1971) L’astronomie indienne. Ecole Francaise d’Extreme Orient, Paris 5. Datta B, Singh AN (1962) History of Hindu mathematics, a source book, parts 1 and 2, (single volume). Asia Publishing House, Bombay 6. Ifrah G (2000) The universal history of numbers. Wiley, New York 7. Joseph GV (2000) The crest of the peacock: the nonEuropean roots of mathematics. Princeton University Press, Princeton 8. Kahn D (1967) The codebreakers: the story of secret writing. Macmillan, New York 9. Kak S (1995) The astronomy of the age of geometric altars. Q J R Astron Soc 36:385–396 10. Kak S (2012) The astronomical code of the Ṛgveda, 3rd edn. Oklahoma State University, Stillwater 11. Klintberg BO (1998) Were Aryabhata’s square and cube root methods originally from the Greeks? MSc dissertation in philosophy and science. London School of Economics and Political Sciences, London 12. Pearce IG (2001) Indian mathematics: redressing the balance. http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/his tory/Projects/Pearce/index.html 13. Rao SB (2000) Indian astronomy: an introduction. Universities Press, Hyderabad 14. Rao TRN, Kak S (2000) Computing science in ancient India. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 15. Saraswati Amma TA (1979) Geometry in ancient and medieval India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 16. Sarma KV, Ramasubramanian K, Srinivas MD, Sriram MS (2010) Gaṇita-Yukti-Bhāṣā of Jyeṣṭhadeva. Hindustan Book Agency, New Delhi 17. Sen SN, Bag AK (1983) The Śulbasūtras. Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 18. Shukla KS, Sarma DV (1976) Āryabhaṭīya of Āryabhaṭa. Indian National Science Academy, New Delhi 19. Srinivasiengar CN (1967) The history of ancient Indian mathematics. The World Press Private, Calcutta

Matrilineality (Hinduism)

Matrilineality (Hinduism) Paroma Sen Political Science Department, Lady Shri Ram College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

Definitions Section 17 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956: Special provisions respecting persons governed by marumakkathayam and aliyasantana laws. Section 14 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956: (1) Any property possessed by a female Hindu, whether acquired before or after the commencement of this Act, shall be held by her as full owner thereof and not as a limited owner. (2) Nothing contained in subsection (1) shall apply to any property acquired by way of gift or under a will or any other instrument or under a decree or order of a civil court or under an award where the terms of the gift, will or other instrument or the decree, and order or award prescribe a restricted estate in such property. Section 15 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956: General rules of succession in the case of female Hindus. (1) The property of a female Hindu dying intestate shall devolve according to the rules set out ill section 16: (a). Firstly, upon the sons and daughters (including the children of any predeceased son or daughter) and the husband (b). Secondly, upon the heirs of the husband (c). Thirdly, upon the mother and father (d). Fourthly, upon the heirs of the father (e). Lastly, upon the heirs of the mother (2) Notwithstanding anything contained in subsection (1): (a). Any property inherited by a female Hindu from tier father or mother shall devolve, in the absence of any son or daughter of the deceased (including the children of any predeceased son or daughter) not upon the other heirs referred to in subsection (1) in the order

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specified therein, but upon the heirs of the father (b). Any property inherited by a female Hindu from tier husband or from her father-in-law shall devolve, in the absence of any son or daughter of the deceased (including the children of any predeceased son or daughter) not upon the other heirs referred to in subsection (1) in the order specified therein, hill upon the heirs of the husband. Matrilineality (Hinduism) has always been at the crossroads of being both polytheistic and monotheistic religions. It is like a Venn diagram where there are intersecting circles of concepts, beliefs, and practices, of which some of the practices are followed by one section and the others followed by another section [1]. It is in this very context, along with the majorly patrilineal practices of the Hindu society, there is the presence of matriliny within it. Matrilineal practices of the Nayars of Kerala have been a topic of anthropological literature. Matriliny was practiced in Travancore among the upper castes, lower castes of Hindus among tribes, and also those of the Christians and Muslims. Interestingly, several other communities such as the Ezhavas, who practice patriliny, do so as they migrated from Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and were not the original inhabitants of Kerala. This was again different in certain other regions where they followed matriliny. Parasurama, the mythological founder of Kerala, introduced the system for the Brahmins to get favors from the Shudra women. This was exploited by the Nambutris. In addition to this theory, there are two other theories. The first one focuses on the need to provide a support base to Nayar men who were away from home to be in the army. This is followed by the view of matriliny to be based on a “property theory.” Despite a structural perspective provided by anthropologist from Kerala, Ananthakrishna Iyer, where the elder daughter got the status of the prime minister of the house being revered by her brothers, there is also an obverse theory that states that Nayar women in the process of entering into a conjugal relationship led a life of a concubine. Sambandham (conjugal relationship) was equated with concubinage, and

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husbands were not protecting wives in such a relationship but were called “visiting husbands” [2]. It also led to reinforcing the strict gender divide in Southern India through section 17 of the succession act and protecting the Marumakkathayam system among the Nayars of Kerala. The devolution of property under this system protects the tarawad property, the matrilineal succession of property, which is passed among mother’s Thazavi comprising mother and mother’s descendants along female line upholding the rights of women in the south through maintaining of customary law left behind a larger issue of whether such a devolution of property was indeed making women equal and absolute owners as would have been in the case of men in agnatic structure (Chellamma Kamalamma and Ors. vs Narayana Pillai Prabhakaran Nair 17.12.1992, AIR1993Ker146, ILR1993(2)Kerala1, 1993(1) KLJ187). While the customs of the Nayars found precedence, those of the Ezhavas were lost in these unending conundrums of overlapping laws in the same geographical region itself. Varied customs through section 4 of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, left spaces open and unchallenged certain other customary laws such as the Marumakkathayee law of Kerala Marumakkathayam system benefitted from the differences between Nambudiri men and Nayar women, where the former being Brahmins followed primogeniture system of succession in which the lack of succession by other sons except the elder son could be linked to matrilineal succession of property for the other sons [3]. Following this system, Nambudiri men could also have access to the Nayar women behind the façade of protecting and safeguarding their interest in the matrilineal succession [4]. In the process, there continued to be a hierarchized land ownership and practices of customary laws in complete divergence to the changes in the Hindu law. On the one hand, section 14 of 1956 Act made women absolute owners of their property from their previous status of limited ownership over landed property; on the other hand, Nambudiri women in the south were not placed in a better position compared to Nayar women (despite

Matrilineality (Hinduism)

section 17 of 1956 Act). It also took away rights of women, if any, out of the devolution based on Sambandham attributing to cases of conflict over claims of property by the husbands – especially shares of Nayar women – and the members of tarawad. In these cases, the courts had to share whether to allow devolution of property as per section 15 of the Act or follow section 17. This left open issues of whether situation of women in such societies was alleviated or there continued to be a conundrum of conflict, by virtue of being ruled by the Marumakkathayam customary law, which though was given special mention in the Act found it difficult to settle claims of rights of wives and daughters in their father’s/husband’s share and which otherwise would have been possible following section 4 of the Act. Apart from continuance of the conflict of interests among women across castes – Nambudhris and Nayars – it also led to same issues within the same caste; the differences between Nambudhris, Brahmins of Malabar and Ezhavas, and the tenants became sharper. This brings to the fore question of whether it was maintaining a pattern/order in the devolution of property that led to matrilineal tradition being followed or institutionalizing a land relation that led to following of a structure where class as well as caste distinctions remain untouched. In 2005, the changes introduced in Hindu Succession Act were (a) introduction of birth right for daughters and (b) inclusion of daughters in the coparcenary and its influence on the joint family system. Implicit in the law as construed was the accession in the autonomous decision-making capacities of woman particularly daughters to question the decision of the karta (head) over devolution of property. Whereas, the Hindu Succession Act, 1956, made woman absolute owners without bestowing them with the freedom to question the process of devolution of property by the male coparcenaries, with daughters placed at a subordinate position outside the structure of coparcenary. Thus, there was a change in the position of woman from being on the side of “accept/submission” to finding themselves on the other side with other coparcenaries and sharing the right of “questioning” the process of devolution of property.

Maya

References 1. Doniger W (2013) On Hinduism. Aleph, New Delhi 2. Sardamoni K (1999) Matriliny transformed: family, law and ideology in twentieth century Travancore. Sage Publications, New Delhi 3. Kodoth P (2001) Courting legitimacy or delegitimizing custom? Sexuality, Sambandham, and marriage reform in late nineteenth-century Malabar. Mod Asian Stud 35(2):349–384 4. Velayudhun M (1994) Changing roles and women’s narratives. Soc Sci 22:64–79

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goddess of wealth and prosperity, Lakshmi (www.wikipedia.org). Maya stands for anything that has real, material form, human or nonhuman, but that does not reveal the hidden principles and implicit knowledge that creates it [16]. Hendrick Vroom explains, “The term Maya has been translated as ‘illusion,’ but then it does not mean that the world is not real and is a figment of imagination. Maya means that the world is not as it seems; it is misleading as far as its true nature is concerned” [33].

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Introduction

▶ Manuscripts (Hinduism)

The entry explores the understanding of the word and concept of Maya from ancient Indian philosophies. Writings of various ancient scholars on this concept along with the manifestation of maya are mentioned hence forth.

Mausulas ▶ Pāśupatas

Understanding Maya

Maya Gitanjali Roy The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, Vadodara, Gujarat, India

Synonyms Illusions; Magic

Definition Swami Vivekananda said: “When the Hindu says the world is Maya, at once people get the idea that the world is an illusion” [19]. The word “Maya” in ancient Vedic literature refers to extraordinary powers and vision [16]. Maya is the power that conceals the real character of spirituality; it is spiritually unreal because its existence undergoes constant change [13, 18]. In Indian culture, “Maya” is also the

Maya is a Sanskrit word with unclear etymology [14, 22]. It probably roots from “ma” that is etymologically linked to words such as mother [28]. In Vedic literatures, the central meaning of Maya pins down to wisdom, power enabling, creative, catalyst, and active [15, 16]. The monist perspective of Indian philosophy believes maya to be the force responsible for perceiving individual as an infinite phenomenal world. Maya is created by the Almighty, God or Brahman, and is identical to him. A famous ancient scholar, Adi Shankaracharya stated that maya is inexpressible discourse about Brahman. Sri Ramakrishna Paramahansa believed that everything including maya is a face of God. He perceived maya as majestic and mysterious tapestry, a way of Divine for mankind. In a way, he acknowledged the presence and power of maya in relative plane, even for the people who have achieved nirvikalpa Samadhi or self-actualized level of consciousness. Rigveda (10.1777.1-3) includes the word maya in the context of magic, illusion, and power. It does not connote the word as good or bad

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[25]. Māyā-bheda (मायाभेद: discerning illusion) includes Rigveda hymns 10.177.1 through 10.177.3 [20]. Aurobindo [3], Reprinted 1998) states that the Rigveda implies Maya of two kinds: divine maya and undivine maya. Divine Maya is the foundation of truth and undivine Maya is the falsehood ([3], Reprinted 1998). The Yajurveda states maya an unfathomable plan [7]. The contextual meaning of Maya in Atharvaveda is “power of creation,” not illusion [25]. In ancient puranas, the lord Indra uses maya to conquer vritra [35], and lord Varuna’s powers are called Maya [4]. In Indian mythological stories, the gods (devas) and demons (asuras) use maya in the form of powerful magic against each other [4]. Rigveda (VII.104.24) and Atharvaveda (VIII.4.24) include an illustrative example where lord Indra invokes Maya against the sorcerers in illusory form [16]. The Aitareya Brahmana refers Maya as Dirghajihvi, i.e., hostile to gods and sacrifices [1]. The naturalism, rationalism, and ritualism school of the ancient Indian knowledge system questioned and debated on understanding of maya since long [31]. The rationalism school includes the Sankhya darshan. The Sankhya Darshan, one of the schools of Indian philosophy, described the universe and its elements as a result of interplay between Prakriti and Purusha. Earlier to Sankhya darshan, this concept is found in the Upanishads describing purusha as the eternal and unchanging consciousness and prakriti as the temporary and changing materialistic world; the purusha manifests itself as atman, the soul or self, and prakriti as maya [8]. The ritualism and naturalism include Vedanta and Yoga schools, respectively; they suggest that maya causes negative effects like ignorance, doubts, and errors. But for a complete realization of self, man needs to understand the invisible principles, incorporeal and the eternal truths along with his ignorance, doubts, and errors. The concept of Maya appears in numerous Upanishads. The Shvetashvatara Upanishad (4.9 to 4.10) contains the oldest occurrence of maya and Brahman where Brahman is the hidden reality

Maya

and everything else in the nature is maya. Human beings are besotted with the magic of maya. Thus creating a bondage to illusions and delusions, and for freedom and liberation, one must seek true insights and correct knowledge of the principles behind the hidden magic [9]. A similar interplay of Atman and maya is explained in Gaudapada’s commentaries on Mandukya Upanishad (2.16–19) (Deussen, Sixty Upanishads of Vedas, [10]). The Sarvasara Upanishad refers to two concepts: Mithya and Maya [2] where Mithya is illusion and Maya is all what is not Atman. Maya has no beginning but has an end. Maya can be studied and associated with Guṇas [2] because Maya brings in confusion, distraction, and obscurity in an individual’s search for self-knowledge [2]. Adi Shankaracharya’s commentary on the Taittiriya Upanishad suggests that realization of Brahman and self comes from understanding maya and rising beyond it [24]. The knowledge of maya is referred to as not true, or avidya, because of lack of awareness or reality [25]. In other words, Maya limits the knowledge of people about the things they know [11]. One needs to repel confusion, ignorance, and illusions. Only then the knower sees nothing else but his Self as fearless and permanent [24, 31]. Māyā has an existence with Brahman [17]. Maya is born, changes, evolves, and dies with time and circumstances. But Brahman is eternal, unchanging, invisible principle, and is unaffected absolute.

Maya in Different Schools of Indian Philosophy Sankhya School The Sankhya school defines existence of every element in the world due to two entities: prakriti and purusha. Purusha is consciousness, inactive, and supreme, and Prakriti is Maya. Prakriti consists of three gunas and maya. The maya is not illusion but real with three Guṇas in different proportions whose changing state of equilibrium defines the perceived reality [16].

Maya

In the Bhagavata philosophy, Maya has been described as “that which appears even when there is no object like silver in a shell and which does not appear in the atman” – with maya described as the power that creates, maintains, and destroys the universe [34]. Nyaya School The Nyaya school is realism-driven school of philosophy. Philosophers of the Nyaya school propounded theories of illusion using the word Mithya and stated that illusion is simply flawed cognition, incomplete cognition, or the absence of cognition [21]. They deny the division of the world as prakriti or purusha and denote them as an illusion. According to them, there is confusion or lack of comprehension or lack of cognitive effort in defining Prakriti (creative principle of matter/nature) or Purusha. To them, illusion has a cause, that rules of reason and proper Pramanas (epistemology) can uncover [21].

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Vedanta School Maya is a prominent and commonly referred to concept in Vedanta philosophies ([23, 27]). It is often translated as “illusion,” in the sense of “appearance” ([23, 27]). Mind creates a subjective experience of misunderstanding and interpreting Maya as the sole final reality. Philosophers of Vedanta school assert the “perceived world including people are not what they appear to be” [32]. Vedanta scholars believe in the invisible reality of self and soul like invisible norms at work and invisible nature of people and objects. On the same lines, Brodd [6] suggests that Maya manifests and propagates a sense of false duality (or divisional plurality). This manifestation is real, but it obfuscates and eludes the hidden principles and true nature of reality. Vedanta school holds that liberation is the unfettered realization and understanding of these invisible principles – the Self, that the Self (Soul) in oneself is same as the Self in another and the Self in everything (Brahman) [27].

Advaita Vedanta Yoga School In the Yoga school, maya is the evident world around us and it implies divine force [16]. As stated by Zimmer [36], Yoga and Maya are two sides of the same coin, because what is referred to as Maya by living beings who are enveloped by it is Yoga for the Brahman whose yogic perfection creates the Maya [36]. Scholars in yoga school do not consider maya as illusion nor denial of perceived reality; instead, they suggest Yoga bring creative discipline of mind and body force to transform Maya force [16]. In various mythologies of puranas, yoga is considered to be the power to create maya, and this compound has been adopted as yogamaya. For example, Lord Shiva uses yogamaya to transform Markandeya’s heart (Bhagavad purana, 12.10) [16], and in Bhagavad Gita, Lord Krishna counselled Arjuna about yogamaya [16] (B.G. 7.25). Maharshi Vasistha in the Yoga Vasistha compares Maya to dirt or darkness which when removed the truth is revealed and realized [30].

Advaita Vedanta philosophy presents two realities: Vyavaharika (empirical reality) and Paramarthika (absolute, spiritual reality) [12]. The empirical truth exists only for the moment, whereas spiritual truth lasts forever. Of them, maya is the empirical reality that enmeshes consciousness. Maya creates a bondage to the empirical or the materialistic world, which prevents the truth to unveil about Brahman. Adi Shankaracharya, a ninth-century philosopher, is credited for postulating the theory of maya. However, scholars of Dvaita school argued against Shankara’s theory stating that he did not offer the relationship between Brahman and Maya [5]. Prakashatman, an Advaita scholar, explained that Maya and Brahman together constitute the entire universe. Maya is the manifestation of the world, whereas Brahman, which supports Maya, is the cause of the world [29]. Scholars of Advaita philosophy advocate on realization of Brahman, the fearless, resplendent Oneness for goal of spiritual enlightenment [12, 26].

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Cross-References ▶ Avidyā ▶ Hinduism

References 1. Agrawala PK (1984) Goddesses in ancient India. Abhinav Publications, New Delhi 2. Aiyer KN (1614) Thirty Minor Upanishads. Evinity Publishing Inc, 2009: Santa Cruz 3. Aurobindo S (1917, Reprinted 1998) The secret of the Veda, vol 15. Sri Aurobindo Ashram Press, Chennai 4. Bhattacharji S (1970) The Indian Theogony: a comparative study of Indian mythology from the Vedas to the Puraṇas. Cambridge University Press Archive, Cambridge 5. Bowes P (1995) Mysticism in the Upanishads and Shankara’s Vedanta. In: Werner K (ed) The Yogi and the mystic. Routledge, London, p 67 6. Brodd J (2003) World religions. Saint Mary’s Press, Winona 7. Desai GG (1967) Thinking with the Yajurveda. Asia Publishing House, New Delhi 8. Deussen, Paul (1906) The Philosophy of the Upanishads. New York: Dover Publications 9. Deussen P (1997a) Sixty Upanishads of the Veda, vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 10. Deussen P (1997b) Sixty Upanishads of Vedas, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 11. Doniger O’Flaherty W (1986) Dreams, illusion, and other realities. The University of Chicago Press: Chicago 12. Fost FF (1998) Playful illusion: the making of worlds in Advaita Vedānta. Philos East West 48(3):387–405 13. Foulston L, Abbott S (2009) Hindu goddesses: beliefs and practices. Sussex Academic Press, Sussex 14. Gonda J (1959) Four studies in the language of the Veda. Mouton and Co., The Hague 15. Gonda J (1962) Some notes on the study of ancientIndian religious terminology. Hist Relig 1:248 16. Goudriaan, Teun (1978) Māyā Divine and Human: A Study of Magic and its Religious Foundations in Sanskrit Texts, with Particular Attention to a Fragment on Viṣṇu’s Māyā Preserved in Bali. Motilal Banarsidass: New Delhi 17. Gough AE (2001) The philosophy of the Upanishads and ancient Indian metaphysics. Routledge, London 18. Hiriyanna M (2000) The essentials of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 19. Maya and Illusion (1983) In: Complete works of Swami Vivekananda, vol 2. Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata 20. Patton LL (2005) Bringing the gods to mind: mantra and ritual in early Indian sacrifice. University of California Press, California, CA

Ma¯yōn 21. Phillips SH (2012) Epistemology in classical India: the knowledge sources of the Nyaya school. Routledge, New York, USA 22. Pintchman T (1994) The rise of the goddess in the Hindu tradition. State University of New York Press, New York 23. Radhakrishnan S (1914) The Vedanta philosophy and the doctrine of Maya. Int J Ethics 24(4):431–451 24. Sastri A (2017) Commentary on Taittiriya Upanishad (Adi Shankara). Harvard University Archives, Harvard 25. Scharfstein B-A (1998) A comparative history of world philosophy: from the Upanishads to Kant. State University of New York Press, New York 26. Sharma A (2007) Advaita Vedānta: an introduction. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 27. Shastri P (1911) The doctrine of Maya. Luzac & Co., London 28. Snodgrass A (1992) The symbolism of the stupa. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 29. Solomon EA (1969) Avidyā: a problem of truth and reality. Gujarat University, Ahmedabad 30. Venkatesananda S (1985) The concise yoga Vasistha. State University of New York Press, New York 31. Vireswarananda S (1936) Commentary on Brahmasutras (Adi Shankara). Advaita Ashrama, Almora 32. Vroom HM (1989) Religions and the truth: philosophical reflections and perspectives. Eerdmans Publishing, Grand Rapids 33. Vroom HM (1996) No other gods. Eerdmans Publishing, Grand Rapids 34. Vyas R (1947) The synthetic philosophy of the Bhāgavata. Meharchand Lachhmandas, Delhi 35. Williams GM (2008) Handbook of Hindu mythology. Oxford University Press, Oxford 36. Zimmer H (1978) Maya: der indische mythos (Maya. The Indian myth). Medimops, Berlin/Germany

Further Reading Chinmayananda, & Gauḍapāda, A (1966) Discourses on Mandukya Upanishad with Gaudapada’s Karika Griffith, RTH (1896) The hymns of the Rigveda. Benares: E.J. Lazarus https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maya_(religion)#cite_ref-5 (n.d.). Retrieved from www.wikipedia.org Lewis J, Travis W (1999) Religious traditions of the world. Wipf and Stock Publishers, Eugene, Oregon, North America Rambachan A (2006) The Advaita worldview: god, world, and humanity. State University of New York Press, New York Swami-Vivekananda (2016) The complete works of Swami Vivekananda, vol 7. Advaita Ashram, Kolkata

Ma¯yōn ▶ Viṣṇu

Meaning (Hinduism)

Meaning (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction In Hinduism, major religious and philosophical issues are generally discussed in the context of Semantics. The Sanskrit grammatical tradition discusses issues related to meaning in various dimensions: linguistics, ontology, and epistemology [3]. In linguistics, the meaning is associated and studied along the lines of phonemes, words, sentences, and literary studies, whereas “what is real” and “what can we know” with respect to meaning are studied under ontology and epistemology, respectively. It is often said and now it becomes a cliché that seeing meaning in every iota and disliking meaninglessness gave rise to the systematic study of meaning in Hinduism. The Sanskrit word for meaning is artha, which means sense, intent, purpose, goal, meaning, or essence; however, sometimes arthat “that is to say” or “viz” and abhipraya “intent” are also used interchangeably while discussing meaning.

Meaning and Early Hindu Texts The earliest attempts and efforts to find out issues related to meaning are largely lost; however, some early texts such as the Mimamsa Sutra and the Ashtadhyayi explicitly represent the tradition which earnestly try to deal with the problems related to linguistic meaning [1]. The Brahmana texts and also the authors of the Nirukta and the Mimamsa attempt to attribute meaning to sacred and religious elements. Specifically, the Brahmana texts provide speculative commentary on the rituals and sacredness associated with the scriptures; and the

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Mimamsa deals with the interpretation of words, phrases, and sentences used in rituals, whereas the Nirukta focuses on the morphology of the Vedic words and tries to explain their meanings with the help of derivations from verbal roots. For attaining shabdbodha “verbal knowledge” or “understanding from language, the Mimamsakas mention three conditions: the linguistic items should have first, akansha “syntactic and semantic expectancy”; second, yogyata “suitability”; and lastly, asatti “proximity.” Some language philosophers and pragmatists also give emphasis to tatparya jnana “the general knowledge” or “the knowledge of the text and context.” Though the philosophical system of Mimamsa does not reach a top level of sophistry in its semantic analysis and interpretation, the Sanskrit grammatical tradition is indebted to its linguistic analysis [2]. In the fourth-century B.C.E., Panini wrote a formal description of Sanskrit grammar which provides an insight into the analysis and discussions of meaning-related issues and also in turn helps Saussure and Chomsky to establish modern linguistics and generative grammar. The most important feature of Ashtadhyayi is that it does not deal with sacred, ritualistic, and traditional Hindu texts, such as Mimamsa, Brahmana, and Nirukta; furthermore the subject matter of Paninian grammar is of secular linguistic type – he focuses on the language of educated people as the main object of his inquiry. Moreover, the syntacto-semantic interface is the main feature of his research. Further, Patanjali’s Mahabhashya also provides a meaningful commentary to Ashtadhyayi. Bhartrhari, a fifth-century language philosopher and grammarian, provides a comprehensive account of meaning in the dimension of linguistic, ontological, and epistemological doctrines and parameters. His Vakyapadiya deals with the word and sentence and provides a grammatical and philosophical commentary to Mahabhashya [1]. Bhartrhari takes into account many theories of word and sentence and their meanings and also considers major Paninian notions and categories while discussing the various philosophical

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viewpoints of his time. Some Western linguists believe that there is no substantial progress made in Indian linguistics post panini. Though Bhartrhari and Patanjali work on linguistic tradition, their writings are mainly concerned with and limited to philosophical discussions on meaning rather than focusing on real grammatical description. But Bhartrhari writings influence other branches of learning like poetics, Buddhist epistemology, logic, and matters related to ontology. After Bhartrhari, only a few centuries later, Buddhist and Brahminical logicians, particularly Nyaya “logic” thinkers and philosophers, discussed the theories of verbal understanding and problems related to language and meaning. Ganesha, a Nava Nyaya “new logic” thinker, further develops the semantic concept pramanas “evidence” with more precision and sophistication in the fourteenth-century C.E [1]. Other Indian philosophers, such as Gadadhara, Khandadeva, Kaundabhatta, and Dharmaraja, accepted the Paninian formal system of language description and Nava Nyaya analytical style in the seventeenth century.

References 1. Dwivedi AV (2017a) “Samkhya” research starters, academic topic overview, EBSCO, pp 1–4. Aug 2017, Online 2. Dwivedi AV (2017b) “Ethical reasoning” research starters, academic topics overview, EBSCO, pp 1–4. Aug 2017, Online 3. Dwivedi AV (2016) Hinduism. In: The SAGE encyclopedia of war: social science perspectives; volume two. Sage Publications, Thousand Oaks, pp 786–787. ISBN: 978-1483359892

Means of Knowing

Medicine (Hinduism) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction The genetic and archaeological evidence indicates that ancient Hindus had a vast amount of medical knowledge which gradually evolved through trial and error and by mutual exchange of know-how between diverse races and communities [1]. In the Ramayana, there is a reference to a magical herb, namely, Sanjeevani. It is believed that this herb could cure any malady – the herb was so powerful that it could even revive a person from the deathbed. This medicine is mentioned in the Ramayana when Meghnad gave a mortal wound to Lakshma; Hanuman brought this herb from the Himalayas to save his life. In the Mahabharata, Gandhari gave birth to a lump of flesh which was cut into a 101 pieces by Vyasa, and later on the lump developed into a girl and 100 boys. The Hindus believe in the narratives of Ramayana and Mahabharata, and following that they claim that ancient Indian medical science was more developed than the present time [3]. The excavations at Harappa and Mohenjodaro sites indicate the evidence for the existence of a medical system. The Indus Valley people had used animal products, plant drugs, and minerals as a cure for different diseases.

Medicine and Vedic Period

Means of Knowing ▶ Nyāya

Medical Ethics ▶ Bioethics (Hinduism)

Around 1000 B.C. onward, the Vedic tribes flourished near the Gangetic plains, and we find references to their medicinal system and philosophy in various texts and scriptures. There is a hymn in the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad which states: Sarve bhavantu sukhinah; Sarve santu niramayah; Sarve bhadraani pasyantu; Maa kaschit duhkhabhaag bhavet, Om Shanti Shanti Shanti,

Medicine (Hinduism)

meaning may all become happy, may all be free from illness, may all see what is auspicious, may no one suffer in any way [4]. The Rig Veda mentions Dhanvantari, the 17th incarnation of Lord Vishnu, as a god of medicine. The twin gods, Ashvins and Ashwini Kumaras, were also worshipped as they averted sickness and misfortune. These two gods were considered as the doctors of devtas and gods. Other hymns describe diseases and their cures prevalent during the period. For many ailments, malevolent spirits were held responsible, and for cure ritual, mantras, and charms were used along with medicines and surgical intervention. Many hymns of the Atharva Veda were composed after the settlement of Aryans in the Indian subcontinent. This indicates that native and indigenous non-Aryan practices also influenced the Vedic Aryan medicinal practitioners. In the post-Vedic period, the Aryans spread toward the middle Gangetic plains – from the modern Punjab to the Doab region. This interaction gave rise to new practices and innovations in the field of medicine, health care, and well-being. Buddhism, Jainism, and other philosophical and ascetic movements encouraged and promoted free spirit of enquiry and experimentation in medicine. Jain and Buddhist texts written in Prakrit and Pali vernaculars also described the uses of surgery, medicines, trepanation, emetics, and purges, practiced during the that period. The Ashtangahrdayam Sutrasthanam preaches that the poor, sick, and sufferers should be helped. And even ants and insects should be treated with compassion. At one place, Gautam Buddha was named as Bhaishajyaguru “healing guru,” and the Buddhist monastic tradition used to practice healing practices so that humanistic values would remain attached to religion [8]. Shusruta, an eighth-century BCE medical practitioner, is credited for writing the treatise on surgery, namely, Shushruta Samahita. Shusruta, Atreya, and Charaka are considered the pioneers of the ancient Indian medical system. Shusruta was the first surgeon who studied the human anatomy scientifically. His forte was ejection of cataracts and plastic surgery. In Shushruta Samahita, Shusruta described surgery under Various sections: excision, scarification, puncturing,

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exploration, extraction, evacuation, and suturing. In second-century BCE, Charaka wrote a treatise on the human body, titled Charaka Samhita. The text describes the importance of hygiene, diet, medical education, and prevention with reference to therapeutics, symptomology, and etiology. It is believed that the original content of Charaka Smahita was taken from Atreya, and later on Agnivesha and Charaka codified and edited it. The umbrella term for the ancient Indian medical system is Ayurveda “the science of longevity.” This text comprises knowledge regarding diseases, their cures, and expected diagnosis [5]. The importance of Ayurveda among Hindus is so much so that they consider it as the fifth Veda. In the classical Sanskrit literature, components of Ayurveda are described, namely, general medicine, aphrodisiacs, elixirs, surgery, ENT/ophthalmology, demonology/ psychiatry/exorcism, and pediatrics. Ayurveda is dependent upon medicinal plants. The common medicinal plants are tulsi, aswagandha, neem, brahmi, turmeric, pepper, dalchini, elaichi, guggul, satavari, gritkumari, bael, chiraita, vringraj, rakta chitrak, etc. Along with Ayurveda, yoga is also a part and parcel of the ancient Indian medical system. Etymologically, the word yoga is derived from the Sanskrit word yoktra meaning a yoke [2]. Around 200 B.C.E., Patanjali wrote a treatise titled Yogasutra which deals with the fundamentals of yoga. The control of breath, physical exercise, celibacy, and meditation are the basis of yoga. It is believed that regular yoga exercises can control chronic disease and several ailments [6]. Patanjali states that there are channels in human body known as nadi and centers known as chakra. If nadi and chakras are tapped, then the hidden energy in the human body can be released, and consequently this energy helps enabling Kundalini. Further, Patanjali illustrates stages of Yoga, namely, Yama, Niyama, Asnaa, Pranayama, and Samadhi [7].

References 1. Bentley V, Brown S, Body Shop (Firm) (2000) Ayurveda. Ebury, London 2. Gerson S (2001) Ayurveda: the ancient Indian healing art. Cougar Graphics, Colfax

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926 3. Krishnamurthy KH (1998) Ayurveda. B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi 4. Kutumbiah P (1999) Ancient Indian medicine. Sangam, London 5. Lavekar GS (1996) Doctor-patient relationship in ancient Indian medicine. (Ayurveda). Chaukhambha Sanskrit Bhawan, Varanasi 6. Ninivaggi FJ, Ninivaggi FJ (2008) Ayurveda: a comprehensive guide to traditional Indian medicine for the West. Praeger, Westport 7. Pitman V (2006) The nature of the whole: holism in ancient Greek and Indian medicine. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, Delhi 8. Wise TA (1981) Commentary on the Hindu system of medicine: an exposition of ancient Indian medicine as embodied in Sanskrit literature. APA-Oriental Press, Amsterdam

Meditation (Hinduism) Karen O’Brien-Kop School of African and Oriental Studies (SOAS), University of London, London, UK

Synonyms Absorption; Bhāvanā; Concentration; Contemplation; Dhyāna; Samādhi; Upāsana

Meditation in Hinduism denotes a form of mental or spiritual practice that leads to a transformation of consciousness or identity and to a state of spiritual liberation from the cycle of rebirth. In different paths and traditions, the body may be either utilized in acts of meditation or transcended. The primary terms to denote acts of meditation include dhyāna, samādhi, upāsana, and bhāvanā. The outcomes of meditation can include special knowledge, deep absorption, transcendent awareness, powers, and liberation (mokṣa).

Vedic Meditation The story of meditation in Hinduism begins with the ṛṣis, the poets or mystic seers of the Vedas. These ṛṣis were first associated with states of

Meditation (Hinduism)

ecstatic communication with the divine realm. Within ritual context the ṛṣis entered altered states in which they spoke or revealed the divine word. This connection between truth-producing states of consciousness and special verbal formulas remained an enduring one in the Vedic corpus. And throughout the history of Hinduism, the recitation of scripture (e.g., Vedic chanting) or the repetitive utterance of mantras is a key technique of meditation.

Meditation in the Upanisads ˙ The idea of meditation was significantly developed in the principal Upaniṣads, in which the notion of upāsana, or contemplation (also veneration), was foregrounded. By the later principal Upaniṣads, the term dhyāna began to replace upāsana as the primary term to denote the act of meditation. Upāsana is a means of contemplation on the homologized correspondences of the self (ātman) and the absolute principle (brahman). This homologizing was already in evidence in the Puruṣa-sūkta (Hymn to the Cosmic Man) of the Ṛg Veda. Meditation in the Upaniṣads is a turning inward of mental focus by taking the central religious practice of ritual and internalizing it within mind and body. Such internalization leads the gaze and the act of veneration to the inner self, which ultimately reveals the truth of the non-dual identification between the individual self (ātman) and the absolute (brahman). Another central technique of meditation in the Upaniṣads is repetition of the syllable oṃ. Although meditation in the Upaniṣads is primarily a method to develop liberating knowledge, it can also lead to worldly benefits such as success and longevity.

Meditation and Yoga From the earliest textual sources, the act of meditation has been linked to yoga. Dhyānayoga, the yoga of meditation, is explained in the Śānti Parvan of the Mahābhārata and in the Bhagavad Gītā as the restraint of the senses. In the Vedic and epic accounts of yoga, meditation is the main

Meditation (Hinduism)

practice and is supported by purificatory techniques for the body such as dietary restrictions, breath control (prāṇāyāma), postures (āsana), and conditions of solitude and cleanliness. Bronkhorst argues that there were two distinct strands of meditation in early Hinduism that gradually became fused: the meditative practices from the śramaṇa (ascetic) communities who lived East of the Ganges Basin during the first millennium BCE and the contemplations associated with Brahmanic ritual practices [3, 4]. Dhyāna emerged as the key term and method of meditation (similar to the Buddhist practice of jhāna) and indicates contemplation of an object that leads to the state of samādhi or perfect concentration. One-pointedness of mind (ekāgrata) is a necessary condition of such concentration. The objects of dhyāna can be as wide-ranging and diverse as mantras, reflection on categories of reality, a candle flame, or an image of a deity. In the Bhagavad Gītā the object of meditation is theistic, with the focus on the Supreme Being Kṛṣṇa as the omniscient and omnipotent creator. Meditation here assumes the form of bhakti, or devotion. In this context, meditation is about having the right emotional attitude (of longing) toward God or of remembering God and forgetting the mundane world. Devotional meditation can also entail identification with a divine being and may be performed in repetitive musical form (kīrtan). Meditation that is linked to theism is often described as producing states of transcendent awareness or bliss. The Yogasūtra of Patañjali is primarily a philosophical and technical treatise on meditation, which is foregrounded as the highest practice for liberation. In Yogasūtra 1.2, yoga is defined as the cessation of the fluctuations of the mind (yogaś cittavṛttinirodhaḥ). In the eightfold system of yoga (aṣṭāṅga yoga), the preparatory stages for meditation are ethical precepts (yamas and niyamas), correct seated posture (āsana), breathing techniques (prāṇāyāma), and sense withdrawal (pratyāhāra). The yogin is then prepared for the three stages of meditation (the “inner” limbs or steps): fixing the mind (dhāraṇā), holding the mind steady or maintaining constancy to

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enter absorption (dhyāna), and attaining perfect one-pointed concentration (samādhi). The Yogasūtra makes a distinction between meditation that is object-centered and meditation that is nonobject-centred or between cognitive and noncognitive states. Across the textual traditions, advanced meditation can yield extraordinary capacities, or siddhis, such as reducing oneself to the size of an atom, entering the body of another, or acquiring the qualities of the object of meditation. Such “yogic powers” can be interpreted in a variety of ways from magical to metaphorical, from rational to supernatural. Meditation in medieval haṭḥa yoga combined a range of techniques from the yogic and tantric traditions. Haṭha yoga was often contrasted with rāja yoga, understood as a primarily mental form of yoga practice that centred on meditation [2].

Meditation and Knowledge Meditation is not just about calming, focusing, or even stopping the mind; it is also a state in which the right kind of knowledge and perception is cultivated. Sarbacker terms these two strands the cessative and the numinous [19]. Various schools characterize such knowledge in different ways, but, typically, it entails analysis of the nature of bondage followed by realization of the true nature of reality. Advaita Vedānta and most schools of tantra propose the realization of a non-dualist truth in meditation and the identification of the individual self or ātman with the universal principle, brahman, or with the ultimate deity. In contrast, meditation in Pātañjala Yoga advocates the realization of a dualist ontology as leading to liberation. Meditation can also be linked to processes of reasoning. For example, Advaita Vedānta proposes knowledge that progresses from hearing (śravaṇa) and revelation (śruti) to thinking (manana) and repeated meditation (nididhyāsana). The Yogasūtra integrates the Sāṃkhya method of rational reflection to produce the discriminating perception of the ontological categories: the principle of materiality (prakṛti) and the principle of pure consciousness (puruṣa).

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Tantra From the medieval period onward, tantric meditation emphasized visualization using aids such as yantras or maṇḍalas, visual diagrams that reflect homologies between inner states of consciousness and the cosmos. Other foci for visualization can include images of deities, the elements, the cakras in the subtle body, and mantras and their seed syllables. There is often an emphasis on internalizing or installing the deity within oneself (nyāsa). Tantric meditation also focuses on esoteric physiology to arouse kuṇḍalinī, spiritual energy, which ascends to the crown cakra in order to awaken consciousness.

Historical Developments In summary, then, the goals of meditation can be manifold: to calm or cease mental activity, to cultivate special knowledge, to purify the mind of defilements and traces of karma that keep one bound to the cycle of reincarnation, to access transcendent states, or to develop a right attitude of devotion. Aids to meditation can include yogic, visual, textual, auditory, corporeal, vows (such as fasting or silence), breath-based, musical, or ritual (such as offerings in worship). The environment for meditation is often prescribed as clean, isolated, and peaceful.

Modern Developments The transmission of meditation outside of traditional Hindu contexts began with Swami Vivekananda’s teaching in America in the late nineteenth century. He highlighted the meditation component of yoga, which he termed rāja yoga. The ensuing Western interest in forms of meditation derived from Hinduism was amplified in the counterculture of the 1960s by figures such as the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi who devised Transcendental Meditation (TM) for international audiences. This method entailed initiation from the guru using a mantra. Through the spread of globalized yoga and through new religious movements such as

Meditation (Hinduism)

ISKCON (International Society for Krishna Consciousness) and the Siddha Yoga Foundation, techniques of Hindu meditation are now widely practiced beyond traditional religious contexts. From mobile phone apps to self-help books, meditation has entered popular culture globally as a means of stress relief in the busy modern world. Best-selling authors such as the US-based meditation writer Deepak Chopra have global reach, and even traditional Hindu gurus such as Swami Ramdev have increased the mass appeal of meditation via media outlets, such as TV broadcasts. Responding to the alignment of meditation with paradigms of science by international Hindu yoga teachers, such as Swami Vivekananda, Sri Yogendra, and Swami Kuvalayananda, Western scientists began empirical research on meditation subjects from the 1950s onward, looking at practices such as TM to measure beneficial effects on mental and physical wellbeing. Early tests used EEG measurements of brainwaves, and contemporary neuroscientific research continues to investigate the cognitive and affective processes as well as the benefits of regular meditation.

Cross-References ▶ Dhyāna ▶ International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) ▶ Mantra ▶ Samādhi ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Siddha Yoga ▶ Swami Vivekananda ▶ Tantra ▶ Yantra ▶ Yoga Sutras of Patanjali ▶ Yoga, Overview

References 1. Bader J (1990) The nature of meditation. In: Meditation in Śankara’s Vedānta. Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi

Megasthenes 2. Birch J (2013) Rājayoga: the reincarnations of the king of all Yogas. Hindu Studies 17(3):401–444 3. Bronkhorst J (1993) The two traditions of meditation in ancient India. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd, Delhi 4. Bronkhorst J (2007) Greater Magadha: studies in the culture of early India. Brill, Leiden/Boston 5. Gonda J (1963) Dhyāna. In: The vision of the vedic poets. Mouton & Co, The Hague 6. Crangle EF (1994) The origin and development of early Indian contemplative practices. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 7. Eifring H (ed) (2014) Hindu, Buddhist and Daoist meditation: cultural histories. Hermes, Oslo 8. Eifring H (ed) (2016) Asian traditions of meditation. University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu 9. Franco E (ed) (2009) Yogic perception, meditation, and altered states of consciousness. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna 10. Gold D (2017) The Hindi Sants’ two yogic paths to the formless Lord. In: Eifring H (ed) Meditation and culture: the interplay of practice and context. Bloomsbury Academic, London/New Delhi/New York/ Sydney 11. Jacobsen K (2012) Yoga powers: extraordinary capacities attained through meditation and concentration. Brill’s indological library, vol 37. Brill, Leiden/ Boston 12. Khanna M (2016) Yantra and Cakra in tantric meditation. In: Halvor E (ed) Asian traditions of meditation. University of Hawai’i Press, Honolulu 13. Kohn L (2008) Meditation works: in the Hindu, Buddhist and Daoist traditions. Three Pines Press, Magdalena 14. Patton L (2005) Bringing the gods to mind: mantra and ritual in early Indian sacrifice. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London 15. Larson G, Bhattacharya RS (eds) (2008) Yoga: India’s philosophy of meditation. volume 12 Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies. Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Private Ltd, Delhi 16. Muthukumaraswamy MD (2017) Vedic chanting as a Householder’s meditation practice in the Tamil Śaiva Siddhānta tradition. In: Eifring H (ed) Meditation and culture: the interplay of practice and context. Bloomsbury Academic, London/New Delhi/New York/ Sydney 17. Padoux A (2003) Mantra. In: Flood G (ed) The Blackwell companion to Hinduism. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford 18. Rose K (2016) Yoga, meditation and mysticism: contemplative universals and meditative landmarks. Bloomsbury Academic, London/New York 19. Sarbacker SR (2005) Samadhi: numinous and cessative in indo-Tibetan yoga. SUNY, Albany 20. Wujastyk D (2012) The path to liberation through yogic mindfulness in early Āyurveda. In: White DG (ed) Yoga in practice. Princeton University Press, Princeton/Oxford. (Princeton Readings in Religions)

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Megasthenes Klaus Karttunen Department of World Cultures, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland

Definition The Indica of Megasthenes and its role in the Greek and Roman knowledge of India.

Introduction Little is known of the life of Megasthenes as he is only mentioned in connection of his book. He had a Greek name (MεγαsθέnZB “of great power”) and perhaps he came from some Greek town of Asia Minor. It is possible that Alexander’s campaigns had brought him to the east, where he served under Sibyrtius, the satrap of Arachosia. Then he was sent by Seleucus I as his envoy to Pali(m)bothra (Pāṭaliputra, near Patna), the capital of King Sandrokottos (Chandragupta), the founder of the Maurya Empire. Afterwards, he wrote a famous description of India.

Work The only work written by Megasthenes is known as the Indika and contained at least four books. It is a description of India following the tradition of Greek ethnographical writing. In addition to his own observations, he drew material from the historians of Alexander. Often he interpreted things according to his own Greek background. Unfortunately, the manuscripts of his work did not survive through early Middle Ages, but there are relatively many fragments, which give a fair idea of its contents. The majority of them are found in the works of Aelian, Arrian, Pliny the Elder, and Strabo. Reading the fragments, there are some critical questions involved. In early editions [6, 8] and in

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McCrindle’s English translation [5], there are too many fragments quoted as authentic. Jacoby’s edition [2] is better, but never translated. The problem was that when one piece of information was said to come from Megasthenes, it was too easily supposed that the next one was also from him. A particular case here is Diodor. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, it was believed that in each part of his history, he was contented to paraphrase one single source. As his account of India (2, 35–42, Jacoby’s F 4) clearly contains information from Megasthenes, it was supposed that everything came from him. More recent research has shown, however, that even Diodor could have combined several sources [7].

India in Megasthenes The work seems to have started, after a personal account of his embassy, with a rather detailed account of Indian geography, defining its size and boundaries and listing rivers, mountains, peoples, and towns. The account of Indian nature and natural marvels is partly derived from earlier Greek sources supplementing his own observations. Thus, it includes the gold-digging ants, pygmies, and other fabulous peoples and animals (F 27–30). A long account of the catching of elephants is preserved (F 20) and shorter fragments mention other Indian animals and plants (F 21–25). The history starts with two Greek gods, Dionysus and Heracles (F 11–13), who in turn conquered India and became kings and cultural heroes. The number of kings between and after them and the years elapsed are exactly stated and seem to indicate a lost, Purāṇa type source, though probably orally obtained. The account of Indian state is valuable as the only contemporary description of the early Mauryan state. It was clearly no centralized empire. Administration of autonomous cities is described in some detail (F 31). The account of the capital Pali(m)bothra (F 18) more or less corresponds to the archaeological evidence. Among details, the female guard of the king is also known in some Indian sources (F 32).

Megasthenes

The society is divided in seven castes (F 19), which have caused much wonder among scholars as they do not correspond to the traditional four (or five) varṇas. But apparently Megasthenes was deducing his system from his own observations, not from Indian informants. In his system these seven are philosophers who conduct sacrifices and foretell future, farmers who are the most numerous group, cow and shepherds who are also hunters, different kinds of artisans, professional soldiers, inspectors serving the government, and finally the small but important group of counselors ([4], p. 82ff.). As a Greek, Megasthenes noted the absence of slavery. Many of the religious groups were vegetarians and abstained from alcoholic drinks. He stated that most Indians live simply; thefts and lawsuits are rare – there are no written laws – and described their various customs (F 32). Problematic is also the account of religion. According to Megasthenes, Heracles and Dionysus were the two main gods of India, but they originate in Alexander’s histories, and it is not clear whether Megasthenes meant with them same gods as they. He claims that Dionysus is worshipped in mountains and Heracles on plains (F 33). It seems likely that his Dionysus is Śiva and Heracles more or less corresponds to Kṛṣṇa ([3], p. 210ff.). But the way they are connected with early history as conquerors and cultural heroes cannot be easily connected with Indian sources. In connection of the seven castes, he explains that the philosophers’ task is to conduct sacrifices for kings and private people and to foretell future. There is further a long account of Brahmanes and Sarmanes (F 33). The first carry frugal life and work as teachers. Some details of their doctrine is given. They are not afraid of dying as they see death as a way to better life, but in another passage (F 34), it is also said that they criticize Calanus’ suicide, made famous by the historians of Alexander. The most honored class of Sarmanes are the celibate forest ascetics called Hylobioi, but their number also include physicians. Beside medicines they often use dietary cures and even sorcery.

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The Importance of Megasthenes Together with the histories of Alexander, the Indica was part of the “canonical” sources on India in Roman period ([1], pp. 89–97) and therefore rather often quoted, but then completely lost in the early Middle Ages. Its fragments were first collected by Schwanbeck in 1846 [8]. For us, they are the only certainly contemporary source of the early Mauryan period and therefore valuable, although the interpretation often presents considerable difficulties.

Cross-References ▶ Alexander the Great ▶ Greeks (Hinduism)

References 1. Dihle A (1984) Antike und Orient, Gesammelte Aufsätze. Hrsg. von V. Pöschl und H. Petermann. Supplemente zu den Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophischhistorische Klasse, 2. Heidelberg 2. Jacoby F (1958) Fragmente Griechischer Historiker 3C:2. Brill, Leiden (no. 715) 3. Karttunen K (1989) India in early Greek literature. Studia Orientalia 65. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki 4. Karttunen K (1997) India and the Hellenistic world. Studia Orientalia 83. Finnish Oriental Society, Helsinki 5. McCrindle JW (1877) Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian. Calcutta/London (reprinted with notes by R. Jain. Delhi 1972; earlier reprint with notes by R. C. Majumdar. Calcutta 1960) 6. Müller C (1878) Fragmenta historicorum Græcorum, collegit, disposuit, notis et prolegomenis illustravit indicibus instruxit. Volumen secundum. Parisiis (397– 439 Megasthenis fragmenta) 7. Muntz CE (2012) Diodorus Siculus and Megasthenes: a reappraisal. Class Philol 107(1):21–37 8. Schwanbeck EA (1846) Megasthenis Indica. Fragmenta collegit, comment. et indic. adjecit. Bonnae

Melodic Type ▶ Rāga

Menstruation: Pollutant to Potent Sravana Borkataky-Varma University of North Carolina Wilmington, Wilmington, NC, USA

Menstruation continues to be arguably one of the most binarized elements in the Hindu society. The boundaries of Hindu society are defined, controlled, and marked by various purity and pollution codes, whereby goodness is understood as pure or clean and evil is impure or a pollutant. These codes are most apparent in the caste system that continues to govern Hindu society. Like caste dynamics, menstruation in Hindu society is also governed by a wide range of pure and pollutant codes. But before we delve into how the good and the evil govern a biological occurrence, let us look at one of the festivals’ in the Kamakhya Temple where menstruation is central. With respect to antiquity, Kamakhya surpasses most of the shrines in greater India and those in eastern India. Most scholars agree that Kamakhya dates to the eighth century and continues to be one of the oldest and most revered of the early seats of goddess worship. This temple complex also epitomizes the retention of many ancient practices: “The śākta pīṭhas in general and Kāmākhyā in particular, [. . .], represent a complex interaction or negotiation between mainstream Vedic or brāhmaṇic traditions and indigenous elements from the pre-Hindu areas of India” (Urban 2010: 32). Additionally, a unique feature of the larger temple complex of Kamakhya is that each of the ten Mahāvidyās, “wisdom goddesses,” has a temple dedicated to her own practices; the complex also contains a temple for each Śiva and Viṣṇu, respectively. (The ten Mahāvidyās are Kālī, Tārā, Tripurasundarī, Bhuvaneśvarī, Chinnamastā, Bhairavī, Dhūmavatī, Bagalāmukhī, Mātaṅgī, and Kamalā.) Further, none of these goddesses are represented in imagery. The Ambubachi Mela is a 3 day festival celebrated annually in Kamakhya during the monsoon season that happens to fall during the Assamese

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month Ahār (middle to end of June). In 2016, it was estimated that 2.5 million people attended the festival, with numbers steadily growing every year (Indian Express, June 20, 2016). Ambubachi is the celebration of the yearly menstruation of the goddess Kamakhya. The temple remains closed for 3 days since it is believed that the mother earth becomes unclean for 3 days. On the fourth day, rituals are performed after which the goddess regains her purity. While for 3 days the goddess is secluded, due to perceived impurity induced by menstruation, the prasāda on the fourth day is distributed to the devotees in two forms: (1) the menstruating fluid part of the body, in this case water from the spring, which is red in color and (2) small pieces of the cloth (red in color), which was used to cover the stone yonī during the 3 days of menstruation. So, while the goddess herself is impure due to menstruation, the fluid (menstruating blood) and the bloodsoaked cloth are believed to be blessed substance, which encapsulates power and delivers protection to the devotees who either wear it hidden in a talisman or keep it in their home shrines. In other words, the goddess is impure, but the substance believed to be coming out of her body is pure. But this is not the reality for most Hindu women. Extreme segregation during menstruation is either forced upon or sometimes voluntarily observed by women due to their religious and social conditioning. Such segregations can be seen via rules around food, living quarters, and rituals. The Laws of Manu, Mānava-dharma-śāstra, or Manu-smṛti, written sometime between 200 BCE and the early centuries, while discussing the food rules for different castes, especially Brahmins, states: “Food, moreover, must be of excellent quality, spotless, and particularly kept separate from a dog or a menstruating woman” (Fowler 2014: 38). At time of menstruation, women are not allowed to enter the kitchen, prepare food, or eat meals with the family. In many Hindu families, women are expected to live in a separate room, sometimes even outside of the house. For example, in Nepal, many women are either coerced or voluntarily practice Chhaupadi

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or “untouchable being.” This is a practice where women are banished to some cattle shed or makeshift hut – because of so-called impurity during menstruation or just after childbirth (The Guardian, April 1, 2016). Similarly, in parts of India and Bangladesh, segregation of similar nature is practiced even today. During a period of either 3 to 5 days (number of days changes in various parts, with 3 days being in the majority), women are not allowed to cook, physically touch anyone (in some places it is extended to even her shadow), perform any rituals, visit a temple or any sacred occasion, and/or read holy books. At the end of the segregation, women take a ritual bath to cleanse themselves of the impurities induced by their menstruation cycle. This practice of segregation is not just curtailed to South Asia. The practice is followed by many women across the Hindu diaspora. While most Hindu women succumb to physical segregation and extreme psychological scarring due to such monthly isolation practices, in another aspect of Hindu practice, menstrual fluids are considered integral agents in the path to enlightenment. The pañcamakāra, or the “five substances beginning with the syllable ‘ma’”: madya (wine), māṃsa (meat), matsya (fish), mudrā (parched grain that may have hallucinogenic properties), and maithuna (sexual intercourse often with a spiritual partner), are used in Tantra, mostly categorized as the left-handed Tantric sects. “By partaking of forbidden things, one affirms that ultimately there is nothing that is not the goddess, that nothing is polluting, for she pervades all” (Kinsley 1997: 55). In this path, the objective is to move away from the polarized world of sacred and profane, good and evil, male and female, pure and polluted, good and bad, to a unified and whole understanding of being one. In other words, the objective is to dissolve all binaries. To eliminate the twofold distinction and to arrive at the “whole,” male practitioners must seek the fluids that are present in women. Women carry “in their bodies the germ plasm of the god-head, called the ‘clan fluid’ (kuladravyam), ‘clan nectar’ (kuāmṛta), ‘vulva essence’ (yonitattva), the ‘command’ (ājñā), the

Meykantan

‘real thing’ (sadbhāva), or simply the ‘fluid’ (dravyam), or clan (kula)” (White 2003: 11). Since the fluid essence of the godhead flows naturally through women and is absent in men, a male practitioner can only access these fluids through a woman. “It was therefore necessary that male practitioners be ‘inseminated,’ or more properly speaking ‘insanguinated,’ with the sexual or menstrual discharge” (White 2003: 11). In this schema, therefore, a menstruating woman is not seen a pollutant. However, it must be noted that this “potent” understanding of the menstruating women is limited to a very small group of practitioners within the larger Tantra lineage. It is also pertinent to note that practices around sexual fluids are a “secret practice,” accessible only to an initiate. Therefore, in most of the Hindu minds, menstruating women are viewed as polluting and sometime even dangerous. The practice of banishment during menstruation has been taken up by many social groups in South Asia. Nepal has passed a law criminalizing the practice of banishing women to huts during their periods, with a jail time of 3 months and a fine of 3 thousand Nepalese Rupees (The Guardian, August 10, 2017). Laurie Patton recounts a case where a male Brahmin teacher hired to teach Sanskrit at a university requested that female students should not come to class when menstruating. The hiring individual, a woman, replied: “Sir, perhaps I might ask you to consider where our respective institutions might be in fifty years. I can as much as guarantee you that my university will be here and standing and probably teaching Sanskrit. However, neither I nor you can guarantee that your pathshala will survive that long. Given that this is the case, I suggest you comply with the university system, where no such concerns about monthly cycles apply” (Patton 2007: 21–22). While the law and the accepting stance taken by many are encouraging, widespread acceptance of Hindu women during their monthly cycles remains a distant dream. The problem lies in the hearts of men and women, alike. The fact remains that, though most Hindu women are forced to follow extreme segregation and

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isolation rules, there are also many Hindu women who are highly educated and economically independent, across the world, who continue to follow provincial rules around menstruation voluntarily. The fear that ill-fate will befall their families surpasses all reasoning.

References 1. Hugh B. Urban, The Power of Tantra: Religion, Sexuality and the Politics of South Asian Studies (New York: I.B. Tauris, 2010), 32 2. Samudra Gupta Kashyap, “Guwahati ready for 2.5 million pilgrims to Kamakhya temple in next four days,” The Indian Express, June 20, 2016 3. Jeaneane Fowler, Hinduism Beliefs & Practices: Major Deities and Social Structures Volume I (Illinois: Sussex Academic Press, 2014), 38 4. “Nepal’s bleeding shame: menstruating women banished to cattle sheds,” The Guardian, April 1, 2016 5. David Kinsley, Tantric Visions of the Divine Feminine (Berkley: University of California Press, 1997), 55 6. David Gordon White, Kiss of the Yoginī (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2003), 11 7. Danielle Preiss, “Law In Nepal Sets Penalties For Forcing A Woman Into A Menstrual Shed,” The Guardian, April 10, 2017 8. Laurie L. Patton, “The Cat in the Courtyard: The Performance of Sanskrit and the Religious Experience of Women, “Women’s Lives, Women’s Rituals in the Hindu Tradition. Ed. Tracy Pintchman (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 21–22

Meykanda-Devar ▶ Meykaṇṭār (Meykaṇḍār)

Meykandan ▶ Meykaṇṭār (Meykaṇḍār)

Meykantan ▶ Meykaṇṭār (Meykaṇḍār)

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Meykanta¯r (Meykanda¯r) ˙˙ ˙˙ Ginni Ishimatsu Religious Studies Department, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA

Synonyms Meykanda-Devar; Meykandan; Meykantan

Definition Meykaṇṭār was a teacher of Śaiva Siddhānta doctrine who composed the Tamil-language text called the Civañāṉapōtam (lit., “Aphorisms on Knowledge of Śiva”) (sometimes Sanskritized as the Śivajñānabodham). In 12 pithy statements, the work summarizes the basic doctrine of Śaiva Siddhānta. The work has been of enduring importance in Tamil Nadu and has attracted several commentaries.

Meykanta¯r (Meykanda¯r) ˙˙ ˙˙

The older preceptor went to hear Meykaṇṭār in order to defeat him in argument, but as soon as Meykaṇṭār looked at him, Aruṇanti was converted and became one of Meykaṇṭār’s greatest students ([1], pp. xli–xliii). Another version of the story of Aruṇanti’s conversion relates that he was originally the preceptor of Meykaṇṭār family ([2], p. 97). The historical Meykaṇṭār can be dated to the early thirteenth century. In the Civañāṉacittiyār (invocation, v. 4), Umāpati Civācariyar, a major fourteenth-century preceptor in Meykaṇṭār’s lineage, gives homage to Meykaṇṭa-tēvar, the “great Śaiva teacher” who lived in Tiruveṇṇainallūr. Since Umāpati gives the date of one of his own works as 1313 C.E., Meykaṇṭār must precede him. An inscription from the time of the Cōḻa king Rājarāja III (1232 C.E.) appears to confirm this conclusion, since it records that a Meykaṇṭa-tēvaṉ from Tiruveṇṇainallūr gave an endowment to a Śiva temple ([3], p. 199, note 6). He appears to have been a preceptor at a Goḷakī monastery in the Tiruvaṇṇāmalai area ([4], p. 194).

Life

The Civan˜a¯napōtam ¯

According to legend, Acciyutaṉ, a chieftain from a village near Tiruveṅkāṭu in the Tanjore area, prayed to Śiva for a child. One day he found an infant near a temple tank and adopted him as a gift from God. He named the child Cuvētavaṉaperumāl after the name of Śiva as the Lord of Cuvētavaṉam (transliteration of the Sanskrit Śvetavana; Tiruveṅkāṭu in Tamil). Impacted by rumors that the child was low-caste, Acciyutaṉ handed him over to the care of his brother-in-law who lived in Tiruveṇṇainallūr. The boy soon attracted the attention of a sage called Parañcōti, who named him Meykaṇṭār, “He who saw the truth,” and taught him the Civañāṉapōtam. He also received instruction on the work from Lord Gaṇeśa himself. As a child, he began to expound on the text and attracted many students. A visiting Brahman ascetic, Aruṇanti, became annoyed when his own disciples left him for Meykaṇṭār.

Meykaṇṭār’s text is composed of twelve aphorisms that encapsulate the philosophy of Śaiva Siddhānta. A rough summary is as follows: 1. The universe is an effect whose cause is Śiva. 2. Śiva is both one with and separate from souls. Through his power, he causes souls to be born and die according to their karma. 3. The individual soul (aṇu) exists within the body. 4. The soul is different from the body but is associated with it. It experiences the five states (waking, dreaming, deep sleep, etc.), but its powers of consciousness and action, which are identical to Śiva’s powers, are restricted by mala or primordial stain. 5. The senses perceive on account of the soul. Similarly, the soul perceives on account of Śiva.

Meykanta¯r (Meykanda¯r) ˙˙ ˙˙

6. The wise know that Śiva’s form is neither existent nor nonexistent. (It is beyond such categories.) 7. (Pure) consciousness and that which is inert do not know each other. But the individual soul can know both. 8. The guru tells the advanced soul to leave (the world of) the senses; the soul then understands its true nature and attains to Śiva’s state. 9. Having realized Śiva in his own self, abandoned the world and attained the Lord’s feet, the wise person should meditate on the fivesyllable mantra. 10. The soul should become one with Śiva and know that all its actions are His. Then it will lose its mala, māyā, and karman. 11. As the soul enables the eye to see, Śiva enables the soul to know. Thus, one should have devotion for Śiva. 12. For the sake of liberation, he should mingle with virtuous Śaivas and go to Śiva temples. Thus should one understand the views of the “Aphorisms on Knowledge of Śiva.”

Context and Importance of the Text The Śaiva Siddhānta school of thought and practice originated in northern India around the sixth century among monastic communities (maṭhas). Until the twelfth or thirteenth century, the sect spread to many parts of India, including what are now Kashmir, Gujarat, Orissa, Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu. In the Tamil country, under the patronage of the royal Cholas, Śaiva Siddhānta became the normative form of Śiva worship. As Śaiva Siddhānta established itself in the south, two main types of religious professionals appeared, divided by caste and function. Male brahman priests came to dominate temple ritual traditions, using Sanskrit as the main liturgical language. High-status, non-brahman male ascetics comprised the other main group; Meykaṇṭār belonged to the latter. These ascetics not only practiced individual worship of Śiva for

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the sake of their own liberation, but also revered the Tirumuṟai devotional texts composed by the Tamil nāyaṉār saints. By the sixteenth century, these ascetic lineages had established themselves in monastic centers, mostly in the Tanjore region. Some of these, such as the Dharmapuram monastery, continue today. The Civañāṉapōtam is arguably the first Tamil work on Śaiva Siddhānta doctrine. Before Meykaṇṭār’s time, Tamil Śaiva texts of the Tirumuṟai corpus had focused on devotional themes and celebrated the lives of the nāyaṉār saints, though references to Śaiva Siddhānta terminology are scattered among these texts. Meykaṇṭār’s text does not merely summarize doctrine, however. Aphorism 11 stresses devotion to Śiva, while Aphorism 12 advises the devotee to visit temples, both in contrast to early Śaiva Siddhāntin works or Āgamas in Sanskrit, the earliest of which focused on individual worship of God and did not mention temple life or emphasize the kind of expressive devotion seen in the narratives of the nāyaṉārs. Meykaṇṭār’s work was at some point included in a collection of fourteen Śaiva Siddhāntin texts, collectively called the Meykaṇṭa-cāttiraṅkaḷ (-śāstras) [5]. The last of these, the Caṅkaṟpanirākaraṇam by Umāpati Civācariyar, is the only text with a date, 1313 C.E. The creation of the Meykaṇṭa-cāttiraṅkaḷ may have been a selfconscious effort to establish a localized Tamil version of Śaiva Siddhānta [6].

Commentaries and Translations Several commentaries on the Civañāṉapōtam have been written, including the Laghuṭīkā in Sanskrit by Civākkirayōki (Śivāgrayogī), the sixteenth-century head of the Sūryaṉār Koyil monastery, as well as the lengthy Tirāviṭamāpāṭiyam in Tamil and a brief version of the same called the Civañāṉapōtaciṟṟurai by the eighteenth-century Civañāṉamuṉivar of the Tiruvāvaṭutuṟai monastery. One important promoter of the Civañāṉapōtam in English was J. M. Nallaswami

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Pillai (1864–1920). A district judge by profession, Nallaswami Pillai founded, edited, and wrote for The Light of Truth or Siddhanta Deepika in 1897, a journal devoted to English translations and articles on Indian religion and philosophy. Nallaswami Pillai also translated the Civañāṉapōtam and other Tamil Śaiva Siddhāntin texts (or excerpts thereof). Other English translations of the text exist, but all are inaccurate in many ways due to the lack of scholarly understanding about Śaiva Siddhānta until the last few decades. The only recent translation with commentary is by T. Ganesan, who bases his work on a Sanskrit version of the text [7].

Cross-References ▶ Brāhmaṇa (Brahmin/Brahman) ▶ Cōḻa Dynasty ▶ Gaṇeśa (Gaṇapati) ▶ Guru (Hinduism) ▶ Hagiography ▶ Pūjā ▶ Śaiva Āgamas ▶ Śaiva Siddhānta ▶ Sanskrit (Saṃskṛt) ▶ Śiva ▶ Tēvāram ( ) ▶ Umāpati Civācāriyār

References 1. Nallaswami Pillai JM (trans) (1913) Śivajñānasiddhiyār of Aruṇandi Śivāchārya. Meykandan Press, Madras 2. Siddalingaiah TB (1979) Origins and development of Saiva Siddhanta up to the 14th century. Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai 3. Zvelebil KV (1975) Tamil literature. EJ Brill, Leiden 4. Swamy BGL (1975) The Gōḷaki school of Śaivism in the Tamil country. J Indian Hist 53(2):167–201 5. Irattiṉacapāpati V (ed) (1988) Meykaṇṭa Cāttiraṅkaḷ. Madras University, Chennai 6. Prentiss KP (1996) A Tamil lineage for Śaiva Siddhānta philosophy. Hist Relig 35(3):231–257 7. Ganesan T (ed and trans) (2003) Śivajñānabodha with the Laghuṭīkā of Śivāgrayogī. Śrī Aghoraśivācārya Trust, Chennai

Middle-Class Hinduism

Middle-Class Hinduism Deonnie G Moodie Religious Studies, University of Oklahoma, Norman, OK, USA

Definition Middle-class Hinduism refers to the practices and ideas engaged by Hindus who belong to, or aspire to belong to, India’s middle class. Class society is based on the premise that the social order is not fixed, and that as such, individuals can move between class categories. Middle-class status is therefore not simply something one has but something one must continually assert and perform in relation to the shifting social, political, and economic contexts in which one operates. Thus, scholarship roughly parses the Indian middle class into two distinct groups according to the major changes Indian society has undergone over the past two centuries: the “old” middle class of India’s late-colonial era (the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries) and the “new” middle class of India’s posteconomic liberalization era (the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries). In each of these contexts, Hindus have reinterpreted Hindu practices and ideas in distinct ways. They are therefore treated separately here. Old Middle-Class Hinduism Along a spectrum of economic affluence and political power, the old middle class was situated between the former Indian aristocracy as well as British rulers on the upper end and the Indian masses on the lower end. While they critiqued the former for being as lazy and opulent, they critiqued latter for being uncouth and uneducated. By acquiring a westernized education, working hard, being thrifty, and demonstrating genteel manners, members of the old Indian middle class sought to distinguish themselves from individuals on either end of the spectrum [1–3]. Under colonial rule, that class became a dominant social force both because its members came to occupy positions of power in

Middle-Class Hinduism

the British administration and because they created and contributed to modern social forms including presses, publishing houses, and voluntary organizations. They created a public sphere through which they displayed and propagated their ideas and values [4]. Men and women of the old middle class were critical of much of the Hinduism practiced by their compatriots, which they saw as antithetical to modern notions of knowledge and propriety. They rejected, for example, belief in the existence of multiple gods, the worship of god/s in material form, priestly wealth, and the idea that the social order is divinely ordained. They led and participated in Hindu reform and revival movements that sought to redress these critiques by defining Hinduism as a religion that advocates internal devotion to one divine being, philosophical and scientific discussion, and the separation of money from religion [1, 2, 5, 6]. The Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj are both examples of groups formed in the nineteenth century espousing these values. Rammohun Roy is perhaps foremost among Hindu reformers of the early nineteenth century. He drew upon the Upaniṣads and the concept of Brahman to produce a monotheistic formulation of Hinduism. He founded the Brahmo Sabha (which later became the Brahmo Samaj under Debendranath Tagore’s leadership), a voluntary organization comprised of middle-class men who would gather weekly to discuss these ideas [3]. This form of social organization stood in stark contrast to others operating in their midst that were organized according to caste and kin ties. Roy and others like him deliberately flouted caste laws. By engaging in practices like traveling abroad, they lost caste status in the eyes of conservative Brahmins. The Brahmo Sabha/ Samaj’s form of religious activity also stood in stark contrast to temple worship. While its members engaged in diverse practices, many eschewed temples as sites of superstition and idolatry and spoke of a “golden age” when the Upaniṣads were composed and Hinduism was uncorrupted by these sites and their accompanying gods and rituals. Middle-class Hindus in nineteenth-century India formulated a Hinduism

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that had always adhered to modern ideals and an Indian civilization that had always been essentially Hindu. Swami Vivekananda, among others, took up this model of reform in the late nineteenth century. He emphasized in particular Hinduism’s focus on the soul, formulating spirituality as India’s greatest gift to the world. Such sentiments were echoed in the beginning of the twentieth century by M.K. Gandhi. When India gained independence in 1947, middle-class Indians moved into new positions of power in the Indian government and came to occupy its upper socioeconomic strata. They wrote westernized education, human equality, and cultural pride into the fabric of the secular nation-state of India. A mixture of rationality, spirituality, and visions of an equitable society characterized middle-class Hinduism during the decades immediately after Independence. While some rejected caste altogether, others including Gandhi rejected only the notion of untouchability, reformulating caste as a nonhierarchical system of social classification. New Middle-Class Hinduism In the 1970s and 1980s, India’s middle class became increasingly impatient with government policies aimed at producing economic equality among all Indians [8, 9]. Those policies appeared to be ineffective and to leave India trailing behind the global economic order. The middle class advocated for policies that opened India’s borders to more foreign trade in order to increase India’s wealth and access to consumer goods. Neoliberal reforms were introduced at the national level in the 1990s and continue to expand today. Members of the new middle class are characterized by their capacity to participate in the globalized marketplace, both economically and culturally [9]. New colleges and training centers focused on STEM careers compete with well-established English educational institutions [10]. Globally available consumer goods and services enter the homes of an increasing percentage of the population (either imaginatively or actually) through both media images and new money [18–20]. These shifts reflect and produce aspirations to achieve economic and scientific advancement. They are

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accompanied by a desire to maintain pride in India’s unique heritage so that it is not lost to a homogenous globalized culture [11]. Political parties that promise economic mobility both for India as a nation and for individual Indians have gained ground. Those that merge such promises with formulations of India’s proud Hindu heritage are particularly successful. New middle-class Hinduism retains many aspects of old middle-class Hinduism – the rejection of the caste system or at least the reformulation of it as nonhierarchical, the definition of Hinduism as a spiritual (and often, though not always, monotheistic) religion, and pride in the Hindu history of the Indian nation. Yet the upper end of the spectrum of their middling status is no longer a foreign power or the old aristocracy but a global consumer culture. On the one hand, India’s new middle class denounces that culture for its extravagance and homogeneity, but on the other hand, it seeks access to many of the goods and services of that culture in order to distinguish itself from India’s poor. As a result, the new middle class harbors less discomfort about materiality, even while it often continues to seek the tasteful display of material wealth. Perhaps in part because of this embrace of material goods, and because of the expansion of the middle class, new middle class Hindus reincorporate many material aspects of Hinduism that the old middle class eschewed – including the worship of the divine in material form and at temples. They reformulate those aspects as scientific and bourgeois – characteristic of an educated and refined populace that does not engage in either superstition or profligacy. Old middleclass values are present, then, but applied to an expanded set of Hindu forms. New middle-class Hindus, for example, fund Vedic rituals more regularly but employ scientific rhetoric – including geometry, meteorology, and modern medicine – to explain those rituals’ efficacy [5, 12]. They welcome back gods and goddesses once rejected as part of epic and Purāṇic lore including Hanumān and various forms of Kālī [13, 14]. They renovate and gentrify old temples to those deities and build grand new temple complexes to house them [11, 14, 15]. These

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beautified sites, free from physical clutter and the poor, serve as bourgeois spaces that cater to middle-class esthetics and as public spectacles that showcase India’s modern Hinduism to the world at large. New middle-class Hindu housewives engage in the performance of religious festivals that have widespread regional or national appeal, including Navarātri and Gaṇeśa Chaturthī [16, 17]. In so doing, they perform their middleclass propriety and tasteful use of material wealth, as festivals require elaborate physical structures that house mūrtis. Each of these new middle-class Hindu forms indicate aspirations to a scientific yet spiritual, wealthy yet tasteful, distinctively Hindu middle-class culture that is locally, nationally, and globally respectable.

Cross-References ▶ Brahman ▶ Brahmo Samaj ▶ Darśana, Image Worship ▶ Ganesh Chaturthi (Gaṇeśa Caturthī) ▶ Globalization (Hinduism) ▶ Hanumān (Hanumant, Hanūman) ▶ Kali ▶ Modern Reform Movements ▶ Mūrti ▶ Nationalism (Hinduism) ▶ Navarātri ▶ Purāṇa ▶ Roy, Rammohun ▶ Swami Vivekananda ▶ Tagore, Debendranath ▶ Temple Architecture and Space ▶ Vedas, Overview

References 1. Bhattacharya T (2005) The sentinels of culture: class, education, and the colonial intellectual in Bengal. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Chatterjee P (1993) The nation and its fragments: colonial and postcolonial histories. Princeton University Press, Princeton 3. Hatcher BA (2007) Bourgeois Vedānta: the colonial roots of middle-class Hinduism. J Am Acad Relig 75(2):298–323

Mīma¯msa¯ as Introspective Literature and as Philosophy ˙ 4. Joshi S (2001) Fractured modernity: making of a middle class in colonial North India. Oxford University Press, London 5. Heifetz D (2019) Religion, science, and the middle class in the all world Gayatri Pariwar. Int J Hindu Stud 23(1) 6. Kopf D (1979) The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of the modern Indian mind. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. Banerjee S (1989) The parlour and the streets: elite and popular culture in nineteenth century Calcutta. Seagull Books, Calcutta 8. Deshpande S (1997) From development to adjustment: economic ideologies, the middle class and 50 years of independence. Rev Develop Change 2(2):294–318 9. Fernandes L (2006) India’s new middle class: democratic politics in an era of economic reform. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis 10. Waghorne JP (2019) Introduction: religion and the construction of India’s new middle classes. Int J Hindu Stud 23(1) 11. Brosius C (2010) India’s middle class: new forms of urban leisure, consumption and prosperity. Routledge, New Delhi 12. Lubin T (2001) Science, patriotism, and mother Veda: ritual activism in Maharashtra. Int J Hindu Stud 5(3):297–321 13. Lutgendorf P (2001) Five heads and no tale: Hanumān and the popularization of Tantra. Int J Hindu Stud 5(3):269–296 14. Waghorne JP (2004) Diaspora of the gods: modern Hindu temples in an urban middle-class world. Oxford University Press, New York 15. Moodie D (2019) Kālīghāṭ and the fashioning of middle class modernities. Int J Hindu Stud 23(1) 16. Ortegren J (2019) Ganesha Chaturthi and the making of the aspirational middle class. Int J Hindu Stud 23(1) 17. Wilson N (2018) Kolus, caste and class: Navarātri as a site for ritual and social change in urban South India. In: Rodrigues, Simmons and Sen (eds) Nine nights of the goddess: Navarātri in South Asia and beyond. SUNY Press, Albany 18. Baviskar A, Ray R (eds) (2011) Elite and everyman: the cultural politics of the Indian middle classes. Routledge, New Delhi 19. Liechty M (2002) Suitably modern: making middleclass culture in a new consumer society. Princeton University Press, Princeton 20. Saavala M (2012) Middle-class moralities: everyday struggle over belonging and prestige in India. Orient Black Swan, Hyderabad

Migration ▶ Africa, Hinduism in

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Mīma¯msa¯ as Introspective ˙ Literature and as Philosophy Francis X. Clooney, S. J. Harvard Divinity School, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, USA

Synonyms Exegesis; Hermeneutics; Religious case law; Ritual interpretation

Definition Mīmāṃsā: “inquiry into dharma,” “the desire and effort to know in proper measure,” “the effort to intense reflection,” “inquiry, theoretical discussion (sometimes as opposed to practice)”; one of the six darśanas; and intimately connected with the Vedic rites and mantras.

M Mīma¯msa¯ as a Tradition of Inquiry ˙ Mīmāṃsā, characterized in Mīmāṃsā Sūtras I.1.1 as “inquiry into dharma,” may be elaborated as “the desire and effort to know in proper measure,” “the effort to intense reflection,” or “inquiry, theoretical discussion (sometimes as opposed to practice)” ([10], p. 1). It is considered one of the key and ancient supporting disciplines (vedāṅga) of Veda, even its primal vedatarka. The literature of Mīmāṃsā is vast and only minimally studied, but there have been reliable studies descriptive of the most important texts and editions: Ganganath Jha’s Pūrva-Mīmāṃsā in Its Sources and The Prabhākara School of Pūrva-Mīmāṃsā, JeanMarie Verpoorten’s Mīmāṃsā Literature, P.V. Kane’s lengthy exposition of Mīmāṃsā in the History of Dharmaśāstra V.2, and in Sanskrit the Mīmāṃsāmañjarī of R. Thangaswami Sarma (whose approximate dates for authors are employed throughout). This entry does not attempt to repeat or improve upon these summaries, which are to be referred to for details, but

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rather to notice of some of the key issues arising in several Mīmāṃsā genres: original texts, commentaries, broader and more particular thematic summaries, and distillations. The cases and problems arising are from the originally chosen set of ritual acts and ritual texts noticed by Jaimini (300–200 B.C.E.) in the Mīmāṃsā Sūtras and as discussed by generations of Mīmāṃsā scholars. While Mīmāṃsā analyses are grounded in the substance of Vedic rituals and the texts governing those rituals, it does not, except on very particular points, offer useful guidance on how actually to do rituals, nor even an idealized description of the Vedic canon of texts. It focuses rather on the difficult cases where it is uncertain how to read and apply one or another text and accordingly understand the web of sacrifices and their texts properly read. It did so for the sake of clarity regarding principles about performance and, it seems, for the sake of the purest, simplest understanding of the rules governing and therefore facilitating ritual and textual coherence and synergy. In the course of their deliberations, the Mīmāṃsā thinkers took care to state the strongest positions on either side of the matter, and decide for one interpretation and reading, for the ultimately most convincing reasons in support of what was already known to be settled practice. We must first of all recognize and highlight the importance of the bulk of the Sūtras, the more than 2,500 of its 2,700 sūtras, spread over 12 adhyāyas (books) and 60 pādas (chapters). These occur after the preliminary and well-studied issues of authorship, authority, language, and the boundaries of tradition found in the 140 sūtras of the four pādas of the first adhyāya. It is essential to the study of Mīmāṃsā to look at the whole of the Sūtras, not merely the first sections [1]. It is hard to define or quantify what the Sūtras are about, but it is helpful to notice the traditional themes distinctive to each adhyāya as summarized in the explanatory Vistara accompanying the Jaiminīyanyāyamālā of Mādhava (1297–1388), and drawing on a tradition dating back to Śabara (200 C.E.): the authority in the form of injunctions (vidhi), commendatory statements (arthavāda), etc. (adhyāya I); the distinction (bheda) among

actions, sacrifices, gifts, etc. (adhyāya II); the accessory status (śeṣatva) of the fore-sacrifices, etc., for the sake of the new and full moon sacrifices, etc. (adhyāya III); the decisions regarding which actions are done for the sake of the ritual (kratu-artha) and which are for the sake of the person (purusa-artha) as a ritual performer or more generally in his ordinary life (adhyāya IV); the constraint in terms of order (krama), etc., even if this is mentioned and not explicitly enjoined (adhyāya V); the fact that there is ritual eligibility and competence (adhikāra) for the agent but not for those ineligible due to various deficiencies, plus other cases related to ritual eligibility and competence (adhyāya VI); the transfer (atideśa) of details from an amply described ritual to one merely sketched or named by explicit statements and by statements inferred with reference to the names of various sacrifices, etc. (adhyāya VII); the special cases of transfer, according to which the mode of procedure is followed, in which deities or materials are substituted, etc. (adhyāya VIII); the modification of rites (ūha) in their adapted forms by the changing of the name of deities receiving the offering, materials offered, etc. (adhyāya IX); the cancellation (bādha) of no longer relevant details in adapted rites, when the threshing cannot be applied to gold coins, etc. (adhyāya X); the common performance (tantra) of subordinate helps, such as the fore-sacrifices, once but serving multiple rites (XI); and the incidental help (prasaṅga) of subordinate rites, such as the fore-sacrifices, brought in to help the primary animal rite but also contribute to related rites (XII). While in every case there is some justification for these identified categories, only several adhyāyas (I, III, IV) clearly announce their theme.

Text and Commentary The bulk of the reflection that occurs in Mīmāṃsā matters internally to its own system; their debates were never primarily conformed to questions arising from sources other than the rituals. While the case studies and the included texts and practices do have “real world” reference and while the very distinction between the Vedic and ordinary or

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worldly realms is not simple and is debated in the Sūtras, one does not find, in the major portion of the Sūtras, any effort to make Mīmāṃsā relevant to wider Indian intellectual discourses, religious or philosophical or in the fields of literature is secondary. While there are insights to be learned from Mīmāṃsā that can be of great help in the reading of any text or any practical endeavor, its distinctive wisdom is accessible to those willing to go inside the tradition and work through its cases. Like the other philosophical-theological systems (darśanas) built on sūtra texts, Mīmāṃsā seems to begin as it were out of nowhere, with a set of sūtras that are so sophisticated and greatly developed that it clearly cannot be actually first and does not announce itself to be such. Jaimini’s text seems already to be a very advanced contribution to ritual and textual analysis. It is impossible to imagine that the Sūtras – in actual bulk of words, far greater than Pāṇini’s 4,000+ sūtras – could have sprung full blown from a single author, all at once. The text does refer back to a number of teachers, and Jaimini is simply one of the teachers mentioned, but gives very few clues as to its possible redaction. One does not discern easily noticed fault lines, older and newer sections of the text. Indeed, order was imposed on the text only later on. Most of its bulk is simply a series of case studies not demarcated by any fixed marking; further sūtras and cases studies might have been added along the way. But its core idea is that of encapsulating the full extent of debated topics and their resolution in the form of sūtras – a vast sea of detail, learning, opinions, and debate reduced to this very succinct, economical form. More than Vedānta, which took up matters of content that more easily are perceived to have a life beyond the strictures of its early texts and contexts, Mīmāṃsā “dwells” stubbornly within the case studies inscribed in its adhikāranas (cased studies comprised of a certain number of sūtras, verses). One can of course rethink Vedānta precisely as a “Later (Uttara) Mīmāṃsā” and pay more attention to the adhikāranas of the Brahma Sūtras, not merely noting which ācāryas wrote commentaries (bhāṣya) but also studying how,

early on at least, the Vedānta too subsists in dealing with the issues arising from adhikaraṇa to adhikaraṇa. Yet Vedānta quickly opens into a universalism of the kind that Mīmāṃsā, stubbornly committed to the language and logic of ritual, never achieved or even sought. Mīmāṃsā does not become something else over time but only, as it were, more itself, refining the internal perfection of its enterprise. This is so because Mīmāṃsā is a thinking that arises at those difficult and crucial points where the Vedas seems to be unclear, the next steps in practice uncertain; it is about how such difficulties are resolved and judgments made and, as it develops, stand in defense of the traditional way of saying and resolving such things. And so its case studies are sites for education, such as is not to be achieved except by the disciplined study of the Sūtras per se. One can of course learn the Mīmāṃsā position on any given theme by selecting texts apt for the topic, but to learn within the Mīmāṃsā system is something else again. Focus on the case studies is the intent of Mādhava in his Jaiminīyanyāyamālā, which though only a fourteenth-century text stands at the “end” of the tradition, marking a kind of perfection of the condensation and succinctness ambitioned early on by Jaimini. The “minimalist fullness” of Mādhava’s Jaiminīyanyāyamālā makes it a direct challenge and invitation to readers to stay with these cases and, resisting the temptation to turn to theory or principles, to learn from each, one after the other.

Meaning-Making in the Reading of the Sūtras Reading individual sūtras is often not difficult, except for the outstanding and not inconsiderable matter of figuring out what is being discussed. Here, for the sake of an example, consideration will be focused on a lesser-known, less-noted section of the Sūtras, III.4.1–16 (omitting six sūtras not commented on by Śabara). Jaimini gives no indication that sūtra 1 is the start of a new chapter, so it might well have continued the previous chapter, but at least from Śabara’s time, III.4 begins here:

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1. The mention of the “nivīta (positioning of the thread)” is a dharma of the man; for the word is primarily about (him). 2. No; the sentence merely points this out, as it is already present. 3. But it is an injunction because (it enjoins) something not already established. 4. [Rather], it is a dharma of the action, due to the general import. 5. And due to rest of the sentence. 6. What is conjoined with something belongs to its context because there is nothing to the contrary. 7. No, it belongs with the primary, as with other elements similarly enumerated. The other is for its purpose. 8. No, it is a commendatory statement because of context. 9. And because it forms one sentence with an injunction. 10. The “apportionment according to the directions” is like that, for the relationship has a purposeful reason. 11. The cases of “what is cut at the joint,” “what is full,” “clarified butter,” and “cooked” are like that too. 12. The nonaction is conjoined to the sacrifice; because of that conjunction, the statement refers to what is already invariable. 13. No,it is an injunction because its conjunction is different. 14. Like the ahīna sacrifice (see III.3.15–16), the man (is the referent), since this is for his purpose. 15. No, because of the particular context, it is preparation of him as joined to (the sacrifice), as with the materials used. 16. By stipulation, it should be removed (from context) (my translation).

reasons and the sides in arguments the substance of which remains unknown to readers unless they have a teacher to give the context or, later on and in terms of a textual record, unless readers turn to Śabara, who writes out the contexts for the arguments. He does guide us along the trajectory of the argument with a series of particles (“no,” “but,” “like,” etc.); as a result, it becomes possible to see the logical form and trajectory of the arguments, but without actually knowing much about what is being argued. It is only with the help of Śabara that one can make sense of the divisions of adhikaraṇas. His contribution was not the invention of cases and textual and ritual references, but rather to add identifying markers and verbalize what the issues were. He drew on oral tradition to group clusters of verses as adhikaraṇas and name the theme or themes of each adhyāya (as already seen). That is, he was putting into writing the oral context in relation to which the Sūtras had taken shape, thus preserving in writing the oral past, albeit fixing and changing it in the process. Regarding the III.4 verses given above, Śabara distinguishes the sūtras as comprising five adhikaraṇas, 1–9, 10, 11, 12–13, and14–16, and identifies the content (as summarized here):

It is notable that Jaimini gives little contextual reference in these sūtras, except for minimal clues in 1 (“nivīta [positioning of the thread]”), 10 (“division according to the directions”), 11 (“what is cut at the joint,” “what is full,” “clarified butter,” and “cooked”), and 14 (“like the ahīna sacrifice”). He does not divide the text in a series of clearly demarcated cases. He rather gives

(1–9) First adhikaraṇa: whether the statement “The nivīta (positioning of the thread) is for men” is an injunction or a commendatory statement; if the former, does it enjoin an attribute of the man or of the sacrifice? Does it pertain to the man in the sacrificial context or also primarily in his ordinary life? Śabara divides this adhikaraṇa into four opposing positions (1–3, 4–5, 6, 7) and reserves only the last two sūtras for the settled conclusion. (10) Second adhikaraṇa: the ritual instruction, “The men take the western direction,” is considered with respect to similar questions as in the preceding: it is an injunction or a commendatory statement. Does it enjoin an attribute of the man or of the sacrifice? Does it pertain to the particular context where it is stated or in another context? (11) Third adhikaraṇa: four ritual statements are given in shorthand here: “that which is cut at

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the joints is for the god,” “what is cooked is for the Nrrtis,” “what is full is for men,” and “clarified butter is for celestial beings.” These are considered in accord with the questions taken up in the preceding, first adhikaraṇa: are these injunctions of properties of men, or commendatory statements, relevant to the sacrifice, or do they apply to man in some other particular context? (12–13) Fourth adhikaraṇa: at the Darśpūrṇamāsa (new and full moon) sacrifices, there is the prohibition, “Do not speak untruth.” Is this an injunction pertaining to the sacrificial context, or a reminder regarding what always pertains to the man? (Sūtra 12 is the opposing position and 13 the settled conclusion.) (14–16) Fifth adhikaraṇa: do the details in the Jyotiṣṭoma sacrifice related to bathing and yawning, apply to the man only in this context or to the man in general? Sūtra 14 is the opposing position and 15–16 the settled conclusion.

concise or thematically clear form, closer again to the simplest version of Jaimini’s arguments.

Setting the context, Śabara also elaborates the arguments made in each sūtra, identifying the opposing positions, most notably in 1–9, the four prior positions ultimately put aside in favor of the settled conclusion. The problems inherent in the Sūtras – a vast body of sūtras, dense argumentation, an incomplete set of ritual clues, and an incomplete formality of argument with an understated rendering of material content – turned out to be productive of the entire Mīmāṃsā tradition as commentarial literature. The Bhāṣya put the oral into writing, but this opened the door to a never-ending flood of additional words. The destiny of Mīmāṃsā as a school of thought is marked as a record of brilliant intellectual analyses coupled with efforts to manage and streamline its ever-growing resources and reduce them to learnable – intelligible and memorizable – succinct forms. While never departing from the boundaries drawn by Jaimini, later Mīmāṃsā thinkers dedicated themselves to the task of elaborating the formal arguments Jaimini had in mind and dealing amply and systematically with the implications of his always briefly sketched positions. Because the tradition grew enormously, later on, they also took up the task of reducing the sūtras to an ever more

A Great Ocean of Tradition The written tradition established in the Bhāṣya served as a foundation for further commentarial elaboration. Kumārila Bhaṭṭa (700), a few centuries later, was the most influential thinker of the tradition after Jaimini and Śabara. He wrote several massive treatises on parts of the Sūtras, the Ślokavārtika and Tantravārtika, respectively, on I.1 and I.2–III.8, a briefer Ṭupṭīkā on IV–XII, and, it is said, a lost Bṛhatṭīkā that covers the same ground as the Ślokavārtika. Particularly in the Ślokavārtika, he sometimes added full and developed new layer of arguments aimed at the Buddhists or the grammarians, for instance, and goes well beyond the sūtras as such and even out of all proportion with the Bhāṣya. Prabhākara (650–750), the other great commentator on the Bhāṣya, in his Laghvī and Bṛhatī commentaries (the former not extant and the latter available only up to VI.2), writes more sparely and minimally, staying closer to the original intent of the Sūtras. Despite the battles that arose between the Bhāṭṭa and Prābhākara schools on particular philosophical and ritual points, both are faithful heirs to the Sūtras, and both are indebted to Śabara even if they assert their independence over against his readings when necessary; on the bulk of the Sūtras, the case studies and textual-ritual reasoning, there is no real disagreement. The differences among the schools occur regarding matters of language and philosophical issues which, as I have already noted, are important but secondary with respect to the overall trajectory of the Sūtras with regard to which Kumārila and Prabhākara are largely in agreement. A key distinguishing point is Kumārila’s decision to engage the much wider range of issues facing intellectuals in medieval India, with special emphasis on those confronting Vedic traditionalists. By contrast, it seems that Prabhākara stayed closer to the internal concerns and coherency of the tradition in itself and in fact, by his interpretations, headed off and ruled out a turn outward to the accommodation of other

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viewpoints and questions. Given the density of their thoughts and the abundance of Kumārila’s in particular, both Kumārila’s and Prabhākara’s texts generate further commentaries. For example, Someśvara Bhaṭṭa (1300–1400) wrote the Nyāyasudhā on the Tantravārtika, and Khaṇḍadeva (1575–1675) wrote the Mīmāṃsākauṣṭubha on I.2–III.8. Śalikanātha Miśra (720–820) wrote the Ṛjivimalapañcikā on the Bṛhatī. Pārthasārathi Miśra (1050–1120) wrote the Nyāyaratnākara on the Ślokavārtika and the Tantraratna on the Ṭupṭīkā. He also wrote a summary commentary, the Śāstradīpikā, on the whole of Kumārila’s work. Further “subcommentaries” in turn elaborated the tradition all the more amply. Still later Mīmāṃsā thinkers undertook the project of retrieving or fashioning the Mīmāṃsā heritage for the sake of a more focused and concise rendering of its issues; for after a long tradition of commentaries, the powerful condensation signaled by Jaimini had been lost in an evergreater expanse of analyses. Some Mīmāṃsā thinkers wrote thematic treatises, which may be characterized as inward or outward directed. Śalikanātha Miśra’s Prakaraṇapañcikā is an early entry in the latter category, raising issues in argument with the Buddhists regarding the nature of knowledge and its authority and language ([10], pp. 39–40). The Mānameyodaya of Nārāyaṅa Bhaṭṭa Tiri (1590) is a major Mīmāṃsā contribution to the pan-Indian debate on the pramāṇas. By contrast, Pārthasārathi Miśra’s Nyāyaratnamālā focused on key issues that mattered to the Mīmāṃsā thinkers in dispute among themselves, such as the usefulness of Vedic study to the nature of injunctions, and the distinction between obligatory and optional rites ([10], pp. 42–43). Interesting too as works furthering the goals of Mīmāṃsā are the thematic treatises that attempt to get at the essential issues in Mīmāṃsā by a more concentrated focus. Here, one can turn to the Arthasaṃgraha of Laugākṣi Bhāskara (1700) and the Mīmāṃsānyāyaprakāśa of Āpadeva (1700), both of which seek to discern and state the key Mīmāṃsā teachings on word and language in a most precise and refined form. Though attentive to grammatical issues, these

works are inward-looking formulations of Mīmāṃsā reasoning that resist the temptation to recast Mīmāṃsā by the categories of outside systems. Others produced treatises that likewise aimed at the main internal themes of Mīmāṃsā. The most introductory of these is the Mīmāṃsā Bāla Prakāśa of Śaṅkara Bhaṭṭa (1550–1650), a text which seems an early and provisional effort in the field, while the Mīmāṃsāparibhāṣā of Kṛṣṇa Yajvan (1600–1650) quite competently covers some key themes and then just the first five adhyāyas but in a relatively simple and straightforward manner. R. Thangaswami Sarma’s Mīmāṃsāmañjarī is a recent (late twentieth century) Sanskrit-language contribution to this “textbook,” literature, and indeed a masterful survey of the entirety of the tradition. It is important to notice that the majority of the themes in these texts are very much internal to the Mīmāṃsā and as such not easily accessible to those unfamiliar with the Mīmāṃsā discourse. Still another, and most interesting, genre marks the effort to reduce the tradition to a more manageable form, to get straight, in as brief a way as possible, what each adhyāya and its subsections are about – and to do so in correspondence to the order of the Sūtras and its adhikāranas as identified by Śabara. Outstanding is the Mīmāṃsānyāyasaṃgraha of Mahādeva Vedāntin (1700), expertly edited and translated by Benson in his recent edition, along with similar texts that summarize by identifying the context, options, and crux of each adhikaraṇa’s decision in a descriptive paragraph. Appayya Dīkṣita’s Pūrvamīmāṃsāviṣayasaṃgrahadīpikā is a brief prose treatise covering the entirety of the Sūtras’ topics in a brief number of pages. These are elegant accomplishments, simplifications possible only because of the erudition of their authors. Most satisfying and unparalleled in this regard is again the Jaiminīyanyāyamālā of Mādhava, probably dependent on the Śāstradīpikā and intent upon finishing the work of distilling the Mīmāṃsā intellectual tradition back to a perfected version of the Sūtras. A set of less than 1,500 ślokas (here, two-line-metered verses) encapsulates the nuances of every adhikaraṇa in one or several ślokas, brilliant in economy of

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expression, and finally in what it leaves out by its omissions weighing what matters in the tradition. It may be taken as a final landmark in the quest to clarify the meaning of the Sūtras while yet retaining the concision of the original, in fact making clear for the heritage of Mīmāṃsā as a tradition of texts what Jaimini had put forward, often inscrutably, in the place of the spoken word. At the beginning of his work, Mādhava notes that Mīmāṃsā had become an ocean of learning too broad and deep, inaccessible to beginners. He needed to pay attention to the commentators and yet, by his own design, reduce their expansive teaching very selectively to the essence of each argument, constrained within the self-imposed format of one or two ślokas. Here, we have come full circle, a text that does what Jaimini did in the beginning, a complete and succinct rendering of the entirety of the Mīmāṃsā debates. We can finish off this example, then, by considering how Mādhava presents the open section of III.4 noted above:

Third adhikaraṇa (11) By saying, “cut at the joint,” the foundation of the sacrificial grass is praised; by saying, “melted butter is for the gods, the curd gruel for the ancestors,” fresh butter is praised. By saying, “that which is cooked,” the readiness of the cake is praised. The details of the opposing and settled positions are all to be argued as with the case of the nivīta. Fourth adhikaraṇa (12–13) Is “Let him not speak untruth” enjoined as a dharma of the man, or is it a recitation that refers to what is already established? Does it have to do with the man during the sacrifice, or solely the sacrifice? Or it is an injunction regarding the sacrifice? Because by speaking non-truths there is benefit for the man, thus too their prohibition. This is merely a reference to what can be recollected, because of what is explicit regarding the man and contextual regarding the sacrifice. The man’s “not speaking” is to be explicated not by a narrow analysis of the verb, but only regarding the sacrifice, as with the fore-sacrifices. The context is different than that of the restriction regarding speaking truth, and so this is an injunction connected to the sacrifice. Fifth adhikaraṇa (14–16) Is the recitation of the mantra after yawning a dharma of the man or of the sacrifice? It is the former, due to the whole statement. Rather, let it be the latter, due to context, which is not in conflict (with the statement) (my translation).

First adhikaraṇa (1–9) Is “The nivīta (positioning of the thread) belongs to men” an injunction or a commendatory statement? Because this is not already settled, due to context it is an injunction, but still related to the sacrifice. The nivīta (positioning of the thread) is a settled matter, not an injunction, since we ordinarily see it worn thus among mortals. Because the statement is one with the injunction regarding the “upavīta (positioning of the thread),” it is a commendatory statement. Second adhikaraṇa (10) Is “To men is apportioned the western direction” an injunction or a commendatory statement? Since here the purpose is praise of past deeds, it ought to be an injunction. Because of the mention of the ancient lineage and because it forms one statement with the injunction, then the apportioning of the directions is a commendatory statement with respect to the upavīta (positioning of the thread), as with the nivīta.

Mādhava’s summation is itself difficult, given its extreme economy of expression and condensation of vast amounts of learning into disciplined ślokas. It immediately required modest explication in his own Vistara, prose paragraphs explicating the Mālā. Yet there is completeness to the Mālā as it is, since in a thoroughly disciplined fashion it states for each adhikaraṇa the debated point, the opposing positions (pūrvapakṣa) and settled conclusion (siddhānta) and the decision,

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with its reason. Against the background of all the other texts of the Mīmāṃsā literary tradition, it has a kind of perfection and finality to it by its approximately 1,000 ślokas bringing the Mīmāṃsā tradition to a formal conclusion. A still briefer work, the Mīmāṃsāsārasaṃgraha of Śaṅkara Bhaṭṭa (1650), pushes succinctness to the extreme: the settled conclusions for each adhikaraṇa, four to a two-line śloka, the whole of the Sūtras thus summarizes in fewer than 250 ślokas. While admirably succinct, though, this work does not make available the thinking of the Mīmāṃsā scholars; the conclusions alone, after all, are hardly intelligible. After the Jaiminīyanyāyamālā reduced, restored, the tradition to a spare and succinct form that resembles nothing more than the original Sūtras, though now in a perfected form, the Mālā itself is interestingly used in the great commentaries of Sāyaṇa on the Tattirīyasaṃhita and Tattirīyavrāhmaṇa. Ślokas and Vistara prose passages are introduced, when Sayana comes to a Samhita text used also in Jaimini and in other contexts where a problem arises that can benefit from one or more of Mādhava’s adhikaraṇas. In Mādhava’s own Kālamādhava, there are likewise a number of ślokas quoted from the Jaiminīyanyāyamālā, which is clearly a tool for clarification of difficult cases. These further uses repatriate the analyses which begun in the Sūtras and subjected to a long tradition of commentary back to the texts, if not rituals, which Śabara identified as the sites for the earliest Mīmāṃsā discussions.

content and for answers to questions arising in other contexts. Some borrowed Mīmāṃsā rules of interpretation and referred to Mīmāṃsā cases, without a concern for the wider horizon of the school. Others criticized Mīmāṃsā for being work oriented, ritualistic, possessed of many deities but resistant to the notion of a supreme God, etc. For example, Mīmāṃsā, in eschewing the notion of an author for the Veda and subordinating the deities to the rituals in which offerings are made to them, seemed also to be eschewing the notion of creator and ruling out the possibility of devotional, “God-oriented” religion. Mīmāṃsā is either exonerated by being made to produce the right answer – in the creation of a theistic Mīmāṃsā – or blamed for an atheism formalized only by alien intellectual criteria and then judged inadequate. Or, to take another example, the debate over rites and knowledge is a very old question arising in the Upanishads, then formalized in the Uttara Mīmāṃsā (Vedānta) Sūtras, gaining prominence in the critique of Mīmāṃsā by Śaṅkara and later Vedantins. In some cases, it was identified as the determining issues, since the debate over rites and knowledge – just a particular kind of knowledge since Mīmāṃsā is, after all, a highly sophisticated form of knowledge – is formulated from the outside, measuring Mīmāṃsā by the standards of Vedānta’s quest for a knowledge after ritual. Similarly, it is important, but also insufficient and possibly misleading, to notice that Mīmāṃsā principles are useful in Dharmaśāstra, if this is taken to imply that Mīmāṃsā is justified by that usefulness. Even the obviously interesting intellectual work that Kumārila Bhaṭṭa does on the pramāṇa, and on the grounding of the meaning of sentences, can be distracting and less than helpful, since this work marks the effort of Mīmāṃsā thinkers to meet the questions of others, apart from questions arising interior to the Sūtra tradition. Thus, later Mīmāṃsā thinkers such as Mādhava in his Jaiminīyanyāyamālā, in their efforts to reduce the commentarial materials to the briefest form, possibly largely bypass debates over the means of correct knowledge, arguments about īśvara (lord), arguments with the Buddhists, etc.,

Into Mīma¯msa¯, from the Outside ˙ What Jaimini and Śabara were up to was largely a matter of concerns and questions internal to the Vedic world, thought through with the simple presumption that these Vedic details matter. The study of Mīmāṃsā from the outside, in light of concerns brought to the text from wider religious and philosophical and theological contexts, is another matter and, while inevitable, not always to the good. Mīmāṃsā has been mined for philosophical

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instead of devoting considerable energy to the second, inner-Mīmāṃsā consideration of authoritative knowledge (pramāṇa) as a set of interlocking exegetical principles in Sūtras III.3.14. The often excellent research of modern scholars generally avoids polemic and the distortions that accompany it, but is nonetheless too often focused entirely on issues removed from the primary concerns and content of Mīmāṃsā. However attractive and wellintentioned might be the effort to legitimate Mīmāṃsā by the light it might shed on questions pertinent in other darśanas and then later in terms of Western interests in philosophies of language or ritual, it is mistaken to mine any of the Mīmāṃsā texts merely for the sake of issues arising in epistemology and metaphysics posed in other systems, Indian or Western. P.V. Kane, the great scholar of Dharmaśāstra, made this point with respect to Mīmāṃsā and law. Mīmāṃsā’s link to Dharmaśāstra is of limited value, he says, since in his view there are cases considered in Dharmaśāstra that are not at all like the Veda’s self-enclosed, self-validating world:

pleading its relevance to worldviews and philosophies quite alien to it.

There is a great deal of difference between the interpretation of statutes and the Mīmāṃsā rules of interpretation. In the first place, statutes are manmade, they express the will of the enacting authority, have mostly secular purposes, may be amended or even repealed and have to be expounded according to the intent of those that made them. But the Mīmāṃsā is concerned with the Veda that is deemed eternal and self-existent (and not manmade), that deals with religious matters, cannot be amended or repealed and is to be expounded according to the intent of the Vedic words.

Referring to Kishorilal Sarkar’s influential Tagore Law Lectures (1909), Kane suggested that “Mr. Sarkar was obsessed by the notion that he must show somehow or other that Jaimini’s rules of interpretation were not inferior to those of Maxwell’s and agreed closely with him. For this purpose he relies often on far-fetched analogies and employs obscure explanations” ([4], pp. 1283–1284). Even if one softens Kane’s sharp critique of Sarkar, it is advisable to resist the temptation to defend Mīmāṃsā simply by

Next Steps in Mīma¯msa¯ Studies ˙ To rebalance our understanding of Mīmāṃsā, it needs to be studied on its own terms. This will provide for this most distinctive of Indian intellectual discourses a firmer, albeit more narrowly defined place in the study of brahminical thought and the wider Indian intellectual and religious history. Learning this tradition properly and with due respect for its own terms will be attuned to its own inner logic as the tradition of the 960 cases in the Sūtras. This more focused study will bear fruit by fresh insights into Vedic rituals and texts, into linguistic and philosophical matters, and into hermeneutical strategies, to be sure, but in the end will primarily offer disciplined training in the Mīmāṃsā itself as an intensely refined way of thinking with no clear parallels anywhere else. If the singular project, intense and inward-looking intellectual brilliance of Mīmāṃsā is recognized, an additional benefit is that comparative projects involving Mīmāṃsā will no longer entirely bent toward the concerns of the systems of thought to which Mīmāṃsā is compared. Such comparisons are likely to have less to do with the philosophical traditions of linguistic philosophy and epistemology – though those remain possible – and more to do with other religious/exegetical traditions, such as the Rabbinic and Christian traditions of the West. Differences notwithstanding, these too have their own classic sources, proliferation of commentaries, and experiments in various literary genres aimed at distilling their great oceans of learning down to the essence of the earliest sources.

Cross-References ▶ Darśana, Image Worship ▶ Dharma ▶ Hermeneutics ▶ Mantra ▶ Vedānta

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References 1. Clooney FX (1990) Thinking ritually: retrieving the Pūrva Mīmāṃsā of Jaimini. The De Nobili Research Series, Vienna 2. Jha G (1964) Pūrva-Mīmāṃsā in its sources. Benares Hindu University, Benares 3. Jha G (1978) The Prabhākara school of PūrvaMīmāṃsā. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 4. Kane PV (1977) History of Dharmaśāstra V.2. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune 5. Mādhavacharya (1892) Jaiminīyanyāyamālā Vistara with Jaimini’s Sūtras of each Adhikaraṇa (ed: Pandit Sivādatta). Mahadeva Chimnaji Apte, Pune 6. Śabara-Bhāṣya (1973[1933]) (trans: Jha G), 3 vols. Oriental Institute, Baroda. 7. Sarma RT (1996) Mīmāṃsā Manjarī. Indian Council of Philosophical Research, New Delhi 8. Sarkar KL (1909) The Mimansa rules of interpretation as applied to Hindu law. Thacker, Spink & Co., Calcutta 9. Vedāntin M (2010) The Mīmāṃsā Nyāya Saṃgraha: a compendium of the principles of Mīmāṃsā (ed and trans: James Benson). Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 10. Verpoorten J-M (1987) Mīmāṃsā literature. Otto Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden

Mimamsa Philosophy

Mimamsa Philosophy

Mirabai (about 1498–1547 A.D.) was a celebrated woman saint and a mystic poet of medieval India. A major figure in the Bhakti movement that swept the whole of India from twelfth century to seventeenth century, Mirabai was a composer of pada, or devotional verse, which are popularly sung as Mira Bhajan (or Devotional Songs of Mira) throughout India to this day. Known equally for her devotion to Lord Krishna and her rebellion against societal norms, Mirabai is a legendary figure among the masses even today and is the most loved woman saint-poet of the Bhakti movement. Mirabai was a wandering minstrel travelling from place to place singing and dancing in praise of her Divine Lord. She did not formally belong to any particular devotional sect but is said to be inspired by the saint-poet Raidas (Ravidas or Rohidas), a low-caste chamar (cobbler) [1] who was probably dead long before Mirabai was born [2]. Like the other female Bhakti saints, she interrogated the caste system and spurned rituals – upholding the equality of beings and condemning violence. But unlike them, Mirabai at once subverted and rose above the narrow constraints of class, caste, religion, and gender by rebelling against the social, cultural, and gendered norms that constrained women’s lives in medieval India.

▶ Sonic Theology

Life

Mind on Trial ▶ Savarkar, Vinayak Damodhar (“Veer”)

Mīra¯ba¯ī Sutapa Chaudhuri Department of English, Dr. Kanailal Bhattacharyya College (under University of Calcutta), Howrah, West Bengal, India

(Also called – Sant Mirabai; Mira; Meera; Meerabai; Bhakti Meera)

Many legends surround the life and times of this mystic poet. Little is known about her life. Kumkum Sangari points out that even the earliest biographies of Mirabai – Bhaktmala of Nabhadas (1667) and Bhaktmaltika of Priyadas (1732) follow the conventions of hagiographic accounts of medieval women saints along with Mirabai’s own compositions, typically recounting the persecutions, the escapes by divine aid, use of logic to counter patriarchal authority, refusal to abide by social norms, breaking of taboos, journeys to holy places, renunciation of family and worldly life, living a life of austerity and poverty among the masses that ends in a miraculous death [3]. But as Madhu Kishwar and Ruth Vanita assert, Mirabai’s life is different from the other women saint-poets of the Bhakti movement as Mirabai renounced the

Mīra¯ba¯ī

world and worldly ties for God; and chose to live a life of austere poverty by giving up the life of a princess and a queen as well as the comforts of a royal palace so as to be spiritually close with her Divine Lord [4]. She wandered on the streets like a beggar, yearning to be united with her God. Tradition holds that Mirabai was an upperclass Rajput woman born into the royal house of Merta in western Rajasthan. She was born in about 1498 in the feudal kingdom of Marwar, in the Koorki village of Nagaur district. Her family was a Vaishnavite Rathor family who worshipped Krishna. Her father was Rao Rattan Singh. Mira lost her mother in her childhood and her grandfather Duda Merta brought her up. According to Kumkum Sangari, Mirabai was trained in the “male” arts of hunting, sports, and battle as well as in the “female” arts of dance, music, and sewing [3]. Like other children of royal households, Mira’s education also included archery and horseback riding along with instruction on religious scriptures [4]. When Mira was in her early teens, she was married to Bhoj Raj, son of Rana Sanga, of the royal family of Sisodia Rajputs in the kingdom of Mewar in southern Rajasthan. After her marriage, Mira refused to perform her conjugal duties. She did not worship Durga, the family goddess of her marital family, and continued to worship her idol of Girdhar Gopal who had been with her from childhood. She believed that she was married to Krishna and refused to immolate herself in her husband’s pyre after his death in 1523 as was the norm. She neither followed the social norms for a woman of her class or caste; nor cared for the privileges that her royal lineage afforded her [1]. Though she was cruelly persecuted by her husband’s family, especially by her brother-in-law, Mirabai undauntedly composed poems and sang bhajans or devotional songs praising Lord Krishna and proclaiming her love for him. The tales of Mirabai’s persecution vary. In some versions of the legend, her husband suspected her of adultery and persecuted her; in others, her father-in-law asked her to kill herself. Mira is supposed to have jumped into a river obeying his command, but was saved by divine grace. In other versions, her husband’s relatives sent her cups of poison as charanamrit (sacred

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water) or snakes in baskets of flowers for worship. Mira miraculously survived the ordeals but was forced to leave Chittor around 1528 and seek shelter with her natal family. Mira sang and danced in public; she mixed with the common people, irrespective of their class, caste, or religion, and freely associated with holy men. Her father died in 1530 and her uncle refused to accept such unconventional behavior from a widow. Completely absorbed in her love for her Lord, Mirabai became a jogin. She renounced her family and domestic life, gave up the restraints of family honor, personal shame, and social decorum and took to the road as an itinerant religious mendicant. She roamed from place to place, sang and danced on the open roads, forests, and temple courtyards, and went on pilgrimages. She went to Vrindavan in Uttar Pradesh and Dwarka in Gujarat, visiting places associated with Lord Krishna; and finally, she settled in Dwarka, a place that was mythically ruled by Lord Krishna. According to the legends surrounding her, Mirabai’s death was miraculous – she is said to have merged with the idol of Krishna in the temple of Ranchod at Dwarka in 1547, while singing and dancing in front of her Lord. In some versions of the legend, Mira met Akbar, Tansen, Birbal, Tulsidas, though these illustrious patrons of music and art all came much later into the world than Mirabai [3], and Chaitanya’s disciple Jiva Goswami.

Mira Bhajan or Songs of Mirabai Mirabai’s poetry is an intensely personal expression of her religious fervor and her love for Lord Krishna and is among the best loved devotional poetry in India. Mirabai’s poems and songs are primarily part of a living oral tradition. Madhu Kishwar and Ruth Vanita note that some of Mirabai’s poems are preserved in the Guru Granth Saheb and her songs are sung in Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi, Bhojpuri, Bengali, Oriya, and the southern Indian languages. It is difficult to determine the authenticity of Mirabai’s works just as it is difficult to ascertain an accurate historical biography of this legendary saint-poet [4]. An immense

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body of padas and bhajans (devotional poems and songs that Mirabai is said to have set to tune) composed in Braja Bhasha, or the Rajasthani dialect of Hindi, are attributed to her. However, according to scholars like Pandey and Zide, about 200 of these poems and songs were composed by Mirabai herself and the others were most probably the compositions of her followers in later times [2]. The central theme of Mirabai’s poetry is her steadfast love for Krishna.Through her poetry, Mirabai sought a spiritual and mystical union with her Divine Lover. The poems show her absolute devotion and steadfast pursuit of God as a husband, a lover, or even an adulterous lover; and finally, the attainment of salvation through a union of the human with the divine. She uses wedding imagery in many of her poems and depicts herself as the wife or beloved of Krishna, her Dark Lord. In Mirabai’s compositions, the human soul is thought to be the eternal Bride and the Divine Lord the eternal Bridegroom. Written in the Vaishnavite tradition, the poems and songs of Mirabai characteristically express the love, longing, and the agony of separation (viraha) of the eternal beloved from her Divine Lover. Scholars like Pandey and Zide classify Mirabai’s poems broadly into four categories – poems of salutation; poems of love for Krishna; poems of dissatisfaction with the world and a certain Rana; and poems of separation. Apart from these, there are also poems on Braj, Krishna’s childhood, his antics, and his flute [2]. Madhu Kishwar and Ruth Vanita, on the other hand, note that in all her poems, Mirabai relates to her Divine Lord predominantly through madhurya bhava, in which the bhakta as bride longing for her union with God in a mystic marriage addresses him as husband and beloved; and dasya bhava, in which the bhakta as the dasi (slavegirl) or chakar (maidservant) of God addresses Him as master or Lord and takes the servile attitude of a slave. A few of Mirabai’s poems also express the shanta bhava in which the bhakta peacefully contemplates the glorious incarnations of God and shakhya bhava, in which the bhakta relates to God as constant companion. Only vatsalya bhava, in which the devotee loves God as a child, is not found in Mirabai’s poetic

oeuvre [4]. Of these five appropriate bhavas or rasas of bhakti (emotions or feelings of the devotee), through which the devotee approaches her God, only madhurya bhava and dasya bhava, as Mirabai’s poetry exemplifies, have connotations of closeness, intimacy, constancy, complete surrender of will, and the sense of belonging – all the attributes needed for a complete union of the human lover with the divine [4]. Mirabai’s famous poems like “Baso mere nainan me Nandalal,” “Ho ji Hari, kit gaye,” “Ramaiya bin nid na aowe,” “Kenu sang khelu Holi,” “Payoji main ne Ram rattan dhan payo” and many others illustrate Mirabai’s absolute devotion to her beloved Krishna through these bhavas. In all her poems, Mirabai’s name appears in the signature line; but her name, as Nancy Martin notes, is very often tied to Krishna with the phrase “Mira ke Prabhu Ghirdhar Nagar” (Mira’s Lord is the gallant Mountain Bearer) [1]. Interestingly, in her poems, Mirabai depicts a youthful, human Krishna who, as Pandey and Zide describe him, “wears a peacock crown, earrings in his ears, a garland of jasmine flowers around his neck, a yellow garment on his body, and has a flute at his lips” [2]. For Mirabai, all associations – be it with the physical world, family, friends, or relatives – are unreal and false in this transitory world. The only real and true association is with “Giridhar Nagar” – the Divine Lover, the Husband of the devotee. Thus Mirabai in her songs expresses what may be called a devotion of “conjugal love” or dampatya; for her path is that of love or prem bhakti. Notably, Mirabai’s padas, when set to melody and sung as bhajans, are enriched by the introduction of classical Indian ragas like Tilang, Hamir, Multani, Malkos, Pilu, Khamach, Jaunpuri, Malhar, Todi, and Asawari [2].

Legacy Mirabai enjoys a vibrant legacy across India even after 500 years of her birth. One of the greatest mystics of medieval India and the most wellknown of women poets, Mirabai is the source of inspiration and admiration among the people across time and irrespective of caste, class,

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language, religion, gender, and culture. Her songs are popularly sung even today; and her life, and the legends surrounding it, are still depicted in hagiographic literature, religious plays, folk theatre, dance dramas, films, novels, graphic novels, illustrated books for children, and television serials [1]. Mirabai’s legacy is unique in the tradition of female Bhakti saints for Mirabai went against the strictures of upper-class Brahminical patriarchy and claimed an alternate way of devotion through her direct personal relationship, her devoutness and absolute intimacy with the divine. She became an influential icon for generations of marginalized classes, including women and the lower strata of the society, by extolling passionate personal love for the Divine and asserting her right to choose a life of her own based on her own personal choice. Through her legendary life and work, Mirabai thus posited a counter culture to the brahminical patriarchal hegemony by creating an alternative agentive space for women.

References 1. Martin NM (2007) Rajasthan: Mirabai and her poetry. In: Bryant E (ed) Krishna: a source book. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 241–254 2. Pandey SM, Zide N (1965) Mīrābāī and her contributions to the Bhakti movement history of religions, vol 5(1). The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, pp 54–73 3. Sangari K (1990) Mirabai and the spiritual economy of Bhakti. Econ Polit Wkly 25(27):1464–1475 4. Kishwar M, Vanita R (1992) Poison to nectar: the life of Mirabai. India Int Cent Q 19(4):65–75

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and Hinduism is not an exception. Taking into consideration the ways Hinduism has evolved, all of those who have participated in its construction and reconstruction could be called missionaries. Going by this understanding, the missionaries of Hinduism consisted of priests, scholars, ruling classes, multitudes of tribes, and rural populations. In addition, many social, political, economic, and religious institutions acted as conduits in disseminating textual aspects of Hinduism, reaching out to people in broader geographic ranges, thereby fostering uniformity and coherence. There were also proponents of anastika (unorthodox) religions, such as Buddhism and Jainism within India, and adherents and missionaries of Islam and Christianity from the outside who challenged Hinduism in ways that helped it to reformulate itself. The following pages delineate the role of these various constituencies in the historic evolution of Hinduism, so that it became the religious culture of the majority in India and a considerable number of populations in other parts of the world. While the efforts of these “various constituencies” are explained as “missionary” efforts to indoctrinate certain values among the tribes living within the Indian subcontinent or wherever the priests of Hinduism traveled to make their careers, the word “missionary” is also used in the western sense of the term, when efforts were made in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries by various individuals and organizations to promote Hinduism outside India. This sketch is by no means an attempt to give a comprehensive understanding of a very complex picture of countless aspects that have influenced the trajectory of Hinduism.

Missionaries (Hinduism) Beginnings Sree Padma Asian Studies, Bowdoin College, Brunswick, ME, USA

The word “missionaries” is used here to connote practitioners of a particular religion promoting or inculcating it among others. Missionaries, in this sense, are integral for the survival of any religion,

What we now refer to as Hinduism has its roots in Vedas, priestly texts that were composed between 1200 and 500 BCE by elite families [1, 2]. Considering the wide range of ideologies and ritual practices that Hinduism absorbed over the centuries, including those features coming from the Indus civilization that flourished between 3300 and 1300 BCE, it is also undeniable that Vedas

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were only one of the many sources (The connection between Indus and Aryan cultures has been a subject of contentious debate. Refer to Bryant and Patton [3]). The difference, however, is that unlike other sources, the Vedic corpus is well preserved, and for this reason, although Hinduism evolved away from Vedic religion, it is still referred to as the Vaidika Dharma (Vedic religion) or the Sanatana Dharma (ancient religion) to indicate its Vedic roots. Central to the Vaidika Dharma during the Vedic period was the yajna or yaga (sacrifice). A Vedic householder was expected to perform daily yajna by creating a homa (sacrificial fire), reciting Sanskrit hymns in praise of gods of sky, earth, and atmosphere with food offerings to and through Agni (fire god) to other gods, to express gratitude, and to petition for their worldly desires. Trained Brahmin priests also conducted elaborate sacrifices on behalf of the public seeking help from gods for the common good. Toward the end of Rgvedic period (circa 800 BCE) as Vedic Aryan society expanded incorporating several different existing groups, it was these professional priests who exercised hegemonic status and organized their societies into a fourfold varna (profession/occupation with a later connotation of caste) system: Brahmins such as themselves on the top tier with Kshatriyas protecting people and cattle from outside forces, Vaisyas pursuing agriculture and trade, and Sudras doing manual jobs in descending order. This hegemonic role gave Brahmin priests not only a firm grip over the Vedic society but also in expanding it to other tribal societies. While the Vedic society learned techniques of agriculture and crafts from different settled tribes, Vedic priests offered their services to the chiefs of these tribes conferring Kshatriya status on them, a status that gave divine legitimacy to rule over their tribes and thereby join the Aryan society. Under the spiritual guidance of Brahmin priests, these chiefs performed yajna to retain their divine legitimacy, adopted Sanskrit as a courtly language, and organized their societies into the varna system. In the process, the priestly traditions and customs of these tribes were brought into the Vaidika Dharma as is known from later Vedic compositions. The symbiotic

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relationship between Vedic priests and the ruling elite of various tribes had been a potent factor for the survival and spread of the Vaidika Dharma that came to constitute religion, polity, and social organization. The diverse groups that became part of the Aryan fold included the descendants of the Indus civilization who contributed some crucial elite features of religion such as image worship and ascetic practices that helped fostering Hinduism in its later stages [4].

Philosophical Musings The success of the Vaidika Dharma was such that the Brahmin priests were encouraged to elaborate yajna to meet the standards of the growing power of rulers. By around 800 BCE, as the worldly aspects of yajna and its growing complexity including animal sacrifices overpowered the practice of Vedic religion, some began to abstractly evaluate the nature and function of the sacrifice. A few retired to the forest to forge philosophical interpretations of Vedic rituals, giving rise to a collection of texts which came to be known as the Aranyakas. Others understood sacrifice not so much as a physical act but as an internal dynamic that can ignite the sacrificial fire within oneself to search for universal truth; others chose to focus on ethical aspects of the self and its relation to other living beings and the universe itself. Between 800 and 500 BCE, these philosophers composed over 200 Upanishads, each of which is independent in its speculation on broader principles such as samsara (cycle of birth and rebirth), dharma (ethical behavior), karma (intentional action), and moksa (liberation from samsara). The concepts of atman (innermost essence of all beings) and brahman (ultimate reality) and their relationship are broached for the first time in these texts which played a pivotal role in evolving Brahmanic Hinduism (see Olivelle [5]). This intellectual curiosity continued as Vedic scholars developed different branches of learning called darshana (schools or perspectives) of astika (orthodox) systems, constituting of Nyaya (realism or rationalism), Vaisheshika (naturalism), Samkhya (dualism), Yoga (self-discipline), Mimamsa (hermeneutics

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and exegesis), and Vedanta (advanced Upanishadic thought). The first six centuries leading to Common Era also brought some healthy challenges to Brahmanic religion as anastika (heterodox) movements such as Buddhism, Jainism, Ajivaka, Charvaka, and others which opposed to Vedic Brahmanic authority came into existence. Differing with each other in their ideologies, the proponents and followers of these movements competed each for adherents and royal support ([6–9]; Refer also King [10], Nicholas [11]). During the first three centuries, Buddhists defied the use of the priestly Sanskrit language by preaching in Prakrit, the language of common people, and composing Buddhist teachings in Pali. But for the most part, these anastika movements worked within the widely prevalent Brahmanic structure. Even so, the effect of the pressure of these campaigns resulted in Brahmin priests and scholars turning inward, regarding themselves as sole custodians of Vedic hymns and claiming exclusive power over the supernatural. With this, Vedic religion officially became Brahmanic religion, although there were several exceptions with non-Brahmins contributing and disseminating the Vaidika Dharma as scholars, defenders, and protectors. Brahminauthored texts emphasized the sanctity of Vedic verses and the need to learn them through the specialists who were dedicated to reciting particular Vedas. To articulate, regulate, and preserve the value of Vedic sacrifices, some scholars developed disciplines such as Kalpa (method of ritual performance), Vyakarana (grammar), Siksa (phonetics), Chandas (prosody), Nirukta (etymology), and Jyotisa (astronomy and astrology). Commonly known as Vedangas, these served as inspiration to compile various local customs and traditions and framed them within varnasramadharma (duties assigned according to stage in one’s life and one’s varna). These social and legal codes, such as in the Dharma Sutras and Dharma Sastras, were meant to exercise greater control over people who by this time included a vast variety of existing tribes in the Indian peninsula and those foreign groups and rulers who came to live in India from abroad. This greater variety was organized under five

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varnas among which the first three varnas as dvija (twice born) were permitted to study the Vedic corpus, while the rest were expected to learn their role in the society through the tutelage of the upper varnas. Thus the varna system served as a measure to organize various local, foreign, and forest groups whose professions varied according to the group and the locale. In general, the priests of these groups were identified as Brahmins; the rulers, even if their families formerly pursued professions considered as lowly, were classified as Kshatriyas; and merchants and traders were regarded as Vaisyas; agricultural and professional groups were Sudras and all others including outlying forest tribes as the fifth varna. The status of professional castes was always in flux as some, such as those who dealt in metallurgy, enjoyed dvija status, while others, especially those who dealt with unclean substances or dead bodies, were treated as untouchables. In this stratification, the status of females was the lowest as they were expected to be under the care of their male relatives, father, husband, and son. Exceptions that come to light show that these textual rules were not always followed. Nevertheless, the values laid out in these texts were extensively promoted through the twin epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, that were composed and recited in public. Priestly Brahmins continued their roles as spiritual advisors to royalty and ensured their education in the Brahmanic texts, their performance of Vedic sacrifices, and their maintenance of varnasramadharma among their subjects.

Absorbing Rival Ideologies and Strategies While the varnasramadharma proved effective in bringing a majority under Brahmanic order, the castes that came under last two varna categories were left to their own means. These sections formed the main base for some of the anastika religions such as Buddhism. Buddhists also reached out to the followers of the Vaidika Dharma. For example, while extoling the virtues of simple sacrifices with vegetarian food offerings

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such as Agnihotra (fire sacrifice), Buddhists actively discouraged Brahmin-mediated public sacrifices involving animal sacrifices [12]. They successfully drew common people to the Buddhist aramas (monasteries) making provision for fertility cults such as tree, serpent, and goddess cults [13]. Vedic priests and scholars from the fourth century BCE seemed to have a plan to defeat the anastika movements by adopting their own strategies. For the first time, the Vedic priests reached out to common people assimilating some of their cultic practices and making them an integral part of evolving Vaidika Dharma. They also set out to absorb the main tenets of anastika ideologies to make them indistinguishable from the Brahmanic religion while simultaneously campaigning against them. For example, non-violence with a concern for all living beings including microbes is the main Jaina tenet which in its modified form was absorbed into the Vaidika Dharma. According to Jaina tradition, it is the jivatman (soul) which is found in every living being as pure consciousness and eternal that goes through samsara (births and rebirths) accumulating karma. Jivatman has the potential to reach Kaivalya (liberation), and this is the ultimate goal of Jaina ascetics. In the same way, Nirvana (liberation) from samsara is also the ultimate goal of Buddhism although atman (soul) is not acknowledged as part of a being. Nirvana is a special state of mind achieved through removing all of the causes for samsara and dukkha (suffering) with the awareness that everything existing in this world is anitya (impermanent). These concepts were integrated strategically by emerging Brahmin scholars who advocated their own Vedantic doctrines. For example, the Sunyavada (doctrine of void) developed by the Buddhist scholar Nagarjuna of the second century CE was strategically adopted by Sankara of the eight century CE to promote advaita-vada (monism) as the way to worship Brahmanic gods. In the same manner, basic ideas and legacies of other anastika movements such as Ajivika, Ajnana, and Carvaka known as nastikavadin (no god theorists) were eventually folded into various Brahmanic interpretations of later Vedic understanding [14, 15]. Ajivikas made an

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example of themselves by leading simple ascetic lives and advocating a theory of predestination. With this conviction, they developed the science of monitoring the role of sun, moon, stars, and planets and the art of soothsaying which became a source for Hindu astrology.

Reforming Vaidika Dharma (From Yajna to Puja (Worship)) Around this time, for many reasons, Buddhism was losing popularity among some common people who were already disillusioned by Brahmanic hegemony over their religiosity. Rejecting Vedic authority and Brahmanic mediation to reach the divine, talented young men and women traveled about singing in devotion to their specific cults in vernacular languages. Prominent among them in the south were poet saints known as Alwars and Nayanars who sang in Tamil in praise of Vishnu and Siva, respectively [16, 17]. Drawing from a Buddhist base which by this time was in disarray, these saints promoted bhakti (devotional religion) that defied rigid Vedic social structure and caste distinctions. Some of the sects devoted to Siva grew aggressive calling themselves as Siva gana (Siva’s army) aimed at bringing down nonSaivites, especially the Buddhists, by occupying their aramas. Saivite cult with its fertility associations also proved to be natural in assimilating village goddesses into its cult while allowing villagers a free hand in offering animal sacrifices thus gaining an upper hand over Buddhists. Brahmin scholars such as Sankara, Ramanuja, and Madhva commandeered bhakti movements bringing them into the realm of the Vaidika Dharma while simultaneously attacking the anastika sects. This was a masterstroke on the part of the Brahmanic orthodoxy, considering the roots of bhakti movements. First, Kumarila Bhatta in the seventh century started the revival of the Vaidika Dharma by advancing a general epistemological doctrine that is antithetical to that of Buddhist philosophers (Kumarila is known for his commentary of Jaimini’s Mimamsa-sutras. https:// plato.stanford.edu/entries/kumaarila/. Accessed 5 June 2018; https://www.britannica.com/

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biography/Kumarila. Accessed 5 June 2018; [18, 19]). Next was Sankara, known for his successful attempts in weakening Buddhists and Jains by advancing Vaishnava theology of advaita-vada and promoting it through debates in public spots and royal courts, convincing royalty to bring charges against Buddhists who were sometimes hunted down and killed. A fierce competition between Saivites and Vaishnavites was resolved by Brahmin mediation, such as by Sankara, who seized the opportunity to bring both sects into formal Brahmanic religion. He also promoted Durga, a tribal warrior goddess, as an important figure in the Brahmanic pantheon of gods. Sankara and his disciples campaigned by traveling from place to place covering vast regions in the south and central India preaching advaitavada and beseeching followers to worship five prominent cults: Vishnu, Siva, Durga, Surya, and Ganesa [20]. By this time, fertility cults in their nature and animal forms were successfully paired with these and other cults, thus bringing representative cults of different groups into the Vaidika Dharma [21]. Various goddesses, whose worship were pervasive throughout the subcontinent and who served as family deities for many rulers, were not just passively brought into the Brahmanic fold but instead were made as “peacemakers” between Vaishnavites and Saivites [22]. Further measures were adopted to integrate fertility and tribal cults, by assigning each god with a sakti (spouse) and a vahana (animal mount). These efforts reached a focal point when various village and tribal goddesses were brought under Brahmanic order by identifying them as the forms of one supreme goddess, Devi [23]. Brahmin scholars wrote puranas dedicated to cults such as Siva, Vishnu, Brahma, Devi, and other cults. These puranas reworked Vedic myths and made sacrifices as their basis to elevate each of these cults as supreme in the cosmic order and to situate them in the Vaidika Dharma. These puranas with their attractive mythologies helped to substantiate the values enunciated in the Ramayana and the Mahabharata to further popularize the Hindu ideals of dharma in which Brahmins are given a pious status as mediators and transmitters of divine grace.

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Although Sankara was successful in gaining followers propagating his advaita-vada, there were other reformers like Ramanuja of the eleventh century who refuted his ideologies. Instead, Ramanuja furthered his own theory of vishistadvaita (qualified non-dualism) and founded Sri Vaishnavism. Although a Brahmin, he campaigned for a casteless society. Like Sanakra’s, his own legacy continues to flourish to this day. Believing in “one independent transcendental cum immanent being as the source and explanation of all finite existence,” Madhva of the thirteenth century CE put forward yet a different philosophy, called dvaita (absolute dualism) [24, 25]. Dvaita Vedanta recognizes that the human body and soul are interdependent but separate, while human beings are dependent on the divine, who is independent and as such different from humans. As far as the worship in the temples was concerned, with the exception of shrines belonging to some Saivite sects such as Jangama and fertility and outlying cults, all other temples were brought under Brahmanic priestly mediation. Paradoxically, the fertility and tribal cults that became part of the Vaidika Dharma took on different trajectories meeting the needs of elite sections, while the original cults continue to be part of rural and tribal religiosity. The Sanskrit and vernacular literature produced between the seventh and fifteenth centuries show that while those that became “Brahmanic cults” gained authenticity, the village and tribal cults were looked down on.

Vaidika Dharma Abroad In the early centuries of CE, the Vaidika Dharma in the form of mythology, temple worship, the “twin epics,” puranas, and, most importantly, Sanskrit as priestly and courtly language made its presence into Southeast Asia. There are many theories about the ways the religion along with Buddhism became ensconced into Southeast Asian culture. One possible explanation is that traders, who were a mix of Buddhists and Hindus, brought Buddhist monks and Brahmin priests with them to help practice their respective

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religions during their sojourn in Southeast Asian countries. Some of these voyagers, including monks and priests, must have made Southeast Asian countries as their home by marrying local women while contributing to the transmission of Buddhist and Brahmanic religiosity, polity, and social organization. Unlike in the Indian subcontinent, Brahmins and Buddhists in Southeast Asia must have worked alongside each other while also honoring local religious cults. As a result, the deities included Brahmanic, Buddhist, and Southeast Asian native cults such as ancestor worship and territorial spirit veneration. The Brahmanic features introduced to Southeast Asian countries included the yajna and the temple religion with Sanskrit as its ritual and official language and the varna system as its social ideal. As the societies made varnasramadharma their own, their priestly classes studied Sanskrit and recited epics and puranas spreading Brahmanic values to the rest of the society. Reliefs illustrating scenes from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata on the walls of temples in Angkor Wat and at Prambanan indicate the important presence of the puranic mythology in inspiring temple sculpture in Cambodia and Indonesia. Moreover, inscriptional references to epic characters as the ideals of Indonesian nobility show the popularity of these Brahmanic texts [26]. By the ninth century, empires such as the Khmer and Cham were built on the notion of Hindu cosmology with the emperor as the divine ruler sitting on Mount Meru (the abode of the gods) ruling over his subjects who lived around it. The rulers styled themselves as the descendants of the Hindu trimurti (trinity), Brahma, Siva, and Vishnu, and built temples to these deities and to their own parents who were portrayed as the forms of Siva and Parvati, thus showing the assimilation of native and Brahmanic Hindu ideas of the divine. The degree of the presence of Brahmanic religion in the twenty-first century varies in each of these countries. While Bali is the only island with majority following Hinduism, Buddhist countries like Thailand, Cambodia, and Myanmar observe many Brahmanic rituals employing Sanskrit hymns, and Islamic countries such as Indonesia consider the Ramayana mixed with native lore as its national epic.

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Facing Islam Back in the Indian subcontinent, by the twelfth century, the Vaidika Dharma achieved prerogative status with Buddhism lingering on in some pockets in the northwest, northeast, and Himalayan regions. Jainism, on the other hand, limited itself to merchant communities in the western parts of India and almost had become complementary to the Vaidika Dharma. The disputes between Saivites and Vaishnavites were also on the mend as they both officially formed part of the Vaidika Dharma. This was the time when a new challenge came not within India, but from the outside in the form of Muslim conquests. They were marked by the destruction of Hindu temples and Muslim antagonism toward image worship. While attacking and occupying rival religious shrines were not unknown among Saivites, Vaishnavites, Buddhists, and Jains, what was different this time was the political change brought by the Muslim rule into Indian society. Starting from the thirteenth century, both in Bengal and central India and later on in the south, Persian replaced Sanskrit as the court language, and sharia replaced varnasramadharma. Although some Brahmins managed to serve Muslim rulers, and although a majority of Hindus were left to follow their own social code, with significant numbers in the north and east converting to Islam, the values of Islamic culture slowly crept into the society at large. While the egalitarian aspects of Islam attracted lower castes, its official status was enticing for others to embrace Islam. The Vaidika Dharma with its hierarchical social order and with no political patronage had to find a way to retain its social base. Addressing some of these concerns was another Brahmin scholar, Caitanya (1486–1533) from West Bengal, who propagated bhakti defying the restrictions placed by Bengal Nawab [26]. Like Ramanuja, Caitanya, a Brahmin scholar, reached out to all sections of the society including untouchables advocating his personal deity, Lord Krishna’s universal love. Caitanya, following the tradition of Vaishnava lineage of bhakti saints, traveled far and wide singing and dancing in the streets spreading the glory of Krishna and composing books containing doctrines and rituals of

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Vaishnava sampradaya (Gaudiya Vaishnavism). He settled in Vrindavana near Delhi and established a tradition of goswamis (religious mendicants) by handpicking seven followers to popularize his ideas. Caitanya was succeeded by a number of poet saints in north India who traveled from village to village and town to town composing songs and singing them in praise of their personal gods, Rama or Krishna, both characters from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, respectively, who, by this time, were worshiped as avatars (incarnations) of Vishnu. While the mission of these bhakti saints also was to keep Islam and its culture at bay entreating those converted to Islam to return to the Vaidika Dharma, they also helped to revive the original tradition of bhakti with saints from low castes heading the movement. There were also women saints like Mirabai (1498–1546), a Rajput woman of noble origin, defying the social norms dancing in the streets singing in devotion to her personal deity, Lord Krishna (for details see Hawley and Mann [27]). The bhakti tradition incorporated ideas of the divine from Islam as seen in the literature of Kabir (fifteenth century), the poet saint advocating that divinity is in the person who follows righteous path (refer to Lorenzen [28]). The rise of Sikhism at the end of fifteenth century in the Punjab is also known for incorporating the ideals of Islam and Hindu bhakti tradition. The influence of foreign culture reflected in myriad forms of language, cuisine, art, architecture, music, dance, religion, etc., so much so that it affected the Vaidika Dharma in significant ways. Even in the south where Brahmanic religion was believed to be unaffected by Islamic influence, yajna was an almost obsolete except in the form of household rituals, while bhakti, temple religion, rituals, and mythology of fertility cults were influenced by Islamic culture (refer to Hiltibeitle [29]).

Encountering the West Western incursions into the Indian subcontinent began in the fifteenth century rather tumultuously with Portuguese attacking Hindu temples in Madras, Goa, Maharashtra, and Gujarat, defacing

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the images of gods and goddesses. Later, the Portuguese rule in Goa affirmed their Iberian counterreformation religious fanaticism as they forced Catholic conversions and brought an inquisition on Hindu populations [30]. These methods among Christians were to change as Jesuit missionaries, followed by British administrators who transitioned from traders to colonial rulers in India by the middle of eighteenth century, along with the Protestant Christian missionaries who came after and together with enthusiastic travelers to India, studied Indian languages and Sanskrit and Pali texts, and translated and interpreted them [31]. These studies lead to the recognition of a relation between Sanskrit and western classical languages as early missionaries like Filippo Sassetti (1581–1588) (Ibid, pp. 525–526). Later this relation was well publicized by Sir William Jones (1746–1794), a British official in Bengal when he formed the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1784) to create an academic field of Indological studies. In the next century and half, German romanticists made an effort to understand the origins of a proto-Indo-European human mind and were followed by philologists from Europe and America who studied Indian manuscripts exploring further links with the west. The majority of these studies, although resulting in the introduction of Indian heritage with its Brahmanic religion to the west for the first time, also reflected western patriarchal and Eurocentric attitudes toward Indian culture attributing many sophisticated ideas, art, and architecture to ancient civilizations such as Greek and Assyria. The Vaidika Dharma by this time came to be known as Hinduism. The notable difference, however, was that Hinduism was understood as containing both Brahmanic and non-Brahmanic religious practices. This was also convenient for the British administrators and Christian missionaries as they cited popular religious practices among others to strengthen their argument that Hinduism was irrational and Hindu society steeped in superstition needing British or European Christian intervention. Under the British rule, Christian missionaries started schools and colleges to train the young Indian minds with the objective of convincing them that Christianity was infinitely superior and

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sophisticated. They used their interpretation of Indian religions and history for this purpose. This education put Indian youth in defensive position. Those who could afford to study in England were exposed to western ideas of rationality, democracy, freedom, and equality and returned home with new spirit of enthusiasm to reform their religious traditions and culture, to prepare Indians to free their nation. Those Brahmins who were educated in Sanskrit in the traditional way and then went to western schools to study western translations and interpretations of Indian religious texts were aghast by the biases they found. They were irked by the condescending attitude of Christian missionaries and colonial administrators toward the Vaidika Dharma (https://www. ukessays.com/essays/religion/impact-of-christianmissionary-activity-religion-essay.php. Accessed 20 March 2018).

Social and Religious Revitalization After the advent of colonial power, the focus of the first generation of social and religious reformers, whether they were civilians or saints, was to modernize their religion and society so that it would meet western standards or withstand its criticism. Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772–1833), who worked with the British government in banning sati (widow sacrificial burning on her husband’s funeral pyre) and campaigning against polygamy, child marriage, the caste system, and infanticide, belonged to this early generation who understood both Islamic and western culture [32]. Ram Mohan Roy supported widow remarriage and freedom for women and established schools to educate both boys and girls. Well versed in Sanskrit and Persian and knowledgeable in Islamic and Christian religious thought, Roy founded the Brahmo Sabha to promote a version of monotheism that asserted belief in a divine without any form. His followers, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar and Debendranath Tagore, changed the name of the movement to Brahmo Samaj and fostered its philosophy through the publication of books and newspapers to fulfill Roy’s vision of promoting education. The

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Brahmo movement spread among elite Bengali families and is recognized as a religion in its own right in independent India and Bangladesh where it still has a following. The bhakti movement known as the sant (saint) tradition continued well into this period too. Shree Swami Narayan (1781–1830) was one of the most notable sants. Swami Narayan started his own Vaishnava sampradaya (tradition/movement) that aligned with Ramanuja’s philosophy. He promoted both non-violent yajna and bhakti traditions advocating a combination of bhakti with dharma to lead a righteous life (to learn more, read Williams [33]). He emphasized the eclectic teachings of the Bhagavad Gita (Song of the Lord), especially the emphasis that holds theistic bhakti as authoritative. Swami Narayan, like Roy, believed education as the inherent right of both sexes and campaigned against the caste system and assisted the poor. Muslims, Parsis, and many from low castes joined his sampradaya. Swami Narayan’s successors still serve as acharyas (religious teachers) of Swami Narayan Sampradaya in two of the gadi (seat) he set up in Ahmedabad and Vadtal, both in the state of Gujarat. Many of his followers worship him as a manifestation of Vishnu.

Hindu Nationalism The next generation of Indian youth was spirited in their approaches and demands. They continued the work of reforming and promoting Hinduism, but in doing so, they added a potent layer of patriotism to it. Most of these were either freedom fighters in the mission of inspiring Indian youth to free the country from its colonial yoke. As such, their understanding of Hindu concepts was thoroughly influenced by their nationalism. It was Bankim Chandra Chatterjee (1838–1894), a writer, poet, and journalist, who endorsed this brand of Hinduism. He composed the song “Bande Mataram” (“Hail to Thee, Mother”) as a simple Sanskrit offering of prayer to India, herself regarded as a personification of the mother goddess in his novel, Anandmath, which epitomizes this articulation [34]. His writings inspired

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successive generations including many freedom fighters who embraced his song as their battle cry against the British colonial regime. To bring unity and self-confidence among different groups of educated middle-class Hindus and to lead them to a goal of freeing the nation from the colonial regime, some like Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856–1920) set to rewrite Indian history and raise awareness among Hindus [35]. Tilak, a teacher, lawyer, social reformer, and radical, believed Hinduism and nationalism were inseparable and championed it by organizing public worship of the Hindu god Ganesha for several days at a time using the occasion to raise nationalism. This tradition of public worship continues with much vigor extending to other Hindu gods and Hindu festivals among Hindus into the twenty-first century. Some, such as Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan (1888–1975), a freedom fighter, professor and scholar of philosophy, and statesman (India’s first president), focused on interpreting Sanskrit texts to show the greatness of the Hindu religion and to instill pride among the educated youth so that they could stand up to the British [36]. Nationalism had such an overriding influence on Hindu religion during this time that even religious movements started by foreigners such as Madam Petrovna Blavatsky became enthusiastic Hindu nationalists. Originally Blavatsky was informed by Jewish Kabbalah, Gnosticism, and forms of occultism. She established the Theosophical Society in New York (1882) along with Henry Steel Olcott. After she came to India and was swayed by Hindu ideas, she reconceptualized the philosophy of her society and made Adayar in Chennai (1886) as its headquarters (Ibid.). Theosophists believed in karma, samsara, atman (the immortality of human being), and individual and universal consciousness. The organization’s aim was to promote the universal brotherhood of humanity without distinction of race, creed, sex, caste, or color through education, research, publication, and working for social causes. However, the theosophical movement in India did not restrict itself to spirituality as it instilled national pride among many young in India. The organization flourished under the leadership of Annie

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Besant in India and abroad. It motivated Muslims, to start the Ahmadiya and Aligarh movements and Sikhs, the Khalsa movement to revolutionize their own religious traditions. Some freedom fighters, such as Aurobindo Ghose (1872–1950), turned mystic and contributed to Hindu religion and spirituality in significant ways. Like many Bengalis, Aurobindo likened India to the goddess Kali and entreated his fellow Indians to free her from the British yoke (refer to Bhatt [37]). He believed that the Hindu dharma would triumph over the world. Only when he was disillusioned in his attempts to liberate India through revolutionary means did he turn to mysticism by practicing yoga and writing about Hindu spirituality in his ashram (monastery) that he set up with Mira Alfassa, a French patron in Pondicherry (1926). As a nominee for the Nobel Prize in literature and also in Peace for his poetry, philosophy, translations, and commentaries on the Vedas and Upanishads, he influenced both Indian and western scholars of religion including Mircea Eliade, Paul Brunton, and Rene Guenon (for details see Heehs [38]). Foreigners, such as Margaret Woodrow Wilson, the daughter of US President Woodrow Wilson, were among his many illustrious disciples making his ashram as their home. The paradoxic result of defending the cause of Hinduism by reviving and rejuvenating it and using it to free Indians also resulted in introducing it to the west and to other parts of the world. In this sense, the word “missionary” with the general understanding of seeking adherents in foreign cultures and foreign lands becomes relevant to Hindu missions of twentieth and twenty-first centuries that set abroad. Hailing from Kerala, Chinmayananda Saraswati (1916–1993) shared with Aurobindo his journey from fighting for freedom to turning into a spiritual leader and in his conviction about preserving and spreading Hindu spirituality to the world (refer to Jaffrelot [39]). As a visiting professor of Indian philosophy in the United States, a preacher in India and abroad, and the author of 95 publications, Chinmayananda was prolific. His disciples started the Chinmaya Mission in 1953 which flourished under his supervision with 300 centers in India

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and many more abroad to spread his advaita vedanta. His successors still continue his legacy. There were some like Dayananda Sarasvati (1824–1883) who though they were monks were assertive in calling for direct action in recovering losses for Hinduism. Dayananda established the Arya Samaj (1875) with the aim of salvaging Hindu pride and to bring those converts to Islam and Christianity back to Hinduism (refer to Pareek [40]). Dayananda was very sympathetic to the cause of liberating India and was a strong supporter of Hindu nationalism. Although he upheld Vedas as ultimate authority for self-realization, his teachings constituted a reformed Hinduism that rejected animal sacrifices, image worship, pilgrimages, priestly mediation, the caste system, and child marriage. He promoted intercaste marriages. Through the many ashrams he opened, he undertook social service to aid the lower strata of Indian society providing health care and education. The Arya Samaj gained popularity in the north and northwest of India and expanded its branches to Southeast Asia, North America, and Europe. There were also men like Madan Mohan Malaviya (1861–1956) who treaded successfully in many professions as educator, editor, journalist, lawyer, politico, and renunciant, bringing all his strengths to promote the cause of nationalism (to learn more about Malaviya, consult Bakshi [41]). He played an instrumental role in national politics by heading the Indian National Congress (INC), a secular party, four times and was praised by Mahatma Gandhi with the title, Mahamana (Great Soul). The slogan Malaviya raised as the president of the INC, “Satyameva Jayate” (“truth alone will triumph”), is still popular among Hindus. He worked with Annie Besant of the Theosophical Society in founding Banaras Hindu University. Malaviya presided over the first session of the Hindu Mahasabha that was established in 1909 in response to the foundation of the All India Muslim League by Muslim leaders to protect Muslim rights. The Hindu Mahasabha is an example to show the degree of which one can reach to make a religious organization into a potent political tool. Under the presidentship of Malaviya’s contemporary, Vinayak

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Damodar Savarkar, a reactionary (1883–1966), the organization assumed a strong militant tone [42]. Savarkar introduced the term “Hindutva,” or “Hindu-ness,” and raised a controversial battle cry “Hinduize all politics and militarize Hindudom” (for details see Pandey [43]). Aligned somewhat with the ideas of the Hindu Mahasabha, although differed it at some crucial junctures, was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak (RSS) that was founded by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar to create Hindu national volunteers to fight against the British and to promote Hindu traditions through serving social causes. The RSS played a significant role in organizing right-wing nationalist parties under one umbrella called Sangh Parivar. Sangh Parivar’s Hindutva ideal was put in practice through the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) (World Hindu Council), obviously, a right-wing Hindu organization established in 1964 under the auspices of RSS leadership. Galvanizing prominent representatives such as Sikh leader, Master Tara Singh, the 14th Dalai Lama, and Chinmayananda who became founding fathers, its aim is “to organize, consolidate the Hindu society and to serve, protect the Hindu Dharma” (refer to Long [44]). The organization works under the supervision of Dharma Sansad, a parliament of religious leaders. The VHP treats Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism, and all tribal religions of India as part of the greater Hindu fraternity and promotes advaita vedanta advocating Ekam Sat Viprah Bahudha Vadanti (“god is one,” but the routes to reach him are many). Like its predecessor movements, the VHP is involved in social service. But like the Hindu Mahasabha, it promoted many controversial causes fomenting tensions with Muslims and Christians.

Non-political Hindu Reformations Unlike the right-wing freedom fighters and religious leaders, there were prominent secular politicians like Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964) and respected apolitical religious leaders like Bhaktivinoda, who focused on their respective

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avowedly apolitical goals. There were also well known religious leaders like Vivekananda who could be placed in this category although his religious tone was decidedly nationalistic. Vivekananda established Vedanta Society in New York with its headquarters at the Ramakrishna Math (1894) at Belur close to Kolkata, with a mission to promote the modern advaita philosophy and karma yoga (selfless work) as a way to realize the vision of his guru, the Hindu saint Ramakrishna Paramahansa (1836–1886) (https://www.britannica.com/topic/Hinduism/Themodern-period-from-the-19th-century#ref50597. Accessed 8 June 2018). The monks and lay disciples of the Ramakrishna Mission offer extensive social service for the welfare of downtrodden. Ramakrishna, who led a saintly life with ecstatic visions of the goddess Kali, practiced the rituals of many religious traditions and believed that all religions lead to the path of selfrealization. Vivekananda, with his oratory skills, took his guru’s message to North America and England where he acquired many followers. Deliberate or not, Vivekananda’s popularity among the middle class in the west also promoted stereotypical understandings such as “spiritual East” verses “material West.” The Ramakrishna Mission gained worldwide popularity with its branches in 17 countries across the world covering 5 continents including the Americas, Asia, Australia, and Europe. Similar to the Ramakrishna Mission in building its network worldwide, but different in its ethos, was the revival of Caitanya’s Gaudiya Vaishnava movement first by Kedarnath Datta, also known as Bhaktivinoda Thakura (1838–1914) within India, and later by Abhaya Caran De also known as Bhaktivedanta (1896–1977) overseas [26]. Successful in his first attempts in converting hippies who traded their erratic lifestyles for asceticism and devotion to Lord Krishna, Bhaktivedanta formally established the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) in New York in 1966. The movement spread to Europe with the popular name “the Hare Krishna movement” and took on something of the character of Christian churches by maintaining its own local communities. The

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followers, as well as the organizers in the western countries, are almost all westerners. They take Hindu names as their alternative names, wear Vaishnava marks on their foreheads, attend temple services, and celebrate festivals for Lord Krishna. There were many Indian men and women saints in the early twentieth century hailing from different parts of India and establishing their own ashrams to promote Vedanta. While it is not easy to list all of them, a couple like Ramana Maharshi (1879–1950) from Tamil Nadu (for details on Ramana Maharshi, see Brunton [45]) and Anandamayi Ma (1896–1982) from Bengal [46] can be understood as examples of leading purely spiritual lives. Both of them were reborn as renuciants by remaining aloof from all worldly concerns including their own body needs. In many ways, their lives resemble that of Ramakrishna’s. It is their respective devotees who were drawn to them and who run ashrams on their behalf, gather their teachings, and carry on their messages through various publications.

Western Agency The followers of Vivekananda, Chinmayananda, Bhaktivinoda, and others, together with the growth of scholarship on Hinduism in the west, induced many to travel to India to be Hindu ascetics. Some of these Western ascetics became promoters of their particular form of Hinduism either within India or abroad. A couple saints of this category are Ronald Henry Nixon, known as Sri Krishna Prem (1898–1965), and Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami (1927–2001). Sri Krishna Prem, a former British fighter pilot turned mystic, founded an ashram along with his spiritual teacher, Sri Yashoda Mai (1882–1944), in Mirtola, Uttarakhand, India, to promote Gaudiya Vaishnavism [47]. He published teachings revealing the ways he transcended his sectarian outlook to embrace a universalistic teaching. Krishna Prem was widely accepted as a Hindu saint and gained many followers in and around Mirtola. Trained in dance and yoga in San Francisco, Subramuniyaswami journeyed to south Asia and took initiation into the Saiva Siddhanta tradition under

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Satguru Siva Yogaswami. He returned to start a Himalayan academy to teach Hinduism in San Francisco which he later moved Kauai (Hawai’i) where he set up his ashram to promote three pillars: temples, satgurus (spiritual teachers), and scripture. He penned many books including Dancing with Siva [48]. His ashram under his successors has managed local missions on 5 continents and more than 50 temples. Subramuniyaswami set up a Hindu Heritage Endowment, a public service trust in 1995 to establish and maintain permanent sources of income for Hindu institutions worldwide. He received many awards, such as the Dharmachakra (wheel of dharma) for his remarkable publications, and the U Thant Peace Award for his engagement in religious dialogue with other religions and his efforts to promote moral and spiritual values among people.

Universalization Hinduism in the postcolonial and postindependent era had gathered some new features. The reasons go back to the British colonial past when Hinduism was criticized for its superstitious beliefs after which tremendous efforts were made to rationalize it through promoting religion associated to Vedic scriptures. Sanskrit, being the language of Vedic and post-Vedic literature with Brahmins as custodians, both adopting Sanskrit and seeking Brahmin assistance in conducting religious rituals, came to be seen as sophisticated forms of religion that are associated with high castes and urban elite. Desiring legitimization and upward mobility, rural, tribal, women in general, and the lower strata of the society courted Sanskritization and Brahmin priestly assistance in their temples for local and rural fertility goddess cults (to understand the process of Sanskritization in contemporary India, see Shah [49]). In efforts to camouflage their social roots, an increasing number of individuals from these sections also looked for other avenues such as joining various Hindu organizations or becoming devotees of men and women spiritual leaders (gurus, swamis, babas, ammas, or matajis). In addition, the right-

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wing organizations such as the VHP and the Hindu Mahasabha reached out to these people promoting their own brand of Hinduism through social causes. These factors played instrumental roles in Sanskritizing, Brahmanizing, as well as universalizing the Hindu religion with the result of it losing many regional and local traits. The number of religious leaders opening their ashrams internationally grew as well. With their numbers increasing, so were the diverse forms of religiosity they introduced. Deep knowledge in Hindu scriptures, taking ordination under a guru and leading a saintly life were not always a prerequisite for these god-men and women. Nor was social service always on their agendas, although there were saints like Acharya Srimat Swami Pranavanandaji Maharaj who founded Bharat Sevashram Sangha (Indian Charity Organization) in 1917 with its ashrams all over the world responding to natural calamities and doing community service, running hospitals for the poor and needy, etc. Otherwise, the predominant trend in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries of these international ashrams was to offer yoga and meditation. The majority of these ashrams run on a business model like retreats. While this is the trend, there are exceptions, especially a couple of movements need to be noted here. The Brahma Kumaris (“daughters of Brahma”) with its World Spiritual Organization is one of these two. The movement started as a discussion forum of the Bhagavad Gita by women’s group with the name, Om Mandali. It was initially set up in 1937 by Dada Lekhraj Kripalani, also known as Brahma Baba (1877–1969) (consult, Whaling [50]). It opened its membership to women of all castes who may choose to practice celibacy during any stage in their lives. This leads to an uproar from wealthy and influential men leading to the ban of the organization. Repeated bans resulting in the change of locations from Sindh to Karachi and from there to Mount Abu in Rajasthan where it renamed itself as Brahma Kumaris World Spiritual University, the organization has survived. Since the 1970s, the movement was able to set up centers called “spiritual museums” in London and other places where meditation and playing flute are taught. The movement teaches a

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westernized form of yoga called, Raja (royal) yoga. In 1980, the movement affiliated itself with the United Nations Department of Public Relations, and 3 years later, it achieved a consultative status with the UN’s Economic and Social Council. As a nongovernmental organization (NGO), its goal is to promote human rights, peace, and education around the world. Its leadership and membership are primarily females. Adherents lead celibate lives wearing white clothes, eating vegetarian food, and practicing Raja yoga. The Brahma Kumaris believe human beings are made up of body and soul and the soul enters the human body to experience life. God for them is the Supreme Soul whose purpose is the spiritual awakening of the humanity. A second one of these is the Ananda Marga Pracaraka Samgha (“The Organization to Propagate the Path of Bliss”), a socio-spiritual organization founded in 1955 by Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar (1921–1990), a railway employee in Bengal who dedicated himself to the goals of the liberation of self and service to humanity. The organization witnessed rapid growth within India and abroad with its acharyas (spiritual teachers) heading various branches. The members, called Ananda Margis, practice 16 principles to guide them socially and spiritually. Self-realization for each individual is achieved through tantra (liberation from darkness), yoga involving meditation, dancing, and singing. They advocate justice, security, and peace for all humanity. There are some religious leaders who have served as a bridge between earlier generations and the present generation of religious leaders, in the sense that their work is a combination of packaging spirituality to western clients and making efforts to bring peace to the world. Swami Vishnudevananda (1927–1993) known also as “Flying Swami,” as he flew his own small aircraft to troubled areas around the world to spread his message of peace, fits into this profile (http://www. sivananda.org/teachings/swami-vishnudevananda. html. Accessed 15 June 2018; https://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Vishnudevananda_Saraswati. Accessed 15 June 2018). As an expert of Hatha yoga (assuming postures to achieve balance), Vishnudevananda founded the first Sivananda

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Yoga Vedanta Center in Montreal, Canada, in the name of his guru, Swami Sivananda, to bring yoga to cater the needs of the west. He quickly expanded his branches internationally with 20 centers and 9 ashrams and many affiliated centers with retreats. He also set up a yoga training center for teachers. Vishnudevananda’s legacy is to popularize classical yoga in the west by condensing it into five principles: proper exercise, proper breathing, proper relaxation, proper diet, and proper meditation. A second one who serve as a transition was Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (1918–2008) who popularized “transcendental deep meditation” since 1955 as a new and nonreligious movement with the promise of leading serious practitioners to siddhi (possessing supernatural power). As part of his large following, Mahesh Yogi acquired many celebrities, including the Beatles (see for details, Goldberg [51]). He was a prolific lecturer and writer on transcendental meditation and a savvy businessman. He set up a “Maharshi International University” in 1971 in Iowa on the former campus of Fairfield College, which in 1995 became Maharshi International Management” to promote ideas and to give practical skills of management to youth. His most ambitious attempt of all is forming a worldwide political organization called the Natural Law Party (NLP) with many branches across the world promoting his teachings. Its aim is to ensure peace and prosperity for all humankind. Although the assets of his organization acquired were questioned, Mahesh Yogi was credited for his simple and systematic method of meditation and his introduction of the scientific study of meditation. There were also some very controversial but popular “god-men” like Rajneesh/Osho (1931–1990) who became icons of western popular culture. Chandra Mohan Jain was his original name before Rajneesh started his ashram in Mumbai in 1970 and 4 years later relocated it to Pune (consult, Aveling [52]; Richardson [53]. A professor of philosophy and vocal critique of Mahatma Gandhi, socialism, and institutional religions, he gave public speeches throughout India. Calling on Hindu religious leaders to accept freedom of sex, he came to be known as “sex guru.” His emphasis

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on the dynamic meditation method to express one’s natural feelings such as awareness, love, celebration, courage, creativity, and humor that are believed to be suppressed by adhering to institutional religious belief systems had considerable influence on western New Age culture. While there are a considerable number of westerners following Hindu religious and spiritual missions abroad, there continues to be a steady number of foreigners traveling to India seeking spirituality. While some of these make India their home remaining as ascetics in many ashrams such as in Rishikesh in north India, there are regulars who visit ashrams for a few months each year (see Khandelwal [54]). Yoga has become a global phenomenon taking on many different localized forms, some tracing their roots in Sanskrit scriptures while others as hybrid forms. In addition, the indirect global effects are seen in the popularization of Hindu religious words such as “swami”(venerable one), “guru,” “mata” (mother), “yoga,” “ashram,” “namaste,” etc.

Hindu Diaspora In the last two decades, an increasing number of young Indian men and women have emigrated abroad. A considerable majority of them come from Hindu middle-class families, who, unlike the earlier generations, follow Brahmanic rituals assiduously. To assist these emigrants and to promote Hinduism among the non-adherent Hindus abroad, many Hindu organizations, with support from the Indian government, provide training to Brahmins in Sanskrit scriptures and functional English to serve as priests and missionaries to spread Hinduism among the Indian diaspora (http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/850471.stm. Accessed 12 March 2018). Interestingly, as part of their training, Brahmin priests are also taught about various forms of Christianity so that they have the ability to counter the spread of these forms of religions among Indians. Whatever is the training, some Brahmin priests like Raja Ramanuja Achari show their flexibility and openness. As a head of the Australian Council of

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Hindu Clergy, Achari wrote a blog supporting same-sex unions showing the spirit of the adoptive side of Hinduism (https://timesofindia.indiatimes. com/home/sunday-times/how-hinduism-is-fightinghomophobia-abroad/articleshow/60441192.cms. Accessed 18 June 2018). The VHP, true to its name, also extends its jurisdiction to the Hindus across the world. This includes the Indians who went as indentured laborers to European colonies under the British colonial rule in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The majority of these were Hindus who brought their religious practices with them to countries like Sri Lanka, Malaysia, Mauritius, Fiji, South Africa, Trinidad, Guyana, Suriname, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Jamaica, and the British Caribbean Islands (Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Kitts, and St. Vincent). The Hindu populations in their newly located foreign lands stayed together by practicing Hindu customs and traditions as much as it was practical and relevant to their circumstances. In general, studies of these communities show that their Hindu practices assumed a more universalistic character transcending regional and caste differences [55]. This does not mean to say that all these communities shed their regional identities, as the case in South Africa shows pronounced heterogeneity which will not easily be addressed by visiting Hindu religious leaders associated with Arya Samaj [56]. Enticed by “Indian Pride,” it was the Indian emigrant communities in South Africa and other countries who receive these leaders not just from the Arya Samaj but, as noted, from organizations such as the VHP who were eager to respond. However, the VHP effort at promoting a cultural revivalism became controversial as it is blamed for fueling tensions between these Indian communities and their Muslim neighbors (https://www.economist.com/interna tional/2017/09/02/the-legacy-of-indian-migrationto-european-colonies. Accessed 14 June 2018).

Prospective Trends The vicissitudes of Hinduism led by its various promoters to reconstruct, reform, or rejuvenate do

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not provide for anything like a linear development. Knowing the trajectory of Hinduism and the incredible diversity it has absorbed over centuries, one can assume that the religion has proved itself to withstand any unpredictable curves thrown its way. This does not mean to say that people should not be concerned when the religion is not fulfilling its social responsibility of spreading the message of peace to its adherents as well as outsiders. In 2014, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), known for its Hindu nationalist political stance, succeeded in forming the government India. The fact that the BJP is a constituent of Sangh Parivar, the group of Hindu nationalist parties under the leadership of the RSS, worries liberal-minded Hindu religious leaders and secularists about the future of Hindu religion and its influence on Indian society. It is true that secular forces are challenged in many fields including education where now children learn Hindu mythologies as historical facts and astrology as astronomy and scholars are expected not to publish their research if it is an inconvenient truth to conservative Hindu sensibilities. There are also messages for nonHindu religious communities in India through the BJP efforts to ban the eating of beef. Although they are Indian citizens, they are being pressured to live by Hindu religious values. If it is of any comfort, in some ways, the BJP is making amendments to its own ideology to compete globally and to bring India into the twenty-first century. One has to hope that as a party in power, the BJP will exercise caution in letting Sangh Parivar determine its government policies. Hinduism has been enriched over the years by the contribution of diverse cultural groups within the Indian subcontinent. Now that the Hinduism is making its presence felt more in the global scene through its expatriates and to a lesser extent through western adherents, the logical expectation is that it will be benefited by its wide exposure leading to absorbing growing sensitivities about accepting the diversity of religious traditions, ethnic cultures, and groups with special needs. Paradoxically, the revolution in communication and technology is not abetting the interface. In fact,

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if any, in the form of television, video, and computer games, modern technology can help to keep emigrant Hindu families in a cocoon with little interaction with their contemporary surroundings. Computers, tablets, and cell phones, with their capability of bringing home closure, can promote insular culture, a culture that does not provide any insights about cultures other than their own. While this is afflicting Hindu communities, as it is the case also with other communities, one has to hope that in a fast-changing world, this phenomenon does not last long.

References 1. Jamison SW, Brereton JP (trans) (2014) The Rigveda: the earliest religious poetry of India, vol I. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp 55–56 2. Witzel M (2004) The Rgvedic religious system and its central Asian and Hindukush Antecedents. In: Griffiths A, JEM H (eds) The Vedas: texts, language & ritual. Egbert Forsten, Groningen, pp 581–636 3. Bryant E, Patton L (eds) (2005) The Indo-Aryan controversy: evidence and interference in Indian history. Routledge, New York 4. Parpola A (2015) The roots of Hinduism: the early Aryans and the Indus civilization. Oxford University Press, New York, p 173 5. Olivelle P (1998) The early upanisads. Oxford University Press, New York 6. Rudolf Hoernle AF (1908) Ajivikas. In: Hastings J et al (eds) Encyclopaedia of religion and ethics, vol I. Charles Scribner & Sons, New York, pp 259–268 7. Jain KC (2010) History of Jainism: Jainism before and in the age of Mahāvīra. D. K. Printworld, pp 414–415 8. Charpentier J (1913) “Ajivika” the journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, pp 669–674 9. Bhattacharya R (2011) Studies on the Carvaka/ Lokayata. Anthem Press, London, pp 26–29 10. King R (2007) Indian philosophy. An introduction to Hindu and Buddhist thought. Georgetown University Press, George Town 11. Nicholas AJ (2010) Unifying Hinduism: philosophy and identity in Indian intellectual history. Columbia University Press, New York 12. Krishan Y (1993) To what extent Buddhism repudiated Vedic religion? East West 43:237–240 13. Padma S (2013) Vicissitudes of the goddess: reconstructions of the Gramadevata in India’s religious traditions. Oxford University, New York, pp 71–177

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966 14. Quack J (2014) Disenchanting India: organized rationalism and criticism of religion in India. Oxford University Press, New York 15. Vaidya CV (2001) Epic India, or, India as described in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. Asian Educational Services, New Delhi 16. Varma KP (2015) The children of the immortal: a quest into the Hindu identity. Notion Press, Chennai 17. Warrier S (2014) Kamandalu: the seven Sacred Rivers of Hinduism. Mayur University, London, p 210 18. Rao VN (trans) (1990) Siva’s warriors: the Basava Purana of Palkuriki Somanatha. Princeton University Press, Princeton 19. Schomer K, McLeod WH (eds) (1987) The Sants: studies in a devotional tradition of India. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 20. King R (1995) Early Advaita Vedanta and Buddhism: the Mahayana context of the Gaudapadiya-karika. State University of New York Press, New York, pp 1–2 21. Bharne V, Krusche K (2014) Rediscovering the Hindu temple: the sacred architecture and urbanism of India. Cambridge Scholars Publishing, New Castle 22. Padma S (2013) Vicissitudes of the Goddess: reconstructions of the Gramadevata in India’s religious traditions. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 147–150 23. Padma S (2013) Vicissitudes of the Goddess. Chapter III 24. Krishnamurti Sharma BN (1986) Philosophy of Sri Madhvacarya. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, p 25 25. Von Dehsen CD, Harris SL (1999) Philosophers and religious leaders. The Oryx Press, Phoenix, AZ, p 118 26. Klostermaier KK (2005) “In every town, country and village my name will be sung”: Hindu missions in India and abroad. In: Scott J, Griffiths G (eds) Mixed messages: materiality, textuality, missions. Palgrave Macmillan, New York, pp 173–202 27. Hawley JS, Mann GS (2014) Culture and circulation: literature in motion in early modern India. Brill, Amsterdam 28. Lorenzen D (1991) Kabir legends and Anata-Das’s Kabir Parachai. State University of New York Press, New York 29. Hiltibeitel A (1988) The cult of Draupadi mythologies: Gingee to Kurukshetra. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago 30. Padma S (2013) Vicissitudes of the Goddess. pp 11–12 31. Dandekar RN Some trends in indological studies. Ann Bhandarkar Orient Res Inst 58/59., Diamond Jubilee volume (1977–1978):525–541 32. Hatcher BA (2008) Bourgeois Hinduism, or faith of the modern Vedantists: rare discourse from early colonial Bengal. Oxford University Press, New York, pp 19–32 33. Williams R (2001) Introduction to Swaminarayan Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK 34. Majumdar UK (2000) Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay: his contribution to Indian life and culture. The Asiatic Society, Calcutta

Missionaries (Hinduism) 35. Rao PV (2011) Foundations of Tilak’s nationalism: discrimination, education and Hindutva. Orient Blackswan, New Delhi 36. Pappu RR (1995) New essays in the philosophy of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan. South Asia Books, Delhi 37. Bhatt C (2001) Hindu nationalism: origins, ideologies and modern myths. Berg, Oxford 38. Heehs P (2008) The lives of Sri Aurobindo. Columbia University Press, New York 39. Jaffrelot C (2011) Religion, caste, and politics in India. Columbia University Press, New York 40. Pareek RS (2018) Contribution of Arya Samaj in the making of Modern India 1857–1947. Sarvadeshik Arya Pratinidhi Sabha, Delhi. Also see https://www.britanni ca.com/topic/Arya-Samaj. Accessed 8 June 2018 41. Bakshi SR (1991) Madan Mohan Malaviya: the man and his ideology. Anmol Publications Pvt. Limited, New Delhi 42. Bakhle J (2010) Country first? Vinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883–1966) and the writing of essentials of Hindutva. Publ Cult 22(1):149–186 43. Pandey G (2006) Routine violence: nations, fragments, histories. Stanford University Press, Stanford, 127 onward 44. Long JD (2011) Historical dictionary of Hinduism. Scarecrow Press, Lanham 45. Brunton P (1934) A search in secret India. Rider & Company, London and http://www.courtofrecord.org/ archive/Paul-Brunton-A-Search-in-Secret-India.pdf. Accessed 14 June 2018 46. Hawley JS (2006) Anandamayi ma: god came as a women. In: Hawley JS, Narayan V (eds) The life of Hinduism. University of California Press, Berkeley, pp 173–183 47. Roy DK (1992) Yogi Sri Krishnaprem (3rd rev ed). Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 48. Subramuniyaswami SS (1997) Dancing with Siva: Hinduism’s contemporary catechism. Himalayan Academy Publications, Kauai 49. Shah AM (2005) Sanskritisation revisited. Soc Bull 54(2):238–249 50. Whaling F (2012) Understanding the Brahma Kumaris. Dunden Academic Press Ltd, Edinburgh 51. Goldberg P (2010) American Veda. Harmony Books, New York 52. Aveling H (ed) (1999) Osho Rajneesh and his disciples: some western perceptions. Motilala Banarsidass, Delhi 53. Richardson JT (2004) Regulating religion, case studies from Around the Globe. Springer, New York 54. Khandelwal M (2007) Foreign swamis at home in India: transmigration to the birthplace of spirituality. Identities Glob Stud Cult Power 14(3):313–340 55. Jayawardena C (1968) Migration and social change: a survey of Indian communities overseas. Geogr Rev 58:426–449 56. Gopalan K (2012) The role of visiting Indian Hindu missionaries in their attempts to ‘reform’ Hinduism in South Africa, 1933–1935. S Afr Hist J 64(2):273–294

Mleccha

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Mitra

Mleccha, Table 1 The meaning of mleccha in different usages

▶ Sūrya (Sun)

Mleccha

Usage Mlecchaa ma bhumetyadheiyam vyakarranam Mlecchitakam Mlecchit

Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Mlecchanam Mlecchah

Introduction Panini, in the Aashthadhyayi, used a phrase mleccha prayog “code-mixing” for mixing of two dialects or languages in conversation. Patanjali’s Mahabhashya commenting on Panani sutra “formula” indicates that apashabda “the corrupt form of a correct word” is also known as mleccha. It is clear from this reference that the word mleccha was used in the sense of incorrect language use – people’s inability to speak Sanskrit was called mleccha. Sometimes the word mleccha is translated as barbarians and foreigners with its equivalent word milakkha [1]. However, the contemporary meaning of mleccha is quite different from the one used in the ancient times. In the present time, something or someone that is dirty, contaminated, or impure is called mleccha. Further, folk etymology indicates that mleccha is a compound word made up of mal “stool” and iccha “desire,” i.e., one who desires to eat impure. The earliest reference of this word is found in the Satapatha Brahmana, and at some places mleccha is used for non-Aryan and non-Vedic people (Table 1). In the Adi Parva episode of the Mahabharata, there is a conversation between Vidur and Yudhisthira in mleccha language, which shows that ancient Indians were known to speak mleccha language. In the Jaimini Dharmashashtra, few mleccha words are used, such as pika “a bird,” nema “a half,” sata “a vessel,” and tamaras “a red

Meaning Uncultured person whose pronunciation is faulty Foreign or barbarous speech Ungrammatical speech or foreign tongue Speak in a confused manner Non-Aryan tribes, low man or outcast, a cow meat eater, and a different language user

Context Related to language use in Mahaabhaashya Related to language use Related to language use Related to language use Related to caste, race, and eating habits in Manusmriti and Gita

lotus.” In the Mahabharata, a word barbar, meaning stammer, foreigner, barbarous, sinful, and low people, is used, whereas the Brahmanda, Matsya, and Vayu Puranas mentions the geographical locations of mleccha countries: Pulindas, Kushanas, Scythians, Indo-Greeks, Kambojas, Yavanas, Sakas, Huns, Bahlikas, Kiratas, and Rishikas.

Etymology Some etymologists suggest that the word mleccha is an onomatopoetic word that is used to copy the harshness of foreign language and to show indistinctness, while others explain that this word has been derived from the Indo-Aryan perception of the tongue of the indigenous races. Some historians argue that mleccha is derived from the Dravidian language mizi, meaning “speak” or “one’s speech [1].” In Marathi, a term menchha is used, and the Buddhist scriptures use the words mulakkha and milakkhuka for mleccha. Basically, mleccha was a term used for uncouth, incomprehensible foreign speech, mispronounced Sanskrit words, hostile and vulgar speech, and for unintelligible speech.

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Modern

Mleccha

Modern Reform Movements In Bhramavaivarta Purana, there is a description which indicates that when mleccha “foreigner” male and kuvind “weaver” female copulate then the progeny will be called julaha “weaver [2].” According to Puranas, Vishvakarma “gods’ mechanic” produced nine types of mleccha from a Shudra “low woman”: maali “gardener,” luhaar “ironsmith” shankhkaar “conch maker,” kuvind “weaver,” kumhaar “potter,” kanseraa “coppersmith,” badhai “carpenter,” chitrakaar “painter,” and sunaar “goldsmith”. Further, it is indicated that weavers were born of an unplanned union between a Muslim man with a weaver woman, and this is how the birth of Saint Kabir was described by some historians. Generally speaking, inter-caste and inter-religion marriages result in mleccha progeny in Hinduism [3]. The medieval saint Chaitanya Mahabrabhu used mleccha for non-Vedic people, particularly Muslims. Al Biruni, a medieval historian, indicates that the term mleccha was used for foreigners who were prohibited to make any matrimonial and social contact with the Vedic tribes and were considered unclean [4]. Post-Vedic period describes the alcohol drinkers and cow-flesh eaters as Mleccha, however, at certain places use of onion and garlic is also considered as mleccha prayog.

References 1. Kalyanaraman S (2008) Indus script encodes mleccha speech. The Author, Chennai 2. Parasher A (1991) Mlecchas in early India: a study in attitudes toward outsiders up to AD 600. Munshiram Manoharial Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, pp 94–96 3. Parasher-Sen A (2004) Subordinate and marginal groups in early India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 4. Rizvi SAA (1987) The wonder that was India, vol II. Sidgwick and Jackson, London, pp 252–253

Modern ▶ Sri Aurobindo

Carl Olson Religious Studies, Allegheny College, Meadville, PA, USA

With Muslims controlling northern India in the late fifteenth century, Western Europeans began to make contacts in India attracted by the spice trade needed for meats, wines, and ales to make them more palatable or sweet tasting. In 1498, Vasco da Gama of Portugal arrived at the port of Calicut located on the Malabar Coast with a small fleet seeking spices and Christian converts only to discover Syrian Christians already present. This adventure lead to Portugal’s lucrative monopoly of spice trade for decades until the British defeated the Spanish armada in 1588. On December 31, 1600, Queen Elizabeth granted a royal charter to a company of London adventurers, which became the East India Company led by Thomas Smythe. To protect its investment and interests, the British fortified factory warehouses and hired and trained Indian sepoys (police) to protect the forts, a procedure that leads to private company armies. The company did not allow proselytizing by Christians because it did not want to offend the inhabitants. Nonetheless, the company did exploit a cheap labor supply. After a military victory at Plassey in 1757 led by Robert Clive, the British became entrenched in the Bengal region. Outside the economic interests of the East Indian Company, the British introduced other changes that challenged India intellectually, scientifically, and religiously. Western science and technology and Christian missionaries challenged Indian culture in the eighteenth century to react to criticism of its culture from foreign outsiders. Western scientific and technological advances made India appear to be outdated, backward, and culturally inferior. Western critics pointed to social practices that were claimed to be antiquated and useless remnants of the past. Except for a minority of Westerners driven by academic and intellectual curiosity, there was little appreciation of India’s rich cultural

Modern Reform Movements

tradition. Meanwhile, Indians were suddenly confronted by hundreds of years of Western intellectual history and development. Indian cultural and social practices that were accepted as normal and unquestioned were suddenly called into question as benighted by Christian missionaries and others. Christian missionaries wanted to save the Indian polytheists from eternal damnation, a noble goal, but it used an inadequate overly critical apparatus to achieve it. Missionaries and business people made Indians feel inferior and were convinced themselves that this cultural inferiority was justified, if one simply compared one culture with the other. As a result, some Indians converted to Christianity with the promise of receiving rice, becoming the so-called rice Christians. Many more Indians recommitted themselves to their own religious traditions and rejected the Christian missionary arguments. The historical result of missionary activity was that Hindus did not become Christians in large numbers, but they did become reformed Hindus. Christian missionaries motivated members of the Hindu intelligentsia to rediscover the sources of their own religious tradition and to reform their religion according to their new image of the remote past. Growing from local trading posts, Western colonial powers inserted themselves into the economic fabric of India. Because wealth was at stake, the trading companies became more influential and powerful and turned into occupying military powers. When the weaknesses of the East India Company became apparent, the British government assumed control and colonialized the country. The result was that India was placed under the political yoke of the Great Britain government and became economically intertwined with the colonial power. Colonialism meant that India became a militarily occupied nation to be economically exploited by the powerful. As implied previously, colonialism began as a commercial project intended to enhance the wealth of major maritime powers by economically exploiting other countries that were militarily weaker. The imposition of colonialism resulted in territorial conquest that led to a mission to civilize the other.

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By putting all these Western elements together, there is little mystery why Indians felt a sense of cultural shock. But Indians were not paralyzed by what they encountered. Missionaries motivated Indian intellectuals and leaders to reexamine their own cultural heritage and to retrieve elements from their religious past that responded to the current situation. In short, educated Indians became social, religious, and political reformers. Many of these figures were influenced by Western ideas and criticism that helped them to shape their own reform agendas, motivating Indians to become missionaries for their own religious traditions, religious leaders, and social reformers. Along with the advent of colonialism and missionary activity, the foreign powers brought with them orientalism, a term for the study and critical analysis of non-Western cultures and their classical texts by Western scholars. This is historically connected with colonial domination. Later critics of this phenomenon such as Edward Said interpreted the books produced by this scholarship as instruments of power, serving as a hegemonic instrument of Western political entities. A leading British orientalist was Sir William Jones (1746–1794), who founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1784. After mastering Sanskrit, Persian, and Arabic languages, he confirmed a connection between Sanskrit and European languages. Other scholars followed Jones such as Charles Wilkins (1749–1836), who translated the Bhagavad Gītā into English. Thomas Colebrooke (1765–1837) worked on Indian religion and philosophy, whereas Horace Hayman Wilson (1786–1860) produced the first SanskritEnglish dictionary. Despite the openness and tolerance of many of these scholars to Hindu culture and customs, this type of scholarship embedded within colonialism assisted the imperial West to identify itself in contrast to the Orient. This type of scholarship also valorized and idealized Hindu traditions and sought to encourage their retrieval, preservation, and distribution to a wider world audience. Moreover, by means of his linguistic discoveries, Jones emphasized the cultural and historic kinship between the cultures of Europe and India and did not think that one culture was superior to the other. Since these scholars based

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their work on texts, they tended to create a stereotypical portrait of Hinduism, a product of the scholarly imagination. In contrast to orientalism, the British worked to classify inhabitants of India under the guise of collecting census data. The compiling of data pertaining to caste, religion, and race was intended to rank castes hierarchically and to create an official discourse of caste that influenced relations among Indians, resulting in more rigid social distinctions. This effort enhanced the acceptance of such distinctions throughout the subcontinent. The gathering of this information was a precondition for the exercise of power over the inhabitants. Along with the classification of Indians, there came Western secularism that challenged traditional religious beliefs. Some Indians envisioned India as a secular state, whereas others were terrified by the prospect of secularism. The classification of native Indians was combined with Evangelical Protestant Christian’s constructed portrait of the Hindu other as pagans, primitive, barbarian, ignorant, and superstitious. The Christians were absolutely convinced that Hindu religious institutions and practices should be replaced by Christian civilization to raise Hindus socially and culturally. In addition, Christians depicted Hindus as effeminate, deceitful, lazy, and ignorant. Missionaries supported their criticism of Hindus by pointing to evidence such as infanticide, child marriage, widow immolation, the lack of education, and a pernicious hereditary caste system. This sociopolitical and religious cultural situation created by foreign colonialism, orientalism, missionary activity, classification, secularism, and technology in India contributed to a reaction by educated Indians and motivated them to reform their country.

The Bra¯hmo Sama¯j Reform Working for the East India Company as a revenue officer until 1814, Rammohan Roy (1772–1833), arguably the greatest reformer of India, founded the Brāhmo Sabhā in 1828, a monotheistic type of Hinduism without images common to sectarian Hinduism. This reform movement was financially

Modern Reform Movements

supported by the wealthy Dwarkanath Tagore. Later in 1843, the movement evolved into the Brāhmo Samāj (Society) because of the revitalization effort led by Debendranath Tagore (1817–1905), father of Rabindranath Tagore, who would later win the Nobel Peace Prize for literature in 1913 for his book Gitanjali. Another important successor of Roy was Keshab Chandra Sen (1838–1884). These successors to Roy wanted to convert the organization into a vital movement for religious and social reform. Tagore increased its membership, organized its teachings, and campaigned against Christian proselytizing, whereas Sen gave the movement national attention by the power of his charismatic persona. The organization’s purpose was to restore the ancient tradition of dharma to India and to worship the single, supreme, eternal god. The second intention was shaped by European deism and unitarianism, a set of influences that motivated Roy to reject the role of prophet and the uniqueness of the notion of the Son of God. Thirdly, the organization sought to create a purified Hinduism that was free of all Purāṇic elements such as temple rituals and image worship. Being born into the Brahmin caste and son of a landowner, Roy grew up in the village of Radhanagar, Hooghly District, in the region of Bengal. He was a devotee of Viṣṇu and retained his sacred thread from his upper-caste initiation ceremony until his death. His parents forced him into a child marriage to a youngster who died soon after their wedding. Then, he married two wives in succession and had two children with one of them. Roy studied Islamic law and jurisprudence and studied the Qur’an in Arabic. Roy also studied the ancient Upaniṣads and Vedānta philosophy, and he used the former texts to substantiate his argument that its rationality should be used to judge social institutions and practices at the present. From Roy’s perspective, the Upaniṣads embodied a pure theism that excluded image worship and recognized human rights. Appealing to India’s glorious past and a deistic type of theism, Roy rejected many traditional Hindu notions such as rebirth, law of karma, meditation, idolatry, sacrifice, and caste. Having become alienated from popular Hinduism, he left home in September

Modern Reform Movements

1797, entrusting his two wives to his mother. He proceeded to engaged in the business of moneylending in Calcutta (Kolkata). In 1803, he was hired as a government revenue officer and was appointed chief Indian officer of the Revenue Department in 1809. Roy’s study of Hindu sources and the influence of Unitarianism convinced him about the unity of God. In light of this conviction, Roy rejected all myths, miracles, magic, and image worship that might compromise the unity of God. His belief in the unity of God motivated him to reject the Christian doctrine of the trinity, virgin birth, and vicarious atonement, although he believed that Jesus’ ethical teachings had universal validity. Arguing that idolatry is inconsistent with scripture, Roy began a critical campaign against it because it also represented forms of degradation, superstition, and human debasement. Roy also initiated a vigorous campaign against compulsory widow immolation (sati) on the funeral pyre of a husband. He argued that sati was not universally practiced in Indian culture and very rare in some locations. This strong stance against widow immolation seems to have been motivated by the forced immolation of his beloved sister-in-law. He insisted that sati was not a part of the original dharma of the tradition and condemned it on moral and scriptural grounds. He also said that sati reflected negative male attitudes toward women. Roy’s courageous campaign opposing widow immolation contributed to the eventual change of public opinion, creating an opportunity to pass legislation making it illegal in 1829. Roy attempted to accomplish the same success with a ban on the practice of child marriage, worked to establish English-speaking schools, and established the first Bengali newspaper. As already suggested, Roy based his calls for social reforms on a call to return to Indian sources and asking people to embrace the past practices because they represented true dharma. He was critical of those who blindly adhered to custom and prejudice. Roy did not intend for the Brāhmo Samāj to become a new religion. Roy’s overall appeal was to reason and common sense. In recognition for his many reform efforts, the Mughal

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emperor conferred on Roy the honorific title of Rāja (king), even though orthodox Hindu leaders excommunicated him. Roy also fought for judicial, administrative, economic, educational, and political reforms. He was concerned economically about the impact of colonization and the salt monopoly of the East India Company. He promoted Western education in Bengal and even started his own schools for children. From a political perspective, he welcomed British presence, believing that England had a cultural and humanitarian mission in India. He also saw the advantages of being protected by British power. Moreover, he believed that India needed political tutelage, although there will come a day when India would mature politically and become an independent nation. He thought that a free press was a prerequisite for good government and defended Hinduism against attacks from Christian missionaries.

The Sa¯dharan and New Dispensation In 1866, the Brāhmo Samāj split into conservative and more liberal groups. The former was led by Debendranath Tagore, who founded a Bengali newspaper and a school with the purpose of training Brāhmo missionaries to counteract the spread of Christian missions, while the latter group established the Bhāratvarshīya Brāhmo Samāj of India under the leadership of Keshab Chandra Sen (1838–1884). Sen’s organization stressed universal brotherhood under God the Father, although it lost some members offended by the fact that Keshab was not a member of the Brahmin caste. The original group became known as Adi Brāhmo Samāj, whereas Keshab led the new Brāhmo Samāj of India. From a reform group that was originally religious under the leadership of Tagore, the newer movement was more concerned with social issues, such as widow remarriage, after Keshab joined in 1857. Among additional social issues advocated by Keshab were funds for flood victims, famine relief, schools for boys and girls, literacy, criticism of child marriage, encouragement of intercaste marriage, and plea for widow remarriage. These liberal issues were called into

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question when Keshab caused a split in the movement by his insistence that members reject their sacred threads and his close association with Christians, although the reform movement did enjoy some success with the passage of the Native Marriage Act III in 1872 that established minimum age limits for marriage. But this legislative success further divided the reform movement when Keshab blatantly ignored the law and married his daughter to the Maharaja of Cooch Behar in 1878. Many members of Keshab’s movement seceded to form Sādhāran (General) Brāhmo Samāj in 1878. The constitution of the Sādharan was revolutionary because it established definite rules and procedures into the organization. The constitution included a system of checks and balances with the purpose of preventing a single individual (such as Keshab) or family (such as the Tagores) from dominating the organization as evident in previous reformist groups. The constitution reflected its religious ideology expressed in its six principles: faith in a personal God, belief in the utility of congregational prayer, condemnation of mysticism and sentimentalism, stressed faith in the brotherhood of humanity that denied caste distinctions, declaration of freedom of conscience, and a renaissance type of God by which moral energy would be expounded for the moral and spiritual regeneration of the people. Being convinced of the brotherhood of human beings, they opposed caste distinctions and oppression of women. Believing in freedom of conscience, they envisioned working to create the moral and spiritual regeneration of humankind. In comparison to Keshab’s organization, the rational Sādharans were liberal minded with respect to the possibilities of social and political change. In contrast to the Sādharan, Keshab formed his own new organization that reflected more closely his personal religiosity that was named the Church of the New Dispensation in 1879. The New Dispensation was intended to synthesize Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity, which lead to some eclectic elements that included twelve disciples, advocacy of the motherhood of God, revival of waving (ārati) camphor lamps, homa (fire oblation) ceremonies, the Durgā festival, and religious chanting

Modern Reform Movements

(kīrtana) like that of Gauḍiya Vaiṣṇavism. The organization also wanted to harmonize all sacred scriptures and religions within a message of love, allowing direct worship of God without a mediator. In sharp contrast to the Sādharans, Keshab began to believe that a Western solution to the problem of modernism in India was not possible. Keshab was attracted to Rāmakrishna’s (1836–1886) religious experiments and his claim to have direct contact with major religious figures (such as Buddha, Jesus, and Muhammad) by means of intuition, which made the Bengali saint appear to be more of a universalist than Brāhmo members. Rāmakrishna appealed to Keshub for a few reasons. Rāmakrishna was separated from Brāhmos by his anti-intellectual and anti-bookish attitudes. Rāmakrishna’s tantric way of sublimating the sensual desire for the opposite sex into the spiritual desire for the holy mother was appealing to Keshab. And Rāmakrishna’s claim to have direct encounters and experiences with major religious leaders captured Keshab’s imagination. After his encounter with Rāmakrishna and learning about the importance of the goddess Kālī for the religiosity of the saint, Keshab began to utilize Śāktism for his own purposes and became intrigued by the “Motherhood of God,” which he began to think might be a more effective symbol of the divine than was the father. He also began to recognize the figure of Christ as a vehicle of imperialism, which caused him to totally withdraw from the social gospel advocated by the Unitarians in India. Historically, Keshab made a significant contribution to the Rāmakrishna movement by spreading the fame of the Bengali saint through his newspaper. In 1881, Keshub publically confessed to spiritual madness in an issue of his publication New Dispensation, which was a means of experiencing the depths of his religiosity. This was probably his imitation of the madness exhibited by Rāmakrishna and the depths of his own religious convictions. The major reason that Keshub established a new church – New Dispensation – was related to his personal dilemma of being torn between sympathy for Europe and Asia. This new church was conceived to heal that breach. From

Modern Reform Movements

Keshab’s perspective, the New Dispensation was intended to replace the Old and New Testaments. Convinced that Brāhmo heritage could function as an antidote for Bengali social and political malaise, Rabindranath Tagore assumed leadership of the Adi Brāhmo Samāj and the editorship of its journal, the Tattvabodhim Patrika in 1911. Retaining pure theism and piety, Tagore wanted to focus on the need for an internal vitality by means of self-discipline and meditation. He proceeded to condemn factionalism, sectarianism, communalism, and Brāhmo nationalism because these things lead to divisions rather than unity. In 1913, Tagore criticized religious figures who took their message to the West for giving a false impression of Hinduism. This did not mean that he thought that India’s problems with modernization could be solved by Westernization. He viewed the problems associated with modernization in India as social. Toward the end of his life, Tagore established an educational institution called Shantiniketan, which was an attempt to recapture the spirit of the ancient Indian forest hermitage and its personal learning environment.

Ra¯makrishna Math and Mission This movement was inspired by Rāmakrishna (c. 1834/1836–1886), a Hindu holy man and priest of a Kālī temple in Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) located along the banks of the Ganges River, and organized by Narendranath Datta who later changed his name to Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902). They were two very different types of persons: the saint was uneducated, while his disciple was educated; the saint was a member of the Brahmin caste, while his disciple was not; the saint went into ecstatic trance states; the saint was a devotee of the goddess Kālī, and Vivekananda was convinced that devotion to the goddess would prove to be a hindrance to the movement because it would not be accepted by Westerners; the saint had a fear of women, while his disciple attracted female followers; and Rāmakrishna never wrote or organized anything, whereas his disciple published books and organized a reform and religious movement.

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Vivekananda initially encountered Rāmakrishna in November of 1881 and touched the feet of the holy man, an act of homage, which sent him into an ecstatic trance state. Rāmakrishna became despondent when Vivekananda was absent for too long. In one encounter, the saint cried profusely when the disciple arrived and clung to him. Vivekananda concluded that the saint was absolutely mad. In addition to his devotion to the goddess Kālī, Rāmakrishna engaged in a series of religious experiments that included Tantra in 1861, devotion to the hero Rāma when he imagined himself as Hanuman, the monkey god and companion of the epic hero in 1864, later the same year he practiced Advaita Vedānta, in 1866 he received a vision of the Muslim prophet Muhammad, and in 1874 he received a vision of Jesus. The result of these various religious experiences led to a catholic attitude toward other religions. In fact, Rāmakrishna drew the conclusion that all religions were true, suggesting a universal harmony of religions. This did not mean that all religions were identical but were rather equivalent in the sense that they lead to the same goal. To explain these various experiments, the philosophy of Advaita Vedānta was used, although Rāmakrishna remained a devotee of the goddess Kālī throughout his life. For Rāmakrishna, Hinduism represented the eternal religion (sanātana dharma) with Kālī representing the ultimate reality. The message of Rāmakrishna and his life was shared and publicized by Keshab Chandra Sen with a wider public through his newspaper. It can be argued that this simple, child-like, playful, and trance-prone holy man might have been soon forgotten after his death if it had not been for the work of Vivekananda. In 1885, Vivekananda accepted Rāmakrishna as his guru, a year before the death of the holy man, and promised his guru that he would lead and teach the disciples. Although the precise date is debatable, Vivekananda leads the disciples in January 1887 in a ceremony where they assumed monastic names preceded by the title swami (Sanskrit, svāmī). After leading and teaching the disciples for a few years, Vivekananda went on a pilgrimage in 1890 to many different locations within the country and tried to reconcile the

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devotional religiosity and philosophy of Rāmakrishna with the social emphasis of the Brāhmo Samāj. Instead of goddess devotion, Vivekananda took the nascent movement inspired by Rāmakrishna in a new direction that promised to have better appeal to a Western audience. After a period of wandering, Vivekananda renounced the world and became a saṃnyāsin and adopted a new name. In 1893, he received financial support from the wealthy mahārāja of Kheri to represent Hinduism at the World Parliament of Religion being held in Chicago in conjunction with the Chicago World’s Fair. On September 11, 1893, he addressed the audience with the following salutation: “Sisters and Brothers of America.” Having won over his audience, this tall, turban clad, and handsome man proceeded to give a strong argument for the universal truth of Hinduism that was based on experience, and he received a positive reaction in the media from the reporters present. After the conclusion of the parliament, he traveled in the United States and the United Kingdom giving lectures on Vedānta philosophy and yoga. In a number of cities, he established Vedānta Societies to promote his work. Attracting some converts from the West, he returned to India as a spiritual hero. Back in India, he organized the Rāmakrishna Math and Mission that combined yoga, Vedānta philosophy, and public service. Instead of rejecting the world to attain liberation, Vivekananda changed the focus of his spiritual path to working for a better society for everyone. In his teachings, Vivekananda compared Western materialism unfavorably with Hindu spirituality. He called for a “practical Vedānta” that represented a combination of social work and a spiritual quest for union with God. For him, Vedānta philosophy represented the essence of Hindu spirituality. His advocacy of social service was grounded in the nondual insight that God dwells in everyone, including the very poor. This spiritual insight provided an ethical imperative to help others. In addition to social service, he advocated the need for disciples to be renouncers and a need for an awakened and purified Hinduism. In the political sphere, Vivekananda chose not to

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attack British domination of India or get politically involved in the freedom movement, because he thought that it was wiser to lift the spiritual consciousness of those sunk in poverty and despair through his religious message and social service agenda.

Pra¯rthana Sama¯j and A¯rya Sama¯j In the region of Maharashtra, there emerged a reform movement called the Prārthana Samāj in 1867, which was led by Justice M. G. Ranade (1842–1901). He was one of the originators of the Indian National Congress (1885), the Indian National Social Conference (1887), and the Industrial Association of India (1890). These institutions reflect his broad interests in religion, politics, and economic reform. Many of the positions of the Prārthana Samāj were similar to those of the Brāhmo Samāj, although it placed special emphasis on improving the status of women and untouchables. It also advocated another social reform that centered on the elimination of caste restrictions. Along with his disciple Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866–1915), Ranade developed a nationalism that insisted that Indians must take responsibility for their country by reforming their own society. In contrast to the Brāhmo Samāj, Ranade’s group based its worship in the devotional poems of the Vārkarī Panth and the composition of the saint Tukārām. In comparison to the practice of the Brāhmo Samāj, the Ārya Samāj looked back to India’s past for its inspiration. Swāmi Dayānanda Sarasvatī (1824–1883) founded the reform movement in 1875 with the intention of restoring dignity to Indian culture. Dayānanda was the firstborn of a pious Śaivite Brahmin father followed by two brothers and two sisters. While a young boy, he witnessed rats climbing up the image of Śiva in the temple during a night vigil with his father, a sight that perplexed him because the deity did not respond to this sacrilege. Dayānanda was deeply emotionally disturbed by the death of a younger sister at the age of 14 by cholera and the death of a beloved uncle and teacher. He eventually left

Modern Reform Movements

home to seek liberation and embraced an ascetic lifestyle after discovering that his parents had secretly arranged for his marriage. His father found him and forced him to return home and marry the bride chosen for him through an arranged marriage, but he escaped during the night, traveling to Baroda and the Chetan Math where he was introduced to Vedanta philosophy. After wandering for 12 years as a young man going from one teacher to another seeking spiritual assistance, he finally met Swāmi Virājānanda Sarasvatī, a blind teacher, of Mathura, who addressed the young man’s restless spirit. Eventually, he was initiated at the Shringeri Math as a renouncer into the order of the Dandīs and received the name Dayānanda Sarasvatī. As a dedicated follower of Śiva, he donned a rosary around his neck and applied the three horizontal lines on his forehead. During this time, he had a negative reaction to Tantric teachings, concluding that they were mind-destroying, obscene, and sinful, and thus rejected them. Dayānanda perceived a need to return to the Vedas, to reveal scripture, and to use them as his guideline, which involved rejecting everything after the Vedas as superstition. When he returned to the Vedic hymns, Dayānanda interpreted them through a yogic perspective, devoid of any Western intellectual influences. He denied, for instance, the polytheism of the Vedas, and he claimed that there was a single god behind all the divine names. He did, however, accept the notions of karma and rebirth and thought that the caste system was a social institution and nothing religious. With the Vedas as his guide, he criticized Hinduism for its attachment to idol worship, sectarianism, and numerous superstitious beliefs and practices. In short, he wanted to establish Hinduism on the Vedic revelation. From a philosophical perspective, he asserted that Brahman and jīva (self) are distinct entities and that the world is real, positions that placed him in opposition to the Advaita Vedanta position of Śaṅkara. Dayānanda believed in a transcendent and personal God. For Dayānanda, the Vedas had a universal significance, although he remained an ethnically centered thinker by using the ancient concept of ārya,

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which is a notion of “nobility” shaped by ethnicity and geographical location that also conveys the sense of purity. Moreover, Dayānanda conceived of the Vedas as the source of all human wisdom, including even the natural sciences, making knowledge of Sanskrit essential for reform. According to him, the Vedas represent the literal wisdom of God. Behind the many names of God lies the one true God, representing a pure monotheism. The Vedic dharma consisted of worship of one God with Vedic rites and living a responsible moral life. Besides advocating the liberation of women and the end of caste abuses, he denounced child marriage, supported widow remarriage, and advocated the importance of education for girls in particular. Dayānanda was also concerned about conversions of Hindus to Islam and Christianity. To counter conversions of especially low-caste Hindus, he established training institutions (gurukulas) for children to give them a Vedic education. For those who had converted and wanted to return to the Hindu fold, he advocated a route of purification for readmission. He thought that Hinduism had a mission to perform for the world. In fact, he envisioned the superiority of Hindu religion and culture. In 1875, Dayānanda published the first edition of Satyārth Prakāsh, a summary of his position on various issues. He argued, for instance, that liberation (mokṣa) did not represent complete absorption into God; it was rather a union with God that produces bliss. This position presupposes that the jīva is embodied in order to enjoy the bliss. While exalting the Vedas, he criticized the corrupt teachings of the Purāṇas. His argument against idol worship was based on the fact that it was not present in the Vedas and stood against reason. Dayānanda sought to stimulate a Hindu revival movement by recapturing its cultural glory by returning to the ancient Vedic scriptures. This impetus suggests that the movement was reformist and revivalist. On April 10, 1875, Dayānanda established the Ārya Samāj with its leaders mostly from the business community. Members had a financial obligation because they should contribute one percent of their income to the organization. Its

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constitution included a paucity of requirements in matters related to faith and social duties. The constitution insisted on decentralized autonomy. Dayānanda refused to accept leadership of the organization because of his fears about becoming its guru or becoming a sectarian movement. Because of his polemical style, he made numerous enemies, and it was rumored that he was fatally poisoned. These various reform movements appealed most strongly to younger Indians during the 1860s. By joining one of these reform movements, many of these young people lost social standing when they were excommunicated from their castes and ostracized by their families. With their new and often marginal social identity, these young people became the vanguard for modern India. In retrospect, foreign rule in India placed social reforms within the context of a wider cross-cultural encounter. This means that social reform movements occurred within the encounter of British questions about Indian culture and practices and the Indian response to those critical attitudes. By the 1930s, the optimism ushered into India by Brāhmo ideology turned into disillusionment and despair. Worldwide economic depression, the rise of fascism, and new imperialist wars contributed to a change in attitude. The political struggle against colonialism continued, led by a religious figure, Gandhi, and a secularist, Nehru, among many others.

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh From his affiliation with the Ārya Samāj, Pandit Mohan Mahāviya and other leaders founded the Hindu Mahāsabhā, which became a right-wing militant political party. The major theoretician of this new movement was V. D. Savarkar, who fought for Indian freedom from British domination and restoration of Hindu religious and social traditions with the goal of the complete Hinduization of India. In reaction to the secularism introduced by Nehru on the national level, V. D. Savarkar composed his book Essentials of Hindutva in 1922 in which he defined the major

Modern Reform Movements

elements of Hindu nationalism and what it means to be a Hindu in modern times. He defined a Hindu as someone who inhabits Hindustan, holding their land as holy and as the abode of one’s ancestors. This land has been sanctified by the blood of Hindu martyrs and their deities. Hindus are not only those who love the sacred land, but they also represent a nation and a race that share a common origin and blood. Savarkar does not include Muslims into this national group, even if they were born in India, whereas Jains are included into this group, even though neither Muslims nor Jains practice Hinduism or accept the Vedas as revealed scripture. What distinguishes Jains from Muslims is the fact that they belong to a common Hindu culture, which is defined in terms of the Sanskrit language. The two great epics – Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa – function as the basis of the culture. Savarkar’s vision embraced a return of the god Rāma, a conqueror and world ruler, to the city of Ayodhyā to usher into existence the birth of a Hindu nation, culminating with a fusion of the nation, territory, race, and civilization. If one focuses more closely on Savarkar’s notion of Hindutva (Hinduness), it becomes obvious that it is a political idea. He envisioned it as a sociocultural category with the intention of unifying the various disparate groups that inhabited the Indian subcontinent. Conceiving Hindutva originally as distinct from religious Hinduism, Hindutva functioned as a political ideological slogan within the context of colonial domination. Thereby, Hindutva became a magnet around which conservative political forces could unite as a political movement and a religious force. Savarkar’s notion of Hindutva is a clear evidence of Indian agency and creativity within the context of colonial subjugation. Thus, a definition of what it meant to be a Hindu is not something imposed by British hegemony and needs to acknowledge the agency of Indians in the process of defining themselves. Savarkar’s work inspired Hindu fundamentalist political reform and political parties such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), its allied organization the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) founded by

Modern Vedanta

Keshav Baliram Hedgewar in 1925 on marking Rāma’s slaying of the demon Rāvaṇa. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Organization of Volunteers) was created to protect and promote nationalism, religion, and culture in response to Muslim political mobilization. Seeking to eradicate differences among Indians and encourage them to acknowledge their past glory, the organization’s constitution intends to promote a spirit of self-sacrifice and discipline and to reinvigorate Hindu society while combining nationalism with the essence of what it means to be a Hindu. The organization opposes conversion to nonindigenous religious traditions, advocates cow protection, and promotes teaching about Hindu culture. Unlike Gandhi and Nehru and earlier reform movements, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) combined an ideology of healing, health, and yogic training with a political ideology that was anti-Western, anti-Christian, and anti-Muslim and opposed to secularism, corruption, and selfcentered consumerism. The RSS continues to be active and politically successful today. It represents an attempt by Hindu fundamentalists to initiate a moral and cultural reform movement that would eventually culminate in national unity, with the establishment of a pure Hindu society. By means of discipline, yogic training, and good organization, the RSS attempts to cleanse Indian society of all impurities embodied by those things to which it is opposed. Its brand of religious nationalism is based on an emotional bond between Hindus and mother India. The goal of the RSS is the creation of a modern and strong Hindu nation, devoid of foreign influence, which is recognized as a world leader and military power. The decade of the 1990s in India witnessed a Hindu fundamentalist reaction against the secular republic initiated by Nehru. Early in the decade, orthodox Hindus began to call for the destruction of a sixteenth-century mosque (Babri Masjid) originally erected by the Mughal emperor Bahur in Ayodhyā. Hindus believed that this mosque had been constructed over a temple commemorating the birthplace of Rāma. Thus, they wanted to replace the mosque with a temple

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to Rāma. In October 1990, the fundamentalist leader L. K. Advani mounted a golden chariot to travel several hundred miles to the site of the mosque. Thousands of his devote followers dragged and pushed the chariot to Ayodhyā. Holy men and priests blessed millions of sacred bricks for the rebuilding of the temple. Advani was arrested, but a huge mob destroyed the massive mosque on December 6, 1992. These kinds of conservative religious forces gained influence over the government during the decade, working to eclipse the secular tendencies initiated by Nehru, but also confirmed Nehru’s worst fear about religion.

References 1. Beckerlegge G (2000) The Ramakrishna mission: the making of a modern Hindu movement. Oxford University Press, Oxford 2. Crawford SC (1987) Ram Mohan Roy: social, political and religious reform in 19th century India. Paragon House Publishers, New York 3. Halbfass W (1988) India and Europe: an essay in understanding. Princeton University Press, Princeton 4. Hatcher BA (1999) Eclecticism and modern Hindu discourse. Oxford University Press, Oxford 5. Jordens JTF (1978) Dayānanda Sarasvatī: his life and ideas. Oxford University Press, Delhi 6. King R (1999) Orientalism and religion: postcolonial theory: India and ‘the magic east’. Routledge, London 7. Kopf D (1969) British orientalism and the Bengal renaissance. University of California Press, Berkeley 8. Kopf D (1979) The Brahmo Samaj and the shaping of the modern Indian mind. Princeton University Press, Princeton 9. Larson GJ (1995) India’s agony over religion. State University of New York Press, Albany 10. Olson C (1990) The mysterious play of Kālī: an interpretive study of Rāmakrishna. Scholars Press, Atlanta 11. Olson C (1998) Vivekananda and Ramakrishna face to face: an essay on the alterity of a saint. Int J Hindu Stud 2(1):43–66 12. Sharma A (2002) Modern Hindu thought: the essential texts. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 13. Sil NP (1997) Swami Vivekananda. Brill, Leiden

Modern Vedanta ▶ Neo Vedānta

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Moksa ˙ Aleksandar Uskokov Department of South Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of Chicago, Chicago, IL, USA

Definition Liberation from the cycle of rebirth

Introduction Mokṣa or liberation from the cycle of rebirth (saṁsāra) is perhaps the most important idea in Hinduism or more generally in South Asian intellectual history. It is commonly described as the highest of the four goals of human life (puruṣārtha), the other three being “religion” (dharma), wealth (artha), and pleasure (kāma). It is also customarily said to be the cornerstone of Indian philosophy: the famous historian Surendranath Dasgupta claims, for instance, that the related doctrines of karma and mukti, liberation, are the two “fixed postulates” of Hindu philosophy, summing up “all the important peculiarities,” so “cardinal and inviolable that there was hardly any voice . . . in India that protested against them” ([7], p. 10). Another historian, A.G. Krishna Warrier, describes liberation as “the raison d’etre of all system-building in India” (see also [28, 38], p. 13). While not everyone would agree with such assessments, they are certainly not very far from the mark. It is not quite possible to give a single, uniform definition of liberation, but a convenient way to begin thinking about it is through what Wilhelm Halbfass calls the “therapeutic paradigm,” a worldview in which liberation is likened to the state of medical health ([13], pp. 243–263). According to this paradigm, life in general is a problem, a sort of a disease (roga), which is most directly describable as “suffering” (duḥkha). The disease needs a diagnosis, a description of what suffering is, and can be identified with

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embodiment and transmigration (saṁsāra) and more generally with becoming: thus, the Bhāgavata speaks, for instance, of the “disease of becoming” (bhava-roga, 10.1.4). The disease requires an etiology, identification of its underlining causes. Suffering and rebirth are immediately caused by action (karma), good and bad acts in general, bodily, mental, and vocal (karma, thus, both as action itself and its consequences). Action, thus, constitutes a problem, and on its part, it is commonly a symptom of a more persistent condition, characterized by mental states or psychological torments (kleśa) such as desire, anger, and greed (kāma, krodha, lobha). These can further be traced to ignorance (avidyā), which in the Brahmanical systems generally stands for the misapprehension of one thing as another, the Self as the body, but is often equated with a cosmic principle, “primordial matter.” These often constitute a chain in which ignorance, causing the torments and prompting action, is itself reinforced by karma. Next, a therapy for the disease is required, a means (sādhana) that will directly address the core problem or alternatively influence the “weak link” where the chain can be broken. Finally, liberation requires a description as a state of health, the result (phala): is it barely an absence of the disease, breaking away from rebirth and remaining without a body, or perhaps something more? This fourfold scheme is known to most students of Indian religions as the Four Noble Truths of the Buddha, but it was also shared by the Brahmanical schools of Sāṅkhya, Yoga, Nyāya, and Advaita Vedānta. Most of the terms for liberation in Indian intellectual history are, in fact, negative expressions, pointing to getting rid of something undesirable: “deliverance” (mokṣa, mukti), “cessation” (nirvāṇa, nivṛtti, nirvṛtti, nirodha), “isolation” (kaivalya), “turning off” (apavarga), “destruction” (hāna), “no return” (anāvṛtti, apunar-āvṛtti), “no rebirth” (apunar-bhava, apunar-janma), “fearlessness” (abhaya), and even the most indeterminate “absence” (abhāva). There is one, however, which is positive, namely “the highest good” (niḥśreyasa, paraṁ śreyas), a term with a wider semantic range. In the corpus of dharma literature, as well as in the

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Bhagavad Gītā, “the highest good” is used in the sense of any general good which one may attain by observing one’s duties, commensurate with and appropriate to one’s social standing. In the late Vasiṣṭha Dharma Sūtra (1.1-3, [26]: 248), the highest good is more restrictedly (and explicitly) identified with “heaven” that one wins after death, but in the Manu-Smṛti (12.88-90, [27]: 217) heaven or “equality with the gods” is associated with another value, “prosperity” (abhyudaya), whereas liberation is explicitly called “the highest good.” The important takeaway from this is to appreciate that, through “the highest good,” liberation was a part of a wider set of contending ultimate values, the principal among which in the early history was heaven. This had three important consequences. First, it was possible to understand heaven as a competing doctrine of liberation, and we find such a case in the Vedāntin Śaṅkara (Introduction to the commentary on the Taittirīya Upaniṣad [TUBh], [33], pp. 223–229). Second, it was possible to understand the performance of ritual, through its association with heaven the highest good, as a means of liberation, and the Buddhist philosopher Bhavya claimed that Mīmāṁsakas, the advocates of heaven, held that liberation could only be attained by ritual (Madhyamaka-Hṛdaya 9.1-2, [18], p. 9). Third, even when heaven was not taken as a doctrine of liberation, it became important to state that it was an inadequate solution to the human predicament: we find this most prominently in the doctrines of Sāṅkhya and Yoga. Moving farther in history, when the doctrine of bhakti developed as another contender for the highest good, it was important to clarify its relationship with liberation as well. Staying with this a bit longer, Mīmāṁsā hermeneuts theorized heaven not as a place, but a state, that of highest possible happiness, and this became one of the most influential definitions of liberation as well. So, the scope in which the meaning of liberation had to be negotiated was constituted by the total absence of suffering on the one hand and the highest possible happiness on the other. The eleventh-century Advaitin Sarvajñātman put this elegantly: “Every living being in this world desires thus: may I have the highest bliss, and may the misery which arises

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from worldly enjoyment and prevents the experience of bliss come to an end. The wise men declare that the essence of liberation is unexcelled bliss and absolute removal of misery” (SŚ 1.6667, [37], pp. 30–31). Thus, it was possible to affirm that liberation was not just the absence of suffering, but a positive state of happiness as well. Whether a philosopher or a school would accept the second, and if so, how the experience of happiness would be interpreted, was largely dependent on two factors: the essential nature of the individual Self and the acceptance or otherwise of another, Supreme Self, different from the individual. In other words, the various doctrines of liberation were consequent on ontological presuppositions and religious commitments. We can, nevertheless, say in general that liberation throughout its history was in a permanently renegotiated liminal space between these two: absence of suffering and the highest bliss. Scholars have commonly traced the idea of liberation to the Upaniṣads, and two of their concerns: the appearance of the notion of “re-death,” punar-mṛtyu, or the fear of Vedic ritualists of a second death in heaven, found in the late Brāhmaṇas but most explicit in the early Upaniṣads, and the development of a wider theory of karma, no longer restricted to ritual action [8, 35, 40]. This is problematic, because many of the staple notions constituting mokṣa, such as ignorance, suffering, and causal chains of embodiment, are virtually nonexistent in the early Upaniṣads, and there is a giant leap from “fear of re-death” to “it is all suffering.” Johannes Bronkhorst, instead, argued that liberation appeared in a non-Vedic cultural setting, geographically located in what he calls “Greater Magadha,” roughly equivalent to modern northeastern India, out of which arose Buddhism, Jainism, Sāṅkhya, Yoga, etc. and which was gradually appropriated by Brahmanical society [4]. While many details of Bronkhorst’s argument are suspect, his basic insight has a strong appeal and generally works much better than re-death. An important question in all doctrines of liberation was, when is mokṣa attained? When is one precisely freed from transmigration? Can one be liberated while still living, or is liberation

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necessarily a postmortem event? If the first is the case, is there a kind of a “graded” liberation, one that happens during life and another one, final, at death? What is the experience of liberation in life like, and what are its consequences for one’s social life and duties? If one cannot be liberated in life, is there, nevertheless, some palpable result of one’s soteriological practice: can one be liberated from something, if not necessarily from transmigration? These were the important questions of the ideas of jīvan-mukti, liberation while living, and videha-mukti, disembodied liberation, which appear under those names relatively late, but were discussed from early on [10, 11, 36]. The idea of jīvan-mukti became very important in modern Hinduism, where the Bhagavad Gītā (BG) takes the center stage and the social aspect of liberation comes to the fore [32, 35]. Doing justice to mokṣa in Hinduism would require a large volume, and under the following headings, we present the mere contours of several doctrines of liberation in prominent systems of thought, with a focus on depth rather than breadth, and eschewing questions of history. We include a short account of heaven in Mīmāṁsā with a view to “the highest good.”

˙ sa¯, Ritual, and Heaven Mīma¯m The school of Mīmāṁsā developed as a systematization of the Brāhmaṇa corpus and a theology of ritual. The Mīmāṁsā-Sūtras (MS) of Jaimini worked out hermeneutic principles whose primary application was in formulating rituals as textual idealities, but Mīmāṁsakas did not bother much with the “why” of a ritual that had preoccupied modern scholars. A general principle was that anything men do, they do for happiness. The canonical commentator on the MS, Śabara (ca. fifth century AD), said that all men strive after happiness (commentary on MS 4.3.15, [16], p. 807), so the “why” of a ritual was objectively determined: it was the natural pursuit of happiness. Mīmāṁsakas were mostly concerned with “how” ritual is conducive to happiness, but they also tackled the question of “what kind” of happiness ritual brings. It is not necessary for our

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purposes to deal with the first in detail, but we should mention a couple of points. For the Mīmāṁsakas, a ritual was a teleological organization of diverse details, such as offertories, divinities, ritual chants and implements, preparatory acts, procedures, etc., around the central role of the “principal” sacrificial action, that is, an action such as pouring milk or offering a rice cake into the sacrificial fire. When these details were properly organized according to the injunctions of the Brāhmaṇa texts, prompted by the desire for happiness on the part of a sacrificial patron, there occurred a “transubstantiation” of the sacrificial action, which turned from a common worldly thing to what Mīmāṁsakas called dharma. The Mīmāṁsā school associated with Kumārila Bhaṭṭa (ca. early seventh century) interpreted dharma as a means of human good, comparable, for instance, to wealth: both were instruments of human happiness. The specific difference of dharma as a means of happiness among other such means was that it harnessed causal relations that were not empirically known: whereas wealth was “visibly” related to human prosperity, ritual as its visible result had only ashes, and its real result was future and not evidently related to it. The causal relation was knowable, but solely from the Veda. AVedic injunction, for instance, “He who wants heaven should sacrifice,” commands that a sacrifice be performed, but it also discloses that the sacrifice in time will result in “heaven.” This is an important principle to bear in mind when we move to Sāṅkhya and Yoga: happiness is possible, and there are “visible” and “Vedic” means to it. The Vedic means typically is action, not in insolation, but as the key element of a composite event. Mīmāṁsakas called the general good that a ritual brings about “heaven,” svarga. Śabara discusses the meaning of “heaven” under MS 6.1.13, and rejects two prima facie views: heaven is not a place that one goes to in the hereafter nor a pleasurable substance that ordinary people habitually call heaven, such as “silken clothes, perfumes, or sixteen-year-old girls.” The second do not qualify because the common meaning of heaven is “happiness,” and substances are

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sometimes pleasurable and sometimes disagreeable: happiness is not their essential characteristic. So, if svarga is not a place in the hereafter, it is no Fred Astaire heaven either. Śabara’s conclusion is that “heaven” stands for the state of happiness pure and simple, what cannot be described otherwise without the pain of contradiction. Kumārila added important clarifications to this definition: although heaven did not stand for a place in the hereafter, the state of happiness that is heaven could only be enjoyed in another, future life, in a body fit for the enjoyment of happiness pure and simple: obviously this did not preclude, but rather required, a place in the hereafter. Further, heaven was not just happiness, but unexcelled happiness, not only simple but also absolute. As I said above, Kumārila’s definition of heaven became one of the main definitions of liberation as well, in virtue of which Advaitins and Buddhists found it appropriate to argue against ritual as a means of mokṣa. Another famous Vedāntin, Bhāskara (ca. 750–850 AD), on the other hand, claimed that ritual was an equal collaborator to meditation in the pursuit of liberation, and in general all Hindu doctrines of liberation had to address the question of ritual’s soteriological significance relative to knowledge and meditation.

Brahman and the Upanisads ˙ The doctrine of liberation in the Upaniṣads developed against the ritual worldview of the Brāhmaṇas. We mentioned in the introduction the idea of puṇar-mṛtyu or second death, and we can make the general statement that the goal of the old Vedic ritual worldview was “immortality.” An often-quoted line from the Ṛgveda says, “We have drunk the soma, we have become immortal,” ápāma sómam amŕtā abhūma (8.48.3, [3], p. 1229). It has been proposed that this immortality initially meant just a good life that is not prematurely cut short, a full life of 100 years ([6], pp. 42–44), but by the time of the Upaniṣads, there is little doubt that it meant eternal life in heaven.

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In the Upaniṣads, then, we find a well-defined concern that there may occur a loss of the said immortality. The rationale of the concern is simple and well expressed in the Chāndogya Upaniṣad (ChU, 8.1.5-6, [25], p. 275): the hereafter is won by ritual, which is a form of action; we know empirically that worlds won by action are commonly lost, as in the case of inhabited territories; it follows that the world of the hereafter can also be lost, for the simple reason that it was won by action. A more sophisticated statement of the same concern is found in the Muṇḍaka Upaniṣad (MU 1.2.1-12, [25], pp. 439–441). The Upaniṣad indulges in a long diatribe against ritual, but the knockdown argument is given in verse 12: that which is not made, eternal, cannot be won by that which is made (kṛta), that is, by action (karma). Thus, we find in the Upaniṣads (ChU 5.10; BĀU 6.2) a new doctrine which says that the lifelong performance of ritual results in merit that leads one after death through the “course of the forefathers” (pitṛ-yāna) to the “world of the forefathers” (pitṛ-loka), which is the sphere of the moon that is now identified with soma, the paradigmatic ritual item and the drink of the gods. One remains in this world so long this merit lasts, but upon its exhaustion falls back to earth and is reborn. Parallel to the doctrine of action as ritual that produces merit, there develops a doctrine of moral valence of action in general, and the Upaniṣad says that the rebirth of the ritual agent who has fallen from the world of the forefathers depends on his conduct (caraṇa) in pre-heaven life: those of agreeable conduct are reborn in good families of the three upper castes, whereas those of foul conduct are reborn from dogs, pigs, or outcast women (ChU 5.10.7). Two kinds of action or karma, thus, determine one’s future, ritual and “ordinary.” Both were associated with rebirth, but it was the first that was the specific problem for immortality. The Upaniṣadic solution to this problem was the doctrine of Brahman, but already in the older Upaniṣads we find this doctrine in two radically different variants, one of which had a Chāndogya core and another one in Yājñavalkya’s teachings from the BṛhadĀraṇyaka. We will focus on the first and state how the second was different.

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The ChU and BĀU passages about ritual and the world of the forefathers that we discussed contrast the ritualists with another group‚ those who take the “course of the gods” (deva-yāna) and reach the “world of Brahman” (brahmaloka, on which more below), wherefrom they do not return. Not much more is said about them, except that they understand the process of ascending to the world of the forefathers and rebirth in the human world as a kind of a ritual and meditate on “faith as austerity” in the wilderness. The eighth chapter of ChU, however, picks up this topic of no return further. The chapter presents the teaching of the Self which is free from all evil, old age and death, and hunger and thirst, whose desires and intentions are “true” (satyakāma, satya-saṅkalpa), that is, effortlessly accomplished. This Self is identified generally by all Vedāntins with Brahman, but is also one’s own Self in some important way: in fact, that is a crucial requirement of the teaching. The Self has four states, three of which are commonly known, waking, dream, and deep sleep, which the Upaniṣad calls “perfect calm,” samprasāda. The third is particularly important, because it is a state that lacks transitive awareness, for which reason one does not experience the faults of waking and dream, such as hunger and thirst: it is a state beyond the reach of karma – one must be aware of cognitive content to be liable to experiences – and the Upaniṣad describes it as a dike that keeps the worlds, the different states of the Self, from collapsing into one another (ChU 8.4). Although this state of the Self is instrumental for freedom from karma, it is not the ultimate state, nor is it desirable, because one is not aware of oneself at all: “But this Self does not know itself fully as ‘I am this,’ nor does it know any of these beings here. It has become completely annihilated” (ChU 8.11.1). The Self, therefore, must reemerge in its fourth state with its cognitive faculties restored (8.12.3-5). This fourth state of the Self is liberation; or rather, it is a state predicated on liberation, but something more as well: “Shaking off evil, like a horse its hair, and freeing myself, like the moon from Rāhu’s jaws, I, the perfected self (ātman), cast of the body, the imperfect, and attain the world of brahman” (ChU 8.13,

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[25], p. 287). Liberation, strictly speaking, is the characteristic feature of the third state: one is no longer liable to faults, pāpa. The fourth state, however, is the attainment of the world of Brahman, brahma-loka, through the course of the gods, deva-yāna, and it is properly called anāvṛtti, no return or revolution in the cycle of transmigration. This is so because it is the counterpart of the elevation to the world of the forefathers, from which one had to return upon the exhaustion of merit. We should be very clear on this: the Upaniṣadic doctrine of liberation is a doctrine that pertains solely to the world of the Veda, not a general theory of reincarnation. There is parallel system of transmigration for those who are not a part of Vedic society or those who commit grievous sins: “Then there are those proceeding on neither of these two paths – they become the tiny creatures revolving here ceaselessly. ‘Be born! Die!’ – that is a third state” (ChU 5.10.8, [25], p. 237). The BĀU specifies: they become worms, insects, or snakes (6.2.16). How does one reach brahma-loka? One must “search out” and “know distinctly” this Self that is free from all evil, old age and death, and hunger and thirst, whose desires and intentions are “true” (ChU 8.1; 8.7.1). As I said above, Vedāntins have identified this Self with Brahman and have interpreted “searching out” and “knowing” the Self as meditating on it. Since this Self was one’s own Self, then, reaching brahma-loka was predicated on meditation on Brahman as one’s own Self. The ChU stipulates an additional condition: brahma-loka is open only for those who practice chastity, brahmacarya (ChU 8.5). It is also important to note that this account, though critical of ritual, did not involve a wholesale rejection of ritual. In a different section of the Chāndogya (5.24), it is said that if one performs the daily fire ritual, Agnihotra, with knowledge of “the Self which is common to all men” (vaiśvānara), “all the bad things in him are burnt up like the tip of a reed stuck into a fire” ([25], p. 245). The commentators on the Brahma-Sūtra have commonly referenced this text as a statement of the principle that ritual which is performed along with meditation on Brahman has a cathartic

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function – it removes bad karma – and thus fosters meditation. Thus, the meditation on the Self was supposed to be practiced in addition to the basic Brahmanical ritual, the daily fire sacrifice. The Self that one must search out and know distinctly is in one’s heart, and from this heart 108 channels (nāḍī) issue forth. These channels form a continuity with the sunrays, and through them with the sun itself, one of them goes through the top of the skull. He who had searched out and known distinctly the Self ascends this top channel at death and through the sunrays and the so-called course of the gods (deva-yāna) reaches the sun itself. The sun is the door to the world of Brahman, and Om is the entrance password (ChU 8.6). The course of the gods is delineated along with the course of the forefathers in several Upaniṣads, and quite variously so. We need not go into these details, but we should recognize the continuity of the heart with the sun: that is the key item that accommodates motion to brahma-loka, through the sun its door. The world of Brahman itself is described as a real place, with lakes, palaces, etc. (ChU 8.5.3-4; 8.14). The Kauṣītaki Upaniṣad presents even Brahman of brahma-loka as a personal divinity that sits on a couch as it greets the liberated Self (KU 1.5). The Self is said to “manifest” in brahma-loka its “own form” (ChU 8.12.2), which must be read as appearing as Brahman in kind, not losing one’s separate existence in Brahman. One is the Self free from faults and of effortlessly accomplished desires, in the sense of being carved out from the same slab, so to speak. This is so because the Self gets to enjoy “with women, chariots, relatives” (ChU 8.12.3), at one’s mere resolve and desire. The Taittirīya adds that one enjoys “along with the wise Brahman,” another indication of keeping individual existence intact (TU 2.1.1). Although the Self is not embodied, it is not quite formless either: the ChU compares it to a rain cloud, lightning, and thunder (8.12.2). Additionally, the liberated Self wins the freedom of motion throughout the heavens of the Vedic world. The KU, further, says that the itinerant to the brahma-loka is overwhelmed there by the fragrance, flavor, radiance, and glory of Brahman (1.5). All this is to say that this kind of liberation

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was very much like heaven the goal of ritual, and Hajime Nakamura says: “The details of the description of this realm of liberation are almost unparalleled in the writings of any Indian school” ([23], p. 531). This is true in comparison with Buddhism, Sāṅkhya-Yoga, Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika, and Advaita Vedānta, but the traditions of Vaishnavism and theistic Vedānta have further developed the same line of thought. So, this account of liberation had solved the problem of impermanency of ritual by replacing action with Brahman the Self. The Self was eternal, “immortal,” and free from the faults of embodiment, such as hunger and thirst. This Self, however, was also satya-kāma and satyasaṅkalpa, of “true resolves and desires,” and these were the same desires that the ritual agent was hoping to win: the presence of one’s forefathers and relatives, heavenly delights. By tapping into the eternal Brahman, the meditator in effect got the same results that the ritual performer was hoping for, with permanence as the added value. Liberation, thus, meant getting rid of the body, “the appendage” as the ChU puts it (8.12.3), but the attained state involved the positive experience of enjoyment in a very palpable sense. This was liberation as bliss explicit. The Brahma-Sūtra systematization of the Upaniṣads based its doctrine of liberation by and large on this account ([23], pp. 524–532). We find a very different notion of liberation in Yājñavalkya’s teaching to king Janaka in books three and four of the BĀU. Very briefly, Yājñavalkya talks there about three states of the Self, waking, dream, and deep sleep, not four like in the ChU. The third is the ultimate state, perfect calm in which the Self is freed from all the good and bad that it may experience in the other two states. This state is one of non-duality and absence of transitive awareness: it is a state in which the Self could cognize, being naturally the cognitive agent, but does not cognize anything because there is no second thing which could become an object to awareness (BĀU 4.3.31-2). Because of this, this state of the Self was not one of “true desires and resolves” as in ChU, but a state where “all desires are fulfilled, where the Self is the only desire, and which is free from desires” (BĀU

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4.3.21). The logic behind the difference is simple: no objective awareness, no desires. Naturally, the attainments of liberation that we saw in the previous account, predicated on “true desires” and objective awareness, are absent from this account. Yājñavalkya, in fact, called this state of nonduality characteristic of deep sleep brahma-loka (BĀU 4.3.32). This brahma-loka was, thus, very different from that of the first account: it was the Self itself, and if one knew this Self, there was also no need to wait for postmortem liberation. The final attainment was nothing but getting into a state where one does not see any diversity: it was attaining the perfect calm of deep sleep and non-transitive awareness while still living (BĀU 4.4.6-7). Liberation, thus, did not involve going to brahma-loka via the course of the gods. The Self itself was the end of the pursuit, and one who knows the Self “becomes a Brahmin – free from evil, free from stain, free from doubt. He is the world of brahman, Your Majesty, and I have taken you to him” (BĀU 4.4.23, [25], p. 127). These two accounts have arguably served as the basis for the two strands of later Vedānta, theistic and monistic.

Sa¯n˙khya In the philosophy of liberation of Sāṅkhya, we can see most directly the therapeutic paradigm in its opposition to the notion of unexcelled felicity as the highest good that we saw in the Mīmāṁsā doctrine of heaven. One of the principal commentators on the Sāṅkhya-Kārikā (SK), Gauḍapāda (ca. sixth century AD), remarks in his Bhāṣya: “Everyone, knowingly or unknowingly, desires after the cessation of the chain of transmigration” (on SK 17, [20], p. 92). This is a full reversal of the Mīmāṁsā axiom that all men strive after happiness. The human condition for Sāṅkhya was not that of good desires that prompt one to seek felicity through ritual, but that of transmigration or rebirth that is essentially suffering. Transmigration and suffering, on their part, are predicated on bondage, the opposite to liberation, and bondage is a “contact” of the Self with matter and its products: embodiment. This contact is occasioned

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by “ignorance” or the failure to distinguish the Self from matter. Liberation is a state of perfect isolation (kaivalya, this is the favorite term for liberation in Sāṅkhya-Yoga) of the Self from matter, and it can be attained just through fully understanding matter, the Self, and their distinction. Let us expand on this. The Sāṅkhya-Kārikā (SK) of Īśvarakṛṣṇa (ca. 350–450 AD), the principal Sāṅkhya text, opens with the statement that there are three kinds of suffering, which the commentators identify as personal, bodily and mental; caused by other living beings; and environmental. The human condition is to seek relief from such suffering, but it is only Sāṅkhya that provides a solution that is absolute, certain to work, and final, preventing a relapse into suffering. The SK considers two other solutions, known to us, again, from Mīmāṁsā: visible and Vedic means. They are both found inadequate. One may, for instance, use medicine to mitigate bodily pain, have some wine and enjoy with girls to get rid of psychological discomfort, organize society to solve interpersonal problems, and build shelters for protection from environmental troubles, but these are uncertain means that may or may not work, and when they do work, their solution is only temporary. Since they do not address the core reason of suffering, one is perpetually reborn and subjugated to the three kinds of suffering ever anew. The Vedic means, which refers here to ritual by which one attains heaven, is likewise inadequate, for several reasons, but primarily because it is hampered by decay: the good karma accumulated through ritual, being a product, is exhausted in time and is not a final solution to suffering. In fact, Sāṅkhya had a distinct category for that bondage which was caused by Vedic ritual, dākṣaṇika or pertaining to honoraria that one pays to priests (SK 44, commentaries). To appreciate the Sāṅkhya solution to suffering, we must now introduce its ontological categories. These are 25 in all, principles to which everything can be reduced, and 2 of them are really basic. There is primordial matter, mūlaprakṛti or pradhāna, the stuff of which the world is ultimately made. This matter is “non-manifest,” empirically unavailable but knowable through

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inference from general principles. Through a complex process of creation that we cannot go into, this primordial matter transforms into 23 other principles: the intellect (mahat or buddhi), which can be understood as the nonpersonal accommodating principle of cognition; the ego (ahaṅkāra) that facilitates self-identification; 10 cognitive and active faculties; the mind (manas) as the faculty of attention; 5 kinds of sense object – sound, smell, form, taste, and touch; and 5 gross elements: ether, air, fire, water, and earth. All individual things in the world are reducible to these categories: for instance, trees are predominantly earth, the sight of a tree is form, the ascertainment of this form as a true cognition is intellect, etc. These 23 are called “the manifest” because they are empirically knowable. The “manifest” and the “non-manifest” are different in several ways, but it is more important to appreciate what they share: they are creative insofar as other things come from them; they are objective insofar as they are real things that can become cognitive content; but they are insentient (SK 10). Finally, there is the Self, puruṣa, which is the principle that is present in every sentient creature. The Self is multiple, one for every creature, and it is sentient essentially. However, it cannot be sentient attributively: in Sāṅkhya, cognition happens when the intellect assumes the form of the object and thus “ascertains” it, and that cannot happen to the Self, because it would make it changeable and liable to corruption. The Self is, therefore, of the nature of “witness” to which things are shown, but to which he cannot react. It is also not “objective,” insofar as it cannot become a direct object of awareness, but is known inferentially (SK 11, 19). We can now define bondage: it is embodiment, a “union” or “contact” (samyoga) of the Self with the various products of matter, manifesting primarily through a sense of personal agency (SK 20, 21). A crucial characteristic of the Self is that it essentially aloofs from matter, from which follows that it could not be an agent, and a general Sāṅkhya principle expressed as early as the Bhagavad Gītā (3.21) was that agency belongs to matter. Agency, nevertheless, requires sentience, which matter does not have but the Self does, and there obtains a “union” between the two

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which is compared to the union of the lame and the blind, who jointly accomplish that which they cannot do individually. What they accomplish is creation, or the evolution of primordial matter into the remaining 23 categories (SK 23). Now, this union obviously cannot be what we commonly understand from the word, because we just said that the Self is essentially aloof. It is, rather, a state in which matter “presents itself” before the Self, the witness, takes on its artistic garb and puts on a show, and through such presentation the Self becomes liable to identify with any of her features, like any good spectator might. Such identification is ignorance, avidyā, resulting in embodiment. It is with this in mind that Gauḍapāda says: bondage has ignorance as its cause (on SK 44, [20], p. 156). The real purpose of the presentation, however, is not for the Self to become bound, but liberated. Sense enjoyment and involvement in the world do become possible for the Self in this way, but so does liberation (SK 58). Liberation becomes possible only when the Self can witness the artistic show of matter, go through its products one by one, and understand that he is none of them, yet is existent: in Sāṅkhya, the means of absolute and final end to suffering that is liberation is discriminative knowledge of matter, its products, and the Self; or the insight that the Self is neither matter nor any of its products. This is an insight obtained not by meditation nor from scripture, but through reduction of the world to its basic elements, for instance, the understanding that things such as pots are just transformations of earth, the inferential reduction of the basic principles to primordial matter, and the inferential knowledge that there must be a conscious Self that is different from matter. The last comes as a necessary inference from the fact that matter and its products appear sentient, but we know that they are not so – think of someone who had just died – from which it follows that there must be a conscious principle behind them (SK 6 and commentaries). And when all the details are worked out, “just as a dancing girl ceases to dance after showing herself to the spectators, likewise primordial matter ceases to operate after showing herself to the Self” (SK 59). Liberation in Sāṅkhya, thus, is a thoroughly philosophical enterprise, and all other means are

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inadequate because they do not address the core problem, that of ignorance. Nevertheless, there are several assumptions in this account and some awfully hard questions prompted by it. An underlying assumption is that the union of the Self with matter is not an event that has origin in time, but is logically required to make sense of bondage: it is, in fact, impossible for the Self to misidentify with matter, because that presupposes awareness as content, which we said was impossible. The Self is also not a single principle, like Brahman, so that creation could ensue from its contact with matter: logically it would have to be the case that every puruṣa creates its own world. Moreover, the very constitutive nature of the Self prevents the possibility of bondage: each individual Self is an omnipresent entity that has no parts and cannot, by definition, contact matter. The Self is also, as we saw, constitutively aloof, thus eo ipso incapable of bondage. In view of these problems, the SK says that the Self is, really, neither bound nor released and that it is solely matter that binds and releases itself through knowledge (SK [62–63]). To elaborate, the cognition of identification does not occur to the Self, but occurs in the intellect and is made a thing through being illuminated by the sentience of the Self. Likewise, the liberating knowledge is the intellect that presents all experiences to the Self, and given that its nature is ascertainment of an object – taking its shape – liberations take place when the intellect ascertains the difference between primordial matter and the Self (SK 37). Vācaspati Miśra (ca. ninth century AD) adds that the intellect “assumes the form of the Self,” but “as it were,” since the Self is not an object whose form the intellect can take. As Krishna Warrier concludes, “The nature of the Puruṣa’s bondage remains mystery at heart” ([38], p. 52). Now, an important point to note is that once the Self “understands” its difference from primordial matter and its products, and loses interest in her, there obtains a state in which the two remain in a union so long the body remains in existence, through the force of habit but without an interest in one another. This is for all purposes liberation, since the root cause of embodiment has been undone and the karma that keeps embodiment

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rolling, being an outgrowth of ignorance, has been destroyed. There remains, nevertheless, a karmic inertia so long the body remains, a state comparable to the potter’s wheel continuing to revolve even though the potter no longer spins it, due to the momentum of the past impulse (SK 67). While the SK does not use the term, we can describe such state as jīvan-mukti or liberation while living. When this inertia stops at death, there obtains liberation which is absolute and final (SK 68). These two descriptors are intentionally used by Īśvarakṛṣṇa: we will remember that the visible and the Vedic means could not provide an absolute and final solution to suffering.

Yoga It is sometimes said that Sāṅkhya provides the metaphysical frame but that the Yoga system of Patañjali (ca. 300 AD) provides the method of liberation. While it is true that the two systems were closely related, their methods of liberation were different. In Yoga, it was not enough to have a discriminating knowledge of the Self, because that did not prevent unwanted identification: what was required for liberation was direct experience. Consequently, Yoga pinpointed the operative problem elsewhere. Let us briefly elaborate. Yoga shared most of the categories with Sāṅkhya. One significant difference was that Yoga did not talk about several faculties of one’s psyche – intellect, etc. – but about one citta or “mind,” representing the totality of one’s inner life, except for the Self or puruṣa. The problem of false identity was like in Sāṅkhya, ignorance, specifically identification of the pure, blissful, eternal Self, with that which is not the Self and has the opposite characteristics (YS 2.4); it was eventually ignorance that had to be undone. But, Yoga considered inferential and scriptural knowledge to be secondhand and inherently weaker than perceptual experience (YS 1.49): in this, it differed on one hand from Sāṅkhya and on another from Vedānta. The inferential Sāṅkhya knowledge of the Self was general, concerning a Self as a category behind any living being, and not the individual puruṣa that is me. Perceptual knowledge of particulars

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would always defeat inferential knowledge of universals: one may know inferentially to be the Self, but perception would continue presenting objects that made one liable to identification. Percepts, in fact, have an easy way of getting to anyone and causing unwholesome effects, through what Yoga called “impressions,” saṁskāras. Impressions are percepts from the present and past lives that have left a mark on the mind in the form of memories that have become habits and determine one’s behavior ([5], pp. 44–47). A percept of the same kind activates an impression, which gives rise to what Yoga calls “psychological torments” (kleśas) in relation to it. The torments are emotions that characterize mental states, such as self-identity, passion, aversion, etc. (YS 2.3-9). We may illustrate this with a wonderful verse from Kālidāsa’s drama Śakuntalā: “When even a happy man is filled with longing, on seeing pleasing sights or hearing sweet words, then, surely, his mind recalls, unconsciously, deeply felt friendships of former births” ([17], p. 225). These torments are directly related to karma: they are results of previous actions that were associated with percepts, and they prompt one to act further. Thus, sense objects could easily overpower discriminative knowledge. Now, like in Sāṅkhya, liberation in Yoga was a state of isolation of the Self, kaivalya, “remaining of the spectator in its own nature” (YS 1.3). If the Self is not in its own nature, it will be liable to identifying with any mental state (vṛtti). Yoga had classified these mental states in five kinds, through the criterion of their correspondence to external things: knowledge, error, fancy, deep sleep, and memory (YS 1.4-11). To illustrate these briefly, the vision of a tree that corresponds to a real external tree is a mental state of knowledge; the vision of a man that corresponds to an external post is a mental state of error; the idea that the sun sets is a mental state of fancy; the absence of transitive awareness is deep sleep; dreams are a form of memory. The Self can identify with any such state and in fact constantly identifies as states are presented to it; the mental states, further, are not passive states, but have the nature of the psychological torments. The vision of a beautiful woman is not just that: it is a form that can

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provoke passion by activating appropriate impressions. A step toward the solution of this problem of identification is sense control, that is, preventing external objects from coming before the Self as mental states. However, the mind has an endless stock of mental states in the form of memories, impressed on it since time immemorial, that it can mull over, without external objects. The real solution to the problem of identification, therefore, is to preclude the possibility of identification by putting an end to the mental states altogether. That is Patañjali’s definition of Yoga at the opening of the YS (1.2): “Yoga is a suspension of the mental states,” or “stilling the mind.” Such suspension is achieved by progressively reducing the scope of mental focus though an arduous practice of meditation and related disciplines, as well as the cultivation of personal virtues that can be subsumed under dispassion (YS 1.12). The practice is commonly described as having eight “limbs” or constituents (aṣṭāṅga-yoga, YS 2.29), and it begins by observing two sets of disciplines, called yama and niyama, abstentions such as non-violence, and practices such as austerity. These are ten in all, but the last three niyamas are the most important: austerity (tapas), the recitation of Om and other mantras (svādhyāya), and dedication to God (īśvarapraṇidhāna). Patañjali groups these three under the heading of kriyā-yoga (YS 2.1), and their general purpose is to cleanse the mind by attenuating the psychological torments that characterize mental states ([14], p. 115). They cannot quite get rid of them, but are compared to the shaking off the gross dirt from a piece of cloth, such that meditation can work on the deeper stains ([14], p. 131). To practice meditation, one first needs to attain a state where his sitting posture (āsana) is stable and comfortable: this is required so that the yogin will not be disturbed by dualities such as heat and cold (YS 2.46-48). When such stability and comfort have been achieved, there should commence the practice of breath control (prāṇāyama), which culminates in the ability of total suspension of respiration at will (YS 2.4953). This practice is followed by sensory deprivation (pratyāhāra), achieved by isolating the mind

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from the sense objects through controlling the faculty of attention (YS 2.54-55). The last three practices are all meditation proper and can be described as progressive intensification of one’s absorption. The first stage is called dhāraṇā, concentration on an object of choice, for instance, God (īśvara), where the mind is largely focused but can still be disrupted by other mental states (YS 3.1). Next is dhyāna, in which there is a continuous, uninterrupted mental flow of the same notion of the meditational object (YS 3.2). The final stage is that of samādhi, where the mind is fully restrained, fully fixed on the meditational object not as a flow, but as a single thought (YS 3.3). This samādhi, however, was an intricate matter in Yoga, admitting of two kinds and several stages. The first kind is called sabīja or samprajñāta, where the mind is fully focused on the object, whose scope is progressively reduced: from gross, to its cognitive content without the objective counterpart, to mere mind, at a point where the mind has become so stilled and cleansed of impressions that it reflects perfectly back the consciousness of the Self (B: [67]). Alongside the stilling of the mind, there progressively develops the cognition of distinction of the Self from the mind, and at this ultimate stage of sabīja-samādhi, this cognition becomes perfect. This is awareness of pure subjectivity and difference from all else. However, it is still a form of cognitive content facilitated by the mind, and in the second kind of samādhi, called nirbīja or asamprajñāta, the Self is no longer aware of any external entity, including the mind. This is a state of non-transitive consciousness, the “remaining of the spectator in its own nature,” even beyond discrimination. While the mind is not destroyed in this state, it is deconstructed, and the impressions remain latent, “as good as burnt seed.” Like in Sāṅkhya, when such a state had been reached, the past karma is destroyed, and one is for all purposes liberated. However, the impressions are just “as good as” burnt seed, and there remains the possibility, however slight, of their regerminating. Therefore, it is paramount for perfect meditation to be maintained till the end of life. It is difficult to say, finally, what Yogic liberation was as experience. The essential nature of the

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Self is described as conscious and blissful (YS 2.5), and the description of liberation as a happy state is a common trope, but the absence of transitive awareness makes the experience of bliss hard if not impossible to conceptualize.

Nya¯ya-Vaiśesika ˙ It is apposite here to add a few notes on liberation in the schools of Nyāya and Vaiśeṣika. We will not go into the details of suffering, embodiment, and its causes, as they are largely shared with Sāṅkhya-Yoga, nor the means of liberation, but focus solely on liberation as a state. Now, Naiyāyikas rejected the claim of Sāṅkya-Yoga and Vedānta that the Self was a knower essentially or substantively and claimed that the Self only had attributive awareness: essentially, the Self was insentient, like a stone ([38], p. 17). Further, this attributive awareness was objective, that is, necessarily involving cognitive content, and it was not an attribute of the Sāṅkhyan intellect: consciousness was an attribute of the Self, and the Self directly experienced all states that the Sāṅkhya-Yoga would term mental, pertaining to buddhi. Gautama in his Nyāya-Sūtra 1.1.10 explicitly says that desire, aversion, volition, pleasure, pain, and consciousness are attributes of the Self, and the Vaiśeṣika-Sūtras of Kaṇāda were even more naturalistic in attributing physiological functions such as respiration to the Self ([38], p. 15). Mental states happen to the Self when it is in contact with the mind, manas, which is sort of a mix of the faculty of attention that must be present for external perception to happen, and a sense of cognizing internal states such memory, volition, etc. Liberation is the complete cessation of the attributes of the Self from NS 1.1.10, listed above, and it happens when the Self is separated from the body and the mind, upon the destruction of ignorance and karma. When the connection of the Self with the mind is severed, the Self no longer has an instrument of consciousness, and with that no way to experience the suffering that was the problem that needed addressing in the doctrine of liberation. With that, however, the

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Self, essentially unconscious, lost not only the cognition of pain but of pleasure as well. Vātsyāyana the first commentator on the NS discusses this at length. He calls the state of liberation “bliss,” but denies that it is experiential bliss of any kind: that would be impossible because the Self had lost the instruments of experience. The bliss that is liberation, therefore, is the mere absence of pain ([29], p. 28–29). Thus, the Self of Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika in liberation is literally “stoned,” that is, petrified. The favorite Nyāya term for liberation was niḥśreyasa, the highest good, but its understanding of the state of liberation, as we just saw, was thoroughly negative: in later and more technical Nyāya jargon, it was characterized as dhvaṁsābhāva, a state of absence through destruction (of ignorance and the karma that keeps one embodied), which is brought into being but is subsequently permanent, like the broken pot that has a history but no future. One influential Naiyāyika, however, the Kashmiri Bhāsarvajña (ca. 860–920 AD, [29], p. 9), affirmed that the state of liberation involved not only the cessation of suffering but also the positive experience of bliss, predicated on the Self’s remaining a conscious entity ([29], p. 29; [38], pp. 31–32). How does this square with consciousness being an attribute of the Self whose appearance requires the contact with the mind, embodiment? Karl Potter suggests that Bhāsarvajña’s religious convictions are important for assessing his philosophical contributions ([29], pp. 29, 399). He was a member of the Pāśupatas, a Śaiva denomination in whose doctrine the Self at liberation attains the characteristics of Śiva, namely, eternal knowledge and pleasure. Although these are acquired, not innate, they are nevertheless permanent ([29], p. 410).

Advaita Veda¯nta The Advaita Vedānta understanding of the Self was very close to that of Sāṅkhya and Yoga, except for one crucial difference: whereas the puruṣas of Sāṅkhya-Yoga were many, the Self in Advaita Vedānta was one only, identical with

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Brahman the great ground of Being and the first cause. Furthermore, Advaita’s most famous proponent Śaṅkara Bhagavatpāda (ca. 700–750 AD) defined liberation like in Sāṅkhya-Yoga: “Liberation is remaining in one’s Self, [a state that follows] when ignorance that is the ground of desire and action has ceased” (TUBh, [33], p. 224). But there was a rider to this statement: since the Self was Brahman, liberation was Brahman as well. “The state of liberation is, in fact, Brahman itself” (commentary on the Brahma-Sūtra [BSBh] 3.4.52, [34], p. 810). Śaṅkara also defined liberation in negative terms, an absence of ignorance that is the cause of embodiment, but liberation as remaining in the Self was sensu stricto his final definition. This was so because any negative determination to his mind risked affinity with the Nyāya-Mīmāṁsā notion of liberation as a mere absence, which involved a problematic theory of the Self and precluded the pursuit of liberation from being a positive undertaking. The removal of ignorance, therefore, was better understood as the final means that leads to liberation, not the proper description of the state itself. Like in Sāṅkhya-Yoga, ignorance for Śaṅkara was a cognitive error, a superimposition of characteristics of the Self to that which is not the Self and vice versa, but because Brahman was the only Self, Śaṅkara’s psychology was a bit more complex. The individual Self was a reflection of Brahman in the mirror of the intellect, a something that is identical with neither of the two, but “just happens” when they face each other (UpadeśaSāhasrī [US] 1.18.39, [21], p. 176). The characteristic feature of the reflection was the thought “I am this,” pure subjectivity as it were, a general superimposition of the intellect over Brahman and a result of ignorance, but because the Self was one, this reflection was not sufficient for the appearance of the individual Self: ignorance was the maker of the category, but full individuation required two additional factors: desire that is determined by impressions of actions from the present and past lives, and karma that is a result of these desires but further reinforces ignorance (US 1.10.9, [21], p. 124). These two were also taken from Sāṅkhya-Yoga, but whereas there they were impurities of the mind, for Śaṅkara they

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were much more: they constituted the individual Self. Consequently, it was not enough simply to realize that the Self was not any of the possible identification points provided by matter and its transformations: it was further required to realize that the Self was one and only, that it was Brahman. This knowledge, further, was not available either from inference as in Sāṅkhya or meditative insight as in Yoga, but solely from the Upaniṣads, from its identity statements such as “I am Brahman” (BĀU 1.4.10) and “You are that” (ChU 6.8.7). In addition to this, the whole discourse of ignorance, superimposition, individuation, etc. was not a description of a factual state of affairs. Brahman being pure knowledge could never be ignorant, and Advaitins joined Buddhists in talking about two kinds of reality: conventional (vyavahāra), one that we are familiar with and is a necessary requirement for human dealings, and absolute (paramārtha), or how things really are. Brahman was, in fact, always free; it could not be in illusion, yet the talk of embodiment, illusion, and the like was necessary for experiencing the state of liberation [15]. The process of liberation, thus, was a process of anamnesis or remembrance of something one already knows, but is just not present to memory, and liberation itself was an attainment only in the manner of speaking. The witty Sureśvara said that it was like getting the necklace that has been on one’s neck all along or escaping the demon that is one’s own shadow. Neither of the two are real attainment or avoidance, yet something does happen on both occasions (Naiṣkarmya-Siddhi [NS] 1.31-4). One has forgotten a true state of affairs – logically, not temporally – and needs to be reminded. To get the necklace, one simply has to get it. This meant that in Śaṅkara’s system, like in Sāṅkhya, liberation could follow solely as a result of knowledge (jñāna). However, Śaṅkara was a Vedic theologian, with a commitment to the whole Vedic corpus as a means of human good. All traditions of Vedānta recognized a positive contribution of Vedic ritual in the pursuit of liberation: the classical Vedānta model of practice was known as jñāna-karma-samuccaya, a combination of “knowledge” and action. Other Vedāntins

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by jñāna meant meditation on Brahman based on Upaniṣadic passages, not knowledge as understanding. They also theorized the obligatory rituals (nitya-karma) either as assistants to meditation, subordinate but indispensable, or, as in the case of Bhāskara, as equal partners; in either case, this meant that ritual had to be practiced alongside meditation for the second to be successful. Śaṅkara’s tradition rejected both: jñāna was knowledge proper, and ritual could not be performed alongside knowledge, because the second presupposed agency, whereas the first denied it. Yet, as a Vedic theologian, Śaṅkara had to make accommodation both for meditation and for ritual, and he developed a new model of soteriological causality, not samuccaya or combination, but pāramparya or succession. This model says that a means in the path to liberation culminates in a result that becomes a further means on its part, in which the previous means is causally absorbed but discontinued. Let us now map the path to liberation based on this model, with the help of Śaṅkara’s student Sureśvara (NS 1.52, [2], pp. 53–54). Vedic rituals that are commonly performed for the attaining of heaven, prompted by desire, become soteriologically efficacious if they are performed without an expectation for their result (niṣkāma) and along with Upaniṣadic meditations on the so-called saguṇa-brahman, such as the one of the eighth chapter of the ChU, the Brahman of “true desires and resolves” in brahma-loka. This combination of meditation and ritual, or alternatively meditation alone, leads to “purity of existence” (sattva-śuddhi) that culminates in the “arising of knowledge” (jñānotpatti). This arising of knowledge is not a realization of one’s being Brahman, but the successive appearance of four prerequisites for the study of Brahman, in a form of permanent mental dispositions: the ability to discern between permanent and impermanent things, more specifically the understanding that the results of ritual are impermanent and constitutive of transmigration; the possession of virtues such as mind and sense control, forbearance, faith, etc.; dispassion; and the desire for liberation (BSBh 1.1.1). Once these four have appeared, meditation and disinterested ritual have

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accomplished all that they can accomplish: their results are carried over and they remain means of liberation, but vicariously so, and there must follow formal renunciation of all duties and practices except for those that constitute the ascetic life. Now begins the engagement solely in the process of knowing Brahman. The process can generally be described as clarifying the purport of the identity statements of the Upaniṣads by investigating the meaning of the two correlated categories, the external and causal Brahman and the inner individual Self (BSBh 4.1.2). The clarification of meaning happens with a teacher and proceeds through two kinds of inquiry, a theological (śravaṇa, hearing) and a philosophical (manana, reasoning). In the first, the purpose is to establish what precisely the identity statements mean, by deliberating on passages from the Upaniṣads where the two categories are discussed. In the second, the purpose is to show through analogical reasoning how the identity statements make sense. The last is predicated on understanding that they do so when the two correlated categories primarily denote their literal meaning established in the theological inquiry, but secondarily and simultaneously obtain a figurative meaning, in which they denote a single entity, an inner Brahman. The stage that obtains when this is understood is called “personal experience” (anubhava) or “understanding” (avagati). We should not, however, take it as a mystical experience of any sort: it is solely an intellectual understanding, in which the verbal cognition produced by the Upaniṣadic identity statements obtains certainty. The moment such certainty happens, further, is the exact moment when liberation happens (US 2.2.109111, [21], pp. 247–48). To be precise in terms of soteriological causality, such full understanding leads to the removal of ignorance, and the removal of ignorance is followed by the state of being the Self or Brahman. In this, Śaṅkara differed from other Advaitins, notably his contemporary Maṇḍana Miśra, who claimed that the full understanding of the Upaniṣadic descriptions of Brahman was a form of mediate awareness, which had to be followed by meditation in order to become immediate ([1], p. 333). Such meditation was supposed to be a

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third process in the inquiry into Brahman, called nididhyāsana, and only such meditation could provide direct experience. Śaṅkara argued that the immediacy of the knowledge of Brahman was secured through the fact that the identity statements of the Upaniṣad were not about an external something, but about oneself: a favorite illustration of his is about a boy who makes up to nine in a headcount, forgetting to count himself. Once he is reminded verbally that he is the tenth person, no further means of knowing is required. Meditation, however, stayed in Advaita Vedānta through the influence of Vācaspati Miśra, who wrote the first full commentary on Śaṅkara’s Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya and reintroduced Maṇḍana’s ideas. Śaṅkara did, however, accept nididhyāsana as the third process, not a form of a meditational absorption, but a structured procedure through which one would remind oneself what one is not, in a rather Sāṅkhyan manner. Such a procedure was required because the liberation attained through the first two processes did not involve getting rid of the results of karma that had started bearing fruits: such karma had to be exhausted, and this meant that one’s body and senses would continue functioning for some time and would still require regulation. Thus, there was no meditation on the Self – that was impossible to Śaṅkara’s mind after full understanding had been achieved – but there was a need to remind oneself occasionally what one was not, so as not to be disturbed by any of the products of ignorance. In later Advaita Vedānta, this state where one had been liberated from all karma except the one that has already started unfolding became explicitly known and discussed as jīvan-mukti, liberation while living, to be followed by full liberation, attaining Brahman, at death (an excellent overview is available in [24]). The most significant aspect of living liberation for Śaṅkara himself was the freedom from the obligation to continue performing Vedic ritual. Finally, since Brahman was bliss in nature, liberation was blissful. That did not mean much, however, since Brahman was not experiential bliss, as that would involve duality (commentary on Bṛhad-Āraṇyaka Upaniṣad, 3.9.28.7, [19],

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pp. 563–568). Generally, Advaitins have interpreted this bliss as freedom from suffering that is transmigration. In other words, bliss just was liberation, and if Śaṅkara’s Self was not sentient essentially, there would have not been much to distinguish it from the Self of Vātsyāyana.

Vaisnavism and Śaivism ˙˙ Liberation and the highest good in the various traditions of Vaiṣṇavism and Śaivism is a vast topic, through denominations, individual representatives, and history, and here we can but indicate a few generalities. The traditions of Vaiṣṇavism and theistic Vedānta, with all their ontological and theological differences, developed further the same soteriological line of the Brahma-Sūtra. Brahma-loka was, really, Vaikuṇṭha the heaven of Viṣṇu or Goloka the world of Kṛṣṇa, attainable through meditation that is devotional in nature (bhaktiyoga) or simply by surrender to the Lord (prapatti/śaraṇāgati). Liberation was not quite a disembodied state either: the liberated Self receives a body made of “pure stuff” (śuddhasattva) and has a variety of pleasurable experiences. The Bhāgavata (3.29.14) lists five kinds of liberation that are such experiences: sharing the same place with the Lord (sālokya), having the same rank as the Lord (sārṣṭi), being present in the vicinity of the Lord (sāmīpya), having identical appearance (sārupya), and having unity (ekatva) with him. With Madhva and his followers, bliss was not only an essential characteristic of liberation, but a matter of gradation as well: the liberated Selves were not equally blissful ([30], pp. 176–179). The Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavas have likewise developed a soteriological hierarchy through a classification of the relationships that the liberated Self experiences with Kṛṣṇa, based on the aesthetic of emotions of classical Sanskrit poetics [12]. Bhakti or devotion to Kṛṣṇa had also become a contender for the post of the highest good, subsuming liberation but denying its independent value: in fact, the above referenced verse from the Bhāgavata says that the devotees do not accept the five kinds of liberation, even if they are freely

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given, if their experience involves the loss of service to the Lord. Important debates arose within the traditions about soteriological causality and the relative role of personal effort and divine grace [22]. Jīvan-mukti was officially not accepted, but there certainly was some sense to being liberated while still living [31]. The traditions of Śaivism were divided into dualistic and monistic ontologies. In the first, the Self was eternally distinct from Śiva, and liberation was commonly understood as becoming identical to Śiva: not one with him, but a Śiva in kind. There were, it seems, many ideas as to how one obtains Śiva’s characteristics in liberation. In the Śaiva Siddhānta, which was originally a pan-Indian Sanskrit tradition but was eventually restricted to the south and incorporated the devotion (bhakti) of the Tamil Śaiva saints, the Self had Śiva’s characteristics innately, and in liberation they were just manifested. The Pāśupatas, as we saw in the section on “Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika,” claimed that the characteristics of Śiva that the Self has in liberation were not innate – the Self was essentially non-sentient – but received or “transferred” from Śiva to the liberated Self [39]. The pratyabhijñā school of Kashmir Śaivism, on the other hand, was monistic: the individual Self was a manifestation of Śiva, who is consciousness in nature, and liberation was just merging one’s individual consciousness back into the Supreme ([9], pp. 166–168).

Cross-References ▶ Advaita Vedānta ▶ Ānanda ▶ Anubhava ▶ Anumāna ▶ Ātman (Hinduism) ▶ Aum ▶ Avidyā ▶ Bhāgavata Purāṇa ▶ Bhakti ▶ Bhāskara ▶ Brahma Sūtras (Vedānta Sūtras) ▶ Brahman ▶ Brāhmaṇas

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▶ Dharma ▶ Dhyāna ▶ Gītā (Song or Vocal Music) ▶ Jīva Gosvāmin ▶ Jīvan-mukti ▶ Jñāna ▶ Kalidasa ▶ Kāmadhenu ▶ Karma- Duty ▶ Kaśmir Śaivism ▶ Kriya Yoga ▶ Mādhva ▶ Mahā-vākya ▶ Mantra ▶ Meditation (Hinduism) ▶ Nyāya ▶ Navyā-Nyāya ▶ Pāśupata ▶ Prakṛti ▶ Prapatti ▶ Pratyabhijñā ▶ Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa ▶ Puruṣārtha ▶ Śaiva Siddhānta ▶ Śaivism, Overview ▶ Samādhi ▶ Sāṃkhya ▶ Śaṅkara (Śaṃkara) ▶ Śiva ▶ Soma ▶ Svarga ▶ Upaniṣads ▶ Vācaspati Miśra ▶ Vaikuṇṭha ▶ Vaiśeṣika ▶ Vedānta, Overview ▶ Vedas, Overview ▶ Yoga, Overview ▶ Yoga Sutras of Patanjali

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993 3. Brereton, Joel, Jamison S (2014) The Rigveda: the earliest religious poetry of India. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 4. Bronkhorst, Johannes (2007) Greater Magadha: studies in the culture of early India. Brill, Leiden/Boston 5. Bryant E (2009) The yoga Sūtras of Patañjali: a new edition, translation, and commentary, with insights from the traditional commentaries. North Point Press, New York 6. Collins, Steven (1982) Selfless persons: imagery and thought in Theravāda Buddhism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge/New York 7. Dasgupta SN (1930) Yoga philosophy in relation to other systems of Indian though. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 8. O’Flaherty D, Wendy (1980) Karma and rebirth in the Vedas and the Purāṇas. In: O’Flaherty WD (ed) Karma and rebirth in classical Indian traditions. University of California Press, Berkeley/Los Angeles/London 9. Flood, Gavin (1996) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 10. Fort AO (1998) Jīvanmukti in transformation: embodied liberation in Advaita and Neo-Vedanta. State University of New York Press, Albany 11. Fort AO, Mumme PV (eds) (1996) Living liberation in Hindu thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 12. Haberman D (2001) Acting as a way of salvation: a study of Rāgānugā Bhakti Sādhana. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 13. Halbfass W (1991) Tradition and reflection: explorations in Indian thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 14. Hariharānanda Araṇya S (2000) Yoga philosophy of Patañjali, with Bhāsvatī. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 15. Ingalls DHH (1953) Śaṁkara on the question: whose is Avidyā? Philos East West 3(1):69–72 16. Jha G (1933) Shabara-Bhāshya of Śabara Svāmin, in Three Volumes. Oriental Institute, Baroda 17. Kālidāsa (2006) The recognition of Shakuntala (trans: Vasudeva S). Clay Sanskrit series. New York University Press, New York 18. Lindtner C (2001) Bhavya on Mīmāṁsā: Mīmāṁsātattvanirnayāvatāraḥ. The Adyar Library and Research Centre, Chennai 19. Mādhavānanda S (1950) The Bṛhadāraṇyaka Upaniṣad with the commentary of Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Mayavati 20. Mainkar TG (1972) Sāṁkhya-Kārikā of Īśvarakṛṣṇa, with the Commentary of Gauḍapāda: translated into English with notes. Oriental Book Agency, Poona 21. Mayeda S (2006) Śaṅkara’s Upadeśasāhasrī: V. 2. Introduction and English translation. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 22. Mumme PV (1988) The Śrīvaiṣṇava theological dispute: Maṇavāḷamāmuni and Vedānta Deśika. New Era Publications, Madras 23. Nakamura H (1983) A history of early Vedānta philosophy, vol 1. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

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994 24. Nelson LE (1996) Living liberation in Śaṅkara and classical Advaita: sharing the holy waiting in god. In: Fort AO, Mumme PV (eds) Living liberation in Hindu thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 25. Olivelle, Patrick (1998) The early Upaniṣads. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 26. Olivelle, Patrick (1999) Dharmasūtras: the law codes of ancient India. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 27. Olivelle, Patrick (2004) The law code of Manu. Oxford world classics. Oxford University Press, Oxford/New York 28. Potter K (1965) Presuppositions of India’s philosophies. Prentice-Hall of India (Private) LTD, New Delhi 29. Potter, Karl (1977) Indian metaphysics and epistemology: the tradition of Nyāya-Vaiśeṣika up to Gaṅgeśa. Vol. 2. Encyclopedia of Indian philosophies. Princeton University Press, Princeton 30. Sharma BNK (1997) Madhva’s teachings in his own words. Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Mumbai 31. Sheridan DP (1996) Direct knowledge of god and living liberation in the religious thought of Madhva. In: Fort AO, Mumme PV (eds) Living liberation in Hindu thought. State University of New York Press, Albany 32. Srivastava LKL (1990) Advaitic concept of Jīvanmukti. Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, Delhi 33. Swami G (1937) Eight Upaniṣads: Volume One (Īśā, Kena, Kaṭha, Taittirīya). With the commentary of Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Calcutta 34. Swami G (1965) Brahma-Sūtra-Bhāṣya of Śrī Śaṅkarācārya. Advaita Ashrama, Kolkata 35. Tull HW (1989) The Vedic origins of Karma. State University of New York Press, Albany 36. Valiaveetil C (1980) Liberated life: ideal of Jīvanmukti in Indian religions, specially in Śaiva Siddhānta. Dialogue Series, Madurai 37. Veezhinathan N (1972) The Saṁkṣepaśārīraka of Sarvajñātman. Critically Edited with Introduction, English Translation, Notes, and Indexes. Centre for Advanced Study in Philosophy, University of Madras, Madras 38. Warrier AGK (1961) The concept of Mukti in Advaita Vedānta. University of Madras, Madras 39. Watson A, Goodall D, Anjeneya Sarma SLP (2013) An enquiry into the nature of liberation: Bhaṭṭa Rāmakaṇṭha’s Paramokṣanirāsakārikāvṛtti, a commentary on Sadyojyotiḥ’s refutation of twenty conceptions of the liberated state (Mokṣa). Institut Français de Pondichéry and École française d’Extrême-Orient, Pondichéry/Paris 40. Witzel, Michael (2003) Vedas and Upaniṣads. In: Flood G (ed) The Blackwell companion to Hinduism. Blackwell Publishing, Oxford

Moksa- Freedom from the cycle˙ of birth and death ▶ Eknāth

Moksa- Freedom from the cycle of birth and death ˙

Moksa/Mukti ˙ ▶ Bhakti

Moksadharma¯śrama ˙ ▶ Saṃnyāsa

Monier-Williams ▶ Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899)

Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899) Avni Chag South Asia Section, School of Languages, Cultures and Linguistics, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, London, UK

Synonyms 2nd Boden professor of Sanskrit; Founder of the Oxford Indian Institute; Monier-Williams; né Williams

Definition The second Boden professor of Sanskrit at the University of Oxford and founder of the Oxford Indian Institute Sir Monier Monier-Williams was a prominent indologist during the nineteenth century. Probably best known for his SanskritEnglish Dictionary today, Monier-Williams researched, documented, and taught Indic languages and religions in India and Britain. His other works on grammar and translations of

Monier-Williams, Sir Monier (1819–1899)

famous plays, such as Kālidāsa’s Śakuntalā, also continue to be used in Sanskrit classrooms today. Short Bio Born on 12 November 1819 in Bombay, Monier Williams, an English indologist, was the third of four sons of Colonel Monier Williams RE, a surveyor general of the Bombay Presidency. He was knighted in 1886 and became a Knight Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire (KCIE) in 1887, when he assumed his first name as a second surname, thus becoming Monier Monier-Williams. Years in Training and Appointment to the Boden Professorship At first he entered Balliol College at the University of Oxford for training in the church, but left early for Haileybury College to prepare for service in the East India Company as a writer. He graduated top of his class, but owing to the death of his youngest brother, who had died during the First Anglo-Afghan War, Monier-Williams relinquished his appointment at the request of his widowed mother. He returned to Oxford in 1841 and read classics and mathematics in University College, for which he obtained a double fourth-class degree (the equivalent to today’s third-class honors). His simultaneous pursuit and progress in Sanskrit, which he studied under the first Boden professor, Horace Hayman Wilson, was far more successful. In 1843 he won the Boden Sanskrit scholarship, and after graduation he was elected professor of Sanskrit, Hindi, and Persian at Haileybury. When Haileybury closed in 1858, the vacancy for the Boden professorship of Sanskrit at Oxford was open, after the death of Hayman Wilson. After an arduous and, at times, acrimonious battle against the famous German scholar Max Müller, MonierWilliams was appointed the new Boden chair. Despite Müller being regarded as the superior scholar, Monier-Williams had the advantage of being English and a devout evangelical Anglican. On the day of election, the convocation, largely composed of evangelicals and selected scholars of the university, voted in Monier-Williams’ favor.

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At his inaugural lecture Monier-Williams set out his evangelical agenda: A great Eastern empire has been entrusted to our rule, not to be the theatre of political experiments, nor yet for the sole purpose of extending our commerce, flattering our pride, or increasing our prestige, but that a benighted population may be enlightened, and every man, woman, and child . . . hear the glad tidings of the Gospel.

Monier Williams, A study of Sanskrit in relation to missionary work in India; an inaugural lecture delivered before the University of Oxford, on April 19, 1861. London: Williams and Norgate, 1861, p. 59–60. Foundation of the Oxford Indian Institute Monier-Williams further envisioned possibilities afforded by the University of Oxford to fill the void left in Britain when Haileybury closed. One of his most significant contributions to the pedagogical landscape of Oxford was the foundation of the Indian Institute. The purpose of the Institute he proposed was to formulate a center for teaching, information, and inquiry on everything specific to India and its people. He also wanted to restore the same spirit of Haileybury and provide welfare to Indian students at Oxford. In so doing he intended to make non-Indians aware of India, especially those who might go on to later serve in parliament and exercise power over their Indian counterparts. In his speech at the opening of the new Institute he remarked: The interposition of an all-powerful Assembly, acting with the best intentions, but not always according to knowledge, is apt to cause administrative complications.

Monier Williams, How can the University of Oxford best fulfil its duty towards Oxford? Lecture given at the opening of the Indian Institute and reported in the Oxford & Cambridge Undergraduates Journal, Oct 16 1884. In 1875, 1876, and 1883, he visited India to enlist the financial support of native princes for the Institute. These trips all proved successful. The Prince of Wales laid the foundation stone in 1883, and the building was formally opened in 1896 by Lord George Hamilton, Secretary of State for India. The Institute housed a library, museum,

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and several rooms for teaching and meetings. Monier-Williams had also founded an Honors School in Oriental Studies. As the Institute flourished, certain activities moved to other departments and buildings within the university, including the Institute’s growing library, which moved to the roof extension of one of the new Bodleian buildings. Material from the old Indian Institute Library is now found in the new Weston Library, part of the Bodleian renovation and expansion that was completed in 2016. The library includes some of the earliest manuscripts and printed material acquired by the British from the Indian subcontinent, of which nearly 3000 items were donated by Monier-Williams, Revd. S. C. Malan, and other contributors. His Works Monier-Williams’ scholarly activity was mainly directed toward furthering the knowledge of Indian religions among the British through studies of classical Sanskrit texts. He produced Sanskrit translations of Kālidāsa’s plays, Vikramorvaśīyam (1849) and Abhijñānaśākuntalam (1853), and Nalopākhyānam (1860) from the Mahābhārata. With his personal experiences of India, he wrote on Hinduism and Indian religious life and thought, in contrast to Max Müller’s conventional German scholarship’s strictly text-orientated approach, which was widely in use at the time. One such work was an account of the Svāminārāyaṇa Sampradāya (1882a) and one of its texts, the Śikṣāpatrī (1882b), a copy of which he received from a Svāminārāyaṇa temple in India, in 1876. His practical objectives to increase the understanding of Eastern religions are further seen through his works on grammar, including An Elementary Grammar of the Sanskrit Language (1846), A Sanskrit Manual (1862), and, most significantly, his Sanskrit-English Dictionary (1872). He is best remembered for this dictionary, which remains a well-employed resource by students and indologists in the field. His other works were directed toward student instruction and learning, with introductory studies on Indian religions – Indian Wisdom, Or, Examples of the Religious, Philosophical, and Ethical Doctrines of the Hindus (1875), Hinduism (1877), Modern India

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and the Indians (1878), Religious Thought and Life in India (1883), Brahmanism and Buddhism (1883), and Buddhism, in Its Connexion with Brahmanism and Hinduism, and in Its Contrast with Christianity (1889) – and an anthology of Sanskrit translations, Indian Wisdom, Or, Examples of the Religious, Philosophical, and Ethical Doctrines of the Hindus (1875). Honors He received honorary degrees from Oxford (DCL, 1875), Calcutta (LLD, 1876), and Göttingen (PhD) and was a fellow of Balliol College (1882–1888) and an honorary fellow at University College (1892–1899) at Oxford, curator at the Indian Institute Library, vice-president of the Royal Asiatic Society, and director of the Honors School of Oriental Studies at Oxford. A. A. Macdonell, the succeeding Boden professor, continued Monier-Williams’ duties from 1888, when the latter’s health had begun to decline. Monier-Williams passed away in 1899, spending his final years in Southern France working on his final edition of the Sanskrit-English Dictionary.

Monism (Hinduism) Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

Monism is the most remarkable philosophical doctrine of the later Upanishads in the Indian philosophical realms of thought. Monism is a theory that traces the whole of existence into a single source. It is based on the concept of the monad (derived from the Greek “monos” meaning “single” and “without division”). It sets itself in contrast to dualism, which holds that ultimately there are two kinds of substance, and from pluralism, which holds that ultimately there are many kinds of substance. Monism is the metaphysical and theological view that all is one, that there are arguably no fundamental divisions, and that a unified set of laws underlie all of nature in the

Monism (Hinduism)

universe. The term “monism” itself is relatively recent, first used by the eighteenth-century German philosopher Christian von Wolff (1679–1754) to designate types of philosophical thought in which the attempt was made to eliminate the dichotomy of the body and mind. Two types of monism are usually understood to have been prevalent in both the Eastern and Western thought systems: “substantival” and “attributive” monism. Substantival monism, which is represented by religions such as Hinduism and Buddhism in the East and philosophers such as Baruch Spinoza in the West, holds that the entirety of reality is reducible to only one source and substance and that any diversity of reality means just a plurality of aspects or modes of this one substance. Attributive monism on the other hand maintains that there is only one category of being, within which there are many different individual things or substances. Attributive monism is further subdivided into three types: idealism, materialism (or physicalism), and neutral monism, and these have developed very strongly as systems of monistic schools of Western thought. The term monism or the monistic philosophy gained a huge amount of attention and momentum with the influx of theories regarding the mind-body interaction and its correlates. In the Indian philosophical environment, monism has been proposed and discussed at length since as early as the Vedic and Upanishadic periods. There are countless hymns and mantras in forms of couplets and songs that discuss the nature of monism in the Indian thought to a very beautiful extent. The exact chronological limits of these periods are not possible even though there have been many estimates made, but there is one certainty that they are older than Buddha who is known to have died in 480 BCE. The later limit of the Vedic period though is estimated to be 500 BCE. Shankaracharya is said to be the wisest among the Indian scholars and sages who personified monism in his theories of Advaita Vedanta and thereby immortalized the concept of monism with his masterpiece ideal of the Brahman. The prominent classical and modern Indian philosophy known as Advaita Vedānta, which insists on the

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single reality of Brahman (the Absolute), is often identified as Indian monism. According to the monist theories, the creation of the world is not attributed to a creator but to a single primordial cause which unfolds itself as the universe in all its diversity. This causal principle appears to be the infinite from one perspective and as time from another. It is designated to be the “That One” or Tat Ekam. One early Vedic hymn describes this source as follows, “In the beginning there was neither being, nor non being. That one breathed calmly, self sustained. It has within it the latent power out of which the whole universe, including the Gods developed later.” Thus, the flavor of monism comes from the fact that the ultimate entity is conceptualized to be selfevolving and requires no power from outside to form it. Thus, this reality is conceived to be spiritual in its nature, and everything exists in it and through it. This kind of monism is a result of an attempt to give an account for the whole universe, nature, man, and God in a holistic manner without giving credit to any one theological or physical source. In the Indian system of thought, there are two shades of monism, one is the pantheistic view which identifies nature with God, and this is found predominantly in the Rigveda where Goddess Aditi is identified with all Gods and all men, with the sky and the air and literally with all that is. The significant aspect of the pantheistic doctrine is that they deny any distinction between God and nature which is also an important aspect of monotheism. God in this respect is not a being that transcends this world, but he is one who is immanent in it. The world does not come from God but God is the world and the world is God. Another shade of monism in the Indian philosophical systems comes from the principle of causality. According to this theory, all opposites like life and death, good or bad, and day and night are seen as developing within the ultimate principle. The sensible world is the spontaneous unfolding of the suprasensible first cause. This fundamental conception is wholly impersonal and free from the mythological and theological elements. This view excludes the theistic aspect that pantheism

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involves. This is the epitome of the Upanishadic monism. In the Chandogya Upanishad, we come across idealistic monism of two forms, one in which the Absolute is presented as cosmic or all comprehensive in its nature also known as Saprapancha and in another form, which seems to be as acosmic or all exclusive, also known as Nishprapancha. The cosmic ideal is represented very well in the section on Sandilya Vidya where it states that Brahman which is that (tat) which gives rise to the world reabsorbs it and supports it. Brahman is the one which comprehends all desires, colors, odors, and tastes and is self-complete. The acosmic ideal is expressed beautifully in the conversations between Yajnavalkya and Gargi from the Brihadaranyaka Upanishad. Yajnavalkya was the first idealist thinker of the world, and a learned lady Gargi asked him what the basis of the universe is. To this question, he answers it as space (Akasha) and what constitutes the basis of space? To this, he answers that the ultimate reality is far beyond the realm of human experience. It is “pure nothing.” Whatever exists as a reality owes its existence to this transcendental reality, the Brahman. Yajnavalkya describes the nature of this Brahman in a negative connotation as follows: “This is the imperishable O Gargi, which wise people adore, not gross, not subtle, not short, not long, not red, not adhesive, without shadow, without darkness, without air, without space, unattached, without taste, without smell, without sight, without ears, without speech, without mind, without light, without breath, without mouth, without form, and neither inside nor outside.” The word Brahman is derived from the Sanskrit root Bruh which means to grow or to expand. It is the power which spontaneously manifests itself as the universe. Shankaracharya describes the two views about the cosmic ideal and acosmic ideal as one and the same, but they appear to be distinct due to the standpoint from which they are reviewed. When one sees the Absolute from the empirical standpoint, it appeared to be cosmic, and when one views it from the transcendental standpoint, it appears to be acosmic. One view

emphasizes the immanence of Brahman and another view, the transcendence of Brahman, as described in the Mundaka Upanishad. Thus, the most astonishing feature of Sankara’s monism is its concept of Nirguna Brahman as the ultimate reality, the identity of the jiva and Brahman, and the doctrine of moksha as the union of the jiva with the Brahman. This philosophy is found predominantly in Gaudapada’s Karika which summarizes the teachings of the Mandukya Upanishad. This doctrine of Nirguna Brahman is seemingly similar to that of the concept of “Shunya” or “Void” in the Madhyamika branch of Buddhist idealism. Thus, monism and its different aspects are one of the most quintessential parts of the Vedic, the Upanishadic, and the Advaitic literatures which try to maintain a clear unity in the source of creation. The thirst for oneness has been an important, universal drive and impulse throughout human history, religion, culture, and philosophical thought. Here lies the genius of monism, which encompasses all diversity and heterogeneity into one larger all-inclusive category without internal divisions.

Further Reading 1. Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Monism, By Phillips Stephen H. https://doi.org/10.4324/978041524 9126-F062-1 2. New World Encyclopedia: http://www.newworldency clopedia.org/entry/Monism 3. Hiriyanna M The essentials of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Benaras, India 4. Hiriyanna M Outlines of Indian philosophy. Motilal Banarsidass, Benaras, India 5. Radhakrishnan S, Moore C A sourcebook in Indian philosophy. Princeton University Press; Revised ed. edition (April 1, 1967) 6. Chakravarti SC (1935) The philosophy of the upanishads. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 7. Nikhilananda S (1949) The upanishads. Harper and Bros, New York

Monistic Śaivism ▶ Kaśmir Śaivism

Morari Bapu

Morari Bapu Neelima Shukla-Bhatt South Asia Studies Program, Wellesley College, Wellesley, MA, USA

Synonyms Kathākār

Definition Exponent of the Rāmacharimānas, Tulsīdās’s Hindi version of the Rāmāyana.

Introduction Morari Bapu (Moraridas Hariyani, 1947–) is an eminent performer-exponent (kathākār) of the Rāmcaritmānas, the classic Hindi epic by Goswami Tulsidas (sixteenth century), which retells the Ramayana. Morāri Bāpu’s kathās (retellings), where he recites and expounds the Rāmcaritmānas, are typically 9 days long. In his career as a kathākār since 1960, he has performed over 700 kathās in Gujarati and Hindi languages in all parts of India as well as in Asia, Africa, Europe, America, and Australia, drawing large audiences.

Background and Early Years Morari Bapu was born as Moraridas in the family of Prabhudas and Savitri Hariyani in the small village of Talgajarda near Bhavnagar in Gujarat in 1947. The Hariyani family belongs to the Nimbarka tradition of Krishna worship and has been associated with the Ramanandi tradition as well as with iterant Margi sādhus (holy men) who move place to place imparting religious teachings. The family was poor and served the Ramji Temple of Talgajarada where Morari Bapu still lives. Elders often reminded young Moraridas of his

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sādhu background and the values of nonpossession, religious discipline, and compassion associated with it. He received his training in the interpretation and exposition of the Rāmcaritmānas under the tutelage of his grandfather, Tribhuvandas, who was well versed in the text and recited it for the local people [1, 2]. Muraridas performed his first kathā in Talgajarda in 1960 at the age of 14 before three cowherds. During 1965–1966, he performed a kathā in a village near Shapur where he was a student at the teachers’ training college. In 1966, he joined an elementary school in Mahuva as a teacher. He also began to perform kathās in the surrounding villages. By early 1970s, he was invited to perform in all parts of Gujarat and Mumbai. By the mid-1980s, he was performing kathās before large audiences in Gujarati and Hindi in various regions of India and at major pilgrimage centers such as Haridwar, Rishikesh, and Mt. Kailas. He has since presented the Rāmcaritmānas in many locations in the world including Hiroshima, Moscow, and Jerusalem. In addition to these locations, he performed one kathā in an airplane and one on a cruise.

Interpretations and Style Morāri Bāpu’s kathās derive their appeal from his fine interpretation and evocative presentation of the Rāmcaritmānas. He indicates that he views the text as a great religious epic containing spiritual truth rather than as an infallible scripture to be taken literally. According to him, each of the seven sections of the Rāmcaritmānas conveys an important teaching in an accessible manner making it a spiritual treasure for the common people. The first section – Bālkānd – conveys a teaching about sanctity of all existence. The second – Ayodhyākānd – stresses the ethics of keeping one’s word. The third, Aranyakānd, conveys a teaching of humility. The fourth, Kishkindhākānd, teaches total surrender to the divine. In the fifth, Sundarkānd, Hanuman defines misfortune as forgetting of the divine. In the sixth, Lankakānd, a verse addressed to the epic’s antihero, Ravan, stresses the need to develop

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detachment. In the seventh, Uttarkānd, the teaching about not letting bitterness enters one’s heart under any circumstance is conveyed [3]. Pointing out that author Tulsidas refers to the Rāmcaritmānas as a “seed,” Morari Bapu suggests that answers for profound spiritual questions are contained in a kernel form in this text. At the same time, he acknowledges that not everything in the text can be taken at verbatim and holds that the text itself permits disagreement. Ram’s going to his heavenly abode with his subjects, for example, cannot be taken literally. Similarly, Ram’s making Sita go through trial by fire to prove her purity and his sending her into exile during her pregnancy because of hearsay may have been acceptable in Tulsidas’s time, but not today. While acknowledging these issues, Morari Bapu does not discuss them in his kathās because according to him, the primary purpose of his retellings is to interpret for the audiences what is valuable in the text as a religious poem [3]. This approach to the Rāmcaritmānas as a fine religious poem rather than as a dogmatic scripture attracts many reputed literary figures in Gujarati and educated young listeners to his kathās. Along with Morāri Bāpu’s interpretations, his presentation style is also popular. For evoking various moods (rasas) in the epic narration, he incorporates lines from Gujarati, Hindi, and Urdu poetry in his presentation. He also uses music – at times Hindi film songs – in his kathās. Another notable aspect of his kathās in recent years is that each of them has a distinct title, which is either associated with a theme or the venue. In the kathā presentation, the theme or the place is highlighted.

Social Service and Criticism In addition to being a kathākār, Morari Bapu has also come to be known for his work in the areas of humanitarian service and promotion of literature and culture of Gujarat in recent decades. He has adapted “Truth, Love, Compassion” as his motto. He sponsors or is the force behind a number of awards in literary and religious fields in Gujarat and India. In 2009, he organized an interfaith conference in Mahuva inviting major leaders of

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various faiths such as the Dalai Lama. A 2012 kathā in Rajkot was used as a platform for bringing diverse religious communities of the city together. While Morari Bapu is widely regarded as a kathākār and public figure in Gujarat and beyond, he has also received sharp criticism in India at times. He has been seen as engaging in publicity tricks and commercializing Ram-kathā through events such as the plane kathā and gatherings attended by wealthy businessmen. He has also been criticized for some of his remarks regarding Christian missionary work in tribal areas in Gujarat. According to Morāri Bāpu, criticism is a “tax” to be paid for being a public figure; but he rejects the above allegations as misrepresentations of his work or remarks and his openness in welcoming people of diverse religious and social backgrounds for bringing them together [3, 4].

Contribution Morāri Bāpu’s chief contribution as a religious figure lies in his presentation of the Rāmcaritmānas to audiences across the world as a source of spiritual and moral inspiration relevant for contemporary times while acknowledging the issues embedded in this medieval text.

Cross-References ▶ Rāmāyan ▶ Nāga Sādhus

References 1. Chaudhari R (2008) Mānasthī Lokmānas (Gujarati, life and work of Shree Morāri Bāpu). Rangdwar, Ahmedabad 2. Joshi HK (2010) Morari Bapu (Gujarati). Parichay Trust, Mumbai 3. Vadgama N (2013) Mukhomukh, Morari Bapu (Gujarati, interview with Moriaribapu). Shri Chitrakutdham Trust, Talgajarada, Gujarat 4. India TV (2011), Aapki Adalat (video in Hindi, Morāri Bāpu’s interview with Rajat Sharma). http:// moraribapu.org/video_indiatv_aap_ki_adalat.html. Accessed 28 Sept 2013

Mu¨ller, Friedrich Max

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Mosque of Babur ▶ Babri Masjid (Bābarī Masjid)

Mrtyu ˙ ▶ Yama

Mukti ▶ Jīvan-mukti

Mu¨ller, Friedrich Max George Alfred James Philosophy and Religion, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA

Synonyms Friedrich Max Müller; F. Max Müller; Friedrich Max Mueller; Friedrich Max Muller

Definition Max Müller (1823–1900) is widely regarded as one of the founders of the modern scholarly study of religion. With early training in comparative linguistics, he applied the comparative method to the study of mythology and religions. He was the first to translate the Rig Veda into English, and on his retirement from Oxford University, he edited a collection of 50 volumes of translations of the scriptures of nonwestern religious traditions called The Sacred Books of the East. While his wide-reaching scholarship is today of chiefly historical interest, he developed theories of language, religion, and mythology that have contributed to the study of religion as an academic discipline.

Friedrich Max Müller was born in 1823 in the city of Dessau in the small German duchy of AnhaltDessau. His father, Wilhelm Müller, was a famous poet, some of whose works were set to music by Franz Schubert. His mother was the daughter of the prime minister of the duchy of Anhalt-Dessau, who was also a distinguished teacher. Wilhelm Müller died at the age of 33, when Max was only 4 years of age, and the young Max Müller came under the influence of his grandfather who took an active role in his early education. At the University of Leipzig, he took the study of Classical Philology and Sanskrit under the guidance of Hermann Brockhaus, earning the doctor’s degree in Philosophy in 1843. He continued his work on philosophical and philological subjects in Berlin under Franz Bopp and Friedrich von Schelling and in Paris under Eugene Burnouf. In 1846 he made his first visit to England, where in 1850 he accepted a position as Deputy Taylorian Professor at Oxford University and in 1854 became full Professor of European languages. In 1860 he was a candidate for the Boden Professorship in Sanskrit, but because of his views concerning religion that did not conform to the dominant trends of Oxford theology, he was not elected. Oxford then created for him a chair in comparative philology, a position which he held until his retirement in 1875. His service to Oxford was interrupted during the summer term of 1872 when he was a visiting professor at Strassburg University, after which he decided to spend the rest of his life at Oxford. Beginning his work of 25 years on The Sacred Books of the East only after his retirement, he remained intellectually prolific until his death in 1900. His extensive writings range from studies on the origin of religion to reflections on the best method by which to study religion. They include a Sanskrit grammar, his translation of the Rig Veda, his translation of Immanuel Kant’s Critique of Pure Reason, a study of the life and thought of Ramakrishna, theories of linguistics, and the origin, development, and nature of religion and mythology, as well as discussions of the principal philosophical schools of India. While he never visited India, he took active

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interest in religious and political developments there and carried on extensive correspondence with British officials concerned with India. Though he did not argue for home rule, he supported a stronger role by Indians in the governance of their country. He is credited with helping to bring the religious thought of non-Western cultures and especially of India to the attention of Western scholars [1, 2].

Linguistic Theory Max Müller accepted the view of his teacher Franz Bopp and other German specialists in comparative philology that the Indo-European languages, Sanskrit, Persian, Latin, and Greek, were closely related and that they had been derived from an earlier common language. At first, identifying linguistic with ethnic groups, Müller referred to the hypothetical ancestors of the Indo-European peoples by the Sanskrit term Aryan meaning “noble.” In 1853 he wrote that “There was a time when the ancestors of the Greeks and Italians, the Persians and the Hindus, were living together beneath the same roof, separate from the ancestors of the Semitic and Turanian races.” He accepted the superiority of the Aryan peoples over other races, with whom they were frequently in conflict. “The Aryan races,” he wrote, “.. . have perfected society and morals; and we learn from their literature and works of art the elements of science, the laws of art, and the principles of philosophy” ([3]. Vol. 1, p. 63). He also identified his own culture with that of the Aryans: “We are by nature Aryan, Indo-European, not semitic: our spiritual kith and kin are to be found in India, Persia, Greece, Italy, Germany; not in Mesopotamia, Egypt, or Palestine” ([3]: Vol. 1, p. 4). He also held the widely accepted view that the Aryan peoples, who it was believed had invaded India from central Asia between 1500 and 1200 B.C.E., were responsible for the philosophical achievements of the Vedic period, as they were of classical Greece. Müller later abandoned his identification of linguistic with racial groups and argued emphatically that the term Aryan refers only to linguistic and not to racial groups

([2], p. 7). Max Müller, died over 20 years before the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization (2500–1500 BCE) that presented the first major challenge to the theory of an Indo-Aryan invasion of India.

Theory of Religion When Max Müller turned to the study of religion, he believed that the science of language (philology, later linguistics), which had provided, in his view, the most reliable access to the early life of humanity, could furnish a scientific basis for the study of religion (what he called religionswissenschaft). The principle strategy in the scientific study of language had been the comparative method. Max Müller held that the same method was appropriate to the scientific study of religion. He also recognized one’s own religion is something inseparable from himself, something unique and incomparable. But he argued that the same could be said of one’s language. Just as the languages of alien, what he called “barbarous,” nations, were once seen as something more akin to the twittering of birds than the articulate speech of human beings, he held the hope that the science of religion would produce a similar change in the view of alien forms of faith and worship ([3], Vol. 1, pp. xxi, xxvii–xxxiii). He thus applied the motto that Goethe applied to language, to the study of religion: “He who knows one knows none.” He held that the comparative method presented no greater challenge to Christian faith than the knowledge of other languages and the relationships among them to one’s capacity to use of one’s own mother tongue ([4], pp. 12–15). When Max Müller began his study of religion, he was committed to Christianity, and there is little doubt that he supported missionary activity in India and elsewhere ([2], p. 28). But the variety of Christianity he represented was neither narrow nor dogmatic. As with other liberal Christians of the nineteenth century, the emphasis of religious life was on the ethical teachings of the Christian faith, which it saw as embracing the highest aspirations of civilization. Missionary work was useful not in bringing non-Christians into the fold of

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dogmatic faith but in spreading the tenets of Christianity that were beneficial to all of humanity ([2], pp. 27–34). Max Müller had already achieved the distinction of full Professor at Oxford when the Origin of Species first appeared (1859). Charles Darwin’s research presented a challenge to Müller’s theory not because it challenged the idea of a divine creation but because he believed, following the romantics, that the human mind had been most advanced in ancient times. This idea had been supported by the insight of nineteenth-century philology that human speech had once been perfect and that in the course of time it had decayed. Müller’s own research into the Vedic literature supported his view that the insights of the Vedas represented the most elevated form of religious life and thought, from which the successors of the Vedic people had gradually departed ([2], pp. 8–9). Like other scholars of the period, Müller was interested in the origin of religion ([5], pp. 66–75). He found this among the ancestors of the IndoEuropean peoples in what he called “the perception of the infinite.” He held that human knowledge begins with perceptions of finite things but that such perceptions are always accompanied by a tacit awareness of something beyond such perceptions, against which the perceived reality stands ([6], p. 123). This perception of a reality not given in the immediate perception of the senses was for Müller the sine qua non, the genus to which religion belongs, but it is not yet religion as such. We encounter religion as such when this perception of the infinite is able to influence the moral character of humanity. When human beings began to feel constrained to do what they may not naturally want to do, or abstain from what they naturally would want to do, and when they do so “for the sake of some unknown powers which they have discovered behind the storm or the sky or the sun or the moon,” then says Muller, “we are at last on religious ground” ([6], p. 169). Thus, for Müller, “Religion consists of the perception of the infinite under such manifestations as are able to influence the moral character of man” ([6], p. 188). This perception, what he calls “Natural Religion,” is the common

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possession of all mankind and is present in every developed form of religion. In a succession of volumes, he discusses a variety of the forms that religion has taken: Natural Religion (1889), Physical Religion (1891), Anthropological Religion (1892), and Theosophy or Psychological Religion (1893).

Theory of Mythology One of the theories for which Max Müller is perhaps best known concerns the origin and impact of mythology. He calls it an affectation even a “disease of language” ([6], p. 24). This together with institutionalism and what he calls “priestcraft” is largely responsible for what he sees as the inevitable decay of true religion. He argues that at their origin, the Indo-European languages had no abstract words so that nouns such as winter, spring, dawn, storm, and thunder must have been relatively late formations of these languages. When these words came into usage they were, like other simple nouns, naturally endowed with gender. He argued that because language and thought are closely related, it was not possible to speak of morning and evening, of spring and winter, without attributing to them an individual, active, gendered, and personal character. The disease of language was the natural inclination to think, for instance, of the “dawn,” which is a feminine noun, as “she of the dawn,” about whom stories could then be told. Because the primal language was visual rather than abstract, a verb such as “follow” presupposes someone following another, rather than simply appearing later in time. For early human civilization, as Müller conceived of it, to say that the sun follows the dawn is to accord agency to the dawn so that the dawn brings the sun into being or that the sun chases away the stars like thieves of the night ([7], pp. 70–3.). For Müller, the mythology of the Rig Veda represents an older and less corrupted form of such mythology than the mythology of ancient Greece, the true and original theogony of the Aryan culture ([8], pp. 41–43). Nevertheless the mythological gods of both cultures are by no means gods in any literal sense; “they are nomina

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not numina; names without being, not beings without names” ([7], pp. 99–100).

Mu¨ller and India Müller’s view of the elevated insights of the original Vedic tradition and their gradual decay evoked in him a strong interest in contemporary reform movements of India, especially the Brahmo Samaj. The Brahmo Samaj movement, founded in 1828 by Ram Mohan Roy, rejected idolatry, polytheism, rituals, and caste distinctions in favor of the worship of the one undifferentiated divine reality who is seen as the source of all reality. He took an active interest in the writings of such contemporary exponents of the Brahmo Samaj as Keshub Chunder Sen and Pratap Chunder Mozoomdar. Both Mozoomdar and Swami Vivekananda had extended conversations with him at his home at Oxford and expressed profound appreciation for his love of India ([2], pp. 46–48). When Max Müller wrote to the Duke of Argyll to the effect that he felt that the ancient religion of India is doomed, it is likely that he was thinking of such movements that he thought would reform all of India. He believed that if the Christian spirit was embraced in India in forms unfamiliar to the West, Christianity would be no poorer as a result ([2], p. 29). Two years before the end of his life, he wrote about the sense of the presence of God as the common ground on which the great temple of the future might be built, “in which Hindus and non-Hindus may join hands and hearts in worshiping the same Supreme Spirit” ([9], p. x).

Mūrti

References 1. Müller GA (1902) The life and letters of the right honourable Friederich Max Muller. Longmans Green, London 2. Voigt J (1967) Max Mueller: the man and his ideas. Firma K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta 3. Müller FM (1867) Chips from a German workshop, vol 1, 4. Longmans Green, London 4. Müller FM (1873) Introduction to the science of religion. Longmans Green, London 5. Masuzawa T (1993) In search of dreamtime: the quest for the origin of religion. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Müller FM (1889) Natural religion: the gifford lectures. Longmans Green, London 7. Müller FM (1856) Comparative mythology: an essay. E.P. Dutton, New York 8. Sharp E (1975) Comparative religion: a history. Charles Scribner’s Sons, New York 9. Müller FM (1823, Reprint) Ramakrishna: his life and sayings. Longmans Green, London 10. Müller FM (1883) India what can it teach us? Longmans Green, London 11. Müller FM (1878) Lectures on the origin and growth of religion as illustrated by the religions of India. Longmans Green, London 12. Müller FM (1901) My autobiography: a fragment. Longmans Green, London 13. Muller FM (1979, Reprint) The Vedānta philosophy. Nag Publishers, Delhi

Mūrti Marianne Qvortrup Fibiger Department of the Study of Religion, School of Culture and Society, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark

Synonyms Cross-References ▶ Indus Valley Civilization ▶ Missionaries (Hinduism) ▶ Modern Reform Movements ▶ Roy, Rammohun ▶ Theism (Hinduism) ▶ Vedas ▶ Vedānta, Overview

Depiction; Icon; Image; Picture; Representation

Definition Literally, mūrti means form and refers primarily to any embodiment, manifestation, or incarnation of a deity, guru, or any transcendental power that can be the center for worship in the form of a mūrti

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[1, 11]. A mūrti is typically represented as an icon or image installed in a temple or shrine but can also be given form in human media in possession rituals or ritual dance. A mūrti normally has iconic form – but it can also be aniconic, for instance, when a stone or tree is worshipped as a deity or when a full pot of water indicates the presence of a devī for the devotees during temple worship (pūjā) [3, 9, 12].

From Representing a Deity to Becoming a Deity In temple worship in particular – but also in possession rituals – it is important to differentiate between an image or representation of a given deity and a mūrti. The image becomes a mūrti when the deity it represents is invited and accepts his or her presence in the image during a pūjā. To create a statue that can become a mūrti, the material used and the proportions are important. But two final rituals performed by ritual experts are particularly crucial for the process of transformation: firstly, the insertion of the breath of life (prāna) in the icon, which is done by particular mantras and mūdras (hand gestures), and secondly the performance of an eye-opening ceremony called Prāna pratiṣṭhā. This is done either with a golden needle or with a paintbrush. From this moment the icon can become a mūrti in the temple during a pūjā. The presence but especially the gaze or darśan of the deity is crucial in bhakti worship. The darśan is regarded as reciprocal, and the human viewer not only receives a blessing but can also be mentally purified by the exchange of a gaze. In the long run, this can lead to mokṣa (the liberation of saṃsāra) [2, 13].

From Nirguna to Saguna ˙ ˙ As shown above, the concept of mūrti is now most frequently related to bhakti worship in a temple; but the use of mūrti can be traced all the way back to the Upaniṣads (600–300 BC). Here the concept of mūrti is used when an essence which is in general

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unlimited and not formable (nirākāra) gains phenomenological or more concrete essence. For instance, in the Svetāsvatara Upaniṣad 1.13 the flame is the mūrti of fire; and in the Maitri Upaniṣad 6.14 the year is the mūrti of time. In a Hindu perspective, the same thing applies to the overall understanding that Brahman has the form of both nirguṇa (without qualities) and saguṇa (with qualities) [4, 5, 7, 8]. This does not mean that Brahman must be perceived as dual but that Brahman represents itself in the phenomenological world even though it is also in opposition to this world or as formulated by Eck: “. . .that the multitude of ‘names and forms’ of this world are the exuberant transformations of the One Brahman” [2, 10]. This idea can be traced throughout history down to today’s worship of a mūrti in a temple or shrine, where the mūrti becomes the manifestation of familiar, mythological deities such as Viṣṇu or Dūrgā, thereby giving such deities form [6].

References 1. Buhnemann G (1988) Puja: a study in smarta ritual, Publications of the De Nobili Research Library. Gerold & Co., Vienna 2. Eck DL (1996) Darśan. Seeing the divine image in India. Colombia University Press, New York 3. Elgood H (1999) Hinduism and the religious arts. Cassell, London/Washington, DC 4. Feuerstein G (2011) The encyclopedia of Yoga and Tantra. Shambhala Publications, Boston/London 5. Flood G (2006) An introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 6. Fuller CJ (2004) The camphor flame: popular Hinduism and society in India. Princeton University Press, Princeton 7. Johnson WJ (2009) Oxford dictionary of Hinduism. Oxford University Press, Oxford 8. Kinsley D (1987) Hindu goddesses: visions of the divine feminine in the Hindu religious tradition. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi 9. Kramrisch S (1994) The presence of Siva. Princeton University Press, Princeton 10. Lipner J (2010) Hindus their religious beliefs and practices, 2nd edn. Routledge, London/New York 11. McLain K (2016) Visual and media culture. In: Hatcher BA (ed) Hinduism in the modern world. Routledge, New York/London, pp 227–242

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1006 12. Pal P (1988) Indian sculpture, vol 2. University of California Press, California 13. Sugirtharajah S (1998) Picturing God. In: Bowen P (ed) Themes and issues in Hinduism. Casell, London/Washington, DC, pp 161–202

Murukan ¯ Carl Vadivella Belle Flinders University, Adelaide, SA, Australia

Definition While the deity Murukan has been closely identified with Tamil religiosity for at least two millennia, his evolution as a universalistic deity has been greatly influenced by Sanskritic and North Indian traditions. Murukan continues to occupy a prominent role within Tamil Hindu spiritual and cultural life.

Cosmic History Murukan’s origins can be definitively traced to the earliest body of extant Tamil literature, the extensive collection of poetry known as the Sangam and variously dated from 300 BCE to 300 CE. In the earliest phase of Sangam literature, Murukan was clearly identified as a rural deity and was firmly situated within the kurinci tinai (hilly ecozone) of the Tamil country [2]. Murukan was portrayed as intensely heroic, a deity who vanquished his demonic enemy the cura (soora). His weapon was initially a specially shaped leaf but later transformed into a leaf-shaped lance. A marked feature of early Murukan worship was the frenzied dancing of his devotees and the role of possession in gaining his grace (arul) [2, 4]. Throughout the later Sangam era – a period of urbanization and the establishment of kingly dynasties within the Tamil country – Murukan incorporated additional roles and motifs. Worship of the deity extended beyond the kurinci tinai to all other eco-zones within Tamilakam. By the

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close of the Sangam period, Murukan had become an established “universal” god within the Tamil country [2]. During the period of the Pallava (c.575–900 CE) and Pandya (c.600–1400 CE) dynasties, Murukan was one of a number of deities elevated into the received pantheon. Both dynasties pursued universalistic and syncretic Puranic mythology embracing both Vaisnavite and Saivite motifs, deities, and philosophies. As a consequence, many non-Vedic and non-Brahminical deities were identified as regional/local variants of the great gods and subsequently absorbed into the higher celestial realms [6]. Contemporaneous with Murukan’s growing acceptance in South India, the deity Skanda was achieving prominence in the north. Mythology tracing and explicating Skanda’s deeds and attributes gained wide currency through the epoch of kingship (i.e., roughly between the third and sixth centuries CE). As in South India, the deity gradually acquired a multiple persona which ascribed to him the vastly diverse roles of warrior, sage, master thief, and rogue [3]. Early references to Skanda are contained within the Great Epics where he is identified as the son of Agni and depicted as the god of war. The youthful sage Sanatkumara (“Eternal Son”), later linked to Skanda, appears in the Chandogya Upanishad. There he is portrayed as a profound and benevolent figure who imparts knowledge relating to the mysteries of existence. He also conveys the ideals of penance and austerities [3]. The deity Skanda-Karttikeya also features in both the Epics and the Puranas. Within the Epics, Karttikeya is repeatedly described as the SunGod, a role which in earlier Vedic literature was usually assigned to Agni. More commonly, however, Karttikeya is a warrior and a powerful and handsome deity whose mount is a peacock. His usual weapon is the Sakti Vel (cosmic spear). While the Puranas highlight Karttikeya’s role as a warrior god, they also emphasize him as a deity who embodies learning and wisdom. Within the context of epic and Puranic mythology, the warrior embraces the dual functions of creation and destruction, entailing responsibility for the maintenance of cosmic dharma. In the defeat of his

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enemies, he preserves, renews, or restores universal order. His role as a central pillar of cosmic symmetry elevated Skanda-Karttikeya into the position of a major deity, a high god [4]. Throughout the Gupta era (c.320–500 C.E.), Skanda became firmly identified as Siva’s son and thus a member of Siva’s family. The implications of this role were far reaching. In early Sanskrit literature, the son of a creator partook of the world’s primordiality, that is, the very essence of creation itself, and thus could be perceived as a generator of cosmic order. The composite deity Skanda gained the allegiance of many sectors of North Indian society including kings, warriors, and religious philosophers [3]. By the fourth to fifth century C.E., Skanda of the Epics had become known in South India. The late Sangam works; the Paripatal and the Tirumurukarruppatai (TMP) fused Sanskritic and Tamil mythology. The growing influence of Sanskrit and Aryan themes in the south was to be increasingly reflected in the Tamil Murukan. The TMP incorporated earlier myths of Tamil Murukan and clearly foreshadowed the commingling of that identity with that of the Puranic Skanda/Karttikeya [2]. While Skanda had thus made the transition to a pan-Indian god, his primary northern manifestation as a Sanskritic kingship-warrior god tended to differ from his Tamil orientations. The Skanda of the northern traditions was implicated in great celestial motifs including creation mythologies. These did not detract from the folkish attributes of the deity; the high Brahminic god who occupied a prominent position within the Hindu pantheon continued to coexist with the popular god of the hills, forests, and pastoral peoples [4]. But although Skanda-Murukan was becoming deeply entrenched within the Tamil country, worship of Skanda began to fade in North India. Henceforth Skanda-Murukan was to become almost exclusively a South Indian and especially a Tamil god, and his cultus was to increasingly reflect the religious, philosophical, and political permutations of Tamil history and society [3, 4]. Skanda-Murukan achieved great prominence during the Chola dynasty (c.900–1350 C.E.) when the rival religions of both Buddhism and

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Jainism were eclipsed by a resurgent Hinduism. Following the reemergence of Siva and Vishnu as the undisputed leading gods of the South Indian firmament, the profound implications of Skanda’s divine sonship were more widely recognized. The early Chola period was marked by intense philosophical speculation in the Tamil country. Murukan, cast as the gurumurti (philosophical teacher) Subrahmanya, fulfilled a vital role in this process as did Murukan as the font of Tamil language and the creative inspiration of Tamil literature and poetry. Firmly positioned within the Saivite tradition, Skanda’s militaristic aspects gradually receded, and temple iconography increasingly depicted him as a philosopher and a guru [2, 4]. The positioning of Skanda-Murukan as a great Saivite god spawned an accompanying devotional literature in both Sanskrit and Tamil and an extensive mythology. Several persistent Murukan motifs and symbols were firmly established throughout this period. The depiction of the peacock as Murukan’s mount became standard, and portrayals of Murukan as San Mukha (Shanmugan), a six-faced god astride a peacock, became an accepted iconography [4]. However, although Skanda’s single composite identity had now been firmly established, throughout the medieval period the inconsistencies between the Sanskrit Skanda and the Tamil Murukan remained obvious. Thus, while at one extreme, the high Brahminic god SkandaSubrahmanya embodied the ideas of asceticism, renunciation, and liberation, at the other, Murukan, the folk deity, affirmed the fullness and exhilaration of life. It was not until the Vijayanagara era (c.1350–1770 C.E.) that awareness grew of the intrinsic correspondences between the Tamil and Sanskritic attributes of Skanda-Murukan, and there was a concomitant more general, though far from complete, acceptance of the deity in all his diversity. During this period, the TMP’s descriptions of Murukan’s sacred geography were absorbed into the received Saiva canon [2, 4]. Since the nineteenth century, Murukan has been an integral component of a powerful cultural regeneration which has swept the Tamil country

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and the Tamil diaspora. Throughout the period leading to the independence of India, the deity has been associated with the revitalization of Tamil culture and indeed the entire spectrum of the Tamil arts and traditions [2]. Following the attainment of Indian independence, the great Murukan temples were opened to Dalits, and the overall improvement of transport in Tamil Nadu made all pilgrimage destinations much more accessible to all sectors of the population. The 1967 elections which brought the anti-Brahmin Dravidian Party (Dravida Munnera Kalagam or DMK) to office in the state of Tamil Nadu was followed by the Chief Minister’s declaration that as the ascetic Palani, Murukan was the “God of the DMK”[2]. Murukan remains the Tamil deity par excellence, a god who encapsulates Tamil history, heritage, history, and traditions and who, in one form or another, is regarded as accessible to every segment of Tamil Hindu society.

Puranic Mythology Murukan is the subject of a comprehensive and well-established corpus of Puranic mythology. In essence, Skanda-Murukan is created by Siva in response to the entreaties of the gods who implore Siva to end the adharmic rule of the asuras (demons) and restore cosmic order. After Murukan’s spiritual maturation, Parvati, Siva’s consort, arms Murukan with the Sakti Vel (cosmic spear), the celestial weapon employed to subdue and vanquish the asuric forces. The bestowal by Parvati of the Vel, the weapon used to reestablish cosmic harmony, represents a manifest fusion of the divine’s absolute (Siva) and generative (Sakti) powers. At the cosmological level, this myth represents nothing less than the process of phenomenal entropy and dissolution and subsequent reconstitution and renewal. On a metaphysical level, the Purana may be seen as an extended metaphor for spiritual evolution, the destiny of the soul, and its ultimate relationship with the divine. In this context, Murukan denotes a synthesis of the ultimate powers of Siva/Sakti, a deity created by Siva to

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destroy the bondages of ignorance imposed by the individual ego, but furnished with the means to accomplish this by Parvati [1].

Murukan’s Brides Within the Sanskrit tradition, Skanda is viewed as a celibate ascetic (the eternal brahmacarin) married to a single wife, the fair and celestial Devesena. However, within the Tamil traditions, Murukan weds two brides, namely, Devesena, better known under her Tamil name Devayanai, and the earthy Valli. Devayanai was the adopted daughter of Indra, the king of the heavens, and marries Skanda according to established Brahminic rites. Valli, of modest birth, is adopted by a hunter chieftain and integrated into the agricultural pursuits of the south. Her union with Murukan is much more complex and involves a convoluted process of recognition of the deity as divine trickster. While the divine marriages convey an array of symbolic messages and motifs, perhaps the most significant is the clear implication that there are multiple routes to the divine, ranging from the conventionalities of formal worship and orthodox disciplines (represented by Devayanai), to more idiosyncratic and even transgressive paths of bhakti/devotion, (exemplified by Valli) [1].

Murukan: Sacred Geography The sacred geography of the Murukan cultus essentially comprises the six camps or sites (collectively known as the Aaru Padai Veedu), each of which is linked to particular episodes in Murukan’s divine career, and which collectively embrace the major corpus of mythology which encompasses the deity. While the locations of five of Murukan’s centers are undisputed, many Tamils hold that the sixth site is every other shrine dedicated to Murukan. In modern times, these centers firmly identify Murukan with the ethnolinguistic state of Tamil Nadu, thus simultaneously emphasizing the deity’s “Dravidian”

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associations and sacralizing the region in which the temples are located [4]. The five major sites are Swamimalai, located at Kumbakonam on the banks of the Kaveri River; Palani, south of Madurai; Tiruchendur, on the Bay of Bengal in the Tirunelveli district; Tirupparankunram, near Madurai; and Tiruttani, on the northern border of Tamil Nadu. In addition there are major sites dedicated to Murukan outside India, the most notable of which include the major pilgrimage centers of Kataragama in Sri Lanka and Batu Caves, outside Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.

1009 3. Chatterjee AK (1970) The cult of Skanda-Karttikeya in ancient India. Calcutta, Puthi Pustak 4. Clothey FW (1978) The many faces of Murukan: the history and meaning of a South Indian God. Mouton, The Hague 5. Clothey FW (1983) Rhythm and intent: ritual studies from South India. Blackie and Son, Bombay 6. Stein B (1980) Peasant, state and society in medieval South India. Oxford University Press, Delhi

Music Guy L. Beck Asian Studies and Continuing Studies, Tulane University, New Orleans, LA, USA

Major Festivals Festival worship of Skanda-Murukan embraces significant chapters of the deity’s cosmology and prescribes ritual behaviors germane to each. The majority of Murukan festivals fall within the 6 months of the year between the winter and summer solstice and signify the span between Murukan’s creation and his spiritual maturation. The main festivals include Skanda Shasti in the Tamil month of Aippaci (October–November) commemorating Murukan’s victory over evil; Tai Pucam (Tai – January–February), commemorating Murukan’s acquisition of the Vel; Maci Magham (Maci, February–March) celebrating the total life and exploits of the deity; Pankuni Uttiram (Pankuni, March–April), the festival of marriage; Vaikaci Vicakam (Vaikaci, May–June) celebrating Murukan’s attainment of full maturity; and Athipuram (Athi, July–August and thus falling beyond the summer solstice) celebrating Murukan’s role as the bringer of rains and agricultural fertility [5].

Synonyms Bhajana or bhajan (“worship song”); Bhakti sangit (devotional music); Gāna (song or music); Gāndharva sangīta (ancient music); Gītā (song or vocal music); Kīrtana or kīrtan (hymn or “praise song”); Nritya (dance); Vādya or vāditra (instrumental music or instruments)

Definition Indian music, Sangīta, is the art of singing, playing instruments, and dance that is described in the ancient texts and performed by trained practitioners over many centuries, employing the use of Rāga (melodic patterns), Tāla (rhythmic cycles), and Rasa (sentiments) which serve to both please the senses and function as a vehicle for Bhakti (devotion), enabling both ecstasy and Moksha (spiritual liberation).

Introduction References 1. Belle CV (2017) Thaipusam in Malaysia: a Hindu festival in the Tamil diaspora. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 2. Champakalashmi R (2011) Religion, tradition and ideology – pre-colonial South India. Oxford University Press, Delhi

Music (Sangīta) has been intertwined with Hinduism in various ways since the beginning of recorded history. This entry will trace the historical development of musical sound in Hinduism, both vocal and instrumental, as an important part of religious thought and practice, including

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mythical origins, theological concepts, ritual associations, structural forms and genres, and explanations of how music actually functions to direct the human mind to the divine in contemplation and worship. Investigating the rationale for the continued importance of music across several traditions takes one back to the foundations of Vedic ritual chant, Sāma-Gāna, Gandharva Sangīta (“celestial music”), Sangīta (“music”), Pūjā (icon worship), Rasa (aesthetic sentiment), Rāga (melodic patterns), and Bhakti Sangit (devotional music), including forms of Kīrtan (“praise song”) and Bhajan (“worship song”). The discussion will then focus around specific examples of Bhakti Sangit, such as Kriti, Haveli Sangit, Samāj Gāyan, and Padāvali Kīrtan, followed by some current trends. For purposes of making distinctions, the Sanskrit form of the word for music (Sangīta) is applied here to the formal theory of music and to the music of the Sanskrit musical texts, while the shorter colloquial form of “Sangit,” as in Bhakti Sangit, will refer to vernacular singing and music as expressed in localized devotional traditions.

Sacred Sound and Ritual in Ancient India This entry on music in Hinduism begins with ancient India and the rise of musical knowledge as it was associated with Vedic rites. The religion of the ancient Aryans, both in India and Iran, incorporated the chanted word (mantra or manthra) in combination with sacrificial fire as the requisite means to interact with the cosmos. The Vedic texts of the Indo-Aryans (ca. 4000–1800 B.C.E.) were proclaimed to be eternal, authorless, and the embodiment of the primeval sound that generated the universe, represented by the syllable Om (AUM). The Rig Veda, Yajur Veda, Sāma Veda, and Atharva Veda contained mantras (ritual hymns and incantations) to specific deities that required execution as intoned speech, with the meter of each mantra associated with a particular god or divine power. The syllable Om, comprising the condensed powers of Vedic mantras, became identified with Śabda-Brahman (the Sound-Absolute) or Brahman, the Absolute

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Truth of the Upanishads, and was manifested through the power of oral chant and music. Yajña is the name of the ancient Vedic fire sacrifice that included chant and occasional musical accompaniment. This rite was a powerful means to interact with the cosmos and secure the favor of the various Vedic deities. Stanzas from the Rig Veda were chanted in three distinct musical tones or accents by special priests. These three notes were expanded to seven descending notes in Sāma-Gāna, the singing of hymns from the Sāma Veda during Soma sacrifices. G.U. Thite ([27], pp. 68, 71) has explained the dynamic role of music in the context of Vedic ritual: “the poetsingers call, invoke, and invite the gods with the help of musical elements. In so doing they seem to be aware of the magnetic power of music and therefore they seem to be using that power in calling the gods.” The gods even seem to have had a sense of music appreciation: “Gods are fond of music. They like music and enjoy it. The poetsingers sing and praise the gods with the intention that the gods may be pleased thereby and having become pleased they may grant gifts.” The singing of Sāman hymns was so essential to the sacrifice that without it no sacrifice could reach the gods. Chanting and hearing of sustained musical notes appear to have been mysteriously linked to the divine. Musical sound in ancient India was also linked to key theological and philosophical concepts. Demonstrating a “sonic theology,” the Hindu tradition has embraced divine sound as a form of the Absolute known as Brahman through the concept of Nāda-Brahman, composed of Nāda-Śakti (sound energy) and Brahman (divine Absolute) [see 1]. Beside linguistic sounds and utterances as normally connoted through the term ŚabdaBrahman, Nāda-Brahman encompasses musical sounds and refers to the cosmic sound that may be either unmanifest (anāhata, “unstruck”) or manifest (āhata, “struck”). As unmanifest, Nāda is perceived in the heart during deep meditation (i.e., Nāda-Yoga). As manifest, it is expressed through music and song. The notion of NādaBrahman was developed more fully in the Ᾱgamas, Pāñcarātras, and Tantras as well as in Yoga and musicological texts. While musical

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treatises discuss Nāda-Brahman as the foundation of musical sound, Yoga texts speak of musical sounds heard during deep meditation. Corollaries to the unmanifest and manifest Nāda-Brahman are found in the dichotomy of Nirguṇa and Saguṇa Brahman. Brahman is conceived in two ways: Nirguṇa (without attributes) and Saguṇa (with attributes). The followers of Nirguṇa-Brahman, a minority tradition, posited that the Absolute was beyond all material qualities and could be approached without the use or need of icons or deities, that is, through pure intuition. The majority tradition of Saguṇa-Brahman preferred the use of images and symbols as more effective means of meditation on the divine. In theistic Saguṇa tradition, whether Vaishnavism (Vishnu or Krishna worship), Śaivism (Śiva worship), or Śaktism (goddess worship), the concept of Nāda-Brahman (“sacred sound”) is employed to affirm that God or the Supreme Being contains the elemental or primal sound which can be approached via its deity form through music. As clarified by Thomas Hopkins [6, 20], “Sanskrit words were not just arbitrary labels assigned to phenomena; they were the sound forms of objects, actions, and attributes, related to the corresponding reality in the same way as visual forms.” True meditation on an icon thus involves both sound and image, leading us to the important role of music in Hindu devotional practice. The practical application of music in ritual or liturgy is found throughout the geographic regions of India. From Vedic chant to Sāma-Gāna to Gandharva Sangīta to Bhakti Sangit and from Yajña to Pūjā to Seva (“divine service”), a dynamic and consistent link between ritual and music can be demonstrated in Hindu traditions. Ritual music as “sonic liturgy” reveals itself as a vast multileveled auditory environment, populated with poems describing divine pastimes sung to melodic formulas (Rāgas), penetrated with rhythms (Tālas) played on drums and cymbals, punctuated with bells, and suffused with emotional moods (Rasa) associated with the times of the day and the colorful seasons of the year [see 2]. Thus, the various forms of Hindu music are best comprehended as part of an interlocking network of liturgical meaning and provide ideal

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examples for ethnomusicologists who are trained to research and investigate the social and cultural context of music in various cultures.

Sangīta Parallel to the development of Sāma-Gāna and the Vedic sacrifice, the earliest forms of Indian classical music or Sangīta were linked to ancient dramas and Pūjā, the system of iconic worship that gradually replaced the fire sacrifice as the central focus of Hinduism. While Vedic sacrifice required the chanting of mantras and the singing of hymns from the Sāma Veda, Pūjā required the use of vocal and instrumental music in addressing, praising, and making offerings to the various gods, including Brahmā, Vishnu, Śiva, Sarasvatī, Indra, Agni, Soma, and Ganesh. Known first as Gandharva Sangīta, Sangīta (music) included three divisions of vocal (gītā), instrumental (vādya), and dance (nritya). While Gandharva Sangīta (“celestial music”) was primarily vocal, instruments such as the vina, flutes, drums, and cymbals were played as accompaniment. The oldest surviving texts of Gandharva Sangīta or Sangīta are the Nāṭyaśāstra by Bharata Muni and the Dattilam by Dattila (ca. 400–200 B.C.E.), which provide glimpses of the music performed in sacred dramas, festivals, courtly ceremonies, and temple rituals. The ancient epics of Mahābhārata and Rāmāyaṇa also contain descriptions of temple musicians and dancers performing music for the pleasure of the gods. Sangīta is directly associated with the Hindu gods and goddesses. The Goddess Sarasvatī, depicted with the Vina instrument in hand, is believed to be the divine patroness of music and receives the veneration of all students and performers. Brahmā, the creator of the universe, fashioned Indian music out of the ingredients of the Sāma Veda and plays the hand cymbals. Vishnu, the Preserver who sounds the conch shell, plays the flute as Krishna. Śiva as Naṭarāja plays the Damaru drum during the dance of cosmic dissolution. Each of the above instruments symbolizes Nāda-Brahman and forms an indispensible part of each deity in veneration. Music is also double edged: a vehicle awarding

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liberation (mokṣa) which is designed to please the senses. Comprising the aesthetics of Rasa theory and the structures of Rāga (melody types) and Tāla (rhythms), the art of Sangīta has vastly influenced all branches of Hindu religion. The ancient Gandharva Sangīta (or Mārga Sangīta) was named after the group of heavenly Gandharvas led by Nārada Rishi, the Vedic sage believed to have taught the art of music to humankind. Music, drama, and the service of Pūjā were indeed received on earth as part of heavenly dramatic performance and worship of the great gods of Brahmā, Vishnu, and Śiva (Trimūrti). Chapter One of the Nāṭyaśāstra describes the origin of drama and music. In a previous age, Brahmā composed a “Fifth Veda” known as the Nāṭya Veda by taking recitative from the Rig Veda, music and song from the Sāma Veda, ritualistic and histrionic representations from the Yajur Veda, and aesthetic sentiments from the Atharva Veda. This was designed as moral upliftment and instruction in the various disciplines, arts, and crafts, for persons incapable of hearing and understanding the Vedas. Brahmā requested Bharata Muni and his 100 sons to take up play production, which involved vocal and instrumental music. Under Brahmā’s order, Svāti and his disciples were to play on musical instruments (drums), and celestial musicians (Gandharva) such as Nārada and others sang songs. Brahmā then ordered a play be performed in honor of Indra’s conquest of the demons. Being well pleased, Brahmā ordered construction of a theatrical stage in heaven and instituted the regular offering of Pūjā (worship) to the gods (from [15], pp. 1–5). In due course, the 100 sons offended the sages who cursed them to become Sūdras. Meanwhile, King Nahuṣā, who had heavenly status, observed the dramatic performances and desired them on earth. Hence, Bharata sent his sons to earth to perform the music and drama, and the curse was lifted. Bharata’s descendants Kohala, Vatsya, Sandīlya, and Dattila were then ordered to stay on earth as mortals to carry on the tradition by writing treatises and teaching (from [15], pp. 341–345). The music described in the Nāṭyaśāstra and the Dattilam formed the basis of what is known today

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as Indian classical music. In six chapters (28–33), Bharata Muni discussed many types of vocal and instrumental music, musical instruments, and theoretical issues of scale (grāma), mode (jāti), meter (mātra), and rhythm (tāla). The early notion of Jāti developed into the Rāga by the eighth century C.E. Both texts clearly defined Sangīta as the artful combination of note (Svara), beat (Tāla), and word (Pada) and laid down basic rules, including the seven individual notes of the scale, known for the first time as Sa Ri Ga Ma Pa Dha Ni (cf. do re mi fa so la ti). In the dramas, there were already fully composed songs called Dhruva used to propitiate the gods that were rendered in Prakrit, the vernacular counterpart to the scholastic and priestly Sanskrit language. The Dhruva became the prototype of the Medieval Prabandha songs that were then the basis of the later classical and devotional forms of Bhakti Sangit sung in vernacular, called Dhrupad (Dhruvapada), Haveli Sangit, Samāj Gāyan, and Padāvali Kīrtan in the North and Kriti in the South. The ancient musical texts also devote considerable space to the description and analysis of musical instruments, the oldest and most complete coverage in world literature. Nāṭyaśāstra 28.1 classified musical instruments into four categories: (1) stringed instruments called Tata, “stretched cord”; (2) wind-blown instruments called Suṣira, “air sounding”; (3) drums called Avanaddha, “covered”; and (4) cymbals called Ghana (“selfstruck”). This classification has survived in the Sachs-Hornbostel system, created in 1914 and still used by ethnomusicologists. It consists of chordophones or stringed instruments, aerophones or air-driven instruments, membranophones or skin-covered instruments, and idiophones or selfsounding instruments. A verse from Nāṭyaśāstra 33.19–20 underscores the importance of musical instruments for nearly all occasions in ancient India: “On festive occasions, for royal processions, in auspicious functions, on happy and good occasions, during weddings, when a son is born, during a war – on all such various occasions, all the instruments can be used” ([15], p. 300). Beside scale and melody, rhythm or Tāla was very significant in ways both tangible and

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intangible. The ancient theory of music held that the musicians and audience earned liberation through accumulation of unseen merit as exemplified in the marking of ritual time. This was linked to the principle of apūrva in Mīmāṁsā philosophy, which held that the metrical divisions and units of ritual time represented by Vedic chants and Sāma-Gāna accumulated units of unseen merit called adriṣṭa for the priest or sacrificer, leading to immortality in heaven. Like Vedic chant, religious music must also have distinct units of rhythm (divisions of musical time) which provided the same benefits to the listener or performer. In Gandharva music, such rhythmic units were marked by the playing of hand cymbals and drums. The strong emphasis on cymbal playing in most forms of later Bhakti Sangit supports the contention that the theory of merit accumulation has permeated devotional music into the present time, though often unrecognized as such. Sangīta is believed to be more efficacious than other forms of religious observance, including the chanting of divine names and pilgrimage. Nāṭyaśāstra 36.27 states that “Music, both instrumental and vocal, dance and songs are equal to the recitation of Vedic mantras. I have heard the great god Shankara [Śiva] himself say that music is a thousand times superior to bathing in holy waters and to Japa [chanting of names]” ([15], p. 342). Thus, musical texts are not simply technical manuals of music theory but “scriptures” or Śāstra that presents music as a means of liberation. As such, an entire history of “Sangīta-Śāstra” (classical musicological texts) followed and developed from the Nāṭyaśāstra, including many works like the Sangīta Ratnākara of Śarangdev, Sangīta Parijāta of Ahobala, Sangīta Dāmodara by Śubhaṅkara, and Sangīta Sāra of Harinārāyaṇa. The Sangīta repertoire was gradually enriched with the addition of vernacular songs incorporated into temple liturgies during the middle ages. As Bhakti Sangit or devotional music, it greatly enhanced the worship experience of devotees of Śiva, the Goddess, and Vishnu, especially the incarnations of Rāma and Krishna. Much that can be said of Indian music reaches across

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sectarian boundaries such that similar musical structures are found throughout the Indian subcontinent when various genres are isolated and compared. And while perhaps the most widespread and visible form of devotional music among all groups is the practice of Nām-Kīrtan, the chanting of names of God (or Goddess), there has been a steady engagement with classical forms of devotional music in the form of Bhakti Sangit by nearly all forms of orthodoxy and orthopraxy.

Rasa Considered part of aesthetics and dramatic theory, the theory of Rasa is equally applicable to music. The Upanishads declare that Brahman (Absolute or God) is full of aesthetic delight or Rasa (Taittirīya Upanishad 2.7.1). This has led to associations between Rasa and music which begin to appear in the earliest Sanskrit treatises on Pūjā, music, and the dramatic arts. Bharata Muni was the first to outline the various aesthetic experiences or Rasas associated with drama and icon worship. Rasas are the aesthetic expressions of emotional experiences that are otherwise found to be universal traits of humanity, like love, compassion, and heroism. Nāṭyaśāstra 6.15, 39–45 lists the eight Rasas: Śriṅgāra, erotic; Hāsya, comic; Karuṇā, compassion; Raudra, terror; Vīra, heroic; Bhayānaka, fear; Bibhatsā, disgust; and Adbhuta, wonder ([15], pp. 54, 56). Nāṭyaśāstra 19.38–40 then tied the eight Rasas with the seven individual notes of the musical scale: erotic, Pa (fifth); comic, Ma (fourth); compassion, Ga (third) and Ni (seventh); disgust and fear, Dha (sixth); heroic, terror, and wonder, Sa (tonic); and Ri (second) ([15], p. 142). A ninth Rasa, Śānta Rasa (peace), was added by the Kashmiri philosopher Abhinavagupta in the tenth century in response to the nondual and formless nature of the divine as endorsed by schools of Kashmiri Śaivism. A tenth Rasa, Bhakti Rasa (devotional love), was established by the Vaishnava theologian Rūpa Goswami in the sixteenth century to encompass and transform all the other Rasas.

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Ra¯ga The Rāga is a special set of notes that is more fluid and distinct as a melodic pattern than the earlier Jāti and had particular structural characteristics and methods of performance. First discussed as a separate unique entity by Mataṅga in the eighthcentury text Brihaddeśī, a Rāga comprises ascending and descending patterns of between five to seven notes derived from the seven-note scale of Bharata Muni, with the additional lowering or raising of certain notes to enlarge the gamut. As the texts of the songs were drawn more and more from vernacular sources, regional tunes and melodies (deśī-gāna) were also absorbed into the repertoire and were adjusted and refined according to the ten characteristics (daśa-lakṣaṇas) of classical music to form new Rāgas. As such, each Rāga carried forth a special or unique mood or flavor (Rasa or Bhāva) generated within the minds of listeners when properly performed. Nānyadeva, in his twelfth-century Bhārata-bhāṣya, described the relations between Rasas and Rāgas in Sanskrit poems known as Dhyāna-Mantras, which inspired the famous Rāgamālā paintings linking them with season, time of day, and gender (male Rāga and female Rāginī).

Bhakti Sangit Bhakti refers to the devotional emotions or feelings (Rasa) of the practitioners with regard to the development of a personal relationship with a deity such that the prospect of release (mokṣa) in theistic Hindu traditions is dependent on such cultivation. Beginning around the fourth century C.E., the spread of devotional Bhakti stimulated many new forms of architectural, literary, and artistic expression. In architecture, there was the splendid rise of Hindu temple construction in honor of the great iconic deities, especially Śiva and Vishnu. Musically, the Medieval Period (ca. fourth to seventeenth century C.E.) may be characterized by the rise of Bhakti Sangit expressive of love and devotion. Bhakti Sangit comprises several forms, including Kīrtan (“praise song”)

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and Bhajan (“worship song”). Kīrtan is of at least two varieties, Pada-Kīrtan (with lyrics) and Nām-Kīrtan (containing only names of the divine). Integrated into the service and adoration of icons in temples, Bhakti Sangit in its various forms plays an essential role in the contemplation of deity. Hindu religion lends great importance to the image of the deity as an object of veneration, such that musical expression of devotion is never abstract or “art-for-arts-sake.” In fact, the establishment of an image in the mind of the practitioner is for the distinct purpose of gaining a soteriological outcome. In accord with this aim, most Hindus accept the authority of the Bhagavad Gītā as a guide toward understanding the self and its relation to the afterlife, when it (BG 8.6) proclaims that the state of one’s mind at the time of death determines the outcome of the next birth: “Thinking of whatever state (of being) he at the end gives up his body, to that state being does he attain, O Son of Kuntī, being ever absorbed in the thought thereof” ([13], p. 229). As Hindus are also warned of the miseries of reincarnation, this directive provides a compelling case for the practice of meditating on the image, name, and mythical activities of a chosen deity in order to avoid the unwanted outcome. Consequently, most devotional songs include lyrics that describe a god or goddess to assist the singer and listener in visualizing the divine as Saguṇa, with form. The lyrics of these compositions, whether in Sanskrit or vernacular, are much more than mere poetry, but in fact may be understood as a kind of verbal icon. Meditation on these verbal icons enables the devotee to effectively focus his or her mind on the form and activities of the deity. And as the Rāga, which also means “attachment,” serves to more easily fix the mind on both the lyrics and the object of concentration, music plays a critical role in the mental apprehension of the deity. While images, names, and literary descriptions exist as silent objects of concentration, it is understood that Rāgas as specific melodic patterns most effectively arouse and enhance emotive states (Rasas) such as love, affection, compassion, attachment, etc., and serve to attract the mind toward the name, form, and activities of the deity. How this works is that the

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particular verbal icon that is created through singing or listening to musical compositions may be easily sustained and recalled in the mind of the musician or devotee at any time, regardless of whether he or she is in proximity to a tangible image. This is the raison d’etre of Bhakti Sangit. Thus, repeated listening and performance of these types of songs in the spirit of Bhakti greatly augment the religious satisfaction of Hindus in the present world and as a prospect of salvation in the future. The general practice of Kīrtan (“glorification of the divine”) with reference to Bhakti devotion is endorsed in the Bhagavad Gītā and the Bhāgavata Purāṇa, two very influential Vaishnava scriptures. Bhagavad Gītā 9: 13–14 contains two sequential verses that contain all three of the key terms – Bhajan Kīrtan, Bhakti: “The greatsouled, O Partha (Arjuna) who abide in the divine nature, knowing (me as) the imperishable source of all beings, worship [bhajanty] me with an undistracted mind. . . Always glorifying [kīrtayanto] me, strenuous and steadfast in vows, bowing down to me with devotion [bhaktyā], they worship me, ever-disciplined” ([15], pp. 243–244). The Bhāgavata Purāṇa (sixth to ninth century C.E.) endorses both Kīrtan and Gītā (song) as near-statutory practices in Pūjā. Kirtan and Pūjā are inextricably linked in Bhāgavata Purāṇa 11.19.20: “Eagerness to hear My deathless tale again and again and to expatiate on it; the hymning of My glories [anukīrtanam] and solicitous assistance at My worship [pūjāyam]” ([16], Vol. 2, p. 595). In Bhāgavata Purāṇa 11.11.36, song, dance, and instrumental music are mentioned as equal components of the divine service in the temple: “Reciting the story of My births and exploits; celebrating important events connected with Me; conducting festivals in My temples with congregational singing [gītā], dancing [tāṇḍava] and music [vāditra, “instruments”]” ([16], Vol. 2, p. 563). The use of vernacular as an equally effective vehicle of devotional singing was also believed to have had scriptural sanction. Bhāgavata Purāṇa 11.27.45 speaks of “ancient,” i.e., Sanskrit, hymns as well as of verses composed in vernacular or local languages: “Chanting in My praise the hymns of the ancients and the

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panegyrics of latter-day singers [prakritair], he should throw himself down on the ground like a stick, making his prostrations to Me with the words ‘Be Pleased, O Lord, to shower Thy grace on Me’” ([16], Vol. 2, p. 632). Here, the term Prakrit (“local languages”) would include Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Tamil, Telugu, etc. Encouraged by these pronouncements, various traditions of Vaishnavism, Śaivism, and Śaktism enjoyed rapid growth as they collected, produced, and embraced a growing corpus of vernacular devotional songs to be sung in classical style in temples all over India, ranging from the time of Harṣavardhana (seventh century C.E.) to Alauddin Khilji (thirteenth–fourteenth century C.E.). One of the earliest examples of vernacular hymns being placed on an equal level with the Veda is the collection of Divya Prabandham hymns of the Vaishnava saints called Ᾱḻvārs, compiled during the fifth to ninth centuries C.E. This tradition closely parallels the Śaivite corpus of Nayanār songs known as the Tevaram used in Śiva worship in many temples in the south. After the thirteenth century, the classical music tradition separated into northern Hindustani and southern Carnatic styles which then developed independently. Despite this division, however, an immense outpouring of devotional poetry proceeded from the fourteenth century that addressed nearly every deity in the Hindu pantheon, with almost every linguistic region of India represented. For example, in the South, Purandara Dāsa wrote in Kannada expressing devotion to Vishnu, Śyāma Śāstri in Telugu devoted to the Goddess Kāmākṣī, Annamāchārya in Telugu to Lord Veṅkaṭeśvara, and Tyāgarāja in Telugu to Lord Rāma. In the North, Sūr Dās wrote in Braj Bhāṣā about Krishna as Śrī Nāthjī; Tulasi Dās in Avadhi addressed Lord Rāma; Tukaram and Nāmdev in Marathi expressed devotion to Krishna as Viṭṭhala; Mira Bai in Rajasthani and Hindi addressed Krishna as Giridhar Gopāl; Vidyāpati in Maithili and Brajbuli addressed Rādhā-Krishna as well as Śiva; and Chaṇḍidās in Bengali expressed devotion to Rādhā and Krishna, Govinda Dās to Rādhā-Krishna in Brajbuli, Rāmprasād to Goddess Kālī in Bengali, and Śaṅkaradeva to Krishna in Assamese.

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Bhakti Sangit is normally performed by small groups of professional or well-trained musicians seated on the floor in proximity to a lead singer in a temple or sacred shrine. As such, it involves less audience participation than Nām-Kīrtan, which is essentially a standing event, often performed outdoors in public as walking Nām-Kīrtan or Saṁkīrtan (also called Nagar Kīrtan). Most prominent Hindu traditions have incorporated forms of Bhakti Sangit into their temple liturgies in varying degrees. Accurate knowledge of the performance practices of Bhakti Sangit, however, can only be traced back to about the fifteenth century C.E. While the names of several Rāgas are listed alongside sections of the famous twelfth-century text, Gīta Govinda of Jayadeva, their precise manner of rendering in performance is lost. However, the Rāgas that were sung as early as the sixteenth century in Vrindavan and Bengal are known to modern musicians through the continuing oral tradition that has come down to us over the centuries. These Rāgas reveal to us the range of devotional feelings and aesthetic Rasas. We now discuss some specific traditions of Bhakti Sangit, including the Kriti in South India and Haveli Sangit, Samāj Gāyan, and Padāvali Kīrtan in North India.

Kriti In South India, the Tamil songs of the sixth to seventh century Vaishnava Ᾱḻvārs and Śaivite Nayanārs provided the vernacular foundation for the development of the Kīrtana and the Kriti, the most refined Carnatic classical-devotional composition. The use of the term Kīrtan (“Kīrtana”) as a purely musical form of Bhakti devotion was perhaps first adopted by the Haridāsas in the 1300s, though there are precedents in the songs of the Lingayat sect (Śaivism). The Haridāsas were itinerant Vaishnava followers of the Dvaita school of Śrī Madhvācārya (1238–1317) who sang songs of devotion (Kīrtanas) in Kannada language that also criticized social ills and worldliness. Patronized by the rulers of the Vijayanagara Empire (1336–1646) in Karnataka, the Haridāsas almost single-handedly elevated

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devotional Kīrtan to a major phenomenon and forged the beginnings of Carnatic classical music. As innovators, they had been influenced by the linguistic structure of the Gīta Govinda. One of the most illustrious members of the Haridāsa movement, Purandara Dāsa (1480–1564), hailed as the “Father of Carnatic Music,” composed thousands of Kīrtanas in Kannada and was a major inspiration of Tyāgarāja (1759–1847), whose devotional Kritis in Telugu comprise much of the current repertoire of South Indian music. Tyāgarāja is recognized as one of a trinity of great musician-poets from Thiruvarur that included Śyāma Śāstri and Muthuswami Dikshitar, composers of songs to the goddesses Kāmākṣī and Mīnākṣī. The Kriti (from Sanskrit kri, “to create”) is a South Indian form of Bhakti Sangit that evolved out of the earlier, two-section, Kīrtanas of Purandara Dāsa. The two-section Saṅkīrtanams of the Telugu composer Annamāchārya (1424–1503) were also important precursors. The new Kriti thus had three distinct sections: pallavi (refrain), anupallavi (second verse elaboration of refrain), and caraṇam (stanzas). The creative development in the anupallavi was the addition that made the Kriti a distinct genre of Carnatic classical music. Kritis are essentially devotional but have increased their versatility as pieces performed in a wide variety of contexts. The genres of Dhrupad and Dhamār were the principal artistic vehicles for vocal music in the North. Like the ancient Dhruva, the songs heard in medieval and modern Dhrupad and Dhamār are generally composed in vernacular languages and performed according to Hindustani Rāgas and Tālas. As such, Dhrupad, Dhamār, Haveli Sangit, Samāj Gāyan, and Padāvali Kīrtan are mainly sung in non-Sanskritic dialects such as Braj Bhāshā, Brajabuli, and Bengali. Braj Bhāshā, while classed as a Middle Indo-Aryan language, is a dialect related to Apabhraṁśa Prakrit and medieval Hindi. It is also the native language of the Braj area and one of the earliest forms of Prakrit. The vernacular tradition is as old, or perhaps older, than the classical Sanskrit literature and boasts an enormous literature in diverse languages. Vernaculars are less formal with regard to

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grammar and pronunciation and have more allowance for extended vowel sounds, as was the case in the ancient Dhruva songs sung in Prakrit. All these points certainly contribute to a more vivid understanding of the strong emphasis on vernacular singing in most of the classical and Bhakti Sangit traditions. Dhrupad and Dhamar flourished in the ruling Hindu and Mughal courts, including that of Akbar the Great in the sixteenth century, yet by the eighteenth century had developed into the more fluid style of Khyāl which remains the dominant form of Hindustani classical vocal music today.

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three Vaishnava traditions centered in Braj: Rādhāvallabha, Nimbārka, and Haridāsī. Based on Dhrupad and Dhamār, it displays a singular method of “interactive” vocalization that is believed to approximate the conversational loveplay between Krishna and the Gopīs. Requiring years of study and training to perform, Samāj Gāyan is sung in call and response with accompaniment of harmonium, lute (tanpura), barrel drum (pakhāvaj), and hand cymbals (jhāñjh). The various festivals and observances throughout a liturgical year provide a framework for a vast assortment of songs and hymns. Although a compelling genre of Bhakti Sangit, Samāj Gāyan is largely unknown outside of the Braj area.

Haveli Sangit Associated with the Puṣṭi Mārga or Vallabha tradition founded by Vallabhāchārya (1479–1531 C. E.), the term Haveli Sangit (music performed in the haveli or palaces of Krishna worship) is of recent vintage (1950s). In the early literature, the songs of the Vallabha tradition are called Kīrtan and are believed to be forerunners of Hindustani music as they are close to the classical Dhrupad and Dhamār songs heard in medieval courts throughout North and Central India. The repertoire comprises songs in Braj Bhāṣā that describe the pastimes of Krishna, including especially the festival associated with Holī in the spring season and the Rāsa dance in autumn. Sūr Dās (sixteenth century C.E.), the famous blind poet and musician, was one of the “Aṣṭachāp,” or “Eight Seals,” eight poets of the Vallabha sect who collectively wrote thousands of songs. The worship of Krishna (as “Śrī Nāthjī”) in Puṣṭi Mārga includes special daily and seasonal Kīrtan songs. The daily cycle (Nitya Kīrtan) from morning to evening was divided into eight periods, with Kīrtans sung in appropriate Rāgas for the times of the day. The annual cycle (Varṣotsava Kīrtan) consists of different festivals celebrated throughout the year.

Sama¯j Ga¯yan As a unique form of classically based devotional music in northern India, Samāj Gāyan appears in

Pada¯vali Kīrtan As the founder of the Caitanya Sampradāya (Gauḍīya Sampradāya), Caitanya Mahāprabhu (1486–1534 C.E.) spent most of his ministry in public outreach among the masses by preaching Nām-Kīrtan, yet inspired hundreds of followers to compose songs and sing in the unique style of Bhakti Sangit heard in Bengal and Orissa called Padāvali Kīrtan. Originally inspired by the poets Vidyāpati (1352–1448 C.E.) and Chaṇḍidās (c. 1390–1450 C.E.), but also drawing upon Baul music, Buddhist Cāryā Gītī, and folk idioms, Padāvali Kīrtan became the most sophisticated form of devotional music in eastern India. To reach its present structure, it was adapted and modified from the slower Dhrupad and Dhamār styles of Braj by Narottam Dās (ca. 1531–1587), a follower of Caitanya who organized a large Kīrtan festival in Kheturi in what is now Bangladesh in about 1580. His original style of Padāvali Kīrtan is called Garanhati Kīrtan, named after the region. Later styles of Manoharshi and Reneti incorporated influences of Hindustani vocal forms like Khyāl, Thumri, and Tappa. Padāvali Kīrtan combines the recitation of religious narratives (kathā) with songs in various tempos and rhythms. A typical session will revolve around a theme from Rādhā-Krishna pastimes and include short improvisatory phrases called ākhar inserted into the lyrics by the singers for the

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benefit of local audiences. The normally “standing” performers include one or more vocalists, khol (double-headed clay drum) players, hand cymbal players, and sometimes a violinist or flautist.

Current Trends Hindustani classical music had already begun to drift away from the seclusion of the ruling courts by the beginning of the twentieth century and quickly developed as an independent art form that could be taught to the general public. V. D. Paluskar and V. N. Bhatkhande were pioneers in these efforts to standardize music curricula and to inaugurate all-India music conferences. D. V. Paluskar, son of the former, helped to insure the status of religious songs or Bhajans in classical concerts and as recording staples. Following him, most classical singers have in their stock of songs and “encore” a number of Bhajans, Kīrtans, Thumris, Holi songs, or Dadras. Distinct from temple Kirtans or liturgical Bhajans, solo songs on the concert stage are rendered without hand cymbals or hand-clapping and generally without audience participation. In addition, Indian films have popularized classical forms of Bhajans which are often rendered in mixed Rāgas. Indian classical music is also associated with the Indian Freedom movement. Anthems like “Vande Mātaram,” by Bankimchandra Chatterji, and “Jana Gana Mana” by Rabindranath Tagore (India’s national anthem) express devotion to “Mother India,” and famous Rām Bhajans like “Raghupati Rāghava Rāja Rām” prays for a peaceful world in which the Gods of differing religions are reconciled with Rām, including the Muslim Allāh. Made popular by the singer Pt. D. V. Paluskar, this song was a favorite of Mahatma Gandhi and was later used in the Oscar-winning film Gandhi (1982). Furthermore, the Pop Bhajan in India has achieved great commercial renown by male and female playback singers in Indian films. Film Bhajans like “Om Jaya Jagadisha Hari” (Hindi film, Purab Aur Paschim) are used by Hindus in India and the Diaspora. Nām-Kīrtan was first brought to America and Europe in a significant manner by A. C.

Music

Bhaktivedanta Swami in the mid 1960s by way of the Hare Krishna Movement (ISKCON). NāmKīrtan has also become a central feature of Yoga and Vedanta movements in the West. Hindu-style Bhajans are also widely popular among nonHindus, including Jains, Buddhists, Sikhs, Muslims, and even Christians. In conclusion, whether rendered as classical songs, Kīrtan, Bhajan, instrumental pieces, or simply as chants of divine names, Indian music is a significant component of Hindu religious practice. Ubiquitous today throughout India and the Diaspora, music helps to consolidate and maintain religious faith, cultural bonds, and moral discipline, overflowing beyond the Hindu temple and meeting hall and continuing to aspire toward goals of world peace through global venues of expression.

Cross-References ▶ Aesthetic Relishing ▶ Aum ▶ Bhakti ▶ Hare Krishna Movement ▶ Kirtan in North America ▶ Madhusūdhana Sarasvatī ▶ Mantra ▶ Nārada ▶ Pūjā ▶ Rāga ▶ Śabda ▶ Sāma Veda ▶ Sonic Theology ▶ Vāc

References 1. Beck G (2000) Religious and devotional music: northern Area. In: Arnold A (ed) Garland encyclopedia of world music. Indian subcontinent, vol 5. Garland, New York/London, pp 246–258 2. Beck G (2012) Sonic liturgy: ritual and music in Hindu tradition. University of South Carolina, Columbia 3. Beck G (ed) (2011) Vaishnava temple music in Vrindaban: the Radhavallabha songbook. Blazing Sapphire, Kirksville, with 18 CDs

Muttuma¯riyamman ¯ 4. Chakrabarty R (1996) Vaisnava kirtan in Bengal. J Vaishnava Stud 4(2):179–199 5. Danielou A (1949–1954) Northern Indian music, 2 vols. Halcyon Press, London 6. Hopkins T (1971) The Hindu religious tradition. Dickinson, Encino 7. Howard W (1977) Samavedic chant. Yale, New Haven/London 8. Jackson W (2000) Religious and devotional music: southern area. In: Arnold A (ed) Garland encyclopedia of world music. Indian subcontinent, vol 5. Garland, New York/London, pp 259–271 9. Lath M (1978) A study of Dattilam: a treatise on the sacred music of ancient India. Impex, New Delhi 10. McIntosh S (2005) Hidden faces of ancient Indian song. Ashgate, Burlington 11. Nijenhuis E (1974) Indian music: history and structure. Brill, Leiden 12. Pesch L (2009) South Indian classical music. Oxford University Press, New York 13. Radhakrishnan S (trans) (1948/1993) The bhagavad gītā. Harper Collins, New Delhi 14. Raghunathan N (trans) (1976) Srimad Bhagavatam, vols I & II. Vighnesvara, Madras/Bangalore 15. Rangacharya A (ed) (1996) 2003) Natya-sastra: English translation with critical notes. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 16. Ray S (1985) Music of eastern India: vocal music in Bengali, Oriya, Assamese and Manipuri with special emphasis on Bengali. Firma KLM, Calcutta 17. Rowell L (1992) Music and musical thought in early India. University of Chicago, Chicago 18. Rust E (1996) The music and dance of the world’s religions: a comprehensive, annotated bibliography of materials in the English language. Greenwood, Westport 19. Sanyal R, Widdess R (2004) Dhrupad: tradition and performance in Indian music. Ashgate, London

1019 20. Sarmadee S (2003) Nur-Ratnakar: a bio-bibliographical survey and techno-historical study of all available important writings in Arabic, Persian, Sanskrit and other allied languages on the subject of song, dance and drama, vol 1. ITC Sangeet Research Academy, Kolkata 21. Sharma P (2000) Indian aesthetics and musicology. Amnaya-Prakasana Bharata-Nidhi Trust, Varanasi 22. Singh T (1995) Indian music (ed: Sharma P). Sangeet Research Academy, Calcutta 23. Srivastava I (1980) Dhrupada: a study of its origin, historical development, structure, and present state. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 24. Tarlekar G (1995) Saman chants: in theory and present practice. Sri Satguru, Delhi, with audiotape 25. Thielemann S (2001) Musical traditions of Vaishnava temples in Vraja: a comparative study of Samaja and the dhrupad tradition of north Indian classical music. Sagar, New Delhi 26. Thielemann S (2000) Singing the praises divine: music in the Hindu tradition. APH, New Delhi 27. Thite G (1997) Music in the Vedas: its Magicoreligious significance. Sharada, Delhi 28. Viswanathan T, Allen M (2004) Music in south India: the Karnatak concert tradition and beyond. Oxford University Press, New York 29. Wade B (1979) Music in India: the classical tradition. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs 30. Widdess R (1995) The ragas of early Indian music: modes, melodies and musical notations from the Gupta period to c. 1250. Clarendon, Oxford

Muttuma¯riyamman ¯ ▶ Māriyammaṉ

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Na¯da-Brahman

Definition

▶ Sonic Theology

A sect of Hindu ascetics affiliated with the Dasnami sampradaya Adi Shankara, the eighth- or ninth-century Hindu ascetic and philosopher, established the Dasnami (“Ten Names”) sampradaya of Hindu monks with a parampara (teacher to student lineage) created for each name. However, over time the sampradaya came to be grouped into two main bodies, the Dandis (“staff bearers”) and Paramahansas, who do not keep the bamboo staff given to them at initiation. Otherwise, swamis of these two orders perform the same practices and cannot be distinguished in terms of their dress. Only those of the Brahmin caste may become Dandis, but members of all dvija (“twice-born”) castes may become Paramahansas. Today, however, there is another major subset of the Dasnami order in addition to these two; specifically, the Naga Babas, also called the Goswamis, and Hindus of all castes may join this order of samnyasins. Tradition holds that the Nagas were established by Swami Madhusudana Saraswati of Bengal in the sixteenth century as an order of warrior renunciates to fight back against the military aggression and religious oppression of the Muslims. Today, these monks still sometimes practice wrestling and other martial arts, but they must also focus on the general practices of the Dasnami orders, including celibacy, meditation, and ethical behavior based on the yamas and niyamas. Each

Na¯da-Yoga ▶ Sonic Theology

Naga Babas ▶ Naga Samnyasins

Na¯ga Sa¯dhus ▶ Daśanāmī Order

Naga Samnyasins Dana Sawyer Religion and Philosophy, Maine College of Art, Portland, ME, USA

Synonyms Goswamis; Naga Babas

© Springer Nature B.V. 2022 J. D. Long et al. (eds.), Hinduism and Tribal Religions, Encyclopedia of Indian Religions, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1188-1

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Naga Baba is associated with an initiating guru and, through him, a specific akhara or monastery, with the Juna and Niranjani akharas primary today. In terms of the “Ten Names” established by Shankara, Giri is the most common among the Nagas. In terms of dress and appearance, Naga Babas are generally naked except for a loincloth tied at their waist, and they keep their hair long, usually piled on their heads in long jata or dreadlocks. They sometimes smear their bodies with ashes from the cremation grounds while also marking their foreheads and upper arms with three vertical streaks signifying their association with Lord Shiva, also called Yogiraj, “Lord of Yogis.” Because of the respect afforded to the Nagas as protectors of the faith, they are the first bathers allowed to enter the Ganges during the renowned Kumbh Mela festivals that happen every 3 years, as well as the MahaKumbha Mela that happens at Allahabad every 12 years; however, which akhara should enter first is still a bone of contention and violence among Nagas has broken out at several Melas in the past 50 years.

Cross-References ▶ Kumbha Mela ▶ Naga Samnyasins

References 1. Sarkar SJ (1946) A history of Dasnami Naga Samnyasis. Mahanirvani, Allahabad 2. Sadananda Giri S (1976) Society and Samnyasin, a history of the Dasnami Samnyasins. Kriyayoga Ashrama, Rishikesh

Nagara¯ja ▶ Himālaya

Nagara¯ja

Naicker, E.V. Ramasamy (“Periyar”) Sanil M. Neelakandan School of Legal Studies, SRM University, Sonepat, Haryana, India

E.V. Ramasamy Naicker is renowned as one the leading figures in the anti-caste struggle in Tamil Nadu in particular and India in general. He is popularly known as “Periyar.” His era of anticaste struggle is considered as an epoch-shattering moment in the Indian history. Periyar was born at Erode, Tamil Nadu, in the year 1879. Being a middle-class family member, he left his formal education and became part of the family business. His rational approach made him to leave mendicancy ([2], p. 27). Periyar was skeptical about the practices within Hinduism. His critical approach toward religion leads to his affinity toward the issues surrounding polity. He joined Congress in a period that was marked by anti-caste/nonBrahmin struggles. Periyar’s entry into Congress can be seen as a departure in the case of social composition of Congress in which majority were Brahmins. As a non-Brahmin leader, Periyar became powerful with the party. His critique to Congress was that it is Brahmanical in nature. Periyar abhorred the discrimination on the basis of caste as detrimental to the Congress party. As part of his dissent to the Brahmanical Congress party, Periyar founded the “Self-Respect Movement” in the year 1925 ([2], p. 27). One of his much celebrated mottos was “No God, no Gandhi, no Brahmin, no Religion.” In fact, Periyar is one of the foremost, organic intellectuals in Tamil Nadu who subverted the whims and fancies of castebased polity in Tamil Nadu. He was instrumental in the formation of the political group Dravida Kazhagam in the year 1944. Atheism was central to Periyar’s ideology and political practices. Periyar passed away in the year 1973. He was highly influenced by the thoughts of American freethinkers such as R.G. Ingersoll. Unlike the

Naicker, E.V. Ramasamy (“Periyar”)

conventional leaders who politicize religion, Periyar believed that rationalism is an essential ideology for the growth of matured polity. Periyar considered rationalist as essential for the mental and political emancipation of the people in Tamil Nadu. One of the salient features of Periyar’s ideology is that he believed in the interlinkages between science, rationality, and politics. He imagined the idea of nationhood as linked to selfrespect. Rationality, for Periyar, thus contributes to the Tamil nationhood and quintessential selfrespect ([7], pp. 2282–87). While discussing on the inevitable ideal like “rationality,” Periyar emphasized on the significance of evidence. Periyar denounced the religion as the root cause of the evils that plague the Indian society. It is analyzed that Periyar provided materialistic interpretation to history through creating radical critique to religion. He argued that one of the primary mistakes that human beings did is that “the elites” strengthened the societal ideology by rationalizing “religion with the notion of god” ([2], p. 27). In other words, elites had vested interests in structuring the ideology of religion and the construction of god as an inevitable figure in that process. Such perspective thus proliferated the spaces for obscurantism and related social evils. Thus, it led to the subversion of knowledge. Periyar theorized science as a discourse that replaced the god and foregrounded the grand notion of causality ([2], p. 27). He focused on necessity of the scientific knowledge and argued that scientific approach to life will be gradually turned into the progress of the nation. It is observed that elites therefore maintained their hierarchy over the majority of people through becoming high priests of religion and ardent critics of rationality. Such blind faith in religion challenges the equality in Indian society. Dependency on such forms of orthodox cultures, according to Periyar, resulted in the dehumanization. As mentioned earlier, Periyar generated historical revisionism as essential to defend his idea of Tamil nationhood. He deployed his “Aryan Invasion theory” as a caustic challenge to the hegemony of Brahmanical polity. It led to the oppression of Shudras. Periyar thus explained how the ideology of oppression was circulated in the

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form of religion. Brahmins and Saivites were compared and analyzed as two hegemonic groups that legitimized the subordination of the certain castes. Thus, they were pushed into the margins of the hierarchical, caste-based social stratification. It is analyzed that Tamil nationalism attempts to recover the dignity of the oppressed sections from the oppressive, caste-based past. Periyar therefore was critical to the “oppressive” and “Brahmanical” past ([2], p. 29). It is further analyzed and was rationalized and historical approach thus was used by Periyar to provide agency to the oppressed sections. Periyar also studied on the contribution of diverse languages to human civilization. Periyar was also conscious of the ways in which the elites from the dominant castes manipulate education to defend their hegemony in the society. While critiquing the Brahmin dominance, Periyar also raised penchant criticism to the role of non-Brahmins in perpetuating the caste system. For instance, Periyar shared his distrust toward the caste-based atrocities that were unleashed on the most marginalized sections such as Dalits ([4], pp. 129–136) Periyar believed in circulating his rationalist ideas through the democratic circulation of his writings [6]. It is analyzed that Periyar questioned Gandhi’s political and religious appropriation of the nationalism. It is further argued that Periyar’s idea of nationalism is antithetical to “pious nationalism” ([3], p. 163). Ideology of Periyar also influenced the women because his ideology addressed the ways in which religion, caste, and gender determine the oppressed status of women in highly caste-based patriarchal society ([5], pp. 9–15). Broadly, it is analyzed that Periyar foregrounded the idea of modernity via the point of view of the subordinated people ([1], pp. 1–72).

References 1. Aloysius G (2016) Periyar on category-wise rights. Critical Quest, New Delhi 2. Babu D, Senthil (2010) Science and self respect: Periyar on modern science. Econ Polit Wkly XLV(14):27–31 3. Geetha V (2001) Who is the third that walks behind you: Dalit critique of modernity. Econ Polit Wkly:163– 164

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1024 4. Geetha V, Rajadurai SV (1993) Neo-Brahmanism: an intentional fallacy. Econ Polit Wkly 28:129–136 5. Geetha V (1998) Periyar, women and ethic of citizenship. Econ Polit Wkly 33(17):9–15 6. EPW editorial (2008) Monopolising Periyar. Econ Polit Wkly 43(29):7 7. Pandian, MSSS (1993) Denationalising the past: ‘Nation’ in E.V. Ramasamy’s political discourse. Econ Polit Wkly 28(42):2282–2287

Nakula ▶ Kālāmukha

Nakula

(sixth-tenth c.) known as the Āḻvārs, which later became the canonical text of the Śrīvaiṣṇavas.

Introduction The Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (NTP) [1] is composed of the poetry written by twelve Āḻvārs (literally, “those who are immersed [in bhakti]” or aḷvārs, “those who rule”). The different works were gathered, classified, named, and canonized probably around the tenth c. The NTP is the product of many literary and religious influences and has had an important impact on the people and culture of South India to this date.

Nakuliśa ▶ Lākulῑśa

Na¯la¯yira Tivviya Pirapantam ▶ Nālāyirativiyappirapantam (Nālāyiradivyaprabandham)

Na¯la¯yirativiyappirapantam (Na¯la¯yiradivyaprabandham) Suganya Anandakichenin NETamil Project, École française d’ExtrêmeOrient, Pondicherry, India

Synonyms Divya Prabandham; Nālāyira Tivviya Pirapantam.

Definition Literally meaning “The four thousand divine compositions,” this corpus is an anthology of poetic works of Tamil Vaiṣṇava saint-poets

The Contents and Classification of the NTP The northern (vaṭakalai) and the southern (teṉkalai) schools of Śrīvaiṣṇavism arrange the works in a slightly different pattern, which is not of much importance here. It is worth noting that the second and fourth “thousands” of the NTP solely include the lengthy corpora of Tirumaṅkai and Nammāḻvār, respectively, while the third is assigned to the iyaṟpā verses (which are meant to be recited, as opposed to the icaippā verses, which are meant to be sung) by various poets and the first thousand contains the remaining, relatively shorter compositions. In some editions, the contents of the third and fourth thousands are interchanged. The Periya Tirumaṭal and the Ciṟiya Tirumaṭal are counted differently by the two Śrīvaiṣṇava schools, and one of them includes the Irāmānuca nūṟṟāntāti, attributed to one of Rāmānuja’s disciples (eleventh-twelfth c.) in his praise, in the NTP, which brings the total to 4000 verses (Table 1). The verses of the NTP were composed over about four centuries by twelve poets from across the Tamil-speaking land. The volume and the number of stanzas, styles, themes, choice of deities, and associated myths differ from one work to another and at times even within the corpus ascribed to a single poet. For instance, although

Na¯la¯yirativiyappirapantam (Na¯la¯yiradivyaprabandham)

both the first four Āḻvārs and Nammāḻvār show a tendency to prefer the antāti style, in which the term that concludes a verse begins the next, the former composed a collection of independent stanzas, while the latter divided his work, the Tiruvāymoḻi, which is ten times longer, into decades of roughly ten verses each. Furthermore, the later Āḻvārs, e.g., Kulaśekhara, Nammāḻvār, and Tirumaṅkai, typically (but not systematically) include a signature verse to conclude a decade, whereas the earlier ones do not.

The Anthologization and Canonization of the NTP The anthologization of the NTP, which probably coincided with the naming of its different works, is

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traditionally believed to have been undertaken by Nāthamuni ([2]), a tenth c. Acharya. Knowledge about this process is mostly obtained from traditional Śrīvaiṣṇava medieval sources, e.g., the twelfth c. Divyasūricaritam (the first major hagiographic work, by Garuḍavāhana Paṇḍita in Sanskrit) or the 13th c. (?) Guruparamparāprabhāvam (a Tamil Maṇipravāḷa work by Piṉpaḻakiya Perumāḷ Jīyar that expands on the Divyasūricaritam). These are largely unreliable sources. However, in the absence of concrete information, they at least give us an idea about what was thought of the events described and of the lives of the Āḻvārs at the time they were written. If the stories were transmitted orally till they were committed to writing, their core could hint at true events, at least to an extent, although that is not verifiable either. The following account of the

Na¯la¯yirativiyappirapantam (Na¯la¯yiradivyaprabandham), Table 1 The different works of the NTP with the number of verses Location in the NTP First thousand

Second thousand

Third thousand

Fourth thousand Appendix

Work(s) Periyāḻvār Tirumoḻi Tiruppāvai Nācciyār Tirumoḻi Perumāḷ Tirumoḻi Tirucantaviruttam Tirumālai Tirupaḷḷiyeḻucci Amalaṉātipirāṉ kaṇṇi nuṇ ciṟu tāṃpu Periya Tirumoḻi Tirukkuṟuntāṇṭakam Tiruneṭuntāṇṭakam Mutal Tiruvantāti Iraṇṭām Tiruvantāti Mūṉṟām Tiruvantāti Nāṉmukaṉ Tiruvantāti Tiruviruttam Tiruvāciriyam Periya Tiruvantāti Tiruveḻukūṟṟirukkai Ciriya Tirumaṭal Periya Tirumaṭal Tiruvāymoḻi Irāmānuca Nūṟṟāntāti

Number of verses 473 30 143 105 120 45 10 10 11 1084 20 30 100 100 100 96 100 7 87 1 40 77 ½ 78 148 ½ 1102 1102 108 – ¼4000 ¼4000 vaṭakalai teṉkalai

Author(s) Periyāḻvār Āṇṭāḷ Āṇṭāḷ Kulaśekhara Āḻvār Tirumaḻicai Āḻvār Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi Āḻvār Toṇṭaraṭippoṭi Āḻvār Tiruppāṇāḻvār Madhurakavi Āḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Poykaiyāḻvār Pūtattāḻvār Pēyāḻvār Tirumaḻicai Āḻvār Nammāḻvār Nammāḻvār Nammāḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Tirumaṅkai Āḻvār Nammāḻvār Tiruvaraṅkattu Amutaṉār

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recovery of the NTP is found in the Guruparamparāprabhāvam. In a chapter entitled “Śrīmannāthamuṉikaḷ vaibhavam” (“the glory of the illustrious Nāthamuni”), [3] the story of the recovery and anthologization of the NTP is narrated thus: Nāthamuni, a priest from the Vīranārāyaṇapuram temple, hears some visiting devotees sing a decade of Tamil verses that praise Nārāyaṇa, with the last one (i.e., the signature verse) indicating the name of the composer (including the town he was from, in this case “Kurukūr Caṭakōpaṉ,” the latter being the name that Nammāḻvār gives himself) as well as the number of verses of his whole work (ōr āyirattuḷ i-ppattum –“all these ten [verses] among one thousand”). Upon being asked by him, the singers informs him that their knowledge was limited to those ten verses (which correspond to Tiruvāymoḻi 5.8). Therefore, Nāthamuni travels to Kurukūr, believed to be the poet Nammāḻvār’s birthplace, where he meets Parāṅkuśadāsa, a disciple of Nammāḻvār’s disciple Madhurakavi Āḻvār. Parāṅkuśadāsa teaches him the only decade that he knew, which his own Acharya had composed glorifying Nammāḻvār, called kaṇṇi nuṇ ciṟu tāmpu (“the short, fine, knotty, cord”). Nāthamuni then recites it 12,000 times. As a result, Nammāḻvār appears to him and blesses him with knowledge of the Tiruvāymoḻi and the remaining 3000 sacred verses, among other things. Nāthamuni returns to Vīranārāyaṇapuram and sets all the verses to tune. Aided by the local ruler, as well as some of his own family members, he proceeds to establish and propagate the NTP. It is possible that, if we remove supernatural elements and give some margin for alteration or even exaggeration, Nāthamuni gathered works that had almost gone extinct from oral traditions.

Influences on the NTP The poetry of the Āḻvārs is a product of diverse, older literary antecedents, from a large geographic and linguistic area: [4] (1) classical

Na¯la¯yirativiyappirapantam (Na¯la¯yiradivyaprabandham)

Tamil literature provided the NTP with a framework and ideas and, most importantly, its highly emotional content; (2) the Sanskrit mythologies, e.g., the Rāmāyaṇa, the Harivaṃśa, and the Viṣṇu Purāṇa, nourished it by supplying it with gods and myths; and (3) religious and theological works composed in Tamil and non-Tamil languages alike may have had an influence as well, e.g., the Tamil Śaiva Nāyaṉmārs’ Tēvāram, Jain scriptures such as the Aṃtagaḍadasāo, or even some pāñcarātra or vaikhānasa scriptures.

The NTP and the Divyadeśams The NTP in turn was influential in the literary, iconographic, and religious spheres in later generations. The NTP has further provided Śrīvaiṣṇavas of the past and present with a route map for pilgrimage. Nārāyaṇa is the Āḻvārs’ God, and He abides in multiple forms and locations, e.g., in the milk ocean, on a banyan leaf, as Rāma, Kṛṣṇa, and the other incarnations, in the devotee’s heart, and, notably, in the temple. The Āḻvārs mention 108 temples, in total. Some of them may have been popular in their own time (e.g., Śrīraṅgam, Veṅkaṭa), and others may have been sung into existence or gained renown (e.g., Vittuvakkōṭu) as a result of their songs. During the medieval period, the locations mentioned in the NTP came to be known as “the sites that [He] graciously rejoiced in” (ukantaruḷina deśam). The list of 108, called divyadeśams (or “sacred places”), includes 40 from the Cōḻa land (the Kāveri delta), 2 from what is known as the “middle region,” (the modern-day Villupuram-Cuddalore districts), 22 from the Toṇṭai region (roughly the erstwhile Pallava land), 11 from the “northern” land (which includes everything outside the Tamil land, from Veṅkaṭa to Muktināth in Nepal), 13 from the “mountain land,” (corresponding to modern-day Kerala), 18 from the Pāṇḍya country (present-day Madurai region and further south), and 2 that are extraterrestrial (i.e., the milk ocean and Vaikuṇṭha, Viṣṇu’s heavenly abode).

Nambudiri

Finding the transcendent Lord inside the temple is something that characterizes the poetry of both the Āḻvārs and the Nāyaṉmārs. Even today, their relevance has not diminished, as trips to these places are popular among the devotees.

The Transmission of the NTP The transmission of the NTP from the medieval period onward has been accomplished both in the temple and outside of it. Probably as early as Nāthamuni’s time, or slightly after, recitations were instituted in some Viṣṇu temples, since the Āḻvārs’ works, especially Nammāḻvār’s Tiruvāymoḻi, came to be considered as the drāviḍa-veda (“Tamil Veda”). The practice of reciting the NTP in these sacred places is still very much part of temple ritual. Some temples like Śrīraṅgam even have araiyars (special Vaiṣṇava priests whose duty is to sing parts of the NTP along with mimes that explain the verses) perform on special occasions [5]. The post-Rāmānuja Acharyas also wrote commentaries on the NTP. The first was Tirukkurukai Pirāṉ Piḷḷāṉ (ca. twelfth c.), who commented upon the Tiruvāymoḻi. Another noteworthy Acharya in this respect was Periyavāccāṉ Piḷḷai (thirteenth c.), who commented upon the whole of the NTP. These have in turn been studied and transmitted till today through traditional discourses and lectures. The tradition of writing commentaries on the NTP is still prevalent (e.g., Prativādi Bhayaṅkaram Aṇṇaṅkarācārya and Uttamūr Vīrarāghavācārya published accessible commentaries on the whole corpus in the twentieth c.). With traditional families ensuring their children are orally trained to recite the NTP and with women getting organized in groups to learn and recite it, a systematic transmission of the NTP is made possible [6]. Moreover, classical dancers and singers, especially the Bharatanāṭyam dancers and the proponents of Carnatic music, include verses from the NTP in their repertoire, as do cinematographic films, although to a lesser extent, thus giving the NTP a presence in popular culture as well.

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Cross-References ▶ Āḻvār ▶ Āṇṭāḷ ▶ Maṇipravāḷa ▶ Nammāḻvār ▶ Nāyaṉmār ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śrīraṅgam ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇava

References 1. Srivatsan (ed) (2005) Nālāyirattiviyappirapantam. The Little Flower Company (LIFCO), Chennai 2. Narayanan V (1994) The Vernacular Veda: revelation, recitation, and ritual. The University of South Carolina Press, Columbia 3. Piṉpaḷakiya PerumĀḷ Jīyar (1975 [1927]). In: Kiruṣṇasvāmi Aiyaṅkār (ed) Āṟāyirappaṭi Guruparamparāprabhāvam. Cē. Kiruṣṇamācāriar patippu, Triplicane 4. Hardy F (2001 [1983]) Viraha-Bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 5. Carman J, Narayanan V (1989) The Tamil Veda: Piḷḷāṉ’s interpretation of the Tiruvāymoḻi. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 6. Narayanan V (1987) The way and the goal: expressions of devotion in the early Śrī Vaiṣṇava community. Institute for Vaishnava Studies/Center for the Study of World Religions (Harvard University), Washington/ Cambridge, MA

Na¯m Japa ▶ Rāma

Nambudiri Sanil M. Neelakandan School of Legal Studies, SRM University, Sonepat, Haryana, India

The term “Namboothiri” derives from two words such as “nambukka” (trust) and “thiri” (divine).

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Namboothiris are the Brahmins in Kerala. It is also argued that it is derived from words such as “nam” (knowledge) and “purikka” (provide). In other words, Namboothiris are considered as someone who is immersed in scholastic pursuits ([4], p. 31). Therefore, they were the spiritual guides to kings. They were considered as one who specialized in spiritual laws, medicines, and so on. Learning Vedic incantation was called as Othu Padikkal. The initiation ceremony is called as Upanayana. It is believed that Avatara of Vishnu, Parasuraman, brought Brahmins to Kerala. This myth is hailed as the origin of kerala or “keralolpathi” ([4], p. 20). Parasumaran murdered his mother, and as a means to come out of the guilt created by sin, he started giving land as the gift to Brahmins. Based on this myth, Namboothiris started claiming land as their birthright. At the same time, this myth is criticized as one that created to establish the dominance of Brahmins. It is argued that this particular myth created a Brahmanic dimension to Kerala society. It is also analyzed that Namboothiris as a caste community migrated from the states that exist beside Kerala. Namboothiris are considered as the Aryans who came to Kerala. They became powerful because they were supported by the royal families in Kerala. It is also observed that Namboothiris are totally different from Brahmins from other states in India. The traditional houses of Namboothiris are called as “Illams.” Brahmins also had the power related to land and temple. Two types of land such as “Devaswam” and “Brahmaswam” structured their power in the caste-based society in Kerala. Devaswam refers to a property that comes under the control of temple ([4], p. 24). Brahmaswam means the land that comes under the power of Brahmins. They worked in the temples, and they were given land as the reward for their service. They were able to convince their superiority through their caste ideology. They thus indoctrinated other castes to work for the welfare of Brahmins. They were well versed in Vedas and scriptures. Still, Brahmins possess the charisma in Kerala due to their symbolic, intellectual powers, even though they were poor and had to depend on temples for their daily food [3]. They enjoyed the highest position in the hierarchical

Nambudiri

caste structure. Chastity was central to patriarchal Namboothiri households. Therefore, women from the caste Namboothiris were under complete surveillance of the Namboothiri men. For instance, widows among Namboothiris were not allowed to remarry ([4], p. 50). On the other hand, Namboothiri men can marry outside their caste. Paradoxically, men were allowed to indulge in polygamy. Elder Namboothiris were called as “moosaths” and younger as “aphans” ([4], p. 34). Elder can marry more than one Brahmin women. Younger Brahmin male had anarchic sexual life that they had even transcended the caste boundaries ([1], p. 48). However, the Madras Namboothiri Act of 1933 changed the practices of inheritance among Brahmins, and younger male in the Namboothiri family were able to marry within the caste, and children born of such marriages also secured the right to inherit ancestral property. Marriage between Namboothiri men and Nair women was justified through a marriage practice that is customary in nature. It was called as “sambandham” ([4], p. 32). It operated within the sphere of matrilineal households. However, social reformers among the Namboothiri caste vehemently attacked such primitive practices. Women were culturally attuned to have servile relationship with the husband. Wives should eat only after husband finished their meals and so on. Sexuality of women is judged through trial called smarthavicharam especially in the case of adultery ([4], p. 39). Namboothiri woman writers such as Chennikara Parvathy Antharjan exposed the age-old and misogynist practices that were prevalent among Namboothiris. During the period of puberty, women had to confine within the inner space of the home. One of the renowned Malayalam novelists C.V. Raman Pillai has provided vivid portrayal about the moral decadence that happened among the Namboothiris. Liberals among Namboothiris such as V.T. Bhattathiripad, M.P. Bhattathiripad (Premji), and so on argued that the community should embrace modern values and eradicate the decayed values and orthodoxy that have engrossed the community. Writers such as Lalithambika Antharjanam from Namboothiri caste questioned the Brahmanic patriarchy that oppressed Brahmin

Namma¯lva¯r ¯

women. For instance, she was one among the bold Namboothiri female, social reformers who stopped using the symbols of communitarianpatriarchal imposition of umbrella and protective veil on women ([4], p. 33). Male reformers among Namboothiris such as M.K. Bhattathiripad criticized the patriarchal system that does not allow Namboothiri women to come out of the inner space of home through his play “Ritumati.” Namboothiris worship snakes, and they own kavus or sacred groves which are serpentworshipping shrines. They deploy mantra and tantra in Vedic style in their sacred groves once in a year. Eldest among the Namboothiri women light the lamp in the sacred grove on a daily basis. Namboothiris are also knowledgeable in science of architecture. Soon after the initiation ceremony, Namboothiri boys are introduced to Vedic education which is essential for the priestly duties in the temple ([2], pp. 455–462). Brahmins such as Kanippayyur Shankaran Namboodiripad demonstrated their calibre in lexicography through producing Sanskrit-Malayalam dictionary. E.M.S. Namboodiripad vehemently criticized the age-old practices among Namboothiris and theorized communism as a means to liberate the communities from class-based oppression. His work “Keralam Malayalikalude Mathrubhumi” succinctly analyzed the nature of social churning that happened across communities ([4], p. 29). Similarly, Kattumadam Narayanan, a leading Marxists from Namboothiri caste, transformed himself into a religious Hindu. One of the significant societal changes that affected the privilege of Namboothiri was that of the land reforms ([1], p. 164). It took away their caste and land-based power in Kerala. The reform movement that emerged among Namboothiris was called as Yogakshema Sabha. It created the major impact in the social and political development among Namboothiris. However, the protean nature of pan-Indian Brahmin community got reflected in the Namboothiris as well. In other words, Namboothiris realized that tradition can become an impediment in their social mobility. They accepted the modern stream that was inherent in the ideology/practice of colonialism. For example, Namboothiris deployed English education as

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a tool to accelerate their social mobility. Namboothiris have successfully used print and virtual media to construct their intellectual image. Thus, they maintain their power and knowledge in a disciplined manner. They have also transcended the traditional caste boundaries and entered into business. At the same time, Namboothiris are critical of the Government of Kerala’s move to appoint scheduled castes as priests in the temple. Namboothiris are visible in the social, political, and cultural realm in Kerala.

References 1. Kurup KKN (1998) Modern Kerala: studies in social and agrarian relations. Mittal Publications, Delhi 2. Murugan K, Ramachandran VS, Swarupanandan K, Remesh M (2008) Socio-cultural perspectives to the sacred groves and serpentine worship in Palakkad district. Indian J Tradit Knowl 7(3):455–462 3. Staal F (1996) Rituals and mantras: rules without meaning. Motilal Banarasidaas, Delhi 4. Swarna Kumari ES (2001) Social changes in Malabar with special reference to two traditional. Communities: 1881–1933. Unpublished PhD thesis submitted at University of Calicut, Kerala

Further Reading 1. Menon AS (2008) The legacy of Kerala. DC Books, Kottayam

Name at Birth ▶ Caitanya (Chaitanya)

Namma¯lva¯r ¯ Suganya Anandakichenin NETamil Project, École française d’ExtrêmeOrient, Pondicherry, India

Synonyms Caṭakōpaṉ; Māṟaṉ; Parāṅkuśaṉ; Śaṭhakopa

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Namma¯lva¯r ¯

Namma¯lva¯r, Table 1 Nammāḻvār’s works and the num¯ ber of verses Name of the work Tiruviruttam Tiruvāciriyam Periya Tiruvantāti Tiruvāymoḻi Total

Number of verses 100 7 87 1102 1296

Definition Nammāḻvār (literally, ‘our Āḻvār’) is one of the twelve Āḻvārs, Tamil Vaiṣṇava saint-poets, who lived between the sixth and ninth centuries. He is the author of Tiruvāymoḻi, revered as the Tamil Vedas by the Śrīvaiṣṇavas, as well as Tiruviruttam, Tiruvāciriyam, and Periya Tiruvantāti, which are all part of the Śrīvaiṣṇava canon, the Nālāyirativviyappirapantam (Table 1).

Namma¯lva¯r, His Name, His Identity ¯ Definite information about Nammāḻvār is scarce, which is the case with most, if not all, of his counterparts. What little is known about him derives from his own words, from hagiographic texts, and from the works of modern scholars, who have used both these and other sources to identify him. In His Own Words Although he has composed over a thousand verses and has included signature poems at the end of all the decades of his Tiruvāymoḻi (i.e., there are more than a hundred of them), the information that this Āḻvār gives about himself is meager. He usually signs off as Kurukūr Caṭakōpaṉ (“Caṭakōpaṉ of Kurukūr”), Māṟaṉ (“Māṟaṉ”), Caṭakōpaṉ Māṟaṉ, or Kāri Māṟaṉ Caṭakōpaṉ (“Caṭakōpaṉ, Māṟaṉ [son of?] Kāri”). He claims that he belongs to the Vaḻuti land (vaḻuti vaḷa nāṭaṉ – “he from the fertile land of Vaḻuti”), Vaḻuti being another name for “Pāṇḍya.” His father’s name may have been Kāri, and he himself was called Māṟaṉ and

Caṭakōpaṉ. The appellation “Nammāḻvār” was only given to him later, probably by the medieval Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas. In Hagiography When the poet says so little about himself, we must often resort to hagiography, but this has to be done cautiously for many reasons: the Śrīvaiṣṇava hagiographers themselves lived a few centuries after the Āḻvār; there is no evidence that there was any written text that served as their source; and even if there was one, its authenticity cannot be checked. Moreover, the Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas had their own agenda, which was, among other things, to establish the Nālāyirativviyappirapantam and especially its kernel, i.e., Nammāḻvār’s Tiruvāymoḻi, as the drāviḍa-veda (“the Dravidian/Tamil Veda”), which in their eyes had as much importance as the Sanskrit Vedas, which necessitated them to project its composer in a certain light. Having said that, it is possible that the core of some stories found in hagiographic texts may have some elements of truth, if their sources lie in oral traditions. As for Nammāḻvār, the Guruparamparāprabhāvam, a thirteenth century (?) hagiographic text in Tamil-Sanskrit Maṇipravāḷa, narrates his story in the following way: Caṭakōpaṉ was born to Kāri and Uṭaiya Naṅkai in the landowning Veḷḷāla community in Kurukūr (modern-day Āḻvār Tirunakari, in the Tuticorin district). At birth, he refused nourishment, and when his parents took him to the Viṣṇu temple in their village, he stayed back under a tamarind tree. He remained there in silent meditation till his sixteenth year, when he was met by Madhurakavi. The latter, an older Brahmin man who was travelling in the northern parts of the subcontinent, spotted a great light and followed it south, where he found it emanating from Caṭakōpaṉ seated under the tamarind tree. Realizing Nammāḻvār’s greatness as he finally opened his mouth to answer a question posed by Madhurakavi, the latter became his disciple. And as the deities of the different Viṣṇu temples appeared in front of

Namma¯lva¯r ¯

him one after the other, an inspired Nammāḻvār sang about them and thereby composed all his works over the next few years. He died when he was thirty-five. There is very little in this story that can be taken as historical fact. The Historical Namma¯lva¯r ¯ Since he calls himself vaḻuti vaḷa nāṭaṉ, and since a lexicalised vaḷanāṭu is an administrative term that refers to the sector above the village level, it is possible that Nammāḻvār was a provincial officer. He could have been of noble birth, [1] as he calls himself Māṟaṉ, a title that the Pāṇḍya kings bore, and which only their subordinates could have adopted [2]. Taking into account the content of his work, e.g., how emotionalism is more developed in his corpus than in the early Āḻvārs’ or in the pre-bhakti text, the Paripāṭal, and how he mentions many more temples than his antecedents – which would point toward an expansion of the Viṣṇu cult over time and space –, he may have lived around the ninth century. Moreover, the Tiruvāymoḻi mentions two locations, Varakuṇamaṅkai and Cirivaramaṅkai, both of which were probably either founded or renamed by ninth century Pāṇḍya kings Varaguṇaṉ I and Śrīmāṟa Śrīvallabhaṉ respectively, according to epigraphic evidence. Therefore, Nammāḻvār may have lived when or after those places came to be called thus [3]. A few eleventh century inscriptions found in Śrīraṅgam and elsewhere show that provisions were made so that the Tiruvāymoḻi would be recited in certain temples. So the tenth century represents the terminus ante quem for the dating of Nammāḻvār.

Namma¯lva¯r’s Works and Their Content ¯ The following themes find mention in Nammāḻvār’s corpus [4]: his search for the Lord who has disappeared and alternately, his union with Him; his romantic love for Him, as he imagines himself to be a woman madly in

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love; the depiction of sacred places in which Viṣṇu has taken abode; the description of the Lord in His various forms and places; different types of worship; and devotees and nondevotees. The Āḻvārs are in general known for the depth of emotions, which defines their poetry, and which they inherited from classical Tamil poetry, also known as Caṅkam poetry. And this is what Nammāḻvār stands out for, probably more so than most of the other Āḻvārs, except for the poetess Āṇṭāḷ. Many of his verses are reminiscent of their Tamil literary ancestor, as they are often peopled by a heroine who is pining for the absent hero – and this love involves longing, sulking, and undergoing physical changes, like becoming pale or emaciated, her mother who is distraught at seeing her thus, and the elusive hero, who, in the case of Nammāḻvār’s poetry, is God Himself. In fact, Nammāḻvār himself takes turns and becomes the voices of both types of women and expresses the pangs of love, separation, and union alternately.

Literature on Namma¯lva¯r ¯ The Tiruvāymoḻi was deemed to be so important by the Śrīvaiṣṇava acharyas (from the twelfth century onwards) that they gave it the status of Tamil Vedas, and made efforts not only to ensure the transmission of the text to the following generations but also to record the interpretations of the inner meanings of the verses as the early acharyas understood them. Thus, the first ever Śrīvaiṣṇava commentary in Tamil-Sanskrit Maṇipravāḷa was born around the twelfth century, and more of them were to follow. The longest and the most important one is known as the īṭu, (Table 2). The Tiruvāymoḻi is a source of inspiration for many essential concepts that define Śrīvaiṣṇavism, as it provides them with apt illustrations, e.g., unconditional love for or complete surrender to God. Therefore, Nammāḻvār is known as the prapanna-jana-kūṭastha (“the

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Nara Na¯ra¯yana ˙

Namma¯lva¯r, Table 2 Important commentaries on the Tiruvāymoḻi, along with the approximate dates of composition ¯ and the names of the authors Commentary Āṟāyirappaṭi Oṉpatiṉāyirappaṭi Muppattāṟāyirappaṭi (also known as the īṭu) Irupattiṉālāyirappaṭi

Date Twelfth century Thirteenth century Thirteenth–fourteenth centuries

Commentator Tirukkurukai Pirāṉ Piḷḷāṉ Nañcīyar/Nampiḷḷai Vaṭakkutiruvītipiḷḷai/Nampiḷḷai

Thirteenth century

Periyavāccāṉ Piḷḷai

Paṉṉīrāyirappaṭi

Thirteenth–fourteenth centuries

Vātikesari Aḻakiya Maṇavāḷa Cīyar

chief among the people who have sought refuge [in Him]”).

The Lasting Importance of Namma¯lva¯r ¯ The Śrīvaiṣṇavas continue not just to recite Nammāḻvār’s poems but also to revere him as the first human in the lineage of acharyas, which begins with Nārāyaṇa Himself. Many Śrīvaiṣṇava temples have allotted a shrine for him, which his icon may or may not share with those of other Āḻvārs, and in some specific temples, he gets a fair share of rituals and festivals dedicated to him. For example, every year on the day believed to be his birthday (i.e., the viśākham asterism of the Tamil month of Vaikāci), in Āḻvār Tirunakari (Kurukūr), his icon receives the visit of nine processional icons of Viṣṇu from the neighboring temples, known as the navatirupati. An example that shows that his Tiruvāymoḻi is given as much importance as its author is the conducting of the adhyayana utsavam (“festival of recitation”) in Śrīraṅgam, which takes place in the Tamil month of Mārkaḻi (mid-December–mid-January). This festival, during which both the Sanskrit and the Tamil Vedas are recited for twenty-one days, is composed of two parts: the pakal pattu (“ten days”), during which non-Tiruvāymoḻi verses are recited, and the rā pattu (“ten nights,” also known as the Tiruvāymoḻi-t-tiru-nāḷ [“the sacred days of the

Length of the commentary 6,000-unit commentary 9,000-unit commentary 36,000-unit commentary 24,000-unit commentary 12,000-unit commentary

Tiruvāymoḻi”]), which is exclusively reserved for the recital of Nammāḻvār’s magnum opus [5].

Cross-References ▶ Āḻvār ▶ Maṇipravāḷa ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śrīraṅgam ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇava ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta

References 1. Hardy F (2001 [1983]) Viraha-bhakti: the early history of Kṛṣṇa devotion in South India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 2. Sastri KAN (2006 [1955]) A history of South India – from prehistoric times to the fall of Vijayanagar. Oxford University Press, Oxford 3. Arunachalam M (2005) Tamiḻ Ilakkiya Varalāṟu. Onpatām Nūṟṟāṇṭu (2). The Parkar, Ceṉṉai 4. Young K, Orr L. SSHRC funded research: “Singing, Strumming, Drumming, Dancing: Performers as Symbols of Identity in the Social and Religious Histories of South India” 5. Narayanan V (1994) The vernacular Veda: revelation, recitation, and ritual. The University of South Carolina Press, Columbia

Nara Na¯ra¯yana ˙ ▶ Nārāyaṇa

Na¯rada

Na¯rada Greg Bailey Program in Asian Studies, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, College of Arts, Social Sciences and Commerce, La Trobe University, Bundoora, Melbourne, VIC, Australia

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39–40) it is said of him, “You are always travelling as fast as thought and watching the many worlds of different kinds, previously created by Brahmā.” And later ([3]: 96) it said “he prattles on about the past and the future, that he resolves all doubts and knows all worlds.”

Divine Teacher Definition Sage who mediates between god and men.

Divine Sage Nārada, one of the sons of the god Brahmā, can be described as the messenger of the gods to men in a collective sense and, significantly, to particular individuals. Often he turns up unexpectedly and gives advice that will influence the outcome of what is often a fraught situation or pushes the action along when it has been stalled. He appears throughout classical Sanskrit literature as well as figuring prominently in Hindi mythological films, though never as the major protagonist. He is one of the several sages, some of whom occur earlier in Vedic literature, who play an important role in texts like the Mahābhārata, and he also gives his name to a Nārada Purāṇa, a text of dharmic rules called Nāradasmṛti, and a devotional text of verses called the Nāradabhaktisūtras, as well as many other texts still only known in manuscript. Like the sage Mārkaṇḍeya, he is used as a figure to introduce new ideas in such a manner that they are provided with a traditional context because they are grounded in authoritative knowledge. He is classified as a devarṣi which places him above the brahmarṣi and rājarṣi. In Vedic literature, where he occurs occasionally, he is called a ṛṣi (Atharva Veda, v.19, 9 ([1]/1: 253); xii, 4,16 ([1]/2: 696)) and a teacher (Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, vii.34; [2]: 318). But both aspects of him are developed much more extensively in the Sanskrit epics and the Purāṇas. In the Mahābhārata ([3]:

Though his name means “he who gives to men,” indicating his role as divine messenger, his interventions in particular narratives suggest that his activity is to incite people to action and as such his role is one of an active participant in events. In the second book of the Mahābhārata, it is he (2, 11, 65ff) who encourages Yudhiṣṭhira to perform the rājasūya sacrifice, one of the pivotal events that will result in the great Bhārata War. And just prior to this, in Chap. 7 of that book, he is shown giving Yudhiṣṭhira lengthy instruction about the correct policies a king should adopt and act upon, anticipating Bhīṣma’s teaching in the eleventh book. Later at Mahābhārata 3, 51 in the midst of the telling of the Nala and Damayantī story, it is Nārada who tells Indra why it is that there are few warriors in his world, saying they are all at Damayantī’s self-choice ceremony, information which led all the world guardians to go and watch what was happening. More centrally for the ongoing action of the Mahābhārata, it is he who tells the Pāṇdavas to undertake a tour of the sacred fords. At 3, 80, 1ff he arrives in the presence of the Pāṇdavas, who are without Arjuna, and says to Yudhiṣṭhira, “Speak, best of the upholders of the Law, of what are you in need, what shall I give you?” ([3]: 372). And so Yudhiṣṭhira asks about visiting the sacred fords and what reward will result from these. This narrative is interspersed with many other sub-tales, and episodic interlocutors such as Bhīṣma and Pulastya, and covers seventy-three chapters of the book. Oberlies [4] has argued that this and Nārada’s advice to Yudhiṣṭhira to perform the rājāsūya indicate Nārada is somehow imposing a later ritual structure on parts of the MBh

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narrative, but he does much more than this as well. Finally, it is he who gives a complete summary of the plot of the Rāmāyaṇa in its first chapter and this inspires Vālmiki to rework the story in poetic form. Elsewhere in Sanskrit literature his role is usually that of a communicator of teachings and texts to men, communication which inspires them to action. Whether this be encouragement given to Rāma to recite the Rāmāyaṇa, or as forming one of the groups of sages who request the Kūrma Purāṇa to be recited, or as one of the initial reciters of one version of his own Purāṇa, the Nārada, his activity overwhelmingly concerns dissemination of knowledge. Tradition says that Nārada received a one hundred thousand verse version of the Nāradasmṛti and abridged it to ten thousand verses, when it was abridged still further by Mārkaṇḍeya.

Na¯rada

Cursed by Daksa ˙ Several Purāṇas ([6]: 175–177) know of Nārada being cursed by the patriarch Dakṣa for persuading his thousands of sons not to engage in procreation to populate the Earth. Nārada persuades them by telling them they must fully understand the world before increasing its population through progenation. They wander to the ends of the world and never return, frustrating Dakṣa’s wish to procreate. Here Nārada’s communication certainly seems to obstruct the process of creation, but his instruction reflects the conflict between ascetic values which are contra-procreation and householder’s values which support procreation and have had a powerful influence on Purāṇic creation myths. This activity is consistent with his role as communicator.

Cross-References Devotee of Visnu ˙˙ Like Mārkaṇḍeya Nārada also seems to be associated with Nārāyaṇa/Viṣṇuite devotional theology and practice. This is palpably expressed in Nārada’s vision of Nārāyaṇa found in the wellknown Nārāyaṇīyaparvan of the Mahābhārata, of which he is one of the reciters. This parvan is a foundational text of Viṣṇuite theology and its theology is found again in many later Purāṇas. Nārada ([5]: 190–201) goes to the White Island, an area north of Mount Meru where devotees of Nārāyana live. There he utters a hymn of praise to this god and effectively functions as a devotee in the manner of other sages, receiving a boon and declaring that simply seeing Nārāyaṇa is a sufficient reward for him. Just as Mārkaṇḍeya ([3]: 585–593) recites his devotional experience, so is Nārada also the principal participant in his experienced recounted in the Nārāyaṇīyaparvan. As such he teaches by example as well as by oral exposition. Also, like Mārkaṇḍeya, Nārada represents yet another example of a prominent sage instituting an important text of Viṣṇuite devotion.

▶ Bhakti ▶ Dattātreya ▶ Mahābhārata ▶ Mārkaṇdeya

References 1. Whitney WD (1971) Atharva Veda Saṃhitā. Translated into English. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi (1st edn, 1905) 2. Keith AB (1971) Rigveda Brahmanas: The Aitareya and Kauṣītaki Brāhmanas of the Rigveda, vol 2. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi (1st edn, 1920) 3. Van Buitenen JAB (1975) The Mahābhārata. volume 2. The book of the assembly hall, 3. The book of the forest. University of Chicago Press, Chicago 4. Oberlies T (1998) Die Ratschläge des Sehers Nārada: Ritual an und unter der Oberfläche des Mahābhārata. In: Tristram HLC (ed) New methods in the research of epic. Gunter Narr, Tübingen, pp 126–141 5. Laine JW (1989) Visions of God. Narratives of Theophany in the Mahābhārata. Publications of the De Nobili Research Library, Vienna 6. Wilson HH (1980) The Viṣṇu Purāṇa. A system of Hindu mythology and tradition (enlarged and arranged by Singh, N. S), vol 1. Nag Pubishers, Delhi (1st edn, 1840)

Naraka

Naraka Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Morphological analysis shows that the word naraka “hell” is made up of two roots: [nr/nar] “man” and [aka] “unhappiness.” So the literal meaning of the word naraka is man’s unhappiness [1]. Further, Naraka is also known as other names, such as Yamalokaya, Yamasadana, Yamaksaya, Mrtyulokaya, and Vaivasvataksaya. As we know that the Hindu society is divided into many castes and subcastes, similarly the Hindu’s naraka has many subdivisions: the Hindu scriptures describe 4, 7, 21, and 28 types of hells. The number, names, and the type of sinners sent to a specific hell vary from one text to another. But it is generally agreed that naraka is located beneath the earth and particularly in the south of the universe. The Yamadeva “god of death” resides there, and after death his messengers, also known as Yamadutas, fetch the souls of all human beings to his court [4]. Yama measures the vices and virtues of each individual and passes judgment: virtuous souls go to Swarga “heaven” and sinners go to naraka. But this stay in hell or heaven is not permanent – once the punishment or reward period is over, the souls take rebirth as higher or lower beings depending upon their merits and demerits. However, few texts describe hell as an unending bottomless pit where living beings’ souls are trapped for eternity and deprived of rebirth.

Geographical Location and Administration The Vishnu Purana, Bhagavad Purana, and Devi Bhagavad Purana provide reference to the

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geographical location of naraka. The Vishnu Purana describes naraka as below the cosmic waters at the end of the universe, whereas the Bhagavad Purana mentions that it is situated beneath the earth [5]. According to Devi Bhagavad Purana, naraka is located below the earth but above Patala “bottomless pit” in the southern part of the universe. Further, the Bhagavad Purana mentions that the naraka is located between the Garbhodaka Ocean, which is the end of the universe and the seven regions of the underworld. However, the Hindu scriptures unanimously agree that Yama is the lord of naraka, and he resides there with his assistants. The capital of naraka is Pitrloka “the place where dead ancestors reside,” and they wait there for the Yama’s judgment. The fate of all living beings is same after death. The Yamadutas bring their souls to Yama, except the war heroes, donors of food and lamps, charitygivers, and eternal truth speakers – such souls escape from the hands of Yamadutas [3]. It is believed that the virtuous souls directly move to Swarga “heaven,” and those who are entitled for moksha “salvation” also escape from the hands of Yamadutas. The noble souls receive a preferential treatment in Yamaloka: their path is lighted, and they ride on peacocks and geese. Both who receives punishment in hell and enjoys luxuries in heaven are not free from samsara “the cycle of birth, death, and rebirth.” Once the quantum of pleasure and punishment prescribed to them based on their deeds on earth is over, they must take birth again, and this cycle goes on perpetually till they attain salvation. The office assistant who assists Yamaraja in keeping the records of all evil and good actions of all living beings is Chitragupta.

Number, Names, and Types of Hell There is no agreement on the number of hells in the Hindu scriptures: the Agni Purana describes only 4 or 7 hells, the Manu Smriti and Yajnavalkya Smriti mentions 21 hells, and the Vishnu Purana, Bhagavad Purana, and Devi Bhagavad Purana enumerate 28 hells [2]. In Rig Veda, we do not find

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a detail description of hell, whereas in Atharvaveda we find a fine description of the darkness of hell. The Shatapatha Brahmana first mentions the suffering and pain of naraka. This indicates that the concept of naraka was developed in the post-Vedic period. On the whole, the Hindu scriptures mention that there are hundreds and thousands of hells; however many contemporary Hindus believe that there is no life after death, and a person faces hell and heaven in the same life.

Scriptures describing hells

Number

Summary of Hells in the Hindu Scriptures Scriptures describing hells Agni Purana

Manu Smriti and Yajnavalkya Smriti

Number 4/7

21

Types Samhata “for evil souls,” Put “for childless,” Avichi “for those who are waiting for reincarnation,” tamisra “darkness,” rijisha “torments of hell begin,” kudmala “leprous,” kakola “black poison” Lohadaraka “ironhot,” Tamisra “darkness,” Andhatamisra “blind darkness,” Pathana, Vaitarani “to be crossed,” Sakakola, Kudmala, Putimrittika “stinking clay,” Lohasanku “iron spears,” Rijisha, Salmali, Asipatravana “forest of sword leaves,” Raurava “fearful,” Kalasutra “thread of time/death,” Mahanaraka “great hell,” Samjivana “living together,” Mahavichi “sorrowing view,” (continued)

Vishnu Purana, Bhagavad Purana, and Devi Bhagavad Purana

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Types Tapana “burning,” Sampratapana “pressing together,” Samhata “abondoned,” and Maharaurava “great fearful” are mentioned in Manu Smriti Mahanaraka “great hell,” Kakola “black poison,” Sanjivana “living together,” Avichi “waterless,” Andhatamisra “blind darkness,” Kumbhipaka “cooked in the pot,” Sanghata “the thread of death,” Lohitoda “iron weights,” Savisha, Raurava “fearful/ terrible,” Kudmala, Putimrittika “stinking clay,” Sampratapana, Mahapatha, Tamisra “darkness,” Lohasanku, Mahaniraya “the great exit,” Salamali, Kalasutraka “thread of earth/time,” Asipatravana “forest of sword leaves,” and Tapana “red-hot burn” are mentioned in Yajnavalka Smriti Raurava “fearful,” Shukara “hog,” Rodha “obstruction,” Tala “padlock,” Visasana “murderous,” Mahajwala “the great flame,” Taptakumbha “redhot well,” Lavana “salt,” Vimohana “the place of bewildering,” Rudhirandha “wells (continued)

Na¯ra¯yana ˙ Scriptures describing hells

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Number

Types of blood,” Vaitaraní “to be crossed,” Krimiśa “hell of insects,” Krimibhojana “worm food,” Asipatravana “forest of sword leaves,” Krishna “black,” Lalabhaksa “saliva as food,” Dáruńa “severe,” Púyaváha “where matter falls,” Pápa “sin,” Vahnijwála “fiery flame,” Adhośiras, Sandansa “hell of pincers,” Kalasutra, Tamas “darkness,” Avichi “waterless,” Śwabhojana “food of dogs,” Apratishtha “sinners were whirled round,” and another Avichi “waveless”

Na¯ra¯yana ˙ Shakuntala Gawde Department of Sanskrit, University of Mumbai, Mumbai, India

Synonyms Nara Nārāyaṇa; Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa; Puruṣottama

Definition Nārāyaṇa is important God of Vaiṣṇava cult. It is generally referred as another name of Viṣṇu. Historically Nārāyaṇa was different God than Viṣṇu which later got identified with Viṣṇu and also got intermingled into Vaiṣṇava pantheon. In later literature, Nārāyaṇa and Viṣṇu are used alternatively to refer to same deity.

Introduction References 1. Dallapiccola AL (2002) Naraka. Dictionary of Hindu lore and legend. Thames & Hudson, New York. 2. Jacobsen K (2009) Three functions of hell in the Hindu traditions. Numen 56(2):385–400 3. Mani V (1975) Puranic encyclopaedia: a comprehensive dictionary with special reference to the epic and Puranic literature. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, pp 368–370 4. Walker B (1968) The Hindu world: an encyclopedic survey of Hinduism. Allen & Unwin, London, pp 253–254 5. Wilson HH (1865) Chapter VI. The Vishnu Purana (translation). II. Trubner & co, London, pp 207–211.

Nārāyaṇa and Viṣṇu are considered almost synonymous in Purāṇas and later Upaniṣads. Rāmānuja considered Nārāyaṇa-Viṣṇu as Parabrahman. He became the important god in Purāṇic period and attained the status in Trinity of Hinduism. Nārāyaṇa was the main god of Pañcarātra sampradāya. Syncretic deity Nārāyaṇa-Viṣṇu got associated with Bhāgavata sampradāya particularly and Vaiṣṇavism in general. Nārāyaṇa is also mentioned as inseparably associated with the sage Nara.

Nara – Na¯ra¯yana ˙

Narayan Muni ▶ Swaminarayan

Nārāyaṇa is also known as one among two ṛṣis known as Nara-Nārāyaṇa. Dharma, son of Brahmā was his father. Dharma married to ten daughters of Dakṣa and four sons namely, Hari, Kṛṣṇa, Nara, and Nārāyaṇa were born to him.

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Nara and Nārāyaṇa were inseparable samnyāsins. They did tapas for thousand years on the slopes of Himalaya to please Brahmā ([10], p. 532). Many scholars have given the etymology of the word Nārāyaṇa from Nara. Nārāyaṇa is a gotra name derived from the word Nara ([5], p. 33). Jaiswal quotes the views of Barnett and D. C. Sirkar. So according to this view, Nārāyaṇa was a sage born in the family of another sage Nara. Nara and Nārāyaṇa are considered two ṛṣis. Nārāyaṇa is the composer of Puruṣasūkta. Nara and Nārāyaṇa were advocates of solar worship which led to their identification with sun god. According to Jaiswal, this interpretation of terms clearly ignores the view that in the Mahābhārata the sage Nara is born out of the austerities performed by Nārāyaṇa and not vice versa ([5], p. 34). Constant association of Nara and Nārāyaṇa is seen in several stories but there is no mention of Nārāyaṇa as a god in early references. From the views of Jaiswal, it can be said that Nārāyaṇa attained the status of god who was initially a sage. Symbolism of Nara-Nārāyaṇa is also seen from philosophical viewpoint. R. G. Bhandarkar unfolds allegory of Nara-Nārāyaṇa with the metaphor of two birds – one dwelling on tree and other enjoying sweet and bitter fruits. That one of those who is called the lord and the onlooker is in the present tradition Nārāyaṇa and the other who is engaged in eating the fruit of the tree Nara. The old idea was transferred to the new conception of Nārāyaṇa as the resting place or abode of all men ([2], p. 32). Rao cites Manusmṛti to explain the symbolism of Nara- Nārāyaṇa in philosophical temperament. Nara means that which does not perish (na rīyate kṣīyate) and the word refers to the cosmic spirit of the soul, which creates the endless stretch of the primeval water (which therefore is called nāram); the supreme spirit that lies hiding in this watery mass is Nārāyaṇa (meaning abiding Nāra) ([8], p. 81). There are different narratives about NaraNārāyaṇas which throw light on the nature of the Nārāyaṇa. Vettam Mani mentions one story from Devi Bhāgavata, 4th skandha, which is about the tapas of Nara-Nārāyaṇas which was hindered by Indra. The whole world was burnt by intense

Na¯ra¯yana ˙

tapas of Nara-Nārāyaṇa. Indra went to Badarikāśrama to break their tapas in order to save his position of Indra. He asked them to choose a desired boon but they didn’t even recognize him or answer him. Then he decided to disturb them with his māyā. He created ferocious animals, storm, rain, flood but they were unmoved. Then Indra appointed Kāmadeva for this task. Kāmadeva came to Badarikāśrama with all apsarās. They started singing and dancing before these two sages. Understanding the diplomacy of Indra, they decided to take away his pride by creating more beautiful apsaras. Beautiful woman was created from Nārāyaṇa’s thigh (uru) known as Urvaśī. All were wonderstruck by her beauty. They felt ashamed. Munis asked them to take her to Devaloka ([10], p. 532). Nārāyaṇīya section of the śāntiparvan from Mahābhārtata mentions Nārāyaṇa. Nārada goes to Badarikāśrama to see Nara and Nārāyaṇa. The later was engaged in the performance of religious rites. Nārada asked Nārāyaṇa whom he worshipped, while he himself is the Supreme Lord. He uttered that he worshipped his original Prakṛti (nature) which is the source of all. Nara, Nārāyaṇa, Kṛṣṇa, and Hari called as sons of Dharma are represented as the four sons of Supreme. Nārada flies into the sky to see the original nature, i.e., Prakṛti of Nārāyaṇa and alights on the peak of Meru mountain. He saw people without senses, with heads like umbrellas, making sound like thundering and devoted to Bhagavat. Yudhiṣṭhira asks Bhīṣma about these people. Then Bhīṣma told the story of King Vasu Uparicara who worshipped Lord with the Sātvata vidhi. He was very pious king honoured by Indra. Citraśikhaṇḍins were the original promulgators of Sātvata. The mountain Meru was the place where they revealed it. They were seven consisting of Marīci, Atri, Aṅgiras, Pulastya, Pulaha, Kratu, and Vasiṣṭha. Eighth was Svāyambhuva from whom emanated excellent śāstras. This they promulgated to Bhagavat who said to ṛṣis that you have composed hundred thousand verses which contain rules of affairs of men which are in harmony with Yajus, Sāman, Ṛc, and Atharvāṅgiras. I created Brahman from my peaceful and Rudra from wrathful nature. This

Na¯ra¯yana ˙

śāstra will be handed over from person to person till reaches to Bṛhaspati. Then it will be passed to Vasu Uparicara, a first disciple of Bṛhaspati. The king will follow this śāstra and will become my devotee. After his death, this śāstra will be lost. From the above stories, it can be observed that cult of Nārāyaṇa discloses prominent influence of the nature of asceticism and it is very probable that it was dominated by them in its early stages.

Origin and Development of Deity Na¯ra¯yana ˙ First reference of the deity Nārāyaṇa can be traced back to Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa XIII.6 in connection with Paῆcarātra sattra. Here he is referred as Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa (Puruṣo ha Nārāyaṇah akāmayat|) He sent forth Vasus, Rudras, Ᾱdityas by means of morning, mid-day, and evening offerings. Prajāpati asked him to sacrifice again. Nārāyaṇa placed in all the worlds, the gods, the Vedas, the vital airs, etc. Prajāpati asked him to sacrifice again; and by means of sacrifice Nārāyaṇa placed himself in all the worlds, gods, Vedas, vital airs, etc. Nārāyaṇa became superior to all. Nārāyaṇa gained superiority by this and became identical with all beings. Here Nārāyaṇa is not connected with Viṣṇu. According to Rayachaudhuri, in Taitiriya Āraṇyaka (X.11.1), Nārāyaṇa is brought into direct connection with Viṣṇu [9]. Nārāyaṇa appears as the deity “eternal, Supreme and Lord” and receives the name Hari. There is one view that Nārāyaṇa is the deity of Dravidian origin, his name being composite of three words nār-ay-an. Dravidian nīr meaning water, ay meaning “to lie in a place,” and male personal termination “an.” So it means a deity lying on the water. In the Mahābhārata, this etymology of Nārāyaṇa is explained as “waters were called as Nāra, I have assumed their name that being my abode (ayana).” ([6], p. 250) Manusmṛti I.10 etymologizes the word Nārāyaṇa from Nāra meaning water. Keny says that Nārāyaṇa is originally non-āryan god but incorporated later on by Brāhmaṇas while writing the great epic. They have in fact, āryanised a non-āryan god, probable

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of the people who had a high sea commerce and identified him with the present Viṣṇu of the āryan pantheon ([6], p. 252). According to Keny, the very word śeṣa-śāyī corroborates the Dravidian character of Nārāyaṇa. The representation of pure āryan god with a nāga would not be quite suitable, Śeṣa being the king of Nāgas, who were Dravidian tribe. It was the ārynanisation of the Dravidian deity of sea. He was identified later on with Viṣṇu and thus incorporated in Āryan pantheon ([6], p. 254). Later on Keny propounds that representation of Nārāyaṇa on the tree, which is being surrounded by waters all around in Mahābhārata, vana parva has remarkable parallelism with the Supreme Being of Mohenjo Daro which is also represented as being on a tree. This Nārāyaṇa of the āryan pantheon seems to be the Supreme Being of the Mohenjo Daro ([6], p. 255). Suvira Jaiswal derives the connection of Pañcarātra sattra with Puruṣamedha sacrifice on the basis of references from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa XIII.6.1 (sa etam pañcarātram puruṣamedham yajñakratumapaśyat |). The ritual killing of man was a universal development from cannibalism through which human civilization had to progress. Nārāyaṇa signified the collectivity of men; it was for the good of human tribe that human being was killed originally to provide food (medhā means lit. food) ([5], p. 35) He traces traits of original association of Nārāyaṇa with human sacrifice as preserved in the ritual of Nārāyaṇa bali. Nārāyaṇa bali is performed for those who die unnatural death, commit suicide, or are slain and for all those persons for whom cremation is forbidden. It was specially ordained for whom the cremation was forbidden ([5], p. 36). He traces the concept of universal form or viśvarūpa which became popular in Bhagavadgītā as originally associated with Nārāyaṇa. Mārkaṇḍeya’s entry into the mouth of Nārāyaṇa and his vision of the whole universe as existing inside the body of the deity is described in Āraṇyaka Parva, Mahābhārata ([5], p. 36). Jaiswal traces the origin of Nārāyaṇa to Indus Valley civilization. He shows Nārāyaṇa’s connection with śrāddha ceremony as observed in Mahābhārata XII.333; XII.322.19f where offering of black sesamum is an essential rite and

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rituals connected with sesamum are an inheritance from the Harrappa culture ([5], p. 47). R. G. Bhandarkar shows the similarity of the word Nārāyaṇa with Nāḍāyana which is formed by Pāṇini’s Sūtra IV.1.99 and means the gotra Nāḍāyana. The term is significant and means in this case the resting place or the place to which Nāḍa or collections of Nāḍas go. Therefore, Nārāyaṇa may be construed as the resting place or goal of gods ([2], p. 30). Nārāyaṇa is also associated with primeval waters. Waters were called as Nāras because they were the sons of Nara. He is considered as creator at many places including Purāṇas which can be taken as the identity which was established in Brahmā and Nārāyaṇa. Cosmological function of Brahmadeva was transferred to Nārāyaṇa by assigning him prime position of creator. Brahmadeva sprang from the lotus in the navel of Nārāyaṇa or Viṣṇu (Mahābhārata III.12,34 and XII.349.18) is evident to prove that superiority of Nārāyaṇa or Viṣṇu is established over Brahmā. Nārāyaṇa is represented as lying on the body of huge serpent in the ocean of milk.

Identification with Visnu and Krsna ˙˙ ˙˙ ˙ Nārāyaṇa is considered synonymous with the Viṣṇu so much so that these two terms are alternatively used. Āgamic literature considers Nārāyaṇa as vyūha incarnation of Viṣṇu. According to Pañcarātra treatise, Nārāyaṇa descends from Vāsudeva who is the vyūha avatāra of Viṣṇu ([4], p. 217) Sātvata Samhitā XII includes Nara- Nārāyaṇa in the vibhava avatāra. Same is told by Ahirbudhnya Samhitā. Nārāyaṇa is sometimes identified with Prajāpati Brahmā. Cosmic activities are assigned to Nārāyaṇa. Evidently Nārāyaṇa is a powerful God in his own right, which conduces to his identification first with Brahmā and next with Viṣṇu ([4], p. 49) Kṛṣṇa got identified with Viṣṇu Nārāyaṇa in later times. Rayachaudhuri finds the identification of Vāsudeva with Viṣṇu Nārāyaṇa in the Taitirīya Āraṇyaka ([7], p. 68). Rayachaudhuri states the active propaganda of Ashoka that led the Vedic priests to identify

Na¯ra¯yana ˙

Vāsudeva with Nārāyaṇa-Viṣṇu. Regarding the question as to why Kṛṣṇa was identified with Viṣṇu and not any other Vedic God; Rayachaudhuri suggested that Viṣṇu was connected from earliest Vedic times with a work of deliverance for mankind in distress ([7], p. 69). Brāhmaṇic identification of Vāsudeva with Nārāyaṇa-Viṣṇu was not accepted by the bhāgavatas in the pre-Christian centuries. Ghosūṇḍī inscription does not prove any connection between the worship of Nārāyaṇa and the cult of Saṅkarṣaṇa Vāsudeva in second century BCE ([7], p. 69). Bhāgavatas ultimately accepted the identification of their master with these deities, as is evident not only from the Garuḍa Pillar inscription but from the Nārāyaṇīya, the Tusām Rock Inscription, and epigraphic records of the Paramabhāgavata emperors of Gupta line ([7], p. 70). R. G. Bhandarkar also opines that Nārāyaṇa was evolved as a Supreme Being in the later Brāhmaṇic period was prior to Vāsudeva and in epic times when worship of later arose, Vāsudeva was identified with Nārāyaṇa ([2], p. 32). He has cited the story from Mahābhārata Vanaparvan (Chaps. 188, 189). There is description of the time of dissolution of the universe. There was water everywhere and a boy lying on a couch on a branch of Nyagrodha tree. He opened his mouth and took Sage Mārkaṇḍeya, who roamed inside and saw the whole universe and was again sent out. Again, sage Mārkaṇḍeya saw water everywhere. At that time boy said, formerly I gave waters the name Nārah and those were my resting place (ayana) and therefore I am Nārāyaṇa. The burden of the whole Nārāyaṇīya section is establishing identity between Vāsudeva and Nārāyaṇa according to R. G. Bhandarkar ([2], p. 32). Nara and Nārāyaṇa are often identified with Arjuna and Vāsudeva. In Mahābhārata, Udyogaparvan (49, 19) it is said that “the two heroes, Vāsudeva and Arjuna who were great warriors are the old Nara and Nārāyaṇa.” Identification of Nārāyaṇa suggests assimilation of Nārāyaṇa cult into Viṣṇu cult. Cult of Nārāyaṇa which was originally associated with asceticism (as known from Mahābhārata) or the performance of Puruṣamedha (as known from Śatapatha Brāhmaṇa) got assimilated in the cult of Viṣṇu.

Na¯ra¯yana ˙

Epigraphy and Iconography Though there are several references of Viṣṇu in inscriptions, references to Nārāyaṇa can be found in inscriptions of specific regions. In Andhra, Viṣṇu became popular by the name Nārāyaṇa. Around fourth century CE, cult of Viṣṇu had penetrated deep into the south. There is an inscription related to God Viṣṇu found from Andhra Pradesh in the fourth and fifth century CE. In this, God Viṣṇu is mentioned as Nārāyaṇa. A copper plate of the time of Pallava king Skandavarman recovered to the gift of land to a temple of God Nārāyaṇa ([4], p. 61). Viṣṇu is referred as Nārāyaṇa in the inscriptions of Maharashtra. Narendradeva inscription of Vikramaditya III found in Narendra village of Dharwad district eulogize Nārāyaṇa. Kolhapur inscription equates the Mahāmaṇḍaleśvara Gaṇḍara deity with Nārāyaṇa in calmness. Another Kolhapur plate of Vijayāditya compares the Śilāhāra kings with Nārāyaṇa ([4], p. 103). Description of Vīra- Nārāyaṇa is also found in the inscriptions of Rāṣṭrakūtas ([4], p. 101). VīraNārāyaṇa form is described as Nārāyaṇa resting on Ananta. Generally, iconography of Nārāyaṇa is same as Viṣṇu. He is four armed, arms representing four vyūhas, i.e., conch, discus, mace, and lotus. Other characteristic marks are the Śrī-vatsa on the chest and the garland of wild flowers (vanamālā) around his neck. He wears yellow silken garments (pītāmbara). Nārāyaṇahṛdaya describes his body color as that of the rising sun and Kālikā Purāṇa, Chap. 22, describes his complexion like a pure crystal. It is more usual to describe his complexion as dark blue ([8], p. 79). In Sātvata Samhitā, XII.139–142, iconography of Nara- Nārāyaṇa is described in NaraNārāyaṇa-dhyānam. Nara is described as having coral-lustre, half-open eyes, expressions as emotions internalized, and whose mind is unified with Śabdabrahma, having the akṣasūtra in hand made of crystal beads, his left hand is engaged in counting the revolutions of akṣasūtra. God Nārāyaṇa is described as having complexion of white lotus, hands are in the posture of

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Brahmāñjali, displaying tranquil mind focussed on heart lotus. Lakṣmī-Nārāyaṇa is Viṣṇu as Nārāyaṇa in the company of goddess Lakṣmī. Goddess is generally on the left of the god. She holds lotus in the left hand. Right hand of the goddess is around the neck of god. Nārāyaṇa’s left hand is around her waist. Siddhi decorated with ornaments stands near Lakṣmī- Nārāyaṇa with a cāmara in her hand. There is also image of Garuḍa slightly below on the right. Images of Yoga- Nārāyaṇa are found in different parts of India. In such sculptures, Viṣṇu is seen sitting with his lower hands in a meditating posture while the upper two hands carry his usual weapons. Numerous Yoga- Nārāyaṇa images have been recovered from Rājapūtānā. R. C. Agrawala has cited unique image of YogaNārāyaṇa found in Jodhpur Museum where weapons in the hands of Yoga-Nārāyaṇa are not seen. He dates the sculpture around ninth century CE. With the analysis of inscription from Nāḍol (Jodhpur division) refers to harmonious relationship existing between the members of Jain community and the followers of Brahmanic faith. R. C. Agrawala concludes that this idol of Viṣṇu was fashioned in such a way to suit the taste of all, to serve the purpose of being worshipped by non-Vaiṣṇavas as well ([1], pp. 236, 237). Thus, different changes took place in the iconography of God Nārāyaṇa as he got associated with different gods.

Abode Śvetadvīpa is the abode of Nārāyaṇa. In the Harivamśa (XIV, 384), it is stated that yogins or Kāpilasāmkhyas who desire for mokṣa go to the white island or Śvetadvīpa. Even Kathāsaritsāgara (54.19, 21, 23) mentions Naravāhanadatta is represented to have been carried to the white island by Devasiddhi and to Hari by reposing on the body of serpent Śeṣa and attended by Nārada and other devotees. After identification with Viṣṇu, Nārāyaṇa got associated with Vaikuṇṭha which is considered the divine realm belonging to Viṣṇu.

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Supreme Reality Nārāyaṇa enjoys the position of Supreme reality in Āgamic as well as philosophical and religious literature. Mahānārāyaṇa Upaniṣad considers Nārāyaṇa as the Supreme Reality. Nārāyaṇa is Highest Brahman, Highest light and Highest Self. (Mahānārāyaṇa Upaniṣad XIII.4- Nārāyaṇah param brahma tattvam Nārāyaṇah parah | Nārāyaṇa parah jyotirātmā Nārāyaṇah parah |) whatever is seen in this world, heard outside as well as inside is pervaded by Nārāyaṇa. (Mahānārāyaṇa Upaniṣad XIII.5). Nārāyaṇa Upaniṣad of Kṛṣṇa Yajurveda describes the entire creation from Nārāyaṇa. Brahmā, Śiva, and Indra are equated with Nārāyaṇa. Nārāyaṇa is considered one without second. There is also mention of mantra “Om namah Nārāyaṇāya.” One who studies this eight-syllabled mantra is supposed to attain liberation by going to Vaikuṇṭha. Great fruit is attached to the recitation of this Upaniṣad. Whosoever knows thus, attains sāyujya of Nārāyaṇa, i.e., becomes one with Nārāyaṇa. Mahopaniṣad states that in the beginning Nārāyaṇa existed. It denied the existence of Brahmā and Rudra ([3], p. 153, f. 30). Nārāyaṇa Upaniṣad states that in the beginning Puruṣa Nārāyaṇa willed to create the beings. It clearly states that from Nārāyaṇa was born Rudra, Indra, etc. It also asserts that the only one reality is Nārāyaṇa (śuddho deva eko nārāyaṇah) and whole universe is pervaded by Nārāyaṇa (Nārāyaṇa evedam sarvam) ([3], p. 137). Srinivasa Chari cites the etymology of the word Nārāyaṇa as befitting for the concept of Ultimate reality. He says that the word Nārāyaṇa, which is a far more comprehensive term implying all the characteristics of the ultimate reality, bears the same etymological meaning as that of Viṣṇu and Vāsudeva ([3], p. 133). He cites the etymologies from Ahirbudhnya Samhitā. Nāras stands for sentient and non-sentient beings (nara sambandhino nārāh) and nara means the Supreme Being (puruṣottama). Ayana means abode or ground so Nārāyaṇa means one who is the ground of all sentient and nonsentient entities

Na¯ra¯yana ˙

in the universe (nārāṇām ayanam). It can also mean one who is immanent in all (nārāh ayanam yasya sah) ([3], p. 134). Superiority of Nārāyaṇa in the Trinity is propounded in many texts. Varāha Purāṇa (25–26) explicitly says that Nārāyaṇa is the primary deity of the universe and from Him was born Brahmā, Brahmā in turn caused Rudra. In the same Purāṇa (90–93), it is mentioned that Nārāyaṇa is the Supreme Being and from Him was born Caturmukha Brahmā ([3], p. 140). Rāmānuja’s theology considers Brahman as the ultimate reality. He refers the Supreme reality as Bhagavān, Viṣṇu, Puruṣottama, Nārāyaṇa, Hari, etc.

Cross-References ▶ Rāmānuja ▶ Śrīvaiṣṇava ▶ Viśiṣṭādvaita Vedānta ▶ Viṣṇu

References 1. Agrawala RC (1954) A unique image of YogaNārāyaṇa from Rājapūtānā. Artibus Asiae 17(¾):235–237. Artibus Asiae Publishers 2. Bhandarkar RG (1913) Vaiṣṇavism Śaivism and minor religious systems. Trübner, Strassburg 3. Chari S (2000 [1994]) Vaishnavism: its philosophy, theology and religious discipline. Motilal Banarasidass, New Delhi 4. Jain S (2016) Viṣṇu with special reference to epigraphy and coins. Sharada Publishing House, New Delhi 5. Jaiswal S (1967) Origin and development of Vaiṣṇavism. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 6. Keny LB (1942) The Origin of Nārāyaṇa. In: Annals of Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, vol 23, No. 1/4. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune, pp 250–256 7. Panda H (2007) Prof. H. C. Raychaudhuri, as a historian. Northern Book Centre, New Delhi 8. Rao S, Ramachandra K (2009) Viṣṇu Kosha. Sri Satguru Publications, New Delhi 9. Rayachaudhuri H (1920) Materials for the study of the early history of the Vaishnava Sect. University of Calcutta, Calcutta 10. Vettam M (2006 [1964]) Purāṇic encyclopaedia. MLBD, Delhi

Natara¯ja ˙

Narteśvara (Lord of Dance) ▶ Naṭarāja

Na¯stika ˙ ▶ Lokāyata

Natara¯ja ˙ Jodi L. Shaw Department of Religion, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL, USA

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Apasmara (Tamil: Muyalakan) the dwarf demon of ignorance and forgetfulness [8, 11] who looks up, entranced by the dance. Śiva’s hair is often wild, splayed, and whipping to the sides, but sometimes it is regally piled on top his head. His eyes are always serene. While there are other powerful forms of Dancing Śiva in sculpture and literature which predate Āḍavallān (Tamil)/Naṭarāja (Sanskrit) performing the Ānanda Tāṇḍava, it is this form, originally from the contemporary state of Tamil Nadu, that has become a transglobal phenomenon. Not only does he serve as a kind of visual short hand representing Indian art, dance, and yoga, but Naṭarāja is viewed as the plastic representation of atomic physics, of all great dance, and of universal spirituality and one of the finest examples of physical dynamism captured in art.

Synonyms

History of Natara¯ja ˙

Āḍavallān; Ambalattāḍi (Dancer in the Hall); Ānandatandavamūrti (the one who performs the Ferocious Dance of Bliss); Kūttan; Narteśvara (Lord of Dance); Naṭeśa; Naṭṭapperumāṉ (Dancing God); Nityanṛtya (Dancer of Eternity); Nṛtyapriya (Beloved of Dance); Tillaināyakar (Lord of Tillai)

According to R.K.K. Rajarajan, the name Naṭarāja is relatively recent, dating from approximately the fourteenth century CE. Instead of Naṭarāja, earlier Tamil sources inevitably used the names Āḍavallān or Kūttan to refer to the dancing form [7, 12]. This raises questions about mapping a later name onto earlier images and about what then constitutes Śiva as Naṭarāja. Broadly, there are two main schools of thought concerning what forms of Śiva dancing qualify as Naṭarāja. One school of thought is best exemplified by C. Sivaramamurti in his highly influential study, Nataraja in Art, Thought, and Literature. Unlike the description above, he classifies all the myriad forms of Dancing Śiva under the rubric of Naṭarāja. While Sivaramamurti explores the iconographic and literary differences in detail, it is safe to say that iconography is not the determining factor for him, but rather the philosophical understanding of this eternal dance and dancer as creating the universe, containing the universe, and as the universe in all its multiple forms ([14], pg. 8). In this school of thought, Naṭarāja is old and found dancing in various forms and styles across India and throughout Southeast Asia. He dances

Introduction Śiva Naṭarāja (Lord of Dance) with a tiger skin around his waist, bejeweled with serpents, a man’s earring in one ear and woman’s in the other, and the crescent moon and Gaṅgā (the Goddess Ganges) in his hair, dances his ecstatic Ānanda Tāṇḍava (Ferocious Dance of Bliss) within a ring of flames. In one of his right hands, he holds a drum and fire in one of his left hands. The second right hand is held in abhaya mudrā (fearlessness gesture), while the second left arm sweeps across his chest, the hand gently pointing toward his lifted left foot in dola mudrā, also called gajahasta. His lifted left leg crosses in front of him; the foot is curved gracefully upward (kuñcita pada). The bent right leg stands atop

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in the Mahābhārata, in the fifth-century Tamil epic the Cilappatikāram, in the works of sixthcentury poet-saint Kāraikkāl Ammaiyār, in the Tēvaram, and in Sanskrit, Tamil, and Telugu Purāṇas (for in-depth look at the Purāṇas, see [5]). A plethora of dancing stone images dating from the fifth or sixth century can be found in different parts of India, some of the most famous grace the Ellora, Elephanta, and Badami caves. The varying bronzes arise predominantly in the ninth and tenth centuries in the South during the end of the Pallava dynasty [7, 12, 14]. The other school of thought, exemplified by Padma Kaimal, Pratapaditya Pal, and others, understands Naṭarāja as Śiva performing the Ānanda Tāṇḍava, which rose to prominence in tenth century South India. In modernity this form is one of the most ubiquitous images of Indian art. While there is some iconographic wiggle room in regard to whether his head is tilted or not, to the particular drape of the snake on his abhaya mudrā arm, to whether his matted locks (jaṭi) are splayed or piled atop his head, and so forth, this is always a four-armed form as described above, with one leg lifted and crossed in front. In the tenth century, this form of Śiva began his ascent as the tutelary deity of the Cōḻa dynasty. Dancing the Ānanda Tāṇḍava, he was painted on walls, carved into temple niches, and worshipped as bronze in auxiliary shrines. Naṭarāja is found in temples throughout present-day Tamil Nadu from historically significant temples like Rajajraja Cōḻa’s eleventh-century Rajarajeśvara temple in Tanjavūr Ramanathaswamy Temple in Rameswaram, and of course Citambaram, where he is always accompanied by his consort as the central deity under worship and potentially the nexus of this form’s origination [7], to lesser known premodern temples as well as more contemporary ones. In this school of thought, Naṭarāja images were historically very localized. In premodernity, he was found in abundance across South India, and among Tamil-speaking communities in presentday Sri Lanka, but few of these Ānanda Tāṇḍava forms have been found in the rest of India [10]. This is despite, or as Pal suggests maybe because, there is every indication that the Cōḻas

Natara¯ja ˙

were well known beyond their borders [10]. More surprising still is the paltry amount of Cōḻa style Naṭarājas in Southeast Asia, where Tamil merchants, artisans, and religious thinkers regularly traversed [10]. According to Pal, there are plenty of Dancing Śiva images found in present-day Thailand, Indonesia, Cambodia, and Vietnam, but they primarily share North Indian iconographic attributes, while the Tamil forms are few and far between [10].

The Rise of Global Natara¯ja ˙ A number of nineteenth and early twentieth century confluences contributed to Naṭarāja’s global ascendancy. To say Indian art was devalued in British Colonial India is an understatement. The old guard of the British art world regularly railed against Indian art, and the bronzes in particular, which meant the handful of enthusiasts could purchase works incredibly cheaply [13]. The establishment’s disdain for Indian works inspired a younger generation of artists, art historians, art writers, and collectors like William Rothenstein, E.B. Havell, and Ananda Coomaraswamy to band together around 1910 to defend the form and develop ways to successfully write about it. While British India may not have appreciated the bronzes, they still collected and catalogued these works often found buried and forgotten on temple grounds, which in turn lead to the eventual recognition of the merits of said works that were placed in museums. In the early twentieth century, Russian-born French scholar Victor Goloubew photographed Naṭarāja bronzes in the Government Museum of Madras [16]. His photograph of the eleventh-century Tiruvālaṅkāṭu Naṭarāja was likely the first view of the image seen by the wider international community and would grace the cover of the 1918 collection of essays by Coomaraswamy entitled The Dance of Shiva, to be discussed below [16]. While the British art authorities categorized Indian bronzes as monstrosities [4, 6, 13], Johannes Beltz tracks a very different trajectory in the European art world. As a result of romantic

Natara¯ja ˙

orientalism, surely aided by interests in easterninspired spirituality, a growing enthusiasm for Indian art flourished. Specifically, Beltz explores the often forgotten fascination for “oriental dance,” and for Naṭarāja in particular, that spread among artists, collectors, and intellectuals. One of the earliest examples he elaborates upon dates from 1905. Mata Hari (1876–1917), in what would become the Musée Guimet, performed, for a carefully selected audience of about 600, her dances on creation, fertility, and destruction in front of Naṭarāja, which ended with her in a state of near nudity. In this early twentieth-century dance form, a medieval processional deity from South India became part of a cutting-edge European modern art world. Of course, Naṭarāja was not only associated with modern hybrid dance forms that were also developing in the United States with Ted Shawn and Ruth St. Denis, among others, but more significantly with the “revival” of classical Indian dance in India. From the 1930s onward in Rukmini Devi Arundale’s Bharatanātyam, Naṭarāja danced on the side of the stage, worshipped first by the dancers. He is placed on stage as if it were how it was always done, even though there is every indication that it is a modern innovation [11]. In 1917, after viewing a photograph of Naṭarāja, sculptor Auguste Rodin (1840–1917) wrote down his impressions, which were published posthumously in 1921 [1, 16]. Praise of the artistry of the form from such renowned artists surely contributed to the “legitimization” of the Naṭarāja bronzes in the Western art world, but arguably Ananda Coomaraswamy’s essay had the most lasting impact. The Dance of Shiva was first published in a small English language Śaiva Siddhānta journal in 1912, but it is the revised 1918 version, the title essay of his book published in the United States, which is at the root of nearly all modern interpretations of the image. Thick with the perennial philosophy he admired, Coomaraswamy mined assorted Tamil sources and various Western sources to unpack and explicate the philosophical meaning of Naṭarāja. According to Coomaraswamy, Naṭarāja perfectly captures the movement and stillness of the universe, is the energy behind all things, and

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elucidates what God does better than any work found within any tradition ([4], pg. 56). Coomaraswamy also famously associated Naṭarāja with modern science. This was reenforced in 1975 with physicist Fritjof Capra’s The Tao of Physics, where Naṭarāja is a recurring metaphorical trope throughout the text. One of his most oft quoted lines ostensibly states that Naṭarāja’s dance is the spin and sway of atomic particles [2]. This association with physics was again reenforced when in 2004 the Indian government gifted a bronze Naṭarāja to the Centre Européen de Recherche Nucléaire (CERN) in Geneva [1]. One key feature of Śiva’s Ānanda Tāṇḍava in Tamil Nadu, which was lost in globalization, is the significance of the Goddess [1, 8]. Whether it is an utsava mūrti (processional form); a modern painting; a niche shrine in temples across the state, in Cidambaram; or the stucco replication of the five dance halls (pañcanṛtyasabhās) found in Tiruvālaṅkāṭu, the Goddess is nearly always present in plastic form, more often than not she stands to his left. According to R. Nagaswamy, historically the processional bronzes are always together, and in the festival devotional context, he never goes out without her [9]. This continues to be true today.

Interpretations Although appreciative of Coomaraswamy’s contribution, Padma Kaimal critiques his ahistorical interpretation and the use of texts that postdate the earliest forms of the image to support his reading. This also challenges modernity’s valorization of textual literacy over visual literacy. She suggests the older stories of a battlefield victory dance, iconographically present in the image, may have appealed more to a royal house on the rise than the association with atomic physics so beloved today, or even the plastic embodiment of Śaiva philosophy turned perennial philosophy, which is the dominant reading. Current scholarship agrees that there is not one reading of the image for all people at all times, but rather there were likely multiple, multilayered readings throughout

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history, including early interpretations of the dance as eternal and cosmic [11]. Therefore, one may read Naṭarāja as emblematic of the victorious Cōḻa’s expanding empire. One may also map the five-syllable mantra or pañcākṣara (auṃ namaḥ śivāya) and/or the five acts of Śiva called pañcakṛtya (śriṣṭi, creation; sthiti, maintenance; samhāra, destruction; tirobhava, concealment/embodiment; anugraha, grace) onto his form [3, 4]. As in a number of Cidambaram devotional works, one’s focus may continually return to the graceful upturned foot [15]. When Śiva dances the tāṇḍava dances (often listed as [7]), mountains fly through the sky, stars and planets unhinge, and ocean waves crash against the clouds [14]. One may also read the image as holding the paradox of tāṇḍava and bliss, the paradox of simultaneously encapsulating stillness and movement, or simply appreciate, as Rodin did, what is not seen as much as what is seen in Naṭarāja’s dance of bliss [1].

Nateśa ˙ 10. Pal P (2004) The blessed and the banal: Shiva Nataraja in the 20th century. In: Nanda V, Michell G (eds) Chidambaram: home of Nataraja. Marg Publications, Mumbai, pp 128–137 11. Pechilis K (2013) Śiva as the Lord of dance: what the poetess saw. J Hindu Studies 6:131–153 12. Rajarajan RKK (2014) Pañcanṛtyasabhās: dancing halls five. Relig South Asia 8(2):197–216 13. Rothenstein W (1932) Men and memories: recollections of William Rothenstein 1900–1922. CowardMcCann, Inc., New York 14. Sivaramamurti C (1974) Nataraja in art, thought and literature. National Museum, New Delhi 15. Smith D (1996) The dance of Siva; religion, art and poetry in South India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 16. Wessels-Mevissen C (2012) Introducing a god and his ideal form: A.K. Coomaraswamy’s ‘dance of Śiva’ 1912/1918. In: Indo-Asiatische Zeitschrift, vol 16. Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft Für Indo-Asiatische Kunst, Berlin, pp 30–42

Nateśa ˙ ▶ Naṭarāja

References 1. Beltz J (2011) The dancing Shiva: south Indian processional bronze, museum artwork, and universal icon. J Relig Eur 4:204–222 2. Capra F (1975) The Tao of physics: an exploration of the parallels between modern physics and eastern mysticism. Shambhala Publications, Boulder, E-book 3. Coomarawamy AK (2011/1918) The dance of Shiva: essays on Indian art & culture. Dover Publications, Mineloa/New York 4. Coomarawamy AK (2011/1918) The dance of Śiva. (July 1912) In: The light of truth or the Siddhānta Dīpikā and Āgamic Review (Madras) XIII/1:1–13. E-book, HathiTrust.org 5. Handelman D, Shulman D (2004) Śiva in the Forest of pines: an essay on sorcery and self-knowledge. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 6. Havell EB (1912) The ideals of Indian art. E.P. Dutton and Company, New York 7. Kaimal P (1999) Shiva Nataraja: shifting meanings of an icon. Art Bull 81(3):390–419 8. Keresenboom S (2011) Ananda’s Tandava: ‘the dance of Shiva’ reconsidered. Mārg 62(3):28–43 9. Nagaswamy R (2002) The Bronzes of Emperor Kulottunga and his successors. In: Newland J (ed) The sensuous and the sacred: Chola Bronzes from South India. American Federation of Arts, New York, pp 29–45

Na¯tha Siddhas (Na¯ths) Amitabh Vikram Dwivedi College of Humanities and Social Sciences – Languages and Literature, Shri Mata Vaishno Devi University, Katra, Jammu and Kashmir, India

Introduction Nath, aka Natha, falls under Shaivism subtradition within Hinduism, incorporating ideas from Yogic traditions, Buddhism, and Shaivism [1]. The Nath followers consider Lord Shiva, one of the Trimurtis in Hinduism, as their main deity and guru, while worshipping other gods too. Two chief Naths, namely, Matsyendranath and Gorakshanath (CE 9th or 10th ??), of Nath confederation are remembered for their significant contribution in developing the Nath philosophy. Available literature dated back to the eleventh

Na¯thadva¯ra¯

century CE and afterwards, where spiritual texts related to Shaivist theology have been documented. The Nath tradition was influenced by other Hindu philosophies, such as Advaita Vedanta monism, Shaktism, Vaishnavism, as well as various saints of Bhakti movement, namely, the teachings of Meera, Kabir, and Namdev also contributed in the growth of the Nath tradition [2].

Discussion The Sanskrit lexicon, Natha, literally means protector or lord. There is another term, namely, Adi Natha “the initial lord,” which is also used for the lord Shiva who is considered as the founding figure of the Naths [1]. The followers of the Nath tradition receive a name ending in -Nath, for example, the present Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in the Republic of India is Yogi Adityanath who held his office on 19 March 2017. However, the suffix “nath” is also used in Jainism and Vaishnavism, for example, Adinath, Gopinath, Jagannath, Parsvanath, and alike [3]. The Nath followers were popularly known as Yogi or Jogi in the eighteenth century. But during the British rule in India, the term “yogi/jogi” was employed for lower caste/status people, and for the nomadic, and this connotation is still prevalent in the Hindu society for the lower status population. Alternately, the Nath community prefers to call themselves as “Nath” in place of “Yogi” to avoid caste confusion in their public relations. However, the term “yogi/jogi” is as old as Hinduism, and it is used for an ascetics and for the practitioners of Yoga. Technically, there is no much difference between the Shaivism and the Nath tradition, and many Hindu scholars believe that “Nath” is actually a neologism for the Shaivism [3]. The Naths practice unconventional and uncanny while posing a challenge to all orthodox premises. Their dark and shunned practices place them near to Bakhtinian thought; however, they practice it to attain inner powers and to understand Nath theology. The Nath confederation is set up in itinerant groups of monastic organizations, and they are

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chiefly seen in Kumbh festivals performing their spiritual practices [2]. But the Nath followers also live as householders side by side its monastic organizations. Also, the historical record informs that during the Islamic rule few Naths transformed into fighters and warrior ascetics to resist forceful Islamic conversions and persecution. The memoirs by the Nath traveler, particularly by the Varthema, the Italian traveler, refer them as loges. Many Hindu scholars consider Nath as a subtradition within Shaivism, tracing their lineage to nine Nath gurus, beginning with Lord Shiva as their initiator, popularly known as Adinatha [1]. A little inconsistency is found in the list of the remaining eight Naths in some Buddhist texts such as Abhyadattasri, Varnaratnakara, and Hathapradipika. But the chronological account is similar, consisting of c. ninth-century Matsyendranath and c. twelfthcentury Gorakhnath [3]. The remaining six are: Caurangi, aka Sarangadhara and Puran Bhagat, Jalandhara, aka Hadipa and Carpatha, Kanhapa, Nagarjuna and Bhartrihari. Basically rooted in the Yoga tradition, the Nath was an ancient Siddha movement which evolved during the course of time. The Naths explored yogic practices, with a hypothesis that human being’s existence is a psycho-chemical process, and only the combination of physical techniques, alchemy and psychology, will help the practitioner in a better understanding of it which will gradually empower him/her for the state of bliss, i.e., the highest stage of spirituality.

References 1. Banerjea AK (1964) The Nath-Yogi Sampradaya and the Gorakhnath temple. Gorakhnath Temple, Gorakhpur 2. Briggs GW (2009) Gorakhnath and the Kanphata Yogi. Motilal Banarsidass, New Delhi 3. Dīwānā MSU (1937) Gorakhnath and mediaeval Hindu mysticism: including text and translation of Machhendra, Gorakh Goshti, Padas and Shlokas of Gorakh, Shlokas of Charpatnath. M. Singh, Lahore

Na¯thadva¯ra¯ ▶ Nathdwara

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Nathadwara ▶ Nathdwara

Na¯thdva¯ra¯ ▶ Nathdwara

Nathdwara Isabella Nardi Independent Researcher, Mantova, Italy

Synonyms Nāthadvārā; Nathadwara; Nāthdvārā

Definition Nathdwara is a pilgrimage town located 48 km from the city of Udaipur, in the modern state of Rajasthan. It rose to prominence in 1672 with the arrival and installation of the icon of Śrī Nāthajī (also Śrī Nāthjī), a black marble sculpture representing Kṛṣṇa as a child previously residing in a temple in the area of Braj. The town is considered the heart of the Puṣṭimārga community, and it is attracting an increasing number of pilgrims and tourists and slowly becoming a major center of religious tourism in India [1]. The Foundation of the Town of Nathdwara with the Installation of Śrī Na¯thajī in 1672 Nathdwara, whose name literally translates as “Gate (dvārā) of the Lord (nātha)” in honor of Śrī Nāthajī, was founded on the site of a village named Sinhad when the chariot carrying the icon of the god – during its 2-year journey from Braj to Rajasthan in search of a shelter – had its wheels

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stuck in the mud. The accompanying party of priests and devotees took this as a sign that Śrī Nāthajī had selected the place for its new temple. The building, commonly known as havelī (mansion) rather than mandira (temple), was erected in the middle of the village and designed to ensure the utmost comfort for the deity, which is treated as a living being. This temple is the most important institution of Puṣṭimārga (“Path of Grace”), a vaiṣṇava sect also known by the name of Vallabha Sampradāya (“Sect of Vallabha”) [1, 7]. The Foundation of Pustima¯rga and the ˙˙ Manifestation of Śrī Na¯thajī Puṣṭimārga was originally established in the region of Braj in the late fifteenth century by Vallabha (also Vallabhacharya and Vallabhācārya, 1479–1531), an orthodox Hindū philosopher born into a family of Telugu Brāhmaṇas devoted to Kṛṣṇa for generations. Puṣṭimārga was founded in the moment in which Kṛṣṇa appeared to Vallabha, while he was on a pilgrimage in the Braj region in 1494 and revealed him the way in which human souls (jīvas), lost in the Kali Yuga, might be cleansed of their faults. After taking the rite of initiation directly from Kṛṣṇa, Vallabha acquired the right to initiate others into the sect. The initiation consisted in giving one’s life, possessions, and actions completely up to Kṛṣṇa and vowing to dedicate one’s own material belongings to Kṛṣṇa before enjoying them. This type of selfless devotion to a god takes the name of bhakti, whereas the philosophy formulated by Vallabha, which promoted the householder way of life with a complete reliance on Kṛṣṇa’s grace (puṣṭi), is known as Śuddhādvaita (“pure nondualism”) [2]. Another crucial episode that took place during Vallabha’s pilgrimage in the Braj region is the miraculous manifestation of the icon of Śrī Nāthajī on Mount Govardhana, where the divine image was subsequently installed in a rough shelter on request of Vallabha in 1494. Six years later, with the expansion of the Puṣṭimārga community,

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a new solid temple was initiated, and after its completion in 1520, the structure remained the abode of Śrī Nāthajī until it was abandoned in 1669 during the reign of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (r. 1658–1707). Due to a period of political unrest in the region of Braj, the ruler forced the custodians of the icon to remove it and find refuge with the kings of Rajasthan [12, 15]. The Icon of Śrī Na¯thajī and the Other svarūpas of Pustima¯rga ˙˙ The image of Śrī Nāthajī, today residing in the havelī temple of Nathdwara, represents Kṛṣṇa as a child with his left arm raised in the act of lifting Mount Govardhana, an iconographic feature that not only reminds of the prodigious deed of the child Kṛṣṇa who raised Govardhana to protect the inhabitants of Vṛndāvana from the torrential rains sent by the outraged god Indra but also recalls the miraculous manifestation of Śrī Nāthajī on the same mountain [3, 15]. The icon of Śrī Nāthajī is not considered a man-made sculpture (mūrti); it is instead regarded as a svarūpa, a word literally meaning “ownform” or “essential form,” that is a self-manifest image embodying Kṛṣṇa which emerged in this world free from any imperfection and without human intervention [15]. Puṣṭimārga recognizes the existence of a total of nine svarūpas, collectively known by the name of navanidhis or “nine treasures,” which are icons that miraculously manifested themselves to Vallabha or were presented to him during his life. These nine images were passed on to Vallabha’s son, Viṭṭhalanātha (also Viṭṭhalnāth, 1515–1585), who allocated them to his seven sons. This distribution of the icons created a subdivision of the sect into major stem lineages which are known as pīṭhas or “seats” (also gaḍḍī or “throne” and ghara or “house”). Each lineage is associated to a svarūpa and to a priest descending directly from Vallabha and Viṭṭhalanātha according to primogeniture. These spiritual leaders, known by the title of mahārāja, have the responsibility of disseminating the beliefs of

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the sect while also remaining householders by marrying and maintaining their own family [11, 13]. The havelī temple at Nathdwara is the seat of the first pīṭha that is the center of Puṣṭimārga associated with Śrī Nāthajī. Its premises also house another svarūpa that resides in its own separate area of the temple: its name is Śrī Navanītapriyajī, which is a small metal image of Kṛṣṇa holding a ball of butter in one hand. Nathdwara is also the seat of the second pīṭha of Puṣṭimārga which is associated with the svarūpa of Śrī Viṭṭhalanāthajī, a small metal image representing Kṛṣṇa accompanied by the consort Rukmiṇī. The other pīṭhas of Puṣṭimārga are located in the north Indian cities of Kota (Rajasthan), Kankroli (Rajasthan), Gokula (Uttar Pradesh), Kaman (Rajasthan), Surat (Gujarat), and Vārāṇasī (Uttar Pradesh) [2, 11]. The life of Nathdwara revolves around the activities of the havelī temple of Śrī Nāthajī, which include manifold ceremonies, such as eight daily darśanas and numerous annual festivals (utsavas). The eight darśanas are elaborate rituals that take place at specific times of the day in the nijamandira, the innermost room of the havelī temple in which the icon of Śrī Nāthajī resides. The utsavas are annual celebrations that include Hindū festivals that are common all over India, such as Daśaharā, Dīpāvalī, and Holī, as well as rituals specific to Puṣṭimārga, such as the celebration of events of the life of Kṛṣṇa or the birthdays of influential priests, from Vallabha to the present day mahārājas [1, 4, 7]. The Painters of Nathdwara A description of Nathdwara would not be complete without mentioning its prominent community of hereditary artists and their renowned school of painting, which produced numerous artefacts for the temple and the devotees since the foundation of this pilgrimage site [1, 5, 9, 10]. The most notable artistic production of the town is the pichhwai (pichavāī), a painting on cloth traditionally used as a backdrop for the icon of Śrī Nāthajī in the temple, where it is

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employed on special occasions to create an atmosphere capable of suggesting events of the life of Kṛṣṇa while also inducing specific moods in the devotees participating to the ceremonies. Some popular pichhwais represent lotus flowers floating on water, a design that recalls the Yamuna River in the area of Braj, one of the locations of Kṛṣṇa pastimes, or cows arranged on the surface of the painting to suggest the time in which the god used to take his herd to pasture [1, 5, 6, 8, 14]. Among the past and present artistic productions of Nathdwara are murals, miniature paintings, collage works, painted photographs, and prints. Moreover, every year on the occasion of the Annakūṭa festival, which takes place on the second day of Dīpāvalī, the local community of artists is in charge of repainting the murals on the walls of the Śrī Nāthajī temple [1, 5].

Cross-References ▶ Bhakti ▶ Brāhmaṇa (Brahmin/Brahman) ▶ Darśana, Image Worship ▶ Diwali (Dipavali) ▶ Jīva Gosvāmin ▶ KaliYuga ▶ Kṛṣṇa ▶ Mūrti ▶ Pilgrimage ▶ Puṣṭimārga ▶ Religious Tourism ▶ Rukmiṇī ▶ Sculpture ▶ Śuddhādvaita ▶ Telugu ▶ Vallabha sampradāya

References 1. Ambalal A (1995) Krishna as Shrinathji: Rajasthani paintings from Nathdvara. Mapin, Ahmedabad 2. Barz R (1992) The bhakti sect of Vallabhacarya. Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 3. Bennet P (1990) In Nanda Baba’s house: the devotional experience in Pushti Marg temples. In: Lynch OM (ed) Divine passions: the social construction of

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4.

5. 6.

7. 8.

9. 10. 11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

emotion in India. University of California Press, Berkeley Gaston AM (1997) Krishna’s musicians: musicians and music making in the temples of Nathdvara, Rajasthan. Manohar, New Delhi Ghose M (ed) (2015) Gates of the Lord: the tradition of Krishna paintings. Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago Goswamy BN, Goswamy K (2014) Wondrous images: Krishna seen as Shrinath-ji. Pichhwais of the Vallabha Sampradaya. Sarabhai Foundation, Ahmedabad Jindel R (1976) Culture of a sacred town: a sociological study of Nathdwara. Popular Prakashan, Bombay Krishna K, Talwar K (2007) In adoration of Krishna: pichhwais of Shrinathji, Tapi collection. Garden Silk Mills, Surat Lyons T (2004) The artists of Nathadwara: the practice of painting in Rajasthan. Mapin, Ahmedabad Maduro R (1976) Artistic creativity in a brahmin painter community. University of California, Berkeley Peabody N (2003) Hindu kingship and polity in precolonial India. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge Richardson EA (1979) Mughal and Rajput patronage of the bhakti sect of the maharajas, the Vallabha Sampradaya, 1640–1760 AD. PhD dissertation, University of Arizona Saha S (2004) Creating a community of grace: a history of the Pushti Marga in northern and western India (1479–1905). PhD dissertation, University of Ottawa Skelton R (1973) Rajasthani temple hangings of the Krishna cult from the collection of Karl Mann. The American Federation of Arts, New York Vaudeville C (1980) The Govardhan myth in northern India. Indo-Iran J 22:1–45

Nationalism (Hinduism) Radhika Kumar Department of Political Science, Motilal Nehru College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India

Definition Hindu nationalism is an ideology that is based on “Hindutva” or the Hindu way of life that draws from ancient traditions of Indian philosophy as well as historical and concurrent religious narratives and images. Having emerged during the colonial rule in India, it is strongly entrenched in contemporary political discourse both organizationally and electorally.

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Narratives of Nationalism Nationalism simply understood is an ideology of the nation. It is a systematic set of ideas which seeks to foreground a particular identity of the individual/community seeking a fit between state, nation, and nationalism. However as the three are not always congruent, it leads to the possibility of what Smith [1] calls “recurrent nationalisms.” Further, nationalism is not always associated with an “actual” existing nation but may promote the possibility of a “potential” nation. Clearly then, the narrative of nationalism plays a critical role in determining the way national and political identity is shaped. Identifying these narratives, one may broadly refer to four such ways of theorizing nationalism. One of these is “primordialism” which pegs the concept of the nation on a “primordial identity.” This identity could be biological or cultural. “Birth, territory and community are seen as bearers of life, and as such are accorded an awe and loyalty far beyond everyday considerations of interest ([1]: 2). However while emphasizing the longevity of kinship and cultural ties, primordialists do not pay enough attention to social changes which may alter the nature of these attachments. A second narrative is that of perennialism wherein nations are viewed as “[I]mmemorial and/or perennial” ([1]: 2). Therefore nationalism is associated with a nation that is in existence. However not all perennialists are primordialists. While they may argue that nations have existed for millennia, they may not agree on nations being “natural.” The other two narratives are “modernist” in so far as they view nationalism as intricately linked with modernization and of recent lineage. Nationalism is viewed as a historically contingent ideology and movement which relates to specific sociological necessities (Gellner in [1]: 4). Hence it is not the nation that creates nationalism, rather nationalism that devises the nation wherever it does not already occur. In doing so, it often makes use of existing cultural signifiers. Modern nationalism is therefore tailor-made for an industrial society that requires a homogenous, literate population to man the “industrial machine” (Gellner in [1]: 5). In contrast to Gellner’s “sociological modernism”

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is Tom Nairn’s “economic developmentalism” ([1]: 6). For Nairn, nationalism is a consequence of the uneven development of capitalism particularly in the imperialist periphery wherein the colonies were violently drawn into the “capitalist world system.” Lacking the economic or military resources to resist, the “peripheral elites” mobilized the masses by leveraging their cultural resources. Therefore nationalism for Nairn ([1]: 6), “[I]s always a profoundly militant, cross-class, populist movement.” Also it sustains itself through a kind of “cultural romanticism.” However, both these materialist perspectives are said to locate themselves at an “abstract level of generality” ([1]: 7). They remain oblivious to cultural, regional, and historical particularities. Other modernist theories do engage with the aspect of culture. For instance, while Benedict Anderson famously referred to the nation as an “imagined community,” the idea of the nation was underpinned by print capitalism and the “fatality of linguistic diversity” (Anderson in [1]: 9). Hobsbawm too makes mention of the elite “invented culture” which included manufacturing a “national history, symbolism, and mythology” for purposes of corralling the masses into a national community and “status system” (Hobsbawm in [1]: 8). Adding nuance to the materialist and cultural constructivist perspectives of modern nationalism is the distinction drawn by Homi Bhabha between, “[T]he performative narratives of the nation of everyday life from the pedagogical narratives of nationalist tradition” (Bhabha in [1]: 9). Smith’s own approach is what he calls “historical ethno-symbolism.” He argues that nationalism may be understood as including various cultural markers such as myths and memory as well as an ethnic community or ethnies.

The Many Origins of Hindu Nationalism Hindu nationalism seeks to foreground the identity of the Hindus by imposing a unified, singular construct on what are disparate ways of thinking and living the religion. The religious construct is buttressed by the legacy of a shared/common

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history that is sought to be leveraged to build a cohesive identity, to create awareness about it and rally people to its cause. However just as the Hindu religion is characterized by multiple beliefs and practices, the contours and origins of this shared identity have many narratives. A divergence in narrative regarding the origins of Hindu nationalism arises from the use of different temporal frameworks. The salient perspective has been of tracing the origin of Hindu nationalism to the 1920s ([2]; Hansen 1999). John Zavos [2], for instance, sketches the organizational roots of Hinduism in the later part of the nineteenth century but does not pair it with the development of a nationalist ideology. He refers to the organizational proclivities of the nineteenthcentury colonial state which spurred the rise of Hindu organizations. The colonial state in its initial interface with the Hindu practices and traditions relied on vyavasthas which were “written or formal” opinions of well-known Hindu pandits to settle civil cases. The quest to locate an authentic and singular source of Hindu law led the colonial administration as well as the Orientalists toward a “textual Hinduism” ([2]: 32). This sanitized, singular, rational version of Hinduism was juxtaposed to the degenerate condition in which Hinduism was said to exist in colonial India. The positioning of such contrasts created a need among indigenous elites to exert themselves against colonial interpretations of the religion and resurrect Hinduism in its supposed ancient glorious form. This is said to have inspired the early social reform movements in the nineteenthcentury India which pressurized traditional Hinduism to reform. However later, as these movements became structured, they inspired change through their organization. These reform movements were however not the first to rebel against orthodox Hinduism. There were precolonial reform and radical movements as well. Such movements have been called transitional movements which belonged to the precolonial period and were associated with traditional ways of protesting against socioreligious practices. The later reform movements are classified as “acculturative” wherein indigenous population seek recognition within the colonial framework. (Jones in

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[2]: 40–41). While the Arya Samaj is seen as representative of an acculturative movement which used the Western framework to articulate religious change, the Sampradayas were transitional as they sought reform within the “living Hindu tradition” (Eschmann in [2]: 43). Hence the difference between the two comes from the framework that they choose for expression and initiation of change. It is the acculturative movements which by adopting the representational and organizational features of the colonial framework shaped the idea of Hinduism in the public sphere. Also these movements included both defenders of the orthodox tradition such as the Sanatana Dharma Movement and the reformers. A different narrative is presented by Chetan Bhatt [3] who traces the origins of Hindu nationalism to the second half of the nineteenth century and more specifically to the rise of a “vernacular and regional elite.” These elites were associated with shaping a “primordialist” Hindu identity pegged on the idea of “Aryanism.” Aryanism itself was the result of a complex interaction and negotiation between the Indian elite and German and British Orientalism. Therefore the classification of Hindu nationalism simply as a derived discourse or a contrived narrative is misleading as it makes invisible the composite process of emergence and shaping of Hindu nationalism. Further, these early conceptions of Hindu nationalism which made salient the idea of a shared “Hindu civilization” were carried forward into the twentieth century and came to be reflected in the concept of “Hindutva,” which gained currency in the 1920s. The use of a nineteenth-century temporal framework also puts to rest the argument that secular nationalism was involved in or fed into the rise of Hindu nationalism. Conspicuous by its absence was any reference to holding Islam responsible for the supposed debasement of Hinduism and neither was there discernable, a historical quest of Hinduism to rally against Muslim foreign invaders. Yet Hindu primordialism for Bhatt does not imply a perennialism wherein one may refer to a necessary and enduring singular ethnie. However primordial Hinduism does draw upon the idea of an evolving identity, rooted in the Vedic tradition inspired by a “linear temporality”

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([3]: 10). “Vedic Aryanism” became the kernel around which the concept of Hindu nationalism was sought to be built. This drew upon the Rig Veda wherein a mention is found of a conquering race of the “Aryans” who had defeated the people who originally populated India, also known as the dasyus. While in Europe the “Aryan myth” had strong racial connotations, in India the early Hindu nationalists drew moral currency from the concept which was also viewed as India’s contribution to the Western world, what Bhatt [3] calls “worldling of Hinduism.” Within the indigenous context though, it provided a civilizational and cultural anchor to which could be tied the project of building national unity. This early primordialist Hindu nationalism came to be best exemplified in the Arya Samaj established by Swami Dayanand Saraswati, the various nationalists of the Bengal “renaissance” and Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s “politicized martial-devotional Hinduism” ([3]: 15).

Forging an Identity: Nineteenth-Century Hindu Primordialists One of the earliest reform movements in the nineteenth century was the Brahmo Samaj which was set up in 1828 by Rammohun Roy. The essential focus of the Samaj was on arresting the degeneration of Hinduism for which it focused on reforming the caste system, rejected untouchability, and taboos related to overseas travel. They encouraged widow remarriage and were critical of the practice of child marriage. However the Samaj split twice. In 1850 Debendranath Tagore initiated the first split as he rejected the Vedic and rationalist element that Roy had emphasized, arguing instead in favor of “customary Hinduism” and “intuitive knowledge.” The second split was in 1866 when Keshab Chandra Sen attempted to “Christianize Hinduism.” Hence uncertainty over which tradition to follow, namely, Vedic, Upanishadic, or the Puranic, was typical to early expositions of Hindu nationalism ([3]: 23). Coupled to this uncertainty were other views that presented Hindu nationalism as an exclusivist ideology. For instance, Rajnarain in his two works, namely, “Prospectus of a society for the promotion of

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national feeling among the educated natives of Bengal” and The Aged Hindu’s Hope (Vriddha Hindu Asha, 1886) advocates the idea of a “Hindu nation” through his organization, the Hindu Mahasamiti that does not include Muslims. This exclusivist idea of a nation is also reflected in the writing of Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyaya. In his song Bande Mataram, Bankim is said to have glorified “Hindu religious-territorial nationalism” and the concept of “political affect” ([3]: 27–28). While sharing in the project of “redeeming” Hinduism, Bankim “[R]ejected the abstract ritual textualism of Dayananda Saraswati and the appropriation of the soaring metaphysics of the Upanishads by the Brahmos.....” ([3]: 31). Dayananda Saraswati who founded the Arya Samaj in 1875 in Bombay and in 1877 in Lahore aimed at reforming Hinduism by way of making salient the Vedic Aryan past of Hinduism as well as extolling the virtues of “Aryanism” or nobility as a virtue. These virtues were clearly territorial as they were typical to the inhabitants of India but they also had a universal resonance in so far as the Vedas were the source of the only true universal religion. As Bhatt [3] argues, “He vigorously opposed any form of idolatry, caste restrictions and untouchability, child marriage and restrictions on the education of women.” However while Dayananda opposed the concept of jati (sub-caste), he did favor the varna vyavastha (the caste system which included the four castes, namely, the brahmin, kshatriya, vaishya, and shudra). He argued that merit and not birth should determine the caste of an individual. However, such a perspective has been classified as one of “reform and defense” (Jaffrelot in [2]:46). This is because Dayananda did seek to retain the caste hierarchy if only in a less deterministic way. Paradoxically though, the very caste which retained its elite status in Dayananda’s exposition also became the most vocal critic of the Samaj, namely, the Sanatana Dharma Sabha. Nonetheless the Arya Samaj did usher in change both through its structural attributes and reformist ideology. Zavos [2] refers to the Samaj Mandir as an important “focal point” wherein members of the organization would congregate, exchange ideas and enact Arya rituals. Further, the emphasis of the

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Samaj on making the Vedas accessible to all challenged the monopoly of the Brahmins in interpreting the religious texts. The Samaj’s involvement in the shuddhi and cow protection movement helped it realize its transformative potential. Shuddhi was initiated to bring back to the Hindu fold converts to other religions. However toward the end of the nineteenth century, it was practiced to invest the lower castes and untouchables with higher caste status. This was said to effectively deal with increasing instances of conversion of lower caste Hindus to Christianity. While this move spurred vertical mobilization of the Hindus, the cow protection movement was associated with forging horizontal linkages within the Hindu community, though the two movements were not necessarily reconciled ([2]: 81). Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s legacy to early Hindu nationalism was to leverage historical and religious symbols which resonated with the Hindu mass imagination. More specifically his annotating of Shivaji as a “national hero” who rebuffed the “Mughal/Muslim” attack as well as reifying the Hindu deity “Ganesh” through public celebration of the festival, firmly placed him within the idiom of Hindu religion. Tilak’s association with the Congress party led to mainstreaming of this nationalist ideology and was reflected in the rise of the extremist faction within the party. Another member of the extremist faction, namely, Bipin Chandra Pal inspired by the German philosopher Hegel, viewed nationalism as the progressive realization of the “Hindu spirit.” Moving on from the extremists to the revolutionary nationalists such as Aurobindo Ghose, there is what Bhatt [3] calls “Hinduized sacralization of nation and nationalism” wherein the nation becomes sacred and is associated with the goddess. In fact it is argued that for Ghose, there was equivalence between nationalism and the Sanatan Dharma. The Sanatan Dharma was orthodox Hinduism represented by the Sanatan Dharma Sabhas and the overarching organization of the Bharat Dharma Mahamandal which developed in the 1860s and 1870s. The Sanatan Dharma aimed to define the core/original features of Hindu religion and thereby end the heterogeneity of thought and practice in Hinduism. The process of standardizing the religion

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would then also establish the authority of the Sabha as the only authentic source of religious interpretation. However this attempt was not very different from other Hindu reformists and revivalist who belonged to the primordialist tradition. What distinguished the Sanatan Dharma Sabha and, for instance, the Arya Samaj were related to the practice and the preachers of the religion, namely, image worship and the status of Brahmans within Hinduism, both of which were supported by the Sabhas but opposed by the Samaj. Hence ideological differences were not very apparent and often the issues coalesced as in the cow protection movement and encouraging the use of Hindi and Sanskrit ([2]: 52) The nineteenth-century understanding of the Hindu nation was catalyzed by the experience of colonialism. This was either through emulation of its organizational and representative framework or by drawing from the work of the Orientalists, both British and others to identify the primordial elements of Hindu civilization and religion. While these processes are closely linked with shaping the idea of a “Hindu nation,” it may be premature to label this as Hindu nationalism. This is not only because there was no cohesive ideological framework but also because the element of political mobilization and its rooting in a Hindu nation state was rather muted. The Hindu nationalist praxis picked up momentum in the early twentieth century and did draw upon the nineteenth-century reformist and revivalist Hinduism. In fact a clear linkage is discernable as Lala Lajpat Rai was a part of the original extremist triumvirate which also included Bipin Chandra Pal and Bal Gangadhar Tilak. However Rai’s brand of extremist Hindu nationalism was still a shade paler when compared to the militant Hindu nationalist organizations that rose in the 1920s which drew on a perennialist discourse to flesh out the contours of Hindu nationalism.

Claiming the Hindu Nation State: Postulation and Praxis The turn of the century clearly gave a new impetus to the firming up of Hindu nationalist identity and

Nationalism (Hinduism)

its transformation into aggressive Hindu nationalism. The triggers for this shift have variously been summarized as the Morley-Minto reforms of 1909 which provided for separate electorates for the Muslims; the colonial enumeration through decadal census and Gandhi’s support for the Khilafat movement. However even in this more aggressive phase, Hindu nationalism remained on the margins of the national movement and could not appropriate the dominant nationalist narrative. Secondly it made salient a discourse of “victimhood” wherein the Hindus were perceived to be in danger of obliteration as a community in case they did not proactively organize and assert their identity. This sentiment is echoed in the writings of many well-known Hindu nationalists of that time. Lala Lajpat Rai, for instance, while arguing in favor of a common destiny for Hindus and Muslims tended to conflate the idea of a shared civilization with that of Hindu nationalism. Har Bilas Sarda who was a strong votary of the Child Marriage Restraint Act (1925) wrote about the “superior” racial position of Hindus in his tract titled, Hindu Superiority: an Attempt to Determine the Position of the Hindu Race in the Scale of Nations ([3]: 55). Common to both Lajpat Rai and Sarda’s writing was the view that the Hindus were themselves responsible for their degenerate condition. Such views gained organizational expression in the Hindu Sabhas which were initially loose urban groupings of upper caste, middle-class professional Hindus set up in Punjab in the first decade of the twentieth century. Spurring these Sabhas to be politically active was the writing of Rai Bahadur Lal Chand. His pamphlet titled, SelfAbnegation in Politics which was published in 1909 referred to, “[T]he ‘lack’ of Hindu selfpride, the ‘shame’ in calling oneself ‘Hindu’ and Hindu ‘self-abnegation’ in the face of minority religious demands...” ([3]: 57). Lal Chand was also particularly critical of the Congress for not championing the specific cause of the Hindus and in fact disallowing even mention of what he perceived as Hindu interests. Also noteworthy was his view that rather than oppose the colonial administration it was essential to work constructively with them. The latter view was reiterated by the All India Hindu Sabha that was formed in

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1915. A slight shift in the Sabha’s attitude toward the colonial authorities is discernable with the renaming of the All-India Hindu Sabha in 1921 which was now called the All-India Hindu Mahasabha. The Mahasabha unveiled the idea of an integrated and self-ruling Hindu nation while also deciding not to cooperate with the colonial government till cow slaughter was banned. After 1922, the annual meetings of the Mahasabha under the leadership of Madan Mohan Malaviya were held simultaneous to those of the Indian National Congress, and members of the Mahasabha were active in the Congress as supporters of “responsive cooperation” (Gordon in [3]: 61). The Mahasabha also contested provincial elections after 1925. Their aim was to get representatives elected who were sympathetic to the cause of Hindu nationalism and was therefore unlike the participation of the Swarajist party which was driven by the goal of noncooperation. In a bid to further the consolidation of a Hindu constituency, the Mahasabha launched the All-India Shuddhi Sabha in 1923 under the charge of the Arya Samaj. The aim was to re-induct recently converted “neo-Christians” and “neoMuslims” as well to bolster the Hindu majority by purifying the untouchables and the tribals. The fear of the extermination of the Hindu race was substantiated by a theory formulated by Colonel U.N. Mukherji in his pamphlet titled Hindus- A Dying Race. This fear was reinforced by the “Gait circular” wherein E.A. Gait, the Commissioner of the 1911 census, stated through a circular in 1910, that those who did not worship the Hindu gods or were disallowed from entry to Hindu temples and do not identify themselves as Hindus or are recognized as such by others should not be entered as Hindus in the census registers. The census practice of enumeration and classification/categorization created equivalence between numbers and political weight of a community. Moreover as religion and caste were primary to the colonial aim of drawing up a rational classificatory framework of the subject society, they were also the identities which were most politicized. The response of the Hindu nationalists was in the manner of a “biopolitics” ([3]:62) best exemplified in Swami Shraddhanand’s book, Hindu

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Sangathan: Saviour of the Dying Race, which he wrote in 1924, wherein he proposes setting up of a Hindu sangathan to numerically consolidate the Hindus. Shraddhanand’s approach was indicative of a horizontal mobilization of the Hindus which while denouncing hereditary caste claims did embrace the hierarchical organization of Hindu society albeit only the four main castes. He consistently argued for inclusion of untouchables into the shudra caste. This was not for the purpose of imparting any agency to them, but rather to prevent their classification as “non-Hindus” in the census. The Sangathan was also to proactively encourage conversion of “neo-Muslims” and even those belonging to syncretic traditions ([3]: 68). It is interesting to note that just as the Hindu Sabhas drew its members from a variety of social and religious groups including the Arya Samaj, Brahmo Samaj, Theosophists, Sikh, and Sanatanist societies ([2]: 112), its leaders also were often active members of the Congress party such as Lajpat Rai and even engaged in militant nationalist activities such as Swami Shraddhanand. This clearly points toward the fluidity of Hindu nationalism in the 1920s which shaped itself as a response to perceived dwindling numbers of the Hindu population and apparent challenge of Muslim communalism. Hindu nationalism in this period continued to locate its faults within itself and essentially adopted a defensive posture. However this altered by the late 1930s when Vinayak Damodar Savarkar came to head the Hindu Maha Sabha. Savarkar in his early days was actively involved with the revolutionary nationalists and was pivotal in setting up the Abhinav Bharat secret society of revolutionaries in Maharashtra. He was incarcerated for 14 years in various jails in India including the dreaded Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Through his writings, particularly Hindutva which was published in 1923, Savarkar linked his espousal of the martial tradition with a strong Hindu consciousness. In a sweeping gaze on India’s history, he presented a narrative of Hindu victimhood wherein Hindus repeatedly repelled the foreign “other.” For Savarkar, the essentials of Hindutva included blood, race, ethnicity, territory, and affect. The aspect of affect is

Nationalism (Hinduism)

very important in weaving together the Hindu community as is the concept of Hindutva which pitches the religion beyond its lived diversity. Bhatt [3] in fact argues that Savarkar’s adoption of Hindutva and rejection of the word “Hinduism” which he equated to a Western ideology may have been an attempt to reconcile the differences between the Arya Samaj and the Sanatan Dharma. Prior to the 1911 census, the Arya Samajists did not claim inclusion within Hinduism. However notwithstanding Hinduism’s abstraction, Savarkar unequivocally rejected the idea that Muslims and Christians could belong to the Hindu nation. This was because while they may claim India as their fatherland, it was not their holy land. It is interesting to note that Savarkar whose ideas were foundational to Hindu nationalism was himself a “Hindu atheist” ([4]: 718). During the 1920s, the Hindu Mahasabha followed a policy of “responsive cooperation” with the colonial administration, and many of its leaders were also members of the Swaraj party which remained affiliated with the Congress party. However 1928 onward, it contested provincial and legislative elections as a competitor of the Congress party. It also supported the war effort of the colonial government with Savarkar’s slogan to “Hinduise all Politics and Militarise all of Hindudom.” While the Hindu Mahasabha pitched Hindu nationalism aggressively in the electoral arena to counter the bias of the colonial government toward the Muslim League, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R.S.S.) which was set up in 1925 by K.B. Hedgewar in Nagpur established the framework of the Shakha and Sangathan (organization) complete with a Hindu nationalist semiotic. The daily physical drills and mental training sessions which encouraged the swayamsevaks to pay obeisance to the “nationGod” and salute the Bhagwa-Dhwaj (ochrecolored flag) were intended to create a dedicated cadre of Hindu nationalists. The hierarchical structure of the organization with a centralized command has often been called fascist or “protofascist” ([3]: 124). Claiming to be non-political, the R.S.S. did not participate in any of the major anti-colonial satyagraha movements launched by the Congress as a part of the freedom struggle.

Nationalism (Hinduism)

However this non-political stance remained suspect in so far as it actively opposed the existence and expression of non-Hindu religious groups and beliefs. Its relation with the Hindu Mahasabha deteriorated in the 1940s as Savarkar, who headed the Mahasabha and M.S. Golwalkar who succeeded K.B. Hedgewar as the Sarsanghchalak of the R.S.S disagreed on the political role of an organization. Golwalkar’s strategic non-political positioning of the R.S.S. held the organization in good stead during the colonial period as the British government saw its role as collaborative rather than threatening. It was in the postindependence period that the R.S.S. was thrice banned. Yet again when compared with the Hindu Mahasabha, it is the Sangathan which accounted for the longevity of the R.S.S. While the former was eclipsed, it is the R.S.S. and its various affiliates, namely, the Sangh Parivar which have become the dominant face of Hindu nationalism in the postcolonial and contemporary era.

Hindu Nationalism and Politics in Independent India: Governing the State Hindu nationalism most closely affiliated with the R.S.S. and its burgeoning organization faced an existential challenge after independence as it was banned following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination by Nathuram Godse who was alleged to have been associated with the R.S.S. While attempting to ingratiate itself with the Indian government, to get the ban lifted, the need for a political organization was realized which could leverage political power to further the cause of the R.S.S. Hence to cultivate an electoral and political constituency of Hindu nationalists, the Bharatiya Jan Sangh (B.J. S.) was set up as an affiliate of the R.S.S in 1951. Its general secretary was Deen Dayal Upadhyaya who was an R.S.S. pracharak (preachers). Deen Dayal’s philosophy of “integral humanism” was adopted as central to the Jan Sangh ideology in the 1960s. It was based on the concept of “nondualism” or ekatmata, namely, the unity of “man,” “society,” and “universe.” Humankind for Deen Dayal consists of the four ordered characteristics of body, mind, intellect, and soul which

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fit in with the four universal aims of kama (desire), arth (wealth), dharma (moral duty), and moksha (salvation). Rejecting both capitalism and socialism, Deen Dayal argued in favor of a “third way” which laid emphasis on indigenous production, both public and private and decentralization within a unitary constitution. In tracing the evolution of the Jana Sangh, Christophe Jaffrelot ([3]: 161) refers to the early “sangathanist” strategies which changed to “hybridization” and then “moderation” with the aim to align itself with the political mainstream in the 1960s and then finally the “mixed strategy” during the 1970s. The electoral rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party which was the successor of the Jana Sangh in the 1980s largely derived from politicizing certain key issues. These included the construction of a Ram temple in Ayodhya which was said to be the birthplace of the Hindu deity lord “Rama” but also where stood the Babri Masjid where prayers were offered by the local Muslim community. The second issue was abrogation of article 370 which granted special status to the state of Jammu and Kashmir in the Indian constitution, and the third was imposition of a uniform civil code which would replace all personal laws. While these issues persistently constitute the core of the ideology of the BJP, electoral mobilization has invariably involved capitalizing on religion-based cleavages. These have included the regular conduct of rath yatras or chariot processions on a countrywide basis to solicit support for building the “Ram temple” as well as yatras by the R.S.S. affiliate, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (V.H.P.) or the World Hindu Council which sought to conflate nationalism with Hinduism through the image of the mother goddess as representative of Bharat Mata (mother India) ([5]: 35). Hence the Sangh Parivar or the various affiliate organizations of the R.S.S. which form a part of the R.S.S. “family” have been popularizing Hindu nationalist ideology in diverse spheres including trade unions (Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh) among tribal groups (Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram) and educational institutions (Saraswati Shishu Mandir). Hindu nationalism took on a more aggressive form in the 1990s, first witnessed in the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. Hindu nationalist muscle

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was also on display when the BJP led by the National Democratic Alliance government tested the nuclear bomb in 1998. Thereafter the Hindu-Muslim riots in the state of Gujarat in 2001 wherein certain leaders of the ruling party in Gujarat, namely, the BJP, along with other fringe Hindu nationalist organizations were said to be complicit in the violence marked the apogee of Hindu nationalist aggressiveness. A decade and more hence, the return to power of the BJP led by NDA government in 2014, albeit with a majority of seats being won by the BJP, has yet again witnessed escalation of religionbased violence on the premise of alleged forcible conversions of Hindus to other religions and cow protection reminiscent of the issues that animated Hindu nationalists in the formative years. While governing the state has tempered the aggressiveness of the official Hindu nationalist dispensation, it has paradoxically fueled multiple groups and organizations, mainstream and peripheral which have appropriately and coercively imposed the Hindu nationalist discourse.

Nattapperuma¯n (Dancing God) ¯ ˙˙

Nature ▶ Prakṛti

Navagraha Subhash Kak Department of Computer Science, School of Electrical and Computer Engineering, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA

Synonyms Planet deities

Definition Nine planets used in Indian astrology and devotional practice.

References

Introduction

1. Smith AD (2000) Theories of nationalism: alternative models of nation formation. In: Liefer M (ed) Asian nationalism. Routledge, New York 2. Zavos J (2000) The emergence of Hindu nationalism in India. Oxford University Press, New Delhi 3. Bhatt C (2001) Hindu nationalism: origins, ideologies and modern myths. Berg, Oxford/New York 4. Satyamurthy TV (1997) Indian nationalism: state of the debate. Econ Polit Wkly 32(14):715–721 5. Kumar R (2017) Padayatras and the changing nature of political communication in India. Studies in Indian Politics 5(1):32–41 6. Hansen (1999) The saffron wave, democracy and hindu nationalism in modern India. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

The Navagraha are the nine “planets” of Indian astrology [3]. They are correctly viewed as the presiding deities of the mirrored inner analogs of the outer planets. According to the Vedic theory of equivalences between the outer and the inner (bandhu-), the outer planets are connected to processes within the individual with corresponding cycles [1]. The Puruṣa Sūkta (RV 10.90) declares that the Moon came from Puruṣa’s mind and the Sun from his eye. Modern biology has shown that cells of the body come with different clocks that are correlated with different astronomical processes. The most fundamental rhythms are matched to the periods of the Sun or the Moon. For example, in humans the menstrual period corresponds to the Moon’s motion; in fact “menses” means lunar month. Cicadas have 13- and 17year cycles. There are other cycles, like that matched to the sidereal day and the orbital plane of the Moon [2]. Clearly, Indians have assumed

Nattapperuma¯n (Dancing ¯ ˙˙ God) ▶ Naṭarāja

Navagraha

that there were less obvious cycles that are matched to the motions of the various heavenly bodies. There are Navagraha temples all across India. At these temples, the deities are shown in the nine cells of a square, with Sūrya at the center, with no two deities facing each other. In South India, Navagraha images are generally found in important Śaiva temples. The images are invariably placed in a separate hall, on a pedestal of about three feet in height, usually to the northeast of the sanctum sanctorum.

Navagraha Stotra The Navagraha stotra lists the nine planets as Sūrya (Sun), Candra (Moon), Maṅgala (Mars), Budha (Mercury), Guru (Jupiter), Śukra (Venus), Śani (Saturn), Rāhu (ascending node of the Moon), and Ketu (descending node of the Moon). Sun (Sūrya), also Kāśyapeya, son of Ṛṣi Kaśyapa and his wife Aditi. His chariot is pulled by seven horses. He is bright and has red color like that of hibiscus; Saturn is his son. Moon (Candra), also Soma. His chariot is pulled by ten white horses or an antelope. He is of sattva guṇa and he represents the mind. He is married to the 27 nakṣatras, who are the daughters of Dakṣa. Maṅgala (Mars), also Aṅgāraka (of red color), Bhauma (son of Bhūmi, Earth), Kumāra (son of Śiva), and Kuja. He is the god of war. He has tamas guṇa and he represents energetic action, confidence, and ego. He is four-armed, carrying a trident, club, lotus, and spear. His color is red. His mount is ram. Budha (Mercury) is the son of Candra with Tārā (star). He is the protector of merchants. His guṇa is rajas. He is represented as being mild, eloquent, and of yellow or golden color. He is shown riding a lion or a chariot drawn by eight horses. Bṛhaspati (Jupiter) is the guru of the devas. He is of sattva guṇa and he represents knowledge and teaching. His element is ākāśa or ether, and his direction is northeast. He has yellow

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or golden color and he holds a stick, a lotus, and beads. His wife Tārā deserted him when she fell in love with Candra, which eventually led to a war. His mount is an elephant or a chariot drawn by eight horses. Śukra (Venus), the son of Bhṛgu, is the preceptor of the asuras, the demons. His guṇa is rajas and he represents love, romance and sexuality, artistic talents, the quality of the body and material life, wealth, the opposite sex, pleasure and reproduction, feminine qualities, and the fine arts, such as music, dance, painting, and sculpture. He is of white complexion, and he is middle-aged and of agreeable countenance. His mount is a crocodile or a chariot pulled by seven horses. He holds a stick, beads, and a lotus and sometimes a bow and arrow. Śani (Saturn) is so named because his circuit of 30 years is the slowest among the first five planets. His element is air, and his direction is west. His nature is tamas. He is the son of Sūrya and Chāyā and the elder brother of Yama, death. It is said that when he opened his eyes as a baby for the very first time, the Sun went into an eclipse, which denotes the impact of Śani on astrological charts (horoscope). He is depicted dark or blue in color, clothed in black; holding a sword, arrows, and two daggers and variously mounted on a black crow or a raven. Rāhu is the ascending lunar node, or it is the point at which the lunar path crosses the ecliptic. Rāhu is the head of the immortal asura that swallows the Sun causing eclipses. He is depicted as riding a chariot drawn by eight black horses. According to the story of the samudra manthana, the asura Rāhu drank some of the divine nectar, but before the nectar could pass his throat, Viṣṇu cut off his head that became immortal. The rest of the body came to be called Ketu. Ketu is the descending lunar node. Ketu is said to be smoky in color although formally he is shown as red like the palāśa flower and his mount is an eagle. Jaiminigṛhyasūtra gives the following equation between the planets and the Vedic gods: the Sun is

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Śiva, the Moon is Umā (Śiva’s wife), Mars is Skanda (Śiva’s son), Mercury is Viṣṇu, Jupiter is Brahman (symbolizing the entire cosmos), and Saturn is Yama (the “dual” god, or death). Elsewhere the associations provided are different. The grahas also have associations with elements, metals, gemstones, body parts, food, directions, notes, and so on.

Cross-References ▶ Astronomy

References 1. Kak S (1996) Knowledge of planets in the third millennium BC. Q J Roy Astron Soc 37:709–715 2. Kak S (2012) The astronomical code of the Ṛgveda, 3rd edn. Oklahoma State University, Stillwater 3. Mani V (1975) The Purāṇic encyclopaedia. Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi

Navarathri ▶ Navarātri

Navara¯tri Ruchi Agarwal Social Science Division, Mahidol University International College, Nakorn Pathom, Thailand

Synonyms Durga Puja;Navarathri;Navdurga Festival

Definition Nine nights to honor goddess Durga.

Navarathri

The Associated Mythology Navratri is one of the most important festivals of India. It falls during the month of Ashwin (September–October). Over the course of nine nights, Hindus all over India and abroad worship the mother goddess. The festival involves 10 days of fasting, a feast, and worship ceremonies. The event is also an occasion for family reunion, rejuvenation, and celebration of traditional culture. The festival is related to the beheading of a demon named Mahishasura who had a boon that protected him from being killed by any man. The demon created lot of destruction and terror. Upon Indra’s request, the trimurtis (Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva) created Durga by consolidating their divine power. With the Shakti from the trimurtis, Durga defeated Mahisasur after a battle that lasted nine nights and beheaded him on the tenth day. Regional Differences The celebration of this epic battle is staged somewhat differently in different regions. In West Bengal, Navratri and Vijayadashmi are called Durga Puja and Dusshera, while in South India, the festival includes other goddesses. The first three nights are dedicated to Durga, the next three for Laksmi, and the remaining are dedicated to Saraswati. The tenth day of the festival marks Vijayadashmi also popularly known as Dusshera. The three goddesses are believed to be incarnations of Shakti, the mother goddess. During Navratri, Durga is invoked first to remove impurities of mind, Lakshmi to cultivate noble values and qualities, and Saraswati to gain knowledge of the self. Upon gaining these there is Vijayadashmi on the tenth day meaning victory. In North of India, the festival celebrates the victory of Rama over the evil king Ravana as part of the epic of Ramayana with effigies of Ravana, his brother Kumbhakarna, and son Meghnatha burnt along with fun fare and fire crackers. In the northern part of India, live stage performances depicting the life of Rama are also organized as Ram Leela [3]. The last 4 days of Saptami, Ashtami, Navami, and Dashami are of greater importance and

Navya¯-Nya¯ya

celebrated joyfully all over India and abroad. In West Bengal the Durga Puja is celebrated from the sixth to the tenth day of the waxing moon in the month of Ashwin. Here the ten-armed goddess is celebrated each year with extravagant pandals in open areas enshrining beautiful images of Durga along with Ganesha, Lakshmi, Saraswati, and Kartikye. As part of Durga Puja in Bengal, the religious rituals are held for 5 days. At the end of the sixth day, the images of Durga are taken out in a procession to immerse in water as a farewell gesture for the deity to send her home. In Gujarat, Durga is called Amba, and the festival recalls her victory over Mahisasur. Important events during the festival include aarti, singing of devotional songs, colorful Garba (clapping) dances, and Raas Dandia (stick dance). Garba revolves around clay lamps and devotional songs followed by the Dandia where a large group of dancers whirl clockwise with sticks [2]. The Garba and Dandiya dances during Navratri have become part of the Gujrati religious heritage [1]. Nav Durgas are worshipped during these 9 days referring to the nine manifestations of Durga with Saraswati, Laksmi, and Kali as the major forms and the active energies of the Trimurtis. Each form of Durga is further manifested in three forms, collectively known as Nava Durga. These include, Shailputri, Brahmacharini, Chandraghanta, Kushmanda, Skandamata, Katyayini, Kalratri, Mahagauri, and Siddhidatri. Each day of the Navratri is dedicated to each form with special prayers specifically recited by the devotees. Devotees fast during the 9 days consuming special food and nonalcoholic drinks for nutrition. Navratri are popularly celebrated twice a year with Vasanta Navratri (March–April) marking the beginning of summer and the more important, Sharada Navratri (September–October) that marks the beginning of winter.

Cross-References ▶ Durgā

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References 1. David A (2010) Negotiating identity. In Chakravorty P, Gupta N (eds) Dance matters: Performing India on Local and Global Stages. Taylor & Francis, London. Print 2. Odell-Scott DW (2004) Democracy and religion: free exercise and diverse visions. Kent State U Press, Kent. Print 3. Verma M (2013) Fasts and festivals of India. Diamond Pocket Books Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi

Navdurga Festival ▶ Navarātri

Navya¯-Nya¯ya Mona Rawal Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, CA, USA

Introduction to Navya-Nyaya The Navya-Nyaya school of Indian philosophy, also known as neological school, was founded in the thirteenth century CE by a magnificent maestro of philosophical logic whose name was Gangesa Upadhyaya also known as Gangeshwar Upadhyay from Mithila, a region in the northern part of India. He belonged to Chandanagrama in Mithila and had three sons named Vardhamana, Supana, and Harisharma. He belonged to the Kashyapa Gotra. There are some records of his village being Mangrauni in Mithila. His most vibrant work is a masterpiece in the field of Indian logic, known as Tattva Chintamani which initiated the wave of Navya-Nyaya studies. Gangesa was influenced by the doctrines of scholars in Nyaya Vaisesika schools like Prachina Nyaya and Purva Mimamsa of Prabhakara and works of Vacaspati Misra and Udayana. Navya-Nyaya school of thought arose from a need to critically evaluate the shortcomings of two giant systems of Indian philosophical logic, known

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as Nyaya and Vaisheshika. The Nyaya school of logic is founded by Gautama Akshapada, and his work is Nyaya Sutras, dated in 100 CE. It predominantly discusses issues in logic and epistemology. The Vaisesika system on the other hand was founded by Kanada and is popular with his work known as the Vaisesika Sutra dated in 100 BCE. This system gives accounts on ontology. Eventually during the eleventh to twelfth century, these both systems were merged to form a brand new school known as the “Navya-Nyaya” school of philosophical logic. The word Nayva means “new” and Nyaya is the system of Naiyayika logic. Hence the name derived suggests a reformation of the traditional Nyaya school of thought. It is a marriage between the classical Vaisesika metaphysics and the Nyaya epistemology. This later school began in the regions around East India, specially Bengal, and developed doctrines similar to the modern logic by the sixteenth century, such as Gottlob Frege’s distinction between sense and reference of proper names and his explanation to the theory of number.

Tattva Chintamani: The Thought Jewel of Reality or Truth The foundational text of the school of NavyaNyaya formulated by Gangesa was his brilliant and innovative text known as Tattva Chintamani or the Jewel of Reflection on the Truth. This book was written as a response to Shri Harsha’s Khandana khanda khadya which was a prolific defense of the Advaita Vedanta of Sankara. In this book, Gangesa critically examines the Nyaya and Vaisesika logic along with proposing criticisms to the Advaita. His main goal was to improve and redefine the logic of the Nyaya and Vaisesika systems to make them more precise and applicable. His book covers all the important facets of Indian philosophy such as logic, set theory, epistemology, and philosophical analytic thinking. Gangesa’s Tattva Chintamani comprised of four parts which were based on the four Pramanas or sources of right knowledge:

Navya¯-Nya¯ya

1. Pratyaksha – that which is evident to the eyes which is sense perception. 2. Anumana – estimate or inference. 3. Upamana – comparison, similarity, or resemblance. 4. Shabda – verbal testimony.

Scholars of the Navya-Nyaya System The school of thought reaches its epitome of scholarly literature with contributions from great thinkers like Raghunatha Siromani, Jagadisa, and Gadadhara Bhattacharya, apart from the founder Gangesa’s works. Vardhamana Mahopadhyaya, a son of Gangesa, has himself written a commentary on Tattva Chintamani. Annambhaṭṭa’s The Manual of Reason (Tarkasaṃgraha), together with its autocommentary, the Dīpikā, is a remarkable pointer to the development of the new Nyaya system. This text was also popular as Bāla-gādādharī, a form of “Beginner’s Guide to Gadādhara.” Pakshadhara Mishra was one more renowned logician of this era to have masterminded the scholarly commentary Aloka on Tattva Chintamani of Gangesa. Mishra is also known to have authored another independent commentary on Tattva Chintamani named as Tippani, and another work of his that brought him glory was Shashadhara Vyakhya. Some other prominent names in the school of Navya-Nyaya are Vishvanatha Panchanana Bhattacharya, Mathur Anatha Tarkavagisha, and Yajnapati Upadhyaya.

The Navya-Nyaya Philosophy Unlike the Nyaya school which recognizes 16 categories, the Navya-Nyaya lists 7 categories of object: substance (dravya), quality (guṇa), motion or action (karma), universal (sāmānya), particularity or differentiator (viśeṣa), inherence (samavāya), and absence (abhāva). Of these, the first six comprise the classical list of categories, found even in the Vaiśeṣika Sūtra, while the seventh (absence) is a special addition by the later school. It also recognizes 9 types of substance and 24 types of quality.

Na¯yanma¯r ¯

The Navya-Nyaya account of number has been compared to be similar to the theory of Frege and is indeed magnificent. The Manual of Reason says only that numbers are qualities (guṇas), that they are the ground for numerical judgments, and that they range from 1 to a very high number called parārdha. This view about numbers being qualities is in harmony with the Vaisesika system as well. Gangesa did not approve of this theory; hence, numbers cannot be qualities. This problem led the Navya-Naiyayikas to develop a new account of numbers, base