Greek papyri: an introduction 9781400877652

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GREEK PAPYRI

T

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GREEK PAPYRI AN INTRODUCTION Sela leeoelseiseis ee ebeelge'’siselgyisyalgeleelgelse!

E. G. TURNER Professor of Papyrology University College London

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

1968

Oxford University Press, Ely House, London Wir GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON ; CAPE TOWN SALISBURY IBADAN NAIROBI LUSAKA ADDIS ABABA

BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR HONG KONG TOKYO

© OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS 1968 IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS

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PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY VIVIAN RIDLER PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY

PREFACE Quid non Ars queat? Ecce tibi in latas tenuesque palustris Secta Papyrus acu philyras mortalibus usum

Dat chartae. ...

What cannot Skill achieve? A marvel, now! The plant which in the swampy Lakes did grow, Split into pithy Ribands, broad and fine, Gives unto mortal men the Sheet divine. Then was it first that Friend to distant friend In sweet Exchange fond Messages could send; Then Books found honour: none there was but sought To follow Wisdom and to teach th’ untaught. Papyrus first the Mind of man did whet And many Books spread wider Learning’s net. Jean Imberdis, S.J., Papyrus, 1693, transl. E, Laughton

H1S book is written as an aid to the use of Greek or Latin

| papyri (Latin texts, though not specifically mentioned in the title, are treated throughout on the same footing as Greek). The reader may be textual critic, historian, or intelligent layman whose imagination has been stirred at the idea of making direct contact with the writers of two thousand or so years ago. I hope this guide will help him to find his way about an elusive branch of study, and make his exploration of the originals both more fruitful and more interesting. By setting out what it is useful for a man to know before be begins to use these texts, I hope also that I can save him from putting the wrong sort of questions and drawing unjustified inferences. The aim I have had foremost in mind 1s to facilitate a profitable approach to the originals (in the manner of W. Schubart’s Einfiihrung in die Papyruskunde, Berlin, 1918) rather than to summarize and codify the findings of past scholars. This book will not offer a body of results of the same kind as the magisterial

survey of historical, administrative, and juristic knowledge derived from the papyri that is to be found in the Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde of U. Wilcken and L. Mitteis

issued in 1912. Itis doubtful whether a single individual could

nowadays possess the knowledge to survey the whole field

vi Preface accurately, or whether, even if he had it, the result would be of sufficient value to other scholars to justify the time consumed in compiling it. It is partly the success of Wilcken and Mitteis’s great book in codifying the results of investigation that has led to a common interpretation of “‘papyrology’ (Papyruskunde) as ‘a body of knowledge derived from the study of papyri’. It is a one-sided, oversimplified interpretation. What the papyrologist does will, I hope, emerge from a reading of Chapter V. I prefer in consequence not to attempt prematurely to define the bounds of the discipline. I have indeed gone to some lengths to avoid making use of the words “papyrologist’ and ‘papyrology’. They suggest a department of knowledge which is only too easily elevated into a ‘mystique’. A man who wishes to work on Greek or Latin papyri needs no mystical powers. But he does need good eyesight, familiarity with the Greek language, a powerful fund of

curiosity, and a determination to relate what he finds that is new to the existing stock of knowledge. Add a faculty of critical judgement and a dash of critical scepticism and he will develop into a first-rate scholar. Papyrus itself is one of the most splendid legacies of Egyptian

civilization to later ages. It is well to pay this tribute now, for in this book when the term ‘papyri’ is used as acollective noun it does notin general include textsin Egyptian hieratic or demotic,

Coptic, Aramaic, Pehlevi, or Arabic, but is applied only to texts in Greek or Latin. Most of these texts belong to the thousand years during which the Greeks occupied Egypt (roughly from Alexander the Great to the eighth century after Christ) and have been preserved by the dry sands of Egypt. Though I exclude from the term writings in other languages, I do include writings on other materials during this period: it is a matter of convenience to use the word ‘papyri’ to cover skins, parchment, vellum, potsherds, wooden boards, etc., indeed all materials carrying writing in ink done by a pen.

To one article of faith I had better confess in a preface. I have little patience with a common attitude, that literary texts alone are worth the attention of a scholar, and that documentary papyri may be left to a humbler kind of investigator. This dichotomy of the texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt into

literary and documentary papyri has put scholarship in

Preface vii blinkers. There is not one kind of palaeography that applies to

literature and one kind that applies to documents. Some of the most precious texts of Greek literature survive only in copies made by scribes whose normal employment was copying

documents; probably less than half of the total are written in ‘bookhands’ by scribes who devoted themselves to copying literature and literature only. I hope that Chapters VI and VII will make clear what illumination can be brought to the literary texts themselves by the documents which describe the conditions under which literature was studied and copied. Neither literary man nor documentary scholar has a monopoly of imagination or sensitivity, though it is imagination and sensitivity of

a different kind that they employ. To prevent their subject suffering they must try to come to terms with each other.

A second notion I have borne constantly in mind is that at least as many papyrus texts still await an editor as have been published. The opportunities are there for those willing to take them. Consequently I have tried to treat the development of discovery and interpretation as a continuing process. A book such as this should, of course, answer questions; but it should also try to show what kind of questions can be answered and what cannot, and serve as a launching-pad for further investigation. Scholarship moves forward through the work of new generations.

The book can, I hope, be read straight through if the reader wishes, without recourse to the bibliographical references col-

lected together at the end. They are there because a guide would be of restricted usefulness if it did not indicate what books and articles out of a widely dispersed literature are likely to be most helpful. These bibliographical references have been kept to a minimum: for any particular topic I have chosen as a base a recent discussion which itself subsumes much of the earlier literature. For literary texts ] have (though not consistently) adopted the

plan of referring to them by the number they bear in R. Pack, The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 2nd

ed., 1965 (abbreviated as Pack?). This method has the advantage of a concise mode of reference both to the text in question and to a fairly full bibliography concerning it; its disadvantage is to interpose a second book between the reader and his quarry.

viii Preface I hope that the searcher will not grow impatient at this procedure. I have it in mind in a later work, which I have provisionally called A Reference Book of Greek Papyri, to compile a

more extended critical bibliography alphabetically arranged.

It might start from the index entries of this book, but also contain additional matter, such as a detailed section about provenances, a bibliography on Herculaneum, and perhaps a table of formats of rolls and codices. ‘To supplement the plates in

this book, I have made a selection. from the papyri discussed and hope to present them in facsimile reproduction in a companion volume, Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, which

is now in an advanced stage of preparation. For photographs and for permission to reproduce I should like to thank the Trustees of the British Museum (PI. IV), the Egypt Exploration Society (Pls. V, VII and VIII), the Kelsey Museum of Art and Archaeology, Ann Arbor (Pl. I), Mrs. Raissa Calza and the Fototeca Unione (PI. VI), Mme Semni Karouzou (PI. IT), and Miss Alison Duke and the Mistress and Fellows of Girton College, Cambridge, for Pl. ITI. This book and its companion volume would never have been written had I not enjoyed the opportunity of two periods of residence at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. The greater part of the present volume took its present shape in 1964. The date will explain the choice of illustrative material,

and also its presentation (Pack? was not published till the manuscript was completed). The list of papyrological publications is, I hope, reasonably complete to 31 May 1966. A few items have been added since then, but systematic bibliographical revision has not been possible after that date.

I am grateful to many scholars for their advice and help. Parts of the manuscript were read at an early stage by Professors Cl. Préaux, E. A. Lowe, Dorothy and Homer Thompson, B. D. Merritt, H. C. Youtie, and N. Lewis, and the plan benefited from their criticisms and suggestions. My wife has encouraged and helped me throughout, and lightened my load by making a fresh inspection of library shelves in order to compile the list of papyrus publications. The complete manuscript was read and improved by Dr. J. R. Rea, Mr. C. H. Roberts, and Professor C. B. Welles. The whole book has been read in proof by Dr. Douglas Young, Messrs. E. W. Handley,

Preface ix P. J. Parsons, and by W. E. H. Cockle (to whom I am indebted also for compilation of the index); and sections of proof have been read by Professors A. H. M. Jones and J. A. C. Thomas. The scholarship and attentiveness of these learned men have removed many ambiguities and saved me from many errors. For those that remain I alone am to blame. I have two final acknowledgements to make. The first is to the non-pareil of scholars, Edgar Lobel, from whom I have learned

more than I can express. A very great deal of what is set out here originates from him. The second is to Sir Harold Idris Bell. In December 1966 he accepted the dedication of this book.

Alas, he has not lived to see it appear. But I inscribe it to his memory with all the reverence and affection in my power. He first revealed to me the value and interest of papyri, taught me to read a papyrus text, and helped me to glimpse what was required to understand it.

E. G. TURNER

February 1967

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CONTENTS

LIST OF PLATES X11 I. WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS I Il. THE REDISCOVERY OF PAPYRUS 17

their study 25

Ill. EXCAVATING FOR PAPYRI: the organization of IV. PLACE OF ORIGIN AND PLACE OF WRITING: the

geographical distribution of finds 42

V. HOW A PAPYRUS TEXT IS EDITED 54

texts 74.

VI. THE PERSONS WHO OWNED THE PAPYRI IN ANTIQUITY

1. Archaeological evidence and the testimony of the

2. The evidence from palaeography 88 VII. PAPYRI AND GREEK LITERATURE

1. New texts of the classics Q7 2. Alexandrian scholarship and the papyri 100 3. Edition and hypomnema 112

4. The contents of hypomnemata 118 5. Postscript: Greek papyri and textual criticism 125

VIII. TYPES OF PAPYRUS DOCUMENT 127 Postscript: the state of studies in 1965 148 IX. THE PRINCIPAL EDITIONS OF PAPYRI 154.

NOTES TO CHAPTERS I-VIII 172

NOTES ON THE PLATES 189

PLATES following p. 190

GENERAL INDEX 193

INDEX OF GREEK WORDS 221

MAP OF EGYPT at end of book

LIST OF PLATES (following p. 190)

| 1. Papyrus letter found in a house in Karanis | 11. Sappho reading her book 111. Mummy-portrait of Hermione, grammatiké

iv. A Papyrus Roll of Homer’s Iliad (the ‘Bankes’ Homer)

v. A leaf of an open papyrus codex (a glossary) vi. Scribes writing on wooden tablets supported on tables

vit. A Private letter from Oxyrhynchus

| viit, From a Papyrus Roll containing Aeschines, Against Ctesiphon

I

WRITING MATERIALS AND BOOKS HE earliest surviving Greek papyri (rolls such as the verses

of Timotheos, or the carbonized roll from Derveni) were written in the fourth century before Christ. But papyrus was in use as a writing material much earlier. A blank roll of papyrus for the use of the dead man was discovered in the tomb of the vizier Hemaka at Sakkara of the time of the first dynasty,

that is, about 3000 B.c.! The earliest fragments of written papyri? are fragments of books of accounts, and they come from a funerary temple of the fifth dynasty, a period which has also left a number of striking statues of seated scribes. ‘They have

already a long tradition behind them, for their hieratic script, writing simplified forms of the hieroglyphs, can be traced back to the first dynasty. Outside Egypt it is not unlikely that papyrus was used in the second millennium before Christ. In bronze age Crete, where Linear ‘A’ or ‘B’ writing has been preserved only as incisions on

clay tablets or seals, or as painting on jars, papyrus may perhaps have been used for more permanent records. These intricate signs are ill adapted for incision in tacky clay; and sealings from Knossos and elsewhere often contain strands of papyrus,3 as though the object sealed were a papyrus roll wrapped in a string formed by pulling out one of its own fibres. We know from the tale of Wen-Amon‘* that papyrus was exported to Phoenicia. At his request “500 [rolls] of finished papyrus’ were among the goods sent in the twelfth or eleventh century to Zakar-Baal, prince of Byblos, in return for timber. It is precisely from Byblos’ that the Greek word bublos, ‘book’, or “Bible’

was formed. Moreover, both word and thing may well have been taken over by Greeks in the bronze age: Greek bublos must

have been based on a Phoenician form Gubla, and W. F. Albright claims that the accent changed from Gubla to Gebdl about 1200 B.c. Yet if papyrus was used by Greeks in the Mycenaean age we have to explain how memory of its use vanished utterly.

814262 B

2 Writing Materials and Books Ivory writing-tablets of the eighth and seventh centuries have been discovered at Nimrud® in Mesopotamia; possibly the Hittites employed them much earlier. On Assyrian monuments rolls can be seen in the hands of counting scribes, though they were perhaps made of skins, the great rival of papyrus as writing material in the early period, even in Greece. The word ‘papyrus’ apparently first appears in cuneiform’ in a text of the Assyrian king Sargon (721-705 B.c.): the term ‘writer-on-skin’ does not occur till the third century B.c. The oldest piece of papyrus to

be found outside Egypt® (in a cave near Murabba‘at on the Dead Sea) is written in Hebrew and assigned to about 750 B.c. We have no firm evidence as to when papyrus came into general use by Greeks in Greece. It is hard to think that it could be later than the time of Archilochus, that is, the middle of the seventh century B.c.? The Greek scribes no doubt at first sat cross-legged like the Egyptian, supporting the writing surface on the garment tightly stretched across their knees. But they improved on Egyptian methods by writing with a hard reed. This they trimmed and split with a knife, and used as a pen to draw strokes with!° rather than a soft reed to paint with, as their models did. The earliest inks were prepared for use on the day of writing as required—black ink from a dense carbon black (e.g. lamp-black), gum, and water; in palettes that survive in Egypt the ink is in the form of a dried cake; and Demosthenes taunts Aeschines with having to get up early and ‘grind the ink’ when his mother kept school.!! It is salutary for modern technologists to note that the oldest papyrus is also the best made. Papyrus manufactured in the Egyptian Ramesside period, let alone that of the Old Kingdom, is of a miraculous fineness and evenness of texture. Put alongside it a sheet of good quality made in the Ptolemaic period, a thousand years later, and the younger product, though still good, is heavier and thicker. Sheets of the Roman period tend to be clumsier and coarser still; but good standards are maintained till the third century after Christ. Thereafter though fine quality material! appears occasionally, notably in the Berlin and Chester Beatty Manichaean codices, the quality of

ordinary papyrus deteriorates rapidly, and ends up by resembling cardboard. In Ptolemaic Egypt we know that the manufacture of the best kinds of papyrus was subject to such

Writing Materials and Books 3 a degree of royal control that the word ‘monopoly’! has (probably rather loosely) been applied to it. Certainly a stereotype of the tall plant stem with its feathery crest was early adopted as a symbol of the Land of Lower Egypt. The plant, in fact, rarely

grew outside the marshes of this territory. It provided its inhabitants with far more than ‘paper’—fuel, food, medicine, clothes, rugs, sails, ropes, even a kind of chewing gum, were some of the other products derived from it. To manufacture a writing surface’ the rind 1s first removed from a freshly cut piece of the plant’s triangular lower stem. Then thin strips of the underlying substance can be cut—or better, peeled off—in a vertical direction to as long a length as the maker is skilled to handle. These strips are laid on a hard bed just overlapping each other, and all facing the same way, and a second set of strips, placed at a right angle to the first layer, is laid above them. A few blows from a wide-surfaced mallet (a large flat pebble will do) cause these two layers to coalesce firmly without use of gum. The resultant sheet, when dried and polished with pumice, is light in colour, strong, and flexible. It has been made from the plant by purely mechanical means without first turning its material to liquid pulp; but it is as well able to stand folding and rolling as a good modern paper. Many ancient sheets of papyrus still retain something of their original flexibility and light colour. They become brittle and darken in colour after they have been exposed to damp: a surface that has been repeatedly wet and dried will disintegrate at a touch. Happily most ancient papyrus fragments are still fairly robust. The process just described is that successfully used by Mr. S.

Baker in the British Museum in 1964 to produce a sheet of papyrus. The account given by the elder Pliny's adds refinements to it: no doubt the ancient craftsmen accumulated a stock of ‘know-how’ which has not yet been entirely recovered. The manufactured sheet does not require to be treated with size in order to take ink. The ancients speak of the application of ‘cedar oil’ as a preservative, and a brilliant yellow patina to be seen in some surviving texts, a patina which admirably sets off the ink, seems to be due to treatment ofa kind not yet fully understood.'®

Pliny adds a table of the standard sizes of sheet!” and their trade names in his day. They ranged from Augusta, ‘13 digits

4 Writing Materials and Books wide’ (nearly 10 inches), to emporetica, ‘not more than six digits’ (about 4°5 inches). The sheets were immediately pasted together

: to form rolls, a common number (Pliny wrongly says it was never exceeded) being twenty sheets'® to a roll. From such

| a roll pieces could be cut to write a letter or invitation. Or if the roll was not long enough, additional pieces or even a second roll could be pasted on, so that your roll could be as long or as short as you cared to make it. But it is worth emphasizing that the manufacturer’s and retailer’s unit is the made-up roll, and that the Greek word ydprnc, Latin charta, does not mean a sheet but a roll. Seen through a microscope, a section cut across the stem of the papyrus plant reveals a number of dark-walled vascular bundles growing in a matrix of light-coloured pith cells. When the strips are hammered to form sheets, the pith is crushed and the vascular bundles are impacted into each other: they may join together, part again, or criss-cross. It is these impacted bundles which show up 1n the finished sheet as ‘fibres’, and their

peculiar grouping or colouring may help a scholar to reconsti-

p. 62). |

tute a page out of a mass of torn fragments (see Chap. V, Each sheet, it will be recollected, consists of two layers. In one of them the fibres will run in a horizontal direction, in the other in a vertical direction. If the sheet is well made there will be little difference in the smoothness and finish of the two sides; one side may be given a higher degree of polish than the other.

Whether the fibres run with the direction of the writing or against it, in such a sheet there will be little resistance to the pen. Indeed, for a time in the early Ptolemaic period documents (i.e. sheets cut from a roll) were regularly written across the fibres; and similarly for a time in the Byzantine age. The custom has grown up of calling the side which looks smoother and which one would expect to be used first the recto, the other

side the verso. Such a definition is a misuse of terms. When applied to Greek and Latin papyri the terms recto and verso should only be used in connexion with rolls: the recto is that side

of a roll in which the fibres run horizontally (that is, along the length of the roll), and it is the inside; the verso is that side on which the fibres run vertically (that is, across the length of the roll), and it is the outside.!9 An ancient book roll is not written

Writing Matercals and Books 5 from top to bottom of its length, as is a medieval scroll; it is written in a series of independent columns perpendicular to its length and beginning at the left-hand end of the roll. As the scribe writes (and the reader reads) he will roll up the used portion with his left hand and unroll more papyrus with his right. Now what is placed inside a roll is, of course, better protected against accident than what is outside, and the horizontal fibres placed inside are subject to less strain and less danger of tearing

than if they were on the outside. The sheets, moreover, are gummed together on the assumption that the inside of the roll will carry the writing. If two sheets are pasted together, one must inevitably be slightly higher than the other. The ancient manufacturer contrived his joins on the inside of the roll to make a series of easy steps down;?° the scribe’s pen, travelling from left to right, would, as it were, travel downhill. In a well-

made roll these joins are managed with great care. Usually there is an overlap of one to two centimetres. They are then smoothed over after pasting and cannot normally be detected on the back of a roll. One sheet only in a roll does not obey this

rule, the first: it was usually gummed with its inside fibres running vertically. It was called protocollon; our “protocol’ derives from the authentication written here in Byzantine times. Earlier it was usually left blank to serve as a guard. The Greek word for a sheet forming part of a roll is kollema; selis, Latin pagina, is applied to the column of writing, which may at times be so wide as to extend over two or even three sheets. One would expect the kollemata in a good literary roll to be of approximately equal sizes, but the papyrus restorer should be warned that such is not always the case.?! It is worth empha-

sizing that when all that survives is a single piece cut out of a roll, unless the gummed joins are retained, it is hardly possible to decide absolutely which side was first used for writing. A very common way of preparing a letter for delivery was to

roll up the sheet to make a cylinder, pull out a fibre from the back, wrap the latter round the cylinder, and fix it in position with a lump of clay on which one impressed one’s seal. There were times in the ancient world when papyrus was relatively inexpensive.?? In the lavishly equipped government offices of the early Ptolemaic period an enormous amount of it was consumed: an account of 258-257 B.c. reveals that certain

6 Writing Materials and Books departments of the auditor’s and secretary’s section of the prime

minister Apollonius’ bureau used 434 rolls in 33 days. Nevertheless, even upper-class individuals would often emulate ‘paper-

sparing Pope’ and write on the back of a sheet or roll already used for other purposes. At times, also, a man would go to the trouble of washing out the writing with a sponge, and then reusing the surface; the procedure is parallel to the scraping of parchment for reuse as a palimpsest.?3 For schoolboys, Roman soldiers, poor priests (in Christian Egypt), and tax collectors a serviceable material was offered by a fragment of broken pottery, an ostracon; or even a flat piece of limestone, much favoured by draughtsmen for pen trials. Other

materials had their particular uses—lead, for example, on which to write and then bury curses on an enemy, defixiones.4 Linen mummy wrappings may carry writing, usually at least the identification of the dead. The most famous such wrapping is one in the museum at Zagreb inscribed in Etruscan characters.25 Materials such as bark or palm-leaves may be neglected here. But the schoolboy’s slates”® of fifth-century Athens should be mentioned: they are slabs of peculiar form, of slate-like stone,

irregularly shaped, and pierced with a hole for suspension. The letters have been scratched on them with a sharp instrument. Among the commonest of materials is wooden board. It may

be used plain, shaped, for instance, into a tabula ansata (the common mummy?’ label bearing the name, father’s name, and age of the dead is like such a tablet cut in half and its end pierced). The surface may be prepared in various ways, as in

the tablets of the sixth century B.c. found in a cave near Sicyon,?° which were covered with white slip and then brilliantly

painted. For whitening a common preparation was made from gypsum, and onsucha whitened board (leukoma, album) Athenians

exhibited notices and Egyptians did their homework. Another way of treating the wood was to hollow out the centre (or make

a frame at the edges) and fill this area with coloured wax (maltha): such boards (deltoz) were from early times made in sets,

hinged on a ring or a leather thong. They are implied in Homer’s story of the ‘folded tablet’ which Proetus gave to Bellerophon, or in Herodotus’ version of the secret intelligence conveyed to Greece during the Persian wars.29 They were used, above all, for first drafts, and therefore the deltos is often put as

Writing Materials and Books 7 his symbol by the poet; but they can carry all kinds of memo-

randa, letters, and exercises. Perhaps the earliest surviving example is a set of the third century B.c. from [llahun in Egypt3° recording expenses on a journey. Their wax was often coloured

red. The wax could be scratched with the pointed end of a stylus, smoothed with its blunt end. Such texts, being ‘inscribed’

rather than ‘written’, strictly should fall within the province of Greek or Latin inscriptions. Happily there need be no demarcation disputes. They would in any case be difficult to resolve, for there are added complications: in some cases the wax has disappeared and the writing can still be read because the stylus scratched the underlying wood; in others the wax was never run on (or was not renewed at the proper time) and the scribe has written in ink directly on to the wood. The term for a set of tablets such as this is diptych for one ‘of two folds’, triptych for ‘of three folds’, polyptych ‘of many folds’ (ten is the largest known

number), and codex in Latin. A dossier of several polyptychs

assembled in a kind of carrying case fitted with a handle is termed ‘codex ansatus’.3!

From the codex made of hinged wooden tablets there was eventually to develop the codex of folded sheets of papyrus or parchment:3 a book in modern form, contrasted with a ‘volume’, volumen, a book roll. For Plato and for Cicero a book (bublos, biblion, volumen) was a roll of papyrus. It was inconvenient, impermanent, and not very capacious. As we have seen, two hands were needed to hold it open, to wind it so that its narrow columns of writing should always be within the reader’s angle of vision,

and after use to rewind it. Its title, if written on a stuck-on tag of papyrus, parchment, or skin (szdlybos),33 was liable to tear away. he whole roll, even if protected by rollers3+ (which have rarely survived), was vulnerable. Athenian vase-paintings35 show readers getting into difficulties with a twisted roll, and the aged Verginius Rufus broke his hip while trying to collect up one he

had dropped.?¢ It is of interest to note that very many of our surviving literary rolls are torn vertically down the centre of a column. Estimates of its length of life37 can only be guesses. Galen speaks of handling rolls 300 years old. A roll of Pindar from Oxyrhynchus, written in the first century after Christ, was, to judge from patches on its back, some of which carry writing of the fourth century, still being read 300 or so years

8 Writing Materials and Books later. But we do not know how far this was an exceptional case.

As for contents, one play of a tragedian, two or three short books of Homer were all that its one written side would hold. It did not encourage careful scholarship. Anyone who has tried to consult a dictionary contained in microfilm will sympathize with an ancient writer’s reluctance to check his references or his tendency to take his metrical and grammatical examples out of an author’s opening verses. By the time of Augustine, however, a ‘book’ (codex, cwudriov) has come to mean very nearly the object with which we are familiar: sheets of parchment folded

at the spine, put together quire by quire, stitched, and protected by wooden binding boards. A codex could lie open on a reader’s desk and one hand could turn its pages backwards and forwards with ease; its pages could be written on both sides, and its total contents could hold four or five times as much text as a roll; it was stout and sturdy with a prospect of long life. In the change of format the substitution of skins for papyrus is

not the crucial feature. Apart from the fact that papyrus itself frequently, one might almost say regularly, forms the material of the earliest surviving codices (though this use may perhaps be restricted to Egypt), skins of one sort or another had long been in use in the East as carriers of writing. The oldest surviving text on skin (it is described as ‘leather’) is said to be a roll of the Egyptian twelfth dynasty preserved in Berlin. Ctesias says that ‘royal hides’ (BactAucat didfépar) were used by

the Persians for their historical records, and his statement is vindicated by a fifth-century archive written on ‘leather’, that of

the Persian satrap of Egypt, “Arsam, which was published in 1954.38 When found it wasstill in its protecting leather bag. When more space was required than was offered by a single skin, several

were sewn together to form a roll. The famous Qumran scrolls (of ‘leather’) are set out exactly like Greek book rolls except that the Hebrews work from right to left. Greek texts on ‘parchment’ and in several cases in roll form3° are preserved from Hellenistic and Parthian Dura-Europus, and even from Egypt.

It will be seen that there is an uncertainty of terms here— ‘leather’ and ‘parchment’ seem to be used interchangeably in the description of these texts. No doubt the materials are difficult to distinguish—when they are much damaged and

Writing Materials and Books 9 needing extensive preservative treatment, perhaps only laboratory technicians are able to tell the difference. ‘The processes of

manufacturing leather and parchment go hand in hand up to a pointt°—the skins must be preserved if not worked on at once, must be washed and soaked, cleansed of flesh and hair, and limed. Thereafter ‘leather’ is made by tanning, i.e. soaking the skin with a vegetable matter containing tannin; parchment by tawing, that is, dressing it with alum, and dusting with sifted chalk.#! By convention the term ‘parchment’ is used for the skins of sheep and goats, ‘vellum’ being reserved for the finer skins of

calf and kid. The best kind of all is that derived from newly born or even still-born lambs (hence its title ‘uterine vellum’). Antelope skin, which Tischendorff claimed as the material of the specially fine vellum of the Codex Sinaiticus, probably represents a descriptive flight of fancy on the part of its author.

It is in this perspective that the much disputed notice of Varro, preserved by Pliny, W.H. xii. 11, should be viewed. Varro asserted that “papyri (chartae) were ‘invented’ in Egypt at the time of Alexander the Great, and ‘parchments’ (membranae) were invented at Pergamum by an Eumenes of the Attalid

dynasty, in answer to an embargo placed by the king of Egypt on the supply of papyrus to a rival. Both ‘inventions’ are clearly false. Is there anything more in the story than that Pergamum had (presumably in the time of Eumenes II, 197-159 B.c.) to make do with skins? Varro’s credit has been hotly defended by those who point to the use of the adjective derived from Pergamum—fergamena charta, wepyapnvy (sc. dip8épa) or mrepyapnvov

—as the regular term for parchment. This adjective 1s not recorded till Diocletian’s price edict of A.D. 301.42 One might speculate on whether this adjective owes its currency to the

development of parchment manufacture at Pergamum (in which case the adjective would have arisen in the same sort of

way as our word ‘china’), or whether its currency may be based on Varro’s notice. The earlier Latin word for parchment is membrana, Greek éi¢6épa. Alternative defences of Varro are

the suggestion that the story reflects an improvement in the technique of preparing the skins, e.g. in scraping, smoothing, and stretching, or else in concentrating on the finer kinds of skins. Others have held that the supposed improvement in technique now for the first time allowed both sides of the skin

10 Writing Materials and Books (i.e. both ‘hair’ side and ‘flesh’ side) to carry writing, and such a view would be helped if membranae in Pliny’s account were interpreted, as C. H. Roberts shows it should be in the majority of examples, as ‘parchment notebooks’. Unfortunately there is no evidence for this ‘improvement’. Two of the many Greek

parchments from Dura-Europus are assigned to the second century before Christ. One of them (P. Dura 15) is described as

‘excellent parchment’, and it has been assigned on palaeographical grounds to the first half of the second century B.c. (it is certainly later than 190/189 B.c.). Did it come from Perga-

mum? We may note that it is thought to be part of a stitched roll, and certainly has no writing on its back. Firm ground for a history of the development and date of the codex form has been won only slowly and painfully. The change

in our view of it has come not only from the accumulation of examples, but from a slowly increasing confidence in the earlier

dating of the handwriting of important examples. It is, of course, a tricky matter to judge a date only on the basis of the writing. For long it was held as a dogma that codices did not exist before the fourth century after Christ, and that papyrus made up in codex form was a freak, so used by poor men at a late date in imitation of parchment. In spite of the general view, F. G. Kenyon right from the beginning dated a parchment codex of Demosthenes in the British Museum (Pack? 293)

to the second century A.p., W. Schubart a leaf of a small-size parchment codex of Euripides’ Cretans (Pack? 437) to the same time, and Grenfell and Hunt pioneered a relatively early dating of examples of codices, though they tended (under the influence of the dogma) to date the handwriting later than they would have if it had been on a roll. It is possible that the pendulum

has now swung too far, and that the modern tendency is to date new examples too early. But the anchor of the view now widely held is on good holding ground, and is supported by sufficient examples for which there is some measure of objective dating. It is possible, none the less, that the general picture may have to be revised in detail as new examples come forward. In 1955, when C. H. Roberts published his persuasive account

of the growth of the codex, he pointed out that no early text of

the Greek New Testament known to us was written on the recto of a roll. Of the 111 examples of biblical manuscripts

Writing Matertals and Books 11 in Greek then known which were dated before the end of the fourth century A.D., 99 were codices; of this total, such as were Christian in origin and could be assigned to the second century or the borderline between the second and the third centuries were

all codices made of papyrus. He writes as follows: “When the Christian bible (to use a slightly anachronistic term) first makes its appearance in history, the books of which it is composed are always written on papyrus and in codex form.’ Since 1955, numerous new examples of Christian literature, some of them of

early date, have come to light in Egypt, but this statement is still true. Equally valid, I believe, though I have not reworked the figures,+3 is his statement of the completely different relation-

ship between roll and codex when used for classical (i.e. pagan) literature in Greek. In 1955 the tabulation stood as follows:

and cent. 465 rolls 11 codices (2°31 %)

and/3rd cent. 208 ,, 6s, (2:9%) grd cent. 207 55 60_—C t=, (16-8%) grd/4th cent. 28, 26s, (48-14%) 4th cent. 25» 70 oy (73°95 Zo) Of the eleven codices of Greek literature assigned to the second

century, two are on parchment (one may also add one Latin codex on parchment), of relatively small size and written in tiny

hands; the rest are made of papyrus. The latter include a philosophical manual, a medical treatise, a medical text, and two grammatical manuals. Roberts comments: ‘the high proportion of technical or professional texts is worth noting, as 1s the fact that several of the others are clearly designed to pack as much text as possible into the available space.’

To account for these facts Roberts offers a suggestive hypothesis. Noting the distinction in linguistic usage between Latin membrana singular as the material and membranae plural as ‘notebooks made of parchment’, he brings evidence for the use

of such parchment notebooks by lawyers and businessmen. It was in a society of merchants and small traders that John Mark moved at Rome. Aware of the Jewish habit of writing Rabbinic teachings on tablets or ‘smooth surfaces’ he transferred to the parchment notebooks his account of the sayings of Jesus. A gospel once circulating in this format determined, partly by way of

authority, partly by way of sentiment and symbol, that the proper form for the Christian scriptures was a codex, not a roll.

12 Writing Materials and Books Classical literature followed suit, slowly and perhaps at first for economic reasons. When the codex form was finally established, certain regular principles for its make-up eventually ousted the widely varying

methods used in the experimental period. It will usually be found in parchment or vellum codices that the leaves are laid hair side to hair side, flesh side to flesh side.44 F. G. Kenyon argued that this is the natural result of folding a large skin first vertically, then horizontally, and then perhaps vertically again; but the result is also pleasing in that it minimizes differences in colour between the two sides of the skin. If in the folding just described the skin is cut at the first and second fold (which will give 4 sheets—4 separate skins could of course be used), when the

mass is folded again a gathering of 8 leaves or 16 pages will result. This unit, 16 pages = 8 leaves = 4 sheets, a quaternio (English ‘quire’, Greek rezpadiov), settles down eventually as

the standard form of assembly. But others are found: for instance, P.S.I. 1182 (a fine parchment codex of Gaius) groups its sheets in quinternions (10 leaves, 20 pages), an arrangement found -

also in the biblical Codex Vaticanus and the Bembinus of

Terence. Such variations suggest that the successive folding of a skin is not the reason why hair side faces hair side, flesh side flesh; and that the gatherings were formed of pieces already cut to size. The variations may some day supply a clue to the scriptoria in which these manuscripts were written; as may also the order of flesh and hair side, whether the flesh or the hair side is on the outside of the quire—for both systems are found. GC. R. Gregory indeed laid down as a rule that the first and last pages and the central opening of a gathering display the flesh side of

the vellum. This rule applies in the East; but in Latin manuscripts and in western Europe the hair side is usually found on the outside. Before beginning to write, the scribe would rule each sheet (on one side) with a dry point, having fixed the framework of his lines by pricking right through the assembled quires so as to keep his text sitting in the same relationship to its margins on every page throughout the manuscript. When written the quires would be stitched internally and bound. It is likely that the increasing use of iron compounds as a basis for making ink is connected with the replacement of papyrus by skin; the free acid of the chemical ink acted as a mordant.

Writing Materials and Books 13 The experiments which preceded this crystallization of practice may now be followed in detail in the many surviving papyrus codices, which show the most diverse methods of make-up. One method, practised for a long time in spite of its disadvantages, was to form a book out of a single quire of a large number of superimposed sheets (just as children form a notebook for themselves). ‘Two examples of this construction may be shortly described here. One is a papyrus codex containing the Gospels of Luke and John, P. Bodmer xiv—xv (I175), assigned by its

editor to A.D. 175-225, and not likely to be later than the third century. What now survives is Luke ui. 18 to the end of Luke and John i to xv. The last words of Luke end on p. 87 (calculation, for the scribe did not write the page numbers), followed by end-title of Luke, initial-title of John, and first lines, all on the same page. It can be calculated that the total number

of pages was 144, i.e. 36 sheets. As an example of a codex of classical literature we may note the book*s containing Iliad xi. 86—xvi. 499 now in the Pierpont Morgan Library (Pack? 870), which its editors date to ¢. A.D. 300. Its pages are numbered, and

the sheet containing pages 61-64 is in the middle: its total size can therefore be calculated at 124 pages, 31 sheets. In order that

the leaves should lie in a clean straight edge when shut, the inner leaves are not so broad as the outer (page width 12:5 centimetres®gainst 14 centimetres), a result probably achieved by trimming the fore-edge after the sheets had been folded.*° It seems not unlikely that the Bodmer codex including Menander’s

Dyskolos*7 was also a single-quire codex, though its editor formed a different view of its make-up. A book made up in this way, even if stiffened internally with

bands of parchment, is liable to tear or break at the spine. Moreover, it is not easy to see into the middle pages alongside the fold. An improved method of make-up is to form the book of separate gatherings, which can then be secured by horizontal straps which pass through the vertical threads and are pasted to

the binding boards. The number of sheets included in these gatherings varies. The Chester Beatty codex of the gospels and Acts (II45) is made up of a succession of single-sheet quires.

The Chester Beatty Genesis has quires of 5 sheets, Chester Beatty Enoch quires of 6 sheets. P. Bodmer ii, a St. John in square format of perhaps A.p. 200 (II®), consists of quires

14 Writing Materials and Books containing a varying number of sheets: 5, 4, 1, 5, 5, 8 according to V. Martin’s reconstruction. There are similar variations between 4- and 5-sheet quires in the seventh-century Heidelberg codex of the Minor Prophets; on parchment, in the Freer codex

in Washington, the quires range from 4 to 8 sheets. It seems, however, that for papyrus as for parchment, 4 sheets became a regular number for a quire: we meet this number in the Cairo codex of Menander (Pack? 1301, fifth century), or Origen’s Dialogue with Heraclides (Pack? p. 58, sixth century).

In a number of these papyrus codices (e.g. in P. Bodmer ii,48

the early St. John codex) it is possible to trace the prickings which delimited the written area and kept it even throughout the book. But it does not seem that papyrus was ruled: traces of such ruling are rare. In other volumes no such pricking was undertaken: or else it was not adhered to. In P. Bodmer xiv—xv, which begins with Luke and continues with John, it is possible to trace the progressive realization by the scribe that he would not succeed in getting in the whole of John unless he crowded more on to his page and wrote his letters smaller and in a longer line.

The holes for the binding threads can also be observed in a number of cases, and sometimes the binding actually survives. Some early bindings in the Chester Beatty collection studied by Mrs. B. Regemorter consist of wooden boards, often hollowed

out as if they were intended as wax tablets, coveréd in leather tooled to simple geometric shapes. Some early bindings in the British Museum have been studied by Mr. T. C. Lamacraft; some of the Coptic books from Nag Hammadi still retain their bindings. P. Bodmer xvii, of the sixth or seventh century, has an

outer binding wrapper of tooled, supple leather, backed by cardboard (made out of old papyrus) and coarse canvas.‘9

A counterpart to the alternation of flesh and hair sides in a parchment manuscript is offered by the fact, as we have already noted, that in a sheet of papyrus the fibres run in a horizontal direction on one side and a vertical direction on the other. It has perhaps been natural to use the terms ‘recto’ and ‘verso’ for these two sides of a sheet: but seeing that in codex terminology recto properly means the right-hand of two facing pages, it is desirable that terms involving such ambiguities be entirely avoided.®° If then a scholar wishes to indicate those pages

in a papyrus codex in which the fibres run vertically, he should

Writing Materials and Books 15 either use this full phrase or utilize as convenient shorthand an

arrow facing downwards |; similarly for ‘page in which the fibres run horizontally’ either the full phrase should be used, or else an arrow facing horizontally —. The sheets of which a papyrus codex is formed may, of course, easily be so large that they need to be made of two gummed sheets. In such a case the

join clearly cannot fall in the middle of the leaf at the point of fold. It will very commonly be found in the middle or towards the edge of the left-hand — page. H. Ibscher has observed 5! of a number of codices in Berlin that they were made of sheets of papyrus cut from a blank roll. But not all papyrus codices cannibalized rolls for their material (cf. also p. 53). The maker of a papyrus codex has a choice between placing his sheets all the same way up or making their horizontal and vertical fibres alternate. If he chooses the former method, when the sheets are folded there will be an alternation of | and > on facing pages; in the latter case, facing pages will be homogeneous, both -—> or both |. P. Bodmer xiv-xv (Luke and John) is an example of the former procedure, P. Bodmer 1 (John) an example of the latter. Sometimes, however, there may be further variations on this basic system. For instance, the

maker of the Crosby codex at MississippiS? (a single-quire codex) laid his eight outermost leaves with their horizontal fibres downwards (outside), then from folio 9 to the centre of the book he reversed the order. If then a codex has come to pieces, and no leaves survive in their conjugate form, it may be difficult to reconstruct the codex. Codices of papyrus will normally have held less than codices

of parchment. We may contrast the Pierpont Morgan Iliad (described on p. 13 above), which contained Jliad xi-xvi, that is, not more than a third of the whole poem, with P. Ryl. 1. 53 (Pack? 1106), a more or less contemporary parchment codex, which (on the evidence of quire numberings) probably held the whole Odyssey. The Bodmer codices on papyrus held not more than one or two gospels each; the longest of the Chester Beatty New Testament papyrus codices held the four gospels and Acts; but the Codex Sinaiticus on parchment held the whole Bible and the Old ‘Testament Apocrypha in one original bound volume.53

Our surviving manuscripts, which include such magnificent examples as the biblical Codex Vaticanus and Codex Sinaiticus

16 Writing Materials and Books assigned to the fourth century or the Vatican Dio Cassius assigned to the fifth, make it clear that by this date the parchment codex has replaced the papyrus roll as a luxury book: one written with loving calligraphy, on which no expense is spared. The narrow-column format is no doubt taken over from the best papyrus manuscripts of the Greek orators and historians. Vellum may occasionally be used for something of less prestige, e.g. in documents such as those of the second century from Murabba‘at (D.7.D. ii), or of the Byzantine age from Egypt (P. Oxy. 1720, areceipt for payment of the price of 110 jars of wine). But in general esteem vellum is considered superior to papyrus.

In a.p. 376 Basil’s fellow clergy did not think it proper for him to send to a brother bishop a copy of his treatise on the Holy

Spirit written on a papyrus roll, and claimed the latter had given orders that it should be written on vellum5+ (Letter 231, to Amphilochius, Bishop of Iconium). The author of the Epigrammata Bobiensia in about A.D. 400 apologizes for writing on fibres

of papyrus from the Nile, Niloticae fibris papyri: fair copies should be ‘worthy of pages of parchment’, pergamenis digna pagints.

None the less, papyrus rolls were still being used occasionally

in the sixth century to carry literary work. And papyrus continued to serve as the principal material for documents, letters, and accounts. In Egypt there are considerable archives in Greek on papyrus written during the Arab domination, at the end of the seventh and beginning of the eighth century.55 Outside Egypt papyrus is still the regular standby for letters and documents. Augustine, writing to Romanianus in the fifth century (P.L. xxxilil. 80), apologizes for having to make do with vellum instead of papyrus. A whole series of documents, sales, contracts, etc. from the Ravenna archives or scriptoria in Italy still survive, dating from the fifth century to the tenth and later.

Papyrus was in regular use by the papal chancery till the eleventh century at least.5° The last extant papal bull on papyrus is dated a.D. 1057, but there are references to papyrus later

than that. The material was, apparently, still being manufactured in Egypt in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Its supersession by paper does not belong to the province of this book.

Il THE REDISCOVERY OF PAPYRUS N idea of some power in human history has been that of

A the reappearance of the heroes of an earlier day: King

Arthur will return when needed from Lyonesse; in a cave

in Thuringia sleep Frederick Hohenstaufen and his knights awaiting the trumpet call that will summon them to rescue their harassed posterity. The discovery of 800 ancient papyrus rolls at Herculaneum in 1752 seemed to promise that the wisdom of the ancients would help the modern world in a similar way. Papyrus as a writing material had in fact passed so far out of

the experience of ordinary men that the Latin word was then in common use for paper. It is Latin usage of the later Middle Ages! and more especially of the Renaissance that has given the word ‘paper’ to modern Europe. When Father Imberdis in 1693 composed in Latin his didactic poem on the art of papermaking (from which a few lines were quoted in the preface, p. v) he felt no qualms in applying the word ‘papyrus’ to the modern product. Since paper was unknown to ancient Rome, there was no precise term available for medieval writers to use, and antiquarian fashion adopted ‘papyrus’. It is a fashion based on a false interpretation of the ancient writers. Regularly in conscientious ancient Latin authors, and without exception in Greek authors, ‘papyrus’ means the plant or its products (see p- 3), and is used for the writing material only by a figurative extension of meaning. Antiquarians, however, knew and puzzled over their Pliny (already discussed on p. 3). A few archivists and chancellors were aware of the medieval documents on papyrus among their records. One or two sixteenth-century humanists chanced on small pieces of this material bearing writing of the late imperial

age and described them with interest as curiosities.2 The rediscovery of the ancient written word of Graeco-Roman civiliza-

tion was to come late in the history of the Renaissance.

814262 Cc

The finds of papyrus rolls at Herculaneum? were made

18 The Rediscovery of Papyrus fourteen years after excavations began on this town buried in ash during the eruption of Vesuvius in a.p. 79. They stirred the imagination of contemporaries: Winckelmann described them with enthusiasm, George IV of England contributed a scholar’s salary to help the decipherment of the rolls. Alas, they were ‘carbonized’, that is, turned into hard masses by decomposition, by the action of water and damp and the hardening of the tufadeposit. They could not be unrolled. The best that could be done was to break through the crust and detach single thicknesses of the original, reconstitute the pieces, and copy them by holding them obliquely to the light so that the iridescence of the ink might stand out from the blackened background. They proved to be a library of the Epicurean school of philosophy. In 1966 there is a hope that new technical methods may permit the unrolling of more of this find, and make it worth while to search under the tufa for further ancient libraries. In Europe and most of the countries bordering on the Mediterranean, writing materials are unlikely to resist the onset of damp unless they are protected in libraries. It is only in special conditions—under the ‘terracotta skin’ at Derveni,*+ the tufa cover of Herculaneum—that they will survive. But in Egypt, parts of Palestine, and Mesopotamia the climate is not hostile to long life. Away from the Delta and the coastal belt in Egypt rain does not fall in any appreciable quantity. Papyrus books, parchment books, wooden tablets all have an excellent chance of survival even in ordinary ground, provided they are not too close to the surface and not so far down that they grow damp from water rising from below. If papyri can have the protection of a cave, a jar, or a ruined building there are many places where they can remain intact, outside as well as inside Egypt. From the sixteenth century onwards a sprinkling of travellers visited Egypt and the Nile valley. James Bruce,’ who in 176870 reached the headwaters of the Blue Nile, purchased two codices on papyrus at Medinet Habu, one Greek, one Coptic, containing Gnostic writings. But his finds made less stir than

the papyrus roll sent in 1778 as a gift to Cardinal Stefano Borgia. A Dane, Nicholas Schow, wrote the story of its discovery ten years later.© An unknown merchant (‘negotiator quidam’) was offered at a low price a bundle of forty or fifty papyrus rolls. ‘They were said to have been found underground

The Rediscovery of Papyrus 19 (‘in loco quodam subterraneo’) in the ‘town’ of Giza, hidden in a container of sycamore wood. The traveller bought one

only: the rest were torn up by the Turks (“Turcae’), who enjoyed their aromatic odour. Schow implies that they set fire to them. The details of the story have been suspected by critics: they seem to resemble the story of the Sibylline books, and it is said that other eighteenth-century travellers told similar tales. Whether papyrus when burned has an aromatic odour is a question answered with a definite ‘no’ and an equally definite ‘yes’ by those who claim to have tried it. The former answer was given by Grenfell and Hunt in 1900: the latter by N. Lewis in 19347 (who also points to the Roman custom of burning papyrus

material on the funeral pyre in support of his claim). The roll itself, however, is not to be dismissed. It is now to be seen in the

Vatican Museum. To Niels (latinized as Nicholas) Iversen Schow belongs the honour of wrestling with a new kind of Greek cursive script and editing the first documentary text on papyrus. But instead of containing the wisdom of the ancients this three-and-a-halfmetre-long roll® carries a list of the men of the village of Ptolemais Hormou liable for dyke corvée at Tebtynis in the Fayyam in the year A.D. 192.

The publication came as an anticlimax. Great expectations (those of Goethe included) were once again disappointed. In Mozart’s Magic Flute (written in 1791) we can still feel how the

late eighteenth century hoped to find in the wisdom and ritual

of Egypt a new and satisfying answer to the mystery of life itself. Egypt had so far remained withdrawn, a land of secrets. But wonder and curiosity are good starting-points for scholarship. An enduring effect of Napoleon’s imaginative Eastern campaigns was to throw Egypt open to the West. Though

Napoleon’s hold on Egypt lasted a bare three years (he evacuated it in 1801), in his train, like Alexander the Great, he had brought scientists, economists, botanists, and antiquarians.

Their magnificent statistical and topographical Description de L’Egypte, published between 1809 and 1817 under the editor-

ship of E. F. Jomard, laid a firm foundation for the coming science of Egyptology. Under this heading, and as a minor part of it only, the study of Greek papyri was to be treated for almost a century yet. In 1802 the famous trilingual stone from Rosetta

20 The Rediscovery of Papyrus was forwarded to the Society of Antiquaries in London, and set

Thomas Young and Champollion le Jeune on the right track

: for the decipherment of the Egyptian hieroglyphs. A succession of travellers with observant eyes and critical minds—Champollion himself, Letronne, Lepsius, Brugsch—carried on the task of recording and cataloguing. Many of the visitors to Egypt, even though not scholars, also found their imaginations stirred by the country’s monuments. Shelley, who never went to Egypt, caught the infection in his ‘I met a traveller from an antique land’. Even before Waterloo, diplomats, scholars, and adventurers were competing to form collections of Egyptian antiquities in which papyri (including Greek and Latin papyri) came to occupy an increasingly pro-

minent place. Among them may be mentioned Bernardino Drovetti, French Consul General 1810-29; Henry Salt, Consul General in Cairo 1816-27; G. Passalacqua, who was present

at excavations at Thebes and Memphis in 1820 and 1824; the Prussian general Heinrich de Minutoli, who undertook a journey to Egypt in 1821 on behalf of the Prussian Academy; Giovanni Anastasi, Swedish and Norwegian Consul General from 1828; Jean-Francois Mimaut, French Consul General from

1829; William John Bankes, son of a secretary of the British Museum and assistant in 1815-20 to Henry Salt; these persons (conveniently listed in W. R. Dawson’s Who Was Who in Egyptology) and many others have given their names to both individual texts and to whole collections of papyri. The first person to follow N. Schow in publishing a Greek text was L. Furia in 1813, and in 1821 August Bockh himself published a paper on a text now in Leiden.® Several further editions fall in

the 1820’s: in 1826 and 1827 Peyron published the first two volumes of the Turin papyri, Pettretini the Vienna papyri in 1826, and J. G. Droysen a few Berlin papyri in 1829. Some Vatican papyri were edited by A. Mai in 1831-2, a first instalment of the British Museum collection by Forshall in 1839, of Leiden in 1843 by Leemans, of Paris in 1865 by Brunet de Presle.

These papyri most often originated in finds made by local inhabitants. But a number are by-products from the search for objects of vertu, especially precious metals, promoted by col-

lectors, such as Salt, acting through Giovanni d’Athanasi and

The Rediscovery of Papyrus 21 Belzoni. Perhaps the first piece of archaeological exploration directed at the discovery of knowledge for its own sake was that

of Mariette at the great Serapeum of Sakkara in the 1850s. A number of Greek papyri had already been found there, and Mariette (incidentally as it were) was present at the finding of more. The early collectors were interested mainly in complete texts, archives, or whole rolls. ‘Their pieces make their effect by their

size, splendour, or number of items. But Greek and Latin papyri were still not specially numerous: Ulrich Wilcken has collected and re-edited such of them as belong to the Ptolemaic period (the bulk of them) and had been published before 1891 in his Urkunden der Ptolemderzeait (U.P.Z.). Their total is a bare

200. The principal literary finds up to the 1860s were the two rolls of Hyperides in the British Museum; the Louvre poem of Alcman; and three Homers of substantial size in the British Museum, one named after Bankes, the other two after A. C. Harris.9

An entirely new stage in the process of rediscovery began in

the 1870s. The sites of ancient settlements had always been a legitimate hunting ground for building materials: stones were

quarried out and reused, marble reduced to lime in the kiln, and their very earth (rich in nitrates) used as a fertilizer. Even the ancients seem to have dug out the soil for this purpose. In the 1870s, as the cultivated area expanded, the demand for ‘fertile earth’ or sebakh grew enormously. Farmers removed it by donkey- and camel-load, by cart, and at last by railway. As ancient sites were stripped, papyri began to appear in masses, just as they had been thrown away in the ancient world on rapidly forming out-door rubbish heaps. In 1877 spectacular finds of this sort began to be made at the mound (kom) el-Faris,

a part of the ancient Arsinoe, capital of the Fayyim. Similar finds were made elsewhere (though the date of the first discovery is not recorded) at Ihnasya (Heracleopolis) and Eshmunein (Hermopolis). Naturally the strata reached first were those offering Arabic, Coptic, and Byzantine Greek papyri; col-

lectors had little regard for products of so late a period, and many thousands, perhaps millions, of texts must have been destroyed. Among the first to realize their value was Joseph Karabacek, Professor in Vienna and later librarian of the

20 The Rediscovery of Papyrus imperial library there. He worked closely in co-operation with his fellow countryman Theodor Graf. A glimpse into their activities

is offered by their recently published correspondence.!® Eventually thousands of texts, parts of papyrus rolls, single sheets and

books, quires and leaves of parchment, and a considerable amount of actual paper coming mainly from Arsinoe, but also from Hermopolis and Heracleopolis, were transferred to Vienna,

principally for the collection of the Archduke Rainer. As the word went round that Europeans were ready to buy written sheets, more and more were offered to the dealers by their finders, or scraps were made up into ‘rolls’ to sell to tourists. In 1887 a new and untouched source of sebakh was discovered at Dimai (Socnopaei Nesus) on the edge of the Fayyim,

the so-called ‘Second Fayyim find’. Two local dealers in antiquities organized their own excavations there. At this site papyri were actually found on the floors of the ancient houses buried in the sand. The museums of Berlin, Paris, and London became alive to the desirability of adding new papyri to their collections. The new material for Berlin was especially that

recovered from the second Fayyaim find. The Bibliothéque Nationale in Paris benefited from the exploration of Panopolis (Achmim) by G. Maspero and Urbain Bouriant. There were finds of Greek literature and also whole codices of apocryphal Christian and Jewish books—the Gospel of Peter, the Apocalypse of Peter, and the Book of Enoch. A long roll of Hyperides reached the Louvre in 1888.!! On behalf of the British Museum Ernest (later Sir) Wallis Budge was sent on a journey to Egypt

in 1888 that was to be exceptionally profitable. The Revd. Greville Chester, an Englishman resident in Cairo and already purchasing on behalf of the Museum, put him in touch with Mr. J. R. Alexander, director of the American Missionary School at Assiut, and Mr. Chauncey J. Murch, director of a similar establishment at Luxor. Alexander above all is worthy

of honour, for it seems to be he who should have the credit (inadequately acknowledged in Budge’s account) for saving the famous four rolls of Aristotle’s Constitution of Athens'2 and the Herodas roll. The arrival of texts such as these challenged a new generation of scholars. In Vienna Carl Wessely had taught himself to read the most difficult handwritings, and began a chalcenteric

The Rediscovery of Papyrus 23 output of publication. His pioneering work and devoted application have never received the credit they merited. He was overshadowed by a younger German scholar, a man of undoubtedly more balanced judgement and greater accuracy of exposition, Ulrich Wilcken. The latter was under the influence of Mommsen’s early appreciation of the importance for historical study of collecting from a mass of documents detail that in

itself is trivial but when assembled and related becomes significant. “The nineteenth century’, Mommsen was wont to say,

‘is the age of inscriptions: the twentieth will be the age of papyri.’ Consequently the young Wilcken chose the history of Egypt as illuminated by the papyri for his doctoral dissertation, published in 1885. From then until his death in 1945 Wilcken was at the centre of papyrological investigation, himself editing texts, founding a periodical, the Archiv fur Papyrusforschung, in

which he passed in magisterial but kindly review the publications of others (always having himself something to contribute), and forming a school of brilliant pupils. Very slightly younger was Frederic Kenyon, who joined the British Museum in February 1889 as a 26-year-old classical scholar, and was almost immediately commissioned to work on its growing papyrus collection. It was just before Budge’s parcel of papyrus rolls arrived in the Museum. It was on the 30th January 1890 [wrote Kenyon nearly fifty years later] that I was first introduced to them. I well remember my first sight of them, laid out under glass on long tables. The handwritings were for the most part totally unfamiliar. One, a small roll of poetry, looked easy to read, and so it was so far as mere decipherment went; but the matter was strange and often difficult, so it was reserved for a further examination. The two longest were in small and (at that time) difficult hands; but it was possible to discern that one was

historical and one medical, while a third, in not very dissimilar writing, was oratorical. The latter was immediately identified as Isocrates wept eipjvnc, and the next day a letter of Demosthenes was recognised. The next discovery, after some days steady transcription work, was Hyperides xara DiAvr7idov. Presently the historical treatise

was taken in hand. I remember that progress was slow at first, as the first column was a good deal damaged, but my suspicions as to its identity were aroused. I remembered having heard at Oxford, in a lecture by Dr. Macan, of the fragments of Aristotle’s A@énvaiwy moXreia which had been identified at Berlin. I sent for Rose’s

24 The Rediscovery of Papyrus edition of the fragments of Aristotle, and kept my eye on it, and on February 26th I find it recorded that I had identified the papyrus as

the lost Aristotle. Eleven months later (Jan. 19 1891) the first edition! was given to the world,—very inadequately done, through hurry and inexperience, but at least providing much material for

other scholars to work on. The Herodas and Hyperides,' with descriptions of the Demosthenes and Isocrates and other texts, followed in August of the same year.

In the same summer (July 1891) there was printed in Dublin an edition by J. P. Mahaffy of texts and documents recovered from Ptolemaic mummies. W. Flinders Petrie had found papyri at a series of excavations in the eighties—at T'anis in 1883/4,

Hawara in 1889,'5 at Gurob in 1890.'° He noticed (Letronne had observed the same thing in 1826)!7 that the casings of a number of the mummies from Gurob were formed of ‘cartonnage’, a term applied to a kind of cardboard or papier maché built up of sheets of used papyrus. ‘These casings were taken to pieces, and turned out to be composed of texts and documents

| of the early third century before Christ. One piece was an early copy of Plato’s Phaedo.'8 For ten years, until the discovery of the Timotheos roll at Abusir by German archaeologists, it was to rank as the oldest surviving Greek literary manuscript. Now even the Timotheos may have been robbed of its primacy by the Greek papyrus from Derveni in Macedonia.

IT]

EXCAVATING FOR PAPYRI: THE ORGANIZATION OF THEIR STUDY HE publications of the annus mirabilis of 1891 made a sensa-

) tion. It seemed as though a sleeping emperor had really and truly awoken after centuries. What more might not be found of ancient literature in the desert sands? The competition to buy was intensified. From their journals and correspondence we can follow the activities of collectors such as Edouard Naville (laying the basis of the collections in Geneva), Urbain

Bouriant, Charles Edwin Wilbour, James Sandilands Grant. Publication of the new texts began to be organized. The first parts (issued serially) of the documentary papyri in Berlin, the Berliner Gniechische Urkunden (B.G.U.), appeared in 1892; the first volume of the Catalogue of Greek Papyrt in the British Museum

in 1893; the first comprehensive publication from Vienna, volume 1 of the Corpus Papyrorum Rainert (C.P.R.), and the first

fascicule of the Geneva papyri in 1895. The purchases made during his first winter in Egypt (1893/4) by B. P. Grenfell, Craven Fellow of the University of Oxford, appeared in 1896 (An Alexandrian Erotic Fragment and Other Greek Papyri). In the

same year he published a more extensive text (one part of which was purchased by Petrie in 1893/4, the second portion by Grenfell himself in 1894/5), The Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadel-

phus. A. H. Sayce purchased papyri from the Oasis of Khargeh in 1893/4.! In 1896 a new prize, a roll of Bacchylides, came to the

British Museum. Its place of origin was kept secret; Wallis Budge later said it was a tomb at Meir, Moirae, twenty-five miles from Hermopolis.? Certainly during the next four years the inhabitants searched Hermopolis intensively. Wilcken accepted the report that it was in a house in this town that the rolls containing the Berlin Didymus, Theaetetus commentary, and Hierocles were found—the constituents of the new series of Berlin classical texts (Berliner Klasstkertexte, B.A.T.) inaugurated in 1904.

26 Excavating for Papyri To us, seventy years after, the nineties seem an era of rich discovery. What far-sighted contemporaries were more keenly aware of was the enormous number of texts that were undoubtedly being destroyed. In the hit-or-miss ransacking of ancient sites for anticas of intrinsic value, perhaps half the papyri

they contained were ruined by the coarse methods employed; of those found, many were destroyed in ignorance, or thrown away to evade detection by the Inspectors of the Antiquities Service, who valiantly tried to bring the illicit diggings under | control. Others were divided deliberately among the finders (examples will be given in a later chapter). Now a number of archaeological expeditions, though looking for other things, had recently found papyri: the French expedition at Achmim

in 1887, and Flinders Petrie at Tanis, Hawara, and Gurob. Their experience suggested that exploration with the avowed object of searching for papyri might be rewarding. In 1895 the Egypt Exploration Fund (later to become the Egypt Exploration Society) commissioned its first excavators on the GraecoRoman side: D. G. Hogarth, B. P. Grenfell, and A. S. Hunt of Oxford. In the years 1895 and 1896 they visited a number of sites in the Fayyim and conducted test excavations to recover Greek and Latin papyri. Their searches were to be rewarded in a phenomenal manner, and to inaugurate a new period in the recovery of texts from Egypt. Previously papyri had usually been found by accident, in temples, graves, or various hiding-places; or else they had appeared from no one knew where in the baskets of the sebakh

diggers. Places were now selected for search as a result of rational choice. It has already been stated that in Egypt south of Cairo papyri have a good chance of survival in the ground,

if they are not actually on the surface, and not so far down that they are ruined by damp from water rising from below (1.e. they must be above what 1s technically known as the height of the water-table). In Egypt the level of the water-table has risen constantly through the centuries as the bed of the Nile has been

raised by the mud deposited on it. Now in Egypt no place that has for a millennium or more been subject to the annual inundation of the Nile can preserve papyri. The majority of papyri from Egypt will therefore come from the desert, tombs, cemeteries, monasteries, funerary shrines, or deserted town sites on

Excavating for Papyri 27 the higher ground on either bank, above the irrigation level. They may also come from the upper levels of still-existing towns that have themselves climbed high above the earlier settlements

on the same site—a striking example of such climbing is presented to the traveller’s eyes at Elephantine Island, opposite Assuan. So in the sixth century of our era a dweller in Edfu gave his address as ‘on the mound [év t%apare] of the town’ (Archiv 1, p. 165).

These general principles were by now tolerably well understood. Grenfell and Hunt decided to make a systematic exploration of the sites of Graeco-Roman villages and towns that in the 1890s were still on the fringe of the cultivation level, and to search for cemeteries from these settlements that might contain papyrus rolls. The technique of investigating a town site for

papyri inside a limited period of time had to be worked out from scratch. Grenfell and Hunt developed a method of looking

for afsh, a word used by the fellahin. ‘Afsh consists of earth mixed with little bits of twig or straw; and the depth of a stratum of it may vary from a few inches to several metres. Good afsh must not be too hard, for coagulation is somehow fatal to the preservation of papyri nor yet too soft, for then it tends to become Sebakh, 1.e. fine, powdery earth in which any fragile substance such as papyrus has decomposed.’ This afsh, they lay down, may be found in ‘(1) rubbish mounds pure and simple, which cover no buildings; (2) remains of buildings ~ which are partly filled up with and buried in rubbish; (3) buildings which were never used as places for throwing rubbish, but

have simply collapsed, and are filled by their own debris and wind-blown sand. ... As regards the completeness and value of the accompanying papyri, these three classes are arranged in an ascending scale.’3

In the winter of 1895/6 Grenfell and Hunt explored the villages of Kom Aushim (Karanis) and Kom el-Asl on the north-

eastern rim of the Fayyim. At the latter site papyri were relatively plentiful and were found in the houses themselves. In 1896/7 they moved further south to Behnesa, the ancient Oxyrhynchus, situated on the edge of the western desert 120 miles

south of Cairo. The reasons for this choice may be given in Grenfell’s own words, written after the season’s work.‘ Being the capital of the nome, it must have been the abode of

28 Excavating for Papyri many rich persons who could afford to possess a library of literary texts. Though the ruins of the old town were known to be fairly extensive, and it was probable that most of them were of the GraecoRoman period, neither town nor cemetery appeared to have been plundered for antiquities in recent times. Above all, Oxyrhynchus seemed to be a site where fragments of Christian literature might be expected of an earlier date than the fourth century, to which our

oldest manuscripts of the New Testament belong; for the place was renowned in the fourth and fifth centuries on account of the number of its churches and monasteries.

The site was in fact at this time just out in the desert west of the Bahr Yusuf; there were few inhabitants because of exposure to Bedouin raids. The area of the ancient town was roughly one and a quarter miles long, half a mile broad. My first impressions [wrote Grenfell] were not very favourable. As has been said, about half was Arabic [village] ; and, with regard to the other half, a thousand years’ use as a quarry for limestone and bricks had clearly reduced the buildings and houses to utter ruin. In many parts of the site which had not been used as a depository for rubbish,

especially to the north-west, lines of limestone chips or banks of sand marked the positions of buildings of which the walls had been

dug out; but of the walls themselves scarcely anything was left, except part of the town wall enclosing the north-west of the site, the buildings having been cleared away down to their foundations, or to within a few courses of them. It was obvious from the outset that the

remains of the Roman city were not only much worse preserved than those of the Fayyiim towns which we had dug the year before, and in which most of the houses still had their walls partly standing, but that, if papyri were to be found, they must be looked for not in the shallow remains of houses, but in the rubbish mounds. These, of course, might cover buildings, but it was more probable that they would not; and there is a great difference between digging houses which after being deserted had simply fallen in and become covered

with sand, and digging rubbish mounds. In the former there is always the chance of finding valuable things which have been left behind or concealed by the last occupants, such as a hoard of coins or a collection of papyrus rolls buried in a pot; while in rubbish

mounds, since the objects found must have been thrown away deliberately, they were much less likely to be valuable, and were quite certain to be in a much worse condition. The result of our excavations showed that I had been so far right in that the rubbish mounds were nothing but rubbish mounds; and the miscellaneous

Excavating for Papyri 29 small anticas which we found are of little interest, while the number of papyri which are sufficiently well preserved to be of use was but

trifling compared to the mass which is hopelessly fragmentary or

defaced. Fortunately, however, the total find of papyri was so enormous that even the small residue of valuable ones forms a collection not only larger than any one site has hitherto produced, but probably equal to any existing collection of Greek papyri.

Grenfell and Hunt were, in fact, reluctant to dig these mounds. They spent three weeks, with little tangible result, looking for the Graeco-Roman cemeteries of the town. Then on

11 January 1897 a low mound was dug. Almost immediately there turned up a sheet of papyrus recognized as containing ‘Sayings of Jesus’ (now known to form part of the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas) ;a second sheet was a portion of St. Matthew’s Gospel. “The flow of papyri soon became a torrent it was diffi-

cult to keep pace with.’ One hundred and ten men, working in pairs, carried the trenches across the mounds. The papyri were rarely whole rolls; often only single leaves or fragments of leaves

were found. The mounds, it was noted, tended to divide into three classes: those on the outside of the site producing first to early fourth century papyri, those near the village being of the mediaeval Arabic period, while the intermediate ones chiefly produced papyri of the Byzantine

period, varied occasionally by earlier ones or by Arabic papyri of the eighth or ninth centuries. The old town, founded probably on the riverbank where the modern village stands, thus reached its widest extent in the Roman period and has been contracting ever since.

It was noted that as a rule papyri found in one mound tended to be within a century or two of each other. But there were cases of ‘composite’ mounds, 1.e. ‘two or three small mounds heaped _ up at different periods’. The papyri tended to run in layers and to be associated with afsh. Often large quantities of papyri were

found together. Grenfell supposed that such finds represented a clearance of the local archives. In the first of these ‘archive’ mounds, of which the papyri belonged to the end of the first and beginning of the second century, we some-

times found not only the contents of a basket all together, but baskets themselves full of papyri. Unfortunately, it was the practice

to tear most of the rolls to pieces first, and of the rest many had

30 Excavating for Papyrt naturally been broken or crushed in being thrown away, or had been subsequently spoiled by damp, so that the amount discovered which is likely to be of use, though large in itself, bears but a small

proportion to what the whole amount might have been. In the second find of archives the papyri belonged to the latter part of the third or early part of the fourth century, and several of them are large official documents which are likely to be of more than usual interest. The third and by far the greatest find, that of the Byzantine archives, took place on March 18th and roth, and was, I suppose, a ‘record’ in point of quantity. On the first of these two days we

came upon a mound which had a thick layer consisting almost entirely of papyrus rolls. There was room for six pairs of men and boys to be working simultaneously at this storehouse, and the difh-

culty was to find enough baskets in all Behneseh to contain the papyri. At the end of the day’s work no less than thirty-six goodsized baskets were brought in from this place, several of them stuffed with fine rolls three to ten feet long, including some of the largest Greek rolls I have ever seen. As the baskets were required for the next day’s work, Mr. Hunt and I started at 9 p.m. after dinner to stow away the papyri in some empty packing-cases which we for-

tunately had at hand. The task was only finished at three in the morning, and on the following night we had a repetition of it, for twenty-five more baskets were filled before the place was exhausted.

It has seemed worth while to report zn extenso the conditions under which the first finds were made at Oxyrhynchus. First, it has often been doubted whether the mounds at Behnesa were

true rubbish mounds. Such a doubt cannot survive Grenfell’s explicit testimony, explicitly confirmed by the account given later by U. Wilcken of the German excavations at Heracleopolis.’ Secondly, in view of the present-day trend to statistical treatment of data from papyrus finds, it is important to show the extent to which caprice governs the survival and discovery of papyri of any given epoch. On this point more will be said in the next chapter. The immediate result of the work at Behnesa was the formation of a Graeco-Roman branch of the Egypt Exploration Fund, to support further excavation and the costs of publishing the texts discovered. The first volume issued, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri

(vol. i), with the names of Grenfell and Hunt as editors, appeared in 1898. The method followed in the publication— introduction, text, translation, and brief commentary on each

Excavating for Papyri 31 text, together with lavish facsimiles—was to serve as a model for succeeding editors. The series was to reach volume xvii before

the death of A. S. Hunt. Now (in 1966) it totals thirty-two volumes. The papyrological posterity of Grenfell and Hunt can

only wonder at the speed with which publications on such a scale and of such authority were issued, especially when it is recalled that between 1894 and 1907 in only one year (1897/8) were Grenfell and Hunt not excavating in Egypt throughout the winter. Other European countries followed the example set by the Egypt Exploration Fund. In 1898 the German archaeologists H. Schaefer and U. Wilcken examined the mounds of [hnasya (Heracleopolis) with some success, even though the site had already been rifled by sebakh diggers. But bad luck dogged their expedition: the finds of the first season were destroyed while still

on board ship in the harbour of Hamburg. In 1898/9 and 1900 Grenfell and Hunt went back to the villages on the west side of the Fayyim, where the ancient sites were in immediate peril. In these villages their success was only moderate compared with the finds from Oxyrhynchus. But they had already learned that on town sites texts of the Ptolemaic period were usually so deeply buried by the later occupation levels that normally they were ruined by damp. Flinders Petrie’s texts from Gurob pointed a way to the discovery of earlier papyri: as already indicated, they were waste-paper made into cartonnage for mummy wrappings (a method commonly used in the third century before Christ, and one which lasted in some communities down to the time of Augustus, but rarely thereafter). Identification and digging of Ptolemaic cemeteries was therefore regarded as a first duty at any site explored. Their most sensational discovery was the cemetery of crocodile mummies of Umm-el-Baragat, Tebtynis, when they were working on behalf of the University of California. They were hoping to find human mummies from which cartonnage might be extracted; to some extent they were successful. “But on January 16, 1900... one of our workmen, disgusted at finding a row of crocodiles where he expected sarcophagi, broke one of them in pieces and disclosed the surprising fact that the creature was wrapped in sheets of papyrus. As may be imagined, after this find we dug out all the crocodile-tombs in the cemetery; and in

32 Excavating for Papyri the next few weeks, several thousands of these animals were unearthed, of which a small proportion (about 2 per cent.) contained papyri.’® A similar but smaller crocodile cemetery was unearthed in 1901 at Khamsin, about six miles from Tebtynis. It is impossible (and would be tedious to the reader) to mention every site visited by Grenfell and Hunt or the other early excavators. The cartonnage obtained from some of the villages they visited has not yet been published. Buying up odd bits of papyri offered for sale would sometimes lead to a promising new source. In 1900/1 it was such a trail which led them to el-Hibeh, on the right bank of the river. ‘The spring of 1901 and a good deal of the following winter (1901/2) were spent in examining the Ptolemaic necropolis there. Its mummies have provided very early Ptolemaic texts and documents, some of them earlier than the Petrie papyri. At the same time Pierre Jouguet was finding texts of the same age on cartonnage in the Ptolemaic cemeteries of Ghoran (1901), and at Medinet-en-

Nahas (Magdola, 1902). In 1902 he excavated at Tehneh, thirty-five miles down the Nile valley.

Early Greek texts might survive, however, if protected by a container. L. Borchardt, directing the German excavations at Abusir in 1902, found a roll of Timotheos,7 an undoubted manuscript of the fourth century before Christ, lying alongside its owner in a wooden sarcophagus. At Abusir-el-Malaq, some fifty miles further south, the same excavators found cartonnage which went right down to the age of Augustus. The German excavators continued with a season at Eshmunein (Hermopolis)

in 1904. Then, following discoveries of Aramaic rolls and of enormous archives of papyrus at Syene (Assuan) and Elephantine (opposite Assuan), Rubensohn and Zucker spent two years there (1906 and 1907). In Elephantine two different finds of early material were made by them, both again protected in jars: a marriage document and a will of 311 B.c., and a series of papers of about 230 B.c. It was in the year 1906 that a syndicate was formed in Germany to purchase papyri and distribute them to institutions of learning and museums in that country. During 1906 the French excavators Clermont-Ganneau and Clédat were also at work in Elephantine. Alongside the consciously directed hunt for papyri, finds of course continued to be made by natives. The Byzantine and

Excavating for Papyri 33 Arab archives of Syene have already been mentioned. In 1gor a similar find was made at Aphrodito (Kom Ishqaw) during the digging of a well inside the present inhabited area. In 1905 a further accidental discovery on the same spot led to the unearthing of literary rolls. Gustav Lefebvre, the energetic and gifted Inspector of Antiquities, at once took charge, and seized the opportunity offered by the demolition of a recent building to excavate. Inside a room in a house of the sixth century he found a jar stuffed with papyri. On the top were remains of the

now famous Cairo codex of Menander. Of another find of roughly the same date (1906/7)—-four complete codices of Deu-

teronomy, Joshua, Psalms, the four Gospels, and Pauline Epistles, belonging to the fifth century—no information 1s avail-

able regarding origin. In the spring of 1903 Grenfell and Hunt returned to Behnesa, Oxyrhynchus. The site was far from being exhausted, and the English excavators spent five seasons there in a row (from spring

1903 till spring 1907). Three particularly rich finds of literary texts were uncovered in 1905/6 and cleared up the following

season. One of the mounds containing these texts was surmounted by the tomb of a locally venerated holy man, the Sheikh Ali-Gamman. To the excavators’ chagrin the workmen refused to allow search under his tomb. The area was not to be opened up and the rest of the literary papyri garnered till more

than twenty years later by Italian excavators. Grenfell and Hunt left in 1907 with the hope of returning in 1909. But 1906/7

was in fact to be their last season of excavation. Grenfell became ill in 1908 and the concession was relinquished. It was taken up by the Italians who (inspired by G. Vitelli) had in June 1908 formed a society for exploring to find papyri (Societa per la ricerca det papiri).

Italian excavators had already between 1903 and 1905 worked in Eshmunein (Hermopolis), and their finds began to be —

published in the Papirt fiorentini (vol. 1, 1906). In 1908 their excavators returned there, and then in 1910, I912, and 1913 Professors Pistelli and Farina worked in Oxyrhynchus. On behalf of the society E. Breccia returned there for seasons of work in 1927/8, 1932, and 1934. This list of excavations (not intended to be a complete one)

814262 D

may be concluded by a mention of the later investigations by the

34 Excavating for Papyri Egypt Exploration Fund. Between 1909 and 1914 J. de M. Johnson explored sites on both banks of the Nile south of Oxyrhynchus. Antinoe (previously explored by A. Gayet), already extensively worked for sebakh, was the principal source of papyri in the season’s work 1913/14, but finds were disappoint-

ing in bulk compared to those of Oxyrhynchus. At Atfieh (Aphroditopolis) some Ptolemaic cartonnage was recovered. But

damp was the enemy, both there and at a series of settlements

on the west bank which had had an abundant population in

Graeco-Roman times. The twenty or so years between the first excavation for papyri in 1895/6 and the First World War in 1914 had seen organiza-

tion brought into scholarly work in the study as well as into search on the ground. In this period thousands of texts were published and a working apparatus of scholarly aids and source books gradually assembled. ‘These works will be enumerated in

detail in later chapters, but a few should be mentioned here. It was the first generation of papyrological scholars which provided most of the essential subszdia which have not yet been replaced. Kenyon’s Palaeography of Greek Papyri (1899), supplemented by Schubart’s plates, Papyri Graecae Berolinenses (1911),

had no systematic successor till Schubart’s Griechische Paldographie (1925). The periodical Archiv ftir Papyrusforschung founded

by Wilcken, in 1900, acted as a critical and bibliographical focus for papyrus work. Wilcken and Mitteis’s Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyruskunde (1912) formed a masterly summary

of the contribution of papyri to the fields of history, administration, and law; and Schubart’s Eznfthrung in die Papyruskunde (1919) Js written for the scholar actually intending to decipher

texts and for the literary historian. Perhaps the biggest contributions to scholarly organization were made in the twenties by F. Preisigke, a retired German post office official. In 1915 he published an experimental vocabulary of technical administrative terms (Fachwérterbuch). ‘This led him to establish four other works: a Namenbuch (1920), listing the names of persons found in Greek and Latin documentary papyri and inscriptions from Egypt; the Worterbuch der griechischen Papyrusurkunden, a lexicon

of Greek and Latin words in papyri (1926); a Berichtigungsliste, which attempts to collect all corrections proposed for published

papyrus texts, whether verified or not; a Sammelbuch, which

Excavating for Papyri 35 reprints all documents printed in periodicals (except—and alas for the exception!—the Archiv itself) or in books that have no

index. These works have helped scholars to find their way about material published in widely dispersed places. One other such list may also be mentioned here—that of the published literary papyri, the list of R. A. Pack (The Greek and Latin Literary Texts from Graeco-Roman Egypt, 2nd ed., 1965) superseding

all previous ones.

From what has already been said the reader will be able to appreciate the advantages for scholarship of organized excavations for papyri under a trained director. Such a system guaranteed that the origin and provenance of texts would be certainly known; that texts found together would be kept together, and that individual pieces would not be snipped into halves or quarters, or sold in small parcels to individual buyers. Writing in 1912, Wilcken expressed a hope that such a system would

always be adhered to in the future. It was, alas, a utopian dream. During the First World War excavations stopped, but the finding of papyri did not. In 1915 the largest and bestpreserved single archive of papyrus documents in history was turned up by Egyptian farmers near Darb-el-Gerza. European

excavators had repeatedly examined the site but failed to locate them. What makes them especially valuable is that they are early Ptolemaic, yet not on cartonnage. They consist of the papers of Zenon, manager for Ptolemy II’s finance minister, belonging to the years 260-240 B.c. Eventually the bulk of them were assembled in the Cairo Museum; but not before individuals

had bought on their own account both single texts and large parcels, which are now dispersed in many collections. It is, in fact, inevitable that most finds will be made by the inhabitants of an area as they go about their daily business, and that every effort will be made to keep a new find secret from the Antiquities Service. The result is that we know almost nothing of the origin of some of the most interesting caches, which are often more or less complete manuscripts: the Freer Collection of Old and New Testament codices acquired probably about 1906,8 the eleven Chester Beatty biblical Greek codices found about 1931,9 the Manichaean books found in a box about 193019 (K, F. W. Schmidt said ‘somewhere in the Fayyim’), the

manuscripts of Origen and Didymus the Blind hidden in the

|

|

36 Excavating for Papyri Tourah quarries near Cairo and unearthed about 1940,! the Coptic Gnostic books from Nag Hammadi, or the find which has enriched the collections of M. Bodmer of Geneva, Sir Chester Beatty, the University of Mississippi and others!2 with a complete play of Menander, three nearly complete Greek gospels of early date, and a whole series of other New and

Old Testament books in Greek and Coptic.

} First in the excavation field after the First World War was the French Institut de Parchéologie orientale, based in Cairo. Girard, Henne, and later O. Guéraud resumed work begun by P. Jouguet in 1913/14 at Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu). One single big group of Greek papyri was found, all of them of the eighth century. They were in a jar, about a hundred metres south-east of the eastern pylon of the temple. French excavators continued to work on this site. In 1937 they were joined by Polish colleagues under the leadership of K. Michalowski. Only scraps of papyrus were found, but a large number of Ptolemaic and Roman ostraca, especially from the Jewish quarter, were assembled.

Petrie paid a fleeting visit to Oxyrhynchus in 1922, but the principal excavations of the English-speaking world were the

notable ten years of work undertaken by the University of Michigan. The moving spirit in organizing it was F. W. Kelsey. From a visit to Egypt in 1920 he took back what H. I. Bell!3 has described as ‘a really splendid collection’. It was purchased in the flourishing Egyptian papyrus market for the universities of

Michigan and Wisconsin. In 1922 a syndicate of buyers was formed, consisting of the universities of Michigan, Cornell, and Princeton, the City and University Library at Geneva, and the British Museum; purchases made during the next five or more years were inventoried by H. I. Bell before distribution. Later other universities (Yale and Columbia) joined in. Then in 1924

the decision was taken to reopen excavations in the Fayyim, not only to find papyri, but if possible also to plan and trace the growth of the communities from which papyri originate. The site selected was Kom Aushim (Karanis). Natives had recently turned up the papers of Aurelius Isidorus, a ruggedly independent and outspoken landowner of the early fourth century A.D.; they had also found some exceptionally long tax rolls. Work began in 1925 and was continued till spring 1935. The

Excavating for Papyri 37 great mound had suffered previously from sebakh-hunters. But the excavators discovered a completely unknown temple, and

cleared out a large number of houses (some of them rich in papyri). In 1931/2, during a temporary suspension of work at Karanis, Dimai (Socnopaei Nesus) was examined, and the his-

tory of the settlement and its remarkable temple and paved approach (cf. p. 80) made clear. The Italian work at Oxyrhynchus in this period has already been referred to (p. 33). A further important Italian undertaking was the systematic excavation of ‘Tebtynis, untouched since 1902. A considerable number of papyri was discovered, especially in houses. But the aim of the excavations conducted by C. Anti in 1929 and 1930/1, and continued by C. Bagnani in 1932/3 and 1933/4, was to expose the temple and the ‘blocks’ (zAwbeta) of the town. The great street of the town was found to run from north to south, eventually becoming a processional way leading to a large temple with huge precinct wall devoted to the ritual of the crocodile god. ‘The final publication of this excavation is likely to throw interesting light on the way such communities lived. Other campaigns of excavation during this period which may be mentioned are those at Hermopolis: 192931, conducted by the Pelizaeus museum of Hildesheim under

G. Roeder; in 1935 by the University of Alexandria; and in 1937 by S. Gabra at the neighbouring Tuna-el-Gebel. Between

the years 1933 and 1939 A. Vogliano was also examining Medinet Madi; and E. Breccia and 8S. Donadoni began a new attack on the mounds of Antinoe. Herculaneum excepted, only recently has written material been found outside Egypt. In 1909 a peasant in a village in the Avroman mountains of Persian Kurdistan discovered in a jar in a cave a number of documents written on skins.!4 Two of them were in Greek and eventually reached the British Museum:

one is a sale in 88 B.c. of a vineyard, the second a lease of a vineyard of 22/21 B.c. Next, in 1921 a mission led by F. Cumont!s to Dura-Europus on the Euphrates (a fortress town on the route between Antioch and Mesopotamia) found two parchments, and seven more in 1922/3. In 1928 the search was reinforced by the University of Yale, under M. Rostovtzeff and C. B. Welles, and three parchments and a papyrus were found.

Then in 1931/2 a deposit of papyri was turned up in the

38 Excavating for Papyri archives room of a Roman cohort. The finds included a few Greek literary texts, Greek contracts and letters, a calendar of festivals to be observed by the Roman army, and a considerable quantity of a Roman quartermaster’s papers. The next place at which papyri were turned up was Auja-el-Hafir’® in the desert between Palestine and Egypt, about forty miles south of Gaza.

In 1935 an expedition working under H. Dunscombe Colt at Sbeitah!7 was forced by drought to leave the Negeb. It turned its attention in this and the following year to the mounds at this police post, first reoccupied in modern times by the Turks in 1908. Two scraps of papyrus had in fact turned up about 1919

and been passed on to German hands. Mr. Colt found his first papyri while clearing a store-room in the church of Mary the Mother of God; others were found later in a second church, that of Saints Sergius and Bacchus, the place being the ancient _ Nessana. The finds included literary books (a Virgil glossary) and Christian codices (parts of the New Testament, the lives of the saints, the letter of Abgar), a soldiers’ archive, and a church archive, as well as the papers of individuals. Dated documents run from A.D. 505 to 689; more than forty papyri are later than the Arab conquest.

The desert round the Dead Sea also has preserved Greek papyri. Following the first discovery of scrolls in a cave at Qumran in 1947 the desert has been searched intensively. The first Greek papyri located were found in a cave at Murabba‘at: one group from there is of the second century after Christ and consists principally of papers of the Roman soldiers seeking out

the Jewish fugitives.'2 Another is of much later date. Then Greek texts, mainly of the Septuagint, were found in Qumran itself,!9 first in Cave Four, then in other caves. The handwriting is alleged to be not later than the early first century a.p., and to confirm de Vaux’s general archaeological dating of the scrolls. These texts were no doubt for the use of those Jewish adherents at Qumran who could read only Greek, not Hebrew. An intensive search of the cliffs above the Dead Sea by the

Israeli authorities in 1960 and 1961 brought further rewards. In 1960 a packet of fifteen letters was discovered, sent in the name of the leader of the Jewish revolt in a.p. 132. Two of these

were in Greek, and one settled the question of how his name should be written by vocalizing it as Khosiba.?°

Excavating for Papyrt 39 Most dramatic in the circumstances of its hiding is the find in 1961 by Y. Yadin of a biblical roll in Greek and an archive in caves at Engedi. In the time of the second rebellion in aA.p. 132, a number of followers of the Jewish leader took refuge in these caves. But the Roman army encamped above the cliff, and the beleaguered faithful starved to death in their holes in the rock. In one grotto, aptly named ‘the cave of horror’, forty skeletons were discovered. In the depths of this cave a parchment roll of

the Minor Prophets in Greek was found.”* In a second cave (‘the cave of the letters’) was found the archive of a Jewish family which included documents in Nabataean and Aramaic as well as Greek.?2 The Greek papyri, the dates of which range between A.D. 110 and A.D. 132, are property deeds, a marriage

settlement (Greek law recognized, where Jewish did not, a woman’s title to property), and a number of minutes of legal decisions, written at Petra, the capital of Trajan’s new province of Arabia.

Chance and improved archaeological techniques have resulted in the discovery and preservation of written materials elsewhere than in the East. First we may mention a hoard of writing-tablets written in ink found in Algeria in 1930, belonging to the later Roman Empire and the Vandal occupation of northern Africa.23 Wax tablets have been preserved in Europe itself: not only at Herculaneum (where their number is legion), but in the Hungarian Transylvanian mountains, and even in

Friesland (near Leeuwarden).”4 In 1954 a Roman writing-tablet, with its ink writing still legible, was recovered from a well attached to a Roman villa at Chew Stoke, Somerset, England. Probably tannin in the water had helped to preserve both wood and ink. Five years later, in February 1959, parts of a similar wooden writing-tablet were thrown up from a deep excavation in the City of London by a mechanical digger. Both texts, the

former a sale of property, the latter a private letter, could be read.25 1963 brought news of the discovery of a carbonized roll of papyrus, probably of the fourth century B.c. (see pp. 56, 77), at Derveni, north of Thessaloniki in Macedonia. The roll had been burned outside the tomb after the burial as part of the last rites. In the same year a Roumanian excavator opening a grave of the fourth century B.c. in a cemetery of the Greek colony of Callatis on the Black Sea (not far from modern Constanza), was

40 Excavating for Papyri astonished to observe a roll of papyrus placed between the legs

| of the deceased.?6 Unfortunately it crumbled almost instantly. It is to be hoped that next time such a roll is found there may

be some technique for preserving it. After the Second World War no expedition was sent to Egypt with the primary task of hunting for Greek papyri until

that of the universities of Florence and Milan in 1965. An excavation organized by the Universita degli Studi of Milan is said to have found 400 papyrus texts at Medinet Madi in the

spring of 1966. Other archaeological missions have in the meantime continued to find them. Mention may be made of that of the Egypt Exploration Society at Qasr [brim in Nubia in 1963.27 On the floor of the church there papyri of Greek homilies were found; then, in the tombs of the bishops, and under the stairway of a house were discovered Coptic, Old Nubian, and Meroitic texts. Even though none of the finds are

Greek, mention should also be made of the Coptic Gnostic library from Chenoboskion, which began to appear about 1948 and most of which was coaxed into the Cairo Museum by the enthusiasm and perseverance of Togo Mina and J. Doresse.?8 Papyri are still being discovered in Egypt faster than scholars can transcribe and edit them. What are the prospects for the future? Scholars and excava-

tors qualified to pronounce because of their familiarity with conditions in Egypt have for decades been pessimistic?? about

| the possibility of future finds. Yet such finds continue to be made. Iwo observations may help us to judge the chances of their continuing. First, the new high dam at Assuan and the progress of irrigation technique must inevitably bring a rise in the water-table throughout Egypt, not merely south of or in the neighbourhood of Assuan. Undetected texts that may still be lurking underground in irrigated areas cannot but be jeopardized thereby. Second, manuscripts in graves or hiding-places in the desert fringing the Nile valley will still await a finder. Texts preserved in this way are normally completer and more extensive than those recorded from open sites, even if Homer and Menander are the authors they are most likely to contain. To locate such cemeteries and hiding-places will be like looking

for a needle in a haystack; but the prize is of infinitely greater value than the proverbial needle, and perhaps new techniques

Excavating for Papyri 41 of search can be developed, comparable to those now employed by Dr. Lerici in Etruria. This possibility apart, the mounds of the Fayyim villages—perhaps even of Elephantine —should be finally cleared. Outside Egypt it is time for work to be resumed vigorously at Herculaneum.

IV PLACE OF ORIGIN AND PLACE OF WRITING: THE GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF FINDS HE traveller who goes by air from Cairo to Luxor starts from an airport built out in the eastern desert and flies high over the barren, forbidding mountains that lie between the Nile and the Red Sea. Not long after take-off he can see the distant blue of the sea on his left hand, and the tiny green strip of the river away to the right. All else is inhospitable. His course will take him only a little to the west of the ‘Porphyry mountain’. Under a relentless burning sun convicts toiled to cut from its quarries the beautiful veined rock that was lugged over

desert and down river for the beautification of Rome. It is a relief to leave the hostile but spectacular mountain ranges and rejoin the Nile at its great bend at Qena, at a point where there

is a panoramic view of the temple of Denderah. The flight : dramatizes the well-known geographical fact that Egypt zs the

Nile valley, a valley that from Middle Egypt southwards is nowhere more than fourteen miles broad. The desert that presses it in need not be much higher in level than the irrigated area. A great deal of it, however, is mountain—ro dpoc,

the mountain in which refugees from justice and man’s inhumanity alike took refuge. In Graeco-Roman Egypt they were called ‘retreaters’, avaywpnrai; and their etymological descendants were the anchorites, living a lonely wrestling-match with the demons of evil who ambushed their cells in the baking wilderness. Even from the low bluff on which stands Sakkara, a bare thirty miles south of Cairo, one can discern the outline of craggy heights to the south on the opposite bank of the river. As one goes south, the mountain presence is rarely not felt; at

several places the mountains seem to close in on the valley; finally at Gebel Silsileh north of Assuan there is room only for river, road, and railway. The previous chapter will have failed in its intended effect if

Place of Origin and Place of Writing 43 it has not stressed the element of chance that went into any successes obtained by excavators for papyri when they actually began to dig. Yet I also tried to show the principles which led

exploring missions to places in which they could expect to find papyri. It is the task of this chapter to relate these sites to the geographical conditions governing life in Egypt as a whole and to consider how far such sites are representative. Such an

inquiry will reveal both the potentialities and the limitations which Greek papyrus evidence can bring. The sites themselves, when plotted on the maps at the end of this book, will fall into clusters. ‘There will be great empty areas

on the map from which no papyri come at all. Such are the Delta, which is practically bare of papyri. In this well-watered land, ‘the gift of the Nile’, which constituted the most fruitful third of the whole territory of Egypt, they have survived only

when the buildings in which they were stored were burned down and they themselves were housed in containers which admitted no oxygen, so that they did not combust but were carbonized into a black charcoal-like state. Flinders Petrie found hieroglyphic papyri in this condition at Tanis; and a similar series of Greek texts, which includes a long and informa-

tive register of the Mendesian nome, was found in a building at Thmouis. But the site of Alexandria has provided no papyri, nor has the ancient Greek foundation of Naucratis, to which Sappho’s brother went trading. Nor has the purely Greek city of Ptolemais in Upper Egypt. In Middle Egypt the number of places at which papyri have been found are few in relation to the ancient populations of the area. In the Thebaid and Thebes itself, the number is relatively so small as to have given rise to a dogma that papyrus was little used in Upper Egypt and was to a large extent replaced there as writing material by potsherds or ostraca. Certainly many thousands of tax receipts written on this salvaged material have been collected from the area near Thebes. But there is no longer a disproportion between their numbers in this and other provinces of Egypt. The ostraca from Karanis in the Fayyim assembled by the University of Michigan form a corpus equally impressive in kind and in quantity. It would seem that the relative shortage of papyri in Upper Egypt is due to the hazards of destruction and discovery. The texts that have been recovered

44, Place of Origin and Place of Writing from Thebes, though few, are important, and I shall describe them shortly (p. 46). Omissions and relatively empty spaces can be noted on the map. In Middle and Upper Egypt they may often be accounted for by the continued occupation of the ancient sites by modern settlements, or to the damp brought by a progressive rise of the water-table. Quite the opposite explanation applies to the thickly clustered area of the Fayyim, the ancient Arsinoite nome or district, which lies south-west of Cairo, from which it can now be reached by the desert road in little more than an hour’s motoring. This district forms a depression below sea level,

the size of an English county, surrounded by low hills and the

desert. Its own water-supply, a branch of the Nile called ‘Joseph’s Canal’ (Bahr Yusuf), finally drains into and is lost by

evaporation in the Lake of Moeris (Birket-el-Qarun). Greek engineers in the third century B.c. carried out irrigation works which brought into cultivation extensive tracts on its periphery that could be assigned to the Greek immigrants who flocked to the banner of Ptolemy Philadelphus to earn a better livelihood than they could in their own homes. Sometimes completely new

communities such as Philadelphia (Darb-el-Gerza) were built for them. Through the documentary papyri we can watch their birth in the reign of Philadelphus; and also their slow strangulation in the fourth century after Christ, as the irrigation works? ran down until the desert was allowed to engulf village after village. In the village of Dionysias (Qasr-Qarun) at the southwest corner of this territory Diocletian built a massive Roman fort. It was abandoned in the second half of the fourth century,

and when the excavators cleared the fort area in 1950 they found the great gate carefully closed.2 This shrinkage in prosperity and cultivation helped to preserve the ancient sites and their contents until late in the nineteenth century. In the Fayyim, then, when irrigation was neglected beyond a critical stage, areas that were only cultivable by artificial means had to be abandoned. Naturally in these areas (in which

houses were left intact, gradually to fill with sand) the texts and documents likely to be found in largest quantity are those of the era just before the abandonment, the late third and early fourth centuries. Now an enormous number of our extant papyri originate from these villages on the edge of the Fayyam. It 1s

Place of Origin and Place of Writing 45 natural to expect that it should be so in an area where the Greeks greatly extended the acreage under cultivation, and then lost it again. There will clearly be a need for caution in drawing from the papyri general conclusions which apply to Egypt as a whole. If statistics based on all published papyri show a preponderance of copies of Homer belonging to the second or third centuries A.D., this need not mean that a spectacularly reduced number of persons read Homer in Egypt in the fourth century and after, just asa mass of documents of the age of

Diocletian and Constantine need not mean a great increase in bureaucratic activity and pressure in this age. It need mean no more than that in the case of our principal source of both texts and documents this period is the latest before the inhabitants leave the areas from which the papyri come. The inhabitants leave peacefully, their homes are not looted, and the blown sand preserves what they leave behind them. We should therefore expect this period to be the most productive of texts. We are not entitled to assume that similar complete disasters occurred in all the other provinces of Egypt. One way out of the difficulty for a statistician would be to select a site which has produced papyri written at dates spread widely over the whole millennium of the Greek and then the Roman occupation of Egypt. Yet there is, in fact, no site which offers a continuous and even spectrum of texts from 300 B.c. to A.D. 700. Oxyrhynchus, perhaps, comes nearest to fulfilling these requirements. Certainly, it is one of the four places in Egypt (the others are Aphrodito, Apollinopolis, and SyeneAssuan) from which more than a casual idea of conditions in Byzantine times can be obtained. Yet even here there are limiting factors. With very few exceptions, papyri of a date earlier than the first century B.c. lie at a level below the water-table and have perished. It may also be remarked in passing that perhaps

less than half the texts recovered by Grenfell and Hunt at this spot have as yet been published. The discontinuity in time and place is most serious in the Ptolemaic period. There are now thousands of texts of the third century B.c.—cartonnage from Ghoran and Gurob in the Fay-

yim, from el-Hibeh outside it, and the great Zenon archive from Philadelphia. Yet only Philadelphia continues to supply (in much reduced numbers) texts of the second century B.c.

46 Place of Origin and Place of Writing The Tebtynis cemeteries (which offered a few third-century texts) now take over, and run into the first century B.c., and papyri found in the town of Tebtynis run on till the end of the third century after Christ. But the Ptolemaic texts from Tebtynis are overwhelmingly those of a village record office. The second century B.c. is helped out by the Serapeum archive, the papers of Ptolemy, who was a recluse at Memphis about 160 B.c.; by texts from Socnopaei Nesus; and a little later by five different finds of mixed Greek and demotic papers made in the Thebaid. These five belong to the period of ninety years between about 180 and 88 B.c. and concern soldiers who may have been quar-

tered in this area to keep an eye on Thebes and Upper Egypt, where there were persistent attempts to reassert Egyptian independence. The latest group in the series, the letters of Plato, is a contemporary source for the revolt in 88 B.c. Then for the middle and latter part of the first century before Christ information comes from the cartonnage of Abusir-el-Malaq; and texts from Oxyrhynchus begin to appear on the scene (the earliest text found on the site is of 183 B.c. But documents are rare till the first century.). From disparate sources such as these it is not to be expected that statistics of the relative incidence of literary

finds can have much value. |

The capricious nature of finds at a single site can be graphi-

cally illustrated from the case of Thebes. Its great temples (Homer’s ‘hundred-gated Thebes’) and memories of the great

days of the eighteenth dynasty made it a focus of Egyptian nationalism more than once in the Ptolemaic period. Under the Romans it was reduced to a cluster of villages. But it was a ‘must’ for ancient tourists, as is clear to the moderns when they see the names of Roman governors, even emperors, cut on the

colossus of Memnon. Of papyri from this region the most valuable classical finds are the Harris-Arden and Stobart rolls of Hyperides, which reached the British Museum in 1852/3 and 1856 and are said to have come out of a wooden coffin at Gour-

nou. A group of texts of the fourth century after Christ, from the collection of the Swedish consul Anastasi, includes chemical and alchemical prescriptions (P. Leiden x and P. Holmiensis),

a Mithras liturgy, the papyrus of Abraxas, and various rolls of ‘magical spells in Greek and Coptic. To this group the Poimandres (P.G.M, 1. ii) has been assigned. Another group of texts,

Place of Origin and Place of Writing 47 Ptolemaic, dating to about 130 B.c., consists of transactions made through the royal bank at Thebes and Hermonthis (Armant). Other groups from the necropolis, mainly Ptolemaic, consist of the business papers of priests: they include the socalled ‘document of Nechutes’, a sale of land of 103 B.c., the third Greek papyrus text to be published, edited by A. Bockh in 1821; and the papers of Hermeias, now in Turin and Paris. At the other chronological extreme of our period the site of the monas-

tery of Epiphanius at Deir-el-Bahri has furnished rolls and documents, principally in Coptic, of which the finest examples came to the British Museum, while others were recovered in excavations by the Metropolitan Museum of New York. At the

neighbouring monastery of Phoebammon at Castrum Memnoniorum (Medinet Habu, Coptic Djeme) James Bruce is said to have bought Coptic Gnostic books in 1770; among Greek texts from it may be mentioned the will of Abraham, Bishop of Hermonthis and head of the monastery, which was long thought to be the latest Greek papyrus, but is almost certainly now surpassed by the finds at Syene and Apollinopolis. This account has dwelt so far on dangers of which many users of papyri seem unaware. So that ignorance be not perpetuated, a list of provenances (i.e. places of discovery of papyri) has been drawn up and will appear in A Reference Book of Greek Papyrt.

In it an attempt is made to set out the chronological range of finds of papyri made at any particular place. But the concept of place of origin or provenance is, of course, of use to others than the statistician and the sociologist. ‘To know the provenance of

a text may be a vital clue in reuniting two (or even more) fragments of it that have found their way into different collections, whether the text is literary or documentary. It may also be the means by which one can trace the contents of an ‘archive’

—a term which a papyrologist uses for a body of (possibly disparate) papers, documents, and books which there is reason

for thinking were found assembled together, but may since have | been dispersed.3 An archive is bound to be of greater interest than unrelated papers, even if the latter are of the same date. There are likely to be answers to letters; the principal figure is reflected in his correspondents and friends, and they are revealed through the comments of third parties and through their literary tastes. It is by attention to records of provenance and

48 Place of Origin and Place of Writing acquisition that V. Martin established the unity of the archive of Abinnaeus, cavalry-commandant at Dionysias in A.D. 34050: the main bulk of the papers are in the British Museum and

the Geneva Library; Martin reunited with the main bulk a number of isolated texts in these collections and also an important document acquired by U. Bouriant.+ Martin’s inquiry was written in 1954, though it did not appear in print till ten years

later. By a similar investigation’ J. Schwartz has assembled from eight different collections the papers of Sarapion, son of Eutychides, and his family, who lived in Hermopolis between A.D. go and 133. The most famous such archive is that of Zenon,® agent to Apollonius, finance minister of the second Ptolemy: the many thousands of his papers, which span a period

of just over twenty years (c. 260-240 B.c.), include letters of Apollonius and his friends at court, letters from overseas, accounts, petitions to Zenon, and almost certainly some literary rolls (their connexion with the archive is discussed in Chapter VI, p. 78). The archive of Dioscorus of Aphrodito,7 seven cen-

turies later, is perhaps even better known because of this lawyer’s possession of a papyrus codex of Menander. Between these chronological limits lie a number of other archives which will be enumerated elsewhere.

Archives such as these will consist of letters, documents, and books written at many different places; and a whole archive may have been assembled in one spot and carried else-

where by its central figure. This seems to have been what , happened with the papers of Apollonius,’ strategus of Apollinopolis-Heptakomia, a nome created between Antaeopolis and Hypselis in the Thebaid by Trajan. Like many another govern-

ment servant, this hero of the Jewish rising under Trajan and Hadrian carried his papers home to Hermopolis when he returned to private life, and perhaps refought his battles in the study. Similarly a certain Theophanes,? a civil servant of the early fourth century, brought to Hermopolis at his retirement the day-to-day record of progress and expenditures on a journey he made to Antioch. He also brought the letters sent him from home by his sons, and the correspondence of a lively circle of friends who worshipped Thrice-Great Hermes. Abinnaeus, as already mentioned, carried his personal and army papers home to Philadelphia.

Place of Origin and Place of Writing 49 It is, indeed, of great importance to make a distinction between the place of finding and place of writing of a text. A document concerning Oxyrhynchus and found at Oxyrhynchus may be presumed to have been written there; but a document found at Oxyrhynchus which is addressed, for example, to

the strategus of the Lycopolite nome,'® or contains a list of cultivators of state lands in the Arsinoite nome,'! presumably travelled from these places to Oxyrhynchus in ancient times. The simplest way of accounting for the presence of official documents of this type in Oxyrhynchus is to suppose that they were carried there on retirement from office by Oxyrhynchite citizens who, in obedience to the rule of the Roman administra-

tion that a man should not hold an important administrative office in his own area, performed a tour of duty elsewhere.'2 This explanation has an important bearing on the view which will be put forward in a later chapter (p. 90) about the nature of literary texts written on the back of documentary rolls. It makes it probable that such texts are private copies, made locally on behalf of the person who had access to what could be treated as ‘waste-paper’.

To the accidental wanderings of papyri we owe a not inconsiderable body of knowledge about parts of Egypt which have themselves provided none. Alexandria may serve as an example. On the site of this great capital, as we have already seen, no papyri have been preserved. But since papyri travel easily from place to place, it does not follow that we have no papyri from Alexandria.!3 The government post carries official papers, decrees, instructions, answers to petitions, tax demands; private individuals carry letters for their friends; Alexandrian citizens have estates in the country, take their own books there and presents of books for their friends, carry copies of Alexandrian political pamphlets directed against Rome, and also files of their own law papers. These latter are easily recognizable, since Alexandrian citizens enjoyed special modes of legal process, for instance in conveyancing. The most informative text

about Alexandrian civil law in the third century B.c., the socalled roll of Dikaiomata,'* was in fact found in Elephantine, on the southern border of Egypt. Documents from the Fayyim or

Oxyrhynchus allude incidentally to the Greek letters which stand for quarters of Alexandria, to its tribes and demes, to its

814262 E

50 Place of Origin and Place of Writing topography, to buildings such as ‘the Serapeum at Rhacotis’ or

‘the Atrium Magnum’, or to the etiquette of the Ptolemaic court. Waste-paper, too, travels easily. A connected series of documents, letters, and petitions of Alexandrian citizens in the time of Augustus has been preserved because it was disposed of,

we do not know how, to a dealer who employed it to make papier maché mummy cases for persons who were buried at Abusir-el-Malaq.

The case of Alexandria illustrates the unpredictability of papyrus evidence. Almost anything may turn up, yet what 1s expected often does not seem to. From such finds one may argue

positively but not negatively: the argument from silence 1s especially dangerous. This little discussion also underlines what

has been implicit in this whole chapter. Our surviving papyri are, in the main, of provincial origin. They have been preserved in what Alexandrians called the chora, the country of Egypt in contrast to the city. Provincial origin no doubt explains why so few of the books found in Egypt deserve the description ‘calligraphic’, and why their illustrations (when they have them)

are usually routine work, if not downright bad. Since itis through Alexandria that Egypt must have main-~ tained its contact with Rhodes or Athens or Rome, a similar unpredictability must govern the chance of finding texts brought _ into Egypt from outside. Now we know of a number of documents and letters brought into Egypt from places outside and quite far away. Some owners of slaves carried with them the documents of purchase which proved their title to these slaves:

one such, written in Greek and Latin, was drawn up at Ravenna,'5 another in Latin was written at Seleucia in Pieria,!® three in Greek were written at Side in Pamphylia, Ascalon, and Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia respectively.!7 Letters were written from Puteoli, Ostia, and Rome by serving soldiers or sailors and by clerics,!§ from Constantinople by notaries on behalf of clients in Egypt.?9 What books or Christian texts might not have been carried in? A surprising find is a small piece of parchment,

the outer sheet of a quire, which carries on the left-hand side some verses of the Gospel of St. Luke (xxii and xxiv) in the German Gothic version, with the Latin vulgate on the righthand page? dated to the sixth céntury. This scrap was found at Sheik Ibada, near Antinoe. ‘Presumably [it was] written in Italy’,

Place of Origin and Place of Writing 51 writes E. A. Lowe. A Greek literary work which, prima facie, was written in Italy is an end-title?! which reads ‘Grammatical Questions (. A q. cats ose RR Bhat Snir eats nae SSE en Sa ume Beene 2prompers: ci RSs san aaa aie oo A SS ee eeoie ae Re hs Bae Raa ee etiee ouheoeie‘7Dy *~ a en_.SE._-stda , : a |i 7i :-ye Aeo.2s.ae7BEG ae Naa ee pees pea aes erncane “SARCIORORA: CS onc BR eae: esSe eeoe aes7pee inumaeaaeee Pe Sees ae eey EEN Ree naD eas RO ebepaaaistaNe Iaes a see aeYee Bs ae Be i oS ae sn Se on aBea Os i, Ge ..| :$: ty Te Ne ipieeeaen mee. ea So ‘eee tne Se Beek ng RNa — = ee sie BS BES Fe See Boi nee ty eee Ss, “Eas, aki: eee nite RTa Ter Pa ORAS re Se,Sree eeFeoeates SESass Mesias .—Botti i ao / oe yofo 7._ -.Bes - -a” Ste RRR Bapee SnEe eeRoe Bees ct ee tes eeeae eae arr =.Vig “oats eedZ eee Py‘x pee (2 oe . ie lr #&= =~——hhCl eee ee 7 aot oth Ee Peg “ Bee pei Ses ee en be eee As See RdRy oe a a y fo _ a “ A oo ee RE te oe aN 5COCateieee Ae Ee nn hs" .iy PaEs Beant UO Ses ee feoa ba eet Sake eer it Site. Res eas ee ce wate . ##i=Beer ap Sane taEp Be eeco. iS enaaes asoe See OsDs BeBe ete se ee SRE, UEier Uysae “Gass Lo inthe cates “arZs SeSis tis aR GH: BOR 2g ahs ROE ree aesofts Sea ae SE

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Sern aca Sees Pa RA Se ei Ba ree nateuentinten Bi SR Re ae ae nea a Sa MR ete a ot Als Sc Sees SR ae ERE Ea ee ubibaerennastcaaenas ee

Be ee eee zee ES =. ees, eee aeSE epee a see stimsae ieee ee Se Se Sirona x, ie ad See SteFU eeSoke ee eesCC ss Se pees f ee SSO Tecare Be i, aD cite A SR aeaee,Bee ig ae Be sNiisiinsat soars SSR REDS cs taeoo ars eR eae He ez Ese ae«He ae od aOE escee oees oe 8SEES ee abe. eesulk ees. Se Se ee ee aie ties EE ean IPM = me: —e—e eeTee ee a Be HeSePs ags —rr—“‘a“‘_O—“ 78; 108. Braunert (H.), 181, 187. Casson (L.), 162. Breccia (E.), 33, 37, 177. castanet dancers, 81.

British Museum, 3, 10, 14, 20, 21, 22, Castrum Memnoniorum (Medinet 23, 25, 36, 37, 46, 47, 48, 53, 56, 64, Habu, Coptic Djeme), 18, 47. 78, 100, 107, 173, 176, 177, 181, 189. catalogues (library, ancient), 88, 102.

Brooklyn Museum (New York), 171. catholicus, 148.

Bruce (James: explorer), 18, 47. Catullus (Gaius Valerius C.), 173.

Bruckner (A.), 158. Caunus (in Caria, Asia Minor), 77. Brugsch (Karl Heinrich), 20. Cavassini (M. T.), 187. Brunet de Presle (W.), 168. Cavenaile (R.), 155, 158, 180.

Brussels, 140, 157, 165, 171. “Cave of the letters’ (marriage contract

Bruyére (B.), 162. from), 186.

Budge (Sir Ernest Wallis), 22, 23, 25. caves (as repositories), 2, 6, 18, 37, 38,

Busiris, 145. 39, 186. Bittner (H.), 164. Cazzaniga (I.), 167. Byblos, 1, 172. cedar oil, 3.

Byzantine age, 146, 148, 153, 186. cemeteries (source of papyri), 26, 27, — papyri, 4, 21, 29, 30, 32, 45, 51, 52, 28, 29, 31, 32, 39, 40, 46, 47.

121, 152, 161, 165, 167, 168. census, 129, 140, 159, 161, 187, Cerny (J.), 172.

Cadell (Héléne), 169. Chaerephanes (Archon of Athens 452

Caesareum, 138. B.C.), 105.

Cairo, 26, 27, 36, 42, 44, 161. chalk, 9, 174. — Museum, 35, 40, 141, 161. Chalon (G.), 183.

Calderini (A.), 152, 167, 181. Champollion le Jeune, 20.

Calderini (Rita), 83, 181. Chariton (of Aphrodisias), Chaereas

calendar, 146. and Callirhoe, 81, 99, 183. — of festivals, 38. charta (xaptyc), 4, 9, 89. — ritual, 179. Charta Borgiana, 18, 19.

Caley (E. R.), 165. chetrographon (xeupoypadov), 135. California (University of), 31. — annulment of, 135.

Callatis, 39, 77. chemical prescriptions, 46, 165. calligraphy, 16, 50, 56, 90, 94, 108, 181, | Chenoboskion, 40. plate VIII n. Chester Beatty (Sir), 2, 13, 14, 35, 36, Callimachus (of Cyrene), 68, 97, 98, 52, 535 55, 56, 75, 76, 174, 176.

185. England), 39.

102, 103, 104, 106, 119, 122, 123, Chew Stoke (Mendips, Somerset,

— Hekale, 67. Chicago (Museum), 162. — Pinakes (ITivarec), 102, 103, 114, 183. chora (xw@pa), 50. — Diegeseis (Aitnyycerc) to, 81, 124. “‘Chorizontes’ (XwpiCovrec), 114.

— list of dramatic victories, 106. chorus, coronis to mark entrance of,

— modern interpreters of, 103. 184.

Calza (Dott. Raissa), plate VI n. Chrestomathien (L. Mitteis and U.

Cameron (Alan), 88. Wilcken), v, 156.

canvas (as a binding material), 14. Christianity, 75, 84, 150, 151, 165.

Caracalla (Emperor), 75. — local deviations, 150.

198 General Index Christian Texts, 50, 150, 151, 152, 153, colometry, 63.

154, 157, 158, 170; dated, 150. colophons (see also End titles), 65, 66,

Chron. d’ Egypte, 157, 180, 181. 94, 96.

chronology, 105, 106, 107, 120, 146. Colotes (Stoic), 170.

Church, 38, 81, 150. Colt, see Dunscombe Colt (H.). — Fathers, 150. Columbia (University), 36, 141, 142.

Cicero (Marcus Tullius C.), 7,173,174. columns, of writing, 16, 66, 94, 95,

citizenship (Roman), 68, 75. 120, 122, plate VIII.

classification (in the Alexandrian -— height of, 63, 64. Library), 100-4, 106, 108, 110. —— size in prose texts, 63. Claudius (Emperor), 128, 134. comedy (Greek), 87, 92, 181.

— letter to the Alexandrians, 137, 187. — Old, 116.

| Ti. Claudius Demetrius (member of commentaries (hypomnemata), 63, 92, 94,

the Museum), 87. 95, 96, 99, 104, 109, I10, III, 112, clay, 1, 5, 130, 172. 113, 114, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120,

Clédat (J.), 32. IQ1, 122, 123, 124, 125, 157.

Cleon (son of Cleaenetus), 66, 85. — popular, 124. Cleopatra II Philometor Soteira) — marginal, 123.

(Queen of Egypt), 147. — association with text, 114, 115, 117, Clermont-Ganneau (Chr.), 32. 122, 184, 185. clothing 131, 132, 186. commentarii (sropynuaticpoi), see Jour-

Cockerell (Douglas), 175. nals,

codex (see also Papyrus codex, Parch- commentators, 104, 113, 114, 117, 120.

ment codex), 10, If, 12, 13, 14, 15, —yrespect shown to commentators’

93, 97, 122, 123, 172, 173, 174. words, 120.

— leaves, size of, 13; conjugate, 15,62. Comparetti (D.), 163, 175.

—— marginal notes, 122. computation (astronomical), 149. — medieval, 93, 97, 185. conjugation (exercises), 85. — original Latin sense, hinged boards, Constantine the Great (Emperor), 45,

7, plate V. 75, 100, 148.

— recto and verso (see also Recto and Constantinople, 5o.

verso), 14. Constanza (Roumania), 39.

— single quire, 13, 15, 53, 174. Constitutto Antoniniana, 68, 179.

— cwpdrior, 8. containers, Greek words for, 152.

= ansatus, ‘7. — of papyri, 32, 33, 35, 36, 37, 43. — Bembinus, 12. contracts, see Law. — Cairo, 14, 33, 124. Copenhagen, 64, 164.

— Chester Beatty, 2, 13, 14, 35, 36, 52, copies, Athenian, 95, 109, 110; com-

53> 55, 56, 75, 76, 174, 176. mented, 123; uncommented, 123.

— Freer, 14, 35, 176. —— of letters, 140.

— Heidelberg, 14. — private, 49.

— Mississippi Coptic (Crosby), 15,176. — privately commissioned, 87, 95, 96,

—— Sinaiticus, 9, 15, 175. 181.

— Vaticanus, 12, 15. — scholars’, 87, 118, 181. coffin, see Sarcophagi. Coptic, 150, 152, 176. Coles (R. A.), 187. — books, 14, 18, 36, 40, 53, 158, 161,

: — Venetus, 182. — ‘working’, 96, 120. Collart (Paul), 57, 116, 157, 158, 161, 170.

165, 168, 173. — ostraca, 171.

Collomp (P.), 169. — papyri, 21, 46, 47, 52, 158, 160, 166,

Cologne, 159. 176. Cologne, Papyrological Institute of, — receipt for parchment, 174.

52. ‘copy’ books, 89.

General Index 199 copying, faulty, 91, 93, 107, 108. Daniel (Book of,) 162.

— houses, see Scriptoria. Darb-el-Gerza, see Philadelphia. Corinna (of Tanagra), 104. Daris (S.), 152, 180.

Corinth, 183. dating (see also Handwriting (dating)),

139. — clauses, 146.

corn-collectors (sitologot, curoAdyor), 136, 59, 68, 72, 146, 147, 150, 187.

Cornell (University), 36, 162. Davenport (C. J. H.), 173.

coronis (use of), see Orthography. David (M.), 159, 170. corrections of published papyri, 156. Davison (J. A.), rro. — scribal, 70, 94, 95, plates IV, VIII. Dawe (R. D.), 185.

corrector, see Reviser. Dawson (W. R.), 20, 175. correspondence, see Administration. Day (J.), 162.

court (Ptolemaic), 77, 102. Dead Sea, 2, 38, 132.

Courtois (C.), 170, 177. Deas (H. T.), 115, 183. Crawford (D. S.), 163, 167. Debrunner (A.), 188.

credit, see Papyrus documents. declamation, see Rhetorical exercises.

Crete, 1, 81, 100, 110. declarations (to officials), see Adminicriteria (of Alexandrian scholars), 104, stration.

110, 111, 118. declension (exercises), 85.

Critias (the Oligarch), 104. decrees, 49, 100, 109, 137. critical apparatus, 71, 180. defixiones, 6, 173. — signs, 71, 92, 93, 94,95, 113,114,115, Deir-el-Bahri, 47. 116, 117, 118, 122, 125,179,180, 184. Deir-el-Balizeh Euchologium, 154.

— — x, x@, 116, 117. Deissmann (A.), 164, 167. —— association with commentary, Delatte (A.), 179, 180.

114, 115. Delphi, 104, 106. — — diple (Sumd#) (>), 113, 115, 117, — deltos (S€Aroc), 6. 184. Demetrius the bookseller, 87. —~- — high strokes, 70, 180. Demetrius (of Phalerum), 102, 106.

— — dash, 114. Delta (of Nile), 18, 43.

— -— hyphen, plate IV. Democrates (reputed author of Eur. — — obelus (ofeAdc), 113. Andromache), 104.

— “sic’, 93. Demosthenes, 2, 10, 23, 24, 52, 97, 114, criticism, ancient, 104, 106, 110, III, I1Q, 121, 157, 172.

112, 113, 114, 11g. — Against Androtion, 115.

— higher, 99, 103. — Letter to Philip, 120. — historical, 120. — MS. Marcianus 416, 182.

critics (Alexandrian), 106, 110,112,114. Demotic Egyptian, 83, 148, 168, 170,

crocodile gods, 79, 8o. 171. crocodiles, 31, 32, 37; mummified, 80. — papyri, 46, 148, 158, 159, 160. CrGnert (W.), 170. Denderah, 42. Crum (W. E.), 166, 171, 174. depositories (regional), 136, 144.

Ctesias (of Cnidos), 8. depository, of Hadrian, 136. — municipal, 150. — of property records: bibliotheke enkte— village, 150. seon (BiBrvcoOjKn eyKTycewv), 134, 135, culture (literary), 78. 1363 BiBrAvobAKy Snuociwy Adywv, 136. Cumont (F.), 37, 149, 162. — Prefect’s, 142.

cults, 149, 150, 185. — of the Nannaion, 136.

Curschmann (D.), 165. — (public) (dnpocia BiBrAvwo8AKy), 136,

186; superintendent of, 143. Daiphantus (father of Pindar?), 104. Derveni (Macedonia), 1, 18, 24, 39, 56, damp (effects of on papyri), 18, 26, 30, 77, 175.

31, 34, 44. desert, 25, 26, 28, 38, 40, 42, 44, 79, 81.

200 General Index desiderata (lists of ancient literary), 88. 19, 24, 25, 30, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, Deuteronomy (Book of), 33, 161, 162, 43> 44, 45, 40, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 57

176. 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 67, 68, 75, 76, 77,

Deutsch (Otto), List of works of 78, 79, 80, 86, 88, 89, 90, 95, 100,

Schubert, 100, 103. 109, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131,

diastole (S:acroAy;), 112, 179, plate IV. 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138,

diastromata (Stactpmpara), 134. 139, 140, 141, 144, 146, 147, 148,

dicolon, 92. 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 161, 163, dictation (school), g1. 165, 168, 170, 173, 174, 184, 186. Dictys Cretensis, 81, 100. ~—— Latin, 132, 133, 134.

didascaliae (SidackaNiar), 104, 105, 106. — bona fides of, 128, 138.

Didymus (the Blind), 35, 176. —— context of, 127, 128, 146, 147. Didymus (‘Chalcenterus’), 25,114,119, — draft, 128.

120, 129. — earliest dated Greek papyrus, 132.

~— About Demosthenes (rept AnpocBévovc), |— negotiable, 135.

114, I21, 157. — non-notarial, 135.

Diehl] (Erich), 185. — original (of duplicates), 138. Diels (Hermann), 119, 157. — private character of, 127. Dietrich (A.), 165. — stereotyped pattern, 63, 68, 128. Dimai, see Socnopaei Nesus. — title to property (dtdcrpwpa), 134. Dindorf (Wilhelm), 99. — types of, 129, 146. Dio Cassius (C. D. Cocceianus of Domitian (Emperor), 143.

Nicaea), 16, 181. Donadoni (S.), 37, 177.

Diocletian (Emperor), 9, 44, 45, 75, 76, | Doresse (J.), 40, 174, 177.

93, 148, 174, 186. dossier (répoc cuvyKoAAjcysoc), 140.

Diodorus (scholar of Oxyrhynchus?), dot (double), see Dicolon.

87, 88. dots, 70, 179, plate VIII. Diodotus, 85. Dow (S.), 172. Diogenes Laertius, 117, 184. dowries, 132, 134.

Diogenes (of Sinope) (Cynic) [Letters], | Drachmann (A. B.), 179.

174. Driver (G. R.), 172, 174.

Dionysia, 66. Drovetti (Bernardino, French Consul

Dionysiac artists (society of), 109. General), 20.

Dionysias (village of) (Qasr-Qarun), Droysen (J. C.), 20.

44, 48. Dryton (of Pathyris), 77.

Dionysius (of Halicarnassus), 120. Dublin, 24. diorthosis (dudpOweic), 102, 113. ducenarius, 86.

diorthotes (StopAwr7c), see Reviser. Dunlap (James, E.), 166.

Dioscuri, 80. Dunscombe Colt (H.), 38, 176, 177.

Dioscurus (of Aphrodito), 48, 177. Dura-Europus, 8, 10, 37, 97, 134, 138.

diplomatic, ancient, 110. Duris (of Samos), 117.

diptych, see Tablets. dyke corvée, 19, 81. district, see Nome.

— capitals (znrpomdAec of nomes), 80, Eberhart (Hermann), 164.

81, 86, 87, 90, 142. Ecclesiasticus (Book of), 162.

— officers, see Strategus. Edfu, see Apollinopolis Magna.

dithyrambs, 119. Edgar (C. C.), 57, 129, 131, 161, 167, divorce, 132. 169, 177, 185.

— contracts, 129. Edgerton (W. F.), 167. Djeme, see Castrum Memnoniorum. edicts, 109, 129, 183. documents, see Papyrus, documents. — imperial, 68, 93.

— Aramaic, 174. — of the Prefect, 109, 135. —— Greek (see also Law, Greek), 4, 16, — editio princeps, 54, 69, 154, 156.

General Index 201 editions, critical, 116, 185; Roman, — sittings before, 128.

184. — speeches of, 128.

— definitive ancient, 1or, 102, 109, — titles of, 68. 112, 113; Alexandrian (defined), ‘encounter’ (enteuxis, evrevétc), 141,

112-13. 187.

— de luxe, 93, plate VIII. end titles (see also Colophons), 13, 120,

— standard, 124. 121, 185.

editors (modern), 125, 126, 152, 153, Engedi, 39, 132, 177.

156, 179, 180. engineers (Greek), 44, 75, 147.

education, 76, 88, 89. Enoch (Book of), 13, 22, 162. — elementary, 85. enteuxis (evrevéic), 141, 163, 187.

— higher, 85. ephebes (ednBor), 84. Eger (O.), 163. Epicharmus, 116.

Egger (E.), 178. — commentary on, 117.

Egypt, 1, 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 16, 18, 19, Epicurus, 18. 20, 22, 23, 25, 26, 31, 34, 35, 36, 37, Epigrammata Bobiensia, 16, 175. 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 49, 50, Epiphanius (monastery of), 47. 51, 63, 68, 74, 75, 79, 80, 82, 84, 88, Epistles (N.T.), 75. 95, 96, 97, 123, 132, 134, 145, 147, epitomes, 63, 87, 88.

150, 170. erasure, 173, 180, plate VIII.

— Byzantine, territorial divisions, 148. | Eratosthenes (of Cyrene), 106.

— coalition monarchy (Ptolemaic), Erinna (of Telos), plate VIII n.

147. Erlangen (University of), 163.

— Duke of, 148. Erman (H.), 173.

— Graeco-Roman, 74, 97, 128, 131, errors, in interpreting papyri, 65, 70,

136, 137, 146, 147, 150. 179.

— and outside world, 147. —scribal 95, 107, 108.

— permission to leave, 129. Eshmunein, see Hermopolis. — Prefect of, 68, 128, 135, 138, 139, Esther (Book of), 162. 142, 145, 147, 148; bureau of, 137. Etruria, 41.

— visits of Emperors, 147. Etruscan, 6.

Egypt Exploration Fund, see Egypt etymology, 119, 120.

Exploration Society. — dictionaries of, 120.

Egypt Exploration Society (Egypt Euhemeria, 81, 86.

Exploration Fund), 26, 30, 31, 34, | Eumenes (King of Pergamum), 9.

40. Euphrates (river), 37.

Egyptian, see Demotic Egyptian. Eupolis, 98.

—home rule, 46. Euripides, 85, 97, 98, 107, 120, 183.

— language, influence of, 152; sub- — Andromache, 104; authorship and

merged by Greek, 75, 150. date of, 104.

— traditions, 82. — Cresphontes, 81.

Eisener (L.), 165. — Cretans, 81.

Eitrem (S.), 167, 168. — Electra, 183.

ekdosis (€xSocic), 113, 184. — Heracles, 66, 85, 107.

el-Faris, 21. — Hippolytus, 78, 107, 108, 183. el Hibeh, see Hibeh. — Hypsipyle, 95. Elephantine, 27, 32, 42, 49, 132, 138, —~ Jon, 85, 181.

163. — Iphigeneia in Tauris, 107, 108.

Emery (W. B.), 172. — Melanippe Desmoits, 123. Emperors, Roman (see also by name), — Oedipus, 123.

128, 142, 147. — Orestes, 183.

— arrival of; 139, 147. — Peirithous, 104.

— letters of, 128, — Phoenissae, 92, 123.

202 General Index Euripides (cont.) — University of, 40. — Phrixus (First), 99, 100; (Second), 99, floruit ([yéyo]ver), 105.

100. Fondation Egyptologique Reine Eliza— Rhesus, 52, 104. beth, 157.

— Sisyphus, 104. Fondation Hardt, 173.

— Telephus, 95. fore edge (of codex), 13, 174. — Troades, 119. formulae, 63, 64, 67, 68, 82, 83, 107,

— chronology of plays, 67. II4, 115, 130. ~— hypomnema on, 119. Fraenkel (E.), 185. — hypotheses to plays, 63, 101, 124. Frankel (H.), [98]. — manuscripts of, 124. Frank (Tenney), 186. — scholia to, 100, 104. Frankfurt (University of), 163. — ‘Select’ plays of, 123. Fraser (P. M.), 188. — synopses of, 99. Freer Collection, see Godex, Freer. — complete edition of, 101, 104. Forshall (J.), 20.

Eusebius (bishop of Caesarea), 100. Freiburg (im Breisgau), 163.

— Life of Constantine, 100. Frisk (H.), 64, 160, 164. Eustathius (Archbishop of Thessalo- Fuks (A.), 158.

nica), 105. Funk (R. W.), 188.

Eutychides (of Hermopolis), 48. Furia (L.), 20, 175. Evans (J. A. 8.), 148.

Evelyn-White (H. G.), 183. Gabra (S.), 37. exegetes (eEnyntic), 84. Gaius (Caligula) (Emperor), 164.

Exodus (Book of), 161. Gaius (jurist), 12.

explicits, see Colophons and End Galen (Claudius G. of Pergamum), 7,

titles. 93, 109, 174, 182.

Ezekiel (Book of), 162, 168. Gallienus (Emperor), 84, 85. Gardiner (Sir A. H.), 172.

Fackelmann (Anton), 56. Gardthausen (V.), 182, 184.

farce (prose), 181. Garnot (J. Sainte Fare), 162, 163.

Farina (Giulio), 33. gatherings, 12, 13. farmers, 144, 149, 186. Gaza, 38. farm accounts, 90, 131, 186. Gayet (A.), 34.

— Egyptian, 82, 145. Gebel Silsileh, 42.

— Greek, 83. Gebelen (Pathyris), 77. — public, 81. Gehman (H. S.), 168.

— royal, 81. Gelzer (M.), 163.

Fayyaim, 19, 21, 22, 26, 27, 31, 35, 36, Gemellus (of Euhemeria), 81. 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 78, 79, 80, 86, 160, Genesis (Book of), 162, 163.

163, 166, 175, 176, 177, 181. Geneva, 25, 36, 64.

Fayyumic Coptic, 176. — Library, 48, 53.

festivals, 137. — University of, 36. — Egyptian, 149. Genoa, 169.

— Roman, 150. George IV (King of England), 18.

fines (on officials), 145. Gerhard (G. A.), 160, 165. Fink (Robert O.), 162. Germanicus (Nero Claudius Drusus Flauius Marcius Se Diony- G.), 151. sodorus (member of the Museum), Gerstinger (H.), 158.

86. Ghoran, 32, 45.

Flinders Petrie (W.), 24, 25, 26, 31, 32, Giessen, 68, 163.

36, 43, 108, 164, 168, 180. Gignac (F.), 152.

Florence, 89. Gilliam (Elizabeth H.), 160.

— Papyrological Institute, 64. Gilliam (J. Frank), 162, 181.

General Index 203 Girard (P. F.), 36. Grégoire (H.), 100.

Girton College (Cambridge), 77. Gregory (C. R.), 12, 174.

Giza, 19, 51, 176. Grenfell (B. P.), (see also Grenfell and

glossaries, 38, 185, plate V. Hunt), 25, 26, 28, 29, 30, 72, 164,

— Greek—Latin, 124. 168, 177.

glosses (yAd@ccat), 114, 117, 176. Grenfell and Hunt, 10, 19, 27, 29, 30,

glutinatores, 174. 31, 32, 33, 45, 137, 159, 161, 163, gnomai (yvapat), 85, 89. 164, 165, 168, 169, 175, 177, 179, Gnostics, 18, 36, 40, 47, 177. plate VI n. God, writing of name of, 150. Griffith (F. LI.), 159.

gods, 82, 149, 150. Grohman (Adolf), 160.

Goethe (Johann Wolfgang von), 19. Groningen (B. A. van), 159, 163, 170,

Goodrich (S. P.), 168. 172, 184.

Goodspeed (E. J.), 161, 162, 169. Grundziige und Chrestomathie der Papyrus-

Gospel of Peter, 22. kunde (Wilcken and Mitteis), v, vi, Goteborg, 160, 164. Giubla—Gebdl, 1.

— of Thomas, 29. 34, 155.

Gothic texts, 50. Guéraud (O.), 36, 91, 161, 163, 166, Gournou, 46. 187. Gradenwitz (O.), 164. gum, 2, 3, 5, 15, 140. Graf (Theodor), 22, 158, 175. Gurob, 24, 26, 31, 45, 108, 164, 176.

grain, 136. gymnasia, 80, 81, 84, 142, 181. Grammatical Questions (Zyrjpata ypap- — gymnasial class, 140. patikd), 51. — membership of, 82.

gZrammatice (ypapparixy), 77, plate III. §— officials in, 84.

granaries, 79, 81. gymnasiarch (yupvaciapyoc), 83, 84. Grant (James Sandilands), 25. gypsum, 6.

grapheion (ypadeiov), 134.

gratuities, payment of, 131, 146. Habron (Archon of Athens 458/7 B.c.),

Greek language: Aeolic, 119. 105.

—— consonantal values, 58. Hadrian (Emperor), 48, 80, 136, 143,

— Demotiki, 59, 152. 149.

— dialects (literary), 99, 103. — depository of, see Depository.

— diction (epic), 114. Haeberlin (C.), 171. — diphthongs (reduction of), 58. Haelst (J. van), 150, 154, 175. — dual (number), 117. Hall (H. R.), 173.

— gender, 117. Hamburg, 31, 107.

— grammars, 151, 152, 188. handwriting, 65, 88, 92, 93, 94, 136,

—in Egypt, 75, 180. 138.

— Katharevousa, 59. — capital, 60. — Koine (cow), 152. — cursive, 60, 96.

— legal style of, 153. — dating of, 10, 38, 59, 99.

— modern, 152. — documentary, 96.

— speech (everyday), 122, 151. — of scholars, 92, 94.

— standard, divergences from, 152. — ‘school’, 89, 92, 94.

— vowel contamination, 58. — of scribes, identifying, 92. Greek Manuscripts of the Ancient World, — spacing of, 71, 95, 114. Vill, 59, 60, 62, 93, 173, 179, 182, 184, | Harpocrates, 149.

185, 186. Harpocration (scholar of Alexandria),

Greeks, in Egypt, 74, 77, 82, 83; and 87, 88.

Egyptian ideas, 149. — Lexicon to the Ten Orators, 87.

greetings (in letters and documents), Harris (A. C.), 21, 46, 56.

130, 131, 138, 141, 150. Harris (J. R.), 172.

204, General Index Harris (Rendel), 164. hieroglyphs, 1, 20, 43. Hasenoehrl (E. 8.), 162. high priest, 83.

Hausmann (U.), 173. high strokes, see Critical signs. Hawara, 24, 26, 76, 77, 93. Hildesheim, 37. Haworth (Jesse), 76. historical writing (Hellenistic), 98.

Hebrew texts, 8, 38. history in commentaries, 120, 121.

Heichelheim (F. M.), 159. — contribution of papyrus documents

Heisenberg (A.), 167. to, 142, 147.

Heliodorus (metrist), 184. Hodges (H.), 174. ‘Hellene’ (defined), 82. Hoesen (H. B. van), 149, 168. Hellenism, 82, 84, 86. Hogarth (D. G.), 26, 163. Hemaka (vizier), 1, 172. Hombert (M.), 157, 159, 161, 187. Henne (Henri), 36, 178. Homer, 6, 8, 21, 40, 45, 51, 81, 890,

Hense (O.), 184. 90, 97, 99, 108, 109, II0, 113, 115, Hephaestion (metrist), 184. 116, 117, 122, 165, 182, 183.

Heptakomia, see Apollinopolis-Hepta- — Iliad, 13, 15, 52, 76, 81, 91, 93, 975

komia. 107, I10, III, 112, 113, 114, 118,

Heracleides (of Oxyrhynchus), 88. 160, 173, 174, 184, plate IV. Heracleides Ponticus, 110, 111. — scholia to Iliad, 100, 109, 111, 112, Heracleopolis (see also Ihnnasya), 21, 22, 115, 184.

30, 31. — lexica to Iliad, 114.

Heracles, 66, 85. — Grammatical Questions on Iliad, 51.

heralds, 84. — Odyssey, 15, 97, 107, 110, 114, 119, Herculaneum, 17, 18, 39, 41, 56, 171, 184.

175, — scholia to Odyssey, 109, 124.

Hermeias (priest), 4.7. — Alcidamas on, 81.

Hermeias (of Hermopolis), 88. — formulae in, 67, 107. Hermes Trismegistus (= Thoth), 48, — hypomnemata to, 118, 119.

85, 86, 150. — toropia of Heroines, 119, 124.

Hermione (ypapparixy), 77, 180, plate — Lexicon, 114.

JIT. — MSS. classified by origin, 110.

Hermonthis (Armant), 47. — parallels in, 117.

Hermopolis Magna (Eshmunein), 21, © — Scholia Minora, 124. 22, 25, 32, 33, 37 48, 52, 78, 80, 81, homologiae (Gpodoyiat), 134. 82, 84, 85, 88, 131, 139, 149, 169, Horace (Quintus Horatius Flaccus), 51,

181. 178.

— senate of, 85. horoscopes, 59, 129, 149, 168. Herodas (of Cos), 22, 24. houses, 79, 80.

— Mimes, 98. Hummel (J.), 165. Herodian (of Alexandria) (gramma- Hungary, 39. rian), 99. Hunger (H.), 158, 172, 175.

Herodotus (of Halicarnassus), 6, 74,97, Hunt (A. 8S.) (see also Grenfell and

II7, 121, 159, 172, 173, 174. Hunt), 26, 30, 31, 57, 72, 129, 131, Heroninus (of Theadelphia), 131. 169, 185.

Hesiod (of Ascra), 52, 97. Husselman (E. M.), 167.

— Catalogue, 98. Hyperides, 21, 22, 46, 56, 98, 178. Hettich (E. L.), 162. — in Athenogenem, 52. hexameter, 63, 179. — xara Didirmidov, 23, 24. — ekthesis of in trimeters, 179. — Chasles fragments, 178.

Hibeh, 32, 45, 64. hyphen, see critical signs.

hides, use of, 8. hypomnemata (dmopvipara), 63, 96, 107, Hieratic Egyptian, 148, 171. III, 112, 119, 114, 118, 119, 120, Hierocles Stoicus, 25, 157. 121, 123, 179, 185.

General Index 205 —- citations of parallels in, 118, 120. irrigation, 27, 40, 44, 140, 143, 145,

— contents of, 118. 177.

— form of, 114. Isaiah (Book of), 162, 176.

— learning in, 121. Isis, 14.9.

— oral origin of, 113. Isocrates, 975 wept eipyvnc, 23, 24. — transition to Scholia, 123. Israel, 38.

— without lemma, 115. Italy, 16, 50, 51.

87. Jachmann (G.), 107.

hypomnematographus (mopyvnparoypadgoc),

Hypotheses to Euripides’ Plays (P. Oxy. James (St., Apostle), Epistle of, 161.

2455), 63, IOI, 124. Jebb (Sir R. C.), go. Hypselis, 48. Jena, 165. Hypsicrates: Komodoumenoi (xwuqmdov- Jennett (Sean), 173. pevor; Men made fun of in comedy), 87, Jeremiah: 181. — Book of, —161, 162. Lamentations of, 161. Ibscher, H. (Dr.), 15, 56, 164, 165, Jernstedt (P.), 168, 169.

175, Jesus Christ, 150, plate VI; trial of, Ibscher (Rolf), 56. 151. Idios Logos (iStocAdyoc), Tariff (Gnomon, Jesus (sayings of), see Gospel of Thomas. yripwv) of, 137, 157- Jewish Revolt (A.D. 132), 38, 39, 48.

Illahun, 7. 166.

Thnasya (Heracleopolis), 21, 31. Jews, 36, 38, 128, 133, 148, 158, 165,

illiteracy, 76, 78, 82, 181. — status of, 128. illustrations (in texts), 50. Joachim (Prince), 171. Imberdis (Father), v, 17. John (St., Evangelist) : Immerwahr (H.), 173. — Gospel of, 13, 14, 15, 160, 161, 174, immigrants (Greek), 44, 74, 75, 82, 176.

108. —— Revelation of, 162.

Incipits (see also Initial title), 183. John (of Stobi) (Stobaeus), gr.

inflation (monetary), 148. Johnson (A. C.), 168, 186.

infra-red (light), 61. Johnson (J. de M.) 34, 169.

initial letters, 101. jJomard (E. F.), 19, 80. ink, 39, 56, 61, 89. Joshua (Book of), 33, 176. — carbon, 2, 3, 18. — Coptic, 176.

— title, 13. Jones (A. H. M.), 100, 183, 186. — metallic, 12, 61. Jouguet (Pierre), 32, 36, 57, 91, 161,

inkwell, 84. 163, 165, 169, 173.

184. 157.

inscriptions, 7, 34, 113, 127, 156, 170, Journal of Furistic Papyrology (F.F7.P.),

— bronze, 182. journals (dwopvnpaticwot; Commentarit),

— compared with papyri, 127. 136, 137, 138. — Greek (archaic), 57. Jude (St., Apostle), Epistle of, 160, 161.

— honorific, 86. Tiberius Julius Alexander (Prefect of — stone, 182. Egypt) (later Praetorian Prefect), insertion, editorial, 70. 68, 109, 183. — signs, 70, 179. Tulius Asclepiades (‘philosopher’ of the Institut fr. de Varchéologie orientale, 36. Museum), 86. intermarriage, 82.

interpolations, 180. _ Salbfleisch, (K.), 157, 165.

iota: Kalén (T.), 160.

— adscript, 91, plate IV. Kapsomenos (S. G.), 175. — confused with rho, 61. Karabacek (Joseph), 21, 158, 175.

206 General Index Karanis (Kom Aushim), 27, 36, 37, — register, 52, 53, 134. 43, 78-80, 81, 141, 162, 167, 181, —survey, 140.

plate I. — tenure (modalities of), 148.

Kase (E. H.), 168. landlords, 82.

Kasser (R.), 160, 161. language, of administration, 75, 153.

Kehl (Aloys), 159. — development of, 59, 122. Kelsey (F. W.), 36. — of individual authors, 59, 121. Kenyon (Sir Frederic G.), 10, 23, 34, — of papyri, 58, 151, 153. 55. 75, 156, 161, 162, 166, 172, 174, — of poets, 68, 112.

175, 176. Larsen (T.), 164.

Kerkeosiris, 136, 141. Lasserre (F.), 183.

Kerkesoucha Orous, 134. Latham (R. E.), 175. Keyes (C. W.), 162. Latin, 4, 7, 9, 11, 12, 17) 34, 50, 575 75s

Khamsin, 32. 82, 100, 140, 142, 153, 180.

Khargeh (Oasis of), 25, 183. — in Greek texts, 152.

Khosiba (Jewish leader), 38. — papyri, 4, 16, 17, 34, 50, 57, 82, 128,

Kiessling (E.), 156, 170. 147, 153, 155, 158, 163, 164, 167, Kilpatrick (G. D.), 75, 176. 170, 178, 180.

Klaffenbach (G.), 184. Laughton (E.), v. Kling (H.), 163. laundry-lists, 131. Knossos, I. law, Greek, 39, 48, 49, 50, 59, 68, 153,

Knox (A. D.), 154. 186.

Knudtzon (E. J.), 166. —— — codes, 129.

Kéchel (Ludwig), List of works of _— — ‘contract keeper’, 133.

Mozart, 100, 103. — — contracts, 38, 77, 83, 86, 130,

Koenen (L.), 165. 132, 133, 134, 135; Coptic, 160;

Korte (A.), 156. working, 134. ,

Kollema (xoAAnpa), 5, 140, 173. —— — conveyancing, 49, 134.

Kom Aushim, see Karanis. ~~ — decisions (legal), 139.

Kom el-Asl, 27. — — demosiosis (Snpociweic), 135.

Kornemann (E.), 163. —~— deposit (thema, @éua), 136.

Kortenbeutel (H.), 157, 178. — — guardians, 133. — Koskenniemi (H.), 186. ~—— —— investigation (legal), 142, 143.

Kosmetes (kocunric), 84. ——_ — Justice, 141. Kraemer (C. J., jr.), 162. — — leases, 129, 134; contract of, 135;

Krall (J.), 158. memorandum for (hypomnema, izé6Kiihn (E.), 157. — — legi (dvéyvwr), 138. Kunst (K.), 157. — — legitimation, 132.

Kriiger (O.), 168. pvnpa), 135.

Kurdistan, 37. — —note of hand (cheirographon, yerpoypapov), 135.

labour contracts, 129. ——--—— payment (methods of), 136; to

Lachish, letters, 172. notaries, 142.

Laconia, see Sparta. —- — penalties, 145. lacunae, 126, 179. — — property, real, 140, 144. Lagercrantz (Otto), 165. — — — register, 53, 129.

Lake (Kirsopp), 162. ——-— publicity (demosiosis, dnpociwec), — (Silva), 162. 135, 142. Lallemand (J.), 188. —— — registration (anagraphe, avaypad7)

Lamacraft (T. C.), 14, 174. of contracts, 133, 134, 1353 of real

Lampsacus, 120. property, 134, 135, 143; of repay-

land: lease of, 59; settler’s, 1493; state, ment of loan, 135.

140. — — sales, 129, 134, 135; of land, 47.

General Index 204

142. 175, 181, 187.

-— — searcher, in Prefect’s depository, | Lewis (Naphtali), 19, 86, 165, 172, 173,

——-— title, to land, 135. Lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus, 132.

— — trials, 129, 143. lexica, 34, 94, 103, 112, 114, 152. — — witnesses, 132, 133. — format of, 114.

— Jewish, 39, 133. Libanius (of Antioch), 97.

— Roman, 131, 132, 134, 157, 186; libraries, 28, 40, 75, 76, 102, 106. effects of local law on, 133. library (BcBAcobyKn), 6, 75, 181. —— — contracts, 133; in double form, Lichaéov (Nikolaus), 169.

133; enforcement of, 133, 134. Liebesny (H.), 162.

—— — courts, 133, 135, 137. Lifshitz (B.), 177.

— — wills, 32, 47, 75, 77. ligatures, 60.

lead (as writing material), 6. Lille (University of), 165.

Leaf (Walter), 111. limestone (as writing surface), 6.

leases, see Law. Linage (Ide), 163. leather, parchment, 8, 9, 173, 174. linen, use of, 6.

— binding, 14. lines, additional, 107, 108, rog. -—— preparation of, 9, 174. — initial, 99, 102, 103.

Le Bas (Philippe), 184. — left out, 107. Leemans (C.), 20, 166. — length of, 63, 64. Leeuwarden (Friesland), 39. — numbering of, 95, 103. Lefebvre (Gustav), 33. literacy, 88, 130, 172, 181. ‘Leiden’ system of transcription, 70, literary copying (terms in), 76.

179, 180. — criticism, 99, 110; categories of, 110;

lemma (Afjupa), 63, 111, 114, 115, 118. order of words, 108, 118.

— relation to commentary, 115. — origins confirmed, 100.

Lenger (M. T.), 137, 165. — taste, 67, 76, 88.

Leo (F.), 184. —— texts, see Papyrus, literary texts. Lepsius (Karl Richard), 20. —— — on ostraca, 8g. Lerici (Dr.), 41. — works: rare in archives, 77 ; repetitive Le Roy Wallace (S.), 186. elements in, 63. Leschi (L.), 170, 177. literature, care for, 78, 81. Lesquier (J.), 165. — Christian, 11, 38, 50, 52. Letopolite Nome, 145. -— contracting horizons of, 123.

Letronne (Antoine Jean), 20, 168. —— Greek, corpus of surviving, 103;

letters, see Papyrus, letters. history of, 104. — capitals, 89. ‘liturgy’ (Aecrovpyia), 143, 145, 165, 187; — divided by dots, 89. nominations to, 143, 144; defined,

— doubtfully read, 70, 179. 143.

—— grouped into words, 57, 60, 99. liturgy, Christian, 160. — names of 5 divisions of Alexandria, — Hermetic, 86.

49. — of Mithras, 46.

~—— forms of, 89, 99. Lobel (Edgar), ix, 69, 71, 94, 106, 169,

— height, 89. 173, 182, 184.

— Tonic, 95. local deities, 51, 53. — learning, 85. — names, 53. — omitted, 80. London (city of), 39.

89. Lucas (A.), 172.

— order of making parts, 57, 58,60, 61, Lowe (E. A.), 50, 158.

‘letters’ (ypdppara), 83, 181. Lucian (of Samosata), 98. leucoma (AevKwpa), 6, 89. Luke (St., Evangelist), 13, 14, 15, 50,

Leviticus (Book of), 177. 151, 161, 174, 176, 188 (Gospels) ;

Lewald (H.), 163. 13, 15, 161 (Acts of the Apostles).

208 General Index Luxor, 42, 51, 52. — ‘unwritten’ (agraphos gamos, dypadoc Lycophron (of Chalcis), 102. yadpoc), 132.

Lycopolis, 88. — ‘written’ (engraphos gamos, éyypadoc

Lycopolite Nome, 49. yapoc), 132. Lydia, 104. Martin (Victor), 14, 48, 53, 158, 160, lyric poets, 68, 94, 98, 114.3 hypomnemata 161, 169, 174. on, 119. martyrs, see Acta Alexandrinorum. — verse, 63, 90, 98, 184, plate VIII n.; masks (Prosopa, mpécwra), lists of, 123,

popular, 89; monodic, 116, 117; 124.

choral, 116, 117. Maspero (G.), 22, 52.

Lysias (son of Cephalus), 97. Maspero (J.), 161. Massilia, 110.

Maas (Paul), 185. mathematical tables, 52. Macan (Dr.), 23. mathematics (Greek), 98.

Macedonia, 24, 39, 77, 96. Matthew (St., Evangelist), 29, 151,

Macedonians, 82, 141. 161, 176.

Magdola, see Medinet-en-Nahas. maxims, copybook (yrdpuar), 85, 89. magic, 46, 56, 149, 153, 154, 164, 167. — metrical, 91.

Mahaffy (J. P.), 24, 54, 168. Mayerson (P.), 162.

Mai (Cardinal A.), 20. Mayser (F.), 188. Majer-Leonhard (E.), 82, 181. Mazon (Paul), 184. Mallowan, (M.), 172. Méautis (G.), 80, 181.

maltha, 6. medicine, 3, 11, 64, 98, 102, 119, 157.

176. orum. manuals: Meir, Moirae, 25.

Manfredi (M.), 184. Medinet-en-Nahas (Magdola), 32, 166. Manichaeans, 2, 35, 56, 160, 172, 175, Medinet Habu, see Castrum Memnoni-

Manteuffel (Jérzy), 162, 163, 170. Medinet Madi, 37, 40.

— grammar, II. Meleager (of Gadara), 9g1.

— philosophy, 11. Melito (bishop of Sardis), Homily on manuscripts, see also Copies, Correc- the Passion, 160, 162. tions, Papyrus, Scribes—classified: | membranae, 9, 10, 11.

by city, 110; by person, IIo. Memphis, 20, 46, 74, 181.

— families of, 125. Menander, 40, 48, 98, 114, 132, 145. — from outside Egypt, 16, 24, 39, 50, — Comoedia Florentina, 52.

77, 96. — Dyskolos, 13, 36, 52, 53, 160, 179.

— medieval, 105, 107, 112, 124; com- — Kolax, 179. pared with papyri, 125, 126, plate —Misoumenos (Micovpevoc), 61, 65, 66,

VIII n. 69, 179.

marginal notes, 92, 116, 121, 122, 124, — Samia (Copia), 66, 68.

174, plate IV. — Sikyonios, 173.

margins, 63, 94, 95, 113, 114, 121,122, — Thraitia (a title mis-read), 65, 66. 123, 124, 134, plates IV, VI, VIII. — Cairo Codex, 14.

Marichal (R.), 158. — Scholia to, 185.

Mariette (August F. F.), 21. Mendesian Nome, 43.

Marinatos (S.), 172. Menedemus (of Eretria), 170. Mark (St., Evangelist), 11, 151, 176. Merkelbach (R.), plate VIII n. marriage, betrothal, 132. Meroitic books, 40.

— brother-and-sister, 149. Merton (Wilfred), 166. — contracts, 77, 129, 132, 133, 159. Merzagora (A.), 152.

— deed, 32. Mesopotamia, 2, 18, 37. — of Jews, 39, 132, 133. metre, 63, 85, 184.

— settlement, 39, 132, 133. metrical division, 184.

General Index 209 metropoleis (unTpomdAec) of nomes, 80, — wrappings, 6, 31.

87, 90. Murabba‘at, 2, 16, 38, 158, 172.

— acclamation by demos of, 84. Murch (Chauncy J.), 22.

—— status of metropolites, 148. Museum of Alexandria, 85, 86, 87, 102;

metropolis (registration in), 82. defined, 102; philosophy section, 86, Metropolitan Museum (New York), 47. 181. Mettius Rufus (Prefect of Egypt), 135, | — members of, 85, 86, 87, 92, 102, 103,

143, 144. 113; salaries, 102; non-scholar mem-

Metzger (B. M.), 172, plate VI n. bers, 86, 181.

Meyer (P. M.), 161, 163, 164, 167, 171. music, Greek, 63, 98, 183.

Michailidis (G. A.), 167. Musurillo (H. A.), 186. Michalowski (K.), 36, 162, 163. Mytilene, 66, 85.

Michigan (University of), 36, 43, 78,

134, 141, 162, 171. Nag Hammadi, 14, 36.

Mickwitz (G.), 131, 186. Namenbuch (Preisigke), 34, 156. Milan (Universita degli Studi di), 40, names, 159, 185, plate IV.

167. — change of, 129.

Milik (J. T.), 158. — Egyptian, 83.

Milne (H. J. M.), 158, 166, 174, 175, — geographical, 156.

181. — as witness of origin, 82, 83.

Milne (J. G.), 164, 171. Nannaion, see Depository of the N. Mimaut (Jean-Francois) (French Con- Naoumides (M.), 182, 185.

sul General), 20. Napoleon I (Emperor), 19. Minns (E. H.), 176. Naucratis, 43, 74, 88. Minor Prophets, 39. Naville (Edouard), 25. minutes, 138, 143. Nechutes, document of, 47. — legal, 39, 142. necropolis, see Cemeteries.

Mina (Togo), 40, 174. Napoleon’s Book of Fate, 149, 188.

— of sessions, 128. Negeb, 38.

de Minutoli (Heinrich), 20. Nemea, 104. Mississippi (University of), 15, 36, 52, Nero (Emperor), 141.

161, 176. Nessana (Sbeitah), 38, 162, 167, 177.

Mithras, 46. Neugebauer (O.), 149, 166.

Mitteis (Ludwig), 34, 57, 156, 166, 186. New ‘Testament (see also individual

mnemonics, 91. books), 10, 11, 15, 28, 33, 36, 38, 52, Moller (S.), 160. 55, 75, 126, 151, 152, 154, 160, 161,

44. — grammar, 188.

Moeris (Lake of) (Birket-el-Quarun), 162, 172, 174.

Moirae, see Meir. — parallels with non-literary papyri,

Mommsen (Theodor), 23. 151.

monasteries, 26, 47, 53. — texts, date, 150, provenance, 150.

monograms, 93. New York, 47, 157, 162, 171, 183.

— marginal, 93. Nicander (of Colophon), hypomnema on,

114. Nicole (J.), 163.

monographs (cuyypdppara), 111, 112, 12l.

Montevecchi (O.), 161. Nile, river, 16, 18, 26-27, 32, 34, 40, 42,

Morel (C.), 163. 44, 80, 81, 82, 89, 140. Mozart (Wolfgang Amadeus), 19, 100, — boat, 87.

IOI, 102, 103. Nimrud, 2, 172.

mummy, of lady, 76, 77. nome, 27, 43, 44, 48, 49, 53, 80, 136, — cartonnage, 24, 31, 32, 45, 50, 55; 139, 141, 143, 144, 145, 146, 151, 178.

78, 108. nome capitals, see District capitals.

814262 P

— label, 6, 170, 173. nomographot (vopoypador), 142.

210 General Index Nonnus (of Panopolis), 88. 33, 34, 36, 37, 45, 46, 49, 64, 80, 81, Norsa (Medea), 57, 166, 169, 173. 82, 83, 84, 86, 87, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, notaries (nomographoi, vopoypador), 50, 95, 98, 99, 104, 137, 150, 177, 188;

142, 143. registrars of records at, 135. VOLOC, 134. where, 90, 137.

notary (professional), agoranomos, dyopa- |. — documents, found at, written else-

Nottebohm (Gustav), List of works of | — Historian, 95, 98, 182. Schubert, ror.

Nubia, 40, 171. Paap (A. H. R. E.), 159. Numbers (Book of), 162. Pachymius (dyer of purple), 51, 52. . Pack (R. A.), vil, 35, 91, 98, 154. oaths, 119, 130, 135. Page (D. L.), 98, 183. obelus, see Critical signs. page (numbering), 13. | Oellacher (H.), 158. pagina, see kollema.

Oertel (F.), 187, 188. painting (encaustic), 77, 180.

officials, 49, 83, 84, 90, 129, 136, 137, palaeography, 51, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 88,

138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 145, 146, 92, 94, 99, I10, 112, 170, 1725

147, 178. generalizations, 88; manuals, 93.

Ohly (Kurt), 95, 181. — critical principles, 88.

Oldfather (W. A.), 89. Palaeologi (Emperors of Byzantium), ‘Old Oligarch’, Constitution of Athens, 95-

103. Palestine, 18, 38.

Oliver, (J. H.), 183. palimpsest, 6, 173. Olsson (B.), 181. Pallottino (M.), 173. Olympiads, 105, 106. palm leaves, 6.

— chronology of, 106. Panopolis, Achmim, 22, 26, 51, 52, 53,

Ombite nome, 138. 88, 181. oracles, 80, 129, 149. papal bull, 16. , orators (Attic) (see also by name), 87, | Papathomopoulos (M.), 183. plate VIII. paper, 16, 17, 22, 175. omissions, QI, 95, IOI, 119, 127, 179. Panopolite Nome, 53, 139.

Origen (Origenes Adamantius of Alex- Paphlagonia, 50.

andria), 35, 176. papier maché, see Gartonnage. — On Genesis, 163. —chronological range of (see also — Dialogue with Heracleides, 14, 173. papyri:

orthon, 173. Statistics), 47. orthography, 152. — contribution to history, 34, 128, 147.

—— accents, 71, 90, 91, 118; by different — discovery of, 26-27, 30, 31, 32, 33,

scribe, 90, 91, plates IV, VIII. 35, 36, 50, 51.

— breathings, plate IV. — ‘eclecticism’ of, 125. — carelessness in writing, 93, 95, 107; — editors past and present, 72, 73, 121,

in quotation, 107. 125, 126, 128.

— coronis (use of), 184. — geographical factors in discovery, 43,

— mis-spellings, 58. 50.

Osann (Fr.), 184. — Homeric (see also Homer), 107, 109, Oslo, 167, 168, 171, 188. 115, plate IV; with critical signs, 115,

Ostia, 50, 78, plate VI. 116.

ostraca, 6, 36, 43, 55, 89, 128, 129, 157, — hypotheses in interpreting, 65, 66,

158, 165, 167, 171, 177, 187. 67, 70.

— incrustation on, 55. — identifying, 97.

— protection of surface, 55. —~ interpretation, 58, 59, 65, 66, 67. O ven (J. C. van), 159, 170. — list of published literary, vii, 35, 91. O xyrhynchus, Behnesa, 7, 27-30, 31, — photographing, 61.

General Index QUI — proposing corrections to, 34, 72. — Leiden, 20, 46, 138, 159, 166, 173,

— reconstruction, 62, 65, 66, 69, 7o. 175, 187.

— repair of, 144. — Londinienses (British Museum), 64, — re-uniting separated fragments, 47, 116, 117, 166, 175, 180, 181, 183, 187.

64, 72, 78. —~ Merton, 166, 181.

— survival of, 26, 27, 30, 32, 43, 44,45, — Michigan, 36, 135, 1397, 141, 161,

50, 123, 124, 127. 167, 171, 178, 181, 182, 186, 187.

— transcription, 56-60, 65, 70; Leiden — Oxyrhynchus, 29, 30, 63, 64, 66, 69,

system, 70; diplomatic, 71. 72, 75; 90, 95, 98, 104, 114, 115, 116,

— in vase paintings, 7, 174, plate IT. 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124,

— ‘wild’, 108. 135, 137, 142, 168, 174, 178, 179, papyri, Aberdeen, 158. 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187,

— Abinnaeus, 47, 48, 57, 64, 158, 177, 188, plates V, VII, VIII.

187, — Panopolis, 137, 139, 140, 160, 168,

— Achmim, 53, 158. 174, 176, 181, 187.

— Antinoe, 172, 174, 182. — Paris, 20, 21, 47, 52, 56, 116, 168.

—- Basel, 160, 175. — Petrie, 32, 168, 175, 176. — Berlin, 20, 25, 52, 114, 119,121,141, — Pierpont Morgan, 13, 97. 160, 167, 172. — P.S.I. (Pubblicazioni della Societa

— Bodleian, 64. Italiana per la Ricerca dei Papiri

— Bodmer, 13, 14, 15, 36, 52, 53, 124, Greci e Latini in Egitto), 115, 116,

160, 161, 174, 176. 119, 122, 124, 169.

— Bonn, 161, 186. — Rylands, 15, 64, 97, 117, 135, 169, — Bouriant, 161, 177, 178, 181. 174, 177, 178, 180, 181, 186, 187. — Bremen, 161, 186. — Strassburg, 115, 169. — British Museum, 20, 21, 25, 100, — Tebtynis, 100, 113, 124, 134, 136, 107, 166, 174, plate IV. 137, 159, 163, 164, 167, 169, 173, — Brussels, 140, 159, 161. 176, 177, 180, 181, 187. — Cairo, 124, 141, 161, 186, 187. — Turin, 20, 47, 169.

— Chester Beatty, 2, 13, 35, 36, 52,55, — Vatican, 20. 56, 75, 76, 137, 139, 140, 160, 161, — Vienna, 20, 25, 121, 122, 134, 158,

162, 174, 176, 178, 181, 187. 159, 167, 170, 178.

— Cologne, 64, 159. — Wiirzburg, 123, 170. — Columbia, 141, 142. — Yale, 142, 170. — Copenhagen, see Papyri: Haunienses. — Zenon, 64, 77, 78, 144, 161, 162, — Cornell, 181, 188. 167, 173, 177, 186, 187, 188. — Derveni, 1, 18, 24, 39, 56, 175. papyrologist, defined, 73. — Dura-Europos, 37, 38, 134, 137, 162, papyrus, aroma of, 19.

176, 187. — Augusta, 3.

— Florence, 64, 115, 118, 119, 163, 169, | —- burning on funeral pyres, 19, 77.

181, 183, 184, 188. — codex, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 18, 33,

— Geneva (see also Papyri, Bodmer), 25, 48, 52; 53, 55, 56, 62, 64, 65, 66, 75,

53, 64, 163. 97, 122, 123, 124, 160, 161, 165, 174, — Hamburg, 107. 14, 15; made from papyrus roll, 15, — Harris—Arden, 21, 46. 53; made from documentary roll, 53, — Haunienses, 64, 164. 174, 178. — Giessen, 68, 163, 164, 178, 179. 185, plate V; ‘Recto’ and ‘Verso’,

— Hawara, 24, 76, 93, 97, 117, 122, —colour of, 62, 63, 65.

159, 164, 176. — consumption of, 3. 188, — documents, see also Documents, Law.

— Hermopolis, 157, 165, 170, 178, — damping out, 55.

— Hibeh, 64, 114, 165, 179, 183, 188. —-— abstracts (diastromata, dvacrpw-

— Holmienses, 46, 165. pata), 134, 135.

Q12 General Index papyrus (cont.) —— — book titles, 106. — — agreements (homologiae, 6uoAoyia:), ©—-—— on back of documentary rolls,

134, 135; informal, 135. 49, 90, 92, 94, 96.

— -— applications, 143; for entry to — manufacture of, 3, 62. gymnasial class, 140; on rents for — monopoly, 3.

state lands, 140. — oldest Egyptian, 1, 172.

— — credit payments, 129. — oldest Greek text, 1, 24. — — credit transfer, 136; of money, — price of, 5-6, 173.

136; of corn, 136. — pricking of, 14, 174.

140. — relaxing of, 55.

—--—— inspection, (epicrisis, émixpicic), |— protection of, 55.

——— petitions, 48, 50, 53, 100, 128, — roll, 16, 17, 22, 29, 30, 32, 33, 39, 40,

141, 142, 144, 146; answers to, 49; 46, 47, 48, 49, 55, 56, 62, 64, 76, 77, copies of, 142; draft, 128; to Em- 84, 89, 90, 95, 97, IOI, 113, 122, 134,

peror, 142; for redress, 129, 141. 137, 139, 140, 141, 165, 168, 173, —— — proceedings (official), 143. 174, plates II, VI, VIIT; one play to — — receipts, 16, 43, 50, 128, 130, 134, one, IOI.

141; stereotyped, 128. — rolls, carbonized, 1, 18, 39, 43, 56,

—— registers, 137, 141; bibliogra- 173, 174.

phical, 183. — -— composite, 56, 140.

—- — subscriptions (on document), 135, —— height of, 141, 173.

1398, 141, 142. — — length of, 63, 140, 141, 173. — — testimonial, 145. — — life of, 7, 18, 174.

— — thema (Géua), 136. — — ‘opisthograph’, 122.

— emporetica, 3. — — patching of, 7.

— fibre patterns, 62. — ruling of, 14, 89, 182.

~— ‘fibres’, 55, 141. — sheet, 5, 140, 1743 sizes of, 9-4, 15. — fine quality, 2, 56; coarse quality, 89. — technical treatment of, 55, 56.

— forgeries, 22, 56, 128. — word in cuneiform, 2. — latest Greek, 47. paradosis (wapddocc), 92, 126.

— letters : addresses, 140, 149. paragraphus, 184, plates V, VIII.

— — Aramaic, 39. parchment, 7, 8, 9, 10, 18, 22, 96, 158, —- — autograph, 138. 159, 162, 174; receipts for making, — — censure, 144, 145. 174. — — Christian, 150. — codex, 10, II 12, 14, 15, 16, 50, 97.

— — consolation (letter of), 84. — Greek, 10, 11, 37, 96.

— — Greek, 33, 35, 38, 39, 47; 48; 49, — ‘hair’ side and ‘flesh’ side, 10, 12, 14. 50, 79, 83, 84, 87, 90, 129, 130, 137, — notebooks, 10, 11; use by business-

138, 139, 140, 144, 149, 151, 164, men, etc., II. 165, 166, 168, 181, 186, 187, plates I, | — preparation of, 9, 174.

VII; sentimental, 151; recipient of, — roll, 39, 174. 139; writing of, 130; of boys, 8a. — used to stiffen papyrus codex, 13.

— — Latin, 39, Paris, 22, 47, 56, 112.

— — letter books, 130, 186. — Bibliothéque Nationale, 22. — — models, for letters, 130. — Louvre, 21, 22, 52, 168.

— — Nabataean, 39. — Sorbonne, 169, 183.

— — speed of delivery, 130, 139. Paris (son of Priam), 69. — literary texts: annotations, 95, 120, Parlasca (K.), 180. 122, 1233 linguistic, 119; allegorical, Parsons (P.), plate VII n. 119; historical, 119. See also ‘Texts and Parthia, 8.

Textual criticism. Partsch (Josef), 163.

— — — author (best-read), 81, 97. Passalacqua (G.), 20, 176.

— — — author’s Life, 123. Pathyris (Gebelen), 77.

General Index 213 Paul (D.), 163. Pilate (Pontius P.), 151.

Paul (St., Apostle), 160. Pinakes (aivaxec) (of Callimachus), 102,

— Epistles, 33, 162, 176. 103, 114, 183. — Epistle to Romans, 161. — defined, 103. payment, see Law. Pindar (of Thebes), 7, 97, 104, 105,

Pearl (O. M.), 167, 171. 116, 122.

peasants (Egyptian), 77, 81,83,145,149. — Dithyrambs, 08. Pelizaeus Museum (Hildesheim), 37. — Epinicians, 98, 105. pen (reed), 2, 5, 6, 57, 58, 60, 84, 80. — Hyporchemaia (dwopxyjpara), 106.

penknife, 84. — Olympians, 105, 106, 183. Peremans (W.), 179, 186. — Paeans, 98, 116, 122.

Pergamum, 9, I0. — Pythians, 95, 117, 183. Peripatos (of Athens), 106, 111. — Commentary on Pythians, 94, 96, 120. — Library of, 106. — Life of, 104, 105. Perrat (C.), 170, 177. — Scholia, 100, 115, 117, 120, 122. persecutions (of Diocletian), 75, 76. — Vita Ambrosiana, 106.

Persia, 8, 37. — Vita Thomana, 105, 106.

Persians, 82. Pippidi (D. M.), 177.

Persian Wars, 105. Pistelli (Ermenogildo), 33.

perspex, use of, 56. plagiarism, 114.

Pestman (P. W.), 159. plastic film, use of, 55.

Peter (St., Apostle), Epistles of, 160,161. Plato (Epistrategus at Ptolemais),

[Peter] (St.), 22. letters of, 46.

— Apocalypse of, 22. Plato (philosopher), 7, 97, 117, 122.

— Gospel of, 22. — Apology, 81. Petersen (E. E.), 181. — Gorgias, 182. Petesouchos, 79. — Laches, 107, 108.

petitions, see Papyrus documents. — Phaedo, 24, 107, 108.

Petra, 39, 133. — Phaedrus, 107, 113, 116, 117.

Petri (R.), 183. — Protagoras, 89. Petrie (Sir W. Flinders), see Flinders — Sophist, 107, 108. Petrie. — Theaetetus (commentary), 25, 119, Petropoulos (G. A.), 169. 157.

Pettretini (Giovanni), 20. — Platonic terms, 117; figures, 117; Peyron (Amedeo Angelo Maria), 20, usage, 117.

169. — ‘select’ dialogues (of wparrdpevor),

Pfeiffer (Rudolf), 67 [98]. 123.

Pflaum (H. G.), 181. — critical signs in MSS. of, 184. Philadelphia (Darb-el-Gerza), 35, 44, Plaumann (Gerhard), 164. 45, 48, 78, 86, 132, 141, 157,168,181. Pleket (H. W.), 184.

Phileas, Apology of, 52, 161. Pliny (the elder), 3~4, 9, 10, 1'7, 172.

Philetas (of Cos), 114. Pliny (the younger), 174.

— Glosses, 114. Plotinus (of Lycopolis), 88.

Philochorus (of Athens), 119, 120. Plutarch (of Chaironea), 97.

Philo Judaeus, 64. Pnepheros, 79.

Philostratus (of Alexandria), On the poets, epic, 102. Plagiarisms of Sophocles, 119. —— quoted in commentaries, 121.

Phoebammon, 47. Poimandres, 46, 86. Phoenicia, I. Polemon (division of Arsinoite nome), photographs (use of), 61, 72. 143.

Pieria, 50. police, night, 139. Pierpont Morgan Library, 13, 15, 97, — post, 38. 174. policemen (rural), 83, 139.

214 General Index Polion, see Valerius Pollio. Proverbs (Book of), 160. political pamphlets (Alexandrian), see Prussian Academy, 20, 161.

Acta Alexandrinorum. prytanis (zptravc), 83, 84.

Polotsky (H. J.), 172, 175, 176, 177. Psalms (of David), 33, 53, 75, 159, 160,

polyptych, see Tablets. 162, 175, 176. polythene, use of, 55. Psothis, 149. Pompeii, 78. Ptolemaic Age, 74, 75, 84, 144, 145; Pompeiopolis (Paphlagonia), 50. 148, 149, 150, 153, 157, 170, 186, Pompeius Sabinus (Strategus of Leto- 187.

polite nome), 145. — archives (see also Archives), 77.

Pope (M.), 172. — kings, 145, 146, 165; access to, 141.

popularization, ancient, 101, 124. — ostraca, 36, 157.

Porphyry Mountain, 42. — papyri, 2-3, 5-6, 21, 24, 25, 31, 32,

portrait heads, 77, 78, 180, plate ITT. 345 35) 45, 46, 47, 107, 108, 137, 157,

postal service : 162, 163, 165, 168, 175, 182, 183;

— Imperial, 139. language of, 151.

—— Ptolemaic, 139, 140. Ptolemais, 43. potsherds, see Ostraca. Ptolemais Euergetis, see Arsinoe. pouncing, 174. —- Hormou, 19, 83. Powell (J. Enoch), 164. Ptolemy, grammarian, 93, 182. Powell (J. U.), 183. Ptolemy, recluse at Memphis, 46. Praefectus Vigilum, 86. Ptolemy, of Ptolemais, Almagest, 149. Praepositus Pagi, 146. Ptolemy I, Soter (King of Egypt), 102. Praetorian Prefect, 68. Ptolemy II, Philadelphus (King of Préaux (Claire), 78, 159, 161, 171, 172, Egypt), 25, 35> 44, 48, 102, 150, 168.

173, 177, 179, 186, 187. Ptolemy III, Euergetes I (King of

Prefect, see Egypt (Prefect of). Egypt), 110.

Preisendanz (K.), 149, 154, 164. Ptolemy VI, Philometor (King of Preisigke (F.), 34, 156, 161, 169, 170, Egypt), 147.

171, Ptolemy VIII, Euergetes II (King of

Premerstein (Anton von), 164. Egypt), 110, 144, 147.

de Presle (Brunet), 20. Ptolemy X, Alexander I (King of

priests, 47, 83, 135. Egypt), 138.

Princeton (University of), 36, 168. publication (ancient), 112; of docu-

Pritchard (J. B.), 172. ments, 135, 138, 142.

Pritchett (W. K.), 181. punctuation 57, 71, 92, 90, I12, 114,

‘private’, defined regarding documents, 179, 180, plates IV, VIII; use of

130, 131. paragraphus, 184, plates VI, VIII. Procris, 119. Puteoli, 50. procurator (Imperial), 86, 139. Proetus, 6. Qasr Ibrim, 40. professions, 77, 83, 88, 89, 93, 95, 135, Qasr-Qarun, see Dionysias (village of).

144. quaternio, 12, 159.

pronunciation, 122. — Qena, 42.

59. quinternio, 12.

— of Hellenistic and Roman periods, query marks, 93.

Prophets (Minor), 14. quire, 8, 12, 13, 14, 15, 22, 50. prosopa (apécwma), see Masks. quotations (Ajppara), 63, 85, 107, 109, prosopography, 147, 188. 114, 116, 118, 121. protocollon, protocol (apwréxoAAov), 5, Qumran, 8, 38, 158. 128.

provenance (of papyri), 47, 51, 52, 180, Rabel (E.), 160.

181. racecourse (in Egyptian towns), 80, 81.

General Index 215 Rainer (Archduke of Austria), 22, 25, Revue des études gr., 157.

158, 168, 170, 175. Rhacotis, 50.

Ravenna, 16, 50, 96. rhetoric, 67, 103, 121, 157. Rea (Dr. John), 57. Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, 99. readers (in antiquity), 76, 99, 106. rhetorical exercises, 67, 85, 128. — limitations on, 99. rho confused with iota, 61. reading papyri (how), 56, 57, 66, 99, Rhodes, 50. 127, 152, 179; defined, 67; psycho- Ricci (S. de), 157, 168, 178. logy of, 61, 70; technical aids to, Richter (G.), 180.

61. Ricordi (editions of Verdi), 109.

readings in papyri, correct, 125, 126. Roberts (C. H.), 10, 11, 93, 151, 159,

—~ dissent from, 117. 166, 169, 172, 180.

— wrongly altered, 99, 125. Roeder (G.), 37.

receipts, see Papyrus documents. roll (see also Papyrus Roll), 123, 173. Recherches de Papyrologie, 53. — pasted (rouoc cuyKodAjcipoc), 140. record office (BiBAvoO4Ky), 46, 76, 133, — stitched, 10.

136, 137. See also Depository. rollers, see umbilict.

— municipal, 137. Roman administration (see also Adminirecto and verso, 4, 10, 14, 52, 89, 92, stration), 49, 75, 134, 135, 136, 137,

94, 96, 100, 130, 140, 173. 138, 139, 143.

Red Sea, 42. — citizenship, 68, 75, 132, 140. reeds, 2, 84, 89, 174. — fleet, 79, 89. Reekmans (T.), 165. — ostraca, 36. Rees (B. R.), 165, 166, — veterans, 81.

Reference Book of Greek Papyri, A, viii, — villa (in Somerset), 39. 47, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, | romance (Greek), 81, 99.

182, 185, 187, 188. Romanianus, 16.

Regemorter (Mrs. B.), 14, 174. Rome, 11, 17, 42, 49, 50, 51, 79, 81, registration office (agoranomeion, 85, 86, 137, 147. ayopavopeiov) (see also under Law), 134. Roos (A. G.), 164.

Reich (N.), 170. Rosenberger (Grete), 164, 165. Reinach (Theodore), 168. Rosetta stone, 19-20. religion, 148, 149. Rossall School, 178.

—— anniversaries (Roman), 150. Rostovtzeff (M. I.), 37, 169, 186. —— assimilation Greek—Figyptian, 150. Roumania, 39.

— exploited, 149. Rubayat (near Philadelphia), 77. — monotheistic, 150. Rubensohn (Otto), 32, 163. religious texts, 129, 150, 160, 166, 185-6. Rufinus (Tyrannius R., Presbyter of

Rémondon (R.), 159. Aquileia), 150. Renaissance, 17, 54, 97, 175. rulers (deifying of), 150. resin, 55. ruling, of papyrus, 14; guide lines, 89, restoration of papyri, 62, 63, 68, 128. 182. — diagnostic, 68. — of parchment, 12. — external guides, 62. Rylands (John R. Library, Manches-

— internal guides, 62. ter), 15, 64, 66, 97, 169. — speculative, 68.

retention of official documents (by Sabinus (Christian), 169.

individuals), 90, 95. Saints (Lives of), 38.

Revenue Laws of Ptolemy Philadelphus, Sakkara, 1, 21, 42, 145.

The, 25, 168. sale (forms of) (see also Law), con-

reviser (S:op@wr1jc, corrector), 92, 93, 116. ceptions underlying, 133.

revolts, in Egypt, 147. Salt (Henry, Consul General in Cairo), — of 88 B.c., 46. 20.

216 General Index Santifaller (Leo), 172, 174, 175. Schott-Reinhardt, 165.

Sanz (P.), 158. Schow (‘Nicholas’-Niels Iversen), 18, Sappho (of Lesbos), 43, 69, 80, 98, 117, 19, 20, 175.

118, 184, plate II. Schubart (W.), 10, 34, 525 575) 125, 153,

Sarapion (of Hermopolis), 149, 169, 157, 163, 169, 172, 182, 187, 188.

188. Schubert (Franz), 100, 102.

Sarapion, also called Apollonianus, 84, | — list of works, 100, 101, 103.

127. Schwartz (Jacques), 48, 169, 188.

Sarapion, son of Eutychides, 48, 131, Scott (Walter) (Fellow of Merton

1'77. College, Oxford), 171.

Sarapis, 80, 149, 188. scribe (preparation for work), 12.

sarcophagi, 31, 32, 76, 77. scribes, Graeco-Roman, 57, 87, 89, 92, Sargon (king of Assyria), 2. 93, 95, 96, 107, 116, 119, 120, 124,

Sasse (Chr.), 179. 135, 145, plates IV, VI, VIII; paySattler (Peter), 165. ment of, 87, 90, 93, 95; counting Satyrus (of Oxyrhynchus), 88. verses, 95; who have copied several Saumagne (C.), 170, 177. authors, 92. Sayce (A. H.), 25, 54, 76, 176, 178, — deletions by, 93, plate VIII.

180. — exactitude of, 95.

Sbeitah, see Nessana. —— insertions by, 92, 180. Sbordone (F.), 175. — Mycenaean, 57, 179.

Scamander, III. — posture of, 2, plate VIn.

Schafer (D.), 157. ——~ practice of, 58, 88, go, 95-96, 99, 179.

Schaefer (E.), 165. — ‘proof-reading’ by, 93.

Schaefer (H.), 31. — public, 83.

Scheide (John53. H.),script, 168. script, cursive, 19. ): Schenute, uncial, 174.

Scherer (Jean), 168, 173. scriptio continua, 57, 60, 99. |

Schiller (A. A.), 187. scriptoria, 12, 16, 51, 90, 93. | Schmidt (C.), 157, 172, 175, 176. — of Byzantium, 126.

Schmidt (Friedrich), 183. — outside Egypt, 51.

Schmidt (K. F. W.), 35. Scrolls (Dead Sea), see Qumran,

Schneider (F.), 165. Murabba‘at, and Engedi.

scholars, of Alexandria, 86, 87, 88, 92, seals, 5, 130, 132, 133, 136, 139, 172. 94, 95, 96, 100, 103, 104, 106, 108, sebakh, 21, 22, 26, 27, 31, 34, 37, 80. 10Q, I10, 111, 113, 118, 125, 184, 185. secretariat (imperial), 137.

— modern, 110, 126, 127, 128, 146, secretaries, 83, 84, 93, 138.

148, 149, 152, 155. Seidl (E.), 157, 187.

scholar’s book, 125; characteristics of, Select Papyri (A. S. Hunt and C. C.

92, 94, 95, 96. Edgar), 57, 129, 141, 178, 185, 186,

scholarship, ancient, 87, 99, 100, IOI, 187, 188,

103, 106-7, I14, 124, 125. Seleucia in Pieria, 50, 96.

scholia (cydéAva), 99, 100, 109, 110, 111, Seleucus (scholar), 87. 115, 117, 120, 121, 122, 123,124,185. _ selis, see kollema. — distinguished from hypomnemata, 121, Semites, 82, 172.

123. Septimius (translator of Dictys), 100.

—— medieval, 119, 121, 123, 185. Septimius Severus (Emperor), 142, 157.

scholiasts, 99, 104. Septuagint, 38, 164, 177. — Townley, 112. Serapeum, at Memphis, 21, 46.

Schone (H.), 157. — at Oxyrhynchus, 81.

schools, 85, 90, 91, 109. — at Rhacotis, 50, 102; library at, 102. school texts, 91, 92, 94, 182. Sergius (St.), 38.

— work, 89, 91. Severus Alexander (Emperor), 187.

General Index 217 Severyns (A.), 179, 180. — Oedipus Coloneus, 99.

Sheik Ibada, 50. — Ocdipus Tyrannus, 116. Shelley (P. B.), 20. — Thesus, 116.

ships, 139, 147, 152. — “Third’ Thyestes, 88. shivers (of vellum), 174. — satyr-plays, 98. Shore (A. F.), 176, 180. — ‘Select’ plays of, 123. shorthand, 142, 158. — Philostratus on the plagiarisms of,

— manuals, 142. 11g. — writers, 83. Sosii (publishers at Rome), 51.

“sic”, 93. Sparta, 104.

Sicyon, 6. —— early kings of, 118.

Side (Pamphylia), 50. speaker (change of, in plays), 92. Siegmann (E.), 165. spelling (ancient), 57, 81, 89. sigma, confused with theta, 61. Spiegelberg (W.), 160, 168, 171.

179. Spohr (L.), 165.

— confused with double curve, 178, Spiess (G.), 165.

signature, 83, 93, 138, 139. sponge, 6.

Sijpesteijn (P. J.), 159, 170, 182. Sprey (J.), 165. sillybos (ciAAvBoc), 7, 173. statistics, 30, 45, 47, 141.

Simois, 111. Ste Croix (G. E. M. de), 186. Simonides (of Ceos), 99, 105. Steinwenter (A.), 188. Sinope, I10. stemma codicum, 126. sitologot (curorAdyou), 136. Stesichorus (of Himera), 116, 117. size, not used, 3. Stevens (C. E.), 100. Skeat (T. C.), 53, 100, 153, 156, 160, — stichoi (criyor), 88, 90, 103, 183.

173, 174, 175, 181, 188. stichometrical letters, 90, 94, 95, 182,

skins: antelope, 9. plate IV.

— calf, 9, 174. Stichometrische Untersuchungen (Kurt — documents on, 37, 174. Ohly), 95, 181.

— folding, 12. Stobart (Revd. Henry), 46. -— goat, 9. stop: single, 114; double, 114.

— lamb, 9. Strabo (of Amasea), 93.

— replacing papyrus, 12. Strassburg (Strasbourg), 115, 156.

— sheep, 9. strategus (crpatynyoc), 48, 49, 53, 84, 138, — for writing, 8, 37, 173, 174. 139, 142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 178.

Skutsch (O.), 177. — journals of, 136, 138.

slates, 6. strokes, below letters, 180. slaves, 50, 132, 145, 162. — cancelling, plate VIII. Smithsonian Institution (Washington), — of pen, 58, 60, 89.

176. stylus, 7, plate VI.

Smyly (J. G.), 164, 168, 169. Subatianus Aquila (Prefect of Egypt),

Snell (Bruno), 117, 164, 165. 138, 142.

Societa per la ricerca det papiri, 33. Suidas, 67.

Society of Antiquaries, 20. Swiderek (Anna), 159. Socnopaei Nesus (Dimai), 22, 37, 46, Syene (Assuan), 32, 33, 45, 47.

78, 81, 177. symbols, 60, 61.

Soknobraisis (temple of), 160. synopses, IOI, 123, 124.

Solon, Elegeia, 106. Szemerényi (O.), 172.

Sophocles: tablets: — Ichneutae, 116, 122. — defixiones, 6. Somerset, 39.

— Inachus, 81, 116. —— diptych, 7.

— Nauplius the Firekindler, 119. — I}lahun, 7.

218 General Index tablets (cont.) textual critic, 91, 93, 94, 115, 123, 125.

— Jewish use of, 11. — criticism, 106, 110, III, 112, 125, —— polyptych, 7. 126, 172, 185. — triptych, 7. -—— — additions (in texts), 93, 109, 134, — wax, 39, 89, 157, 182, plate VI. 179; interlinear, 71, 180, plate VIII.

— wood, 14, 18, 39, 52, 67, plate VI. —--—— asterisks (in diplomatic tran-

tabula ansata, 6. scriptions), 179.

Tait (J. G.), 159, 171. — — atheteses, 118.

talc, 174. ——— authority (of manuscripts), 110, Tanis, 24, 26, 43, 173. III, 112, 126. tannin, 39. — — collation, 92, 93, 122, 125. tanning, 9, 174. — — conjectures, modern, 68, 107, 125.

Taubenschlag (R.), 157, 187. — — ‘contamination’, 126, 185; hori-

tawing, 9, 174. zontal, 125. tax, collectors, 138, 141. —— — exemplars, 92, 93, 94, 96, 122,

— demands, 49. 125, 126, plate VIII n.

— payers, 80, 141, 187; agent of, 187. —-—- tradition, 123, 124, 126, 152;

— receipts, 43, 129, 130, 187. indirect, 91; direct, g1, 98, 99; — registers, 80, 141, 169. branches of, 125, 126. taxation, personal, 82. Theadelphia, 141, 146, 157, 162, 169,

— relief from, 85. 177. taxes, 36, 43, 81, 82, 138, 145, 162,167, theatres, 80, 81, 108, 181. 186; payments of, 136. Thebaid, 43, 46, 48, 139. — annona, 139, 140, 148. — Duke of, 148.

— poll, 82. Thebes, in Boeotia, 67.

—— trade, 82. — Egyptian, 20, 43, 44, 46, 47, 157, Tcherikover (V. A.), 158. 171. Tebtynis, 19, 31, 32, 37, 46, 78, 80, 81, | Theocritus (of Syracuse), 97, 131, 186. 100, 134, 177. — hypomnema on, 121. Tehneh, 32. Theon, schoolboy, letter to father, 89. temples, 21, 26, 36, 37, 42, 46, 79, 80, | Theon, son of Artemidorus, 93, 94, 182,

81, 82, 153, 160. 183, 184.

— property, 141. — Commentary on Epicharmus, 117.

tenants (customary), 81. — Commentary on Pindar’s Pythians, 94,

Terence (Publius T. Afer), 12. 96, 120.

Testuz (M.), 160. Theophanes (of Hermopolis), 48, 131, texts, see also Papyrus, literary texts. 150, 178.

—— corruptions in, 108, 112, 118, 180. ——- clothes list of, 131.

— errors in, 91, 93, 179. Theophilus (Archbishop of Alexandria),

— format of, 76, 89, 99, 122. 150.

— improvements in, 72, 126. Thersagoras, On the Myths of Tragedy, 87.

— inconsistency in, 117. thesaurot (O@ncavpoi), 136.

— queries in, 117. Thessaloniki, 39.

— standard (paradosis, mapdéSocc), 92, theta confused with sigma, 61.

109, 126. Thierfelder (H.), 188.

— transcription of, 60, 179, 180. This (Tineh), 51, 52.

— transmission of, 95, 126. Thmouis, 43.

— value of, 125. [Thomas] (St.), Gospel of, 29. — ‘vulgate’, 111. Thomas Magister, 105.

— ‘wild’, 108. Thompson (D. V.), 174.

— working, see Copies (working). Thompson (Sir Edward Maunde), 172. —- written on back (verso), 89, g0, 92, Thoth, 86.

94, 96. Thoth—Hermes, 150.

General Index 219 Thrasonides (character in Menander’s Valerius Diodorus (member of the

Misoumenos), 66. Museum), 87.

threats, against gods, 131. Valerius Eudaemon (Prefect of Egypt), Thucydides, son of Olorus, 85, 97, 107, 145.

108, 112, 117, 119, 120. Valerius Pollio (Alexandrian scholar),

— hypomnemata on, 120, 121. 87, 88.

—— medieval scholia, 121. Valerius Titanianus (member of the

Thunell (K.), 169. Museum), 86.

Thuringia, 17. Valk, van der (M. H.), 110, 111, 184. Tiberius (Emperor), 145, 151. Vandals, 39, 170, 177. Tiflis (Soviet Georgia), 168. Vandoni (Mariangela), 149, 159, 167,

Till (W.), 158. 188. Timotheus (of Miletus), 1, 24, 32. Varcl (L.), 168.

Tineh, see ‘This. variants, textual, 107, 108, 109, I11, Tischendorff (Lobegott von), 9. 112, 117, 122, 126. titles (book), 183. Varro (Marcus Terentius), 9. titles, see Law. vases, 64, 152. titles, of emperors, 68. — Greek, 62.

— honorific, 86. Vatican, 16, 19, 166. — of plays, 64, 65, 66, 99, 101, 102. vau (s), 95.

Tod (M. N.), 183. de Vaux (Pere Ronald), 38, 158. tombs, 1, 25, 26, 31, 33, 39, 40, 77, 145. vellum, defined (see also parchment), 9,

topography, of Egypt, 170, 175, 177. 16.

— of Greek camp at Troy, 111. — uterine, 9.

Tourah, 36. Verdi (Giuseppe), 109. tourists (ancient), 46. Verginius Rufus, 7.

Toynbee (Professor J. M. C.), plate VI verse (easier to restore than prose), 63,

n. —— hexameters, 63, 179.

tragedians (see also by name), 68, 97, —~ opening, see Lines (initial).

102, 116, 119. — sum total of, 95.

tragedy (Hellenistic), 98. — tetrameters, 78. “Tragic Songs’, 183. — trimeters (iambic), 108, 179. Trajan (Emperor), 39, 48, 133, 143. — unit lengths, 63.

translation, 100, 121, 142, 150. verso, see Recto and verso.

Transylvania, 39. Vespasian (Emperor), 186.

95. victor lists:

treatises (Alexandrian scholars’), 94, Vesuvius (Mount), 18.

triptych, see Tablets. — athletics: Delphi, 104, 106, 183;

trumpeters, 84. Isthmus, 104, 183; Nemea, 104; Tuna-el-Gebel, 37. Olympia, 104, 105, 106, 183. Turks, 19, 38. — dramatic competitions (Athens), see Turner, E. G., 57, 158, 165, 169, 172, Didascaliae.

tutors, 85. 158.

173, 177, 188, plate VIIT n. Vienna, 20, 21, 22, 24, 25, 56, 67,

twelve-drachma class, 83. Viereck (P.), 157, 171. Tyrannion (grammarian), 94. villagers, 118.

Tzetzes (John), go. village scribe, 145.

Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro) :

Ulpian (Domitius Ulpianus), 147. — codex of, 93.

ultraviolet light, 61. — glossary to, 38, 124, 185. umbilici, 7, 173, 174. Vitelli (G.), 33, 163, 166, 169. Umm-el-Baragat, see Tebtynis. Vogel (K.), 158.

Upper Egypt, 43, 46, 140, 147, 170. Vogliano (A.), 37, 167.

220 General Index Volten (A.), 158. wood, drying of, 55.

volumen, ‘7. wooden boards, 6, 14, 89. — tablets, see Tablets.

Waddington (W. H.), 184. worm holes, 62, 63, 65, 68, 70, plate V.

Wallis-Budge (E. A.), 176. worms, 79, 144.

Washington, 14. writing, errors in, 93.

water table (in Egypt), 26, 44, 45. — exercises, 89.

Wavell (Field-Marshal Earl), 91. office (grapheion, ypadeiov), 134,

wax, 6, 7, 14, 39. 136—7, contractor of, 1343; expendi— encaustic painting with, 77. ture, 134.

Wecklein (N.), 99. — ‘slow’, 88. Wegener (E. P.), 159, 168. Weickert (K.), 186. Xanthus, 111.

Welles (C. B.), 37, 162, 187, 188. Xenophon, 103, 117.

Wen-Amon, 1, 172. — Cyropaedia, 117.

Wenger (L.), 167. Xoual (M.), 165.

Werre-de-Haas (M.), 159.

Wessely (Carl), 22, 158, 168, 170. Yadin (Y.), 39, 177.

West (L. C.), 186. Yale (University), 36, 37, 187. West (S.), 183, 184. Young (Thomas), 20.

Westermann (W. L.), 157, 162, 187. Youtie (H. C.), 55, 67, 70, 83, 155, 161,

White (J. W.), 116, 117, 184. 162, 167, 171, 179, 180, 181, 187,

White Monastery, 53. 188. Wiftstrand (A.), 166.

Wilamowitz-Moellendorff (Ulrich von), Zagreb (Yugoslavia), 6, 173.

QQ, 105, 123, 157. Zakar—Baal, 1.

Wilbour (Charles Edwin), 25, 171. Zalateo (G.), 182. Wilcken (Ulrich), v, vi, 21, 23, 25, 30, Zaloscer (H.), 77. 31, 34, 35, 72, 155, 156, 157, 161, Zenodotus (of Ephesus), 102, 111, 113. 163, 170, 171, 173, 178, 180, 187. — Glosses, 114.

Willis (W. H.), 175, 176. Zenon (manager for Apollonius, minisWinckelmann (Johann Joachim), 18. ter of Ptolemy Philadelphus), 35, 45,

Winter (J. G.), 167, 182, 183. 48, 64, 77, 78, 131, 144, 145, 161, 162,

Wisconsin (University of), 36. 167, 177.

Wittek (M.), 171. Zereteli (G.), 168, 169.

181. 187.

Wolff (H. J.), 187. Zilliacus (H.), 153, 159, 160, 188. women, 82, 83, 127, 132, 1393, 142,151, Zucker (Friedrich), 32, 156, 157, 165,

— rights of, 133. Zuntz (G.), 185. INDEX OF GREEK WORDS (not included in General Index)

avéyvey, 138. exdocipov, 184.

avreBAHOn, 93. Gupic, 79, 181.

de ( = dtwpdAn), 93. icréov G71, 115. dvacTod}, 112, 179, plate IV. cecnpeiwpat, 139. eipopevov, 140. Tomoc cuyKoAAycwoc, 140.

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