Great books of the Western world, vol. 40 [40]

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GREAT BOOKS OP THE WESTERN WORLD GILBERT GALILEO

41.

GIBBON

HARVEY

42.

KANT

29.

CERVANTES

43.

AMERICAN STATE

30.

FRANCIS BACON

28.

II

PAPERS

THE FEDERALIST J. S.

MILL

DESCARTES SPINOZA

44.

BOSWELL

32.

MILTON

45.

33.

PASCAL

LAVOISIER FOURIER

34.

NEWTON

31.

FARADAY

HUYGENS 55.

LOCKE BERKELEY

46.

HEGEL

47.

GOETHE

52.

48.

MELVILLE

53.

HUME

49. 54. 36.

S

SWIFT STERNE

50.

DARWIN

MARX ENGELS

^ ^

37.

FIELDING 51.

TOLSTOY 1U1.J»1UT

38.

MONTESQUIEU ROUSSEAU

52.

DOSTOEVSKY

39.

ADAM SMITH

53.

WILLIAM JAMES

40.

GIBBON

54.

FREUD

SfH

~

I

^

™

tiMiiitiitiiiititimiititiiitniitiiiiiiiiii

isiHa

a»»s

GREAT BOOKS OF THE WESTERN WORLD ROBERT MAYNARD HUTCHINS, EDITOR IN CHIEF

40.

GIBBON: I

Mortimer J. Adler,

Associate Editor

Members of the Adv'mry Board: Stringfellow Barr, Scott Buciianan, John Ersicinb, Clarence H. Faust, Alexander Meiklejohn, Joseph J. Sqiwab, Mark Van Dorbn. Editorial Consultants; A. F. B. Clark, F. L. Lucas, Walter Murdoch. Wallace Brockvtay, Executive Editor

THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE

ROMAN EMPIRE VOLUME I BY EDWARD GIBBON

William Benton,

Publisher

ENCYCLOPAEDIA «RITANNICA, INC. CHICAGO

LONDON TORONTO GENEVA •

•

The annotations in this edition are derived Srom the edition in Everyman’s Library, edited by Oliphant Smeaton, by permission of J. M. Dfnt & Sons Ltd., London, and £. P. Dotion Co. Inc., New York

&

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO The Great Books with the editorial advice of the faculties qf The University of Chicago

is published

1923

ST Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. Copyright under Internationai. Copyright Union

All Rights Reserved under Pan American and Universal Copyright Conventions by Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Edward Gibbon, Edward Gibbon was

Roman Upon

attributed his survival to the affectionate care of his aunt, Catherine Porten, “the true mother

of

my mind

as well as

my

health.”

It

was she

reading,” which he pursued widely in his grandfather’s library until his “indiscriminate appetite subsided by degrees in the historic line.” Gibbon’s early schooling had been irregular and frequently interrupted by illness. Then, suddenly, as he approached his sixteenth year, “his disorders wonderfully vanished.” Shortly afterwards his father sent him to Oxford. Here he received neither instruction nor companionship, finding the boys frivolous, the dons indolent, and hi" U‘*.4:cen months at the university “the most idle and unprofitable” of his whole

and

militia,

Gibbon

October 1764, as

I

sat

musing

of Jupiter, the idea of writing the decline and fall of the city first started to my mind.” But it w'as not until 1772, tw'O years after the death of his father, that Gibbon settled in London and submitted himself to the rigours of his life work. In the interim, he made several sallies into the field of polite letters, dividing his time between the family home at Buriton and the fashionable clubs of London. His membership in Johnson’s literary club was an annoyance to Boswell, who described him as “an ugly, affected, disgusting fellow.” Gibbon w'as elected to the House of Commons in 1 774. Although he held his scat during the stormy years of the American Revolution, he did not speak once. Like his stint in the Hampshire militia, his eight st'ssions in parliament he considered not w'asted; they comprised “a school of civic prudence, the first and most

young

Gibbon repudiated his Catholicism and followed a carefully supervised program of studies w'ith particular emphasis on the French and l.atin classics and on the mastery of these languages. At the age of twenty. Gibbon fell in love with Suzanne Cui chod, who found his unprepossessing appearance “spirituclle et singuli^re” and reciprocated his aifections. His request for his father’s permission to marry her met with refusal. He quietly acceded: “Without his consent,” he wrote, “I was destitute and helpless. I sighed as a lover, I obeyed as a son.” The Seven Years’ War had already been in progress for a year, when, in 1 758, Gibbon returned to England, more French than English in his outlook. From 1759 until the w'ar ended in 1 763, he served as a captain under his father in the Hampshire Militia. He assessed the value of this experience as making him “an Englishman and a soldier” and as giving him insight into military organization

from the

amidst the ruins of the Capitol, while the barefooted friars were singing Vespers in the Temple

In the course of his solitary literary rambles during these fourteen months, Gibbon became converted to Catholicism. He wrote to his father of the step, and the elder Gibbon, with the impetuosity that seems to have characterized his dealings with his son, sent the six teen -year-old youth to Lausanne. Here under the tutelage of Pavilliard,

his release

fifteenth of

life.

M.

Empire.”

decided to embark on a long-projected tour of Europe. In 1761 he completed, in French, his first work. Essay on the Study 0/ Literature^ in defense of classical studies. This had given him some status abroad and when, in 1763, he visited Paris, his essay “entitled” him to a “favorable reception.” But it was Rome that moved him to an unwonted enthusiasm, that seemed to give a new form and vividness to all he had read and studied. Here, according to a celebrated passage of the Memoirs: “On the

in his “invincible love of

the Calvinist minister,

737-1794

“so that the Captain of the Hampshire Grenadiers has not been useless to the historian of the

the eldest of seven chil-

dren born to Edward Gibbon and Julia Porten, and their only child to survive infancy. He

who encouraged him

i

essential virtue of

The

first

a historian.”

volume of The

lished in 1776, w'as

Decline and Fall, pubimmediately acclaimed as a

and attacked for its discussion of ChrisVolumes II and III, which followed shortly afterwards, were more quietly received. Since 1779 Gibbon had been serving on the Board of Trade, a sinecure which added to his income. The Board existed in a state of “perpetual virtual adjournment” and “unbroken classic

tianity.

sitting

vacation” until

sult of the

tactics,

V

it

w^as dissolved as

campaign conducted against

a reit

by

1

Biographical Note

vi

Edmund Burke in 1782. Shortly afterwards, the historian also lost his seat in parliament. As it now became impossible for him to maintain himself in London, he arranged to live in Lausanne with his life-long friend, George

Deyverdun. At Lausanne, in the comfort of his wellappointed bachelor quarters, the last three volumes reached rapid completion. In a famous passage of his autobiography, he commemorates his deliverance from his labors: 4 t was on the night of the 27th of June 1787, between the hours of eleven and twelve, that I wrote the last line of the last page in a summer-house in my ‘

garden.

After laying

down my

pen,

several turns in a berceau, or covered

I

took

walk of

acacias ... 1 will not dissemble the first emotions of joy on the recovery of my freedom, and,

perhaps the establishment of my fame. But my pride was soon humbled, and a sober mel-

ancholy was spread over my mind by the idea that I had taken an everlasting leave of an old and agreeable companion, and that whatsoever might be the future fate of my history, the life of the historian must be short and precarious.” For Gibbon it had always been reading and study that “supplied each day, each hour, with a perpetual source of independent and rational pleasure,” just as his library had been “the foundation” of his works and the “best comfort” of his life. In the “autumnal felicity” that followed in wake of the completion of The Decline and Fall^ Gibbon began work on his autobiography. But the mood was shattered by the death of the

Deyverdun in I78q, and in 1793 Gibbon returned to London. He had been suffering for some time from dropsy and the gout and upon his return, underwent a number of operations. Gibbon died January 16, 1794.

4 2 6 8 71

1

CONTENTS: VOLUME ONE CHAPTERS

I

— XL

Biographical Note.v I.

&

Military Force of the Empire The Extent Age of the Antomnes

2 2

At

2

Roman Emperors Discipline Ex.

Ridicule and solid Advantages of hereditary Succession Want of it in the Roman Empire productive of the greatest Calamities Birth and Fortunes of Maximin ^ * His Military Service and Honours Conspiracy of Maxinyn 235. Murder of Alexander Severus Tyranny of Maximin Oppression of the Provinces 237. Revolt in Africa Character and Elevation of the two

The apparent

Gordians

They

solicit

69 69 69 69 70 70 71 71 71

the Confirmation of their

Authority

The Senate

68

243.

244.

72 73

Italy

73 73

Prepares for a Civil War 237. Defeat and Death of the two

Gordians Election of Maximus by the Senate

73

and Balbinus 73

Their Characters

Tumult at Rome The younger Gordian

74 74 is

Games

Decline of the

Roman Empire

74 75 75 75 75 76 76 76 76 77

77 77 78 78 78 78 78 79 79 79

the Restoration of

A.D.

The

Barbarians of the East and of

the North

79

Revolutions of Asia Ihe Persian Monarchy restored by Artaxerxes Reformation of the Magian Religion Persian Theology, two Winciples Religious Worship Ceremonies and moial Precepts Encouragement of Agriculture Power of the Magi Spirit of Persecution Establishment of the Royal Authority in the Provinces Extent and Population of Persia Recapitulation of the War between the Parthian and Roman Empires Cities of Selcucia and Ctesiphon 216. Conquest of Osrhocne by the Romans 230. Artaxerxes claims the Provinces of Asia, and declares War against the

Romans

80 Bo 80 81

81 81

82 82 83

83 83 83

84 84

84

233. Pretended Victory of Alexander

the Election of

the Gordians Declares Maximin a public enemy Assumes the Command of Rome and

Caesar

240.

242.

72 ratifies

Son

His Portrait Joy of the Roman World

instituted

The Excise Tax on Legacies and

Marches

Siege of Aquileia Conduct of Maximus 238. Murder of Maximin and his

65 65 66

Of the Isle of Gyarus Amount of the Revenue

II.

Maximin prepares to attack the Senate and their Emperors

on

Citizens

declared

74

Severus More piobable Account of the War 240. Character and Maxims of Artaxerxes Military Power of the Persians Their Infantry contemptible 'Pheir Cavalry cxcelleot

85 85 85 86 86 86

IX. 7 he State of Germany Till the Invasion of the Barbarians in the Time of the Emperor Dedus A.D.

Extent of Germany Climate Its Effects

on the Natives

86 87 87

Contents Origin of the Germans Fables and Conjectures

88 88 88 88 8g

The Germans

ignorant of Letters Of Arts and Agriculture Of the Use of Metals Their Indolence Their Taste for strong Liquors State of Population

89 90 90 90

German Freedom Assemblies of the People Authority of the Princes and Magistrates More absolute over the Property than over the Persons of the Germans

91 91 91

Voluntary Engagements

German

92 92 92 93 93 93 94

Chastity

Its probable Causes Religion

Its Effects in

Peace

Its Effects in

War

The Bards Causes which checked the Progress of the Germans Want of Arms Want of Discipline Civil Dissensions of Germany Fomenteti by the Policy of Rome against

7'idnsu*it

94 94 94 95 95

German

93 9b 96

Tribes

Numbers X. The Emperors

Defeat and Death of Decius and his

Son

101

251. Election of Gallus 252. Retreat of the Goths

101 101

Gallus purchases Peace by the Payment of an annual Tribute Popular Discontent 253. Victory and Revolt of iCmilianus Gallus abandoned and slain Valerian revenges the Death of Gallus Is

acknowledged Emperor

Character of Valerian 253-268. General Misfortunes of the Reigns of Valerian and Gallienus Inroads of the Barbarians Origin and Confederacy of the

Franks 7'hey invade Gaul

Ravage Spain Pass over into Africa Origin and Renown of the Suevi A mixed Body of Suevi assume the Name of Alcmanni

Invade Gaul and Italy Are repulsed from Rome by the Senate and People

Deciusy GalluSy /EmilianuSy Valer-

and Gallienus. The General Irruption of Barbarians. The Thirty Tyrants

the

tarty

96 96

7 he Kiiiperor Philip 249. Services, Revolt, Victory, and Reign of the Lmperor Decius 250. He marches against the Goths

Oi igin of

tlie

Goths from

Scandinavia

97 98 98

Religion of the Goths Institutions and Death of Odin Agreeable, but uncertain. Hypothesis concerning Odin Emigration of the Goths from

Scandinavia into Prussia From Prussia to the Ukraine The Gothic Nation increases in

98 98 98

its

March Distinction of the

99

Germans and

Sarmatians Description of the Ukraine The Goths invade the Roman Provinces 250. Various Events of the Gothic War 251, Dccius revives the Office of Censor in the Person of Valerian The Design impracticable and

without Effect

99 99

99 00 1

00

101

103 104 104 104 1

04

104 104

105

the Alemanni Inioads of the Goths Conquest of the Bosphorus by the

105 105

Goths

1

Naval Expeilition of the Goths he Goths besiege and take

7’rebizond

Goths 7 hey plunder the

105 106 106 1

The Second Expedition 97 97

103 103

from the Military Service Gallienus contiacts an Alliance with

First

248-26B. The Nature of the Subject

102 103 103

Gallienus

7 he Goths acquire a Naval Force

A.D.

102 102 102 102

105

The Senators excluded by

Marcus

Antoninus Distinction of the

xi

06

of the

106 Cities of

Bithynia Retreat of the Goths 7'hird Naval Expedition of the

107 107

Goths

107

7'hcy pass the Bosphorus and the Hellespont Ravage Greece and threaten Italy Their Divisions and Retreat Ruin of the Temple of Ephesus Conduct of the Gotlis at Athens Conquest of Armenia by the Persians X^ilerian marches into the East 260. Is defeated and taken Prisoner by Sapor, King of Persia Sapor overruns Syria, Cilicia, and

107 1

08

108 108 109 109 109

109

Cappadocia Boldness and Success of Odenathus against Sapor 7Veatment of Valerian Character and Administration of

109

Gallienus

ill

lio 10

1

9 5 7 311

Contents

xii

The Thirty Tyrants Their real Number

1 1

not more than

nineteen Character and Merit of the Tyrants Their obscure Birth The Causes of their Rebellion Their Violent Deaths Fatal Consequences of these Usurpa-

1 1

1

12

112

tions

112

Disorders of Sicily Tumults of Alexandria Rebellion of the Isaurians

1 1

Famine and

1 1

Pestilence

268. Diminution of the

XI.

1 1

1 1

Human

Species

113 114 114

Reign of Claudius. Defeat of the Goths. Victories^

Triumph^ and Death of Aurelian

Behaviour of Zenobia Rebellion and Ruin of Palmyra Aurelian suppresses the Rebellion of Firmus in Egypt 274. Triumph of Aurelian His Treatment of Tetricus and

1 25 125

125 125

Zenobia His Magnificence and Devotion He suppresses a Sedition at Rome Observations upon it Cruelty of Aurelian 275. He marches into the East, and is

126 126 1 26 127 127

Assassinated

xrwT

1

f.r.f

in

M

.

e.

.t

t\

of Aurelian. Reigns of Tacitus^ Probus, Catus

28 .1

and

his Sons

A.D.

Aureolus invades Italy,

and besieged

at

is

defeated,

Milan

Death of Gallienus Character and Elevation of the Emperor Claudius 268. Death of Aureolus Clemency and Justice of Claudius He undertakes the Reformation of

1 1

18 18 18

i x

9

1 1

119 120

Aurelian

120

Usurpers Succession of Usurpers in Gaul 271. The Reign and Defeat of Tetricus 272. Character of Zenobia

Her Beauty and Learning Her Valour She revenges her Husband’s Death She reigns over the East and Egypt

The Expedition of Aurelian The Emperor defeats the Palmyrenians in the Battles of Antioch and Emesa The State of Palmyra It is

besieged by Aurelian

273. Aurelian

121

Authority of the Senate 'llicir Joy and Confidence 276. Tacitus Ls acknowledged by the

131

Asia and are repulsed by Tacitus 276. Death of the Emperor 'Tacitus Usurpation and Death of his Brother Florianus

Theu* Family Subsists in Obscurity Character and Elevation of the Emperor Probus His Respectful Conduct towards the Senate Victories of Probus over the Barbarians 277. He delivers Gaul from the Invasion of the

121

He He

121 121

122 122 122 122 122 123 123

123 124 124

beromes Master of

Zenobia, and of the City

He is elected Emperor He accepts the Purple

The Alani invade

1

118 1

29 29 129 1 30 1 30 1 30 1 1

Army 1

The Alemannic War « The Alemanni invade Italy They are at last vanquished by

271. Superstitious Ceremonies Fort ifications of Rome Aurelian suppresses the two

272.

1 1

128

129 the Senate

Character of Tacitus

16

117

Aurelian’s successful Reign His Severe Discipline He concludes a Treaty with the Goths He resigns to them the Province of Dacia

270.

1

The Goths invade

His Victory over the Goths 270. Death of the Empeior, who Recommends Aurelian for his Successor The Attempt and Fall of Quintilius Origin and Services of Aurelian

Months The Consul Assembles

116

Distress

the Empire and Firmness of Claudius

Extraordinary Contest between the the Senate for the Choice of an Emperor 275. A peaceful Interregnum of Eight

Army and

1 1

116 116

the 269.

Army

114 115

124

Germans carries his

builds a

Arms

into

Germany

131

131 131

132 132 132 1

33

1

33 34

1

Wall from the Rhine

Danube Introduction and Settlement of the to the

1

Barbarians

1

Daring Enterprise of the Franks

1

279. Revolt of Saturninus in Che East 280. Revolt of Bonosus and Proculus in

Gaul 28 x Ti iumph of the Emperot Probus His Discipline 282. His Death Election and Character of Carus The Sentiments of the Senate and .

34

34 35 1 35 36 36 x 36 136 137 X

1

People

137

Carus defeats the SarmaCians, and marches into the East

137

283.

Contents

He givea Audience to the Persian Ambassadors 283. His Victories, and extraordinary Death Hr is succeeded by his two Sons,

137 1 38

Carinus and Numerian 284. Vices of Carinus He celebrates the

Spectacles

Roman Games of Rome

The Amphitheatre Return of Numerian with

the

138 138 139 139 140

Army

from Persia Death of Numerian

140 141

284. Election of the Emperor Diocletian 285. Defeat and Death of C^arinus

141

Defeat of Galerius His Reception by Diocletian 297. Second Campaign of Galerius His Victory His Behaviour to his Royal Captives Negotiation for Peace Speech of the Persian Ambassador Answer of Galerius Moderation of Diocletian Conclusion of a Treaty of Peace Articles of the Treaty The Aborns fixed as the Limits

between the Empires

141

and His Three Asso~ and Constuntius. General Re-establishment of Order and 7 ranqmlity. The Persian War. Victory, and Triumph. The Sew Form of Administration, Abdication and Retirement of Diocletian and Maximian

XIII. I he Reign of dates, Maximian,

Diocletian

Armenia

Gaterius,

Iberia 303.

285. Elevation and Character of Diocletian

His Clemenry in Victory 'md Character of

142 142

286. Associatit-i*

Maximian

143

two

Czesars, Galcrius

and C'k^nstantius Departments and Harmony of the four Piinct'S Series of Events 287. State of the IVasants of I heir Rebellion And (Jhastlsement

Gaul

287. Revolt of (];iruiisius in Britain Iniportanee of Britziin

Power of Caraiisiiis Acknowledged by the other Emperors 294. His Death 29(>. Recovery of Britain by Constantius 289.

Def«*nee of the Frontiers Ff>rtirications

Dissensions of the Baibzirians

Conduct of the Emperors V'alour of the Caesars Treatment of the Barbarians

Wars

of Afri)

45 45 145 4b 14b 14b 146 146 146 1

1

1

296.

47 147 147 148 148 148 148

Country

149 1 49 149

War between

the Persians

151

151

151

151 131

52

152 152 152

52

1

153

Herculians Cnil Magistracies laid aside Imperlil Dignity and Titles Diocletian assumes the Diadem, and

154 154 154

R< •semblance to Charles

and the 149

V

Long Illness of Diocletian His Prudence C'ompliance of Maximian Retirement of Diocletian at Salona His Philo.wphy 313. His Death Des(Ti|)tion of Salona and the adjacent C.ountrv Of Diocletian’s Palace Decline of the Arts Decline of Letters

304.

The new

XIV.

53 153

1

1

1

53

54

Platonists

155 1

55

156 156 15b 156 156 157 157 157

157 158 158 1

58

159

Troubles after the Abdication of Diocletian.

Death of Constantius. Elevation of Constantine and MaxentiiLS, Six Emperors at the Same Time. Death of

Maximian and

tine over

Revolt of the People and Nobles Story of Mamgo I'hc Persians recover Armenia

Romans

150

from Rome Their Residence at Milan Their Rf'sidence at Nicomedia Debasement of Rome and of the Senate New Bodies of Guards, Jovlans and

Maximian

1

148 1 48

State of the

50

1

New Form

28b. If is Restoration to the 'Phrone of

Armenia

Triumph of Diocletian and Maximian Long Absence of the Emperors

introduces the Persian Ceremonial of .Administration, two Augiisti and two Czesars Increase of Taxes Abdication of Diocletian and

143

149 150 150 150

1

Cession of five Provinces beyond the T'igrb

A.D.

292. Assoi iation of

xiii

Galerius. Victories of Constan-

Maxentius and

Empire under

Licinius. Reunion of the

the Authority of Constantine

A.D.

305-323. Period of Civil

Wars and

Confusion Character and Situation of Constantius

Of Galerius

*59 *59 160

1

Contents

xiv

The two Cssars, Severus and Maximin Ambition of Galerius disappointed by two Revolutions 306. 274. Birth, Education, and Escape of Constantine Death of Constantius, and Elevation of Constantine

He

is

who

6o

160 160 161

acknowledged by Galerius,

him only the Title of and that of Augustus to

gives

Caesar,

Severus The Brothers and Sisters of Constantine Discontent of the Romans at the Apprehension of Taxes 306. Maxentius declared Emperor at

Rome 307.

1

Maximian reassumes the Purple Defeat and Death of Severus Maximian gives his Daughter Fausta, and the Title of Augustus, to Constantine

Galerius invades Italy His Retreat 307. Elevation of Licinius to the

162

176

Con-

Siege of Byzantium, and Naval Victory of Crispus Battle of Chrysopolis Submission and Death of Licinius 324. Reunion of the Empire

XV. The

Progress of the Christian Religion^

162 162

Importance of the Inquiry

163 163 163

I.

The

Jews Its

65

79 180 1

gradual Increase Religion better suited to

'I'heir

Defence than to (kjnquTdom Various Incitements to Martyrdom

205

Ardour of the first Christians Gradual Relaxation Three Methods of escaping

to

Christianity most favourably received by the Poor and Simple

205

Rejected by some eminent Men of the Brst and second Centuries Their Neglect of Prophecy Their Neglect of Miracles

205 206 206

Martyrdom Alternatives of Severity

Toleration The Ten Persecutions

208

208

2oq 210 21o 211 211

2I2 212

213 214 214

215

215 216 216 21 21

2

His Danger and Flight 257. His Banishment Ills

206 207 207 208

1

218 218 218 219 219 220 220

220

and 22 221

Contents

xvi

Supposed Edicts of Tiberius and Marcus Antoninus

Foundation of the City Extent Progress of the

221

Its

222 222 223

Edifices

180. State of the Christians in the

Gommodus and

Sevcrus 21 1-249. Of the Successors of Severus 244. Of Maximin, Philip, and Docius 252-260. Of Valerian, Gallicnus, and

Reigns of

his Successors

260. Paul of Samosata, his Manners 270. He Ls degraded from the See of

Antioch 274.

is

Hierarchy of the State I'hrce Ranks of Honour

Four Divisions of Office

Edict against the Christians Zeal and Punishment of a Christian Fire of the Palace of Nicomedia imputed to the Christians Execution of the first ¥Aict Demolition of the Churches Subsequent Edicts 303-31 1 General Idea of the Persecution In the Western Provinces, under Constantins and Constantine

I.

224

Ihe Patricians II. The Prartotian Priefccts The Pracfects of Rome and Constantinople

225

The

Pioconsuls, Vicc-Pracfccts, 8tc. 'Fhe Govei nors of the Provinces

225

The Profession of the Law The Military Officers

226

III.

Distinction of the Tioops

Reduction of the Legions Difficulty of Levies

first

.

In Italy and Africa, under Maximian and Sevcrus

Under Maxentius In lilyricum and the East, under Galerius and Maximian Galcrius publishes an Edict of ^ Toleration Peace of the Church 324. Maximin prepares to renew the Persecution 313. End of the Persecutions Probable Account of the Sufferings of the Martyrs and Confessors Number of Martyrs Conclusion

Increase of Barbarian Auxiliaries IV. Seven Ministeis of the Palace 1 T he Clharnbciiain 2. T he Mastei of the Offices 3. The QuefStor 4. T’he Public 1 rcasurer 5. T iic* Pi ivate rieasuicr 6,7. The Counts of the Domestics Agents, or Offic lal Spies Use of Forturc

227 227

.

227 228 228 229 229

229

Finances The General Piibute, or Indie tion Assessed in the Form of a Capitation Capitation on liade and Industry Free Gifts Conclusion

230 230

230

1.

XVII.

231 231 231

232

Foundation of Constantinople. Political Sys^ and His Successors. Military Dis-*

The Palace. The Finances

A.D.

Design of a

New

Capital

Situation of Byzantium Description of Constantinople

The Bosphorus I'he Port of Constantinople

The Propontis The Hellespont Advantages of Constantinople

XVIII.

234 235 235 235 235 235 236 236

240 240 241 241 241

242 242

243 244 244 245 245 24b 247 247 248 248 2 ^9

249 249 250 250 2'',o

250 251 251 252 2')3

254 255 2*^r,

Character of Constantine. Gothic War. Death

of Constantine. Diiision of the Empve amon^ Jits Three Sons. Persian War. I ragtc Death of Co/istanline the Younger

232 233 233

tern of Constantine

cipline.

'Die Consuls

224

226

Nicomedia

31

330 or 334. Dedication 300-500. Form of Government in the Roman Empire

executed by

Aurelian 284-303. Peace and Prosperity of the Church under Diocletian Progress of Zeal and Superstition among the Pagans Maximian and Galcrius punish a few Christian soldiers Galerius prevails on Diocletian to begin a geneial Persecution 303. Demolition of the Church of

he

Population Privileges

224

Ihe Sentence

'I

223 223

Work

237 237 237 238 239 239 239

and Cons tans. Usurpation of

Magnentius. Ciiil War. Victory of Conslantius A.D.

Character of Constantine His Virtues His Vices His rarnily Virtues of Crispus 324. Jealousy of Constantine 325. Edict of Constantine 326. Disgrace and Death of Okispus T he Empress Fausta The Sons and Nephews pf Constantuie Thc'ir Education Man nets of the Sarmatians Their Settlement near the Danube

255 256 256 257 257 25B 258 258 259

259 260 260 261

Contents 331.

The Gothic War

261

334. Expulsion of the Sarmatians 337. Death and Funeral of Constantine Factions of the Court

Massacre of the Princes 337. Division of the Empire 310. Sapor, King of Persia State of Mesopotamia and 342. Death of Tiridates 337-360. The Persian War

Armenia

348. Battle of Singara 33B, 346, 350. Siege of Nisibis 340. Civil War, and Death of Constantine 350. Murder of Constans Magnentius and Vetranio assume the

Purple Constantius refuses to treat Deposes Vetranio 351.

Makes War against Magnentius Battle of Mursa

352. Conquest of Italy 353. Last Defeat

264 265 265 265 266 267 267 268 268 269 269 270 271

and Death of

Magnentius

XIX.

262 262 263 263 264 264

Constantius

271

Sole

Emperor,

Elevation

and

Death of Callus, Danger and Elevation of Julian. Sarmatian and I*ifuan IVars. Victories oj Julian in

Gaul

Power of the Eunuchs Education of Callus and Julian 351. Callus declared Caesar

Cruelty and Imprudence of Callus 354. Massacre of the Imperial Ministers Dangeious situation of Callus

His Disgrace and Death

The Danger and Escape 355.

He

is

of Julian

sent to Athens

Recalled to Milan Declared Caesar Fata] End of Sylvanus 357. Constantius visits Rome A new Obelisk 357» 35®. 359-

War

The

Persian Negotiation 359. Invasion of Mesopotamia by Sapor Siege of Amida 360. Siege of Singara Conduct of the Romans Invasion of Caul by the Germans Conduct of Julian

/

356. His fust Campaign in 357. His second Campaign Battle of Strasburg

Gaul

358. Julian subdues the Franks 357* 35®. 359* Makes three Expeditions beyond the Rhine Restores the Cities of Gaul

282 283 283 284 284 285 285 286

Effects oJ the

Constantine, Legal Establishment

Conand

Constitution oJ the Christian or Catholic Church

A.D.

308-337* I^ate of the Conversion of Constantine His Pagan Superstition 306-312. He protects the Chrutians of

Gaul

289 290

290

313. Edict of Milan

291

Use and Beauty of the Christian Morality

291

Theory and Practice of Passive Obedience Divine Right of Constantine 324. General Edict of Toleration J^oyalty and Zeal of the Chrbtian Party Expectation and Belief of a Miracle I. The Labarum^ or Standard of the Cross II. The Dream of Constantine HI. Appearance of a Cross in the sky The Conversion of Constantine might he sincere 'I he fourth Eclogue of Virgil Devotion and Privileges of Constantine Delay of his Baptism till the approach of Death Propagation of Chrbtianity 312-438. Change of the National Religion Distinction of the Spiritual and

Temporal Powers

292 292 293

293

294 294 294 295 296 297 297 297 298

299

299

State of the Bishops under the Christian Emperors

279 280 281 281

The Motives^ Propess^ and

version 0

The Quadian and

Sarmatian 358.

272 273 273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 277 278 278

XX.

XVll

I.

Election of Bushops II. Ordination of the Clergy

299 300 300

III. Property

301

IV. Civil Jurisdiction V. Spiritual Censures VI. Freedom of Public Preaching VII. Privilege of Lc^gislative Assemblies

302 302 303

XXI.

Persecution of Heresy.

attst9.

The ,inan

tracted State of the

stantine

304

The Schism of the Don-

Controversy. Athanasius.

Dis-

Church and Empire I 'nder Con-

and His Sons, Toleration of Paganism

A. D.

312. African Controversy 315. Schism of the Donatists The Trinitarian Controversy B. G. 360. The System of Plato llie Logos

'Taught in the School of Alexandria A.D. 97. Revealed by the Apostle St.John B.o. 300.

Civil Administration of Julian

287 287 288

Description of Paris

289

The

Ebionites

and Do^tes

305 306 307 307 307 307 307 308

9 1

xviii

Contents

Mysterious Nature of the Trinity Zeal of the Christians Authority of the Church Factions 318. Heterodox Opinions of Arius Three Systems of the Trinity I. Arianism II. Tritheism

308 308 309 309 310 310 310 310 310

III.

SabcUianism

325. Council of Nice

311

Arian Creeds Arian Sects Faith of the Western, or Latin

312 312

Church

313 313

360. Council of Rimini Conduct of the Emperors in the

Arian Controversy 324. Indifference of Constantine 325. His Zeal 328-337. He persecutes the Arian and the

Orthodox Party 337-361. Constantins favours the Arians Arian Councils Character and Adventures of Athanasius 330. Persecution against Athanasius

His 6rst Exile His second Exile His Restoration 349. 35 1 Resentment of Constantius 353-355. Councils of Arles and Milan 355. Condemnation of Athanasius 336.

341.

.

Exiles

Third Expulsion of Athanasius from Alexandria His Behaviour 356-362. His Retreat Arian Bishops Divisions

Rome

II. Constantinople Cruelty of the Arians 345, &c. The Revolt and Fury of the Donatist Circumcellions Their Religious Suicides 312-361. General Character of the Christian Sects Toleration of Paganism by Constantine

his

Sons

of War Julian prepares to attack Constantius His March from the Rhine into Illyricum Hostile Preparations Death of Constantius 361. Julian enters Constantinople Is acknowledged by the whole 361.

Empire civil Government and private

31

320 321 321

32 322 323

324 324 324 325 326

327 327

328 328 329

Julian

330 330

330 331

332 332 333

334

334 335

335 336 337 338 338 338

His

Life

Reformation of the Palace

Chamber

316 317 318 318 319

Cause

his

.

of Justice

338 339 340

Punishment of the Innocent and

314 315 315

A.D.

The Jealousy of Constantius against Julian Fears and Envy of Constantius 360. The Legions of Gaul are ordered to march into the East Their Discontents

He justifies

314 314 314

XXII. Julian Is Declared Emperor by the Legions of Gaul, His March and Success, The Death oj ConstarUius. Civil Administration of

tions beyond the Rhine 361. Fruitless Treaty and Declaration

361

356.

By

His Protestations of Innocence His Embassy to Constantius 360, 361. His fourth and fifth Expedi-

31

The Homoousion

I.

They proclaim Julian Emperor

the Guilty

Clemency of Julian His Love of Freedom and the Republic His Care of the Grecian Cities Julian an Orator and a Judge His Character

XXI [I.

The Religion of Julian Universal

He

341 341

342 342 343 343 lolera-

and Reform the Pai>an Worship; to Rebuild the Temple oJ Jerusalem. His Artful Persecution of the Christians. Mutual ^eal and Injustice tion.

Attempts

to Restore

A.D.

Religion of Julian 351. His Education and Apostasy He embraces the Mythology of

Paganism

T he Allegoi ies T heological System

of Julian Fanaticism of the Philosophers Initiation and Fanatic ibin of Julian His leligious Dissimulation

He writes against Christianity 361. Universal Toleration 361 -3b3. Zeal and Devotion of Julian in the Restoration of Paganism Reformation

of

Paganism

344 344 345 34b 34b 347 347 348 348 348

349 350

The

Philosophers Conversions

351 351

The Jews

352 352 353

Description of Jerusalem Pilgrimages Julian attempts to rebuild the

Temple The Enterprise

defeated Perhaps by a preternatural Event Partiality of Julian He prohibits the Christians from teaching Schools is

353 354 354 354

355

CSontents

xix

Disgrace and Oppression of the

Marches against Sapor

Christians lliey are

362.

Retreat and Distress of the

355

condemned to restore the Pagan Temples The Temple and sacred Grove of

Army

363.

Julian

356

Daphne

357

continues his Retreat to Nisibis Universal Clamour against the Treaty of Peace Jovian evacuates Nisibis, and restores the five Provinces to the Persians Reflections on the Death of Julian

358 358

Martyr

359 359

On

his

Funeral

374 375 375 376 377 378

378 379

379 380 381 381

360

Julian 361-363. Zeal and Imprudence of the Christians

XXV. 360

His Sue-

ce^ful Expedition Against the Persians. Passage of the 7 igris. The Retreat and Death of Julian. Elec-

He Saves the Roman Army by a

Dis-

and Western Empires. Revolt of Procopius. Civil and EctlestasUcal Administration. Germany. Britain. Africa. The East. The Danube. Death of Valentinian. His Two Sons, Grattan and Valentiman Succeed to the Western Empire

U

graceful Treaty

The Government and Death of Jovian. Elecwho Associates His Brother Vaand Makes the Final Division of the Eastern

tion of Valenitman, lenSf

tion of Jovian

wounded

He

362. Restoration of Athanasius He is persecuted and expelled by

Residence of Julian at Antioch.

mortally

Jovian

358

.

XXIV.

is

Death of Julian Election of the Emperor Jovian Danger and Difficulty of the Retreat Negotiation and Treaty of Peace The Weakness and Disgrace of

356 357

Neglect and Profanation of Daphne Removal of the dead Bodies, and Conflagration of the Temple Julian shuts the Cathedral of Antioch George of Cappadocia oppresses Alexandria and Egypt 361 He is massacred by the People He is worshipped as a Saint and

373

Roman

,

364. A.D. 362.

Ihe Caesars of Julian resolves to march against the

361

Pntenti

364-375- Foreign Wars

Germany. The Alemanni Invade Gaul

393

Their Distress and Discontent Revolt of the Goths in Mscsia, and

394 394

They penetrate

365. 1 .

366. Their Defeat 368. Valentinian passes 371.

and

fortifies

the

Rhine The Burgundians The Saxons

395 395 396 397 398

11 . Britain. The Scots and Piets 343-366. Their Invasion of Britain 367-370. Restoration of Britain by

Theodosius 366. 111 . Africa. Tyranny of Romanus 37a. Revolt of Firmus 373. Theodosius recovers Africa

He

executed at Carthage State of Africa 365-378. IV. The East. The Persian 384. The Treaty of Peace Adventures of Para, King of 376.

is

War

Armenia V. The Danube. Conquests of Hermanric 366. The Cause of the Gothic War 367, 368, 369. Hostilities, and Peace 374. War of the Quadi and Sarmatians 375.

The Expedition of Valentinian His Death The Emperors Gratian and Valentinian 11 .

403

404 ^05

405 406 407 408

408

Government

Huns

Their Conquests in Scythia B.G. 201 Their Wars with the Chinese B.C. 141-87. Decline and Fall of the Huns A.D. 100. ITieir Emigrations 'fhe White Huns of Sogdiana .

of the Volga

Their Conquest of the Alani 375. Their Victories over the Goths 376. The Goths implore the Protection of Valens They are transported over the

Danube

into the

Roman Empire

4*3

Alemanni

The

424 425 426 426 426

Defeat of the

Romans

Death of the Emperor Valens Funeral Oiation of Valens and hb

Army

427 427

428 428

429 430

379-382. Hls prudent and successful Conduct of the Gothic War Divbions, Defeat, and Submission of the Goths 381. Death and Funeral of Athanaric 386. Invasion and Defeat of the Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths 383-395. Settlement of the Goths in Thrace and Asia Their hostile Sentiments

430 43 * 432

433 433 434

XXVII. Death of Gratian. Rmn of Arianism. St. Ambrose. First Civil War, against Maximw Charr

and Penance of Theodosius. Death of Valentinian II. Second Civil War, against Eugenius. Death of 1 heodosius

acter. Administration,

A.D.

and Conduct of the Emperor Gratian

379-383. Character

409 410

412

Original Seat of the

The Huns

409 409

422 422

Valens marches against the Goths Battle of Hadrianople

Provinces 378. Massacre of the Gothic Youth in Asia 379. 'Fhc Emperor Gratian invests Theodosius with the Empire of the East Birth and Character of Theodosius

411 41

Situation and Extent of Scythia or Tartary

421

Thrace

402 403

A.D.

Exercises

into

The Goths besiege Hadrianople 378, 379. They ravage the Roman

They Pass the Danube. Gothic War Defeat and Death of Valens. Gratian Invests Theodosius with the Eastern Empire. His Character and Success. Peace and Settlement of the Goths

Diet Habitations

Victories

401 401

Manners 0/ the Pastoral Nations. Progress of Hunsfrom China to Europe. Flight 0/ the Goths.

« 365. Earthquakes 376. The Huns and Goths The pastoral Manners of the Scythians or Tartars

first

377. Operations of the Gothic War Union of the Goths with the Huns, Alani, &c. 378. Victory of Gratian over the

399 399 400 400

XXVI. the

their

420

413 4*4 4*4 4*4 4*5 416 416 416 416 4*7

His Defects 383. Discontent of the Roman Troops Revolt of Maximus in Britain 383. Flight and Death of Gratian 383-387. Treaty of Peace between 380.

435 435 438 438 438

Maximus and Theodosius Baptbm and Orthodox Edicts of

437

Theodosius

438 438

418

340-380. Arianbm of Constantinople 378. Gregory Nazianzen acc^ts the Mission of Constantinople 380. Ruin of Arianbm at Coilstantinople 381. Ruin of Arianbm in thfe East The Council of Constantinople Retreat of Gregory Nazianzen 380-394. Edicts of Theodosius against the Heretics

4*9

385. Execution of Priscillian Associates

439 440 440 441 44*

442

and hb 443

xxi

C]!ontents 374-397. Ambrose, Archbishop of Milan 385. His sticcessful Opposition to the Empress Justina 387.

Maximus invades

Italy

Flight of Valent inian

Theodosius takes arms in the Cause of Valcntinian 388. Defeat and Death of Maximus Virtues of 'Fheodosius Faults of I'heodosius 387. The Sedition of Antioch Clemency of Fhccxlosius Sedition and Massacre of Thessalonica 380. Influence and Ck>nduct of Ambrose 390. Penance of Theodosius 388-391 Generosity of Fheodosius 391. Character of Valentinian 392. His Death 392-394. Usurpation of Eugenius Theodosius prepares for War 394. His Victory over Eugenius 395. Death of 'Hieodosius Corruption of the limes TTie Infantry lay aside their Armour 390.

.

XXVIII.

443

444 446 446 447 447 448 449 449 450 451 451

452 453 453 454 454 454 455 45b 456 457

Ftnal Deshuction 0/ Paganism. Introduce or ship uj Saints and Relics among the

Hon oj ike H Christians

is disappointed by the Marriage of Arcadius 385- Character of Stilicho, the Minister and General of the Western Empire 386- 408. His Military Command 395. 'Die Fall and Death of Rufinus 3^. Discord of the two Empires

397.

398. Revolt of Gildo in Africa He Ls condemned by the Roman

Senate Fhc African War 398. Defeat and Death of Gildo 398. Marriage and Character of Honorius 398.

Alexandiia Destruction 390. 'Fhe Pagan Religion is prohibited Its final

Oppressed 390-420.

Finally extinguished

Fhc Worship of the Christian Martyrs General Reflections I. Fabulous Martyrs and Relics Miracles III. Revival of Polytheism IV. Introduction of Pagan II.

Ceremonies

457 457

458 459

run Gaul. Usurpation of Constantine in the Disgrace and Death of Stilicho 305. Revolt of the Goths 39b. Alaric maiehes into Greece 403. 397. He is aic.^cked by Stilicho Escapes to Epirus 398. Alaric is declared Master-

General of the Eastern lllyricum Is proclaimed King of the

463 463 464 464 465 465 465 466

467

XXIX.

Final Division of the Roman Empire between the Sons of Theodosius. Reign of Arcadius and Ilonorius. Administration of Rufinus

and

Stilicho,

Revolt and Defeat of Gildo in Africa

395. Division of the

Empire between

Arcadius and Honorius 386-395. Character and Administration of Rufinus 395 * He oppresses the East

403. Battle of Pollentia Boldness and Retreat of Alaric 404. 'Fhc Friuiuph of Hono.ius at

The

468 468 469

West

fixes his

477 478 479 479

480

481

482 482 483

484 484

Gladiators abolished

Residence at

Ravenna 400. Ilie Revolutions of Scythia 405. Emigration of the northern Germans 406. Radagaisus invades Italy Radagaisus besieges Horence Radagaisus threatens Rome 406. Deleat and Destruction of his Army

484 485 486 486 487 487

by Stilicho 1 he Remainder of the Germans invade Gaul 407. Desolation of Gaul

487

Revolt of the British Army Constantine is acknowledged in

^9

Britain

and Gaul

408. He reduces Spain 404-408. Negotiation of Alaric

and 401

408. Debates of the Roman Senate Intrigues of the Palace 408. Disgrace and Death of Stilicho His Memory persecuted I'hc Poet Claud ian among the

Train of

488 489

490 490

Stilicho

A.D.

476

480 480

Honorius flies from Milan He is pursued and besieged by the Goths

Honorius 461 461

475 475 476

A.l>.

Rome 460

471

472 472 473 474

They Plunder Greece. Two Great Invasions of Italy by Alaric and Radagaisus. They Aie repulsed by Stilicho. The Germans Over^

Visigoths He invades Italy

378-395, The Destruction of the Pagan Religion .State of Paganism at Rome 384. Petition of the Senate for the Altar of Victory 388. Conversion of Rome 381. Destruction of the Temples in the Provinces Fhc Temple of Serapis at

470

XXX. Rei ult of the Goths.

400-403.

A.D.

3H9.

He

Stilicho*s

Dependents

491

492 493 493

494

1

Cbntents 411.

XXXI.

Invasion of Italy by Alaric.

Manners of the

Roman Senate and People, Rome Is

Thrice Besieged,

and

Death of

at Length Pillaged, by the Goths,

The Goths Evacuate Italy, Fall of ConstanGaul and Spain Are Occupied by the Barbar-

Alaric, tine,

408.

ians, Independence

of Britain

A.D.

Weakness of the Court of Ravenna Alaric marches to Rome Hannibal at the Gates of Rome

493 496 49b

Genealogy of the Senators

497 497 498 498

The Anician Family Wealth of the Roman Nobles Their Manners Character of the Roman Nobles, by Ammianus Marcellinus State and Character of the People of Rome Public Distribution of Bread, Bacon, Oil, Wine, &c. Use of the public Baths

499

502 502 502 503 504 504 504

Plague Superstition 409. Alaric accepts a Ransom and raises the Siege Fruitless Negotiations for Peace Change and Succession of Ministers 409. Second Siege of Rome by the

504 505 506

Goths

507 created

Emperor by the

Goths and Romans He is degraded by Alaric 410. 408Third Siege and Sa^k of Rome by the Goths Respect of the Goths for the

*

Christian Religion Pillage and Fire of Rome Captives and Fugitives Sack of Rome by the Troops of Charles 409- Alaric evacuates Rome, and ravages

V

Italy

412. Possession of Italy 410. Death of Alaric

by the Goths

412. Adolphus, King of the Goths, concludes a Peace with the Empire, and marches into Gaul 414. His Marriage with Placidia

The Gothic Treasures Laws for the Relief of Italy

507 508

508

and

Rome

and

restore

Spain 419. 'Their establishment in Aquitain

The Burgundians

319 320 320

420, &c. State of the ITarbarians in

Gaul

320

409. Revolt of Britain and Armorica 409-499. State of Britain 418. Assembly of the Seven Provinces of

321 321

322

tion

Arcadius Emperor of the P2ast. Administraand Disgrace of Eutroptus. Revolt of Gamas,

Persecution of St.

John Chrysostom. Theodosius

51

512 512 512

A.D.

393-1453. The Empire of the East 393-408. Reign of Arcadius 393-399. Administration and Character of Eutropius His V'enality and Injustice Ruin of Abundantius Destruction of iiinasius 397. A cruel and unjust Law of Treason 399. Rebellion of 'Tribigild Fall of Eutropius 400. Conspiracy and Fall of Gainas 398. Election and Merit of St. John 398-403. His Defects

513

and Defeat of Heraclian,

Count of Africa 413. Revolutions of Gaul and Spain Character and Victories of the

513 513

General Constantius

516

523 523

524 324 325 323 325 52b 527 528

329

Administration and

403. Chrysostom

529 is

persecuted by the

Empress Eudoxia Popular Tumults at Constantinople 404. Exile of Chrysostom 407. His Dc'ath 438. His Relics transported to Con-

330

stantinople 408. Death of Arcadius

532 532 332 532

His supposed Testament

513 314 514

II,

Emperor of the East. IIis Sister Pulcheria. Ilts Wife Eudocia, The Persian War, and Division of Aimenia

Chrysostom

509 509 510

410-417.

413. Revolt

319 319

318

XXXII. 501

Famine

is

marches into Spain 413. His Death 413-418. The Goths conquer

Gaul

Spectacles Populousness of Rome 408. First Siege of Rome by the Goths

Attains

317

517

501

Games and

410.

Death of the Usurper Constantine 411-416. Fall of the Usurpers, Jovinus, Sebastian, and Attains 414. 409. Invasion of Spain by the Suevi, Vandals, Alani, &c. Adolphus, King of the Goths,

408-413. Administration of Anthemius 414-433. Character and Administration of Pulcheria Education and Character of llieodusius the Younger 421-460. Character and Adventures of the Empress Eudocia 422. The Persian War 431-440. Armenia divided between the Persians and the Romans

331 331

532

533

534

334 535 536

Contents

xxiu

The

XXXIII.

Death of Honorius, Valentinian IIL Em-peror of the West, Administration of His Mother Placidia, Aetius and Boniface. Conquest of Africa

423. Last Years and Death of Honorius 423-425. Elevation and Fall of the

Usurper John

537

538

425-455. Valentinian

III.,

West

53B

Placidia

Her two Generals, Aetius and Boniface 427. Error and Revolt of Boniface in Afiica

He

429.

He

Vandals

invites the

Genseric, King of the Vandals lands in Africa

Reviews

Army

his

The Moors The Dunatists 430.

Desolation cjf Africa 430. Siege of Hippo 430. Death of .St. Augustin eat of Boniface 431 Defeat TIM .

43

*

“4 30*

439.

1

Death I**

ogress of the V'andals in Africa

hey surprise Carthage

African Exiles and Captives Fable of the Seven Sleepers

557 557 557

XXXV.

Invasion of Gaul by Attila.

He

Evacuates Italy. The Deaths of Attila^ Aetius y and Valentinian the Third

539

A.D.

539

450. Attila threatens both Empires, prepares to invade Gaul

539 540 540 540 540 540

435-454. Character and Administration of Atlius His Connection with the Huns 420and Alani 451. 1'he Visigoths in Gaul under 41 the Reign of Fhcodoric 435-439. 1 he Goths besiege Nar-

542 542 542 543 543 343 544 544

and Court of Death of I heodosiu^ the lounger. Elevation of Marcian to the Empire of I he Character^ Conquest

Attila, A/t/zj of the lluns.

and

451

.

561

Attila invades

562

Alliance of the

Romans and

\l.sigoths .Attila retires

563 to the Plains of

Champagne Retreat of Attila 452. Invasion of Italy by Attila Foundation of the Republic of gives Peace to the

Romans

453. 'Fhe Deilh of Attila Destruction of his Empire

Reign of Attila His Figure and Character

545 546 5|b

454. Valentinian murders the Patrician Aetius Valentinian ravishes the Wife of

He

547

Hungary

discovers the

Sword of Mars

Acquires the lanpiie of Scythia

and Germany

Huns invade Persia &c. They attack the Eastern Empire 1

he

Ravage

l-’urope as far as

or Tartar

and 55 552

570 570

Ruin of

Emperors of the West, Ma.\imus, Avitus^ Seveuts, Anthemius, Olybuus, Glycettus, JSepos, Augustulu^. lotal K\timtion of the Western Empire. Reign of Odoaiet, Ou First Barbarian

Majonan,

552 553

Italy

A.D.

554

439-445. Naval Power of the Vandals Fhe Character and Reign of the

Roman Ambassadors

555

455. His Death

'

571

the Last

Embassy of Maximin to Attila The royal Village and Palace The Behaviour of Attila to the

448. fhe

569

SulK of Rome by Gensenc. King of the Vandals. Ills Xaual Deptedations. Siu cession of

King of

Embassies from Attila to Constantinople

567 567 568 569

XXXVI. 549 549 550

Wars

State of the Captives 446. Treaty of Peace between Attila the Eastern Empire Spirit of the A/.imuntines

Maximus 435. Death of Valentinian 455. Symptoms of the Decay and the Roman Government

563 564 565 56b

548

Con-

stantinople

The Scythian

547 54B

560

Gaul, and besieges

545

433“45‘)'

559

Honoria

Wmee Huns

559

560

Attilii

Their Establishment in Modern

558

bonne, &c. The Franks in Gaul under the Merovingian Kings The Adventures of the Princess

Orleans

the East

37^433-

558

451.

A.D.

430-440.

Is Repulsed

Battle of C'halons

XXXIV.

441,

556 forgives the

Theodosius the Younger dies Is succeeded by Marcian 9-

541 541 541

l ardy Repentance of Boniface

432. His

He reprimands and

by Aetius and the Visigoths. Attila Invades and

Emperor of

425-450. Administration of his Mother

428.

against

EmpiTor

A.D.

tiie

555

Romans

the Life of Attila 450.

Vandals

by the

royal Feast

Conspiracy of the

Emperor Maximus

571

572 572

Contents

xxiv

Rome by

the Vandals Avitus 450-466. Character of Theodoric, King of the Visigoths 456. His Expedition into Spain 456. Avitus is deposed 457. Character and Elevation of Majorian 457-461. His salutary Laws The Edifices of Rome 457. Majorian prepares to invade Africa The Loss of his Fleet 455. Sack of

The Emperor

461. His Death 461461-467. Ricimer reigns under the Name of Severus Revolt of Marcellinus in Dalmatia Revolt of >Egidius in Gaul 467. Naval War ot the Vandals 462, &c. Negotiations with the Eastern

Empire

West

580 581 581 581

583 583

Festival of the Liipercalia

468. Preparations against the Vandals of Africa

5B4 585

Failure of the Expedition 472. Conquests of the Visigoths in

321. Hilarion in Palestine 360. Basil in Pontus

370. Martin in Gaul Causes of the rapid Progress of the

Monastic Life Obedience of the Monks Their Dress and Habitations Their Diet Their manual Labour Their Riches Their Solitude Their Devotion and Visions The Cccncbitcs and Anachorets

585 58b

Arvandus 471. Discord of Anthemius and Ricimer 472. Olybrius, Emperor of the West 472. Sack of Rome, and Death of Anthemius Death of Ricimer Death of Olybrius 472-475. Julius Nepos and Glyccrius, Emperors of the West 468. Trial of

587 588

Persecution of the Vandals Genseiic

477. 484. 49b.

Hunncric

523.

Hilderic

Gundainund Fhrasimund Gelimer

530.

588 589 589

5^

•

\i lan

A

general

Empire

591

Augustulus is banished to the Lucullan Villa

591

612-712. Persecution of the Jews in

Patrician Orestes

^

His Son Augustulus, the last Emperor of the Wes^ 476-490. Odoacer, King of Italy 476 or 479. Extinction of the Western

Decay of the Roman Spirit 476-490. Character and Reign of Odoacer Miserable State of Italy

589 589

590 590

Italy

Origin, Progress,

and

Effects of the

Mo-

601

602 602 602 602 602 602 603 603

603 bo4 605

605 606 606

Reign and Conversion of Clovis. His VicAlemanm, Burgundians, and Visi-

tories over the

nastic Life. Conversion of the Barbarians to Chris-

goths. Establishment of the French

tianity

and Arianism. Persecution of the Vandals in Africa, Extinction of Arianim among the Barbar-

Gaul.

ians

Saxons

A.D.

601

607 608

(^inclusion

XXXVIII.

XXXVII.

600 600

607

Spain

592 592 592

596 597 597 597 598 598 598 599 599 5Q9 599

View of the Persecution

in Africa

Catholic Frauds Miracles 500-700. I he Ruin of Arianism among the Barbarians 577-584. Revolt and Marty iclom of llerrnenegild in Spain 586-589. Conversion of Recared and the Visigoths of Spam 600, &c. C'onversion of the Lombards of

The

594 594 594 595 595

395-45 \ Simeon Sty liles Miracles and Worship of the Monks Superstition of the Age II. CONVLHSION OF THE BARBARIANS 360, &c. Ulphilas, Apostle of the Goths 400, &c. rhe Goths, V^andals, Burgundians, &c., embrace Chiistianity Motives of their Faith Effects of their Conversion They arc involved in the Arian Heresy General Toleration 429-477.

Spain and Gaul

475. 476.

574 575 576 577 577 578 579 580 580

582 582

457-474. Leo, Emperor of the East 462467-472. Anthemius, Emperor of the

The

573 574

1 he

Laws of the Barbarians.

Monarchy in Romans.

State of the

Visigoths of Spain. Cqpquest of Britain by the

A.D. 1.

Institution op the monastio

LIFE

Origin of the Monks Antony and the Monks of Egypt 341. Propagation of the Monastic Life

305.

at

Rome

593 593 594

594

I'hc Revolution of Gaal 476-485. Euric, King of the Visigoths ^1-511. Clovis, King of tht Franks His Victory over Syagrius 486. 496. Defeat and Submission of the

Alemanni

608 609 609 610

610

1

Contents 496. Ganvenilon of

C3ovit

61

Roman

Troops 499. The Burgundian War

and

the

500. Victory of Clovis 532. Final Conquest of the Franks 507.

489.

SubmiBsion of the Armoricans

497 *

612 612

Burgundy by

Victory of Clovis 508. Conquest of Aquitain by the Franks 510. Consulship of Clovis 536. Final Establishment of the French

Monarchy

in

Gaul

Controversy Laws of the Barbarians Pecuniary Fines for Homicide Judgments of God Political

Judicial Combats Division of Lands by the

Domain and

613 613 614 615 615

615 616 616 6x7 617 618

618

Barbarians Benefices of the

Merovingians Private Usurpations Personal Servitude Example of Auvergne Story of Attains Privilcfreo of the Romans of Gaul Anarchy of tiic Franks The Visigotlis of Spain Legislative Assemblies of Spain Code of the Visigoths Revolution of Britain 449. Dcsci’nt of the Saxons 455-582. Establishment of the Saxon

Heptarchy State of the Britons Their Resistance Their Flight The Fame of Arthur Desolation of Britain Servitude of the Britons Manners of the Britons Obscure or fabulous State of Britain Fall of the Roman Empire in the

West

619 619 620 620 621 622 622

623 623 624 624 624

625 626 626 626 627 627 628 629 629

630

General Observations on the Fall of the

Roman Empire

tn the

XXXIX.

West

Anastasiusj

630 Emperors of the

East. Birth, Education, and First Exploits of

7 Aro-

His Invasion and Conquest of Italy. The Gothic Kingdom of Italy. Slate of the West. Military and Civil Government. The Senator Boethius. Last Acts and Death of Theodoric

doric the Ostrogoth.

455-475. Birth and Education of 'Fheodoric 474-491 The Reign of Zeno 491-518. The Reign of Anastasius 475.488. Service and Revolt of .

Theodoric

undertakes the Oonquest of

Defeats of Odoacer 489, 490. 493. His Capitulation and Death 494-526. Reign of Theodoric, King of

635

638 638 638 639 639 640

Italy

Lands Separation of the Goths and Partition of

509.

Italians

Foreign Policy of Theodoric His Defensive Wars His Naval Armament Civil Government of Italy according to the

Roman Laws

640

Prosperity of Rome 500. Visit of Theodoric Flourishing State of Italy

641 641 641

Theodoric an Arlan His toleration of the Catholics

642 642 643

Vices of his Government He is provoked to persecute the Catholics Character, Studies, and Honours of Boethius His Patriotism He is accused of Treason 524. His Imprisonment and Death 525. Death of Symmachus 526. Remorse and Death of Theodoric

XL.

643 644 644 645 645

6^ 646

Elevation of Justin the Elder. Reign of Justin-

The Empress Theodora. II. Factions of the and Sedition of Constantinople. III. Trade and Manufacture of Silk. IV. Finances and Taxes.

ian. /.

Circus,

V. Edifices of Justinian. Church of St. Sophia. Fortifications

and Frontiers of

the Eastern

Empire.

VI. Abolition of the Schools of Athens, and the

Consulship of

Rome

A.D.

482 or 483. Birth of the Emperor Justinian 518-527. Elevation and Reign of his Uncle Justin I. 520-527. Adoption and Succession of Justinian 527-565. The Reign of Justinian Character and Histories of Procopius Division of the Reign of Justinian Birth and Vices of the Empress 'Fheodora Her Marriage with Justinian

Her Tyranny Her Virtues 548.

And Death The Factions At

634 635 635

636 637 637 638

March The three

His

61

The Gothic War

He Italy

647 647

647 648

6^ 649 649 650 651 651

of the Circus

Rome

652 652 652

They

distract Constantinople and the East Justinian favours the Blues 532. Sedition of Constantinople, sur-

named Nika

652 653

653

Contents

xxvi

The

distress of Justinian Firmness of Theodora The Sedition is suppressed Agriculture and Manufactures of the Eastern Empire The Use of SUk by the Romans Importation fiom China by Land and Sea Introduction of Silkworms into Greece State of the Revenue .Avarice and Profusion of

Description

Marbles Riches

655 656

656 57

658

Justinian Pernicious Savings

658 659 659 659 659 660 660 G60 6bo

Remittances

Taxes Monopolies Venality

Testaments

The

Foundation of the Church of St. Sophia

654 655 655

Ministers of Justinian

John of Cappadocia His Edifices and Architects

Churches and Palaces Fortifications of Europe Security of Asia after the Conquest of Isaurid Fortifications of the Empire, from the Euvine to the Persian Frontier 488. Death of Perozes, King of Persia 502-505. The Persian War Fortifications of Dara The Caspian or Iberian Gates T he Schools of Athens They are suppressed by Justinian Procliis

485-529. T'he 541.

NOTES: Chapters MAPS,

II.

III.

p.

I

—XL,

p.

673

The Extent of the Roman Empire AT THE Death of Trajan Itaiy

ROMt UNDER

IIIE

Roman

Britain

666 667 667 668 668 66q 670 670 670 67,

671

901

EmPERORS

IV. Byzantine Constantinople V. Asia Minor VI. The Empire of Attila

VII.

of the Philosophei s

665

The Roman Consubhip extmguished by Justinian

661

I.

His Successors last

662 662 663 663 664 664

CHAPTER

The Extent and Military Force of

the

N the second century of the Christian era, the Empire of Rome comprehended the fairest part of the earth, and the most civilised portion of mankind. The frontiers of that extensive monarchy were guarded by ancient renown and disciplined valour. The gentle but powerful influence of laws and manners had gradually cemented the union of the provinces. Their peaceful inhabitants enjoyed and abused wealth and luxury. The image the advantc’gcb of a free constitution was preserved with decent reverence: the Roman senate appeared to possess the sovereign authority, and devolved on the emperors all the executive powers of government. During a happy period (a.d, 98-180) of

I

more than fourscore years, the public administration was conducted bv the virtue and abilities of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the two Antonines. It is the design of this, and of the

I

Empire of arms;

in the

and

Age of the

Antonines.

that, in the prosecution of

remote

more and the pos-

wars, the undertaking became every day difficult,

session

the event

more

doubtful,

more precarious, and less beneficial. The

expc scarcely dcseived the expense and labour of conquest. The forests and morasses of Germany were filled with a hardy race of barbarians, who

nations of the earth.

despised

two succeeding chapters,

to describe the pros-

perous condition of their empire; and afterwards, from the death of Marcus Antoninus, to

The

principal conquests of the

Romans were

achieved under the republic; and the emperors, most part, were satisfied with preserving those dominions which had been acquired by

for the

the p>olicy of the senate, the active emulation of

and the martial enthusiasm of the first centuries were filled with a rapid succession of triumphs; but it was

the consuls, people.

The seven

reserved for Augustus to relinquish the ambitious

design of subduing the whole earth, and to introduce a spirit of moderation into the public councils. Inclined to peace situation,

Rome,

it

was easy

for

by

him

his

temper and

to discover that

in her present exalted situation,

much less

to

hope than to

fear

had

from the chance

life when it was separated from freedom; and though, on the first attack, they

to yield to the weight of the Roman power, they soon, by a signal act of despair, regained their independence, and reminded Augustus of the vicissitude of fortune.® On the death of that emp>eror, his testament was publicly read in the senate. He bequeathed, as a valuable legacy to his successors, the ad\ice of confining the empire within those limits, which Nature seemed to have placed as its permanent bulwarks and boundaries; on the west the

seemed

Rhine and Danube on the and towards the south, the sandy deserts of Arabia and

Atlantic ocean; the

north; the Euphrates on the east;

Africa.®

Decline and Fall of the

3

Happily for the repose of mankind, the modrecommended by the wisdom of Augustus, was adopted by the fears and vices of his immediate successors. Engaged in the purerate system

suit of pleasure, or in the exercise of tyranny, the first

Csesars seldom

showed themselves

to the

armies, or to the provinces; nor were they dis-

posed to suffer, that those triumphs which their indolence neglected should be usurped by the conduct and valour of their lieutenants. The military frame of a subject was considered as an insolent invasion of the Imperial prerogative;

and

of every

it

became the duty,

Roman

as well as interest,

general, to guard the frontiers

intrusted to his care, without aspiring to con-

quests which might have proved no less fatal to

himself than to the vanquished barbarians.^ The only accession which the Roman empire received, during the

century of the Christian era, was the province of Britain. In this single instance the successors of Caesar and Augustus were persuaded to follow the example of the former, rather than the precept of the latter. The proximity of its situation to the coast of Gaul seemed to invite their arms; the pleasing, though doubtful intelligence, of a first

pearl fishery, attracted their avarice;® Britain

was viewed

and as and

in the light of a distinct

insulated world, the conquest scarcely formed

any exception to the general system of continental measures. After a war of about forty years, undertaken by the most stupid, maintained by the most dissolute, and terminated by the most timid of

all

the emperors, the far greater part

of the island submitted to the

The

Roman

yoke.^

various tribes of Britons possessed valour

without conduct, and the love of freedom without the spirit of union. They took up arms with savage fierceness; they laid them down, or turned them against each other with wild inconstancy; and while they fought singly, they were successively subdued. Neither the fortitude of Caractacus, nor the despair of Boadicea, nor the fanaticism of the Druids, could avert the slavery of their country, or resist the steady progress of the Imperial generals, who maintained the national glory, when the throne was disgraced by the weakest, or the most vicious of mankind. At the very time when Domitian, confined to his palace, felt the terrors which he inspired; his legions, under the command of the virtuous Agricola, defeated the collected force of the Caledonians at the foot of the Grampian hills; and his fleets, venturing to explore

an unknown and dangerous navigation, displayed the Roman arms round every part of

Roman Empire

the island.

The conquest

was conand it was the complete and ensure his of Britain

sidered as already achieved;®

design of Agricola to

by the easy reduction of Ireland, for which in his opinion, one legion and a few auxiliaries were sufficient.® The western isle might be improved into a valuable possession, and the Britons would wear their chains with the less reluctance, if the prospect and example of freedom were on every side removed from

success

before their eyes.

But the superior merit of Agricola soon occasioned his removal from the government of Britain; and for ever disappointed this rational, though extensive scheme of conquest. Before his departure, the prudent general had provided for security as well as for dominion. He had observed that the island is almost divided into two unequal parts by the opposite gulfs, or, as they are now called, the Firths of Scotland. Across the narrow interval of about forty miles, he had drawn a line of military stations, which was afterwards fortified in the reign of Antoninus Pius, by a turf rampart erected on foundations of stonc.^® This wall of Antoninus, at a small distance beyond the modern cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, was fixed as the limit of the Roman province. The native Caledonians preserved in the northern extremity o! the island their wild independence, for which they were not less indebted to their poverty than to their valour. Their incursion.s were frequently repelled and chastised; but their country was never subdued.” The masters of the fairest and most wealthy climates of the globe turned with contempt from gloomy hills assailed by the winter tempest, from lakes concealed in a blue mist, and from cold and lonely heaths, over which the deer of the forest were chased by a troop of naked baibarians.”

Such was the state of the Roman frontiers, and such the maxims of Imperial policy, from the death of Augustus to the accession of TraThat virtuous and active prince had re-

jan.

ceived the education of a soldier, and possessed the talents of a general.*® The peaceful system of his predecessors was iaterrupted by scenes of

war and conquest; and the

legions, after a long a military emperor at their head. The first exploits of Trajan were against the Dacians, the most warlike of men, who dwelt beyond the Danube, and who, during the reign of Domitian, had insulted with impunity the Majesty of Rome.*® To the strength and fierceness of barbarians, they added a contempt for life, which was derived firom a warm

interval, beheld

The

First

persuasion of the immortality and transmigra* tion of the soul.^^ Decebalus, the Dacian king, approved himself a rival not unworthy of Trajan; nor did he despair of his own and the public fortune, till, by the confession of his enemies,

he had exhausted every resource both of valour and policy.^* This memorable war, with a very short suspension of hostilities, lasted five years;

and

as the

emperor could

exert, without con-

the whole force of the state, it was terminated by an absolute submission of the barbarians.^^ The new province of Dacia, which form-

trol,

Chapter

3

into the state of provinces.® But the death of

Trajan soon clouded the splendid prospect; and was justly to be dreaded that so many distant nations would throw off the unaccustomed yoke, when they were no longer restrained by the powerful hand which had imposed it. It was an ancient tradition, that when the Capitol was founded by one of the Roman kings, the god Terminus (who presided over boundaries, and was represented according to the fashion of that age by a large stone) alone,

it

among

all

the inferior deities, refused to yield

ed a second exception to the precept of Augustus, was about 1 300 miles in circumference. Its natural boundaries were the Dniester, the Teyss

his place to Jupiter himself.

[Theiss modern form], or Tibiscus, the Lower Danube, and the Euxine Sea. The vestiges of a military road may still be traced from the banks of the Danube to the neighbourhood of Bender, a place famous in modern history, and the actual frontier of the Turkish and Russian

that the Ixjundaries of the

empires.^

Trajan was ambitious of fame; and as long continue to lx*stow more liberal applause on their destroyers than on their benefactors, the thirst of military glory will ever be the vice of the most exalted characters. The praises of Alexander, transmitted by n succession of poets and historians, had kindled a dangerous emulation in the mind of Trajan, Like him the Roman emperor undertook an expedition against the nations of the east, but he lamented with a sigh, that his advanced age scarcely left him any hopes of equalling the renown of the son of Philip. Yet the success of Trajan, however transient, was rapid and specious. The degenerate Parthians, broken by intestine discord, fled before his arms. He descended the river Tigris in triumph, from the mountains of Armenia to the Persian gulf. He enjoyed the honour of being the first, as he was the last, of the Roman generals, who ever navigated that remote sea. His fleets ravaged the coasts of Arabia; and Trajan vainly flattered himself that he was approaching towards the as

mankind

day the astonished senate received the intelligence of new names and new nations, that acknowledged his swav. They were informed that the kings of Bosconfines of India.® Every

phorus, Golchos, Iberia, Albania, Osrhoenc, and even the Parthian monarch himself, had accepted their diadems from the hands of the emperor; that the independent tribes of the

Median and Carduchian hills had implored his and that the ich countries of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria, were reduced protection;

1

ference was

drawn from

A

favourable in-

his obstinacy,

was interpreted by the augurs

which

as a sure presage

Roman power would

never recede.® During many ages, the prediction, as it is usual, contributed to its own accomplishment. But though Terminus had resisted the majesty of Jupiter, he submitted to the authority of the emperor Hadrian.® The resignation of all the eastern conquests of Trajan

was the

first

measure of

his reign.

He

restored

an independent sovereign, withdrew the Roman garrisons from the provinces of Armenia, Mesopotamia, and AssxTid, and, in compliance with the precept of Augustus, once more established the Euphrates as the frontier of the empire.® Censure, which to the Parthians the election of

and the private mohas ascribed to envy, a conduct, which might be attributed to the prudence and moderation of Hadrian. The various character of that emperor, capable, by turns, of the meanarraigns the public actions tives of princes,

and the most generous sentiments, may some colour to the suspicion. It was, however, scarcely in his power to place the superior! tv of his predecessor in a more conest

afford

light, than by thus confessing himself unequal to the task of defending the conquests

spicuous

of Trajan.

The martial and ambitious spirit of Trajan formed a very singular contrast with the moderation of his successor.

Hadrian

The

restless activity of

w'as not less remarkable, w'hen

com-

pared with the gentle repose of Antoninus Pius. The life of the former was almost a perpetual journey; and as he possessed the various talents of the soldier, the statesman, and the scholar, he gratified his curiosity in the discharge of his duty. Careless of the difference of seasons and of climates, he marched on foot, and bareheaded, over the snows of Caledonia, and the

Upper Egypt; nor was there a province of the empire which, in the course of lus reign, was not honoured with the pres-

sultry plains of the

Decline and Fall of the

4

ence of the monarch.^ But the tranquil life of Antoninus Pius was spent in the bosom of Italy; and, during the twenty-three years that he di-

Roman Empire

it was their interest, as well as duty, to maintain. But in proportion as the public freedom was lost in extent of conquest, war was gradually improved into an art, and degraded

which

rected public administration, the longest journeys of that amiable prince extended no farther than from his palace in Rome to the retirement

into a trade.**

of his Lanuvian Villa.**

distant provinces, were supposed to consist of

the time

The legions themselves, even at when they were recruited in the most

this difference in their per-

Roman citizens. That distinction was generally

sonal conduct, the general system of Augustus was equally adopted and uniformly pursued by Hadrian and by the two Antonincs. They per-

considered either as a legal qualification or as a proper recompense for the soldier; but a more serious regard was paid to the essential merit of age, strength, and military stature.*^ In all levies, a just preference was given to the climates of the North over those of the South: the race of men born to the exercise of arms was sought for in the country rather than in cities; and it was very reasonably presumed, that the hardy occupations of smiths, carpenters, and huntsmen, would supply more vigour and resolution than the sedentary trades which are employed in the service of luxury.** After every qualification of property had bt'en laid aside, the armies of the Roman emperors were still commanded, for the most par t. by officers of a lilxTal birth and education; but the common soldiers, like the mercenary tioops of modern

Notwithstanding

maintaining the dignity

sisted in the design of

of the empire, without attempting to enlarge its limits. By every honourable expedient they invited the friendship of the barbarians;

and en-

deavoured to convince mankind that the Roman power, raised above the temptation of conquest, was actuated only by the love of order and justice. During a long period of fortythree years their virtuous labours were crowned with success; and if we except a few slight hostilities

that served to exercise the legions of the

frontier, the reigns of

Hadrian and Antoninus

Pius offer the fair prospect of universal pcace.*^ The Roman name was revered among the most

remote nations of the earth. The fiercest barbarians frequently submitted their dilfercnces to the arbitration of the emperor; and we are informed by a contemporary historian, that he had seen ambassadors who were refused the honour which they came to solicit, of being admitted into the rank of subjects.** The terror of the Roman arms add^d weight and dignity to the moderation of the emperors. They preserved peace "by a constant preparation for war; and while justice regulated their conduct, they announced to the natiolicy of the ablest generals, and even of the emperors themselves, to encourage these military studies by their presence and example; and we are informed that Hadrian, as well as Trajan, frequently condescended to instruct the unexperienced soldiers, to reward the diligent, and sometimes to dispute with them the prize

service, alleviated the hardships of the military

of superior strength or dexterity.*®

was the object of their fondest devotion; nor was it esteemed less impious than it was ignominious, to abandon that sacred ensign in the hour of danger.** These motives, which derived their strength from the imagination, were enforced by fears and hopes of a more substantial kind. Regular pay, occasional donatives, and a

an ancient

Under

the

was impos-

reigns of those princes, the science of tactics

cowardice or disobedience to escape The centurions were authorized to chastise with blows, the generals had a right to punish with death; and it was an inflexible maxim of Roman discipline, that a good soldier should dread his (officers far more than the enemy. From such laudable arts did the valour of the Imperial troops receive a

was cultivated with success; and as long as the empire retained any vigour, their military in-

degree of firmness and docility, unattainable by the impetuous and irregular passions of

differed

life,®*

whilst,

on the other hand,

it

sible for

the severest punishment.

barbarian*’

And yet so sensible were the Romans of the imperfection of valour without skill and practice, that, in their language, the name of an army was borrowed from

the

word which

fied exercise.®® Military exercises

’‘Signi-

were the im-

portant and unremitted object of their discipline.

The

recruits

and young

soldiers

were

constantly trained both in the morning and in the evening, nor was age or knowledge allowed

from the daily repetition learnt. Large

to excuse the veterans

of

what they had completely

sheds were erected in the winter-quarters of the troops, that their useful labours might not receive any interruption from the most tempestuous weather; and it was carefully observed, that the

arms destined to

this imitation of w'ar,

should be of double the weight which was required in real action.®^ It is not the purpose of this

work

to enter into

Roman

any minute description

We

remark, that they comprehended whatever could add strength to the body, activity to the limbs, or grace to tlie motions. The soldiers were diligently instructed to march, to run, to leap, to swim to carry heavy burdens, to handle every species of arms that was used either for offence or for defence, either in distant engagement or in a closer onset; to form a variety of evolutions; and to move to the sound of flutes, in the Pyrrhic or of the

exercises.

shall only

martial dance.®* In the midst of peace, the Roman troops familiarise d themselves with the practice of war;

and

it is

prettily

remarked by

were respected as the most perfect model of Roman discipline. Nine centuries of war had gradually introduced into the service many alterations and im-

structions

provements.

by

The

legions, as they are described

Polybius,*^ in the time of the Punic w^ars,

very materially from those which achieved the victories of Caesar, or defended the monarchy of Hadrian and the Antonines. The constitution of the Imperial legion may be described in a few words.*® The heavy-armed in-

which composed its principal strength,*® was divided into ten cohorts, and fiftv-five companies, under the orders of a correspondent number of tribunes and centurions. The first cohort, which always claimed the post of honour and the custody of the eagle, was formed of eleven hundred and five soldiers, the most approved for valour and fidelity. The remaining nine cohorts consisted each of five hundred and filtv-five; aiiO the whole lx)dy of legionary infantry amounicd to six thousand one hundred men. Their arms w'ere uniform, and admirably adapted to the nature of their service: an op)en fantry,

helmet, with a lofty crest; a breast-plate, or coat of mail; greaves on their legs, and an ample buckler on their left arm. The buckler was of

an oblong and concave figure, four feet in length, and two and an half in breadth, framed of a light w'ood, covered with a bull’s hide, and stronglv guarded with plates of brass. Besides a lighter spear, the legionary soldier grasped in

his right hand t!i'“ formidable pilum, a ponderous javelin, whose utmost length was about six feet, and which was terminated by a massy triangular point of steel of eighteen inches.** This instrument was indeed much inferior to our modern fire-arms; since it was exhausted by a single discharge, at the distance of only ten or twelve paces. Yet when it was launched by a firm and skilful hand, there was not any cavalry

Decline and Fall of the Ronnian Empire

6 that durst venture within

reach, nor

its

any

Trajan and Hadrian formed their cavalry from

same provinces, and the same class of their which recruited the ranks of the legion.

shield or corslet that could sustain the impetu-

the

As soon as the Roman had darted his pilum^ he drew his sword, and rushed forwards to close with the enemy. His sword was a short well-tempered Spanish blade, that carried a double edge, and was alike suited to

subjects,

osity of

its

weight.

the purpose of striking or of pushing; but the was always instructed to prefer the latter

soldier

use of his weapon, as his own body remained less exposed, whilst he inflicted a more dangerous

wound on

his

adversary.^*

The

legion

was

usually drawn up eight deep; and the regular distance of three feet was left between the files body of troops, habituated as well as ranks.^

A

open order, in a long front and a rapid charge, found themselves prepared to execute every disposition which the circumstances of war, or the skill of their leader, might

to preserve this

suggest.

The

soldier possessed a free space for

arms and motions, and sufficient intervals were allowed, through which seasonable reinforcements might be intrcjduccd to the relief of his

the exhausted combatants.*’ The tactics of the Greeks and Macedonians were formed on very different principles. The strength of the phalanx depended on sixteen ranks of long pikes, wedged together in the closest array.*® But it was soon discovered by reflers were seld(im much inferior to those

of the

legions themselves."

Among

the auxiliaries, the bravest

and most

faithful

bands were placed under the

command

companion of the first cohort, consisted and thirty-two men; whilst each of the other nine amounted only to sixty-six. The entire establishment formed a regiment, if we may use the modern expression, of seven hundred and twenty-six horse, naturally con-

of purfects and centurions, and severely trained in the arts of Roman discipline; but the far

nected with

of the emperors was no longer composed, like

portion of auxiliaries was allotted, contained within itself every species of lighter troops, and of missile weapons, and was capable of encountering every nation, with the advantages of its

that of the ancient republic, of the noblest

respective

as the

of an hundred

its

respective legion, but occasion-

ally separated to act in the line,

and

to

compose

a part of the wings of the army.®* The cavalry

their

Rome and

who, by performing military service on horseback, prepared

youths of

Italy,

themselves for the offices of senator and consul; and solicited, by deeds of valour, the future suffrages of their countrymen." Since the alteration of manners and government, the most wealthy of the equestrian order were engaged in the administration of justice, and of the reve-

nue;" and whenever they embraced the profession of arms, they were immediately intrusted with a troop of horse, or a cohort of foot"

greater part retained those arms, to which the

nature of life,

tlieir

more

country, or their early habits of

peculiarly adapted them.

institution each legion, to

arms and

whom

this

Nor was the modern language,

discipline."

legion destitute of what, in

would be

By

a ccitain pro-

styled a train of artillery. It consisted

in ten military engines of the largest,

and

fifty-

a smaller size; but all of which, either in an oblique or horizontal manner, discharged stones and darts with irresistible violence." The camp of a Roman legion presented the appearance of a fortified city." As soon as the space was marked out, the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfect reguWity. five of

The First Chapter Hadrian and Its form was an exact quadrangle; and we may calculate that a sqtiare of about seven hundred yards was sufiicient for the encampment of

twenty thousand Romans; though a similar number of our own troops would expose to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent In the midst of the camp, the praetorium, or general’s quarters, rose above the others; the cavalry, the infantry, and the auxiliaries occu-

pied their respective stations; the streets were broad and perfectly straight, and a vacant space of two hundred feet was left on ail sides, between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itself was usually twelve feet high, armed with

a line of strong and intricate palisades, and

defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth. This important labour was performed by the hands of the legionaries themselves, to whom the use of the spade and the pick-axe was no less familiar than that of the sword or pttum. Active valour may often be the present of nature; but such patient diligence can be the fruit only of habit and discipline.*^ Whenever the trumpet gave the signal of departure, tne camp was almost instantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or confusion. Besides their arms, which the legionaries scarcely considered as an encumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen urniture, the instruments of fortification,

and

the provision of many days.** Under this weight, which would oppress the delicacy of a

modern

soldier, they

were trained by a regular

step to advance, in about six hours, near twenty

On the appearance of an enemy, they threw aside their baggage, and by easy and rapid evolutions converted the column of miles.**

march into an order of battle.*^ The slingers and archers skirmished in the front; the auxiliaries formed the first line, and were seconded or sustained by the strength of the legions: the cavalry covered the flanks, and the military

engines were placed in the rear. Such were the arts of war by which the Roman emperors defended their extensive conquests, and preserved a military spirit, at a time when every other virtue was oppressed by luxury and despotism. If, in the consideration of their armies, we pass from their discipline their numbers, we shall not find it easy to define them with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, however, that the legion, which was itself a body of six thousand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, five

amount

to about twelve

thousand

hundred men. The peace establishment of

less

his successors

7 was composed of no

than thirty of these formidable brigades;

and most probably formed a standing force of three hundred and seventy-five thousand men. Instead of being confined vdthin the walls of which the Romans considered as the refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. As their stations, for the most part, remained fixed and permanent, we may venture to describe the distribution of the troops.

fortified cities,

Three

legions

were

sufficient for Britain.

principal strength lay

The

upon the Rhine and

Danube, and consisted of sixteen legions, in the following proportions: two in the Lower and three in the Upper Germany; one in Rhaetia, one in Noricum, four in Pannonia, three in Maesia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was entrusted to eight legions, six of whom were planted in Syria, and the other tw'O in Cappadocia, With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion maintained the domestic tranquillity of each of those great provinces.

Even

tute of a military force.

was not left destiAbove twenty thousand

Italy

chosen soldiers, distinguished by the titles of City Cohorts and Praetorian Guards, watched over the safety of the monarch and the capital. As the authors of almost every revolution that distracted the empire, the Prxtorians will, very soon, and very loudly, demand our attention; but in their arms and institution, we cannot find any circumstance which discriminated them fron» the legions, unless it were a more splendid apjx'arance, and a less rigid discipline.**

The navy maintained by the emperors might seem inadequate to their greatness; but it was fully sufficient for every useful purpose of government. The ambition of the Romans was conhned to the land; nor was that warlike peo-

ple ever actuated by the enterprising spirit which had prompted the navigators of Tyre, of Carthage, and even of Marseilles, to enlarge the bounds of the world, and to explore the most remote coasts of the ocean. To the Romans the ocean remained an object of terror rather than of curiosity;** the whole extent of the Mediterranean, after the destruction of Carthage, and the extirpiation of the pirates, was

included within their provinces. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preserve the peaceful dominion of that sea, and to protect the

commerce of their subjects. With these mod-

Decline and Fall of the

8

erate views, Augustus stationed

two permanent

the most convenient ports of Italy, the one at Ravenna, on the Adriatic, the other at Misenum, in the bay of Naples. Experience fleets in

seems at length to have convinced the ancients, that as soon as their galleys exceeded two, or at the most three ranks of oars, they were suited rather for vain pomp than for real service. Augustus himself, in the victory of Actium, had seen the superiority of his own light frigates (they were called Liburnians) over the lofty but unwieldy castles of his rival.® Of these Liburnians he composed the two fleets of Ravenna and Misenum, destined to command, the one the eastern, the other the western division of the Mediterranean; and to each of the squadrons he attached a body of several thousand marines. Besides these two ports, which may be considered as the principal seats of the Roman navy, a very considerable force was stationed at Frejus, on the coast of Provence, and the

Buxine was guarded by forty ships, and three thousand soldiers. To all these we add the fleet which preserved the communication between

and a great number of vessels constantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube, to harass the country, or to intercept Gaul and

Britain,

the passage of the barbarians.® If we review this general state of the Imperial forces; of the

cavalry as well as infantry; of the legions, the auxiliaries, the guards, and the navy; the most liberal computation will not allow us to fix the entire establishment by sea and by land at more

than four hundred and fifty thousand -men; a military power, which, however, formidable it may seem, was equalled by a monarch of the century, whose kingdom was confined within a single province of the Roman empire.® We have attempted to explain the spirit which moderated, and the strength which supported, the power of Hadrian and the Antonines. We shall now endeavour, with clearness and precision, to describe the provinces once united under their sway, but, at present, divided into so many independent and hostile last

states.

Spain, the western extremity of the empire, of Europe, and of the ancient world, has, in every age, invariably preserved the same natural limits; the Pyrenaean mountains, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic Ocean. That great peninsula, at present so unequally divided

between two sovereigns, was distributed by Augustus into three provinces, Lusitania, Bactica,

tugal

and Tarraconensis. The kingdom

now

fills

of Porthe place of the warlike country

Roman Empire

of the Lusitanians; and the loss sustained by the former, on the side of the East is compensated by an accession of territory towards the

North. The confines of Grenada and Andalusia correspond with those of ancient Baetica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia and the Asturias, Biscay and Navarre, Leon and the two Castillcs, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all contributed to form the third and most considerable of the Roman governments, which, from the name of its capital, was styled the province of Tarragona."® Of the native barbarians, the Celtiberians were the most powerful, as the Cantabrians and Asturians proved the most obstinate. Confident in the

strength of their mountains, they were the last who submitted to the arms of Rome, and the first who threw off the yoke of the Arabs.

Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole country between the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent than modern France To the dominions of that powerful monarchy, with its recent acquisitions of Alsace and Lorraine, we must add the duchy of Savov, the cantons of Switzerland, the four electorates of the Rhine, and the territories of Liege, Luxemburg, Hainault, Flanders, and

Brabant.

When

Augustus gave laws to the con-

quests of his father, he introduced a division of Gaul equally adapted to the progress of the legions, to the course of the rivers,

and to the had com-

principal national distinctions, which

prehended above an

The

hundred independent

Mediterranean, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphin^, received their provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne, The government of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the Loiie. The country between the Loire and the Seine was styled the Celtic Gaul, and soon Ixirrowed a new denomination from the celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond the Seine, and in more ancient times had been bounded only by the Rhine; but a little before the age of Caesar the Germans, abusing their superiority of valour, had occupied a considerstates.^^

seacoast of the

able portion of the Belgic territory.

The Roman

conquerors very eagerly embraced so flattering

a circumstance, and the Gallic frontier of the Rhine, from Basil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the Upper and the Lower Germany.^ Such, under the reign of the Antoninrs, were the six provinces of Gaul; the Narbonnese, Aquitaine, the Celtic, or Lyonnese, the Belgic, and the two Germanics. We have already had occasion to mention

The

First

and to fix the boundary of the Roman province in this island. It comprehended all England, Wales, and the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as Dumbarton and the conquest of Britain,

Edinburgh. Before Britain lost her freedom, the country was irregularly divided between thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom the most considerable were the Belgae in the West, the Brigantes in the North, the Silures in South Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk.^^ As far as we can cither trace or credit the resemblance of manners and language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the same hardy race of savages, ^fore they yielded to the Roman arms, they often disputed the field,

and often renewed the

contest. After their submission they constituted the western division of the European provinces, which extended from the columns of Hercules to the wall of Antoninus and from the mouth of the Tagus to the sources of the Rhine and Danube. Belore the Roman conquest, the country

which

is

now

called

Lombardy was not con-

sidered as a f .irt of Italy. It had been occupied by a powerful colony of Gauls, who settling

themselves along the banks of the Po, from Piedmont to Romagna, carried their arms and diflused their

names from the Alps

to the

Apen-

The Ligurian^) dwelt on the rocky coast, which now forms the republic of Genoa. Venice

nine.

was yet unborn; but the territories of that state, which lie to the east of the Adige, were inhabited by the Venetians.’^ The middle part of the peninsula that now composes the duchy of Tuscany and the ecclesiastical state, was the ancient seat of the Estruscans and Umbrians, to the former of whom Italy was indebted for the

first

rudiments of civilised

life.'®

The Tiber

rolled at the foot of the seven hills of Rome,

and and the the frontiers of Na-

the country of the Sabines, the Latins,

from that river to was the theatre of her infant victories. On that celebrated ground the first consuls deserved triumphs; their successors adorned villas, and their posterity have erected convents.^* Capua and Campania possessed the immediate territory of Naples; the rest of the kingdom was inhabited by many warlike nations, the Marsi, the Samnites, the Apulians, and the Lucaniaiu and the sea coasts had been covered by the Volsci, ples,

flourishing colonies of the Greeks.

We may re-

Chapter

9

Danube. The latter of those mighty streams, which rises at the distance of only thirty miles from the former, flows above thirteen hundred miles, for the most part, to the south-east, collects the tribute of sixty navigable rivers, and at length, through six mouths, received into the Euxine, which appears scarcely equal to

is,

such an accession of waters.™ The provinces of the Danube soon acquired the general appellation of lllyricum, or the Illyrian frontier,™ and were esteemed the most warlike of the empire; but they deserve to be more particularly considered under the names of Rhaetia, Noricum,

Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Maesia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece. The province of Rhaetia, which soon extinguished the name of the Vindelicians, extended from the summit of the Alps to the banks of the Danube; from its source, as far as its

the

conflux with the Inn. flat

country

varia; the city of

The

Augsburg

constitution of the

greatest part of

subject to the elector of Ba-

is

is

protected by the the Grisons

German empire;

are safe in their mountains, and the country of T>to1 is ranked among the numerous provinces of the house of Austria. The wide extent of territory, which is in*

eluded betw'ccn the Inn, the Danube, and the Save; Austria. Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, the

Lower Hungary, and Sclavonia, was known to the ancients under the names of Noricum and Pannonia. In their original state of independence, their fierce inhabitants were intimately connected. Under the Roman government they were frequently united, and they still remain the patriiiiOji\ of a single family. They now contain the rcsi'ivnce of a German prince, who styles hirnseli Emperor of the Romans, and form the centre, as well as strength, of the Austrian power. It may not be improper to

we

except Bohemia, Moravia, and a part of Hungary, between the Theiss and the Danube, all the other dominions of the House of Austria were comprised within the limits of the Roman empire. Dalmatia, to which the name of lllyricum more properly belonged, was a long but narrow

observe, that

if

the northern skirts of Austria,

between the Save and the Adriatic. The which still retains its ancient appellation, is a province of the Venetract

best part of the sea-coast,

and the

seat of the

mark, that when Augustus divided Italy into

tian state,

province of Istria was annexed to that scat of Roman sovereignty.” The European provinces of Rome were protected by the course ol the Rhine and the

Ragusa. The inland parts have assumed the Sclavonian names of Croatia and Bosnia; the former obeys an Austrian governor, the latter a Turkish pasha; but the whole country is still

eleven regions, the

little

little

republic of

Decline and Fall of the

lo

infested by tribes of barbarians, whose savage independence irregularly marks the doubtful limit of the Christian and Mahometan power.^

After the Danube had received the waters of the Theiss and the Save, it acquired, at least among the Greeks, the name of Ister.^^ It formerly divided Maesia and Dada, the latter of which, as we have already seen, was a conquest of Trajan, and the only province beyond the river. If

we

inquire into the present state of

those countries, we shall find that, on the left hand of the Danube, Temeswar and Transylvania have been annexed, after many revolu-

crown of Hungary; whilst the Moldavia and Wallachia acknowledge the supremacy of the Ottoman Porte. On the right hand of the Danube, Maesia, which, during the middle ages, was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia and Bulgaria, tions,

to the

prindpalities of

is

again united in Turkish slavery. llie appellation of Roumelia, which

is still

bestowed by the Turks on the extensive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, preserves the memory of their ancient state under the Roman empire. In the time of the Antonines, the martial regions of Thrace, from the mountains of Hsemus and Rhodope, to the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, had assumed the form of a province. Notwithstanding the change of masters and of religion, the new city of Rome, founded by Constantine on the banks of the Bosphorus, has ever since remained the capital of a great monarchy. The kingdom of Macedonia, which, under the reign of Alexander, gave laws to Asia, derived more solid advantages from the p>olicy of the two Philips; and with its dependencies of Epirus and Thessaly, extended from the iEgcan to the Ionian

When we reflect on the fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and Athens, we can scarcely persuade ourselves that so many immortal republics of ancient Greece were lost in a single province of the Roman empire, which, fi'om the superior influence of the Achaean league, was usually denominated the province of Achaia. Sea.

Such was the

state of

Europe under the Ro-

man

emperors. The provinces of Asia, without excepting the transient conquests of Trajan, are all comprehended within the limits of the Turkish power. But, instead of following the arbitrary divisions of despotism and ignorance, will be safer for us, as well as more agreeable, to observe the indelible characters of nature. it

The name

of Asia Minor is attributed with to the peninsula, which, confined betwixt the Euxine and the Mediterra-

some propriety

Roman Empire

nean, advances from the Euphrates towards Europe. The most extensive and flourishing district, westward of Mount Taurus and the river Halys, was dignified by the Romans with the exclusive title of Asia. The jurisdiction of that province extended over the ancient monarchies of Troy, Lydia,

and Phrygia, the

mari**

time countries of the Pamphylians, Lycians, and Garians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionia, which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their parent. The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus possessed the northern side of the peninsula from Constantinople to Trebizond. On the opposite side, the province of Cilicia was terminated by the mountains of Syria: the inland country, separated from the Roman Asia by the river Halys, and from Armenia by the Euphrates, had once formed the independent kingdom of Cappadocia. In this place we may observe that the northern shores of the Euxine, beyond Trebizond in Asia, and beyond the Danube in Europe, acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperors, and received at their hands either tributary princes or Roman garrisons. Budzak, Crim Tartary, Circassia,

and Mingrelia, are

the

modern

appellations of

those savage countries.**

Under the successors of Alexander, Syria was the seat of the Seleucidae, who reigned over Upper Asia, till the successful revolt of the Partisans confined their dominions between the

Euphrates and the Mediterranean. When Syria became subject to the Romans, it formed the eastern frontier of their empire; nor did that province, in its utmost latitude, know any other bounds than the mountains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards the south the confines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phoenicia

and Palestine were sometimes annexed to, and sometimes separated from, the jurisdiction of Syria. I’he former of these was a narrow and rocky coast; the latter was a territory scarcely superior to Wales, either in fertility or extent. Yet Phcenicia and Palestine will for ever live in the memory of mankind; since America, as well as Europe, has received letters from the one, and religion from the other.** A sandy desert alike destitute of w0od and water skirts along the doubtful confint of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red SeaA The wandering life of the Arabs was inseparably connected with their independence; and wherever, on some spots less barren than the rest, they ventured to form any settled habitation, they soon be-

came subjects to the Roman empire.** The geographers of antiquity have frequently

The

First

hesitated to what portion of the globe they should ascribe Egypt.^^ By its situation that celebrated kingdom is included within the immense peninsula of Africa; but it is accessible

only on the side of Asia, whose revolutions, in almost every period of history, Egypt has humbly obeyed. A Roman pracfcct was seated on the splendid throne of the Ptolemies; and the iron sceptre of the Mamalukes is now in the hands of a Turkish pasha. The Nile flows down the country, above five hundred miles from the tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and marks, on either side, the extent of fertility by the measure of its inundations. Gyrene, situate towards the west, and along the sea-coast, was first a Greek colony, afterwards a province of Egypt, and is now lost in the desert of Barca. From Gyrene to the ocean, the coast of Africa extends above fifteen hundred miles; yet so closely is it pressed between the Mediterranean and the Sahara, or sandy desert, that its breadth seldom exceeds fourscore or an hundred miles. The eastern division was considered by the Romans as the more peculiar and proper province Ot vUi ica. Till the arrival of the Phoenician colonics, that fertile country was inhabited by the Libyans, the most savage of

mankind. Under the immediate jurisdiction of Carthage, it became the centre of commerce and empire; but the republic of Carthage is now degenerated into the feeble and disorderly stales of Tripoli and Tunis. The military gov-

ernment of Algiers oppresses the wide extent of Numidia, as it was once united under Massinissa and Jugurtha: but in the time of Augustus, the limits of Numidia were contracted; and, at least, two-thirds of the country acquiesced in the name of Mauritania, with the

Chapter

II

now

diffused over the immense ocean that rolls between the ancient and the new continent.^

Having now finished the circuit of the Roman empire, we may observe, that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow strait of about twelve miles, through which the Atlantic flows into the Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules,

among the ancients, were two mounwhich seemed to have been torn asunder by some convulsion of the elements; and at the foot of the European mountain the fortress of Gibraltar is now seated. The whole extent of the Mediterranean Sea, its coasts, and its islands, were comprised within the Roman dominion. Of the larger islands, the two Balcares, which derive their name of Majorca and Minorca from their respective size, are subject at present, so famous tains

the former to Spain, the latter to Great Britain. It is easier to deplore the fate, than to describe the actual condition, of Corsica. Two Italian sovereigns assume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia, with Cyprus, and most of the smaller islands of Greece and .\sia, have been subdued by the Turkish arms; whilst the

little

rock of Malta defies their power, and

has emerged, under the government of its military Order, into fame and opulence. This long enumeration of provinces, whose broken fragments have formed so many powerful kingdoiiLS, might almost induce us to forgive the vanity or ignorance of the ancients. Dazzled with the extensive sway, the irresistible strength, and the real or affected moderation of the em|x:rors, they permitted themselves to despiM*. and sometimes to forget, the outlying countries which

had been

left

in the

enjoyment

of a barbaron‘ independence; and they gradually usurped the licence of confounding the

epithet of C^esariensis.

Roman monarchy

tania, or country of the

But the temper, as well as knowledge, of a

ancient city guished by the appellation of Tingitana, is represented by the modern kingdom of Fez. Sall^, on the Ocean, long infamous for its pi-

modern historian requires a more sober and accurate language. He may impress a juster image of the greatness of Rome, by observing that the empire was above two thousand miles

was noticed by the Romans, as the extreme object of their power, and almost of their geography. A city of their foundation may still be discovered near Mcquiiicz, the residence of the barbarian whom we condt scend to style the Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear that his more southern dominions, Morocco itself, and Scgelmessa, were ever

in breadth, from the wall of Antoninus

comprehended within the Roman province. The western parts of Africa arc intersected by

was supposed

the branches of Mount Atlas, a name so idly celebrated by the fancy oi poets;^ but which is

fertile

The genuine MauriMoors, which, from the of Tingi, or Tangier, was distin-

ratical depredations,

with the globe of the earth.®

and

the

northern limits of Dacia, to mount Atlas and the tropic of Cancer; that it extended, in length, more than three thousand miles from the

Western Ocean to the Eupiirates; that it w^as Temperate 2^ne, between the twenty-fourth and fifty-

situated in the finest part of the

sixth degrees of northern latitude;

and

that

it

above sixteen hundred thousand square miles, for the most part of

and

to contain

well-cultivated land.®

CHAPTER

II

Of the Union and Internal Prosperity of the Roman Empire in the

Age of the Antonines.

is not alone by the rapidity, or extent of conquest, that we should estimate the greatness of Rome. The sovereign of the Russian deserts commands a larger portion of

T

I

the globe. In the seventh summer after his passage of the Hellespont, Alexander erected the Macedonian trophies on the banks of the Hyphasis.' Within less than a century, the ir-

and the Mogul princes of his and transient empire from the sea of China to the confines of Egypt and Germany.® But the firm edifice of Roman power was raised and preserved by the wisdom of ages. The obedient provinces of Trajan and the Antonines were united by laws and adorned by arts. They might occa-

exalted to a state of p>ower and immortality, it was universally confessed that they deserved, if not the adoration, at least the reverence of all mankind. The deities of a thousand groves and

a thousand streams possessed, in peace, their and respective influence; nor could the Roman who deprecated the wrath of the Tiber, deride the Egyptian who presented his offering

local

The

resistible Zingis,

to the beneficent genius of the Nile.

race, spread their cruel devastations

powers of Nature, the planets, and the elements, were the same throughout the universe. The invisible governors of the moral world were inevitably cast in a similar mould of fiction and allegory. Every virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine representative; every art and profession its patron, whose attributes, in the most distant ages and countries, were uniformly derived from the character of their peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of such oppo.site tempers and interest required, m every system, the moderating hand ol a supreme magistrate, who, by the progress of knowledge and flattery, was gradually invested with the sublime perfections of an Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch.* Such wa.s the mild spirit of antiquity, that the nations were less attentive to the difference than to the resemblance of their

from the partial abuse of delegated authority; but the general principle of

sionally suffer

government was

They enjoyed

wise, simple,

and

beneficent.

the religion of their ancestors,

whilst in civil honours and advantages they were exalted, by just degrees, to an equality

with their conquerors. I.

The

policy of the emperors

as far as

it

and the senate,

concerned religion, was happily

seconded by the reflections of the enlightened, and by the habits of the superstitious, part of

The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the* Roman world, were all considered by the people, as equally true; by the philosopher, as equally false; and by the magis-

their subjects.

trate, as equally useful.

And thus toleration pro-

duced not only mutual indulgence, but even religious concord.

The

superstition of the people

was not em-

by any mixture of theological rancour; confined by the chains of any specusystem. The devout polytheist, though

bittered

nor was lative

it

fondly attached to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith the different religions of the earth.® Fear, gratitude, and cur^visity, a dream or an omen, a singular disorder, or a distant journey, perpetually disposed him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the list of his protectors. The thin texture of the Pagan mythology was interwoven with various but not discordant materials. As soon as it was allowed that sages and heroes, who had lived, or who had died for the benefit of their country, were

religious worship. I'he Greek, the

visible

Roman, and

the Barbarian, as they met before their respec-

persuaded themselves, that under various names, and with various ceremonies, they adored the same deities. The elegant mythology of Horner gave a beautiful, and tive altars, easily

almost a regular form, to the polytheism of the ancient world. ®

The philo.sophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature of man, rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the Divine Nature, as a very curious and imp>ortant speculation; and in the profound inquiry, they displayed the strength and weakness of the human understanding.® Of the four most celebrated schools, the Stoics and the Platonists endeavoured to reconcile the jarring interests of reason and piety. They have left us the most

sublime proofs of the existence and perfections of the first cause; but, as it was impossible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the workman in the Stoic philosophy was not sufii-

The Second Chapter ciently distinguished from the work; whilst, on tlic contrary, the spiritual God of Plato and his

resembled an idea rather than a substance. The opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a less religious cast; but whilst the modest science of the former induced them to doubt, the positive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Sudisciples

preme Ruler. The spirit of inquiry, prompted by emulation, and supported by freedom, had divided the public teachers of philosophy into a variety of contending sects; but the ingenuous youth who, from every part, resorted to Athens, and the other scats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike instructed in every school to reject

and

tude.

How,

to despise the religion of the multi-

indeed, was

it

possible, that a phi-

losopher should accept, as divine truths, the idle talcs of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of antiquity; or, that he should adore, as

whom he must have despised, as men! Against such unworthy adversaries, Cicero condescended to employ the ouJ elocjuencc; but the satire of arms of re. Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon. We may be well assured, that a writer conversant with the world would never have ventured to expose the gods of his country to public ridicule, had they not already been the objects of secret contempt gods, those imperfect beings

among

the polished

society.

^

and enlightened orders of

Notwithstanding the fashionable irreligion in the age of the Antoni nes, both the interests of the priests and the credulity of the people were sufficiently respected. In

which prevailed

their writings

and conversation, the

philoso-

phers of antiquity asserted the independent dignity of reason; but they resigned their actions to the commands of law and of custom.

13

a spirit of persecution could introduce itself into

Roman councils. The magistrates could not be actuated by a blind, though honest bigotry, since the magistrates were themselves philosophers; and the schoob of Athens had given laws to the senate. They could not be impelled by ambition or avarice, as the temporal and ecclesiastical powers were united in the same hands. The pontiffs were chosen among the most illusthe

and the office of Supreme was constantly exercised by the emperors themselves. 1 hey knew and valued the adtrious of the senators;

Pontiff

vantages of religion, as

it is connected with civil government. They encouraged the public festivals which humanise the manners of the people.

They managed

the arts of divination, as a

convenient instrument of policy: and they respected as the firmest bond of society, the useful persuasion that, cither in this or in a future life, the crime of perjury is most assuredly punbhed by the avenging gods.® But whilst they acknowledged the general advantages of religion, they were convinced that the various modes of worship contributed alike to the same salutary purposes; and that, in every country, the form of superstition, which had received the sanction of time and experience, w’as the best adapted to the climate and to its inhabitants. Avarice and taste very frequently despoiled the vanquished nations of the elegant statues of their gods, and but, in the rich ornaments of their temples; the exercise of the religion which they derived from their ancestors, they uniformly experienced the indulgence, and even protection, of the Roman »'onquerors. The province of Gaul

seems, and i.ideed only seems, an exception to this universa. toleration. Under the specious pretext of abolishing human sacrifices, the emperors TiixTius and Claudius suppressed the dangerous power of the Druids," but the

gods and their

Viewing, with a smile of pity and indulgence, the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently practised the ceremonies of their fathers, de-

subsisted in peaceful obscurity

voutly frequented the temples of the gods; and sometimes condescending to act a part on the theatre of superstition, they concealed the sen-

incessantly filled with subjects

timents of an Atheist under the sacerdotal robes. Reasoners of such a temper were scaicdv inclined

to

wrangle about

their

respective

modes of faith, or of worship. It was indifferent to them what shape the folly of the multitude might choose to assume; and they approached, with the same inward contempt, and the same external reverence, the altars of the Libyan, the Olympian, or the Capito'inc Jupiter.® It is

not easy to conceive from what motives

priests themselves, their

till

altars,

the final

destruction of Paganism.

Rome,

was and strangers

the capital of a great monarchy,

who all introfrom every part of the world, duced and enjoyed the favourite superstitions of their native country. " Every city in the empire was justified in maintaining the purity of its ancient ceremonies; and the Roman senate, using the common privilege, sometimes interposed, to check this inundation of foreign rites. The Eg>'ptian superstition, of all the most contemptible and abject, was frequently prohibited; the temples of Serapis and Isis demolished and their worshippers banbhed from Rome and

14

Decline and Fall of the

Italy. But the zeal of fanaticism prevailed over the cold and feeble efforts of policy. The

exiles returned, the proselytes multiplied, the

temples were restored with increasing splendour, and Isis and Serapis at length assumed their place among the Roman deities.^* Nor was this indulgence a departure from the old maxims of government. In the purest ages of the commonwealth, Cybcle and iEsculapius

had been invited by solemn embassies; ” and it was customary to tempt the protectors of besieged cities, by the promise of more distinguished honours than they possessed in their Rome gradually became the native country. common temple of her subjects; and the freedom of the city was bestowed on all the gods of mankind. II. The narrow policy of prcscr\'ing, without any foreign mixture, the pure blood of the ancient citizens, had checked the fortune, and hastened the ruin, of Athens and Sparta. The aspiring genius of Rome sacrificed vanity to ambition, and deemed it more prudent, as well as honourable, to adopt virtue and merit for her own wheresoever they were found, among slaves or strangers, enemies or barbarians.*® During the most flourishing era of the Athenian commonwealth, the number of citizens gradually decreased from about thirty to twentyone thoiLsand. ** If, on the contrary, wc study the growth of the

Roman

republic,

we may

discover, that, notwithstanding the incessant

demands of wars and colonics, the citizens, who, in the first census of Servius Tullius, amounted to no more than eighty-three thousand, were multiplied, before the commencement of the social war, to the number of four hundred and sixty-three thousand men, able to bear arms in the service of their country.

**

When

the allies

of Rome claimed an equal share of honours

and

privileges, the senate indeed preferred the chance of arms to an ignominious concession. The Samnites and the Lucanians paid the severe penalty of their rashness; but the rest of the Italian states, as they successively returned to their duty, were admitted into the bosom of the republic,®* and soon contributed to the ruin of public freedom. Under a mocratical government, the citizens exercise the powers of sovereignty; and those powers will be first

&

abused, and afterwards lost, if they are committed to an unwieldy multitude. But when the popular assemblies had been suppressed by the administration of the emperors, the conquerors

were distinguished from the vanquished nations, only as the first and most honourable

Roman Empire

order of subjects; and their increase, however was no longer exposed to the same dan* gers. Yet the wisest princes, who adopted the maxims of Augustus, guarded with the strictest care the dignity of the Roman name, and diffused the freedom of the city with a prudent rapid,

lilx'rality.

Till the privileges of

Romans had been

pro-

gressively extended to all the inhabitants of the

empire, an important distinction was preserved between Italy and the provinces. The former was esteemed the centre of public unity, and the firm basis of the constitution. Italy claimed the birth, or at least the residence, of the emperors and the senate.*® The estates of the Italians were exempt from taxes, their persons from the arbitrary jurisdiction of governors. Their municipal corporations, formed after the perfect model of the capital, were entrusted, under the immediate eye of tlic supreme power,

with the execution of the laws. From the foot of the Alps to the extremity of Calabria, all the natives of Italy were born citizens of Rome.

Their partial distinctions were obliterated, and they insensibly coalesced into one great nation, united by language, manners, and civil institutions, and equal to the weight of a powerful empire. The republic gloried in her generous policy, and was frequently rewarded by the merit and services of hal families. ^ Those of the provincials who were permitted to bear arms in the legions; those who exercised any civil employment; all, in a word, who performed any public service, or displayed any personal talents, were rewarded with a present, whose value was continually diminished by the increasing liberality of the emperors. Yet even, in the age of the Antoni ncs, when the freedom of the city had been bestowed on the greater number of their subjects, it was still accompanied with very solid advantages. The bulk of the people acquired, with that title, the benefit of the Roman laws, particularly in the interesting articles of marriage, testaments, and in-

and the road of fortune was open whose pretensions were seconded by

heritances; to those

favour or merit. The grandsons of the Gauls, who had besieged Julius Caesar in Alcsia, com-

manded legions, governed provinces, and were admitted into the senate of Rome. Their ambition, instead of disturbing the tranquiUity of

the state, was intimately connected with safety

and

its

greatness.

So sensible were the Romans of the influence of language over national manners, that it was their

most serious care to extend, with the

progress of their arms, the use of the Latin

tongue.

The

ancient dialects of Italy, the Sa-

Etm^can, and the Venetian, sunk into oblivion; but in the provinces, the east was less docile than the west, to the voice of its victorious preceptors. This obvious difference marked the two portions of the empire with a distinction of colours, which, though it was in some degree concealed during the meridian splendour of prosperity, became gradually more visible as the shades of night descended upon the Roman world. The western countries were civilised by the same hands which subdued them. As sn as the barbarians were reconciled to obedience, their minds were opened to any new impressions of knowledge and politeness. The language of Virgil and Cicero, though with some inevitable mixture of corruption, was so universally adopted in Africa, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and Pannonia,^ that the faint traces of the Punic or Celtic idioms were prebine, the

served only in the mountains, or among the peasants. ^ Education and study insensibly in-

Decline and Fall of the

i6

spired the natives of those countries with the sentiments of Romans; and Italv gave fashions as well as laws to her Latin provincials. They solicited with more ardour, and obtained with more facility, the freedom and honours of the state; supported the national dignity in letters^ and in arms; and, at length, in the person of Trajan, produced an emperor whom the Scipios would not have disowned for their countryman. The situation of the Greeks was very different from that of the Barbarians. The former had been long since civilised and corrupted. They had too much taste to relinquish their language, and too much vanity to adopt any foreign institutions. Still preserving the prejudices after they had lost the virtues of their ancestors, they affected to despise the unpolished manners of the Roman conquerors, whilst they

were compelled to respect

their su-

wisdom and power." Nor was the influence of the Grecian language and sentiments confined to the narrow limits of that once perior

celebrated country. Their empire, by the progand conquest, had been diffused

ress of colonics

from the Hadriatic to the Euphrates and the Nile. Asia was covered with Greek cities, and the long reign of the Macedonian kings had introduced a silent revolution into Syria and Egypt. In their pompous courts those princes united the elegance of Athens with the luxury of the East, and the example of the court was imitated, at an humble distance, by the higher ranks of their subjects. Such was the general division of the Roman empire into the Latin and Greek languages. To these we may add a third distinction for the « body of the natives in Syria,

and

especially in Egypt.

The

use of their

ancient dialects, by secluding them from the commerce of mankind, checked the improve-

ments of those

" The slothful exposed them to the

barbarians.

effeminacy of the former, contempt; the sullen ferociousness of the latter, excited the aversion of the conquerors." Those nations had .submitted to the Roman power, but they seldom desired or deserved the freedom of the city; and it was remarked that more than two hundred and thirty years elapsed after the ruin of the Ptolemies before an Egyptian was admitted into the senate of Rome." It is a just though trite observation, that victorious

Rome was

herself

subdued by the

arts

who

still

of Greece. Those immortal writers

command

modern Europe, object of study and

the admiration of

soon became the favourite imitation in Italy

and the western

provinces.

But the elegant amusements of the Romans

Roman Empire

were not suffered to

interfere with their

sound

maxims

of policy. Whilst they acknowledged the charms of the Greek, they asserted the dignity of the Latin tongue, and the exclusive use of the latter was inflexibly maintained in the administration of civil as well as military government.^* The two languages exercised at the

same time

their separate jurisdiction throughout the empire; the former as the natural idiom of science; the latter as the legal dialect of public transactions. Those who united letters with business were equally conversant with both; and it was almost impossible, in any province, to find a Roman subject of a liberal education, who was at once a stranger to the Greek and to the Latin language. It was by such institutions that the nations of the empire insensibly melted away into the Roman name and people. But there still remained, in the centre of every province and of every family, an unhappy condition of men who endured the weight, without sharing the benefits, of society. In the free states of antiquity the domestic slaves were exposed to the wanton rigour of despotism. The perfect settlement of the Roman empire was preceded by ages of

violence

and rapine. Tlie

slaves consisted, for

the most part, of barbarian captives, taken in thousands by the chance of war, purchased at

a vile price," accustomed to a life of independence, and impatient to break and to revenge their fetters. Against such internal enemies, whose desperate insurrections had more than once reduced the republic to the brink of destruction," the most severe regulations," and the most cruel treatment, seemed almost justified

by the great law of

when and

self-preservation.

But

the principal nations of Europe, Asia,

Africa,

were united under the laws of one

sovereign, the source of foreign supplies flowed

with

much

less

abundance, and the

Romans

more tedious method of propagation. In their numerous families, and particularly in their country eswere reduced

to the milder but

they encouraged the marriage of their The sentiments of nature, the habits of education, and the possession of a dependent species of property, contributed to alleviate the hardships of servitude." The existence of a slave became an object of greater value, and though his happiness still depended on the temper and circumstances of the master, the humanity of the latter, instead of being restrained by fear, was encouraged by the sense of his own interest. The progress of manners was accelerated by the virtue or policy of the tates,

slaves.

The Second Chapter emperors; and by the edicts of Hadrian and the Antonincs, the protection of the laws was extended to the most abject part of mankind. The jurisdiction of life and death over the slaves, a power long exercised and often abused, was taken out of private hands, and reserved to the magistrates alone. The subterraneous prisons were abolished; and, upon a just complaint of intolerable treatment, the injured slave obtained cither his deliverance, or a less cruel master.*®

Hope, the best comfort of our imperfect conwas not denied to the Roman slave; and if he had any opportunity of rendering himself either useful or agreeable, he might very naturally expect that the diligence and fidelity of a few years would be rewarded with the inestimable gift of freedom. The benevolence of the master was so frequently prompted by the meaner suggestions of vanity and avarice, that dition,

the laws found it more necessary to restrain than to encourage a profuse and undistinguishing liberality, which might degenerate into a very dangerous abusc.*^ It was a maxim of ancient jurispt adi

m

,

diat as a slave

had not any

country of his owm, he acquired with his liberty an admission into the political society of which his patron ^\as a member. The consequences of this maxim would have prostituted the privileges of the Roman city to a mean and promiscuous multitude. Some seasonable exceptions were therefore provided; and the honourable distinction was confined to such slaves only, as for just causes, and with the approbation of the magistrate, should receive a solemn and legal manumission. Even these cho.sen Ireed-men obtained no more than the private rights of citizens, and were rigorously excluded irom civil or military honours. Whatever might be the merit or fortune of their sons, they likewise were esteemed unworthy of a seat in the senate; nor were the traces of a servile origin allowed to be completely obliterated till the third or fourth

generation.**

Without destroying the

distinction of ranks, a distant prospect of free-

dom and honours was presented, even to those whom pride and prejudice almost disdained to number among

the

human

species.

erty,

was more considerable than that of serwho can be computed only as an ex-

vants,

pense.*® The youths of a promising genius were instructed in the arts and sciences, and their price was ascertained by the degree of their

and

Almost every profession, might be found in the household of an opulent senator. The ministers of pomp and sensuality were multiplied beyond the conception of modern luxury.® It was more for the interest of the merchant or manufacturer to purchase than to hire his workmen; and in the country, slaves were employed as the cheapest and most laborious instruments skill

talents.®*

either liberal*^ or mechanical,

of agriculture. tion,

and

To confirm

the general observa-

to display the multitude of slaves,

we

might allege a variety of particular instances. It was discovered, on a very melancholy occasion, that four hundred slaves were maintained in a single palace of Rome.*® The same number of four hundred l^elongcd to an estate which an African widow, of a very private condition, resigned to her son, whilst she reserved for herself a

A

much

larger share of her property.®

freedman, under

reign of Augustus,

the

had suffered great losses in the civil wars, left behind him three thousand six hundred yoke of oxen, two hundred and filly thousand head of smaller cattle, and, what was almost included in the description of cattle, four thousand one hundred and sixteen though

his

fortune

slaves.®^

The number

of subjects

who acknowledged

the law's of Rome, of citizens, of provincials, and of slaves, cannot now Ixi fixed with such a de-

gree of accur.»cy, as the importance of the obWe are informed that when

ject w'ould des'Tvc.

the emperor Claudius e.xerci.sed the office of censor, he look

hundred and

an account of six millions nine thousand Roman citi-

forty-five

zens, w'ho, with the proportion of

children, must have

amounted

to

women and

about twenty

The multitude of subjects of rank was uncertain and fiuctuating. But, after weighing with attention every circumstance which could influence the balance, it seems jirobablc that there existed, in the time of Claudius, about tw'ice as many provincials as there w'cre citizens, of either sex, and of every age; and that the slaves were at least equal in numlx:r to the free inhabitants of the Roman millions of souls.

an

inferior

was once proposed to discriminate the slaves by a peculiar habit; but it was justly apprehended that there might be some danger in acquainting them with their own numbers.*® Without interpreting, in their utmost strictness, the liberal appellations of legions and myri-

culation would rise to about one hundred and twenty millions of persons; a degree of popula-

we may venture to pronounce, that the proportion of slaves, who were valued as prop-

tion which possibly exceeds that of modern Europe,® and forms the most numerous society

It

ads,**

world.

The

total

amount

of this imperfect cal-

Decline and Fall of the

i8

that has ever been united under the same system of government. Domestic peace and union were the natural consequences of the moderate and comprehensive policy embraced by the Romans. If we turn our eyes towards the monarchies of Asia,

we shall behold despotism in the centre, and weakness in the extremities; the collection of the revenue, or the administration of justice, enforced by the presence of an army; hostile

barbarians established in the heart of the counhereditary satraps usurping the dominion of the provinces, and subjects inclined to rebellion, though incapable of freedom. But the obedience of the Roman world was uniform, voluntry,

and permanent. The vanquished nations, blended into one great people, resigned the hope, nay even the wish, of resuming their independence, and scarcely considered their own tary,

Roman Empire

stamp of his genius. The public monuments with which Hadrian adorned every province of the empire, were executed not only by his orders, but under his immediate inspection. He was himself an artist; and he loved the arts, as they conduced to the glory of the monarch. They were encouraged by the Antonines, as they contributed to the happiness of the people. if the emperors were the first, they were not the only architects of their dominions. Their example was universally imitated by their principal subjects, who were not afraid of declaring to the world that they had spirit to conceive, and wealth to accomplish, the noblest undertakings. Scarcely had the proud structure of the Coliseum been dedicated at Rome, before the edifices of a smaller scale indeed, but of the same design and materials, were erected for the use and at the expense, of the cities of

But

existence as distinct from the existence of Rome.

Capua and Verona.“ The

The

stupendous bridge of Alcantara attests that it was thrown over the Tagus by the contribution of a few Lusitanian communities. When Pliny was intrusted with the government of Bithynia

established authority of the emperors per-

vaded without an effort the wide extent of their dominions, and was exercised with the same facility on the banks of the Thames, or of the Nile, as on those of the Tiber. The legions were destined to serve against the public enemy, and the civil magistrate seldom required the aid of a military force.^ In this state of general security, the leisure as well as opulence both

of the prince and people were devoted to improve and to adorn the Roman empire. Among the innumerable monuments of architecture constructed by the Romans, how many

inscription of the

and Pontus, provinces by no means the richest or most considerable of the empire, he found the cities within his jurisdiction striving with each other in every useful and ornamental work, that might deserve the curiosity of strangers, or the gratitude of their citi/ens. It was the duty of the Proconsul to supply their deficiencies, to direct their taste,

to moderate their emulation

Rome and

and sometimes

The opulent

have escaped the notice of history, how few have resisted the ravages of time and barbarism And yet even the^majestic ruins that are

senators of

scattered over Italy and the provinces, would be sufficient to prove that those countries were once the seat of a polite and powerful em-

and the influence of fashion very frequently supplied the want of taste or generosity. Among

Their greatness alone, or their beauty, might deserve our attention; but they are rendered more interesting by two important circumstances, which connect the agreeable history of the arts with the more useful history of human manners. Many of those works were erected at private expense, and almost all were intended for public benefit. It is natural to suppose that the greatest number, as well as the most considerable of the Roman edifices, were raised by the emperors, who possessed so unbounded a command both of men and money. Augustus was accustomed to boast that he had found his capital of brick, and that he had left it of marble.** The strict economy of Vespasian was the source of his magnificence. The works of Trajan bear the

select

*

still

pire.

the provinces esteemed

an honour, and almost an obligation, to adorn the splendour of their age and country; it

a crowd of these private benefactors, we may Hcrodcs Atticus, an Athenian citizen,

who lived in the age of the Antonines. Whatever might be the motive of his conduct, his magnificence would have been worthy of the greatest kings.

The family of Herod, at least after it had been favoured by fortune, waa lineally descended from Cimon and Miltiades, Theseus and Gecrops, iEacus and Jupiter. But tlie posterity of so many gods and heroes was fallen into the most abject state. His grandfather had suffered by the hands of justice, and Julius Atticus, his father, must have ended his life in poverty and contempt, had he not disoovered an immense treasure buried under an old house, the last remains of his patrimony. According to the rigour of law, the emperor might have asserted his

The Second Chapter claim,

and the prudent Atticus prevented, by a

frank confession, the officiousness of informers. But the equitable Ncrva, who then filled the throne, rcffised to accept any part of it, and commanded him to use, without scruple, the

The

cautious Athenian still was too considerable for a subject, and that he knew not how to use it. Abuse t/, theriy replied the monarch, with a present of fortune.

insisted that the treasure

good-natured |>eevjshncss; for it is your own.®^ Many will be of opinion that Atticus literally obeyed the emperor’s last instructions; since he

expended the greatest part of his fortune, which was much increased by an advantageous marriage, in llic service of the Public. He had ol>

Herod the prefenne, Thoulouse, Bourdeaux, Autun, Vienna, Lyons, Langres, and Treves, whose ancient condition might sustain an equal, and perhaps advantageous comparison with their present state. With regard to Spain, that country flourished as a province, and has declined as a kingdom. Exhausted by the abuse of her strength, by America, and by superstition, her pride might possibly be confounded, if we required such a list of three hundred and sixty cities, as Pliny has exhibited under the reign of Vespasian.” III. Three hundred African cities had once acknowledged the authority of Carthage,’® nor is it likely that their numbers diminished under the admini.stration of the emperors: Carthage itself ro.se with new splendour

from

its

ashes;

Capua and

and

that capital, as well as

Ccjrinth, soon recovered all the ad-

vantages which can be separated from independent sovereignty. IV. 'Fhe provinces of the east present the contiast ofRr>man magnificence with Turkish barbarism. The ruins of antiquity scattered fiver uncultivated fields, and ascribed, by ignorance, to the power of magic, scaicely afford a shelter to the oppressed peasant or wandering Arab. Under the reign of the Caesars, the propfT Asia alone contained five hundred populous cities,’* enriched with all the gifts of nature, and adorned with all the refinements of art. Eleven eitie.s of Asia liad once disputed the honour of dedicating a temple to Tilx*rius, and their respective merits

were examined by the senate.®^ Four of them were immediately rejected as unequal to the burden; and among these was Laodicea, whose splendour is still displayed in its ruins.®^ Laodicca collected a very considerable revenue from of sheep, celebrated for the fineness of and had received, a little l^eforc the contest, a legacy of above four hundred thousand pounds by the testament of a generous citizen.” If sucii was the poverty of l.aodicea, its flocks

their wool,

wha t must have been

the wealth of those cities, ^laim appeared preferable, and particu“^|crgaraus, of Sin>Tna, and of Ephesus,

1

The Second Chapter who so

2

long disputed with each other over the primacy of Asia.®® The capitals of Syria and Egypt held a still superior rank in the em* pire: Antioch and Alexandria looked down with disdain on a crowd of dependent cities,®® and yielded, with reluctance, to the majesty of

provinces surrounded and inclosed the Mediterranean; and Italy, in the shape of an immense promontory, advanced into the midst of that great lake. The coasts of Italy are, in general, destitute of safe harbours; but human industry had corrected the deficiencies of na-

Rome

ture;

titular

itself.

were connected with each other, and with the capital, by the public highways, which issuing from the Forum of Rome, traversed Italy, pervaded the provinces, and were terminated only by the frontiound of gold;^®* precious stones, among which the pearl claimed the first rank after the diamond;**^ and a variety of aromatics, that were

consumed

in religious worship

and the ]x>mp

The

labour and risk of the voyage was rewarded with almost incredible profit; but the profit was made upon Roman subjects, and a few individuab were enriched at the expense of the Public. As the natives of Arabia and India were contented with the productions and manufactures of their own country, silver, on the side of the Romans, was the principal, if not the only instrument of commerce. It was a comof funerab.

plaint

worthy of the gravity of the senate, that

in the purchase of female ornaments, the wealth

of the state was irrevocably given away to foreign and hostile nations.'®® The annual loss is

computed, by a writer of an inquisitive but cenupwards of eight hundred thousand pounds sterling.'®^ Such was the style of discontent, brooding over the dark prospect of approaching poverty. And yet, if we compare the proportion between gold and silver, as it stood in the time of Pliny, and as it was

sorious temper, at

fixed in the reign of Constantine, we shall discover within that period a very considerable increase.'®® There is not the least reason to suppose that gold was become more scarce; it is therefore evident that silver was grown more

common;

that whatever might be the

and Arabian

amount

they were far from exhausting the wealth of the Roman world; and that the produce of the mines abundantly supplied the demands of commerce. Notwithstanding the propensity of mankind to exalt the past, and to depreciate the present, of the Indian

exports*,

23

face of the country, cultivated

an immense garden; and the long festival of peace, which was enjoyed by so many nations, forgetful of their ancient animosities, and delivered from the apprehension of future danger.”'®® Whatever suspicions may be suggested by the air of rhetoric and declamation, which seems to prevail in these passages, the substance of them is perfectly agreeable to historic truth. It was scarcely possible that the eyes of contemporaries should discover in the public felicity the latent causes of decay and corruption. This long peace, and the uniform government of the Romans, introduced a slow and secret poison into the vitals of the empire. The minds of men were gradually reduced to the same level, the fire of genius was extinguished, and even the military spirit evaporated. The natives of Europe were brave and robust, Spain, Gaul, Britain, and lllyricum supplied the legions with excellent soldiers, and constituted the real strength of the monarchy. Their p>crsonal valour remained, but they no longer possessed that public courage which is nourished by the love of independence, the sense of national honour, the presence of danger, and the habit of command. They received laws and governors from the will of their sovereign, and trusted for their defence to a mercenary army. The posterity of their boldest leaders was contented with the rank of citizens and subjects. The most aspiring spirits resorted to the court or standard of the emperors; and the deserted provinces, deprived of political strength or union, insensibly sunk into the languid indifference of private life. The love of letters, almost inseparable from peace and refinement, was fashionable among the subjects of Hadrian and the Antonines, who were themselves men of learning and curiosity. It was dilfuscd over the whole extent of their empire; the most northern tribes of Britons had acquired a taste for rhetoric;

and

prospx^rous state of the empire

Virgil were transcribed

was warmly

felt,

provincials as well as

and honestly confessed, by the Romans. “They acknowl-

liberal

edged that the true principles of social life, laws, agriculture, and science, which had been first invented by the wisdom of Athens, were now firmly established by the power of Rome, under whose auspicious influence the fiercest barbarians were united by an equal govern-

ings of literary merit.'*®

ment and common language. They affirm, that arts, the

human

spe-

The

sciences of physic

successfully cultivated

by

the Greeks; the observations of Ptolemy and the writings of Galen arc studied by those who have

and corrected their except the inimitable Lucian, this age of indolence passed away without having produced a single writer of original genius, improved

their discoveries

errors; but

if

we

who excelled in the arts of elegant composiThe authority of Plato and Aristotle, of

They

celebrate the

or

increasing splendour of the

cities,

the beautiful

tion.

was

as well as

rewards sought out the faintest glimmer-

and astronomy were

visibly multiplied.

cies

Homer

and studied on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; and the most

the tranquil

with the improvement of

and adorned like

Decline and Fall of the

24

Zeno and Epicurus, still reigned in the schools; and their systems, transmitted with blind deference from one generation of disciples to anothprecluded every generous attempt to exercise the powers, or enlarge the limits, of the human mind. The beauties of the poets and orators, instead of kindling a fire like their own, inspired only cold and servile imitations: or if any ventured to deviate from those models, they deviated at the same time from good sense and er,

propriety. On the revival of letters, the youthful vigour of the imagination, after a long repose, national emulation, a new religion, new languages, and a new world, called forth the genius of Europe. But the provincials of Rome, trained by a uniform artificial foreign education, were engaged in a very unequal competition with those bold ancients, who, by expressing their genuine feelings in their native tongue, had already occupied every place of honour. The name of Poet was almost forgotten; that of Orator was usurped by the sophists. A cloud of critics, of compilers, of commentators, darkened the face of learning, and the decline of genius was soon followed by the corruption of taste.

Roman Empire

The sublime

Longinus, who in somewhat a in the court of a Syrian queen, preserved the spirit of ancient Athens, ot»erves and laments this degeneracy of his contemporaries, which debased their sentiments, enervated their courage, and depressed their talents. “In the same manner,” says he, “as some children always remain pigmies, whose infant limbs have been too closely confined; thus our tender minds, fettered by the prejudices and habits of a just servitude, are unable to expand themselves, or to attain that well-proportioned later period,

we admire in the ancients; who under a popular government, wrote with the same freedom as they actcd.”“^ This diminutive stature of mankind, if we pursue the metaphor, was daily sinking below the old standard, and the Roman world was indeed peopled by a race of pygmies; when the fierce greatness which

living

giants of the north broke in,

puny

breed.

taste

and

Roman Empire,

Constitution of the

T may

he obvious definition of a monarchy seems to be that of a state, in which h single person, by whatyicver name he be distinguished, is entrusted with the ex-

ecution of the laws, the management of the revenue, and the command of the army. But, unless public liberty is protected by intrepid and vigilant guardians, the authority of so formidable a magistrate will soon degenerate into despotism. The influence of the clergy, in an age of superstition, might be usefully employed to assert the rights of mankind; but so intimate is the connection between the throne and the altar, that the banner of the church has very seldom been seen on the side of the people. A martial nobility and stubborn commons, pos-

sessed of arms, tenacious of property,

and

col-

lected into constitutional assemblies, form the

only balance capable of preserving a free constitution

against

enterprises

of

an aspiring

prince.

Every barrier of the Roman constitution had been levelled by the vast ambition of the dictator; every fence had been extirpated by the cruel

hand of the Triumvir. After the

victory of

They

restored a

and mended the manly spirit of

freedom; and after the revolution of ten centuries, freedom became the happy parent of

CHAPTER Of the

and

science.

III in the

Actium, the

on the

Age of the

fate of the

Antonines,

Roman

world depended

by and afterwards Augustus, by the flattery of the senate. The conqueror was will of Ortavianus, surnained C;rsar,

his uncle’s adoption,

at the head of forty-four veteran legions,' conscious of their

own

strength,

and

of the

weak-

habituated, during twenty years civil war, to every act of blood and violence, and passionately devoted to the house ness of the constitution,

of Caesar, from whence alone they had received, and expected, the most lavish rewards. The

by the ministers of the republic, sighed for the government of a single person, who would be the nlaster, not the accomplice, of those petty tyrants. The people of Rome, viewing, with a secret pleasure, the provinces, long oppressed

humiliation of the aristocracy, demanded only bread and public shows; and were supplied with both by the liberal hand of Augustus. The rich and polite Italians, who had almost universally embraced the philosophy of Epicurus, enjoyed the present blessings of ease and tranquillity, and suffered not the pleasing dream to be interrupted by the memory of their old tumultuous freedom. With its power, the senate

The Third Chapter many of the most noble were extinct. The republicans of spirit and ability had perished in the field of battle, or in the proscription. The door of the assembly had been designedly left open, for a mixed multitude of more than a thousand piersons, who had

lost its dignity;

families

reflected disgrace

upon

their rank, instead of

deriving honour from it.* The reformation of the senate was one of the first steps in which Augustus laid aside the ty-

and professed himself the father of his He was elected censor; and, in concert with his faithful Agrippa, he examined the list of the senators, expelled a few members, whose vices or whose obstinacy required a public example, persuaded near two hundred to prevent the shame of an expulsion by a voluntary re-

rant,

country.

a senator to about ten thousand pounds, created a sufficient nuinlxT of Patrician families, and accepted for himself the honourable title of Prince of the Senate, which had always been bestowed, by the censors, on the citizen the most eminent for his honours and services.^ but whilst he thus restored the dignity, he destroyed the independence of the senate. The principles of a free con-

treat, raised the qualification of

stitution are irrevocably lost,

uhen

the legisla-

power is nominated by the executive. Before an assembly thus modelled and prepared, Augustus pronounced a studied oration, which displayed his patriotism, and disguised

tive

“He

lamented, yet excused, his past conduct. Filial piertive ensigns of office, and continued to discharge some of their least important functions. I'hose honours still attracted the vain ambition of the Romans; and the emperors themselves, thqugh invested for life with the

ma^tstfate, the

powers the

of the consulship,

title

frequently aspired to

of that annual dignity,

which they

condescended to share with the most

illustrious

of their fellow -citizens.*® In the election of these magistrates, the people, during the reign of

Augustus, w'cre permitted to expose all the inconveniences of a wild democracy. That artful prince, instead of discovering the least symptom of impatience, humbly solicited their suffrages for himself or his friends, and scrupulously practised all the duties of an ordinary candidate.*^ But w'c may \eiuure to ascribe to his councils, the first measure of the succeeding reign,

by which the elections were transferred to

the senate.

'I'he a.sseniblies

of the pt'ople w'erc

forever abolished, and the emperors were deliv-

ered from a dangerous multitude, who, without restoring hbcTty, might have disiurbc'd,

and pier-

haps endangered, the established government.

By dec laring themselves the protectors of the Manus and Cla'sar had subverted the

people,

But as soon as the di.sanncd, such an assembly, consisting of five or six hundred persons, was found a much more tractable and useful instrument of dominion. It was on the dignity of the senate, that Augustus and his successors founded their new’ empire; and they affected, on every occasion, 10 adopt the language and principles of Patricians. In the administration of their uw ti powers they frequently con.siitution of their ccmniry.

senate had been

consulted

the

seemed to refer to

humbled and

great its

national

council,

and

decision the most important

concerns of peace and war. Rome, Italy, and the internal provinces, were subject to the immediate jurisdiction of the senate. WHth regard

;

Decline and Fall of the

s8

it was the supreme court of appeal; with regard to criminal matters, a tribunal constituted for the trial of all offences that were committed by men in any public station, or that affected the peace and majesty

to civil objects,

of the

Roman

people.

The

exercise of the judi-

power became the most frequent and serious occupation of the senate and the important causes that were pleaded before them afforded a last refuge to the spirit of ancient eloquence. As a council of state, and as a court of justice, cial

;

the senate possessed very considerable prerogabut in its legislative capacity, in which it was supposed virtually to represent the people,

tives;

the rights of sovereignty were acknowledged to reside in that assembly. Every power was derived from their authority, every law was ratified by their sanction. Their regular meetings

were held on three stated days in every month, the Calends, the Nones, and the Ides. The debates were conducted with decent freedom; and the emperors themselves, who glorified in the name of senators, sat, voted, and divided with their equals.

To

resume, in a few words, the system of the Imperial government, as it was instituted by Augustus, and maintained by those princes who understood their own interest and that of the people, it may be defined an absolute monarchy disguised by the forms of a commonwealth. The masters of the Roman world surrounded their throne with darkness, concealed their irresistible strength, and humbly professed themselves the accountable ministers of the senate, whose supreme decrees they dictated

and obeyed.'®

The

instance in which they departed from their accustomed prudence and modesty. The Asiatic

Greeks were the of Alexander the

inventors, the successors

first

first

objects, of this servile

and

impious mode of adulation. It was easily transferred from the kings to the governors of Asia

and the Roman magistrates very frequently were adored as provincial

pomp

deities,

with the

and temples, of festivals and sacrifices.®® It was natural that the emperors should not refuse what the proconsuls had accepted and the divine honours which both the one and the other received from the provinces, of altars

;

attested rather the despotism than the servitude

of Rome. But the conquerors soon imitated the vanquished nations in the arts of flattery; and the imperious spirit of the first Carsar too easily consented to assume, during his lifetime, a place among the tutelar deities of Rome. 'I he milder temper of his successor declined so dangerous an ambition, which was never afterw^ards revived, except by the madness of Caligula and Donntian. Augustus permitted indeed

some of the provincial

cities to erect

temples to

on condition that they should associate the worship of Rome with that of the his honour,

sovereign; he tolerated f)rivatc superstition, ol

which he might

Ix' the object;^® but he contented himself with being revered by the senate and people in his human character, and wisely

left to his

successor the care ofhis public deifi-

A regular

custom was introduced, that on the decease of every emperor who had cation.

neither lived nor died like a tyrant, the senate

by a solemn decree should place him in the number of the gods and the ceremonies of his :

face of the court corresponded with the

forms of the administration. I’he emperors, if we except those tyrants whose capricious folly violated every law of nature and decency, disdained that pomp and ceremony which might offend their countrymen, but could add nothing to their real power. In all the offices of life they affected to confound themselves with their subjects, and maintained with them an equal

and entertainments. I’heir were suited only to the rank of an opulent senator. I'heir family, however numerous or splendid, was composed entirely of their domestic slaves and freedmen.®® Augustas or Trajan would have blushed intercourse of visits

habit, their palace, their table,

at employing the meanest of the

Roman Empire

Romans in

those

menial offices, which, in the household and Ijedchamber of a limited monarch, are so eagerly solicited by the proudest nobles of Britain. The deification of the emperors®' is the only

Apotheosis were blended with those of his funeral. I'his legal, and, as it should seem, injudicious pnjfanation, so abhorrent to our stricter principles, was received with a faint murmur,®^ by the easy nature of polytheism; but it was received as an institution, not of religion, but of policy. We should disgrace the virtues of the Antoniiies, by comparing them with the vices of Hercules or Jupiter. Even the character of Ca’sar or Augustus were far superior to those of the popular deities. But it was the misfortune of the former to live in an enlightened age, and their actions were too faithfully recorded to admit of such a mixture of fable and mystery, as the devotion of the vulgar requires. As soon as their divinity

was established by law,

it

sunk

into oblivion, without contributing either to their

own

fame, or to the dignity of succeeding

priiccs.

In the consideration of the Imperial govern-

The Third Chapter we have

ment,

frequently mentioned the artful

founder, under his well-known title of Augustus, which was not however conferred upon him till the edifice was almost completed. The obscure name of Octavianus he derived from a mean family in the little town of Aricia. It was stained with the blood of the proscription; and

he was desirous, had it been possible, to erase memory of his former life. The illustrious surname of Cnesar he had assumed as the adopted son of the dictator; but he had too much good sense, cither to hope to be confounded, or to wish to be compared, with that all

extraordinary man.

It

was proj)osed

ate, to dignify their minister with a

lation

:

and

in the sen-

new

appel-

after a very serious discussion, that

of Augustus

was chosen, among several

others,

as being the most expressive of the character of

peace and sanctity, which he uniformly ed.'*^^

AutiuHus

affect-

was therefore a personal, Casof

29

He

wished to deceive the people by an image of civil liberty, and the armies by an image of civil government. I. The death of Caesar was ever before his eyes. He had lavished wealth and honours on his adherents; but the most favoured friends of his uncle were in the number of the conspirators. The fidelity of the legions might defend his authority against of>en rebellion; but their vigilance could not secure his person from the dagger of a determined republican; and the fears.

Romans, who revered the memory of Brutus,** would applaud the imitation of his virtue. Carsar had provoked his fate, as much by the ostentation of his power as by his power itself. The cf)nsul or the tribune might have reigned in j>cacc. 'Fhc title of king had armed the Romans against his life. Augustus was sensible that mankind is governed by names; nor was he deceived

in his expectation, that the senate

a family distinction. The former should naturally have exj^ired with the prince on whom it was bestowed; anc however the latter was diffused by adoption and female alliance, Nero was the last prince who could allege any hereditary claim to the honours of the Julian line. But, at the time of his death, the practice of a century had inseparably connecterienced the rigour of justice, and the abandoned princess was punished, first with exile, and afterwards with death. But the words of the assassin sunk deep into the mind of Commodus, and left an indelible impression of fear and hatred against the whole body of the senate. Those whom he had dreaded as importunate ministers, he now suspected as secret enemies. The Delators, a race of men discouraged, and almost extinguished, under the fonner reigns, again became tormidable, as soon as they discovered that the emperor was

found

desirous of finding disalTcction

the senate.

That assembly,

and treason in

whom Marcus had

ever considered as the great council of the nation, was composed of the most distinguished of the Romans; and distinction of every kind soon

became

criminal.

The

possession of wealth

stimulated the diligence of the informers; rigid virtue implied a tacit censure of the irregulari-

Commodus important services implied a dangerous superiority of merit and the friendship of the father always insured the aversion of ties of

;

;

the son.

Suspicion was equivalent to proof;

condemnation. The execution of a considerable senator was attended uith the death of all w'ho might lament or revenge his fate; and when Commodus had once tasted human blood, he became incapable of pity or remorse. Of these innocent victims of i\ranny, none died more lamented than the two brothers of the Quintilian family, Maximus and Condianus; whose fraternal love has saved their names from oblivion, and endeared their memory to posterity. Their studies and their occupations, their pursuits and their pleasures, were still the same. In the enjoyment of a great estate, they never admitted the idea of a separate interest; some fragments are now extant of a treatise which they composed in common ; and in every action of life it was observed that their two bodies were animated by one soul. The Antonines, who valued their virtues, and delighted in their union, raised them, in the same year, to trial to

the consulship; and

Marcus afterwards

ed to their joint care the

civil

intrust-

administration of

Greece, and a great military command, in which they obtained a signal victory over the Germans. The kind cruelty of Commodus united them in death.^^

The

tyrant’s rage,

after

having shed the

noblest blood of the senate, at length recoiled

Roman Empire

on the Whilst

principal instrument of his cruelty.

Commodus was immersed

in blood

and

luxury, he devolved the detail of the public business on Perennis; a servile and ambitious minister,

who had

obtained his post by the

who possessed a considerable share of vigour and ability. By acts of extortion, and the forfeited estates of the nobles sacrificed to his avarice, he had accumumurder of his

lated

predecessor, but

an immense

treasure.

The

Praetorian

guards w'crc under his immediate command; and his son, who already discovered a military genius,

was

at the

head of the

Illyrian legions.

Perennis aspired to the empire ; or what, in the eyes of Commodus, amounted to the same crime, he was capable of aspiring to it, had he not been prevented, surprised, and (a.d. 186) put to death. The fall of a minister is a very trifling incident in the general history of the empire; but it was hastened by an extraordinary circumstance, wdiich proved how much the nerves of discipline were already relaxed. The legions of Britain, discont» entered the streets, their pursuit was checked by a shower of stones and darts from the roofs and windows of 'I'he fool guards*^ who had b enjoyed

immense power was

PlautianufJ,

the favourite minister of Severus. His reign lasted above ten years, till the marriage of his

daughter with the eldest

which seemed

st)n

of the emperor,

to assure his fortune,

occasion of his

ruin.®** 'I’he

proved the

animosities of the

by irritating the ambition and alarming the fears of Plaiitianus, threatened to produce a

palac e,

and obliged the emperor, who still loved him, to consent with reluctance to his death. .After the fall of Plant ianus an eminent lawyer, the celebrated Papinian, was appointed to execute the motley office of Pr.erevolution,

torian Piccfect. Till the reign ol Severus, the virtue and even the good sense of the emperors had Ixxn distin-

guishe

d by

their real or affected n*vcrcnce for

and by a tender regard to the nice frame oftivil policy instituted by Augustus. But the youth of Severus had lK*en trained in the implicit ol>edience of camps, and his riper yeai*s the scn.ite,

spent in the despotism of military command. His haughty .ind inflexible spirit could not disco\er, or would not acknowledge, the advantage of preserving an intermediate j)ower, howevtr imaginary, between the emperor and the army. He disdained to profess hiiriself the servant of an assembly that detested his person and

trembled at his frown; he issued his commands, where his request would have proved as cflectual; assumed the conduct and style of a sovereign and a conqueror, and exercised, without disguise, the whole legislative as well as the executive power.

The

was easy and inEvery eye and every passion was directed to the supreme magistrate, who possessed the anus and treasure of the state; whilst the victory over the senate

glorious.

Chapter senate,

51

by the people, nor nor animated by

neither elected

guarded by military

force,

public spirit, rested its declining authority on the frail and crumbling basis of ancient opinion. The fine theory of a republic insensibly vanished, and made way for the more natural and substantial feelings of monarchy. As the freedom and honours of Rome were successively

communicated to the provinces, in which the old government had been cither unknown, or was rcrnembciTd with abhorrence, the tradition of republican maxims was gradually obliterated. The Greek historians of the age of the Antonines’“ o})serve with a malicious pleasure, that although the sovereign of Rome, in compliance with an olwoletc prejudice, abstained from the name of king, he |v>hsessed the full measure of regal power. In the reign of Severus, the senate was filled with pf)li>licd and eloquent slaves from the eastern provinces, who justified personal flattery by sj^eculativc prineiples of servitude. These new advocates of prerogative were heard with pleasure by the court, and with patience by the people, w hen they inculcated the duty of passive oljcdicnrc, and descanted on the ine vitable mischiefs of fiecdom. 7'he lawyers and the historians concurred in teaching that the Iinj>crial authority was held, not by the delolicy of one reign, and the ine\ itable ruin both of the army and of the empire. The vigour of the soldiers, instead of being confirmed by the severe discipline of camps, melted away in the luxury of cities. The excessive increase of

pay and donatives®® exhausted the state to enrich the military order, whose modesty in peace, and service in war, is best secured by an honourable poverty. The demeanour of Caracalla was haughty and full of pride; but with the troops he forgot even the projxrr dignity of his rank, encouraged their insolent familiarity, their

and, neglecting the essential duties of a general, affected to imitate the dress

common It

and manners of a

soldier.

was impossible that such a character, and

such a conduct as that of Caracalla, could inspire either love or esteem; but as long as his vices were beneficial to the annics, he was secure from the danger of rebellion. A secret conspiracy, provoked by his own jealousy, was fatal to the tyrant. The Praetorian prarfecture was divided between two ministers. The military department was intrusted to Adventus, an ex-

perienced rather than an able soldier; and the civil affairs were transacted by Opilius Macrinus,

who, by

his dexterity in business,

had

raised himself, with a fair character, to that

But

with the camight depend on the slightest suspicion, or the most casual circumstance. Malice or fanaticism had suggested to an African, deeply skilled in the knowledge of futurity, a very dangerous prediction, that Macrinus and his son were destined to reign over the empire. The report was soon diffused through the province; and when the high

office.

his favour varied

price of the emperor,

man was sent in

and

chains to

his life

Rome, he still

assert-

ed, in the presence of the Pracfect of the dty,

That magistrate, who had received the most pressing instructions to inform himself of the successors of Caracalla, imthe faith of his prophecy.

Roman Empire

mediately communicated the examination of the African to the Imperial court, which at that time resided in Syria. But, notwithstanding the diligence of the public messengers, a friend of Macrinus found means to apprise him of the approaching danger. The emperor received the letters from Rome and as he was then engaged in the conduct of a chariot-race, he delivered ;

them unopened to the Praetorian Pnefect, directing him to dispatch the ordinary aifairs, and to report the more important business that might be contained in them. Macrinus read his fate, and resolved to prevent it. He inflamed the discontents of some inferior officers, and employed the hand of Martiaiis, a des{)crate soldier, who had been refused the rank of centurion. 'Phe devotion of Caracalla prompted him to make a pilgrimage from Edessa to the

celebrated temple of the

He

Moon

at Carrhac.®*

March) was attended by a body of cavalry; but having stopped on the road for some necessary occasion, his guards preserved a respectful distance, and Martiaiis (a.d. 217, 8th

approaching

his

person under a pretence of

him with a dagger. The bold assassin was instantly killed by a Sc> thian an Iter

duty, stablx'd

of the Imperial guard. Such was the end of a monster whose life disgraced human n.iture, and whose reign acc used the patience of the

Romans. 'I’he grateful remembered only his

soldiers forgot his vices,

partial

libc'itility,

obliged the senate to prostitute their nity

and

that of religion

own

and dig-

by granting him a

among

the gods. Whilst he was upon earth, Alexander the Cireat was tlic only hero place

whom this god deemed worthy his admiration. He assumed the name and ensigns of AlexanMacedonian ph.ilanx of guards, persecuted the disciples of Aristotle, and displayed with a puerile enthusiasm the only sentider, formed a

ment by which he discovered any regard

for

We

can easily conceive, that after the battle of Narva, and the conquest of Poland, Charles the Twelfth (though he still wanted the more elegant accomplishments of the son of Philip) might boast of having rivalled his valour and magnanimity; but in no one virtue or glory.

life did Caracalla express the faintresemblance of the Macedonian hero, except in the murder of a great number of his own and

action of his

est

of his father’s friends.®® After the extinction of the house of Scverus, the Roman world remained three days without a master. The choice of the army (for the authority of a distant and feeble senate was little regarded) hung in an anxious suspense; as no

The

Sixth Chapter

candidate presented himself whose distinguished birth and merit could engage their attachment and unite their suffrages. The decisive weight of the Praptorian guards elevated the hopes of their pm?fects, and these powerful ministers began to assert their legal claim to fill the vacancy of the Imperial throne. Adventus, however, the senior praefect, conscious of his age and infirmities, of his small reputation, and his smaller abilities, resigned the dangerous honour to the crafty ambition of his colleague Macrinus, whose well-dissembled grief removed all suspicion of his being accessory to his master’s death. The trf)ops neither loved nor esteemed his character.

They

cast their eyes

around in

search of a competitor, and at last yielded with reluctance to his promises of unbounded liberality and indulgence. A short time after his accession (a.d. 2 1 7, March 1 1 ) he conferred on his son Diadiimenianus, at the age of only ten years, the Imperial title and the popular name of Antoninus. The beautiful figure of the youth, assisted by an auditicnal donative, for which the ceremony furnished a pretext, might attract, it was hoped, the favour of the army, and secure the dotibtful throne of Macrimis. Tile authority of the new sovereign had been ratified by the clicerful submission of the senate and jirovinces. They exulted in their unexpected deliverance from a hated tyrant, and it seemed of little consequence to examine into the virtues of the successor of Caracalla. But as soon as the first transports of joy and surprise had subsided, they began to scrutinise the merits of Macrinus with a critical severity, and to arraign the hasty choice of the army. It had hitherto been considered as a fundamental maxim of the constitution, that the emperor must be always chosen in the senate, and the sovereign power, no longer exercised by the whole body, was always delegated to one of its members. But Macrinus was not a senator.^* The sudden elevation of the Prictorian pra'fects betrayed the meanness of their origin; and the equestrian order was still in possession of that great office, w^hich commanded with arbitrary sway the lives and fortunes of the senate. A murmur of indignation was heard, that a man whose obscure^’ extraction had never been illustrated by any signal service, should dare to invest himself with the purple, instead of bestowing it on some distinguished senator, equal in birth and dignity to the splendour of the Imperial station.

As soon as the character of Macrinus was surveyed by the sharp eye of discontent, some vices, and many defects, were easily discovered.

57

The

choice of his ministers was in many instances justly censured, and the dissatisfied people, with their usual candour, accused at

once

tameness and his excessive

his indolent

severity.

His rash ambition had climbed a height where it was difiicult to stand with firmness, and impossible to fall without instant destruction. Trained in the arts of courts, and the forms of civil business, he trembled in the presence of the fierce and undisciplined multitude, over

whom

he had assumed the

command

tary talents were despised,

and

;

his mili-

his personal

courage suspected a whisper that circulated in the camp disclosed the fatal secret of the conspiracy against the late emperor, aggravated the guilt of murder by the baseness of hypocrisy, and heightened contempt by detestation. To alienate the soldj.ers, and to provoke inevitable ruin, the character of a reformer was only wanting: and such was the peculiar hardship of his fate, that Macrinus was compelled to exercise that invidious office. The prodigality of Caracalla had left l^ehind it a long train of ruin and disorder; and if that worthless tyrant had been capable of reflecting on the sure consequences of his own conduct, he would perhaps have enjoyed the dark prospect of the distress and calamities which he bequeathed to his successors. In the management of this necessary* reformation, Macrinus proceeded with a cautious prudence, which would have restored health and vigour to the Roman army, in an easy and almost imperceptible manner. To the soldiers already engaged in the service, he was constrained to leave the dangerous privileges and extravagant pay given by Caracalla; but the new recruits were received on the more moderate though liberal establishment of Severus, and gradually formed to modesty and obedience.^* ;

One

destroyed the salutary effects of The numerous army, assembled in the East by the late emperor, instead of being immediately dispersed by Macrinus fatal error

this judicious plan.

through the several provinces, was suffered to remain united in Syria, during the winter that followed his elevation. In the luxurious idleness of their quarters, the troops viewed their strength and numbers, communicated their complaints, and revolved in their minds the advantages of another revolution.

The

veterans,

instead of being flattered by the advantageous

were alarmed by the first steps of the emperor, which they considered as the presage of his future intentions. The recruits, with

distinction,

sullen reluctance, entered

on a

service,

whose

8

:

Decline and Fall of the labours were increased while its rewards were diminished by a covetous and unwarlike sovereign. The murmurs of the army swelled with impunity into seditious clamours; and the partial mutinies betrayed a spirit of discontent and disaffection, that waited only for the slightest occasion to break out on every side into a general rebellion.

To minds

thus disposed, the oc-

casion soon presented itself. The empress Julia had experienced all the vicissitudes of fortune. From an humble station

she had been raised to greatness, only to taste the superior bitterness of an exalted rank. She was doomed to weep over the death of one of her sons, and over the life of the other. The cruel fate of Caracalla, though her good sense

must have long taught her to expect it, awakened the feelings of a mother and of an empress. Notwithstanding the respectful civility expressed by the usurper towards the widow of Severus, she descended with a painful struggle into the condition of a subject, and soon withdrew herself by a voluntary death from the anxious and humiliating dependence. Julia Mtrsa, her sister, was ordered to leave the court and Antioch.^* She retired to Emesa with an immense fortune, the fruit of twenty years* favour, accompanied by her two daughters, Sotrmias and MamcCa, each of whom was a widow, and each had an only son. Bassianus, for that was the name of the son of Soaemias, was consecrated to the honourable ministry of high priest of the Sun; and this holy vocation, embraced either from prudence or superstition, contributed to raise the Syrian youth to the empire of Rome. A

numerous body of troops was stationed at Emesa ; and, as the severe discipline of Macrinus had constrained them to pass the winter encamped, they were eager to revenge the cruelty of such unaccustomed hardships. The soldiers, who resorted in crowds to the temple of the Sun, beheld with veneration and delight the elegant dress and figure of a young Pontiff

Roman Empire

respectable name) was (a.d. ai8, May i6) declared emperor by the troops of Emesa, asserted his hereditary right, and called aloud on the armies to follow the standard of a young and liberal prince, who had taken up arms to re-

venge

his father’s

Whilst a conspiracy of women and eunuchs was concerted with prudence, and conducted with rapid vigour, Macrinus, who, by a decisive motion, might have crushed his infant enemy, floated between the opposite extremes of terror and security, which alike fixed him inactive at Antioch.

general.

tune of her grandson, she insinuated that Bassianus was the natural son of their murdered

tunes. It

tion,

with a lavish hand silenced every objecand the profusion sufficiently proved the

affinity, or at least the resemblance, of Bassianus with the great original. The young An-

toninus (for he had assumed

and polluted that

diffused itself

.

mother of the Syrian prince, w^ho, according to their eastern custom, had atlenfkd the army, threw themselves from their covered chariots, and, by exciting the compassion of the .soldiers, endeavoured to animate their drooping couiage. Antoninus himself, who, in the rest of his life, never acted like a man, in this important crisis of his fate approved himself a hero, mounted his horse, and, at the head of his rallied troops, charged sword in hand among the thickest of the enemy; whilst the eunuch Gannys, whose occupations had been confined to female cares and the soft luxury of Asia, displayed the talents of an able and experienced

and

saries

spirit of rebellion

the

involuntary impulse, asserted the superiority of their valour and di.scipline. The reU-l ranks were broken; when the mother and grand-

sacrificing her daughter’s reputation to the for-

distributed by her emis-

all

1

violence,

The sums

A

camps and garrisons of Syria, successive detachments murdered their officers,** and joined the party of the rebels; and the tardy restitution of military pay and privileges was imputed to the acknowledged weakness of Macrinus. At length he marched out of Antioch, to meet the increasing and zealous army of the young pretender. Ilis own troops seemed to take the field with faintness and reluctance; but (a.d. 2 June 7), in the heat of the battle,*® the PrtCtorian guards, almost by an through

they recognised, or they thought that they recognised, the features of Caracalla, whose memory they now adored. The artful Maesa saw and cherished their rising partiality, and readily

sovereign.

death and the oppression of

the military order.

The

battle

still

raged with doubtful

and Macrinus might h^vc obtained the victory, had he not betrayed his own cause by a shameful and precipitate flight. His cow-

ardice served only to protract his to

stamp deserved ignominy is

life

a few days,

oti his

misfor-

scarcely necessary to add, that his

son Diadumenianus was involved in the same fate. As soon as the stubborn Praetorians could be convinced that they fought for a prince who had basely deserted them, they surrendered to the conqueror; the contending parties of the Romau army, mingling tears of joy and tenderness, united under the banners of the imagined

The

Sixth Chapter

son of Caracalla, and the East acknowledged with pleasure the first emperor of Asiatic extraction.

The letters of Macrinus had condescended to inform the senate of the slight disturbance occasioned by an impostor in Syria, and a decree immediately passed, declaring the rc'bel and his family public enemies with a promise of pardon, however, to such of his deluded adherents as should merit it by an immediate return to their duty. During the twenty days that elapsed from the declaration to the victory of Antoninus ;

(for in so short

Roman

an interval was the

fate of the

world decided), the capital and the

provinces,

more

especially those of the East,

were distracted with hopes and fears, agitated with tumult, and stained with a useless effusion of civil blood, since whosoever of the rivals f)revailcd in Syria, must reign over the empire. The specious letters in which the young conqueror announced his victory to the obc‘dient senate, were filled with professions of virtue and moderation; the shin'aig vAciiuples of

Marcus and

59

estimable value. His eyebrows were tinged with black, and his cheeks painted with an artificial red and white. “ The grave senators confessed

with a sigh, that, after having long experienced the stern tyranny of their own countrymen, Rome was at length humbled beneath the effeminate luxury of Oriental despotism. I'hc Sun was worshipped at Emesa, under the name of Elagabalus,^^ and under the form of a black conical stone, which, as it was universally believed, had fallen from heaven on that

sacred place. To this protecting deity, Antoninus, not without some reason, ascribed his elevation to the throne. The display of sujx-rstitious gratitude his reign.

was the only serious business of

The triumph

of

th(‘

God

of

Emesa

was the gn*at object of his zeal and vanity: and the apjx'llation of Elagabalus (for he presumed as pontiff and favourite to adopt that sacred name) was over

all

the religions of the earth,

dearer to him than

all

the

titles

of linpi'rial

greatness. In a solemn procession through the streets of

Rome,

the

way was

strewed with gold

shfjuld evEgean Sea, destitute of fresh water and

this curious inquiry

stales that

;

Decline and Fall of the

66

Roman Empire

every necessary of life, and inhabited only by a few wretched fishermen.** From the faint glimmerings of such doubtful and scattered lights we should be inclined to believe, ist. That (with every fair allowance for

we have a

the difference of times and circumstances) the general income of the Roman provinces could seldom amount to less than fifteen or twenty

labour of the subjects of the empire were treated with more indulgence than was shown to the pernicious, or at least the unpopular, commerce of Arabia and India.** There is still extant a long but imperfect catalogue of eastern commodities, which about the time of Alexander Severus were subject to the payment of duties; cinnamon, myrrh, pepper, ginger, and the whole tribe of aromatics, a great variety of precious

money; and, 2ndly, That so ample a revenue must have been fully adequate to all the expenses of the moderate government instituted by Augustus, whose court was the modest family of a private senator, and whose military establishment was calculated for the defence of the frontiers, without any aspiring view’s of conquest, or any serious apprehension millions of our

of a foreign invasion. Notw'ithstanding the seeming probability of both these conclusions, the latter of them at

disowned by the language and conduct of Augustus. It is not easy to determine whether, on this occasion, he acted as the comleast is positively

mon

father of the

Roman

world, or as the op-

pressor of liberty; whether he wished to relieve

the provinces, or to impoverish the senate

and

the equestrian order. But no sooner had he assumed the reins of government than he frequently intimated the insufficiency of the tributes, and the necessity of throwing an equitable proportion of the public burden

Rome and

Italy.

upon

In the prosecution of this un-

popular design, he advanced, however, by cau-, and well-weighed steps. The introduction of customs was followed by the establishment of tious

an

excise,

and the scheme of taxation was comand

pleted by an artful assessment on the real

personal property of the

Roman

citizens,

who

had been exempted from any kind of contribution above a century and a half. I. In a great empire like that of Rome, a natural balance of money must have gradually has been already observed, that as the wealth of the provinces was attracted to the capital by the strong hand of conquest and power, so a considerable part of it was restored to the industrious provinces by the g^mtle influence of commerce and arts. In the reign of Augustus and his successors, duties were imposed on every kind of merchandise, which through a thousand channels flowed to the great centre of opulence and luxury; and in whatsoever manner the law was expressed, it

established

was the

itself. It

Roman

purchaser,

and not the provin-

merchant, who paid the tax.*^ The rate of the customs varied from the eighth to the fortieth part of the value of the commodity; and cial

right to suppose that the variation

was directed by the unalterable maxims of policy: that a higher duty was fixed on the articles of luxury than on those of necessity, and that the productions raised or manufactured by the

among which the diamond was the most remarkable for its price, and the emerald for its beauty,®* Parthian and Babylonian IcatheT, cottons, silks, both raw and manufactured, ebony, stones,

ivory,

and eunuchs.^^* We may observe

that the

use and value of those effeminate slaves gradually rose with the decline of the empire. II. The excise, introduced by August us after the civil wars, was extremely moderate, but

was

it

general. It seldom exceeded one per cent.

but it comprehended whatever was sold in the markets or by public auction, from the most considerable purchases of lands and hcnises to those minute objects which can only deri\e a value from their infinite multitude and daily consumption. Such a tax, as it aihKts the body of the people, has ever been the occasion of clamour and discontent. An emperor well acquainted with the wants and resources of the state, was obliged to declare by a public edict that the support of the army depended in a great measure on the produce of the excise.^ III. When Augustus resoUed to establish a

permant nt military force for the defence of his go\ernmcnt against foreign and domestic enemies, he instituted a peculiar treasury for the

pay of the soldiers, the rew'ards of the veterans, and the extraordinary expenses of war. 'l‘hc ample revenue of the excise, though peculiarly appropriated to those uses, was found inadequate. To supply the deficiency, the emperor suggested a new tax of five per cent, on all legacies and inheritances. But the nobles of Rome were more tenacious of property dian of freedom. Their indignant murmurs wfcre received by Augustus with his usual temper. He candidly referred the whole business to the senate, and exhorted them to provide for the public service by some other expedient of a less odious nature. They were divided and perplexed. He insinuated to them that their obstinacy would oblige him to propose a general land-tax and capita*

The They acquiesced

tion.

in silence.*®*

Sixth Chapter

The new

imposition on legacies and inheritances was however mitigated by some restrictions. It did not take place unless the object was of a certain value, most probably of fifty or an hundred pieces of gold,‘®* nor could it be exacted from the nearest of kin on the father’s side.'®^ When the rights of nature and poverty were thus secured, it seemed rcasonal^le that a stranger, or

a distant relation,

who acquired an unexpected

accession of fortune, should cheerfully resign a

twentieth part of it for the benefit of the state.*®® Such a tax, plentiful as it must prove in every wealthy community, was most happily suited to the situation of the Romans, who could frame their arbitrary wills, according to the dictates of reason or caprice, without any restraint from the modern fetters of entails and settlements. From various causes the partiality of paternal affec-iion often lost its influence over the stern patriots ol the coinmoTi\v< alth

and the

dissolute

nobles of the empire and if the father Ixrqueat fled to his son the lounn port of his estate, he removed rill ground of legal complaint.*®® But a rich childless old man was a domestic tyrant, his

power increased

firn lilies.

w'ith his years

and

in-

A servile crowd, in which he frequent-

reckoned pnrtors and consuls, courted his pampered his avarice, applauded his follies, served his pjissions, and waited with impatience for his delianus, governor of

Maximin

hesitate?

is

!

Pracfcct Vitalianus had signalised his fidelity to Maximin, by the aiaciity with which he had obeyed, and even prevented, the cniel man-

dates of the tyrant.

I lis

death alone could rescue

and the lives of the senators, from a state of danger and suspense. Before their resolves had transpired, a quaestor and some tribunes were commissioned to take the authority of the senate,

his devoted life. 'Phey executed the order with equal lioldness and success; and, with their bloody daggers in their hands, ran through the Streets proclaiming to the |x:ople and the soldiers the news of the happy revolution. The enthusiasm of liberty was seconded by the promise of a large donative, in lands and money; the

The

general respect with which these deputies were received, and the zeal of Italy and the provinces in favour of the senate, sufRcicntly prove that the subjects of Maximin people.

were reduced to that uncommon distress, in which the body of the people has more to fear from oppression than from resistance. The consciousness of that melancholy truth inspires a degree of persevering fury seldom to be found in those civil wars which arc artificially supported for the benefit of a few factious and designing leaders.^*^ ^

Mauritania, w'ho, with a small band of veterand a fierce host of barbarians, attacked a faithful but unwarlike province. The younger Gordian sallied out to meet the enemy at the head of a few guards, and a numerous undisciplined multitude, educated in the peaceful luxury of Canhage. His useless valour served only to procure him an honourable death, in ans,

the

1 lis aged father, whose reign had not exceeded thirty-six days, put an end to his life on the first news of the defeat. Carthage, destitute of defence, opened her gates to the conqueror, and Africa was exposed to the rapa-

capital of the empire acknowledgc*d, with trans-

cious cruelty of a slave, obliged to satisfy his un-

port, the authority of the

relenting master with a large account of blood

senate,

two Gordians and the and the example of Rome was followed

and

statues of

Maximin were thrown down;

by the

rest of Italy.

A

spirit

new

the cause of freedom.

treasuie.*®

fate of the Gordians filled Rome with but unexpected terror. The senate convoked in the temple of Concord, afTected to transact the common business of the day; and seemed to decline, with trembling anxiety, the consideration of their own and the public dan-

The

had arisen in that assembly, whose long patience had been insulted by wanton despotism and military licence. The senate assumed the reins of government, and, with a calm intrepidity, prepared to vindicate by arms ators

the field of battle.

Among

recommended by

the consular sen-

their merit

and

services

to the favour of the emperor Alexander, it was casv to select twenty, not unequal to the command of an army, and the conduct of a war. To

these was the defence of Italy intrusted. Each was appointed to act in his respective department, authorised to enrol and discipline the Italian youth; and instructed to fortify the ports and highways against the impending invasion of

just,

ger. A silent consternation prevailed on the assembly, till a senator, of the name and family of Trajan, awakened his brethren from their fatal lethargy. He represented to them, that the choice of cautious dilatory measures had been long since out of their power; that Maximin, implacable by nature, and exasperated by injuries, was advancing towards Italy, at the head of the military force of the empire; and that their only

remaining alternative was either to meet him

Decline and Fall of the

74

bravely in the field, or tamely to expect the tor« and ignominious death reserved for unsuccessful rebellion. '*We have lost,” continued he, “two excellent princes; but unless we desert ourselves, the hopes of the republic have not perished with the Gordians. Many are the senatures

whose virtues have deserved, and whose would sustain, the Imperial dignity. Let us elect two emperors, one of whom may conduct the war against the public enemy, whilst

tors

abilities

his colleague remains at

Rome

to direct the

expose myself to the danger and envy of the nomination, and give my vote in favour of Maximus and Balbinus. Ratify my choice, conscript fathers, or apcivil administration. I cheerfully

point, in their place, others

more worthy of the

empire.” The general apprehension silenced the whispers of jealousy; the merit of the candidates was universally acknowledged; and the house resounded with the sincere acclamations, of “long life and victory to the emperors Maximus

and

Balbinus.

You are happy in the judgment may the republic be happy under

of the senate ; your administration The virtues and the reputation of the new emperors justified the most sanguine hopes of the Romans. The various nature of their talents seemed to appropriate to each his peculiar department of peace and war, without leaving room for jealous emulation. Balbinus was an admired orator, a poet of distinguished fame, and a wise magistrate, who had exercised with# innocence and applause the civil jurisdiction in almost ail the interior provinces 'of the empire. His birth was noble,*® his fortune aflluent, his manners liberal and affable. In him the love of pleasure was corrected by a sense of dignity, nor had the habits of case deprived him of a capacity for business.

The mind

of

Maximus was

formed in a rougher mould. By his valour and abilities he had raised himself from the meanest

employments of the

and army. His victories over the Sarmatians and the Germans, the austerity of his life, and the rigid impartiality of his justice, whilst he was Prapfcct origin to the

of the city,

whose

first

commanded

state

the esteem of a pcv>ple,

were engaged in favour of the more amiable Balbinus. The two colleagues had both been consuls (Balbinus had twice enjoyed that honourable office), both had been named among the twenty lieutenants of the senate ; and since the one was sixty and the other seventyfour years old,*® they had both attained the full affections

maturity of age and experience. After the senate had conferred on Maximus and Balbinus an equal portion of the consular

Roman Empire

and

tribunitian powers, the title of Fathers of

their country, Pontiff, they

and the

joint office of

Supreme

ascended to the Capitol, to return

thanks to the gods, protectors of Rome.*® The rites of sacrifice were disturbed by a sedition of the people. The licentious multitude neither loved the rigid Maximus, nor did they sufficiently fear the mild and humane Balbinus. Their increasing numbers surrounded the temple of Jupiter; with obstinate clamours they asserted their inherent right of consenting to the election of their sovereign; and demanded, with an apparent moderation, that, besides the two emperors chosen by the senate, a third should be added of the family of the Gordians, as a just return of gratitude to those princes who had

solemn

At the head of the city-guards, and the youth of the equestrian order, Maximus and Balbinus attempted to cut their way through the seditious sacrificed their lives for the republic.

multitude.

and

The

armed with sticks them back into the Capitol.

multitude,

stones, drove

prudent to yield when the contest, whatbe the issue of it, must l)e fatal to both parties. A boy, only thirteen years of age, the grandson of the elder, and nephew of the younger, Gordian, was produced to the people, invested with the ornaments and title of Carsar. The tumult was appeased by this easy condescension; and the two emperors, as soon as ttft-y had been peaceably acknowledged in Rome, prepared to defend Italy against the common enemy. Whilst in Rome and Africa revolutions succeeded each other with such ama/Jng rapidity, the mind of Maximin was agitated by the most furious passions. He is said to have received the news of the rebellion of the Gordians, and of the decree of the senate against him, not with the temper of a man, but the rage of a wild beast; which, as it could not discharge itself on the disIt is

ever

may

tant senate, threatened the

life

friends,

and of all who ventured

person.

The

of his .son, of his

to

approach

his

grateful intelligence of the death of

the Gordians was quickly followed by the assurance that the senate, laying aside |dl hopes of pardon or accommodation, had substituted in their room two emperors, with whdBc merit he could not be unacquainted. Revenge was the only consolation left to Maximin, and revenge could only be obtained by arms. The strength of the legions had been assembled by Alexander from all parts of the empire. Three successful campaigns against the Germans and the Sarmatians had raised their fame, confirmed their discipline, and even increased their numbers, by filling the ranks with the flower of the barbarian

TTie Seventh Chapter youth. The life of Maximin had been spent in war, and the candid severity of history cannot refuse him the valour of a soldier, or even the abilities of an experienced general.®^ It might naturally be expected that a prince of such a character, instead of suffering the rebellion to gain stability by delay, should immediately have marched from (he banks of the Danutje to those of the Tiber, and that his victorious army, instigated by contempt for the senate, and eager to gather the spoils of Italy, should have burned with impatience to fini'th the easy and lucrative conquest. Yet as far as we can trust to the ol)scun‘ chronology of that period,®'^ it appears that the operations of .some foreign

the Italian expedition

From the

till

war deferred

the ensuing spring.

udent conduct of Maximin, wc may learn that the savage features of his character have lx‘en exaggerated by the pencil of party, that his passions, however impetuous, submitteoplc of Aquileia

had scarcely experi-

enced any of the common miseries of a siege, their maga/ines were plenlilully supplied, and several fountains within the walls assured

them

an inexhaustible resource of fresh water. The soldiers of Maximin were, on the contrary-, exof

posed to the inclemency of the season, the contagion of disease, and the horrors of famine.

The optm country was

ruined, the rivers

tilled

with the slain, and polluted with blood. A spirit of despair and disalTeciion began to diffuse itself among the troops; and as they were cut off from all inlelligencc, they easily believed that the whole empire had embraced the cause of the senate, and that they were left as devoted victims to perish under the impregnable walls

Decline and Fall of the

^6

Roman Empire

of Aquilcia. The fierce temper of the t>Tant was exasperated by disappointments, which he imputed to the cowardice of his army; and his

deavoured to restore a civil constitution on the ruins of military tyranny. “What reward may

wanton and ill-timed

was the question asked by Maximus, in a moment of freedom and confidence. Balbinus an-

cruelty, instead of striking

terror, inspired hatred

and a

just desire of re-

venge. A party of Praetorian guards, who trembled for their wives and children in the camp of Alba, near Rome, executed the sentence of the senate. Maximin, abandoned by his guards, was (a.d. 238, April) slain in his tent, with his son (whom he had associated to the honours of the purple), Anulinus the pra?fect, and the prinThe sight of

cipal ministers of his tyranny.** their heads, borne

on the point of

spears, con-

vinced the citizens of Aquilcia, that the siege was at an end; the gates of the city were thrown open, a liberal market w'as provided for the

hungry troops of Maximin, and the whole army joined in solemn protestations of fidelity to the senate and the people of Rome, and to their lawful emperors Maximus and Balbinus. Sucli was the deserved fate of a brutal savage, destitute, as he has generally been represented, of every sentiment that distinguishes a civilised, or even a human being. The body was suited to the soul.

The

stature of

measure of eight

feet,

Maximin exceeded

the

and circumstances almost

incredible are related of his matchless strength

and appetite.*^ Had he lived in a less enlightened age, tradition and poetry might well have described him as one of those monstrous giants, whose supiernatural power was constantly exerted for the destruction of mankind.

conceive than to descrilx' the universal joy of the Roman w'orld on the fall of the tyrant, the news of w^hich is said to have b(*en carried in four days from Aquileia to Rome. The return of Maximus was a triumphal procession, his colleague and young Gordian w'ent It is easier to

out to meet him, and the three princes made their entry into the capital, attended by tlie

ambassadors of almost

the cities of Italy,

we expect for delivering Rome from a monster?”

swered

it

without hesitation.

“The

love of the

and of all mankind.” “Alas!” replied his more penetrating colleague, “Alas! I dread the hatred of the soldiers, and senate, of the people,

the fatal effects of their resentment.”*® His apprehensions were but too well justified by the event.

Whilst

Maximus was preparing

Italy against the

common

foe,

to defend

Balbinus,

who

remained at Rome, had been engaged in scenes of blood and intestine discord, l^istrust and jealousy reigned in the senate; and even in the temples where they asseinbletl, every senator canied cither open or concealed arms. In the midst of their deliberations, two veterans of the guards, actuated cither bv curiosity or a sinister moti\e, audaciously thrust themselves into the house, and ad\ anced by degrees beyond the altar of Viciorv.

Gallicanus,

a

consular,

and

Mnecenas, a Pnetorian senator, viewed wilh indignation their insolent intiusion: drawing their daggers, they laid the spies, lor such they deemed them, dead at ilu* foot of the altar, and then advancing to the d»)or of the senatc,^imprudenlly cxh(jrted the multitude to massacre the Pr«r!orians,

as the secret .idhtTciUs of the

Thtise

who

escaped the

first

tyrant.

fury of the tumult

took refuge in the camp, which they defended advantage against the reiterated attacks of the people, assistt'd by the numerous bands of gladiators, the property of opulent nobles. The civil w^ar lasted many days, wilh infinite loss and confusion on both sides. When the pipes were broken that supplied the camp with w'ater, the Praetorians were reduced to inW'ith superior

tolerable distress; but in their turn they

desjKTatc

made

feigned acclamations of the senate

a great number of houses, and filled the .strc'ct with the blood of the inhabitants. The emperor Balbinus attempted, by ineffectual edicts and precarious

who persuaded

truces, to reconcile the factions at

all

saluted w'ith the splendid offerings of gratitude

and

superstition,

and received with tJie unand people,

themselves that a golden age

would succeed to an age of iron.** I'hc conduct of the two emperors correspond with these expectations.

They administered justice in person;

and the rigour of the one was tempered by the other’s clemency.

The

oppressive taxes with

which Maximin had loaded the rights of inheritance and succession were repealed, or at least moderated. Discipline was revived, and with the advice of the senate many wise laws were enacted by their imperial ministers, who en-

sallies into the city, set fire to

though smothered

Rome. But

a while, burnt with redoubled violence. Tlie soldiers, their animosity,

for

and the people, despised the weakness of a prince w'ho wanted cither the spirit or the power to command the obedience of his subjects.^® detesting the senate

After the tyrant’s death, his formidable

army

had acknowledged, from necc.ssily rather than from choice, the authority of Maximus, who transported himself without delay to the

camp

The Seventh Chapter As soon

had received their oath of fidelity, he addressed them in tcrnis full of mildness and moderation lamentbefore Aquileia.

as he

;

ed, rather than arraigned, the wild disorders of the times, and assured the soldiers, that of all their past conduct, the senate would remcmljer only their generous desertion of the tyrant, and their voluntary return to their duty. Maximus enforced his exhortations by a liberal donative, purified the camp by a solemn sacrifice of expiation, and then dismissed the legions to their several provinces, impressed, as he hoped, with

a

lively sense of gratitude and obedience.^' But nothing could reconcile the haughty spirit of the Prartorians. They attended the emperors on the memorable day of their public entry into Rome; but amidst the general acelamations, the sullen dejected countenance ul will escape

hell tortures;

you

world For the dcstours arc

will secure praise in this

kings of Persia,

the teachers of religion; they and they deliver all men.”®®

humblest but most useful of their subjects On husbandmen were admitted, with-

the

.stars

the heaven, or the sands on the sea-shore, they

and happiness

greatness, freely mingled with the

number

leaves of the trees, the drops of rain, the

present connection, of mankind.

more genuine

inva-

riably supported this exalted character, his name

in the next.

know

all things,

These convenient maxims of reverence and

that day the

implicit faith were doubtless inipirinted with

out distinction, to the table of the king, and his The monarch accepted their petitions, inquired into their grievances, and conversed with them on the most equal terms. “From your labours,” was he accustomed to say (and to say with truth, if not with sincerity), “from

care on the tender minds of youth; since the Magi were the masters of educatioli in Persia,

satraps.

your labours, we receive our subsistence; you derive your tranquillity from our vigilance ; since, therefore, we are mutually necessary to each other, let us live together like brothers in con-

and to their hands the children even of the royal family were intrusted.®* The Pendan priests, who were of a speculative genius, preserved and investigated the secrets of Oriental philosophy;

and acquired, cither by superior knowledge or superior art, the reputation of being well versed in

some occult

which have derived from the Magi.®® Those of

sciences,

their appellation

The Eighth Chapter more

active dispositions

auxed with the world

and cities; and it is observed, that the administration of Artaxerxes was in a great measure directed by the counsels of the sacerdotal order, whose dignity, cither from policy or devotion, that prince restored to its ancient in courts

The

counsel of the Magi was agreeable to the unsociable genius of their faith, to the practice of ancient kings,*® and even to the exfirst

ample of

who had

fallen

a vic-

tim to a religious war, excited by his own

intol-

their legislator,

erant zeal.*® By an edict of Artaxerxes, the exercise of every worship, except that of Zoroas-

was severely prohibited. The temples of the and the statues of their deified monarchs, were thrown down with ignominy.** The sword of Aristotle (such was the name given by the Orientals to the polytheism and philosophy the flames of of the Cireeks) was easily broken persecution .soon reached the more stubborn Jew.s and Christif'^*./' x^or did they spare the heretics of their own nation and religion. The majesty of Ormusd, who was jealous of a rival, wa.s seconded by the dc.sp)otism of Artaxerxes, who could not suffer a rebel; and the schismatics within his vast empire were soon reduced ter,

Parthians,

cheerful submission

was

re-

riches; but the pru-

dent Artaxerxes, suffering no person except himself to assume the title of king, alx)lished every intermediate power between the throne and the people. His kingdom, nearly equal in extent to modern Persia, was, on every side, bounded by the sea, or by great rivers; by the Euphrates, the Tigris, the i\raxes, the Oxus,

and the Indus, by the Caspian Sea, and the Gulf of Persia.®® That country was computed to contain, in the last century, five hundred and fifty-four cities, Mxty thousand villages, and about forty millions of souls.®® If wc compare the administration of the house of Sassan with that of the house of Sefi, the political influence

of the ligion.

dom

Magian with that of the Mahometan rewc shall pn)bably infer, that the king-

of Artaxerxes contained at least as great a

number

of eighty thou-

scarcity of fresh w'ater in the inland provinces,

number

all

the various inhabitants of Persia in

the bands of religious zeal. II.

A

'Phis spirit of piersecution rellects dis-

honour on the religion of Zoroaster; but as it was not productive of any civil commotion, it served to strengthen the new monarchy, by uniting

lenity.®®

warded with honours and

of cities, villages, and inhabitants. But must likewise be confessed, that in every age the want of harlx)urs on the sea-coast, and the

10 the inconsider.iblc

sand.

An obstinate resistance was fatal to the chiefs; but their followers were treated

his authority.

with

splendour.*®

83

province of Persia. The defeat of the boldest rebels, and the reduction of the strongest fortifications,*® diffused the terror of his arms, and prepared the way for the peaceful reception of

Artaxerxes, by his valour and conduct,

had wrested the sceptre of the East from the ancient royal family of Parthia. There still remained the more

difficult task of establishing,

throughout the vast extent of Persia, a uniform

and vigorous administration. ITic weak indulgence of the Arsacides had resigned to their sons and brothers the principal provinces, and

it

have

l)ccn very

unfavourable to the commerce

and agriculture of the

Persians; who, in the

seem to have indulged one of the meanest, though most comcalcul.uion of their numbers,

mon, articles of national vanity. As soon as the ambitious mind of Artaxerxes had triumphed over the resistance of his vashe began to threaten the neighbouring who, during the long slumber of his predecessors, had insulted Persia with impunity. He obtained some easy victories over the wild Scythians and the cflcminalc Indians; but the sals,

states,

Romans were an enemy who, by

their past

im

the greatest offices of the kingdom, in the nature of hereditary passesstons. The vitaxa, or eight-

juries anil present power, deser\ed the utmost

een most powerful satraps, were permitted to assume the regal title and the vain pride of the monarch was delighted with a nominal dominion over so many vassal kings. Even tribes of barbarians in their mountains, and the Greek

and moderation, had succeeded the victories of 'Frajan. During the period that elapsed from the accession of Marcus to the reign of Alexander, the Roman and the Parthian empires were twice engaged in war; and although the whole strength of the Arsa-

;

citici

of

Upper

Asia,®^

within

their

walls,

any and the Parthian empire exhibited, under other names, a lively imagt of tlie feudal system®* which has since prevailed in Europe. But the active victor, at the head of a numerous and disciplined army, visited in person every

cffoits of his

arms.

A

forty years’ tranquillity,

the fruit of valour

scarcely acknowledged, or seldom obeyed,

cidcs contended with a part only of the forces of

superior;

Rome, the event was most commonly in favour of the latter. Macrinus. indeed, prompted by his precarious situation and pusillanimous temper, purchased a peace at the expense of near

two millions of our money;®* but the generals of

Decline and Fall of the

84

Marcus, the emperor Severus, and his son, erected many trophies in Armenia, Mesopotamia, and Assyria. Among their exploits, the imperfect relation of which would have unseasonably interrupted the more important scries of domestic revolutions, we shall only mention the repeated calamities of the two great cities of Seleucia

and Ctesiphon. on the western bank of the

Seleucia,

about

forty-five miles to the

Tigris,

north of ancient

Babylon, was the capital of the Macedonian conquests in Upper Asia.*® Many ages after the fall of their empire, Seleucia retaincfl the genuine characters of a Grecian colony, arts, military virtue, and the love of freedom. The indep)endent republic was governed by a senate of three hundred nobles; the people consisted of six

hundred thousand citizens; the walls were and as long as concord prevailed among

Roman Empire

cool breezes of the mountains of Media; but the mildness of the climate engaged him to prefer

Ctesiphon

From

for his

winter residence.

these successful inroads, the

Romans

derived no real or lasting benefit ; nor did they attempt to preserve such distant conquests, separated from the provinces of the empire by a large tract of intermediate desert. The reduction of the kingdom of Osrhoenc was an acquisition of less splendour indeed, but of a far more solid advantage. That little state occupied the northern and most fertile part of Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the Tigris. Edessa, capital, was situated about twenty miles l^eyond the former of those rivers; and the inhabitants, since the time of Alexander, were a mixed race of Greeks, Arabs, Syrians, and Armeni-

its

ans.**

The feeble sovereigns of Osrhoene,

placed

contending em-

strong,

on the dangerous verge of

the several orders of the state, they viewed with contempt the power of the Parthian: but the

were attached from inclination to the Parthian cause; but the superior power of Rome exacted from them a reluctant homage, which is still attested by their medals. After the conclusion of the F^arlhian Wetr under Marcus, it was judged prudent to set ure some substantial pledges of their doubtful fidelity. Forts w(tc constructed in several parts of the country, and a Roman garrison was fixed in the strong town

madness of faction was sometimes provoked to implore the dangerous aid of the common enemy, who was posted almost at the gates of the colony.*® The Parthian monarchs, like the Mogul sovereigns of Hindostan, delighted in the pastoral life of their Scythian ancestor; and the Imperial camp was frequently pitched in the plain of Ctesiphon, on the eastern bank of the Tigris, at the distance of only three miles from Seleucia.^® The innumerable attendants on, luxury and despotism resorted to the court, and the little village of Ctesiphon insensibly swelled into a great city.^^ Under the reign of Marcus, the Roman generals (a.d. 165) penetrated as far as Ctesiphon and Seleucia. They were received as friends by the Greek colony they attacked as enemies the scat of the Parthian kings; yet both cities experienced the same treatment. The sack and conflagration of Seleucia, with the massacre of three hundred thousand of the ;

inhabitants, tarnished the glory of the

Roman

triumph.® Seleucia, already exhausted by the neighbourhood of a too powerful rival, sunk under the fatal blow; but Ctesiphon (a.d. ’98), in about thirty-three years, had sufficiently recovered its strength to maintain an obstinate siege against the emperor Severus. The city was, however, taken by assault; the king, who defended it in person, escaped with precipitation; an hundred thousand captives, and a rich lx)oty, rewarded the fatigues of the Roman .soldiers.*** Notwithstanding theje misfortunes, Ctesiphon succeeded to Babylon and to Seleucia, as one of the great capitals of the East. In summer, the monarch of Persia enjoyed at Ecbatana the

tw'O

pires,

During the troubles thaifolhmed the death of Commodus, the princes of Osrhoene attempted to shake ofl’ the yoke but the stern policy of Severus confirmed their dependence,*® and the perfidy of Caracalla coinpl(*ted the easy conqiK-st. Abgarus, the last king of Edessa, was ofNisibis.

;

(a.d. 216) sent in chains to Rome, his dominions reduced into a province, and his capital

and thus the Romans, about ten years before the fall of the Parthian monarchy, obtained a firm and permanent establishment beyond the Euphrates.**

dignified with the rank of colony;

Prudence as well as glory might have justified a war on the side of Artaxerxes, liad his views been confined to the defence or the acquisition of a useful frontier. But the ambitious Persian openly avowed a far more extensive design of conquest; and (a.d. 230) he tholight himself able to support his lofty pretensions by the arms of reason as well as by those of power. Cyrus, he alleged, had first subdued, and his

had for a long time possessed, the whole extent of Asia, as far as the Propontis and the /Egean sea; the provinces of Caria and Ionia, under their empire, had been governed

successors

by Persian

and all Egypt, to the conhad acknowledged their sovereignty.® Their rights had been suspended, satraps,

fines of ^Ethiopia,

The Eighth Chapter but not destroyed, by a long usurpation ; and as soon as he received the Persian diadem, which

and

birth

successful valour

head, the

first

upon him

had placed upon

his

great duty of his station called

to restore the ancient limits

and

85

the virtues of Alexander with respect, and his with candour. He describes the judicious

faults

plan which had been formed for the conduct of the war. Three Roman armies were destined to invade Persia at the same time, and by different

splendour of the monarchy. The Great King, therefore (such was the haughty style of his embassies to the emperor Alexander), commanded the Romans instantly to depart from all the provinces of his ancestors, and, yielding to the Persians the empire of Asia, to content themselves with the undisturbed possession of Europe. This haughty mandate was delivered by four hundred of the tallest and most beautiful of the Persians; who, by their fine horses, splendid arms, and rich apparel, displayed the pride

roads.

and greatness of their master.^** Such an embassy was much less an offer of negotiaii(jn than

entrance into the heart of Media to the second of the Roman armies. These brave troops laid waste the adjacoot provinces, and by several successful actions against Artaxerxes, gave a faint colour to the emperor’s vanity. But the retreat of this victorious army w'as imprudent, or at least unfortunate. In repassing the moun-

a declaration of war. Both Alexander Severus

and Artaxerxes, collecting the military force of the Roman and Persian monarchies, resolved in this important ro..*

st

to lead their armies in

person.

we

what should seem the most auan oration, still extant, and delivered bv the cmp«‘ror himself to the senate, we must allow that the victory of Alexander Se\erus was not inferior to any of those h)rmo^ed

victory;

and in either fortune had united with the ablest conduct the most undaunted resolution. But in several obstinate engagements against the veteran legions of Rome, the Persian monarch had lost the flower of Ins troops. Even his victories had weakened the invaders in jxTson;

his power. The favourable opportunities of the absence of Alexander, and of the confusions that followed that emperor’s death, presented themselves in vain to his ambition. Instead of expelling the Romans, as he pretended, from the continent of Asia, he found himself unable to wrest from their hands the little province of Mesopotamia.^® The reign of Artaxerxes, which from the last

Decline and Fall of the

86

The infantry was a lialfcrowd of peasants, levied in haste by the allurements of plunder, and as easily dispersed by a victory as by a defeat. The monarch and his nobles transported into the camp the pride and luxury of the seraglio. Their military operations w'cre impeded by a useless train of women, eunuchs, horses, and camels, and in the midst of a successful campaign the Persian host was often separated or destroyed by an unexpected famine.*® But the nobles of Persia, in the bosom of luxury and despotism, preserved a strong sense of pi^^rsonal gallantry and national honour. From

defeat of the Parthians (a.d. 240) lasted only fourteen years, forms a memorable era in the history of the East, and even in that of Rome. His character seems to have been marked by those bold and commanding features that generally distinguished the princes who conquer,

to their discipline.

armed

who inherit, an empire. Till the last period of the Persian monarchy his code of laws was respected as the ground-work of their civil and religious policy.**^ Several of his sayings are from those

preserved.

One

of

them

in particular discovers

a deep insight into the constitution of government. ‘‘I’he authority of the prince,*’ said Artaxerxes, “must be defended by a military force; that force can only be maintained by taxes; all taxes must, at last, fall

ture;

and

upon

how, and to ride; and was universally confessed, that in the two last of these arts they had made a more than comtruth, to shoot with tlie

agriculture can never flourish except

it

under the protection of justice and moderation.”** Ai taxerxcs bequeathed his new empire, and his ambitious designs against the Romans, to Sapor, a son not unworthy of his great father; but those designs were too extensive for the power of Persia, and .ser\'ed only to involve both nations in a long series of destructive wars and reciprocal calamities. The Persians, long since civilised and corrupted, were very far from possessing the martial independence and the intrepid hardness, both of mind and body, which have rendered

mon proficiency.*^ The most distinguished youth were educated under the monarch's eye, practised their exercises in the gale of his pal-

and were se\erely trained up to the habits of temperance and obedience in their long and ace,

laborious parties of hunting. In every province the .satrap maintained a like school of military virtue. 'Fhe Persian nobles (so natural

is the idea of feudal temin‘s) received from the king’s bounty lands and houses, on thever, on the coast of the Baltic,

ledged the authority of kings, though without reliiKiuishing the rights of men;'** but in the far

greater part of

ment was a

Germany,

controlled, not so laws, as

the form of govern-

deniocrac'y temper(‘d indeed,

much by

and

general and positive

by the occasional ascendant of birth or

valour, of eUxjuence or superstition.*Civil governments, in their

first

institutions,

arc voluntary a^^ociations for inutual defence.

To obtain the desired end, it is absolutely necessary that each individual should conceive himself obliged to submit his ])rivale opinion and actions to the judgment of the greater numl)er

of his asscKiates.

'J’he

German

tented with this rude but

tribes

lilx'ral

were con-

outline of poli-

As soon as a youth, boin of free had attained the age of manhood, he

tical society.

parents,

was introduced into the general council

of his

countrymen, solemnly invested with a shUdd and spear, and adopted as an equal and worthy mcrnlx'r of the military commonwealth. '1 he assembly of the warriors of the trilje was convened at stated seasons or on sudden emergencies.

The

trial

magistrates,

of public offences, the election of

and the great business of jxrace and

determined by its independent voice. Sometimes, indeed, these impe^rtant questions were previously considehrd and prepared in a

war

more

w'cre

select council of the principal chieftains.*®

The magistrates might deliberate and

persuade, the people only could resolve and execute; and

91

the resolutions of the Germans were for the most part hasty and violent. Barbarians accustomed to place their freedom in gratifying the present passion, and their courage in overlooking all future conseciuenccs, turned away with indignant contempt from the remonstrance of

and policy, and it was the practice to by a hollow murmur their dislike of such timid counsels. But whenever a more popular orator proposed to vindicate the meanest

justice

signify

from either foreign or domestic injury, whenever he called upon his fellow-countrymen to assert the national honour, or to pursue some enterprise full of danger and glory', a loud clashing of shields and spears expressed the eager applause of the as.scmbly. For the Germans always met in arms, and it was constantly to be dreaded lest an irregular multitude, inliamcd with faction and strong liquors, should use those arms to enforce, aA well as to declare, their furicitizen

ous resolves.

Wc may

recollect

how

often the

Poland have been polluted with blood, and the more numerous party has been com-

diets ol

pelled to yield to the

more

violent

and

sedi-

tious.**

A

general of the tribe was elected on occaif the danger was pressing

sions of dange r; and,

and

extensive, several tribes concurred in the

choice of the same general.

The

bravest w'arrior

was named to lead his countrymen into the field by his example rather than by his commands. But this power, howev'cr limited, was still invidious. It expired with the war, and in lime of peace the German tribes acknowledged not any supreme chief.*** Princes were, however, appointed in the general assembly,

to administer justice, or rather to compose differences.*® in their respective districts. In tlie choice of these magistrates as much regard was shov%n to birth as to merit. *‘ To each was a,ssigncd, bv the public, a

guard and a coiiiu il of an hundred persons; and the hrst of the princes appears to have enjoyed a pre-eminence ol rank and honour v\hich sometimes tempted the Romans to compliment him with the regal title.*® The comparative view of the powers of the magistrates, in two remarkable instances, is alone sufficient to represent the

German manners. The

w hole system

of

disposal of the landed

property within their district was absolutely and they distributed it every year according to a new division.*® At the same time they were not authorised to punish with death, to imprison, or even to strike, a private citizen.®® A people thus jealous of their vested in their hands,

persons,

and

careless of their possessions,

must

Decline and Fall of the

92

have been totally destitute of industry and the but animated with a high sense of honour

Roman Empire

homage and

These conditions

military service.

however, very repugnant to the maxims of

arts,

are,

and independence. The Germans respected only those duties which they imposed on themselves. The most

the ancient Germans,

obscure soldier resisted with disdain the authority of the magistrates. “The noblest youths blushed not to be numbered among the faithful

“In the days of chivalry, or more properly of all the men were brave, and all the women w'erc chaste;” and notwithstanding the latter of these virtues is acquired and preserved with much more difficulty than the former, it is

companions of some renowmed chief, to whom they devoted their arms and service. A noble emulation prevailed among the companions to obtain the first place in the esteem of their chief; amongst the chiefs, to acquire the greatest number of valiant companions. To be ever surrounded by a band of select youths was the pride and strength of the chiefs, their ornament in peace, their defence in war. The glory of such distinguished heroes diffused itself licyond the narrow limits of their own tribe. Presents and embassies solicited their friendship, and the fame of their arms often ensured victory to the party which they espoused. In the hour of danger it was shameful for the chief to be surpassed in valour by his companions; shameful for the companions not to equal the valour of their chief.

To

survive his

fall in battle

was

indelible

infamy. To protect his person and to adorn his :;lory with the trophies of their own exploits were the most sacred of their duties. The chiefs

combated chief.

The

for victory, the

companions

for the

noblest warriors, whenever their

nii-

country was sunk in the la/incss of peace, maintained their numerous bands in some distant scene of action, to exercise, their restless spirit and to acquire renown by voluntary dantive

worthy of soldiers, the warlike steed, and ever victorious lance, were the rewards which the companions claimed from gers. Gifts

the bloody

the liberality of their chief. The rude plenty of his hospitable board was the only pay that he

could bestow or they would accept. War, rapine, and the free-will offerings of his friends, supplied the materials of this munificence.” This

however it might accidentally weaken the several republics, invigorated the general character of the Germans, and even ripened amongst them all the virtues of which barbainstitution,

rians are susceptible ; the faith

and the

and valour, the

.so conspicuous long afterwards in the ages of chivalry. The honourable gifts, bestowed by the chief on his brave companions, have been supposed, by an ingenious writer, to contain the first rudiments of the fiefs, distributed, after the conquest of the Roman provinces, by the barbarian lords among their vassals, with a similar duty of

hospitality

courte.sy,

who

delighted in mutual

presents; but without either imposing, or ac-

cepting, the weight of obligations.®*

romance,

ascribed, almost w'ithout exception, to the wives

of the ancient Germans. use, except

them only

among

Polygamy was not in and among

the princes,

for the sake of niultiplving their alli-

ances. Divorces were prohibited

by manners

rather than by laws. Adulteries were punished as rare

and inexpiable crimes; nor was scdticby example and f.ishion.®^ We may

tion justified

easily discover that I'acitiis indulges

pleasure in

th(‘

Roman

the dissolute conduct of the there are

some

an honest

contrast of barbarian virtue with ladies; yet

striking circumstances that give

an air of truth, or at least of probability, to the conjugal faith and chastity of the Ch rmans. Although the progress of civilisation has undoubtedly contributed

to assuage the

passions of human nature,

it

fiercer

seems to have been

favourable to the virtue of chastity, whose most dangerous enemy is the soltness of the mind. 1 he ndinements of life corrupt while less

they polish the intercourse of the sewes.

The

gross appetite of love becomf's most dangerous

when

it is

elevated, or rather, indeed, disguised

by sentimental passion. I'he elegance of dre.ss, of motion, and of manners gives a lustre to beauty, and intlamcs the sens(\s through the imagination. Luxurious cnlerlainnient.s, midnight dances, and licentious spectacles, present at once temptations and opportunity to female frailty.®®

From such dangers

th\'ith every convenicncy that could assuage their angry spirits, or facilitate their so much wished-for departure ; and he even promised to pay them annually a large sum of gold, on condition they should never afterwards infest the Roman territories by their incursions. “

In the age of the Scipios, the most opulent kings of the earth, who courted the protection of the victorious commonw'ealth, were gratified with such trilling presents as could only derive

a value from the hand that bestowed them; an ivory chair, a coarse garment of purple, an inconsiderable piece of plate, or a quantity of copper coin.“ After the wealth of nations had cenRome, the emperors displayed their

tred in

greatness,

and even

exercise of a steady

wards the

their policy, by the regular and moderate liberality to-

allies of the state.

They

relieved the

of their brethren, spread devastation through the Illyrian provinces, and terror as far as the gates of Rome. The defence of the monarchy, which seemed abandoned by the pusillanimous

emperor, was assumed by ^miiianus, governor of Pannonia and Miesia

;

who

rallied the scat-

and revived the fainting spirits of the troops. I’he barbarians were unexpectedly attacked, routed, chased, and pursued lyyond the Danube. I'he victorious leader distributed tered forces,

as a donative the

money

collected for

tlic

trib-

and the acclamations of the soldiers proclaimed him emperor on the field ol battle.” Gallus, who, careless of the general welfare, indulged himself in the pleasures of Italy, was almast in the same in.stant informed of the success of the revolt and of the rapid approach of his aspiring lieutenant. He advanced to meet him as far as the plains of Spoleto. When the ute,

armies came in sight of each other, the soldiers compared the ignominious conduct of their sovereign with the glory of his rival. 'I'hey admired the valour of 4iinilianus; they were attracted by his liberality, lor he ollered a con-

poverty of the barbarians, honoured their merit, and recompensed their fidelity. These voluntary marks of bounty were understotKd to flow not from the fears, but merely from the generosity or the gratitude of the Romans; and whilst

siderable increase of

and subsidies were liberally distributed among friends and suppliants, they were sternly refused to such as claimed them as a debt.^^ But this stipulation of an annual payment to a vic-

(a.d. 233, May) gave a legal sanction to the rights of conquest. The letters ol .^Eniilianus to

presents

torious

enemy appeared without

disguise in the

an ignominious tribute; the minds of the Romans were not yet accustomed to accept such unequal laws from a tribe of barbarians; and the prince who by a necessary concession had probably saved his country, became the object of the general contempt and aversion. The death of Hostilianus, though it happened in the midst of a raging pestilence, was interpreted as the personal crime of Gallus;®^ and even the defeat of the late emperor was ascribed by the light of

voice of suspicion to the perfidious counsels of his

The

hated successor.

tranquillity

which

the empire enjoyed during the first year of his administration^^ served rather to inHainc than to appease the public discontent; and, as soon

as the apprehensions of war were removed, the infamy of the peace was more deeply and more sensibly

felt.

But the Romans were irritated degree

when

to a

still

higher

they discovered that they had not

even secured their repose, though at the expense of their honour. The dangerous secret of the wealth and weakness of the empire had been revealed to the world.

New swarms of barbarians,

by the success, and not conceiving themselves bound by the obligation.

encouraged

(a.d. 253)

of Gallus

-

pay to all deserters.^** The murder of Gallus, and of his son Volusianus, put an end to the civil war; and the senate

that assembly displa\ed a mixture of tion

and

vanity.

He assured them

modera-

that he .should

resign to their wisdom the civil administration; and, contenting himself with the quality of their general, would in a short time assert the glory

of

Rome, and

deliver the empire from all the

barbarians both of the North and of the East.^® His pride was flattered by the applause of the

and medals are still extant representing him with the name and attnbutes of Hercules and Victor and of Mars the Avenger.*® If the new monarch possessed the abilities, he senate;

wanted the time necessary to fulfil these splendid proniLses. Less than four months intervened between his victory and his fall.®‘ He had vanquished Gallus: he sunk under the weight of a competitor more formidable than Gallus. That unfortunate prince had sent Valerian, already distinguished by the honourable tide of ccasor, to bring the legions of Gaul and Germany to his

Valerian executed that commission with fidelity; and as he arrived too late to save his soven*ign, he resolved to revenge him. The troops of iEmilianus, who still lay encampied aid.**

zeal

and

in the plains of Spoleto,

were awed by the sanc-

much more by the superior strength of his army; and as they were now tity

of his character, but

a

The Tenth Chapter become as incapable of personal attachment as they had always been of constitutional printhey (a.d. 253, Aug.) readily imbrued hands in the blood of a prince who had so lately been the object of their partial choice. The guilt was theirs, but the advantage of it was

ciple,

their

who obtained the possession of the throne by the means indeed of a civil war, but with a degree of innocence singular in that age of revolutions; since he owned neither gratitude nor allegiance to his predecessor whom he dethroned. Valerian was about sixty years of age®^ when he was invested with the purple, not by the caprice of the populace, or the clamours of the army, but by the unanimous voice of the Roman world. In his gradual ascent through the honours of the slate, he had deserv^ed the favour of virtuous princes, and had declared himself the enemy of tyrants.®® His noble birth, his mild but unblemished manners, his learning, prudence, and experience, were revered by the senate and people; and if mankind (according to the observation of an apeie. writer) had been left at liberty to choose a master, their choice would Valerian’s;

i

most assuredly liave fallen on Valerian.®® Perhaps the merit of this emperor was inadequate to his reputation; perhaps his abilities, or at least his spirit,

were alTected by the languor and

103

Valerian and Gallienus, were, i. The Franks; 2. The Alemanni; 3. The Goths; and 4. The Persians. Under these general appellations we may comprehend the adventures of less considerable tribes, whose obscure and uncouth names would only serve to oppress the memory and perplex the attention of the reader. I. As the posterity of the Franks compose one of the greatest and most enlightened nations of Europe, the powers of learning and ingenuity have been exhausted in the discovery of their unlettered ancestors. To the talcs of credulity have succeeded the systems of fancy. Every passage has been sifted, every spot has been surveyed, that might possibly reveal some faint traces of their origin. It has been sup{x»ed that Pannonia,®^ that Gaul, that the northern parts of Germany,®* gave birth to that celebrated colony of warriors. At length the most rational critics, rejecting the fictitious emigrations of ideal conqueroib, have acquiesced in a sentiment whose simplicity persuades us of its truth.® They suppose that, about the year two hundred and forty, new confederacy was formed under the name of Franks, by the old inhabitants of the Lower Rhine and the Weser. The present circle of Westphalia, the Landgraviate of Hesse, and the duchies of Brunswick and Luneburg, were the ancient scat of the C^hauci, who, in

Roman

coldness of old age. 'Fhe consciousness of his de-

their inaccessible morasses, defied the

engaged him to share the throne with a younger and more active associate:®® the emergency of the times demanded a general no less than a prince; and the exptTicnce of the Roman censor might have directed him where to bestow the Imperial purple, as the rew’ard of military merit. But instead of making a judicious choice, which would have confirmed his reign and endeared his memory. Valerian, consulting

arms;^‘ of the Chcrusci, proud of the fame of

cline

only the dictates of affection or vanity, imntediatcly invested with the supreme honours his son Gallienus, a youth whose eifeminate vices had been hitherto concealed by the obscurity of a private station. The joint government of the father and the son subsisted about seven, and the sole adinini.stration of Gallienus continued

about eight years (a.d. 253-268). But the whole period was one unintcriiipted series of confusion and calamity. As the Roman empire was at the same time, and on every side, attacked by the blind fury of foreign invaders, and the wild amwe shall consult

bition of domestic usurpers,

order and perspicuity by pursuing not so much the doubtful arrangement of dates as tlie more natural dbtribution of 8ubjcctS4 The most dangerous enemies of Rome, during the reigns of

Arminius; of the Catti, formidable by their firm

and intrepid infantry and of several other tribes of inferior power and renow^n.^^ The love of liberty w'as the ruling passion of these Germans; the enjoyment of it their best treasure the word ;

;

that expressed that enjoyment the most pleasing

They de.servcd, they assumed, they maintained the honourable epithet of Franks or Freemen; which concealed, though it did not

to their ear.

extinguish, the peculiar

names

of the several

states of the confederacy.*® Tacit consent,

and

mutual advantage, dictated the first law's of the union; it was gradually cemented bv habit and experience. Tlic league of the Franks may admit of some comparison with the Helvetic body; in which every canton, retaining its independent sovereignty, consults with its brethren in the common cause, without acknowledging the autlioriiy of any supreme head or representative assembly.*® But the principle of the two confederacies wrre extremely diflerent. A peace of two hundred years has rewarded the wLsc and lionest policy of the Swiss. An inconstant spirit, the thirst of rapine, and a disregard to the most solemn treaties, disgraced the character of the Franks.

104

Decline and Fall of the

The Romans had long experienced the daring valour of the people of Lower Germany. The union of their strength threatened Gaul with a more formidable invasion, and required the presence of Gallicnus, the heir and colleague of imperial power. Whilst that prince, and his infant son Salonius, displayed, in the court of Treves, the majesty of the empire, its armies were ably conducted by their general Posthumus, who, though he afterwards betrayed the family of Valerian, was ever faithful for the great interest of the monarchy. The treacherous language of panegyrics and medals darkly announces a long series of victories. I'rophics and titles attest (if such evidence can attest) the fame of Posthumus, who is repeatedly styled The Conqueror of the Germans, and the saviour of Gaul.^* But a single fact, the only one indeed of which we have any distinct knowledge, erases, in a great measure, these monuments of vanity and adulation. The Rhine, though dignified with the title of Safeguard of the provinces, was an imperfect barrier against the daring spirit of enterprise with which the Franks were actuated. Their rapid devastations stretched from the river to the foot of the Pyrenees; nor were they stopped by those mountains. Spain, which had never dreaded, was unable to resist, the inroads of the Germans. During twelve years, the greatest part of the reign of Gallicnus, that opulent country was the theatre of unequal and destructive hostilities. Tarragona, the flourishing capital of a peaceful province, was sacked and al-' most destroyed, and so late ^s the days of Orosius, who wrote in the fifth century, wretched cottages, scattered amidst the ruins of magnificent cities, still recorded the rage of the barbarians.^* When the exhausted country no longer supplied a variety of plunder, the Franks seized on some vessels in the ports of Spain,'® and transported themselves into Mauritania. The distant province was astonished with the fury of these barbarians, who seemed to fall from a new world, as their name, manners, and complexion were equally unknown on the coast of Africa.*® II. In that part of Upper Saxony beyond the Elbe, which is at present called the Marquisate of Lusace, there existed, in ancient times, a sacred wood, the awful seat of the superstition of the Suevi. None were permitted to enter the holy precincts without confessing, by their servile bonds and suppliant posture, the immediate presence of the sovereign Deity." Patriotism contributed as well as devotion to consecrate the Sonneowald, or wood of the Semnones.*^ It

Roman Empire

was universally believed that the nation had received its first existence on that sacred spot. At stated periods, the numerous tribes who gloried in the Suevic blood resorted thither by their ambassadors; and the memory of their common extraction was perpetuated by barbaric rites and human sacrifices. The wide extended name of Suevi filled the interior countries of Germany from the banks of the Oder to those of the Danube. They were distinguished from the other Germans by their peculiar mode of dressing their long hair, which they gathered into a rude knot on the crown of the head; and they delighted in an ornament that showed their ranks more lofty and terrible in the eyes of the enemy.**

Jealous as the Germans were of military renown, they all confessed the superior valour of the Suevi; and the tribes of the Usipetes and Tencteri, who, with a vast army, encountered the dictator Caesar, declared that they esteemed it not a disgrace to have fled before a people to whose arms the immortal gods themselves were unequal.*^ In the reign of the emperor Caracalla, an innumerable sw'arm of Suevi appeared t)n the banks of the Mein, and in the neighlx>urhood of the Roman provinces, in quest either of food, of plunder, or of glory. Th(‘ hasty armv of volunteers gradually coalesced into a great and

permanent nation, and as so

many

it w’as composed from assumed the name of to denote at once their

difierent tribes,

Alemanni, or All-men

\

various lineage and their

The

latter

was soon

fell

common

bravery.*®

by the Romans

in

many

a hostile inroad. The Alemanni fought chiefly on horseback; but their cavalr>^ was rendered still more formidable by a mixture of light infantry, selected from the bravc'st and most active of the youth, whom frequent exercise had enured to accompany the horsemen in the longest march, the most rapid charge, or the most precipitate rc‘treat.*^

This warhk(‘ people of Germans had been astonished by the immense preparations of Al-

exander Severus; they were dismayed by the arms of his successor, a barbarian equal in valour and fierceness to themselves. But still hovering

on the

frontiers of the empire, they increa.scd the general disorder that ensued after the death of Decius. They inflicted severe wounds on the

rich provinces of Gaul; they were the

removed the

veil that

first

who

covered the feople seconded the terror of his arms,®® Zenobia would have ill deserved her reputation had she indolently permitted the empen^r of the West to approach within an hundred miles of her capital. The fate of the East was decided in two great battles; so similar in almost every circumstance, that we can scarcely distinguish them from each other, except by observing that the first was fought near Antioch,®® and the second near Emesa.®® In both the queen of Palmyra animated the armies by her presence, and devolved the execution of her orders on Zabdas, who had already signalised his military talents by the conquest of Eg>'pt. The numerous forces of Zenobia consisted for the most part of light archers, and of heavy' cavalry clothed in complete steel. The Moorish and Illyrian horse of Aurelian were unable to sustain the ponderous charge of their antagonists. They fled in real or affected disorder, engaged the Palmyrenians in a laborious pursuit, harassed

them by a desultory combat, and comfited

this

at length disimpenetrable but unwieldy body

of cavalry. The light infantry, in the meantime, when they had exhausted their quivers, remain-

124

Decline and Fall of the

perpetually harassed by the Arabs; nor could he always defend his army, and espiecially his baggage, from those flying troops of active and daring robbers, who watched the moment of

ing without protection against a closer onset, exposed their naked sides to the swords of the legions. Aurelian had chosen these veteran troops who were usually stationed on the Upper Danube, and whose valour had been severely

and eluded the slow pursuit of the lesiege of Palmyra was an object far more difficult and important, and the emperor, who, with incessant vigour, pressed the attacks in person, was himself wounded with a dart. “The Roman people,” says Aurelian, in an original letter, “speak with contempt of the war which I am waging against a woman. They are ignorant both of the character and of the power of Zenobia. It is impossible to enumerate her warlike preparations, of stones, of arrows, and of every species of missile weapons. Every part of the walls is provided with two or three balistcgy and artificial fires are thrown from her military engines. The fear of punishment has armed her surprise,

Alemannic war.*^ After the defeat of Emesa, Zenobia found it impossible to collect a third army. As far as the frontier of Egypt, the nations subject to her empire had joined the tried in the

gions.

standard of the conqueror, who detached Probus, the bravest of his generals, to possess himself of the Egyptian provinces. Palmyra was the last resource of the widow of Odenathus. She retired within the walls of her capital, made every preparation for a vigorous resistance, and declared, with the intrepidity of a heroine, that the last moment of her reign and of her life should be the same. Amid the barren deserts of Arabia a few cultivated spots rise like islands out of the sandy ocean. Even the name of Tadmor, or Palmyra,

by its signification

The

with a desperate courage. Yet protecting deities of

still I

trust in the

Rome, who have

hitherto

been favourable to all my undertakings.”^^ Doubtful, however, of the protection of the gods, and of the event of the siege, Aurelian judged it more prudent to offer terms of an advantageous capitulation to the queen, a splendid retreat; to the citizens, their ancient privileges. His propncsals wen* obstinately rejected, and the refusal was accompanied with insult. The firmness of Zenobia was supported by the hope that in a very short time famine would

in the Syriac as well as in the

Latin language, denoted the multitude of palmwhich afforded shade and verdure to that temperate region. The air was pure, and the soil, watered by some invaluable springs, was capable of producing fruits as well as corn. nlace possessed of such singular advantages, ind situated at a convenient distance^^ between the Gulf of Persia and the Mediterranean, was soon frequented by the caravans which conveyed to the nations of Europe a considerable part of the rich commodities of India. Palmyra insensibly increased into an opulent and independent city, and, connecting tho Roman and the Parthian monarchies by the mutual l^enefits of commerce, was suffered to observe an humble neutrality, till at length, after the victories of Trajan, the little republic sunk into the bosom of Rome, and flourished more than one hundred and fifty years in the subordinate though honourable rank of a colony. It was during that peaceful period, if we may judge from a few remaining inscriptions, that the wealthy Palmyrenians constructed those temples, palaces, and porticos of Grecian architecture, whose ruins, scattered over an extent of several miles, have deserved the curiosity of our travellers. The elevation of Odenathus and Zenobia appeared to reflect new splendour on their country, and Palmyra, for a while, stood forth the rival of Rome; but the competition was fatal, and ages of prosperity were sacrificed to a moment of glory.* In his march over the sandy desert between Emesa and Palmyra, the emperor Aurelian was

Roman Empire

trees

;

A

^

compel the Roman army to repass the desert; and by the reasonable expectation that the kings of the East, and particularly the Persian monarch, would arm in the defence of their most natural ally. But fortune and the perseverance of Aurelian overcame every obstacle. The death of Sapor, which happened about this time,’^ distracted the councils of Persia, and the inconsiderable succours that attempted to relieve Palmyra were easily intercepted cither by the arms or the liberality of the emperor.

From every part of Syria a regular succession of convoys safely arrived in the camp, which was increased by the return of Probus with his victorious troops from the conquest of Egypt. It was then that Zenobia resolved to fly. She mounted the fleetest of her dromedaries,” and had already reached the banks of the Euphrates, about sixty miles from Palmyra, when she was overtaken by the pursuit of Aurclian’s light horse, seized and brought back a captive to the feet of the emperor. Her capital soon afterwards surrcnd-*rcd, and was treated with unexpected lenity. The arms, horses, and camels, with an immense

treasure of gold, silver, silk,

and pre-

;

The Eleventh Chapter dous

stones,

were

all

delivered to the conquer-

who, leaving only a garrison of six hundred Emesa, and employed some time in the distribution of rewards and punishments at the end of so memorable a war, which

or,

archers, returned to

restored to the obedience of inces that

had renounced

Rome

those prov-

their allegiance since

the captivity of Valerian.

When the Syrian queen was brought into the presence of Aurclian, he sternly asked her, How she had presumed to rise in arms against the emperors of Rome? The answer of Zenobia was a prudent mixture of respect and firmness. “Because I disdained to consider as Roman emperors an Aureolus or a Gallienus. You alone I acknowledge as my conqueror and my soverBut as female fortitude is commonly artificial, so it is seldom steady or consistent. The courage of Zenobia deserted her in the hour of trial she trembled at the angry clamours of the soldiers, who called aloud for her immediate eign.**^®

;

execution, forgot the generous despair of Cleopatra, which she h?d proposed as her model,

and ignominiously purchased life by the sacrifice of her fame and her friends. It was to their counsels, which governed the weakness of her imputed the guilt of her obstinate was on their heads that she directed the vengeance of the cruel Aurclian. The fame of Longinus, who was included among the numerous and perhaps innocent victims of her fear, will survive that of the queen who betrayed, or the t>Tant w'ho condemned him. Genius and learning were incapable of moving a fierce unlettered soldier, but they had served to elevate and harmonise the soul of Longinus. Without uttering a complaint, he calmly followed the executioner, pitying his unhappy

sex, that she

resistance ;

mistress,

it

and bestowing comfort on

his afUictcd

friends.^^

Returning from the conquest of the East, Aurclian had already crossed the Straits which divide Europe from Asia, when he w’as provoked by the intelligence that the Palmyrcnians had massacred the governor and garrison which he had left among them, and again erected the standard of revolt. Without a moment’s deliberation, he once more turned his face towards Syria. Antioch was alarmed by his rapid approach, and the helpless city of Palmyra felt the irresistible weight of his resentment. Wc have a letter of Aurclian himself, in which he acknowl-

women, children, and had been involved in that dreadful execution, which should have been confined to armed rebellion; and although his principal edges^® that old men, peasants,

125

concern seems directed to the re-establishment of a temple of the Sun, he discovers some pity for the remnant of the Palmyrcnians, to whom he grants the permission of rebuilding and inhabiting their city. But it is easier to destroy than to restore. The seat of commerce, of arts, and of Zenobia, gradually sunk into an obscure town, a trifling fortress, and at length a miserable village. The present citizens of Palmyra, consisting of thirty or forty families, have erected their mud-cottages within the spacious court of a magnificent temple. Another and a last labour still awaited the indefatigable Aurclian; to suppress a dangerous though obscure rebel, who, during the revolt of Palmyra, had arisen on the banks of the Nile. Firmus, the friend and ally, as he proudly styled himself, of Odenathus and Zenobia, was no more than a wealthy merchant of Egypt. In the course of his trade to India he had formed very intimate connections w'ith the Saracens and the Blemmyes, whose situation, on either coast of the Red Sea, gave them an easy introduction into the Upper Egypt. The Egyptians he inflamed with the hope of freedom, and, at the head of their furious multitude, broken into the city of Alexandria, w'herc he assumed the Imperial purple, coined money, published edicts, and raised an army, which, as he vainly boasted, he was capable of maintaining from the sole profits of his paper trade. Such troops were a feeble defence against the approach of Aurclian and it seems almost unnecessary to relate that Firmus was routed, taken, tortured, and put to dcath.^® Aurclian might now congratulate the

and himself, that, in little more than three years, he had restored universal j)cacc and order to the Roman world. Since the foundation of Rome no general had more nobly deserved a triumph than Aurclian; nor was a triumph ever celebrated with superior pride and magnificence.’* The pomp was opened by twenty elephants, four royal tigers, and above two hundred of the most curious ani-

senate, the p>eople.

mals from every climate of the North, the East,

and the South. They were followed by sixteen hundred gladiators, devoted to tlie cruel amusement of the amphitheatre. The wealth of Asia, the arms and ensigns of so many conquered nations, and the magnificent plate and w^ardrobe of the Syrian queen, were disposed in exact symmetry or artful disorder. The ambassadors of the most remote parts of the earth, of iEthio« pia, Arabia, Persia, Bactriana, India, and China, all remarkable by their rich or singular dresses, displayed the fame and power of the

Roman

emperor, who exposed likewise to the public view the presents that he had received, and particularly a great number of crowns of gold, the offerings of grateful cities. The victories of Aurelian were attested by the long train of captives who reluctantly attended his triumph Gk)ths, Vandals, Sarmatians, Alemanni, Franks, Gauls, Syrians, and Egyptians. Each

—

people was distinguished by its p>eculiar inscription, and the title of Amazons was bestowed on ten martial heroines of the Gothic nation who had been taken in arms.^® But every eye, disregarding the crowd of captives, was fixed on the emperor Tetricus and the queen of the East. The former, as well as his son, whom he had created Augustus, was dressed in Gallic trousers,” a saffron tunic, and a robe of purple. The beauteous figure of Zenobia was confined by fetters of gold; a slave supported the gold chain which encircled her neck, and she almost fainted under the intolerable weight of jewels. She preceded on foot the magnificent chariot in which she once hoped to enter the gates of Rome. It was followed by two other chariots, still more sumptuous, of Odenathus and of the Persian monarch. The triumphal car of Aurelian (it had formerly been used by a Gothic king)

was drawn, on this memorable occasion, either by four stags or by four elephants.®** The most illustrious of the senate, the people, and the

army

Roman Empire

Decline and Fall of the

126

closed the solemn procession. Unfeigned

wonder, and gratitude swelled the acclamations of the multitude; but the satisfaction of the senate was clouded by the appearance of Tetricus; nor could they suppress a rising murmur that the haughty emperor should thus expose to public ignominy the person of a Roman and a magistrate.®^ But, however in the treatment of his unfortunate rivals Aurelian might indulge his pride, he behaved towards them with a generous clemency which was seldom exercised by the ancient conquerors. Princes who, without success, had defended their throne or freedom, were frequently strangled in prison as soon as the triumphsd pomp ascended the Capitol. These

joy,

whom their defeat had convicted of the crime of treason, were permitted to spend

usurpers,

their lives in affluence

and honourable

repose.

The emperor

presented Zenobia with an elegant villa at Tibur or Tivoli, about twenty miles from the capital; the Syrian queen insensibly sunk into a Roman matron, her daughters married into noble families, and her race was not

They erected on the Carlian hill a magni«

fioent palace, and, as

was finished, his entrance

in-

he was agreeably surprised with a picture which represented their singular history. They were delineated offering to the emperor a civic crown and the sceptre of Gaul, and again receiving at

hands the ornaments of the senatorial digThe father was afterwards invested with the government of Lucania,®® and Aurelian, who soon admitted the abdicated monarch to his

nity.

his friendship and conversation, familiarly asked him, Whether it were not more desirable to administer a province of Italy than to reign beyond the Alps? The son long continued a respectable member of the senate nor was there any one of the Roman nobility more esteemed ;

by Aurelian, as well as by his successors.®^ So long and so various was the pomp of Aurclian's

triumph, that, although

it

op>ened with

the dawn of day, the slow majesty of the procession ascended not the Capitol before the

ninth hour; and it was already dark when the emperor returned to the palace. The festival was protracted by theatrical representations, the games of the circus, the hunting of wild beasts, combats of gladiators, and naval engagements. Liberal donatives were distributed to the army and people, and several institutions, agreeable or bencheial to the city, contributed considerto perpetuate the glory of Aurelian. able portion of his oriental spoils was consecrated to the gods of Rome ; the Capitol, and every other temple, glittered with the offerings

A

of his ostentatious piety ; and the temple of the Sun

alone received above fifteen thousand pounds of gold.®® This last was a magnificent structure, erected by the emperor on the side of the Quiri-

and dedicated, soon

after the triumph, Aurelian adored as the parent of his life and fortunes. His mother had ^en an inferior priestess in a chapel of the Sun; a peculiar devotion to the god of Light was a sentiment which the fortunate peasant imbibed in his infancy; and every step of his elevation, every victory of his reign, fortified superstition

nal

hill,

to that deity

by

whom

gratitude.*®

The arms

of Aurelian had vanquished the and domestic foes of the republic. We are assured that, by his salutary rigour, crimes and factions, mischievous arts and pernicious foreign

connivance, the luxuriant growth of a feeble and oppressive government, were eradicated throughout the Roman world.*® But if wc at-

how much

century.®® Tetricus

and

tentively reflect

for-

ress of corruption

fifth

it

On

soon as

vited Aurelian to supper.

were reinstated in their rank and

yet extinct in the his son

tunes.

than

its

swifter

cure,

is

and

the progif

we

re-

The Eleventh CSiapter member

127

abandoned to public months allotted to the martial reign of Aurelian, we must confess that a few short intervals of peace were insufficient for the arduous work of reformation. Even his attempt to restore the integrity of the coin was opposed by a formidable insurrection. The emperor’s vexation breaks out in one of his private

cannot, relinquish their country. But the case is far otherwise in every operation which, by whatsoever expedients, restores the just value of money. The transient evil is soon obliterated by the permanent benefit, the loss is divided among multitudes; and if a few wealthy individuals experience a sensible diminution of

“Surely,” says he, “the gods have decreed that my life should be a perpetual warfare. sedition within the walls has just now given birth to a very serious civil war. The workmen of the mint, at the instigation of Feli-

lose the degree of weight

that the years

disorders exceeded the

letters:

A

ebsimus, a slave to

employment

They

bellion.

whom

I

in the finances,

had intrusted an have risen in

re-

are at length suppressed; but

seven thousand of

my

soldiers

have been slain

whose ordinary Dacia and the camps along the Danube.”*® Other writers, who confirm the same fact, add likewise, that it happened soon after Aurelian’s triumph; that the decisive engagement was foneht on the Caelian hill; that the workmen ot the unnt had adulterated the coin and that the emperor restored the public credit, by delivering out good money in exchange for the bad, which the people were comin the contest, of those troops station

is

in

;

manded

to bring into the treasury.*®

We this

might content ourselves with relating extraordinary transaction, but wc cannot

dissemble how much, in its present form, it appears to us inconsistent and incredible. The debasement of the coin is indeed well suited to the administration of Gallicnus; nor is it unlikely that the instruments of the corruption might dread the inflexible justice of Aurelian. But the guilt, as well as the profit, must have been confined to a few nor is it easy to conceive by what arts they could arm a people whom they had injured against a monarch whom they had be;

Wc might naturally ex{)cct that such miscreants should have shared the public detestation with the informers and the other ministers of oppression and that the reformation of the coin should have been an action equally popular with the destruction of those obsolete trayed.

;

accounts which, by the emperor’s order, were burnt in the forum of Trajan.** In an age when the principles of commerce were so imperfectly understood, the most desirable end might perhaps be efiected by harsh and injudicious means; but a temporary grievance of such a nature can scarcely excite and support a serious civil war.

The

repetition of intolerable taxes,

either

on the land or on the

may at last provoke

those

imposed

necessaries of

who will

not, or

life,

who

same time and importance which

treasure, with their riches they at the

they derived from the possession of them. However Aurelian might choose to disguise the real cause of the insurrection, his reformation of the coin could furnish only a faint pretence to a party already powerful and discontented. Rome, though deprived of freedom, was distracted by faction. The people, towards whom the emperor, himself a plebeian, always expressed a peculiar fondness, lived in perpetual dissension with the senate, the equestrian order, and the Praetorian guards.®' Nothing less than the firm though secret conspiracy of those orders, of the authority of the first, the wealth of the second, and the arms of the third, could have displayed a strength capable of contending in battle with the veteran legions of the Danube, which, under the conduct of a martial sovereign, had achieved the conquest of the West and of the East. Whatever was the cause or the object of this rebellion, imputed with so little probability to the workmen of the mint, Aurelian used his victory with unrelenting rigour.®* He was naturzdly of a severe disposition. A peasant and a soldier, his nerves yielded not easily to the impressions of sympathy, and he could sustain without emotion the sight of tortures and death. Trained from his earliest youth in the exercise of arms, he set too small a value on the life of a citizen, chastised by military execution the slightest offences,

and

camp

the

transferred the stern discipline of

into the civil administration of the

became a blind and, whenever he deemed his own or the public safety endangered, he disregarded the rules of evidence and the proportion of punishments. The unprovoked rebellion with which the Romans rewarded his services exasperated his haughty spirit. The noblest families of the capital were involved in the guilt or suspicion of this dark conspiracy. A hasty spirit laws. His love of justice often

and

furious passion

;

of revenge urged the bloody prosecution,

proved or.

The

fatal to

and

it

one of the nephews of the emper-

executioners

(if

wc may use

the expres-

sion of a contemporary poet) were fatigued, the

prisons were crowded, and the unhappy senate lamented the death or absence of its most illustrious members.®* Nor was the pride of Aurelian

Decline and Fall of the

rsS

a weak defence against the one of his secretaries who was accused of extortion, and it was known that he seldom threatened in vain. The last hope which remained for the criminal absolute power

assembly than his cruelty. Ignorant or impatient of the restraints of civil institutions, he disdained to hold his power by any other title than that of the sword, and gov* erned by right of conquest an empire which he had saved and subdued.^^ It was observed by one of the most sagacious less offensive to that

He had threatened

to involve some of the principal officers of the army in his danger, or at least in his fears. Artfully counterfeiting his master’s hand, he showed them, in a long and bloody list, their own names devoted to death. Without suspecting or examining the fraud, they resolved to

was

secure their lives by the murder of the emperor. On his march, between Bysantium and Hcraclea,

Aurelian was suddenly attacked by the conspirwhose stations gave them a right to surround his person, and, after a short resistance, fell by the hand of Mucapor, a general whom he had always loved and trusted. He died regretted by the army, detested by the senate, but universally acknowledged as a warlike and fortunate prince, the useful though severe reformer of a degenerate state.** ators,

an army, less formidable by its numbers than by its discipline and valour, the emperor ad* vanced as far as the Straits which divide Europe

He

is

effects of despair.

of the Roman princes, that the talents of his predecessor Aurelian were better suited to the command of an army than to the government of an empire.** Conscious of the character in which nature and experience had enabled him to excel, he again took the field a few months after his triumph. It was expedient to exercise the restless temper of the legions in some foreign war, and the Persian monarch, exulting in the shame of Valerian, still braved with impunity the offended majesty of Rome. At the head of

firom Asia.

Roman Empire

there experienced that the most

CHAPTER

XII

Conduct of the Army and Senate after the Death of Aurelian. Reigns of Tacitus, Probus, Carus and his Sons ever reign over us.”^ The Roman senators heard, without surprise, that another emperor had

UCH was

the unhappy condition of the Roemperors, that, whatever might be their conduct, their fate was commonly the same. A life of pleasure or virtue, of severity or mildness, of indolence or glory,' alike led to an untimely grave; and almost every reign is

S

man

closed

by the same disgusting repetition of trea-

son and murder. The death of Aurelian, however, is remarkable by its extraordinary consequences. The legions admired, lamented, and revenged their victorious chief. The artifice of his perfidious secretary was discovered and punished. The deluded conspirators attended the funeral of their injured sovereign with sincere or well-feigned contrition, and submitted to the

unanimous resolution of the military order, which was signified by the following epistle: *‘The brave and fortunate armies to the senate and people of Rome.— The crime of one man, and the error of many, have deprived us of the late emperor Aurelian. May it please you, venerable lords and fathers! to place him in the number of the gods, and to appoint a successor whom your judgment shall declare worthy of the Imperial purple None of those whose guilt or misfortune have contributed to our loss shall I

•

camp; they

been assassinated

in his

joiced in the

of Aurelian; but the modest

fall

s(*cretlv re-

and dutiful address of the legions, when it was communicated in full assembly by the consul, diffused the most pleasing astonishment. Such honours as fear and perhaps esteem could extort they liberally poured forth on the memory of their deceased sovereign. Such acknow ledgments as gratitude could inspire they returned

who entertained so just a sense of the legal authority of the senate in the choice of an emperor. Yet, notto the faithful armies of the republic,

withstanding this flattering appeal, the most prudent of the assembly declined exposing their safely

and

multitude.

dignity to the caprice of

The

an armed

strength of the legions was,

indeed, a pledge of their sincerity, since those who may command are seldom reduced to the necessity of dissembling; but could

it

naturally

be expected that a hasty repentance would correct the inveterate habits of fourscore years?

Should tile soldiers relapse into their accustomed might disgrace the majesty of the senate and prove fatal to the ob*

seditions, their insolence

The Twelfth Chapter ject of

choice. Motives like these dictated a

129

satiated with

capable of restoring the republic to its ancient beauty and vigour. On the twenty-fifth of September, near eight months after the murder of Aurelian, the consul convoked an assembly of the senate, and rep>ortcd the doubtful and dangerous situation of the empire. He slightly insinuated that the pre-

the exercise of power, again conjured the senate to invest one of its own Ixjdy with the Imperial

carious loyalty of the soldiers depended on the chance of every hour and of every accident; but

The senate still persisted in its refusal; army in its request. The reciprocal ofler was

he represented, with the most convincing eloquence, the various dangers that might attend any farther delay in the choice of an emperor. Intelligence, he said, was already received that the Germans had passed the Rhine and occupied some of the strongest and most opulent cities of Gaul. I'he ambition of the Persian king kept the East in perpetual alarms; Egypt, Africa, and lllyricum were exposed to foreign and domestic arms; and the levity of Syria would prefer even a female sceptre to the sanctity of the Roman laws. The consul then, addressing

its

decree by which the election of a new emperor was referred to the suffrage of the military order.

The

contention that ensued

is

one of the best

attested but most improbable events in the his-

tory of mankind.^

The

troops, as

if

purple.

the

pressed

and

rejected at least three times, and,

whilst the obstinate modesty of either party

was

resolved to receive a master from the hands of

the other, eight months insensibly elapsed; an

amazing period of tranquil anarchy, during which the Roman world remained without a sovereign, without an usurper, and without a sedition. The generals and magistrates appointed by Aurelian continued to execute their ordinary functions; and it is ol^served that a proconsul of Asia was the only considerable person removed from his office in the whole course of the interregnum. An event somewhat similar but much less authentic is supposed to have happened after the death of Romulus, who, in his life and character, bore some affinity with Aurelian. The ihnme was vacant during twelve months till the election of a Sabine philosopher,

and the public

peace w^as guarded in the same manner by the union of the several orders of the state. But, in the time of Nunia and Romulus, the arms of the people were controlled by the authority of the Patricians; and the balance of freedom was easily preserved in a small and virtuous community.* The decline of the Roman state, far dillerent from its infancy, was attended with every circumstance that could banish from an interregnum the prospect of obedience and harmony: an immense and tumultuous capital, a wide extent of empire, the scr%'ile equality of despotism, an army of four hundred thousand mercenaries, and the experience of frequent revolutions. Yet, notwithstanding all these temptations, the discipline and memory of Aurelian still

restrained the seditious temper of the troops,

as well as the fatal ambition of their leaders.

The tions

flower of the legions maintained their staon the banks of the Bosphorus, and the

Imperial standard awed the of

Rome and

less

powerful camps A generous

of the provinces.

though transient cntluisiasm seemed to animate the military order; and wc may hope that a few real patriots cultivated the returning friendship

of the

army and the senate as the only expedient

himself to Tacitus, the first of the senators,^ required his opinion on the important subject of a proper candidate for the vacant throne. If we can prefer personal merit to accidental greatness, wt shall esteem the birth of Tacitus more truly noble than that of kings. He claimed his descent from the philosophic historian w’hose writings w ill instruct the last generations of mankind.** The senator Tacitus was then seventyfive years of age.® The long period of his innocent life was adorned with w^calth and honours. He had tw’ice been invested w’ith the consular dignity,^ and enjoyed wath elegance and sobriety his

ample patrimony of between two and

three millions sterling.®

many

princes,

The

experience of so

w'hom he had esteemed or en-

dured, from the vain follies of Elagabalus to the useful rigour of Aurelian, taught him to form a just estimate of the duties, the dangers, and the temptations of their sublime station. From the a.ssiduous study of his immortal ancestor he derived the knowledge of the

Roman constitution

and of human nature.® The voice of the people had already named Tacitus as the citizen the most worthy of empire. The ungrateful rumour reached his ears, and induced him to seek the retirement of one of his villas in Campania. He had passed two months in the delightful privacy of Baiar, when he reluctantly obeyed the summons of the consul to resume his honourable place in the senate, and to assist the republic w'ith his counsels on this important occasion.

He arose to speak, when, from every quarter of the house, he was saluted with the names of Augustus and Emperor. *‘Tacitus Augustus, the

Decline and Fall of the

130 gods preserve thee, ereign, to thy care

we choose thee for our sovwe intrust the republic and

the world. Accept the empire from the authority of the senate. It is due to thy rank, to thy conduct, to thy manners.” As soon as the tumult of acclamations subsided, Tacitus attempted to decline the dangerous honour, his

wonder that they should

and

to express

elect his

age and

infirmities to succeed the martial vigour of Aurclian. *‘Are these limbs, conscript fathers I

fit-

ted to sustain the weight of armour, or to practise the exercises of the camp? The variety of climates, and the hardships of a military life, would soon oppress a feeble constitution, which subsists only by the most tender management. exhausted strength scarcely enables me to discharge the duty of a senator; how insufRcient would it prove to the arduous labours of war and government Can you hope that the legions will respect a weak old man, whose days have been spent in the shade of peace and retirement? Gan you desire that 1 should ever find reason to regret the favourable opinion of the

My

!

senate?’*^®

The

Roman Empire

council as the author, and himself as the subHe studied to heal the wounds

ject, of the laws.^’

which Imperial pride, civil discord, and military violence had inflicted on the constitution, and to restore, at least, the image of the ancient republic as it had been preserved by the policy of Augustus and the virtues of Trajan and the Antonines.

It

may not be

useless to recapitulate

some of the most important prerogatives which the senate appeared to have regained by the election of Tacitus.”

body, under the eral

command

1.

To

invest

of the frontier provinces. 2. To determine the list, or, as it was then styled, the College of Consuls. They were twelve in number, who, in

ment

successive pairs, each during the space of

months,

filled

two and represented the

the year,

The authority of the senate, in the nomination of the consuls, was exercised with such independent freedom, that no regard was paid to an irregular request of the emperor in favour of his brother Florianus. “The senate,” exclaimed Tacitus, with the hondignity of that ancient office.

and it might poswas encountered by the affectionate obstinacy of the senate. Five hundred

est transp>ort of a patriot,

voices repeated at once, in eloquent confusion,

the provinces, and to confer on

reluctance of Tacitus,

sibly be sincere,

tiiat the greatest of the Roman princes, Numa, Trajan, Hadrian, and the Antonines, had ascended the throne in a very advanced season of life; that the mind, not the body, a sovereign, not a soldier, was the object of their choice ; and that they expected from him no more than to guide by his wisdom the valour of^thc legions.

These pressing though tumultuary instances were seconded by a more regular oration of Metius Falconius, the next on the consular bench to Tacitus himself. He reminded the assembly of the evils which Rome had endured from the vices of headstrong and capricious youths, congratulated them on the election of a virtuous and experienced senator, and with a manly, though perhaps a selfish, freedom, exhorted Tacitus to remember the reasons of his elevation, and to seek a successor, not in his own family, but in the republic. The speech of Falconius was enforced by a general acclamation. The emperor elect submitted to the authority of his country, and received the voluntary homage of his equals. The judgment of the senate was confirmed by the consent of the Roman people and of the Praetorian guards.^^ Tlie administration of Tacitus was not unworthy of his life and principles. grateful servant of the senate, he considered that national

A

one of their

of emperor, with the genof the armies and the governtitle

acter of a prince

“understand the charthey have chosen.”

whom

To

appoint the proconsuls and presidents of all the magistrates their civil )urisdiction. 4. To receive appeals through the intermediate office of the

3.

prarfect of the city

To

from

all

the tribunals of the

and

validity, by their such as they should approve of the emperor’s edicts. 6. To these several branches of authority we may add some inspection over the finances, since, even in the stern reign of Aurelian, it was in their power to divert a part of the revenue from the public service.” Circular epistles were sent, w ithout delay, to all the principal cities of the empire Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Thessalonica, Corinth, Athens, Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage to claim their obedience, and to inform them of

empire.

5.

give force

ilecrees, to

—

—

the happy revolution which had restored the Roman senate to its ancient dignity. Two of these epistles are still extant. likewise pos-

We

two very singular fragments of the private correspondence of the senators on thistxxasion. They discover the most excessive joy and the most unbounded hopes. “Cast away ybur indolence,” it is thus that one of the senators addresses his friend, “emerge from your retirements of Baiae and Putcoli. Give yourself to the city, to the senate. Rome flourishes, the whole republic flourishes. Thanks to the Roman army, to an army truly Roman, at length we have resess

The Twelfth Chapter covered our just authority, the end of all our deWe hear appeals, we appoint proconsuls, we create emperors; perhaps, too, we may restrain them to the wise a word is sufficient.’*^^ These lofty expectations were, however, soon sires.

—

disappointed; nor, indeed, was it p>o8sible that the armies and the provinces should long obey the luxurious and unwarlike nobles of Rome.

On

the slightest touch the unsupported fabric and power fell to the ground. The expiring senate displayed a sudden lustre, blazed for a moment, and was extinguished for ever. All that had yet passed at Rome was no more of their pride

131

was suitable to his age and station.

He convinced

the barbarians of the faith, as well as of the power, of the empire. Great numbers of the Alani, appeased by the punctual discharge of

the engagements which Aurelian had contracted with them, relinquished their booty and captives, and quietly retreated to their own deserts beyond the Phasis. Against the remainder, who refused peace, the Roman emperor waged, in person, a successful war. Seconded by an army of brave and experienced veterans, in a few weeks he delivered the provinces of Asia from

ratified

the terror of the Scythian invasion.” But the glory and life of Tacitus were of short duration. Transported in the depth of winter

legions.

from the

than a theatrical representation, unless

it

was

by the more substantial power of the Leaving the senators to enjoy their dream of freedom and ambition, Tacitus proceeded to the Thracian camp, and was there, by the Prictorian pratfcct, presented to the assembled troops as the prince whom they themselves had demanded, and whom the senate had bestowed. As soon as the praefect was silent the einpiTor addressed himself to the soldiers with eloquence and prupi leiy. He gratified their avarice by a liberal distribution of treasure under the names of pay and donative. He engaged their esteem by a spirited declaration that, although his age might disable him from the performance of military exploits, his counsels should never be unworthy of a Roman general, the successor of the brave Aurelian.** Whilst the deceased emperor was making preparations for a second expedition into the East, he had negotiated with the Alani, a Scyth-

ian people,

who pitched

their tents in the neigh-

borhood of the lake Msetis. 'Fhose barbarians, allured by presents and subsidies, had promised to invade Persia with a numerous body of light cavalry. They were faithful to their engagements; but when they arrived on the Roman frontier Aurelian was already dead, the design of the Persian war was at least susp>endcd, and the generals who, during the interregnum, exercised a doubtful authority, were unprepared either to receive or to oppose them. Provoked by such treatment, which they considered as trilling and perfidious, the Alani had recourse to their own valour for their payment and revenge; and as they moved with the usual swiftness of Tartars, they had soon spread themselves over the provinces of Pontus, Cappadocia, Cilicia, and Galatia. The legions who, from the opposite shores of the Jk)sphorus, could almost distinguish the flames of the cities

and

villages,

impatiently urged their general to lead them against the invaders. The conduct of Tacitus

soft retirement of Campania to the Mount Caucasus, he sunk under the unaccustomed hardships of a military life. The fa-

foot of

tigues of the body w’crc aggravated by the cares of the mind. For a while the angry and selfish passions of the ^Idiers had been susp>ended by the enthusiasm of public virtue. They soon broke

out with redoubled violence, and raged in the camp, and even in the tent of the aged emperor. His mild and amiable character served only to inspire contempt, and he was incessantly tormented with factions which he could not assuage,

and by demands which it was impossible Whatever flattering expectations he

to satisfy.

had conceived ders, Tacitus

of reconciling the public disor-

soon was convinced that the licen-

army disdained the feeble reand his last hour was hastened by anguish and disappointment. It may be doubtful whether the soldiers imbrued their tiousness of the

straint of laws,

hands in the blood of this innocent prince.'** It is was the cause of his death. He expired at Tyana in Cappadocia, after a reign of only six months and about twenty days.” The eyes of Tacitus were scarcely closed before his brother Florianus showed himself unworthy to reign by the hasty usurpation of the purple, without expecting the approbation of certain that their insolence

the senate.

The

reverence for the

Roman

con-

which yet influenced the camp and the provinces, was sufficiently strong to dispose them to censure, but not to provoke them to

stitution,

oppose, the precipitate ambition of Florianus. discontent would have evaporated in idle murmurs, had not the general of the East, the heroic Probus, boldly declared himself the aveng-

The

The contest, however, was still unequal ; nor could the most able leader, at the head of the efl'eminate troops of Egypt and Syria, encounter, with any hopes of victory, the er of the senate.

Decline and Fall of the

132

Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, and the

whose irresistible strength appeared to support the brother of Tacitus. But the fortune and activity of Probus triumphed over every obstacle. The hardy veterans of his rival, accustomed to cold climates, sickened and

legions of Europe,

occasions of displaying his personal prowess and his

often checked the cruelty of his master. Tacitus,

who

despised.*®

perpetual revolutions of the throne had

so perfectly erased every notion of hereditary

was incapable cessors.

The

emperor

of exciting the jealousy of his suc-

children of Tacitus and Florianus

were permitted to descend into a private station, and to mingle with the general mass of the people. Their poverty indeed became an additional safeguard to their innocence.

abilities of his generals to

deficiency of military talents,

most sincere reluctance. “But it is no longer in my power,” says Probus in a private letter, “to lay down a title so full of envy and of danger. I must continue to personate the character which the soldiers have imposed upon me.”** His duti-

When Taci-

was elected by the senate he resigned his ample patrimony to the public service,*^ an act of generosity specious in app)carance, but which

tus

address to the senate displayed the sentiments, or at least the language, of a Roman paful

evidently disclosed his intention of transmitting the empire to his descendants.

by the

own

named him commander-in-chief of all the eastern provinces, with five times the usual salary, the promise of the consulship, and the hope of a triumph. When Probus ascended the Imperial throne he was about forty-four years of age ;** in the full possession of his fame, of the love of the army, and of a mature vigour of mind and body. His acknowledged merit, and the .success of his arms against Florianus, left him without an enemy or a competitor. Yet, if we may credit his own professions, very far from being desirous of the empire, he had accepted it with the

when they had

right, that the family of an unfortunate

desired

supply his

permitted him to enjoy the Imperial title about three months, delivered the empire from civil war by the easy sacrifice of a prince whom they

The

conduct in war. Aurelian was indebted to

him for the conquest of Egypt, and still more indebted for the honest courage with which he

quent desertion, the passes of the mountains were feebly defended; Tarsus opened its gates; soldiers of Florianus,

by turns afforded him the most splendid

Nile,

consumed away in the sultry heats of Cilicia, where the summer proved remarkably unwholesome. Their numbers were diminished by fre-

and the

Roman Empire

The only con-

triot:

was the rememgreatness, and a distant

“When you

elected one of your order,

solation of their fallen state

conscript fathers! to succeed the emperor Aure-

brance of transient hope, the child of a flattering prophecy, that, at the end of a thousand years, a monarch of the race of Tacitus should arise, the protector of the senate, the restorer of Rome*, and the conqueror of the whole earth.** The peasants of lllyricum, who had already given Claudius and Aurelian to the sinking empire, had an equal right to glory in the elevation of Probus.** Above twenty years before, the emperor Valerian, with his usual penetration, had discovered the rising merit of the young soldier, on whom he conferred the rank of tribune long before the age prescribed by the military regulations. The tribune soon justified his choice by a victory over a great body of Sarmatians, in which he saved the life of a near relation of Valerian; and deserved to receive from the emperor’s hand the collars, bracelets, spears, and banners, the mural and the civic crown, and all the honourable rewards reserved by an-

you acted in a manner suitabl^lo your jusand wisdom. For you are the legal sovereigns of the world, and the power which you derive from your ancestors will descend to your posterity. Happy would it have been if Flori-

cient

Rome

for successful valour.

and afterwards the to the

command

tenth, legion

The

third,

were intrusted

of Probus, who, in every step

of his promotion, showed himself superior to the station which he filled. Africa and Pontus, the

lian,

tice

'

anus, instead of usurping the purple of his broth-

a private inheritance, had expected what your majesty might determine, cither in his favour, or in that of any other person. The prudent soldiers have punished his rashness. To me they have offered the title of Augustus; but I submit to your clemency my pretensions and er, like

my

merits.”*®

When

this respectful epistle

was

read by the consul, the senators were unable to disguise their satisfaction that Probus should condescend thus humbly to solicit a sceptre which he already possessed. They celebrated with the warmest gratitude his virtues, his exploits, and above all his moderation. A decree immediately passed, without a dissenting voice, to ratify the election of the eastern Armies, and to confer on their chief all the several branches

of the Imperial dignity; the names of Caesar and Augustus, the title of Father of his country,

the right of making in the same day three tions in the senate,** the office of Pontifex

moMaxi-

The Twelfth Chapter mus, the tribunitian power, and the proconsular command; a mode of investiture which, though it

seemed to multiply the authority of the em-

peror, expressed the constitution of the ancient republic. The reign of Probus corresponded with this fair beginning. The senate was permitted to direct the civil administration of the empire. Their faithful general asserted the honour of the Roman arms, and often laid at their feet crowns of gold and barbaric trophies, the fruits of his numerous victories.** Yet, whilst he gratified their vanity, he must secretly have de-

spised their indolence it

was every moment

the disgraceful edict

and weakness. Though power to repeal of Gallienus, the proud in their

successors of the Scipios patiently acquiesced in their exclusion

from

all

They soon experienced

military employments.

that those

who

refuse

the sword must renounce the sceptre. The strength of Aurelian had crushed on every side the enemies of

seemed

Rome.

After his death they

an increase of fury and of numl)ers. They were again vanquished by the active vigour ot Pro bus, who, in a short reign of alx>ut six years,*® equalled the fame of ancient heroes, and restored peace and order to every province of the Roman w'orld. The dangerous frontier of Rhaetia he so firmly secured that he left it without the suspicion of an enemy. He broke the wandering power of the Sarmatian tril)es, and by the terror of his arms compelled to revive with

those barbarians to relinquish their spoil. 'Fhe

Gothic nation courted the alliance of so warlike

an ernpt^ror.*** He attacked the Isaurians in their mountains, besieged and took several of their strongest castles,*^ and flattered himself that he had for ever suppressed a domestic foe whose independence so deeply wounded the majesty of the empire. The troubles excited by the usurper Firmus in the Upper Egypt had never been perfectly appeased, and the cities of Ptoleinais and Coptos, fortified by the alliance of the Blemmycs, still maintained an obscure rebellion. The chastisement of those cities, and of their auxiliaries the savages of the South,

is

said to

have alarmed the. court of Persia,** and the 'Great King sued in vain for the friendship of Probus. Most of the exploits which distinguished his reign were achieved by the personal valour and conduct of the emperor, insomuch that the writer of his Life expresses

some amazement

man could be many distant wars. The remaining

how, in so short a time, a single present in so

actions he intrusted to the care of his lieutenants, the judicious choice of whom forms no inconsiderable part of his glory. Carus, Diocle-

133

Maxinuan, Constantius, Galerius, Asclepiodatus, Annibalianus, and a crowd of other

tian,

who afterwards ascended or supported the throne, were trained to arms in the severe school of Aurelian and Probus.** But the most imp>ortant service which Probus rendered to the republic was the deliverance of Gaul, and the recovery of seventy flourishing cities oppressed by the barbarians of Germany, who, since the death of Aurelian, had ravaged that great province with impunity.** Among the various multitude of those fierce invaders, we may distinguish, with some degree of clearness, three great armies, or rather nations, successively vanquished by the valour of Probus. He drove back the Franks into their morasses; a descriptive circumstance from whence we may infer that the confederacy known by the manly appellation of Free already occupied the flat maritime country, intersected and almost overflown by the stagnating waters of the Rhine, and that several tribes of the Frisians and Batavians had acceded to their alliance. He vanchiefs,

quished the Burgundians, a considerable people of the Vandalic race. They had w'andered in quest of booty from the banks of the Oder to those of the Seine. They esteemed themselves suflicicntlv fortunate to purchase,

tution of

all

by the

resti-

their booty, the permission of

undisturbed retreat.

They attempted

an

to elude

that article of the treaty. Their punishment

was immediate and terrible.** But of all the invaders of Gaul, the most formidable were the Lygians, a distant people who reigned over a wide domain on the frontiers of Poland and Silesia.** In the Lvgian nation the Arii held the first rank by their numbers and fierceness. "The Arii" (it is thus that they are described by the energv of Tacitus) “study to improve by art and circumstances the innate terrors of their barbarism.

Their shields are black, their bodies are painted

They choose for the combat the darkest hour of the night. Their host advances, covered as it were with a funeral shade;** nor do they often find an enemy capable of sustaining so strange and infernal an aspect. Of all our senses, the eyes are the first vanquished in battle.”** Yet the arms and discipline of the Romans easily discomfited these horrid phantoms. The Lygii were defeated in a general engagement, and Semno, the most renowned of their chiefs, fell alive into the hands of Probus. That prudent emperor, uinvilling to reduce a brave people to despair, granted them an honourable capitulablack.

tion,

and permitted them

their native country.

to return in safety to

But the

losses

which they

Decline and Fall of the

134

suffered in the march, the battle, and the retreat, broke the power of the nation: nor is the

Lygian name ever repeated in the history either or of the empire. The deliverance reported to have cost the lives of four hundred thousand of the invaders; a work of labour to the Romans, and of expense to the emperor, who gave a piece of gold for the head of every barbarian.^ But as the fame of warriors is built on the destruction of human kind, we may naturally suspect that the sanguinary account W2is multipli^ by the avarice of the soldiers, and accepted without any very severe examination by the liberal vanity of Probus. Since the expedition of Maximin, the Roman generals had confined their ambition to a defensive war against the nations of Germany, who perpetually pressed on the frontiers of the empire. The more daring Probus pursued his Gallic victories, passed the Rhine, and displayed his invincible eagles on the banks of the Elbe and the Neckar. He was fully convinced that nothing could reconcile the minds of the barbarians to peace, unless they experienced in their own country the calamities of war. Germany, exhausted by the ill success of the last emigration, was astonished by his presence. Nine of (he most considerable princes repaired to his camp, and fell prostrate at his feet. Such a treaty was humbly received by the Germans as it pleased the conqueror to dictate. He exacted a strict restitution of the eiiects and captives which they had carried away from the provinces; and obliged their own magistrates to punish the more obstinate lobbers who presumed to detain any part of the spoil. A considerable tribute of corn, cattle, and horses, the only wealth of barbarians, was reserved for the use of the garrisons which Probus established on the limits of their territory. He even entertained some thoughts of compelling the Germans to relinquish the exercise of arms, and to trust their differences to the justice, their safely to the power, of Rome. To accomplish these salutary ends, the constant residence of an Imperial governor, supported by a numerous army, was indispensably requisite. Probus therefore judged it mon* expedient to defer the execution of so great a design ; which was indeed rather of specious than solid utility.^^ Had Germany been reduced into the state of a province, the Romans, with immense labour and expense, would have acquired only a more

of

Germany

of Gaul

is

extensive boundary to defend against the fiercer

and more

active barbarians of Scythia. Instead of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the condition of subjects. Probus

Roman Empire

contented himself with the humble expedient of raising a bulwark against their inroads. The country which now forms the circle of Swabia had been left desert in the age of Augustus by the emigration of its ancient inhabitants.^^ The fertility of the soil soon attracted a new colony from the adjacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving temper and of desperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful possession, and acknowledged, by the payment of tithes, the majesty of the empire.^ To protect these new subjects, a line of frontier garrisons was gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the reign of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be practised, these garrisons were connected and covered by a strong entrenchment of trees and palisades. In the place of so rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus constructed a stone wall of a considerable height and strengthened it by towers at convenient distances. From the neighbourhood of Neustadt and Ratisbon on the Danube, it stretched across rasses, as far as

hills,

valleys, rivers,

Wimpfen on

and moand at

the Neckar,

length terminated on the banks of the Rhine, after a winding course of near two hundred miles.*^ This important barrier, uniting the two mighty streams that protected the provinces of Europe, seemed to fill up the vacant space through which the barbarians, and particularly the Alemanni, could penetrate with the greatest facility into the heart of the empire. But the experience of the world, from China to Britain, has exposed the vain attempt of fortifying any extensive tract of country.*^ An active enemy, who can select and vary his points of attack, must in the end discover .some feeble spot, or some unguarded moment. The strength, as well

as the attention, of the defenders

and such arc the blind firmest troops that

place

is

a

is

divided;

elfects of terror

line

on the

broken in a single

almost instantly dt'^erted.

the wall which Probus erected

The

fate of

may confirm the

general observation. Within a few years after his death it was overthrown by th6 Alemanni. Its scattered ruins, universally ascribed to the power of the Daemon, now serve only to excite the

wonder

Among

of the

Swabian peasant.

the useful conditions of peace im-

posed by Probus on the vanquished nations of Germany was the obligation of supplying the Roman army with sixteen thousand recruits, the bravest and most robust of their youth. The emperor dispersed them through all the provinces, and distributed this dangerous reinforcement, in small bands of fifty or sixty each, among

The Twelfth Chapter

135

the national troops; judiciously observing that the aid which the republic derived from the barbarians should be felt but not seen.^^ Their aid was now become necessary. The feeble elegance of Italy and the internal provinces could no longer support the weight of arms. The hardy

of the harbours of the Buxine fell into the hands of the Franks; and they resolved, through un-

Rhine and Danube still produced minds and bodies equal to the labours of the camp; but a perpetual series of wars had gradu-

indulged their appetite for revenge and plunder by frequent descents on the unsuspecting shores of Asia, Greece, and Africa. The opulent city of Syracuse, in whose port the navies of Athens and Carthage had formerly been sunk, was sacked by a handful of barbarians, who massacred the greatest part of the trembling inhabitants. From the island of Sicily the Franks proceeded to the Columns of Hercules, trusted themselves to the ocean, coasted round Spain and Gaul, and, steering their triumphant course through the British Channel, at length finished their surprising voyage by landing in safety on the Batavian or Frisian shores. The example

frontier of the

ally

diminished their numbers. The infrequency

of marriage, and the ruin of agriculture, affected the principles of population, and not only destroyed the strength of the present, but intercepted the hope of future generations. The wis-

dom of Probus embraced a great and

beneficial

plan of replenishing the exhausted frontiers by new colonies of captive or fugitive barbarians, on whom he bestowed lands, cattle, instruments of husbandry, and every encouragement that might engage them to educate a race of soldiers for the service of the repul}iic. Into Britain, and most probably into Cambridgeshire,^^ he transported a considerable body of Vandals. The impossibility of an escape reconciled them to their situation, and in the subsequent troubles of that island they approved themselves the

Great numand Gepidae were settled on the banks of the Danulx* and the Rhine. An hundred thousand Bastarnac, expelled from their own country, cheerfully accepted an establishment in Thrace, and soon imbibed the manners and sentiments of Roman subjects,^** But the ex-

most

faithful servants of the state.

bers of Franks

pectations of Probus w’ere too often disappoint-

The impatience and idleness of the barbarians could ill brook the slow labours of agriculture. Their unconquerable love of freedom, rising against despotism, provoked them into hasty

ed.

and to the provinces," nor could these artificial supplies, however repeated by succeeding emperors, restore the important limit of Gaul and lllyricum to its ancient and native vigour. rebellions, alike fatal to themselves

Of all the barbarians who abandoned their new settlements, and disturbed the public tranquillity, a very small number returned to their own country. For a short season they might wander in arms through the empire, but in the end they were surely destroyed by the power of a warlike emperor. The successful rashness of a party of Franks was attended, however, with such memorable consequences that it ought not to be passed unnoticed They had been established by Probus on the sea-coast of Pontus, with a view of strengthening the frontier against the inroads of the Alani. A fleet stationed in one

known seas, to explore their way from the mouth of the Phasis to that of the Rhine. They easily escaped through the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, and, cruising along the Mediterranean,

of their success, instructing their countrymen to conceive the advantages and to despise the

dangers of the sea, pointed out to their enterprising spirit a new road to wealth and glory. Notwithstanding the vigilance and activity of Probus, it was almost impossible that he could at once contain in obedience every part of his wide-extended dominions. The barbarians who broke their chains had seized the favourable opportunity of a domestic war. When the emperor marched to the relief of Gaul, he devolved the command of the East on Saturninus. That general, a man of merit and experience, was driven into rebellion by the absence of his sovereign, the levity of the Alexandrian people, the pressing instances of his friends,

and

his

own

from the moment of his elevation he never entertained a hope of empire or even of life. *'Alas!” he said, *‘the republic has lost a useful serv^ant, and the rashness of an hour has

fears; but

destroyed the services of many years. You know not,” continued he, “the misery of sovereign power: a sword is perpetually suspended over our head. We dread our very guards, we distrust our companions. The choice of action or of repose is no longer in our disposition, nor is there any age, or character, or conduct, that can protect us Irom the censure of envy. In thus exalting

me to the throne, you have doomed me

and to an untimely fate. The only consolation which remains is the assurance that I shall not fall alone.” But as the former part of his prediction was verified by the victory, so the latter was disappointed by the clemency, of Probus. That amiable prince attempted even to save the unhappy Saturninus from the to a

life

of cares,

Decline and Fall of the

136

hiry of the soldiers. He had more than once solicited the usurper himself to place some confidence in the mercy of a sovereign who so highly esteemed his character that he had punished as a malicious informer the first who related the improbable news of his defection. Saturninus might perhaps have embraced the generous offer had he not been restrained by the obstinate distrust of his adherents. Their guilt was deeper, and their hopes more sanguine, than those of their exp)erienced leader.

The revolt of Saturninus was scarcely extinguished in the East before new troubles were excited in the West by the rebellion of Bonasus and Proculus in Gaul. The most distinguished merit of those two officers was their respective prowess, of the one in the combats uf Bacchus, of the other in those of Venus, “ yet neither of them were destitute of courage and capacity, and both sustained with honour the august character which the fear of punishment had engaged them to assume, till they sunk at length beneath the superior genius of Probus. He used the victory with his accustomed moderation, and spared the fortunes as well as the lives of their innocent families. The arms of Probus had now suppressed ail the foreign and domestic enemies of the state. His mild but steady administration confirmed the re-establishment of the public tranquillity; nor was there left in the provinces a hostile barbarian, a tyrant, or even a robber, to revive the memory of past disorders. It was time that the* emperor should revisit Rome, and celebrate his

own

glory

and the general happiness. The

tri-

umph due to the valour of Probus was conducted with a magnificence suitable to his fortune; and the people, who had so lately admired the trophies of Aurelian, gazed with equal pleasure

on

those of his heroic successor.®^

We cannot on

courage of about fourscore gladiators, reserved, with near six hundred others, for the inhuman sports of the amphitheatre. Disdaining to shed their blood this occasion forget the desperate

for the

amusement of

the populace, they killed

from the place of their confinement, and filled the streets of Rome with blood and confusion. After an obstinate resistance, they were overpowered and cut in pieces by the regular forces; but they obtained at least an honourable death, and the satisfaction of a

their keepers, broke

just revenge.**

The military discipline which reigned in the camps of Probus was less cruel than that of Aurelian, but it was equally rigid and exact. The latter had punished the irregularities of the

Roman Empire

former prevented them by employing the legions in constant and useful labours. When Probus commanded in Egypt, he executed many considerable works for the splendour and benefit of that rich country. The navigation of the Nile, so important to Rome itself, was improved; and soldiers with unrelenting severity, the

temples, bridges, porticoes,

and

palaces,

were

constructed by the hands of the soldiers, who acted by turns as architects, as engineers, and as husbandmen.” It was reported of Hannibal that, in order to preserve his troops from the dangerous temptations of idleness, he had obliged them to form large plantations of olivetrees along the coast of Africa.** From a similar principle, Probus exercised his legions in covering with rich vineyards the hills of Gaul and Pannonia, and two considerable spots are described which were entirely dug and planted by military labour.®* One of these, known under the name of Mount Alma, was situated near Sirmium, the country where Probus was born, for which he ever retained a partial affection,

and whose

gratitude he endeavoured to secure, by converting into tillage a large and unhealthy tract of marshy ground. An army thus employed constituted perhaps the most useful as

well as the bravest portion of

Roman

subjects.

But, in the prosecution of a favourite sthtMne,

the best of men, satisfied with the rectitude of their intentions, arc subject to forgt*t the bounds

of moderation; nor did Probus himself sufficiently consult the patience and disjposition of his fierce legionaries.** The dangers of the military profession seem only to be compensated by a life of pleasure and idleness; but if the duties of the soldier arc incessantly aggravated by the labours of the peasant, he will at last sink under the intolerable burden or shake it off with indignation. The imprudence of Probus is said to have inflamed the discontent of his troops. More attentive to the interests of mankind than to those of the army, he expressed the vain hope that, by the establishment of universal peace, he should soon abolish the necessity of a standing

and mercenary force.” The unguarded expression proved fatal to him. In one of the hottest days of summer, as he severely urged the unwholesome labour of draining the marshes of Sirmium, the soldiers, impatient of fatigue, on a sudden threw down their tools, grasped their arms, and broke out into a furious mutiny. The emperor, conscious of his danger, took refiige in a loft> tower constructed for the purpose of surveying the progress of the work.** The tower was instantly forced, and a thousand swords

The Twelfth Chapter were plunged at once into the bosom of the unfortunate Probus.

sided as soon as

it

The

rage of the troops sub-

had been gratified. They then

lamented their fatal rashness, forgot the severity of the emperor whom they had massacred, and hastened to perpetuate, by an honourable mon-

ument, the memory of his virtues and victories.®*

When the legions had indulged their grief and repentance for the death of Probus, their unanimous consent declared Carus, his Praetorian prajfcct, the most deserving of the Imperial

tion

and

137

flattery

prince. Faunus hails the approach of that hero, who, receiving on his shoulders the sinking

weight of the

war and

affected to

title

of

Roman

Citizen;

and

compare the purity of his blood with

the foreign, and even barbarous, origin of the

preceding emperors; yet the most inquisitive of his contemporaries, very far from admitting his claim, have variously deduced his own birth, or that of his parents, from Illyricum, from Gaul, or from Africa.®^ Though a soldier, he had received a learned education; though a senator, he was invested the first dignity of the army and in an age when the civil and military professions liegan to be irrecoverably separated from each other, they were united in the person of Carus. Notwithstanding the severe justice which he exercised against the assassins of Probus, to whose favour and esteem he was higlily indebted, he could not escape the suspicion of being accessory to a deed from whence he derived the principal advantage. He enjoyed, at ;

least

before his elevation,

an acknowledged

character of virtue and abilities;*® but his austere temper insensibly degenerated into nioroscness and cruelly; and the imperfect writers of his life almost hesitate whether they shall not rank him in the numl)cr of Roman tyrants.*®

When

Carus assumed the purple he was alx»ut and his two sons, Carinus and Numerian, had already attained the season of manhood.®^ The authority of the senate expired with Probus; nor was the repentance of the soldiers displayed by the same dutiful regard for the civil power which they had testified after the unfortunate death of Aurelian. The election of Carus was decided without cxp>ccting the approbation

sixty years of age,

and the new emj)eror contented himself with announcing, in a cold and stately of the senate, epistle, that

he had ascended the vacant throne.®*

A behaviour so very opposite to that of his amiable predecessor afforded no favourable presage of the new reign: and the Romans, deprived of

power and freedom,

asserted their privilege of

licentious murmurs.®*

The

voice of congratula-

and

still peruse, with pleasure and contempt, an eclogue which was composed on the accession of the emperor Carus. Two shepherds, avoiding the noontide heat, retire into the cave of Faunus. On a spreading beech they discover some recent characters. The rural deity had described, in prophetic verses, the felicity promised to the empire under the reign of so great a

prince appears of a mixed and doubtful nature. gloried in the

silent;

we may

throne. Every circumstance that relates to this

He

was not however

Roman

faction,

world, shall extinguish

and once again

restore the in-

nocence and security of the golden age.^® It is more than probable that these elegant trifles never reached the cars of a veteran general who, with the consent of the legions, was preparing to execute the long-suspended design of the Persian war. Before his departure for this distant expedition, Carus conferred on his two sons, Carinus and Numerian, the title of Caesar, and, investing the former with almost an equal share of the Imperial power, directed the young

some troubles which had and afterwards to fix the scat of his residence at Rome, and to assume the government of the Western provinccs."^^ The safety of Illyricum was confirmed by a memorable deprince

first

to suppress

arisen in Gaul,

feat of the Sarmatians; sixteen

thousand of

on the field of battle, and the number of captives amounted to twenty thousand. The old emperor, animated with the fame and prospect of victory, pursued his those barbarians remained

march, in the midst of winter, through the and Asia Minor, and at length, with his younger son Numerian, arrived on the confines of the Persian monarchy. There, encamping on the summit of a lofty mountain, he pointed out to his troops the opulence and luxury of the enemy whom they were about to countries of Thrace

invade.

The successor of Artaxerxes, Varanes, or Bahrain, though he had subdued the Segestans, one of the most warlike nations of Upper Asia/^ was alarmed at the approach of the Romans, and endeavoured to retard their progress by a negotiation of peace. His ambassadors entered the camp about sunset, at the time when the troops were satisfying their hunger with a frugal repast. The Persians expressed their desire of being introduced to the presence of the Roman emperor. They were at length conducted to a

who was seated on the grass. A piece of bacon and a few hard peas composed his supper. A coarse woollen garment of purple was the only circumstance that announced his

soldier stale

Decline and Fall of the

138

The conference was conducted with the same disregard of courtly elegance. Cams, taking off a cap which he wore to conceal his baldness, assur^ the ambassadors that, unless their master acknowledged the superiority of dignity.

Rome, he would speedily render Persia as naked of trees as his

own head was

destitute of hair.^’

Notwithstanding some traces of art and preparation,

ners of

we may discover in

this scene the

Cams, and the severe

simplicity

man-

which

the martial princes who succeeded Gallicnus had already restored in the Roman camps. The ministers of the Great King trembled and retired.

threats of Cams were not without effect. ravaged Mesopotamia, cut in pieces whatever opposed his passage, made himself master of the great cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon (which seem to have surrendered without re-

The

He

and carried his victorious arms beyond the Tigris. He had seized the favourable moment for an invasion. The Persian councils were distracted by domestic factions, and the greater part of their forces were detained on the frontiers of India. Rome and the East received with transport the news of such important advantages. Flattery and hope painted in the roost sistance),

conquest of Arabia, the submission of Egypt, and a lasting deliverance from the inroads of the Scythian lively colours the fall of Persia, the

nations.^‘

But the reign of

Cams was

to expose the vanity of predictions.

destined

They were

scarcely uttered before they were contradicted'

by

his death;

an event attended ^with such amit may be related in own secretary to the praefect of

biguous circumstances that

a letter from the city.

his

“Cams,”

says he, “our dearest emper-

when a camp. The darkness which overspread the sky was so thick that we could no longer distinguish each other; and the incessant flashes of lightning took from us the knowledge of all that passed in the general confusion. Immediately after the most violent clap of thunder we heard a sudden cry that the emperor was dead; and it soon appeared that his chamberlains, in a rage of grief, had set fire to the royal pavilion, a circumstance which gave rise to the report that Cams was killed by lightning. But, as far as we have been able to investigate the tmth, his death was the natural or,

was confined by sickness

to his bed,

furious tempest arose in the

effect of his disorder.”^*

The vacancy

of the throne was not producany disturbance. The ambition of the aspiring generals was checked by their mutual fears; and young Numerian, with his absent

tive of

Roman Empire

brother Carinus, were unanimously acknowledged as Roman emperors. The public expected that the successor of Carus would pursue his father’s footsteps, and, without allowing the

Persians to recover from their consternation, would advance sword in hand to the palaces of Susa and Ecbatana.^^ But the legions, however strong in numbers and discipline, were dismayed by the most abject superstition. Not-

withstanding disguise the

all

the arts that were practised to

manner of the late emperor’s death,

was found impossible to remove the opinion of the multitude, and the power of opinion is irresistible. Places or persons stmek with lightning were considered by the ancients with pious horror, as singularly devoted to the wrath of it

Heaven.’®

An

marked the the

oracle

was remembered which boundary of

river Tigris as the fatal

Roman arms. The troops, terrified with the Cams and with their own danger, called

fate of

aloud on young Numerian to obey the will of the gods, and to lead

them away from this inThe feeble emperor

auspicious scene of war.

was unable to subdue their obstinate prejudice, and the Persians wondered at the unexpected retreat of a victorious enemy.”

The

intelligence of the mysterious fate of the

emperor was soon carried from the frontiers of Persia to Rome and the senate, as well as the late

;

provinces, congratulated the accession of the

sons of

Cams. These

fortunate '^youths were

strangers, however, to that conscious superiority, either of birth or of merit, which can alone render the possession of a throne easy, and as it were natural. Born and educated in a private

them and his death, which happened about sixteen months afterwards, left them the unexpected legacy of a vast empire. To sustain with temper this rapid elevation, an uncommon share of virtue and pmdence was requisite; and Carinus, the elder of the brothers, was more than commonly deficient in those qualities. In the Gallic war he discovered some degree of personal courage;*® but from the moment of his arrival at Rome he abandoned himself to the luxury of the capital, and to the abuse of his fortune. He was soft, yet station, the election of their father raised

at once to the rank of princes;

cmel; devoted to pleasure, but destitute of taste; and, though exquisitely susceptible of vanity, indifferent to the public esteem. In the course of a few months he successively married and divorced nine wives, most of whom he left pregnant; and, notwithstanding this legal inconstancy, found time to indulge such a variety of irregular appetites as brought dishonour on

The hiniself

and on the noblest

hoiises of

Twelfth Chapter

Rome. He

beheld with inveterate hatred all those who might remember his former obscurity, or cen-

He banished or put to death the friends and counsellors whom his father had placed about him to guide his inexperienced youth; and he persecuted with the nu^anest revenge his schoolfellows and compan-

sure his present conduct.

ions

who had

not sufficiently respected the laWith the senators

tent majesty of the emperor.

Carinus affected a

lofty

and

regal demeanour,

frequently declaring that he designed to distribute their estates

among

the populace of

Rome. From the dregs of that populace he seand even his ministers. The palace, and even the Imperial table, was filled with singers, dancers, prostitutes, and all the various retinue of vice and folly. One of his lected his favourites,

doorkeepers*'' he intrusted with the

of the city. In the

room

government

of the Praetorian prae-

whom he put to death, Carinus substituted one of the ministers of his looser pleasures. Another, who possciscu the same or even a more infamous title to favour, was invested with the fect,

consulship.

acquired

A

confidential secretary,

uncommon

skill in

who had

the art of forgery,

delivered the indolent emperor, with his

own

consent, from the irksome duty of signing his

name.

When

the cmpieror

Cams undertook the

sian war, he w^as induced,

by motives of

Per-

affec-

tion as well as policy, to secure the fortunes of his family by leaving in the hands of his eldest son the armies and provinces of the West. The intelligence which he soon received of the conduct of Carinas filled him with shame and regret; nor had he concealed his resolution of satisfying the republic by a severe act of justice, and of adopting, in the place of an unworthy son, the brave and virtuous Constant ius, who at that time was governor of Dalmatia. But the elevation of Constantius was for a while deferred; and as soon as the father's death had released Carinus from the control of fear or decency, he displayed to the Romans the extravagancies of Elagabalus, aggravated by the cruel-

ty of Domitian.®

The only merit of the administration

of Cari-

nus that history could record, or poetry celebrate, was the uncommon splendour with which, in his own and his brother's name, he

Roman games of the theatre, the and the amphitheatre. More than twenty

exhibited the circus,

years afterwards,

when

the courtiers of Diocle-

1

39

he acknowledged that the reig;n of Carinus had indeed been a reign of pleasure.**^ But this vain prodigality, which the pmdcnce of Diocletian might justly despise, was enjoyed with surprise and transport by the Roman people. The sor,

oldest of the citizens, recollecting the spectacles of former days, the triumphal pomp of Probus or Aurelian, and the secular games of the emperor Philip, acknowledged that they were ail surpassed by the superior magnificence of

Carinus.*^

The

spectacles of Carinus

best illustrated

may

therefore be

by the observation of some par-

which history has condescended to reconcerning those of his predecessors. If we confine ourselves solely to the hunting of wild beasts, however we may censure the vanity of the design or the cruelty of the execution, we are obliged to confess that neither before nor since the time of-thc Romans so much art and cx|>cnse have ever been lavished for the amusement of the people.®^ By the order of Probus, a great quantity of large trees, torn up by the roots, were transplanted into the midst of the circus. The spacious and shady forest was immediately filled with a thousand ostriches, a thousand stags, a thousand fallow-deer, and a thousand wild boars; and all this variety of game w'as abandoned to the riotous impetuosity of the multitude. The tragedy of the succeeding day consisted in the massacre of an hundred lions, an equal number of lionesses, two hundred leopards, and three hundred bears. The collection prepared by the younger Gordian for his triumph, and which his successor exhibited in the secular games, was less remarkable by the number than by the singularity of the animals. Twenty zebras displa>cd their elegant forms and variegated lx*auty to the e>es of the Roman people. Ten elks, and as many camelopards, the loftiest and most harmless creatures that wander over the plain of Sarmatia and i^^thiopia. were contrasted with thirty .\frican hynrnas and ten Indian tigers, the most implacable savages of the torrid zone. The unoffending strength wdth w'hich Nature has endowed the greater ticulars late

quadrupeds was admired in the rhinoceros, the hippopotamus of the Nile,^** and a majestic troop of twcnty-tw'o elephants.*® While the populace gazed with stupid wonder on the splendid show, the naturalist might indeed observe the

and prop'pt who escaped a sentence either of death or at least of exile.*® The fate of Busiris and of Coptos was still more melancholy than that of Alexandria; those proud cities, the former distinguished by its antiquity, the latter enriched by the passage of the Indian trade, were utterly destroyed by the arms and by the severe order of Diocletian.*^

The

character of the Eg\'ptian

nation, insen.sible to kindness, but extremely susceptible of fear, could alone justify this ex-

often attccted the tranquillity

a subject of flattering exultation that the barbarian, so lately an object of ternjr, now cultivated their lands, drove their cattle to the neighbouring fair, and contributed by his labour to the public plenty. They congratulated their masters on the powerful accession of subjects and soldiers; but they forgot to observe that multitudes of secret enemies, insolent from favour, or desperate from oppression, were introduced into the heart of the empire.®*

the province of

While the Caesars exercised their valour on Rhine and Danube, the presence of the emperors was required on the the banks of the

southern confines of the

Roman

world.

From

A

Atlas Africa was in arms. confederacy of five Moorish nations issued from their deserts to invade the peaceful provinces.^* the Nile to

Mount

had and subsistence

cessive rigour. I'he seditions of Alexandria

mea.sure to retain their national manners and independence.'*** Among the provincials it was

of

Rome

itself.

Since the usurpation of Firmus, Upper Egypt, incessantly re-

lapsing into rebellion,

had embraced

the

alli-

ance of the savages of i^thiopia. The number of the Blemmyes, scattered between the island of

Meroc and able,

their

the

Red

weapons rude and lic

Sea, was very inconsider-

disposition

was unwarlike,

inoffensive.**

disorders these barbarians,

their

Yet in the pub-

whom antiquity,

shocked with the de formity of their figure, had almost excluded from the human species, presumed to rank themselves among the enemies of Rome.*" Sucti had been the unworthy allies of the Egyptians; and while the attention of the

was engaged in more serious wars, their vexatious inroads might again harass the repose of the province. With a view of op]x>sing to the

state

Blemmyes a

suitable adversary, Diocletian per-

Julian had assumed the purple at Carthage. Achilleus at Alexandria, and even the Blemmyes, renewed, or rather continued, their incursions into the Upper Egypt. Scarcely any circumstances have been preserved of the exploits of Maximian in the western parts of Africa

suaded the Nobatae, or people of Nubia, to remove from their ancient habitations in the

appears, by the event, that the progress of his arms was rapid and decisive, that he vanquished the fiercest barbarians of Mauritania, and that he removed them from the mountains, whose inaccessible strength had inspired their

frontier of the empire.

but

it

deserts of Libya,

and resigned

to

tensive but unprofitable territory

and

them an exabove Syenc

the cataracts of the Nile, with the stipula-

tion that they should ever respect

and guard the

The treaty long subsisted

and till the establishment of Christianity introduced stricter notions of religious woi^p, it was annually ratified by a solemn sacrifice in the isle of Elephantine, in which the Romans,

as well as the barbarians, adored the same visible or invisible powers of the universe.^* At the same time that Diocletian chastised the past crimes of the Egyptians, he provided for their future safety and happiness by many wise regulations, which were confirmed and enforced under the succeeding reigns. One very remarkable edict which he published, instead of being condemned as the effect of jealous tyranny, deserves to be applauded as an act of prudence and humanity. He caused a diligent inquiry to be made “for all the ancient books which treated of the admirable art of making gold and silver, and without pity committed them to the flames; apprehensive, as we arc assured, lest the opulence of the Egyptians should inspire them with confidence to rclx:l against the empire.”®® But if Diocletian had been convinced of the reality of that valuable art, far from extinguishing the memory, he would have converted the operation of it to the benefit of the public revenue. It is much more likely that his good sense discovered to him the folly of such magnificent pretensions, and that he was desirous of preserving the reason and fortunes of his subjects from the mischievous pursuit. It may be remarked that these ancient books, so liberally ascribed to Pythagoras, to Solomon, or to Hermes, were the pious frauds of more recent adepts.

The Greeks were

inattentive either to

the use or to the abuse of chemistry. In that immense register, where Pliny has deposited the discoveries, the arts, and the errors of mankind, there is not the least mention of the trans-

mutation of metals; and the persecution of Diocletian

is

the

of alchymy.

first

authentic event in the history of Egypt by the

The conquest

Arabs diffused that vain science over the globe. Congenial to the avarice of the human heart, it was studied in China as in Europe, with equal eagerness

and with equal

success.

The darkness

of the middle ages ensured a favourable reception to every tale of wonder, and the revival of learning gave new vigour to hope, and suggested

more specious arts of deception. Philosophy, with the aid of experience, has at length banished the study of alchymy; and the present age, however desirous of riches, is content to seek them by the humbler

and

Roman Empire We have observed,

Decline and Fall ot the

148

means of commerce

industry. “

The reduction of Egypt was immediately followed by the Persian war. It was reserved for the reign of Diocletian to vanquish that powerful nation, and to extort a confession from the successors of Artaxerxes of the superior majesty

of the

Roman empire.

under the reign of Vale-

Armenia was subdued by the perfidy and the arms of the Persians, and that, after the rian, that

assassination of Chosroes, his son Tiridates, the

was saved by the and educated under the

infant heir of the monarchy, fidelity of his friends,

protection of the emperors. Tiridates derived

from his exile such advantages as he could never have obtained on the throne of Armenia; the early knowledge of adversity, of mankind, and of the

Roman

discipline.

He

signalised

his

youth by deeds of valour, and displayed a matchless dexterity, as well as strength, in every martial exercise, and even in the less honourable contests of the Olympian games.®* Those qualities were more nobly exerted in the defence of

That officer, in the which occasioned the death of Probus, was exposed to the most imminent danger, and the enraged soldiers were forcing their way into his tent when they were c hecked by the single arm of the Armenian prince. The gratitude of his benefactor Licinius.®®

sedition

Tiridates contributed soon afterwards to his

was in every station the and companion of Galcrius, and the merit of Galcrius, long before he was raised to the dignity of Caesar, had been known and restoration. Licinius

friend

esteemed by Diocletain. In the third year of that emperor’s reign, I'iridates was invested with the kingdom of Armenia. The justice of the measure was not less evident than its expediency. It was time to rescue frojjj the usurpation of the Persian monarch an important territory, which, since the reign of Nero, had been always granted under the protection of the empire to a younger branch ol the house of Arsaccs.®® When 1 iridates appeared on the frontiers of Armenia, he was received with an unfeigned transport of joy and loyalty. During twenty-six years the country had experienced the real and imaginary hard.ships of a foreign yoke. The Persian monarchs adorned their new conquest with magnificent buildings; but those monuments had been erected at the expense of the people, and were abhorred as badges of slavery. The apprehension of a revolt had inspired the most rigorous precautions: oppression had been aggravated by insult, and the consciousness of the public hatred had been productive of every measure that could render it still more implacable. We have already remarked the intolerant spirit of the

Magian

religion.

The statues

of the

and the sacred images of the sun and moon, were broke in pieces by the zeal of the conqueror and the perpetual fire of Ormuzd was kindled and preserved upon an deified kings of Armenia,

The Thirteenth Chapter altar erected on the summit of Mount Bagavan. ^ For a while It

was natural that a people exasperated by so

many injuries should arm with zeal in the cause of their independence, their religion, and their hereditary sovereign. The torrent bore down every obstacle, and the Persian garrisons retreated before its fury. The nobles of Armenia flew to the standard of Tiridates, all alleging their past merit, offering their future service,

and soliciting from the new king those honours and rewards from which they had been excluded with disdain under the foreign government.^* The command of the army was bestowed on Artavasdes, whose father had saved the infancy of Tiridates, and whose family had been massacred for that generous action. The brother of Artavasdes obtained the government of a province-

One

of the

first

military dignities

was

man of singular who presented to the

149

fortune appeared to favour the enterprbing valour of Tiridates. He not only expelled the enemies of his family and country

from the whole extent of Armenia, but in the prosecution of his revenge he carried his arms, or at least his incursions, into the heart of Assyria. The historian who has preserved the

name of Tiridates from oblivion, celebrates, with a degree of national enthusiasm, his personal prowess; and, in the true spirit of eastern romance, describes the giants and the elephants that fell beneath his invincible arm. It is from other information that we di.scover the distracted state of the Persian monarchy, to which the king of Armenia was indebted for some part of his advantages. The throne was disputed by

the ambition of contending brothers ; and Hormuz, after exerting without success the strength

own

conferred on the satrap Otas, a

of his

temperance and

assistance of the barbarians

fortitude,

king his sister,*^ and a considerable treasure, both of which, in a sequestered fortress, Otas had preserved from violation. Among the Armenian nobles appeared an ally whose fortunes are too remarkable to pass unnoticed. His name was Mamgo, his origin was Scythian, and the horde which acknowledged his authority had encamped a verv few years before on the skirts of the Chinese empire,^** w’hich at that time extended as far as the neighbourhood of Sogdiana.® Having incurred the displeasure of his master, Mamgo, with his followers, retired to the banks of the Oxiis, and implored the protection of Sapor. The emperor of China claimed the fugitive, and alleged the rights of sovereignty. The Persian monarch pleaded the laws of hospitality, and with some difficulty avoided a war by the promise that he would banish Mamgo to the uttermost parts of the West, a punishment, as he described it, not less dreadful than death itself. Armenia was chosen for the place of exile, and a large district was assigned to the Scythian horde, on which they might feed their

and herds, and remove their encampment from one place to another, according to the difierent sca.sons of the year. They were emflocks

ployed to repel the invasion of Tiridates; but their leader, after weighing the obligations and injuries which he had received from the Persian

monarch, resolved to abandon his party. The prince, W'ho was well acquainted with the merit as well as power of Mamgo, treated him with distinguished respect; and, by

Armenian

admitting him into his confidence, acquired a brave and faithful servant, who contributed very effectually to his restoration.*®

party,

had recourse to the dangerous

who

inhabited the

banks of the Ca.spian Sea." The civil war was, however, soon terminated, cither by a victory or by a reconciliation; and Narses, who was universally acknowledged as king of Persia, directed his whole force against the foreign enemy. The contest then became too unequal nor was the valour of the hero able to withstand the power of the monarch. Tiridates, a second time expelled from the throne of Annenia, once :

more took refuge

in the court of the emperors. Narses soon re-established his authority over the revolted province; and, loudly complaining

of the protection afforded by the rclx‘ls

and

fugitives, aspired to the

Romans

to

conquest of

the East."

Neither prudence nor honour could permit the cmp>erors to forsake the cause of the Armenian king, and it was resolved to exert the force of the empire in the Persian war. Diocle-

calm dignity which he constantly assumed, fixed his own station in the city of Antioch, from w’hcncc he prepared and directed the military optTaiions.®* The conduct of the legions was intrusted to the intrepid valour of Galerius, who, for that important purpose, was removed from the banks of the Danube to those of the Euphrates. The armies soon encountered each other in the plains of Mesopotamia, and two battles were fought with various and doubtful success; but the third engagement was of a tian, w^iih the

more decisive nature; and the Roman army received a total overthrow, which is attributed to the rashness of Galerius, who, with an inconsiderable body of troops, attacked the innumerable host of the Persians.** But the consideration of the country that was the scene of action may

Decline and Fall of the

150

suggest another reason for his defeat. The same ground on which Galerius was vanquished had been rendered memorable by the death of Crassus and the slaughter of ten legions. It was a plain of more than sixty miles, which extended from the hilb of Carrhs to the Euphrates; a smooth and barren surface of sandy desert, without a hillock, without a tree, and without

a spring of fresh water.*® The steady infantry of the Romans, fainting with heat and thirst, could neither hope for victory if they preserved their ranks, nor break their ranks without exposing themselves to the most imminent danger. In this situation they were gradually encompassed by the superior numbers, harassed

by the rapid evolutions and destroyed by the arrows of the barbarian cavalry. Ihe king of Armenia had signalised his valour in the battle, and acquired personal glory by the public misfortune. He was pursued as far as the Euphrates; his horse was wounded, and it appeared impossible for him to escape the victorious enemy. In this extremity Tiridates embraced the only refuge which he saw before him he dismounted and plunged into the stream. His armour was heavy, the river very deep, and at those parts at least half a mile in breadth ;** yet such was his strength and dexterity, that he reached in safety the opposite bank.*^ With regard to the Roman general, we are ignorant of the circumstances of his escape; but when he returned to Antioch, Diocletian received him, not with the tenderness of a friend and colleague, but with the indignation of an offended sovereign. The haughtiest of men, clothed in his purple, but :

humbled by the sense of his fatilt and misfortune, was obliged to follow the emperor’s chariot above a mile on foot, and to exhibit, before the whole court, the spectacle of his disgrace.** As soon as Diocletian had indulged his pri-

vate resentment, and asserted the majesty of supreme power, he yielded to the submissive entreaties of the Caesar, and permitted him to

own

honour, as well as that of the Roman arms. In the room of the un warlike troops of Asia, which had most probably served in the first expedition, a second army was drawn retrieve his

from the veterans and new levies of the Illyrian frontier, and a considerable body of Gothic auxiliaries were taken into the Imperial pay.** At the head of a chosen army of twenty-five thousand men Galerius again passed the Eu-

Roman Empire

the country as favourable to the operations of it was inconvenient for the motions

infantry as

of cavalry.’® Adversity had confirmed the Roman discipline, while the barbarians, elated by success, were become so negligent and remiss that, in the moment when they least expected it, they were surprised by the active conduct of Galerius, who, attended only by two horsemen, had with his own eyes secretly examined the state and position of their camp. surprise,

A

especially in the night-time,

was

most

for the

part fatal to a Persian army. “Their horses were tied, and generally shackled, to prevent their

running away; and if an alarm happened, a Persian had his housing to fix, his horse to bridle, and his corselet to put on, before he could mount.’*’^ On this occasion the impetuous attack of Galerius spread disorder and dis-

may

over the

camp

of the barbarians.

A sliglit

was followed by a dreadful carnage, and in the general confusion the wounded mon-

resistance

arch

(for

Narses

commanded

his

armies in

(per-

son) fled towards the deserts of Media. His sumptuous tents, and those of his satraps, af-

forded an immense booty to the conqueror; and an incident is mentioned which proves the rustic but martial ignorance of the legions in the elegant suF>erfluities of life. A bag of shining leather, filled with pearls, fell into the hands of a private soldier; he carefully preserved the bag, but he threw away its contents, judging that whatever was of no use could not possibly be of any value.” The principal loss of Narses was of a much more affecting nature. Several of his wives, his sisters, and children, who had attended the army, were made captives in the

But though the character of Galeruis little affinity with that of Alexander, he imitated, after his victory, the amiable behaviour of the Macedonian towards defeat.

had

in general very

the family of Darius.

The wives and

children

of Narses were protected from violence and rapine, conveyed to a place of safety, and treated with every mark of respect and tenderness that was due from a generous enemy to their age,

and their royal dignity*-’® While the East anxiously expcQted the decision of this great contest, the emperor Diocletheir sex,

tian,

having assembled in Syria

strong

army

of observation, displayed from a distance the

phrates; but, instead of exposing his legions in

Roman power, tind reserved himself for any future emergency of the war. On the intelligence of the victory he condescended

the open plains of Mesopotamia, he advanced through the mountains of Armenia, where he found the inhabitants devoted to his cause, and

to advance towards the frontier, with a view of moderating, by his presence and counsels, the pride of Galerius. The interview of the Roman

resources of the

The Thirteenth Chapter was accompanied with every expression of respect on one side, and of esteem on the other. It was in that city that they soon princes at Nisibis

afterwards gave audience to the ambassador of the Great King.^* The power, or at least the spirit, of Narses had been broken by his last defeat; and he considered an immediate peace as the only means that could stop the progress of the Roman arms. He despatched Apharban, a servant who possessed his favour and confidence, with a commission to negotiate a treaty, or rather to receive whatever conditions the conqueror should impose. Apharban opened the conference by expressing his master’s gratitude for the generous treatment of his family, and by soliciting the lilxTty of those illustrious

He celebrated the valour of Galerius, without degrading the reputation of Narses, and thought it no dishonor to confess the superiority of the victorious Caesar over a monarch who had surpassed in glory all the princes of his race. Notwithstanding the justice of the Persian cause, he was empowered to submit the present differences to the decision of the emperors themselves; convinced as hw was that, in the midst of prosperity, they would not be unmindful of the vicissitudes of fortune. Apharban concluded his discourse in the style of Eastern allegory, by observing that the Roman and Persian moncaptives.

two eyes of the world, which would remain imperfect and mutilated if either of them should be put out. “It well becomes the Persians,” replied Galerius, with a transport of fury which seemed to convulse his whole frame, “it well becomes the Persians to expatiate on the vici.ssitudcs of fortune, and calmly to read us lccture.s on the virtues of moderation, l^t them remember their own moderation towards the unhappy Valerian. They vanquished him by fraud, they treated archies were the

him with

indignity.

last

moment

and

after his

of his

They detained him life

till

the

in shameful captivity,

death they exposed

his

body

to

p>crpetual ignominy.” Softening, however, his

tone, Galerius insinuated to the amba.ssador it had never been the practice of the Romans to trample on a prostrate enemy and that,

that

;

Of\ this

occasion, they should consult their

dignity rather than the Persian merit.

He

own dis-

missed Apharban with a hope that Narses would soon be informed on what conditions he

might obtain, from the clemency of the emperors, a lasting peace and the restoration of his wives and children. In this conference we may discover the fierce passions of Galerius, as well as his deference to the superior wisdom and

151

authority of Diocletian.

The ambition

of the

former grasped at the conquest of the East, and had proposed to reduce Persia into the state of a province. The prudence of the latter, who adhered to the moderate policy of Augustus and the Antonines, embraced the favourable opportunity of terminating a successful war by an honourable and advantageous peace. In pursuance of their promise, the emperors soon afterwards appointed Sicorius Probus, one of their secretaries, to acquaint the Persian court with their final resolution. As the minister of peace, he was received with every mark of politeness and friendship; but, under the pretence

him the necessary repose after so long a journey, the audience of Probus was deferred from day to day, and he attended the slow motions of the king, till at length he was admitted to his presence, near the river Asprudus, in Media. The secret motive of Narses in this delay had been to collect such a military force as might enable him, though sincerely desirous of peace, to negotiate with the greater weight and dignity. Three persons only assisted at this important conference, the minister Apharban, the prarfect of the guards, and an ofof allowing

ficer

who had commanded on The

the

Armenian

condition proposed by the ambassador is not at present of a very intelligible nature ; that the city of Nisibis might be estab-

frontier.*®

first

mutual exchange, or, as formerly have termed it, for the staple of trade, between the tw^o empires. There is no diflficully in conceiving the intention of the lished for the place of

we should

Roman princes to improve their revenue by some restraints upon commerce but as Nisibis was situated within their own dominions, and as they were masters both of the imports and exports, it should seem that such restraints were the objects of an internal law', rather than of a foreign treaty. To render them more effectual, some stipulations were probably required on the side of the king of Persia, w hich appeared so very ;

repugnant eitlier to his interest or to his dignity that Narses could not be persuaded to subscribe them. As this was the only article to which he refused his consent, it was no longer insisted on; and the emperors cither suffered the trade to flow in its natural channels, or contented themselves with such restrictions as it depended on their

own

authority to establish.

as this difficulty was removed, a solpeace was concluded and ratified between

As soon

emn

the two nations. The conditions of a treaty so glorious to the empire, and so necessary to Per^ sia, may deserve a more peculiar attention, at

the history of Rome presents very few transacmost of her wars having cither been terminated by absolute conquest, or waged against barbarians ignorant of the use of letters. 1. The Aboras, or, as it is called by Xenophon, the Araxes, was fixed as the boundary between the two monarchies. That river, which rose near the Tigris, was increased, a few miles below Nisibis, by the little stream of the Mygdonius, passed under the walls of Singara, tions of a similar nature;

and

Roman Empire

Decline and Fall of the

*52

fell

into the Euphrates at Circesium, a fron-

town which, by the care of Diocletian, was very strongly fortified.^’ Mesopotamia, the object of so many wars, was ceded to the empire; and the Persians, by this treaty, renounced all tier

TI. They reRomans five provinces beyond

pretensions to that great province.

linquished to the

the Tigris.’* Their situation formed a very useful barrier, and their natural strength was soon

improved by art and military skill. Four of these, to the north of the river, were districts of obscure fame and inconsiderable extent Intiline, Zabdicene, Arzanene, and Moxoenc but on the cast of the Tigris the empire acquired the large and mountainous territory of Carduene, the an-

—

;

cient seat of the Carduchians,

many

ages their

who preserved for

manly freedom

in the heart of

the despotic monarchies of Asia. The ten thousand Greeks traversed their country after a pain-

march, or rather engagement, of seven days; and it is confessed by their leader, in his incom-

ful

parable relation of the retreat, that they suffered more from the arrows of the Carduchians than from the power of the Great King.*** Their pov tcrity, the Curds, with very Htlle alteration either of name or manners, ackno\^ledgcd the nominal sovereignty of the Turkish sultan. III. It

is

almost needless to observe that Tiridaies, the faithful ally of Rome, was restored to the throne of his fathers, and that the rights of the Imperial

and

fortifications,

Medes.®* IV. its

the splendid capital of the

The country of Iberia was

barren, inhabitants rude and savage. But they were

accustomed to the use of arms, and they separated from the empire barbarians much fiercer and more formidable than themselves. The narrow defiles of Mount Caucasus were in their hands, and it was in their choice either to admit or to exclude the wandering tribes of Sarmatia, whenever a rapacious spirit urged them to penetrate into the richer climates of the South.®® The nomination of (he kings of Iljeria, which was resigned by the Persian monarch to the emperors, contributed to the strength and security of the Roman power in Asia.*^ The East enjoyed a profound tranquillity during forty

and the treaty between the rival monarwas strictly observed till the death of Tiridates; when a new generation, animated with different views and different passions, succeeded to the government of the world and the grandson of Narses undert(^)k a long and memorable war against the princes of the house of years;

chies

;

Constantine.

The arduous w'ork of rescuing the distressed empire from tyrants and barbarians had now been completely achieved by a succession of Illyrian peasants. As soon as Diocletian entered into the twentieth year of his reign, he celebrated

that

memorable

era, as well

a.s

the suc( ess of his

arms, by the pomp c^f a Roman triumph.®^ Maximian, the equal partner of his fww’cr, was his only companion in the glory of that day. The two Caesars had fought and conquered, but the merit of their exploits was a-scnlx^d, according to the rigour of ancient maxims, to the .mspicious influence of their fathers and emperors.*®

The triumph less

of Diocletian

and Maximian was

magnificent, perhaps, than those of Aurelian

supremacy were fully as.serted and secured. The limits of Armenia were extended as far as the forests of Sintha in Media, and this increase of dominion was not so much an act of liberality as of justice. Of the provinces already mentioned beyond the Tigris, the four first had been dismembered by the Parthians from the crown of Armenia;*’ and when the Romans acquired the

and Probus, but it was dignified by several circumstances of superior fame and good fortune. Africa and Britain, the Rhine, the Danube, and the Nile, furnished their respective trcjphies; but the most distinguished ornament was of a more singular nature, a Persian victory followed by an important conquest. The representations of rivers, mountains, and provinces were carried before the Imperial car. The images of the cap-

possession of them, they stipulated, at the ex-

tive wives, the sisters,

pense of the usurpers, an ample compensation, which invested their ally with the extensive and fertile country of Atropatenc. Its principal city, in the same situation perhaps as the modern Tauris, was frequently honoured with the residence of Tiridates; and as it sometimes bore the name of Ecbatana, he imitated, in the buildings

Great King afforded a new and grateful spectacle to the vanity of the people.®’ In the ryes of posterity this triumph is remarkable by a distinction of a less honourable kind. It was the

and the children of the

Rome ever beheld. Soon after this period the emperors ceased to vanquish, and Rome ceased to be the capital of the empire.

last that

The Thirteenth Chapter

153

on which Rome was founded had been consecrated by ancient ceremonies and imaginary miracles. The presence of some god, or the memory of some hero, seemed to animate every part of the city, and the empire of the world had been promised to the Capitol.®* The native Romans felt and confessed the power of this agreeable illusion. It was derived from their ancestors, had grown up with their earliest habits of life, and was protected, in some measure, by the opinion of political utility. The form and

cence which might appear to have required the labour of ages, and became inferior only to Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch in extent or

the seat of government were intimately blended

Roman triumph, it is extremely doubtful whether he ever visited the ancient capital of the empire. Even on that memorable occasion his stay did not exceed two months. Disgusted with the licentious familiarity of the people, he quitted Rome with precipitation thirteen days before it was expected that he should have appeared in the senate invested with the ensigns of the consular dignity.**

The

spot

together, nor

was

esteemed possible to transport the one without destroying the other. But it

the sovereignty of the capital was gradually annihilated in the extent of conquest; the provinces rose to the

same

nations acquired the

level,

and the vanquished

name and

privileges, without imbibing the partial affections, of Romans. During a long period, however, the remains of the ancient constitution and the influence of custom preserved the dignity of Rome. The emperors, though perhaps of African or Illyrian extraction, respected their adopted country as the seat of their puwei and the centre of their extensive dominions. The emergencies of war very frequently required their presence on the frontiers; but Diocletian and Maximian were the first Roman princes who fixed, in time of peace, their ordinary residence in the provinces; and their conduct, however it might be suggested by private motives, was justified by very specious considerations of policy. The court of the emperor of the West was, for the most part, established at Milan, whose situation, at the foot of the Alps, appeared far more convenient than that of Rome, for the important purpose of watching the motions of the barbarians of Germany. Milan soon assumed the splendour of an Imperial city. The liouscs are de.scribed as numerous and well built the manners of the people as polished and lilx^ral. A circus, a theatre, a mint, a palace, batlis, which bore the name of their founder Maximian porticoes adorned with ;

;

statues,

and a double circumference of

walls,

populousncss.®^

imian was a

The

life

life

and Maxand a considerable

of Diocletian

of action,

portion of it was spent in camps, or in their long and frequent marches; but whenever the public business allowed them any relaxation, they seemed to have retired with pleasure to their favourite residences of

Nicomedia and Milan.

Till Diocletian, in the twentieth year of his

reign, celebrated his

'rhe dislike expressed by Diocletian towards

Rome and Roman freedom was not the effect of momentary

caprice, but the result of the most

The crafty prince had framed a of Imperial government, which was

artful policy.

new system

afterwards completed by the family of Constanand as the image of the old constitution was religiously preserved in the senate, he resolved to deprive that order of its small remains of power and consideration. We may rt*collect, about eight years before the elevation of Diocletian, the transient greatness and the ambitious hopes of the Roman senate. As long as that enthusiasm prevailed, many of the nobles imprudently displayed their zeal in the cause of freedom; and after the successors of Probus had

tine;

withdrawn

their

countenance from the repubwere unable to disguise

lican party, the senators

impotent resentment. As the sovereign of Maximian was intrusted with the care of extinguishing this troublesome rather than dantheir

Italy,

gerous

spirit,

and the

to his cruel temper.

bers of the senate,

task w’as perfectly suited

The most

whom

illustrious

mem-

Diocletian always af-

fected to esteem, were involved,

by his colleague, and the

contributed to the beauty of the new capital; nor did it seem oppressed even by the proximity of Rome.*® To rival the majesty of Rome was the ambition likewise of Diocletian, who employed his leisure and the wealth of the East in the embellishment of Nicomedia, a city placed on the verge of Europe and Asia, almost at an equal distance between the Danube and the Euphrates. By the taste of the monarch, and at the

in the accusation of imaginary plots;

expense of the people, Nicomedia acquired, in the space of a few years, a degree of magnifi-

By the prudent measures of Diocletian, the num-

possession of an elegant villa, or a well-cultivat-

ed de:

estate, t't

was interpreted

of guilt.*®

as

The camp

a convincing c vi-

of the Praptorians,

which had so long oppressed, began to protect, the majesty of Rome; and as those haughty troops were conscious of the decline of their power, they were naturally disposed to unite their strength with the authority of the senate*

bers of the Praetorians were insensibly reduced,

Decline and Fall of the

154

Roman Empire

and their place sup-

authority of a prince over his suljects, or of a

plied by two faithful legions of Illyricum, who, under the new titles of Jovians and Herculians,

commander over his soldiers, but of the despotic

their privileges abolished,*^

the power of dictating whatever laws their wis-

power of a master over his domestic slaves.** Viewing it in that odious light, it had been rejected with abhorrence by the first Caesars. Their resistance insensibly became more feeble, and the name less odious; till at length the style of our Lord and Emperor was not only bestowed by flattery, but was regularly admitted into the laws and public monuments. Such lofty epithets were sufficient to elate and satisfy the most excessive vanity and if the successors of Diocletian

dom

or caprice might suggest; but those laws were ratih^ by the sanction of the senate. The model of ancient freedom was prt'served in its deliberations and decrees; and wise princes, who respected the prejudices of the Roman people, were in some measure obliged to assume the language and behaviour suitable to the general and first magistrate of the republic. In the armies and in the provinces they displayed the dignity of monarchs; and when they fixed their residence at a distance from the capital, they forever laid aside the dissimulation which Augustus had recommended to his successors. In the

still

exercise of the legislative as well as the e.xecu-

been celebrated in the Greek language by the of Basileus, or King; and since it was considered as the first distinction among men, it was soon employed by the servile provincials of

were appointed to perform the service of the Imperial guards.*^ But the most fatal though secret wound which the senate received from the hands of Diocletian and Maximian was inflicted by the inevitable operation of their absence. as the emperors resided at

Rome,

might be oppressed, but

it

neglected.

tive

As long

that assembly

could scarcely be

The successors of Augustus exercised

power, the sovereign advised with his min-

isters,

instead of consulting the great council of

the nation.

The name

tioned with honour

till

pire ; the vanity of its

of the senate was

menem-

the last period of the

members was still flattered

with honorary distinctions;^^ but the assembly which had so long been the source, and so long the instrument of power, was respectfully suffered to sink into oblivion.

The senate of Rome,

losing all connection with tho« Imperial court

and the actual but useless tol! ne hill.

constitution,

was left a venerable

monument of antiquity on

the Capi-

and of

their ancient capital, they easily

forgot the origin

The

and nature of their

legal

pow-

of consul, of proconsul, of censor, and of tribune, by the union of which it had been formed, betrayed to the people its republican extraction. Those modest titles were laid aside and if they still distinguished their high station by the appellation of Empe^'or, or

er.

been the

title

effect not so

of King,

it

seems to have

much of their moderation

as of their delicacy. Wherever the Latin tongue was in use (and it was the language of government tliroughout the empire), the Imperial title, as it was peculiar to themselves, conveyed a more respectable idea than the name of king, which they must have shared with an hundred barbar-

ian chieftains; or which, at the best, they could derive only from Romulus, or from Tarquin.

But the sentiments of the East were very different from those of the West. From the earliest period of history, the sovereigns of Asia had title

the East in their humble addresses to the

Roman

Even the attributes, or at least the titles, of the Divinity were usurped by Diocletian and Maximian, who transmitted them to a succession of Christian emperors.'®® Such extravagant throne.®®

compliments, however, soon lose their impiety by losing their meaning; and when the ear is once accustomed to the sound, they are heard with indifference as vague though excessive professions of respect.

When the Roman princes had lost sight of the senate

;

declined the

civil offices

Imperator, that word was understood in a new dignified sense, and no longer denoted the general of the Roman armies, but the

and more

sovereign of the

Roman

world.

The name

of

Emperor, which was at first of a military nature, was associated with another of a more servile kind. The epithet of Dominus, or Lord, in its primitive signification,

was expressive not of the

From tian, the liar

the time of Augastus to that of Diocle-

Roman

princes, conversing in a fami-

manner among

their fellow-citizens,

were

same respect that was usually paid to senators and magistrates. Their principal distinction was the Imperial or mili-

saluted only with the

tary robe of purple; whilst the sf^^alorial gar-

ment was marked by a broad, and the equestrian by a narrow, band or stripe of the same honourable colour. The pride, or rather the polof Diocletian, engaged that artful prince to introduce the stately magnificcnGT of the court of Persia.'®' He ventured to assume the diadem, an ornament detested by the Romans as the odious ensign of royalty, and the use of which had been considered as the most desperate act of the madness of Caligula. It was no more than icy,

The Thirteenth Chapter a broad white fillet set with pearls, which encircled the emperor’s head. The sumptuous robes of Diocletian and his successors were of silk and gold; and it is remarked with indignation that even their shoes were studded with the most precious gems. The access to their sacred person was every day rendered more difficult by the institution of new forms and ceremonies. The avenues of the palace were strictly guarded by the various schools, as they began to be called, of domestic officers. The interior apartments were intrusted to the jealous vigilance of the eunuchs; the increase of whose

was the most

infallible

numbers and influence

symptom

of the progress

When a subject was at length admitted to the Imperial presence, he was obliged, W'hatever might be his rank, to fall prostrate on the ground, and to adore, according to the eastern fashion, the divinity of his lord and rnaster.^^ Diocletian was a man of sense, who, in the course of private as well as public life, had formed a just estimate both of himself and of mankind: nor is it e«'isy to conceive that in substituting the manners of Persia to those of Rome he was seriously actuated by so mean a principle as that of vanity. He flattered himself that an ostentation of splendour and luxury would subdue the imagination of the multitude that the monarch would be less exposed to the rude licence of the people and the soldiers, as his pt*rson was secluded from the public view' and that habits of submission would insensibly be pnxluctive of sentiments of veneration. Like the modesty affected by Augustus, the state maintained by Diocletian was a theatrical representation; but it must be confessed that, of the two comedies, the former w*as of a much more lilxTal and manly character than the latter. It was the aim of the one to disguise, and the object of the other to of despotism.

;

;

display, the

unbounded power which the em-

perors possessed over the

Roman

w’orld.

Ostentation was the first principle of the new system instituted by Diocletian. The second was division. He divided the empire, the provinces, and every branch of the civil as well as military administration. He multiplied the wheels of the machine of government, and rendered its operations less rapid but more secure. Whatever advantages and W'hatever defects might attend innovations, they must be ascribed in a very great degree to the first inventor; but as the new frame of policy was gradually improved and completed by succeeding princes, it will be more satisfactory to delay the consideration of the.se

it till

its full maturity and perfecReserving, therefore, for the reign of

the season of

tion.'®*

155

Constantine a more exact picture of the new empire, wc shall content ourselves with describing the principal and decisive outline, as it was traced by the hand of Diocletian.

He had

asso-

ciated three colleagues in the exercise of the su-

preme power; and

as he was convinced that the a single man were inadequate to the public defence, he considered the joint administration of four princes not as a temporary expe-

abilities of

fundamental law of the constitutwo elder princes should be distinguished by the use of the

dient, but as a tion.

It

was

his intention that the

diadem and the

title

of Augusti; that, as affec-

might direct their choice, they should regularly call to their assistance two subordinate colleagues; and that the Casars, rising in their turn to the first rank, should supply an tion or esteem

uninterrupted succession of emperors.

The em-

The

East and

pire w'as divided into four parts. Italy

were the most honourable, the Danube

and the Rhine tl^ most

ialx)rious stations.

The

former claimed the presence of the Augusti, the latter were intrusted to the administration of the

The strength of the legions was in the hands of the four partners of sovereignty, and

Casars.

the despair of successively vanquishing four for-

might intimidate the ambition of government the emperors w'ere supposed to exercise the undivided power of the monarch, and their edicts, inscribed with their joint names, were received in all the provinces as promulgated by their mutual councils and authority. Notwithstanding these precautions, the political union of the Roman world was gradually dissolved, and a prinmidable

rivals

an aspiring

general. In their civil

was introduced, which, in the course of a few years, occasioned the {perpetual separation of the eastern and western empires. ciple of division

The system of Diocletian was accompanied with another very material disadvantage, which cannot even at present be totally overlooked a more expensive establishment, and consequent;

an increase of taxes, and the oppression of the and freedmen, such as had contented the simple greatness of Augustus and Trajan, three or four magnificent courts were established in the various parts of the empire, and as many Roman contended with each other and with the

ly

people. Instead of a modest family of slaves

Persian

monarch

pomp and

luxury.

for

the vain superiority of

The number

magistrates, of officers, filled

and of

of ministers, of servants,

the dilTcrent departments of the state,

who was

multiplied beyond the example of former times; and (if wc may borrow the warm expression of a

contemporary), ‘*when the proportion of those

;

Decline and Fall of the

156

who received exceeded the proportion of those who contributed, the provinces were oppressed by the weight of tributes.”*®* From this period to the extinction of the empire,

it

would be easy

to deduce an unintemipt^ series of clamours and complaints. According to his religion and

each writer chooses either Diocletian, or Constantine, or Valens, or Theodosius, for the object of his invectives; but they unanimously agree in representing the burden of the public impositions, and particularly the landtax and capitation, as the intolerable and increasing grievance of their own times. From such a concurrence, an impartial historian, who is obliged to extract truth from satire, as well as from panegyric, will be inclined to divide the blame among the princes whom they accuse, and to ascribe their exactions much less to their personal vices than to the uniform system of their administration. The emperor Diocletian was indeed the author of that system but during his reign the growing evil was confined within the bounds of modesty and discretion, and he deserves the reproach of establishing pernicious precedents, rather than of exercising actual oppression.*®^ It may be added, that his revenues were managed with prudent economy and that, after all the current expenses were discharged, there still remained in the Imperial treasury an ample provision either for judicious liberality or for any emergency of the state. It was in the twenty first year of his reign that Diocletian executed his memorable resolution of abdicating the empire an action mord naturally to have been expcctecj from the elder or the younger Antoninus than from a prince who had never practised the lessons of philosophy either in the attainment or in the use of supreme power. Diocletian acquired the glory of giving to the world the first example of a resignation*®® which has not been very frequently imitated by succeeding monarchs. The parallel of Charles the Fifth, however, will naturally offer itself to our mind, not only since the eloquence of a modern historian has rendered that name so familiar to an English reader, but from the very striking resemblance between the characters of the two emperors, whose political abilsituation,

;

;

;

were superior to their military genius, and whose specious virtues were much less the effect

ities

of nature than of art.

The

abdication of Charles appears to have been hastened by the vicissitude of fortune; and the disappointment of his favourite schemes urged him to relinquish a power w*hich he found inadequate to his ambition. But the reign of Diocletian had flowed with a

Roman Empire

tide of uninterrupted success ; nor was it tiU after

he had vanquished plished

all his

all his designs,

enemies, and accom-

that he seems to have en-

tertained any serious thoughts of resigning the empire. Neither Charles nor Diocletian were arrived at a very advanced period of life; since the one was only fifty-five, and the other was no more than fifty-nine years of age; but the active life of those princes, their wars and journeys, the

and their application to busihad already impaired their constitution, and brought on the infirmities of a premature cares of royalty, ness,

old age.*®^

Notwithstanding the severity of a very cold

and rainy winter, Diocletian left Italy soon after the ceremony of his triumph, and began his progress towards the East round the circuit of the Illyrian provinces. From the inclemency of the weather and the fatigue of the journey, he

soon contracted a slow illness; and though he made easy marches, and was generally carried in a close litter, his disorder, before he arrived at Nicomedia, about the end of the summer, was become very serious and alarming. During the whole winter he was confined to his palace his danger inspired a general and unaffected concern but the people could only judge of the various alterations of his health from the joy or consternation which they discovered in the countenances and behaviour of his attendants. The rumour of his death was for some time universally believed, and it was supposed to be concealed with a view to prevent the troubles that might have happened during the absence of the Cicsar Galerius. At length, however, on the first of March, Diocletian once more appeared in public, but so pale and emaciated that he could scarcely have been recognised by those to whom his person was the most familiar. It was time to put an end to the painful struggle, which he had sustained during more than a year, between the ;

care of his health and that of his dignity.

The

former required indulgence and relaxation, the latter compelled him to direct, from the bed of sickness, the administration of a great empire. He resolved to pass the remainder of his days in honourable repose, to place his glory beyond the reach of fortune, and to relinquish the theatre of the world to his younger and more active associates.*®*

The ceremony of his abdication was performed in a spacious plain, about three miles from Nicomedia. The emperor ascended a lofty throne, and, in a speech full of reason and dignity, declared his intention,

and

tc the soldiers

both to the people

who were assembled on

this

The Thirteenth Chapter extraordinary occasion. As soon as he had divested himself of the purple, he withdrew from the gazing multitude, and, traversing the city in a covered chariot, proceeded without delay to the favourite retirement which he had chosen in his native country of Dalmatia. On the same day, which was the first of May,^" Maximian, as it had been previously concerted, made his resignation of the Imperial dignity at Milan. Even in the splendour of the Roman triumph, Diocletian had meditated his design of aMieating the government. As he wished to secure the obedience of Maximian, he exacted from him either a general assurance that he would submit his actions to the authority of his benefactor, or a particular promise that he would descend from the throne whenever he should receive the advice and the example. This engagement, though it was confirmed by the solemnity of an oath before the altar of the Capitoline Jupiter,^'® would have proved a feeble restraint on the fierce temper of Maximian, whose passion was the love of power, and who neither desired present tranquillity nor future reputation. But he yielded, however reluctantly, to the ascendant which his wiser colleague had acquired over him, and retired immediately after his abdication to a villa in Lucania, wheic it was almost impossible that such an impatient spirit could

1

57

happiness for the pursuit of power.^^ In his conversations with his friends he frequently acknowledged that of all arts the most difficult was the art of reigning; and he expressed himself on that favourite topic with a degree of warmth which could be the result only of experience. “How often,” was he accustomed to say, “is it the interest of four or five ministers to combine together to deceive their sovereign Secluded from mankind by his exalted dignity, the truth is concealed from his knowledge he can see only with their eyes, he hears nothing but !

;

their misrepresentations.

upon

He

confers the most

and weakness, and disgraces the most virtuous and deserving among his subjects. By such infamous arts,” added Diocletian, “the best and wisest princes are sold to

important

offices

vice

A

the venal corruption of their courtiers.”^” just estimate of greatness, and the assurance of immortal fame, improve our relish for the pleasures of retirement; but the Roman emperor had

panied, his long time the respect of those princes to whom he had resigned the pos.scssion of the w orld. It is seldom that minds long exercised in business have formed any habits of conversing wdth them-

filled too important a character in the world to enjoy without alloy the comforts and security of a private condition. It was impiossible that he could remain ignorant of the troubles which afflicted the empire after his abdication. It was impossible that he could be indifferent to their consequences. Fear, sorrow, and discontent sometimes pursued him into the solitude of Salona. His tenderness, or at least his pride, was deeply w'ounded by the misfortunes of his wife and daughter; and the last moments of Diocletian were embittered by some aff ronts, which Liciniiis and Constantine might have spared the father of so many emperors, and the first author of their own fortune. A rejxjrt, though of a very doubtful nature, has reached our times that he prudently withdrew himself from their power by a voluntary death.

and in the loss of power they principally want of occupation. The amusements of letters and of devotion, which afford so many

and character of Diocletian, we may for a moment direct our view to the place of his retire-

resources in solitude, were incapable of fixing the attention of Diocletian; but he had pre-

ince of Dalmatia, was near two hundred

find

any

lasting tranquillity.

Diocletian,

who, from a

servile origin,

had

raised himself to the throne, passed the nine last

years of his

had

in a private condition. Reason and content seems to have accomretreat, in which he enjoyed for a life

dictated,

selves,

regret the

served, or at least he soon recovered, a taste for

the most innocent as well as natural pleasures,

hours were sufficiently employed and gardening. His answer to Maximian is deservedly celebrated. He

and

his leisure

in building, planting,

was solicited by that restless old man to reassume the reins of government and the Imperial purple.

He rejected the temptation with a smile

Before

wc

dismiss the consideration of the

life

ment. Salona, a principal city of his native prov-

Roman

miles (according to the measurement of the public highwa>'s) from Aquilcia and the confines of Italy,

and about two hundred and seventy from

Sirmiuin, the usual residence of the emperors never they visited the Illyrian frontier.^^^ miserable village still preserves the name of Sa-

A

wb

lona; but so late as the sixteenth century the remains of a theatre, and a confused prospect of

he could show

broken arches and marble columns, continued

the cabbages which he had planted with his own hands at Salona, he should no longer be urged to relinquish tlie enjoyment of

to attest its ancient splendour.^® About six or seven miles from the city Diocletian constructed

of pity, calmly observing that,

Maximian

if

a magnilicent palace, and we may

infer,

from

Decline and Fall of the

X 58

the greatness of the work,

how long he had med^ The

itated his design of abdicating the empire.

choice of a spot which united all that could contribute either to health or to luxury did not require the partiality of a native. “The soil was dry and fertile, the air is pure and wholesome, and, though extremely hot during the summer months, this country seldom feels those sultry and noxious winds to which the coasts of Istria and some parts of Italy are exposed. The views from the palace are no less beautiful than the soil and climate were inviting. Towards the west lies the fertile shore that stretches along the Adriatic, in

which a number of small islands are

manner as to give this part of the sea the appearance of a great lake. On the north side lies the bay, which led to the ancient city of Salona; and the country beyond it, ap-

scattered in such a

pearing in sight, forms a proper contrast to that more extensive prospect of water which the Adriatic presents both to the south and to the cast. Towards the north the view is terminated by high and irregular mountains, situated at a proper distance, and in many places covered with villages, woods, and vineyards.**^*^ Though Constantine, from a very obvious prejudice, affects to mention the palace of Dioyet one of their succescletian with contempt, sors, who could only sec it in a neglected and mutilated state, celebrates its magnificence in It covered an terms of the highest admiration. extent of ground consisting of between nine and ten English acres. The form was quadrangular, flanked with sixteen towers. Tuo of the sides were near six hundred, and the other two near seven hundred, feet in length. *The whole was constructed of a beautiful free-stone, extracted from the neighbouring quarries of Trau, or Tragutium, and very little inferior to marble itself. Four streets, intersecting each other at right angles, divided the several parts of this great edifice, and the approach to the principal apartment was from a very stately entrance, which is still denominated the Golden Gate. The ap-

Roman Empire

Their forms were various, their proportions just, but they were all attended with two imperfections, very repugnant to our modem notions of taste and conveniency. These stately rooms had neither windows nor chimneys. They were lighted from the top (for the building seems to have consisted of no more than one story), and they received their heat by the help of pipes that were conveyed along the walls. The range of principal apartments was protected towards the south-west by a portico five hundred and seventeen feet long, which must have formed a very noble and delightful walk, when the beauties of painting and sculpture were added to those of the prospect.

Had

remained in a would have been exposed to the ravages of time; but it might, perhaps, have escaped the rapacious industry of man. The vilthis magnificent edifice

solitary country,

it

lage of Aspalathus,'-^ and, long afterwards, the

provincial its

ruins.

town of Spalatro, have grown out

The Golden Gate now opens

of

into the

market-place. St. John the Baptist has usurped the honours of iEsculapius; and the temple ofJupiter, under the protection of the Virgin, is con-

verted into the cathedral church. For this account of Diocletian's palace we are principally indebted to an ingenious artist of our own time and country, whom a very liberal curiosity carried into the heart of Dalmatia.*-* But there is

room to suspect that the elegance of his designs and engraving has somewhat flattered the objects

which it was their purpose to represent. We more recent and v(Ty judi-

are informed by a

cious traveller that the awful ruins of Spalatro

are not less expressive of the decline of the arts than of the greatness of the Roman empire in

the time of Diocletian.*® If such was indeed the we must naturally 1x^1 ieve that painting and sculpture had experienced a still more sensible decay. The practice of architecture is directed by a few general and even state of architecture,

mechanical mles. But sculpture, and, above all, painting, propose to themselves the imitation not only of the forms of nature, but of the char-

proach was terminated by a perislyhum of grancolumns, on one side of which we discover the square temple of if^culapius, on the other the octagon temple of Jupiter. The latter of those deities Diocletian revered as the patron of his fortunes, the former as the protector of his health. By comparing the present remains with

acters and passions of the human foul. In those sublime arts the dexterity of the hand is of little avail unless it is animated by fancy and guided by the most correct taste and observation. It is almost unnecessary to remark that the civil distractions of the empire, the licence of the

the precepts of Vitruvius, the several parts of the

soldiers, the inroads of the barbarians,

building, the baths, bedchamber, the atrium^ the

progress of despotism, had proved very unfa-

ite

basilica^

and the Cyzicenc, Corinthian, and

Egyptian halls have been described with some degree of precision, or at least of probability.

and the

vourable to genius, and even to learning. succession of Illyrian princes restored the

The em-

pire without restoring the sciences. Their mill-

The Fourt^nth Chapter tary education was not calculated to inspire them with the love of letters; and even the mind

of Diocletian, however active

was

and capacious

in

uninformed by study or speculation. The professions of law and physic are of such common use and certain profit that they will always secure a sufficient number of practitioners endowed with a reasonable degree of abilities and knowledge; but it does not appear that the students in those two faculties appeal to any celebrated masters who have flourbusiness,

totally

ished within that period. The voice of poetry was silent. History was reduced to dry and confused abridgments, alike destitute of amusement

and

instruction.

quence was

still

A

languid and affected elo-

retained in the pay and service

who encouraged

not any arts except those which contributed to the gratification of their pride or the defence of their power.”* The declining age of learning and of mankind is marked, however, by the rise and rapid progress of the new Platonists. The school of Alexandria silenced those of Athens; and the ancient sects enrolled themselves under the banners of the more fashionable teachers, w ho recommended their system by the novelty of their method and the austerity of their manners. Several of these masters Ammonius, Plotinus, Amelius, and Porphyry”* were men of profound thought and intense application; but, by mistaking the of the emperors,

—

—

159

true object of philosophy, thfeir labours contributed much less to improve than to corrupt

the human understanding. The knowledge that suited to our situation and powers, the whole

is

compass of moral, natural, and mathematical was neglected by the new Platonists;

science,

whilst they exhausted their strength in the ver-

bal disputes of metaphysics, attempted to explore the secrets of the invisible world, and studied to reconcile Aristotle with Plato, on subjects of which both these philosophers were as ignorant as the rest of mankind. Consuming their

reason in these deep but unsubstantial meditaminds were exposed to illusions of

tions, their

They

fancy.

flattered themselves that they pos-

sessed the secret of disengaging the soul

from its

corporeal prison ; claimed a familiar intercourse with daemons and spirits; and, by a very singular revolution, converted the study of philosophy into that of magic. The ancient sages had derided the popular»superstition; after disguising its extravagance by the thin pretence of allegory, the disciples of Plotinus and Porph>Ty became its most zealous defenders. As they agreed with the Christians in a few mysterious points of faith, they attacked the remainder of their theological s>'stem with all the fury of civil war. The new Platonists would scarcely deserve a place in the history of science, but in that of the church the mention of them will very frequently occur.

CHAPTER

XIV

Troubles after the Abdication of Diocletian. Death of Constantins. Elevation of Constantine and Maxentius. Six Emperors at the same Time. Death of Maxi-

mian and Galerius. Victories of Constantine over Maxentius and union of the Empire under the Authority of Constantine.

T

he balance

power established by Diono longer than while it was sustained by the firm and dexterous of

cletian subsisted

hand of the founder.

It

required such a fortu-

nate mixture of different tempers and abilities as' could scarcely be found, or even expected, a second time; two cmptTors without jealousy, two Caesars without ambition and the same general interest invariably pursued by four independent princes. The aMication of Diocletian and Maximian was succeeded by eighteen years of discord and confusioA. The empire was afflicted by five civil wars; and the remainder of the time was not so much a state of tranquillity

as a suspension of

Licinius.

arms between several

Re-

hostile

nionarchs, who, view-ing each other with an eye of fear

and hatred,

strove to increase their re-

spective forces at the expense of their subjects.

As soon as Diocletian and Maximian had resigned the purple, their station, according to the rules of the new constitution, war filled by the two Caesars, Constantius and Galerius, who immediately assumed the title of Augustus.^ The honours of seniority and precedence w’erc allowed to the former of those princes, and he continued under a new appellation to administer his ancient department of Gaul, Spain, and Britain. The government of those ample prov-

;

inces

Roman Empire

Decline and Fall of the

i6o

was sufficient to exercise

his talents

and

to

temperance, and moderation distinguished the amiable character of Constantius, and his fortunate subjects had frequently occasion to compare the virtues of their sovereign with the passions of Maximian, and even with the arts of Diocletian.^ Instead of imitating their eastern pride and magnificence, modesty of a Roman Constantius preserved prince. He declared, with unaflfected sincerity, that his most valued treasure was in the hearts of his people; and that, whenever the dignity of the throne or the danger of the state required any extraordinary supply, he could depend with confidence on their gratitude and liberality.’ The provincials of Gaul, Spain, and Britain, sensible of his worth, and of their own happiness, reflected with anxiety on the declining satisfy his ambition. Cleniency,

health of the emperor Constantius, and the tender age of his numerous family, the issue

of his second marriage with the daughter of

Maximian.

The stern temper of Galerius was cast in a very different mould and while he commanded the esteem of his subjects, he seldom condescended to solicit their affections. His fame in arms, and, above all, the success of the Persian war, had elated his haughty mind, which was naturally impatient of a superior, or even of an ;

equal. If

it

w'erc possible to rely

on the

testimony of an injudicious writer,

partial

we might

ascribe the abdication of Diocletian to the

aces of Galerius,

and

private conversation

men-

a between the two princes, in relate the particulars of

which the former discovered a^ much

pusilla-

nimity as the latter displayed ingratitude and arrogance.^ But these obscure anecdotes are sufficiently refuted by an impartial view of the char-

and conduct of Diocletian. Whatever might otherwise have been his intentions, if he had apprehended any danger from the violence of Galerius, his good sense would have instructed him to prevent the ignominious contest; and as he had held the sceptre with glory, he would have resigned it without disgrace. After the elevation of Constantius and Galerius to the rank of Augustin two new Casars were required to supply their place, and to complete the system of the lmp)erial government. Diocletian was sincerely desirous of withdrawing himself from the world he considered Galerius, who had married his daughter, as the firmest support of his family and of the empire and he consentacter

;

;

sulting the interest or inclination of the princes of the West. Each of them had a son who was arrived at the age of manhood, and who might have been deemed the most natural candidates for the vacant honour. But the impotent resent^ ment of Maximian was no longer to be dreaded and the moderate Constantius, though he might despise the dangers, was humanely apprehensive of the calamities, of civil war. The two persons whom Galerius promoted to the rank of Csesar were much better suited to serve the views of his ambition; and their principal rec-

ommendation seems to have consisted in the want of merit or personal consequence. The first of these was Daza, or, as he was afterwards called, Maximin, whose mother was the sister of Galerius.

The inexperienced youth still betrayed

manners and language his rustic education, when, to his own astonishment, as well as that of the world, he was invested by Diocletian

by

his

with the purple, exalted to the dignity of Carsar, and intrusted with the sovereign command of Egypt and Syria.’ At the same time Severus, a faithful servant, addicted to pleasure but not incapable of business, was sent to Milan to receive from the reluctant hands of Maximian the

Caesarian ornaments and the possession of Italy Africa.® According to the forms of the con-

and

stitution, Severus

acknowledged the supremacy

of the western emperor; but he was absolutely devoted to the commands of his benefactor Galerius, who, reserving to himself tlie intermediate countries from the confines of Italy to those of Syria, firmly established his power over threefourths of the monarchy. In the full confidence that the approaching death of Constantius

would leave him sole master of the Roman world, we are assured that he had arranged in his mind a long succession of future princes, and that he meditated his own retreat from public life after he should have accomplished a glorious reign of about twenty

years.’'

But, within less than eighteen months,

two

unexpected revolutions overturned the ambitious schemes of Galerius. The hopes of uniting the western provinces to his empire were disappointed by the elevation of Constantine; whilst Italy and Africa were lost by the auccessful revolt of Maxentius. I. The fame of Constantine has tendered posterity attentive to the most minute circumstances of his

life

and

actions.

The

place of his birth, as

well as the condition of his mother Helena, have

ed, without reluctance, that his successor should

been the subject not only of

assume the merit as well as the envy of the important nomination. It was fixed without con-

tional disputes. Notwithstanding the recent tra-

dition

which assigns

literary but of na-

for her father

a British

The Fourteenth Chapter king,*

we are obliged to confess that Helena was

the daughter of an innkeeper; but at the same time we may defend the legality of her marriage against those who have represented her as the concubine of Constantius.* The great Constantine was most probably born at Naissus, in and it is not surprising that, in a famDacia ily and province distinguished only by the profession of arms, the youth should discover very little inclination to improve his mind by the acquisition of knowledge.'^ He was about eighteen years of age when his father was promoted to the rank of Ca:sar; but that fortunate event was attended with his mother’s divorce; and the splendour of an Imperial alliance reduced the son of Helena to a state of disgrace and humiliation. Instead of following Constantins in the West, he remained in the service of Diocletian, signalising his valour in the wars of Egypt and Persia, and gradually rose to the honourable station of a tribune of the first order. The ligurc of Constantine was tall and majestic; he was dexterous in all his exercises, intrepid in war, alTablc in peace; in bis whole conduct the active spirit of youth was tempered by habitual prudence and while his mind was engrassed by ambition, he appricum and the East, he entered Italy, resolved to revenge the death of Severus and to chastise the rebellious Romans; or, as he expressed his intentions, in the furious language of a barbarian, to extirpate the senate, and to destroy the people by the sword. But the skill of Maximian had concerted a prudent system of defence. The invader found every place hostile, fortified, and inaccessible; and though he forced his way as far as Narni, within sixty miles of Rome, his dominion in Italy was confined to the narrow limits of his camp. Sensible of the increasing difficulties of his enterprise, the haughty Galerius made the first advances towards a reconciliation, and despatched two of his most considerable officers to tempt the Roman princes by the offer of a conference, and the declaration of his paternal regard for Maxentius, who might obtain much more from his liberality than he could hope from the doubtful chance of war.*® The offers of Galerius were rejected with firmness, his perfidious friendship refused with contempt, and it was not long before he discovered that unless he provided for his safety by a timely retreat, he had some reason to apprehend the fate of Severus. The wealth which the Romans defended against his rapacious tyranny they freely contributed for his destruction. The name of Maximian, the popular arts of his son, the secret distribution of large sums, and the promise of still more liberal rewards, checked the ardour and corrupted the fidelity of the Illyrian legions; and when Galerius at length gave the signal of the retreat, it was with some difficulty that he could prevail on his veterans not to de-

Roman Empire

a banner which had so often conducted to victory and honour. A contemporary writer assigns two other causes for the failure of the expedition; but they are both of such a nature that a cautious historian will scarcely venture to adopt them. We are told that Galerius, who had formed a very imperfect notion of the greatness of Rome by the cities of the East with which he was acquainted, found his forces inadequate to the siege of that immense capital. But the extent of a city serves only to render it more accessible to the enemy: Rome had long since been accustomed to submit on the approach of a conqueror; nor could the temporary enthusiasm of the people have long contended against the discipline and valour of the legions. We are likewise informed that the legions themselves were struck with horror and remorse, and that those pious sons of the republic sert

them

refused to violate the sanctity of their venerable parent.*® But ease, in the

when we

recollect with

more ancient

civil

how much

wars, the zeal of

party and the habits of militarv obedience had converted the native citizens of Rome into her most implacable enemies, we shall Ije inclined to distrust this extreme delicacy oi strangers and barbarians who had never l>ehcld Italy till they entered it in a hostile manner. Had they not been restrained by motives of a more interested nature, they would probably have answered Galerius in the woids of (i»rsar’s veterans: “If our general wishes to lead us to tflt* banks ol the Tiber, we are prepared to trace out his camp. Whatsoever walls he has determined to level with the ground, our hands aie ready to work the engines: nor shall we hesitate, should the name of the devoted city be Rome itself.’’ The.se arc indeed the cxpression.s of a poet; but of a poet who has been distinguished, and even censured, for his strict adherence to the truth of history.**

The legions of Galerius exhibited a very melancholy proof of their disposition by the ravages which they committed in their retreat. They murdered, they ravished, they plundered, they drove away the flocks and herds of the Italians they burnt the villages through which they passed, and they endeavoured to destroy the country which it had not been in their power to subdue. During the whole march Maxentius hung on their rear, but he very prudently declined a general engagement with those brave and desperate veterans. His father had undertaken a second journey into Gaul, with the hope of persuading Constantine, who had assembled an anny on the frontier,

to join the pursuit,

and

The Fourteenth Chapter to complete the victory. But the actions of Constantine were guided by reason, and not by re-

sentment. He persisted in the wise resolution of maintaining a balance of power in the divided empire, and he no longer hated Galerius when that aspiring prince had ceased to be an object of terror.*® The mind of Galerius was the most susceptible of the sterner passions, but it was not, however, incapable of a sincere and lasting friend-

manners as well as character were not unlike his own, seems to have en-

ship. Licinius, w'hose

165

plauded his philosophic moderation. When his ambition excited, or at least encouraged, a civil war, they returned thanks to his generous pa-

and gently censured that love of ease and retirement which had withdrawn him from the public service.®^ But it was impossible that minds like those of Maximian and his son could long possess in harmony an undivided power. triotism,

Maxentius considered himself as the legal sovereign of Italy, elected by the Roman senate and people nor would he endure the control of his ;

who arrogantly name and abilities the

father,

declared that by /us

gaged both his afl'cetion and esteem. Their intimacy had commenced in the happier period, perhaps, of their youth and obscurity. It had been cemented by the freedom and dangers of a military life; they had advanced almost by equal steps through the successive honours of the service and as soon as Galerius was invested with the Imperial dignity, he seems to have

rash youth had been established on the throne. I'he cause was sol-

conceived the design of raising his companion to the same rank with himself. During the short period of his prosperity, he considered the rank of Ca'sar as unworthy of the age and merit of Licinius, and rather chose to reserve for him the place of Constantius, and the empire of the West. While the emperor was employed in the Italian war, he intrusted his friend with the delencc of the Danulx*; and immediately alter his return from that unlortunate expedition he invested Licinius with the vacant purple of Se-

duct,

;

verus, resigning to his

provinces of

immediate command the news of his pro-

lllyricuni.'-'* I’lie

motion was no sooner carried into the East, than Maximin, who governed, or rather oppressed, the countries of Egypt and Syria, betrayed his envy and discontent, disdained the interior

name

of Caesar, and, notwithstanding

the prayers as well as arguments of Galerius, exacted, almost by violence, the equal title of Augustus.®’^

time, the

For the

lirst,

and indeed

for the last

Roman world was administered

by

six

emperors. In the West, Constantine and MaxciUius allectcd to reverence their father Maximian. In the East, Licinius and Maximin honoured with more real consideration their bene-

The opposition of interest, and memory of a recent war, divided the empire

factor Galerius.

the

intd fears

two great hostile powers; but their mutual produced an apparent tranquillity, and

till the death of the elder princes, of Maximian, and more particularly of Galerius, gave a new direction to the

even a feigned reconciliation,

views and passions of their surviving associates. When Maximian had reluctantly abdicated the empire, the venal orators of the times ap-

emnly pleaded before the Pra*torian guards; and those troops, who dreaded the severity of the old emperor, espoused the party of Maxentius.®* 'I'he life and freedom of Maximian w'erc, however, respected, and he retired from Italy into Illyricum, affecting to lament his past con-

and

secretly contriving

new

mischiefs.

But Galerius, who was well acquainted with his character, soon obliged him to leave his dominions,

and the

Maximian was stantine.®"^

last

refuge of the disappointed

the court of his son-in-law

Con-

He was received with respect by

that

and with the appearance of filial tenderness by the empress Fausta. That he might remove every suspicion, he resigned the

artful prince,

Imperial purple a second time,®* professing himlength convinced of the vanity of greatness and ambition. Had he p>ersevercd in this

self at

resolution, he less dignity,

yet,

might have ended

indeed, than in his

his life

first

with

retirement,

however, with comfort and reputation. But

the near prospect of a throne brought back to his

remembrance the stale from w'hencc he was and he resolved, by a desperate cftort,

fallen,

either to reign or to perish.

An

incursion of the

Franks had summoned Constantine, with a part of his army, to the banks of the Rhine; the remainder of the troops were stationed in the southern provinces of Gaul, w’hich lay exposed to the enUTprises of the Italian emperor, and a considerable treasure was deposited in the city of Arles. Maximian either craftily invented, or hastily credited, a vain report of the death of Constantine. Without hesitation he ascended the throne, seized the treasure, and, scattering it wuii his accustomed profusion among the soldiers,

the

endeavoured to awake in their minds

memory

of his ancient dignity

and

exploits.

Before he could establish his authority, or finish the negotiation which he appears to have entered into with his son Maxentius, the celerity of

Constantine defeated

ail his

hopes.

On the lirst

Decline and Fall of the

x66

news of his perfidy and ingratitude, that prince returned by rapid marches from the Rhine to the Saone, embarked on the last-mentioned river at ChAlons, and, at Lyons trusting himself to the rapidity of the Rhone, arrived at the gates of Arles with a military force which it was impossible for Maximian to resist, and which scarcely permitted him to take refuge in the neighbouring city of Marseilles. The narrow neck of land which joined that place to the continent was fortified against the besiegers, whilst the sea was open, either for the escape of Maximian, or for the succours of Maxentius, if the latter should choose to disguise his invasion of

Gaul under the honourable pretence of defending a distressed, or, as he might allege, an injured father. Apprehensive of the latal consequences of delay, Ckinstantine gave orders for an immediate assault; but the scaling-ladders were found too short for the height of the walls, and Marseilles might have sustained as long a siege as it formerly did against the arms of Cxsar, if the garrison, conscious either of their

had not purchased pardon by delivering up the city and the person of Maximian. A secret but irrevocable sentence of death was pronounced against the fault or of their danger,

their

usurper; he obtained only the same favour which he had indulged to Severus, and it was published to the world that, oppressed by the remorse of his repeated crimes, he strangled himself with his own hands. After he had lost

the

Roman Empire Danube

the superfluous waters of the lake

and the cutting down the immense forests that encompassed it: an operation worthy of a monarch, since it gave an extensive country to the agriculture of his Pannonian subjects.’^ His death was occasioned by a very painful and lingering disorder. His body, swelled by an intemperate course of life to an unwieldy corpulence, was covered with ulcers, and devoured by innumerable swarms of those insects who Pelso,

have given their name to a most loathsome dishad offended a very

ease;*^ but as Galerius

zealous and powerful party among his subjects, his sufferings, instead of exciting their compassion,

have been celebrated as the

of divine justice.

visible effects

He had no sooner expired

in

his palace of Nicomedia

than the two emperors, who were indebted for their purple to his favour, began to collect their forces, with the intention cither of disputing or of dividing the

dominions which he had

without a master. to dcMSt from the former design, and to agree in the latter. The provinces of Asia fell to the share ol Ma\imin, and those of Europe augmented the porleft

They were persuaded, however,

tion of Licinius. The Hellei»[)ont and the Thracian Bosphorus formed their mutual boundary, and the banks of those narrow s(‘as, which

in about three years,

flowed in the midst of the Roman world, were covered with soldiers, with arms and with fortifications. The deaths of Maximian and of Galcnus reduced the number ol emperors to four. The sense of their true interest s^n conneeted Licinius and Constantine; a secret alliance was contludcd between Maxiinin and Maxentius, and their unhappy subjects expected with terror the bloody consccjuences of their inevitable

He

dissensions,

the assistance,

and disdained

moderate

the

counsels, of Diocletian, the second period of his

active

life

was a

series of public calamities

and

personal mortifications, which ^ere terminated,

by an ignominious death. deserved his fate ; but we should find more reason to applaud the humanity of Constantine if he had spared an old man, the benefactor of his father

and the

father of his wife.

During the

whole of this melancholy transaction,

appears that Fausta sacrificed the sentiments of nature to her conjugal duties. The last years of Galerius were less shameful and unfortunate; and though he had filled with more glory the subordinate station of C2esar than the superior rank of Augustus, he preserved,

till

the

among

moment

it

of his death, the

Roman

first

which were no longer restrained by

the fear or the respect which they had enter-

tained lor Galerius.

Among so many crimes and misfortunes, occasioned bv the passions of the Roman princes, there is some pleasure in discovering a single action which may be ascribc*d to their virtue. In the sixth year of his reign Constantine visited the city of Autun,

and generously remitted the same time

arrears of tribute, reducing at the

the proportion of their assessmcnl from twentyfive to

eighteen thousand heads, subject to the

and personal

years; and, wisely relinquishing his views of

capitation.***^ Ydt even this indulgence affords the most unquestionable proof of the public misery. This tax was so extremely

universal empire, he devoted the remainder of

oppressive, cither in itself or in the

enjoyment of pleasure and to the execution of some works of public utility, among which we may distinguish the discharging into

revenue was increased by extortion, it was diminished by despair: a considerable part of the territory of Autun was

place

He

the princes of the

world.

survived his retreat from Italy about four

his life to the

real

lecting

it,

that, whilst the

mode of col-

The Fourteenth Chapter uncultivated ; and great numbers of the proand outlaws than to support the weight of civil society. It is but too probable that the bountiful emperor relieved, by a partial act of liberality, one among the many evils which he had caused by his general maxims of administration. But even those maxims were less the cflect of choice than of necessity. And if we except the death of Maximian, the reign of Constantine in Gaul seems to have been the most innocent and even virtuous period of his life. The provinces were protected by his presence from the inroads of the barbarians, who either dreaded or experienced his active valour. After a signal victory over the Franks and Alemanni, several of their princes were exposed by his order to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre of Treves, and the people seem to have enjoyed the spectacle, without discovering, in such a treatment of royal captives, anything that was repugnant to the laws of nations or of humanity.^^ The virtues of Constantine were rendered more illustrious 1 a «‘he vices of Maxentius. left

vincials rather chose to live as exiles

Whilst the (iallic provinces enjoyed as much happiness as the condition of the times was caItaly and Africa groaned under the dominion of a tyrant as ecaiteinptiblc as he was odious. The zeal of tlatterv and facpal)le of receiving,

tion has indeed too frced the fury of the sword w’erc dispersed

pated his whole race. The most distinguished adherents of Maxentius must have cx|K'cted to share his fate, as they had shared his prosperity and his crimes; but when the Roman |)eoplc loudly demanded a greater number of victims, the conc|ucror resisted, with firmness and humanity, those servile clamours, w'hich were dic-

among the legions and banished to the frontiers of the empire, where they might be serviceable

tated by flattery as well as by resentment. In-

to the insults or neglect of its distant master. may observ'c that, in this last cHort to preserve

formers were punished and discouraged; the innocent who had sufiered under the late tyranny

were recalled from estates.

A

minds and

exile,

and

restored to their

general act of oblivion quieted the settled the property of the people

both in Italy and in Africa.’* The first time that Constantine honoured the senate with his presence he recapitulated his own services and exploits in a modest oration, assured that illustrious order of his sincere regard, and promised to re-establish

its

ancient dignity and privileges.

w'ithout again

becoming dangerous.’® By sup-

pressing the troops which were usually stationed in

Rome, Constantine gave

dignity of the senate

armed

capital

the fatal blow to the and people, and the dis-

was exposed, without protection,

We

Romans, from the apprehension of a tribute, had raised Maxentius to the throne. He exacted that tribute from the senate under the name of a free gift. They implored the assistance of Comstantine. He vanquished the t>Tant. and converted the free gift into a perpetual tax. The senators, according to their expiring freedom, the

the declaration which was required of their property, were divided into several classes. The most opulent paid annually eight pounds of

;

Decline and Fall of the

172

gold, the next class paid four, the last two,

and

those whose poverty might have claimed an exemption were assessed, however, at seven pieces of gold. Besides the regular members of the senate, their sons, their descendants, and even their

enjoyed the vain privileges and supported the heavy burdens of the senatorial order; nor will it any longer excite our surprise that Constantine should be attentive to increase the number of persons who were included under so useful a description.’* After the defeat of Maxentius the victorious emperor passed no more than two or three months in Rome, which he visited twice during the remainder of his life tacelebrate the solemn festivals of the tenth and of the twentieth years of his reign. Constantine was almost perpetually in motion, to exercise the legions or to inspect the state of the provinces. Treves, Milan, Aquileia, Sirmium, Nais«us, and Thessalonica were the occasional places of his residence till he founded a new Rome on the confines of Europe and Asia.” Before Constantine marched into Italy he had secured the friendship, or at least the neutrality, of Licinius, the Illyrian emperor. He had promised his sister Constantia in marriage to that prince but the celebration of the nuprelations,

;

was deferred till after the conclusion of the war, and the interview of the two emperors at Milan, wiiich was appointed for that purpose, appeared to cement the union of their families and interests.’* In the midst of the public festivity they were suddenly obliged to take leave of tials

each other. An inroad of the Franks summoned Constantine to the Rhine, and the hostile approach of the sovereign of Asia demanded the immediate presence of Licinius. Maximin had been the secret ally of Maxentius, and, without being discouraged by his fate, he resolved to try the fortune of a civil war. He moved out of Syria, towards the frontiers of Bithynia, in the depth of winter. The season was severe and tempestuous; great numbers of men as well as horses perished in the snow; and as the roads were broken up by incessant rains, he was obliged to leave behind him a considerable part of the heavy baggage, which was unable to follow the rapidity of his forced marches. By this extraordinary effort of diligence, he arrived, with a harassed but formidable army, on the banks of the Thracian Bosphorus before the lieutenants of Licinius were apprised of his hostile intentions. Byzantium surrendered to the power of Maximin after a siege of eleven days. He was detained some days under the walls of Heraclea; and he had no sooner taken posses-

Roman Empire

was alarmed by the inhad pitched his camp at the distance of only eighteen miles. After a fruitless negotiation, in which the two princes sion of that city than he telligence that Licinius

attempted to seduce the adherents, they

fidelity of

had recourse

each other’s

to arms.

The em-

peror of the East commanded a disciplined and veteran army of above seventy thousand men

and

Licinius,

thousand

who had

Illyrians,

collected about thirty

was at

first

oppressed by the

superiority of numbers. His military

skill

and

the firmness of his troops restored the day and obtained a decisive victory. The incredible

speed which Maximin exerted in his flight is much more celebrated than his prowess in the battle. Twenty-four hours afterwards he was seen pale, trembling, and without his Imperial ornaments, at Nicomedia, one hundred and sixty miles from the place of his defeat. The wealth of Asia was yet unexhausted and though ;

the flower of his veterans had fallen in the late action, he had still power, if he could obtain time, to draw very numerous levies from Syria and Egypt. But he survived his misfortune only

which happenwas variously ascribed to despair, to poison, and to the disine justice. As Maximin was alike destitute of abilities and of virtue, he was lamented neither by the people nor by the three or four months. His death,

ed

at Tarsus,

soldiers.

The

provinces ol the East, delivered

from the terrors of civil war, cheerfully acknowledged the authority of Licinius.’® The vanquished emperor left behind him two children, a boy of about eight, and a girl of about seven, years old. Their inoffensive age might have excited compassion; but the compassion of Licinius was a very feeble resource, nor did it restrain him from extmguishing the name and memory of his adversary. I'hc death of Severianus will admit of less excuse, as it was dictated neither by revenge nor by policy. The conqueror had never received any injury from the father of that unhappy youth, and the short and obscure reign of Severus, in a distant part of the empire, was already forgotten. But the

execution of Candidianus was an act of the blackest cruelty and ingratitude* He was the natural son of Galeriu-s, the friend and benefactor of Licinius. The prudent father had judged him too young to sustain the weight of a diadem; but he hoped that, under the protection of princes who were indebted to his favour for the Imperial purple, Candidianus might pass a secure and honourable life. He was now advancing towards the twentieth year of his age, and the royalty of his births though unsupported

The Fourteenth Chapter by merit or ambition, was sufficient to exasp)erate the jealous mind of Licinius.^^ To these innocent and illustrious victims of his tyranny we must add the wife and daughter of the emperor Diocletian. When that prince conferred on Galcrius the title of Caesar, he had given him in marriage his daughter Valeria, whose melancholy adventures might furnish a very singular subject for tragedy. She had fulhlied and even surpassed the duties of a wife. As she had not any children herself, she condeeither

scended to adopt the illegitimate son of her husband, and invariably displayed towards the unhappy Candidianus the tenderness and anxiety of a real mother. After the death of Galcrius, her ample possessions provoked the avarice, and her personal attractions excited the desires, of his successor, Maximin.*' He had a wife still alive ; but divorce was permitted by the Roman law, and the fierce passions of the tyrant de-

manded an immediate gratification.

'I'hc

answer

of Valeria was such as Ijccamc the daughter and widow of emperors; but it was tempered by defenceless condition the prudence which compelled her to observe. She represented to

whom Maximin

had employed on honour could permit a woman of her character and dignity to entertain a thought of second nuptials, decency at least must forbid her to listen to his addresses at a time when the ashes of her husband and his benefactor were still warm, and while the sorrows of her mind were still expressed by her mourning garments. She ventured to declare the p, his friend and broiher,in the possession of Tliracc, Asia Minor. Syria, and Egypt; but the pnjvinces of Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Miicedonia, and Greece were yielded to the Western empire, and the dominions of Constantine now extended from the confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnesus. It was stipulated by the same treaty that three royal youths, the sons of the emperors, should be called to the hopx*s of the succession. Crispus and the young Constantine were soon afterwards declared Caesars in the West, while the younger Licinius was invested with the same dignity in the East. In this double proportion of honours, the conqueror asserted the superiority of his arms and power.®*

and Liciwas embittered by resentment by the remembrance of recent in-

'Fhc reconciliation of C'onstantine nius,

though

it

and jealousy, and by

juries,

the apprehension of future dan-

however, above eight years, the tranquillity of the Roman world. As a very regular scries of the Imperial laws commences about this period, it would not be difficult to gers, maintained,

transcribe the civil regulations

which employed

the leisure of Constantine. But the most important of his institutions arc intimately connected with the new system of policy and I'cligion, whizh was not perfectly established till the last

and peaceful years of his

reign.

There arc many

of his laws which, as far as they concern the rights of property of individuals, and the practice of the bar, are more properly referred to

175

the private than to the public jurisprudence of the empire; and he published many edicts of so

and temporary a nature that they would deserve the notice of a general history. Two

local ill

may be selected from the crowd; importance, the other for its singularity; the former for its remarkable benevolence, the latter for its excessive severity, i The horrid practice, so familiar to the ancients, of exposing or murdering their new-born infants, was becoming every day more frequent in the laws, however,

the one for

its

.

and

was the and the distress was principally occasioned by the intolerable burden of taxes, and by the vexatious as well as cruel prosecuprovince-^,

especially in Italy. It

effect of diiitress;

tions of the officers of the revenue against their

insolvent debtors.

The

less

opulent or

less in-

dustrious part of mankind, instead of rejoicing

an increase of family, deemed it an act of paternal tenderness to release their children from the impending miseries of a life which

in

they themselves were unable to support. The humanity of Constantine, moved, perhaps, by some recent and extraordinary instances of despair, engaged him to address an edict to all the cities of Italy, and afterwards of Africa, directing immediate and sufficient relief to be given to those parents

who should produce before the whom their own pover-

magistrates the children

them to educate. But the promise was too liberal, and the provision too vague, to effect any general or permanent benefit.®* The law, though it may merit some praise, served rather to display than to alleviate the public distress. It still remains an authentic monument to contradict and confound those venal orators who were too well satisfied with ty w'ould not allow'

their own situation to discover cither vice or mis-

ery under the government of a generous sovereign.®^ 2. The laws of Constantine against rapes were dictated with very little indulgence for the most amiable weaknesses of human nature; since the description of that crime

was applied

not only to the brutal violence which compelled, but even to the gentle seduction wliich might persuade, an unmarried woman, under the age of tw’cnty-five, to leave the house of her parents. “The successful ravisher was punished with death; and as if simple death was inade-

quate to the enormity of his guilt, he was either burnt alive, or torn in pieces by wild beasts in the amphitheatre. The virgin's declaration that she had been carried away w'ith her own consent, instead of saving her lover, exposed her to share his fate. The duty of a public prosecution

was intrusted

to the parents of the guilty

Decline and Fall of the

jyS

or unfortunate maid; and if the sentiments of nature prevailed on them to dissemble the injury, and to repair by a subsequent marriage the honour of their family, they were themselves punished by exile and confiscation. The slaves, whether male or female, who were convicted of having been accessary to the rape or seduction, were burnt alive, or put to death by the ingenious torture of pouring down their throats a quantity of melted lead. As the crime was of a public Idnd, the accusation was permitted even to strangers. The commencement of the action was not limited to any term of years, and the consequences of the sentence were extended to the innocent offspring of such an irregular union.’’®* But whenever the offence inspires less horror than the punishment, the rigour of penal law is obliged to give way to the common feelings of mankind. The most odious parts of this edict were softened or repealed in the subsequent reigns;*® and even Constantine himself very frequently alleviated, by partial acts of mercy, the stern temper of his general institutions. Such, indeed, was the singular humour of that emperor, who showed himself as indulgent, and even remiss, in the execution of his laws, as he was severe, and even cruel, in the enacting of them. It is scarcely possible to observe a more decisive symptom of weakness, either in the character of the prince, or in the

constitution of the government.*^

The

civil

administration was sometimes in-

terrupted by the military defence of the empire.^ Crispus, a youth of the most amiable character, who had received with the title of Cscsar the command of the Rhine, distinguished his conduct as well as valour in several victories over the Franks and Alcmanni, and taught the barbarians of that frontier to dread the eldest son of Constantine, and the grandson of Constantius.**

himself had assumed the more and important province of the Danube. The Goths, who in the time of Claudius and Aurelian had felt the w'cight of the Roman arms, respected the power of the empire, even

The emperor

difficult

Roman Empire

encountered a very obstinate resistance, he prevailed at length in the contest, and the Goths were compelled to purchase an ignominious retreat by restoring the booty and prisoners which they had taken. Nor was this advantage sufficient to satisfy the indignation of the emperor.

He

resolved to chastise as well as to repulse the

insolent barbarians

the territories of

who had dared

Rome. At

to invade

the head of his le-

gions he passed the Danube, after repairing the bridge which had been constructed by Trajan,

penetrated into the strongest recesses of Daand, when he had inflicted a severe revenge, condescended to give peace to the suppliant Goths, on condition that, as often as they were required, they should supply his armies with a body of forty thousand soldiers.* “* Excia,*®*

were no doubt honourable to Constantine and beneficial to the state; but it may surely be questioned whether they can justify the exaggerated assertion of Eusebius, that ALL Scythia, as far as the extremity ol the North, divided as it was into so many names and nations of the most various and savage manners, had been added by his victorious ploits like these

arms In

to the

Roman

empire.*®-*

was impossible any longer endure a

this exalted state of glory it

that Constantine should

partner in the empire. Confiding in the superiority of his genius and military power, he determined, without any previous iqjury, to exert them for the destruction of lacinius, whose advanced age and unpxipular vices seemed to offer a very easy conquest.*®* But the old emperor, awakened by the approaching danger, deceived the expectations of his friends as well as of his enemies. Calling forth that spirit and those abilities by which he had deserved the friendship of Galerius and the Imperial purple, he prepared himself for the contest, collected the forces of the East, and soon filled the plains of Hadrianople with his troops, and the Straits of the Hellespont with his fleet. 'I he army con-

in the midst of its intestine divisions. But the strength of that warlike nation was now restored

one hundred and fifty thousand foot and fifteen thousand horse; and as the cavalry was drawn, for the most jiart, from Phrygia and Cappadocia, we may conceive a more favour-

by a peace of near fifty years a new generation had arisen, who no longer remembered the mis-

able opinion of the beauty of the horses than of the courage and dexterity of their riders. The

fortunes of ancient days: the Sarmatians of the

fleet

lake Macotis followed the Gothic standard ei-

galleys of three ranks of oars.

;

allies, and their united was poured upon the countries of Illyricum. Campona, Margus, and Bononia, appear to have bron the scenes of several memorable sieges and battles;*® and though Constantine

ther as subjects or as

force

sisted of

was composed

hundred and fifty An hundred and thirty of these were furnished by Egypt and the adjacent coast of Africa. An hundred and ten sailed from the ports of Phoenicia and the isle of Cyprus; and the maritime countries of Bithynia, Ionia, and Caria were likewise obliged to proof three

The Fourteenth Chapter vide an hundred and ten galleys. The troops of Constantine were ordered to rendezvous at Thessalonica; they amounted to above an hundred and twenty thousand horse and foot.*®^ Their emperor was satisfied with their martial appearance, and his army contained more soldiers, though fewer men, than that of his eastern competitor. The legions of Constantine were levied in the warlike provinces of Europe; action had confirmed their discipline, victory had elevated their hopes, and there were among them a great number of veterans, who, after

seventeen glorious campaigns under the same leader, prepared themselves to deserve an honourable dismission by a last effort of their valour.* But the naval preparations of Constantine were in every rcsjjcct much inferior to those of Licinius. The mariiinie cities of Greece .sent their respective quotas of men and ships to the celebrated harbour of Pirarus and their united forces consisted of no more than two hundred small vessels; a very feeble armament, if it is compared with those formidable fleets which were ecjuippcd and »i. dntained by the republic of Athens during the Peloponnesian war.*^® Since Italy was no longer the scat of government, the naval establishments of Misenurn and Ravenna had been gradually neglected; and as the shipping and mariners of the empire were supported by commerce rather than by war, it Wi'is natural that they should the most abound in the industrious provinces of Egypt and Asia. It is only surprising that the eastern emjX'ror, who po.ssessed so great a superiority at sea, should have neglected the opportunity of carrying an olfcnsivc war into the centre of his rival’s dominions. Instead of embracing such an active resolution, which might have changed the whole face of the war, the prudent Licinius expected the approach of his rival in a camp near Hadrianoplc, which he had fortified with an anxious care that betrayed his apprehension of the event. Constantine directed his march from 'rhes.salonica towards that part of Thrace, till he found himself stopped by the broad and rapid stream of the Hebrus, and discovered the numerous

army

of Licinius, which

tilled

the steep ascent

from the river to the city of Hadrianoplc. Many days were spent in doubtful and

of the

hill,

distant skirmishes; but at length the ol)Staclcs

and of the attack were removed by the intrepid conduct of Constantine. In this place we might relate a wonderful exploit of Constantine, which, though it can scarcely be paralleled either in poetry or romance, is celeof the passage

177

by a venal orator devoted to his forby an historian, the partial enemy of his fame. We arc assured that the valiant emperor threw himself into the river Hebrus accompanied only by twelve horsemen, and that by the clTort or terror of his invincible arm, he broke, slaughtered, and put to flight a host of an hundred and fifty thousand men. The credulity of Zosimus prevailed so strongly over his brated, not

tune, but

passion that, among the events of the memorable battle of Hadrianople, he seems to have selected and embellished, not the most important, but the most marvellous. The valour and danger of Constantine are attested by a slight wound which he received in the thigh; but it may be discovered, even from an imperfect narration, and perhaps a corrupted text, that the victory was obtained no less by the conduct of the general than by the courage of the hero; that a body of five thousand archers marched round to occupy • thick wood in the rear of the enemy, whose attention was divt‘rted by the construction of a bridge; and that Licinius, perplexed by so many artful evolutions, was reluctantly drawn from his advantageous post to combat on equal ground in the plain. The contest was no longer equal. His confused multitude of new levies was easily vanquished by the cxixrricnced veterans of the West. Thirty-four thousand men are reported to have been slain. The foriihed camp of Licinius was taken by assault the evening of the battle; the greater part of the fugitives, who had retired to the mountains, surrendered themselves the next day to the discretion of the conqueror; and his rival, who could no longer keep the held, confined

himself within the w^alls of Byzantium.*®^

The

siege of Byzantium,

which

ately undertaken by Constantine,

w'as immediwas attended

with great labour and uncertainty. In the late civil

wars, the fortifications of that place, so

and Asia, had been repaired and strengthened; and as long as Licinius remained master of the sea, the

justly considered as the key of Europie

garrison w'as much less exposed to the danger of famine than the army of the besiegers. The naval commanders of Constantine were summoned to his

camp, and received

his positive orders to

force the passage of the Hellespont, as the fleet

of Licinius, instead of seeking and destroying their feeble enemy, continued inactive in those narrow straits, where its superiority of numbers was of little use or advantage. Crispus, the emperor’s eldest son,

was intrusted with the execuwhich he per-

tion of this daring enterprise,

formed

witli so

much courage and success^

that

he deserved the esteem, and most probably exThe engagement lasted two days; and in the evening of the first, the contending fieets, after a considerable and mutual loss, retired into their respective harbours of Europe and Asia. The second day about noon a strong south wind^"^ sprang up, which carried the vessels of Crispus against the enemy; and as the casual advantage was improved by his skilful intrepidity, he soon obtained a complete victory. An hundred and thirty vessels were destroyed, five thousand men were slain, and Amandus, the admiral of the Asiatic fleet, escaped with the utmost difficulty to the shores of Chalcedon. As soon as the Hellespont was open, a plentiful convoy of provicited the jealousy, of his father.

sions flowed into the

camp

of Constantine,

who

had already advanced the operations of the

He

constructed artificial mounds of earth of an equal height with the ramparts of Byzantium. The lofty towers which w»erc erected on that foundation galled the besieged with large

siege.

stones

Roman Empire

Decline and Fall of the

178

and

darts from the military engines,

the battering rams

and

had shaken the walls in

several places. If Licinius persisted

much longer

in the defence, he exposed himself to be in-

with her brother in favour of her husband, and obtained from his policy, rather than from his compassion, a solemn promise, confirmed by an oath, that after the sacrifice of Martinianus, and the resignation of the purple, Licinius himself should be permitted to pass the remainder of his life in peace and affluence. The behaviour of Constantia, and her relation to the contend-

nmembrance who was the sister of

ing parties, naturally recalls the of that virtuous matron

Augustus and the wife of Antony. But the temper of mankind was altered, and it was no longer esteemed infamous for a Roman to survive his honour and independence. Licinius solicited and accepted the pardon of his oflences, laid himself and his purple at the feet of his lord and was raised from the ground with insult-

mastery

ing pity, was admitted the same day to the imand soon afterwards was sent away to Thessalonica, which had been chosen

perial banquet,

His confine-

for the place of his confinement.'"

ment was soon terminated by death, and

it is

doubtful whether a tumult of the soldiers, or a decree of the senate, was suggested as the motive for his execution. According to the rules of tyranny, he was accused of forming a conspi-

volved in the ruin of the place. Before he was surrounded, he prudently removed his person and treasures to Chalcedon in Asia; and as he was always desirous of associating companions to the hopes and dangers of his fortune, he now bestowed the title of Caesar on Martinianus, who exercised one of the most important offices, of the empire.'®* Such were still the resources; and such the abilities, of Licinius that, after so many successive defeats, he collected in Bithynia a new army of fifty or sixty thousand men, while the activity of Constantine was employed in the siege of Byzantium. The vigilant emperor did not, how-

and of holding a treasonable correspondence with the barbarians; but as he was never convicted, cither by his own conduct or by any legal evidence, we may perhaps be allowed, from his weakness, to presume hiskinnoccnce."* The memory of Licinius was branded with infamy, his statues were thrown down, and by a hasty edict, of such mischievous tendency that it was almost immediately corrected, all his laws and all the judicial proceedings of his reign were at once abolished."® By this victory of Ck)nstantinc the Roman world was again united under the authority of one emperor,

ever, neglect the last struggles of his antagonist.

his

racy,

thirty-seven years after Diocletian

A considerable

power and provinces with Maximian.

and the

stantine,

part of his victorious army was transported over the Bosphorus in small vessels,

engagement was fought soon after their landing on the heights of Chrysopolis, decisive

or, as it is

now

called, of Scutari.

though they were

The

troops of

The

had divided

his

associate

successive steps of the elevation of

from

Con-

assuming the purple at York, to the resignation of Licinius at Nicomedia, have been related with sonnr minuteness

and

his fint

armed, and worse disciplined, made head against their conquerors with fruitless but desperate valour, till a total defeat, and the slaughter of fivc-and-twenty thousand men, irretrievably determined the fate of their leader."® He retired to Nicomedia, rather with the view of gaining some time for negotiation than with the hope of any effectual defence. Constantia, his

precision, not only as the dvents are in themselves both interesting and inSportant, but still more as they contributed to the decline of the empire by the expense of blood hnd treasure, and by the perpetual increase, ai well of the taxes as of the military establishment. The foundation of Constantinople, and the establishment of the Christian religion, were the immediate and memorable consequences of this

wi^ and

revolution.

Licinius,

the

sister

lately raised,

ill

of Constantine, interceded

CHAPTER XV The Progress of

the Christian Religion,

Numbers, and Condition of

A

CANDID but rational inquiry into the progress and establishment of Christian-

ity may be considered as a very essential part of the history of the Roman empire. While that great body was invaded by open violence, or undermined by slow decay, a pure and humble religion gently insinuated itself into the mi nils of men, grew up in silence and obscurity, derived new vigour from opposition, and finally erected the triumphant banner of the Cross on the rviins of the Capitol. Nor was the iiiHuence of Christianity confined to the period or to the limits of the Roman empire. After a revolution of tlnrteen or fourteen centuries, that religion is still professed by the nations of Euni|x*, the most distinguished (Xirtl Jii human kind in arts and learning as well as in arms. By the industry and 7verc all of a carnal and temporal nature, could inspire the love of virtue, or restrain the impetuosity of passion. The Mosaic account of the creation and

selves to the sceptical

183

of man was treated with profane derision by the Gnostics, who would not listen with patience

fall

to the repose of the Deity after six days’ labour, to the rib of Adam, the garden of Eden, the trees of life and of knowledge, the speaking ser-

and the condemnation pronounced against human kind for the venial

pent, the forbidden fruit, offence of their

first

progenitors.*®

The God

of

was impiously represented by the Gnosas a being liable to passion and to error, ca-

Israel tics

pricious in his favour, implacable in his resent-

ment, meanly jealous of

his superstitious

wor-

and confining his partial providence to a single people, and to this transitory life. In such a character they could discover none of the features of the wise and omnipotent Father of the ship,

universe.**

They allowed

Jews was somewhat

less

that the religion of the criminal than the idol-

atry of the Gentiles: but it was their fundamental doctrine that the Christ whom they adored first and lirightest emanation of the Deity appeared upon earth to rescue mankind from their various errors, and to reveal a new s^'stem of truth and perfection. The most learned of the fathers, by a very singular condescension, have imprudently admitted the sophistry of the Gnostics. Acknowledging that the literal sense is repugnant to every principle of faith as well as

as the

deem themselves secure and invulnerable behind the ample veil of allegory, which they carefully spread over every tender part of the Mosaic dispensation.*®

reason, they

It has been remarked with more ingenuity than truth that the virgin purity of the church W’as never violated by schism or heresy before the reign of Trajan or Hadrian, about one hundred years after the death of Christ.** VVe may ol)scr\*e with much more propriety that, during that period, the disciples of the Messiah W’cre indulged in a freer latitude both of faith and practice than has ever been allowed in succeeding ages. As the terms of communion w'cre in-

sensibly narrow’cd,

and the

spiritual autliority

of the prevailing party w’as exercised with in-

many of its most respectable who were called upon to renounce,

creasing severity, adherents,

were provoked to

assert their private opinions,

to pursue the consequences of their mistaken principles,

and openly

to erect the standard of

rebellion against the unity of the church.

The

Gnostics were distinguished as the most polite, the most learned, and the most w^ealthy of the Christian name; and that general appellation, which expressed a superiority of knowledge, was either assumed by their own pride, or ironically

bestowed by the envy of their adversaries. They

Decline and Fall of the

184

Roman Empire

tion of human fraud

were almost without exception of the race of the Gentiles, and their principal founders seem to have been natives of Syria or Egypt, where the

and error, could

disguise

a

smile of contempt under the mask of devotion, without apprehending that cither the mockery

or the compliance would expose him to the resentment of any invisible, or, as he conceived them, imaginary powers. But the established religions of Paganism were seen by the primitive

warmth of the climate disposes both the mind and the body to indolent and contemplative devotion. The Gnostics blended with the faith of Christ many sublime but obscure tenets, which they derived from oriental philosophy, and even from the religion of Zoroaster, concerning the

Christians in a

much more

odious and formid-

eternity of matter, the existence of

able light. It was the universal sentiment both of the church and of heretics, that the dcrstition.

Such w^as the anxious diligence which was required to guard the chastity of the Gospel from the infectious breath of idolatry. The superstitious oljscrvanccs of public or private rites were carelessly practised, from education and habit, by the followers of the established religion. But as often as they occurred, they afforded the

and con-

nent of his servants; and the beautiful mythology which pervades and animates the composi-

Christians an opportunity of declaring

is destined to celebrate the glory of the d^rmons. Even the common lan-

quent protestations their attachment to the

tions of their genius

The

trembling Christians, w'ho w’cre persuaded in this instance to comply with the fashion of their country and the commands of the magistrate, laboured under the most gloomy apprehensions, from the reproaches of their own conscience, the censures of the church, and the denunciations of divine vengeance.^®

firming their zealous opposition.

By

these frefaith

guage of Greece and Rome abounded with familiar but impious expressions, w’hich the imprudent Christian might too carelessly utter, or

and in proportion to the increase of zeal, they combated with the more ardour and success in the holy war which they had undertaken against the empire of the

too patiently hear/®

daemons.

was continually

fortified;

Decline and Fall of the

i86 11.

most

The

with their actions, their characters, and be assured that their conduct in this life was never regulated by any serious conviction of the rewards or punishments of a future state. At the bar and in the senate of Rome the ablest orators were not apprehensive of giving oflcncc to their hearers by exposing that doctrine as an idle and extravagant opinion, which was rejected with contempt by every man of a liberal education and understanding." Since therefore the most sublime eflbrts of philosophy can extend no farther than feebly to point out the desire, the hope, or, at most, the probability of a future .state, there is nothing, except a divine revelation that can ascer-

writings of Cicero" represent in the

sars,

their motives, to

lively colours the ignorance, the errors,

and the uncertainty

of the ancient philosophers

with regard to the immortality of the soul. When they are desirous of arming their disciples against the fear of death, they inculcate, as an obvious though melancholy position, that the fatal stroke of our dissolution releases us from the calamities of life; and that those can no longer suffer who no longer exist. Yet there were a few sages of Greece and Rome who had conceived a more exalted, and, in some respects, a juster idea of human nature, though it must be confessed that, in the sublime inquiry, their reason had been often guided by their imagination, and that their imagination had been prompted by their vanity. When they viewed with complacency the extent of their own mental powers, when

tain the existence

and of judgment,

mythology was unsupported by any solid proofs; wisest among the Pagans had already disclaimed its usurped authority, q. I'he description of the infernal regions had been abandoned to the fancy of painters and of poets, who peopled them with so many phantoms and monsters who disptmsed their rcviards and punishments with so little equity, that a solemn truth, the most congenial to the human heart, was oppressed and disgraced by the aljsiird mixture of

and the

of the field, or to suppose that a being, for w hose dignity they entertained the most sincere ad-

miration, could be limited to a spot of earth, this favour-

and to a few years of duration. With

able prepossession they summoned to their aid the science, or rather the language, of Meta-

immortality, but the past eternity of the

human

which they were too apt to consider as a portion of the infinite and self-existing spirit which pervades and sustains the universe." A doctrine thus removed beyond the senses and the experience of mankind might serve to amuse the leisure of a philosophic mind; or, in the silence of solitude, it might sometimes impart a ray of comfort to desponding virtue; but the faint impression which had been received in the schools was soon obliterated by the commerce and business of active life. We are sufficiently acquainted with the eminent persons who flourished in the age of Cicero and of the first Cae-

soul,

destined to re-

the body. But we may perceive several defects inherent to the popular religions of Greece and Rome which rendered them very unequal to so arduous a task. i. The general system of their

most profound speculations or the most important labours, and when they reflected on the desire of fame, which transported them into future ages, far beyond the bounds of death and of the grave, they were unwilling to confound themselves with the beasts

clusion, since they asserted, not only the future

is

ceive the souls of men after their separation from

in the

physics. They soon discovered that, as none of the properties of matter will apply to the operations of the mind, the human soyl must consequently be a substance distinct from the body, pure, simple, and spiritual, incapable of dissolution, and susceptible of a much higher degree of virtue and happiness after the release from its corporeal prison. From these specious and noble principles the philosophers who trod in the footsteps of Plato deduced a very unjustifiable con-

and describe the condition of

the invisible country which

they exercised the various faculties of memory, of fancy,

Roman Empire

'

the wildest fictions." 3 The doctrine of a future was scarcely considered among the devout .

state

polytheists of Greece tal article of faith.

as

it

and Rome

as a

The providence

related to public

fundamen-

of the gods,

communities rather than

to private individuals, w'as principally displayed

on the

visible theatre oi the present w'orld. 'I'hc

were offered on the altars of JuApollo expressed the anxiety of their worshippers for temporal happiness, and their ignorance or indifference concerning a future lifc.*^^ The important truth of the immortality of the soul was inculcated with mol‘c diligence as well as success in India, in Assyria, in Egypt, and in Gaul; and since we cannot attribute such a difference to the superior knowledge of the petitions w^hich piter or

barbarians,

we must

ascriljc

it

of an established priesthood,

to the influence

which employed

the motives of virtue as the instrument of

am-

bition."

Wc might naturally expect that a principle so essential to religion would have been revealed in the clearest terms to the chosen people of Palestine,

and

that

it

might safely have been in-

The

Fifteenth Chapter

trusted to the hereditary priesthood of Aaron. It is

incumbent on us to adore the mysterious

dispensations of Providence,

when we discover

that the doctrine of the immortality of the soul

omitted in the law of Moses; it is darkly insinuated by the prophets; and during the long period which elapsed betwT** and Irenaeus, who conversed with the immediate disciples of the apostles, down to Lactantius, who was preceptor to the son of Constantine.** Though it might not be universally received, it

appears to have been the reigning sentiment of the orthodox believers; and it seems so well adapted to the desires and apprehensions of mankind, that it must have contributed in a very considerable degree to the progress of the Christian faith. But when the edifice of the church was almost completed, the temporary

support was laid aside. The doctrine of Christ’s reign upon earth was at first treated as a profound allegory, was considered by degrees as a doubtful and useless opinion, and was at length rejected as the absurd invention of heresy and fanaticism.** A mysterious prophecy, which still forms a part of the sacred canon, but which was thought to favour the exploded sentiment, has very narrowly escaped the proscription of the church.*^

Whilst the happiness and glory of a temporal reign were promised to the disciples of Christ, the most dreadful calamities wei;; denounced against

an unbelieving world. The edification of

new Jerusalem was

advance by equal steps with the destruction of the mystic Babylon; and as long as the emperors who reigned the

to

before Constantine persisted in the profession of idolatry, the epithet of

Babylon was applied to

the city and to the empire of Rome. A regular series was prepared of all the moral and physical evib which can afflict a flourishing nation; intestine discord, and the invasion of the fiercest barbarians from the unknown regions of the North; pestilence and famine, comets and eclipses, earthquakes and inundations.** All these were only so many preparatory and alarming signs of the great catastrophe of Rome, when the country of the Scipios and Caesars should be consumed by a flame from Heaven, and the city of the seven hills, with her palaces, her temples, and her triumphal arches, should be buried in a vast lake of Are and brimstone. It might, however, afford some consolation to Roman vanity, that the period of their empire would be that of

Roman Empire

it had once perished was destined to experience a second and a speedy destruction from

the world

by the

itself;

which, as

eteirient of water,-

the element of Are. In the opinion of a general conflagration the faith of the Christian very

happily coincided with the tradition of the East, the philosophy of the Stoics, and the analogy of Nature and even the country which, from religious motives, had been chosen for the origin and principal scene of the conflagration, was the best adapted for that purpose by natural and physical causes— by its deep caverns, beds of sulphur, and numerous volcanoes, of which those of iEtna, of Vesuvius, and of Lipari exhibit a very imperfect representation. The calmest and most intrepid sceptic could not refuse to ;

acknowledge that the destruction of the present fire was in itself extremely probable. The Christian, who founded his belief much less on the fallacious arguments of reason than on the authority of tradition and the interpretation of Scripture, expected it with

system of the world by

and confidence as a certain and approaching event; and as his mind was perpetually filled with the solemn idea, he considered every disaster that happened to the empire as an infallible symptom of an expiring world.*® The condemnation of the wisest and most virtuous of the Pagans, on account of their ignorance or disbelief of the divine irulli, seems to offend the reason and the humanity of the prcsrted

t^r pretensions after they had lost their

power. Credulity performed the

office of faith;

Roman Empire

fanaticism was permitted to assume the language of inspiration, and the effects of accident or contrivance were ascribed to supernatural causes.

The

acles should

recent experience of genuine mirhave instructed the Christian world

ways of Providence, and habituated their wc may use a very inadequate expression) to the style of the Divine artist. Should the most skilful painter of modern Italy presume to in the

eye

(if

decorate his feeble imitations with the name of Raphael or of Correggio, the insolent fraud would be soon discovered and indignantly rejected.

Whatever opinion may be entertained of the miracles of the primitive church since the time of the apostles, this unresisting softness of temper, so conspicuous among the believers of the second and third centuries, proved of some accidental benefit to the cause of truth and religion. In modern timet, a latent and even involuntary scepticism adheres to the most pious dis|>ositions. Their admission of supernatural truths is much less an active consent than a cold and passive acquiescence. Accustomed long since to observe and to respect the invariable order of Nature, our reason, or at least our imagination, is not sufficiently prepared to sustain the visible action of the Deity. But in the first ages of

mankind was exThe most curious, or the most among the Pagans were often per-

Christianity the situation of

tremely dilTereni. credulous,

suaded to enter into a society which asserted an actual claim of miraculous powers. The primitive Christians perpetually trod on mvstic ground, and their minds were exercised by the habits of believing the most extraordinary

They felt,

or they fancied, that on every were incessantly assaulted by daemons, comforted by visions, instructed by prophecy, and surprisingly delivered from danger, sickness, and from death itself, by the supplications of the church. The real or imaginary prodigies, of which they so frequently conceived themselves to be the objects, the instruments, or

events.

side they

the spectators, very happily disposed

adopt with the same justice, the authentic

case, but

them

to

with far greater

wonders of the evangelic

and thus miracles

that eitceedcd not experience inspired them with the most lively a.ssurance of mysteries which were acknowledged to surpass the limits of their understanding. It is this deep impression of supernatural truths which has been so much celebrated under the name of faith; a state of mind described as the surest pledge of the Divine favour and of future felicity, and history;

the measure of their

own

The

Fifteenth Chapter

recommended

as the first or perhaps the only merit of a Christian. According to the more rigid doctors, the moral virtues, which may be equally practised by infideis, are destitute of any value or efficacy in the work of our justi* fication.

IV. But the primitive Christian demonstrated his faith

by

and

his virtues;

it

was very

justly

supposed that the Divine persuasion, which enlightened or subdued the understanding, must at the same time purify the heart and direct the

The

actions of the believer.

Christianity

brethren,

who

and the

justify the

first

apologists of

innocence of their

writers of a later poraries,

less skill

looser

and more

figurative

mode

all levity

gift

tate the perfection of angels, they disdained, or

they affected to disdain, every earthly and corporeal delight. Some of our senses indeed are necessary for our preservation, others for our subsistence, and others again for our information; .md thus far it was iinpossif)le to reject the use of them. The first sensation of pleasure was marked as the first moment of their abuse. The unfeeling candidate for heaven was instructed, not only to resist the grosser allurements of the

worldly philosophers who, in the conduct of this transitory life, consult only the feelings of

nature and the interest of society. There are two very natural propensities

which we may distinguish in the most virtuous and liberal dispositions, the love of pleasure and

taste or smell, but

the love of action. If the former is refined by art and learning, improved by the charms of social intercourse, and corrected by a just regard to

if

those virtues are accom-

man. To the

love of pleasure

we may

therefore

ascribe most of the agreeable, to the love of action

we may attribute most of the useful and reThe character in which

spectable, qualifications.

both the one and the other should be united and harmonised would seem to constitute the

most perfect idea of human nature. The insensible and inactive disposition, which should be supposed alike destitute of both, would be rejected, by the common consent of mankind, as utterly incapable of procuring any happiness to the individual, or any public Ix^nefit to the world. But it was not in this world that the primitive Christians were desirous of making themselves either agreeable or useful.

.

even to shut

his ears against

harmony of sounds, and

to view with indifference the most finished productions of human art. Gay apparel, magnificent houses, and elegant furniture were supposed to unite the double guilt of pride and ol sensualifv: a simple and mortified appearance was more suit-

the profane

economy, to health, and to reputation,

panied with equal abilities, a family, a state, or an empire may be indebted for their safety and prosperity to the undaunted courage of a single

so inseparably connected with the

it

ments of which that faithful companion is susceptible. Very different was the reasoning of our devout predecessors; vainly aspiring to imi-

the veneration of the people; but it to obtain the suffrage of those

of every virtue, and,

is

seems to be our interest to taste, with innocence and moderation, the enjoy-

soul, that

was ill calculated

it is productive ol the greatest part of the happiness of private life. The Jove of action is a principle of a much stronger and more doubtful nature. It often leads to anger, to anibitidh, and to revenge ; but when it is guided by the sense of propriety and benevolence, it becomes the parent

of discourse as a criminal abuse of the

of speech. In our present state of existence

the body

of interpreta-

Ambitious to exalt the perfection of the Gospel above the wisdom of philosophy, the zealous fathers have carried the duties of selfmortification, of purity, and of patience, to a height which it is scarcely possible to attain, and much less to preserve, in our present state of weakness and corruption. A doctrine so extraordinary and so sublime must inevitably tion.

command

Roman Empire

able to the Christian

and doubtful

who was certain

of his sins

of his salvation. In their censures

and and among the various articles

of luxury the fatlirrs are extremely miniile circumstantial;**®

which excite their pious indignation, we may enumerate false hair, garments of any colour except white, instruments of music, vases of gold or silver, downy pillows (as Jacob reposed his head on a stone), white bread, foreign wines, public salutations, the use of warm baths, and the practice of shaving the beard, which, according to the expression of TertuUian, is a lie against our own faces, and an impious attempt to improve the works of the Creator.®^ When Christianity was introduced among the rich and the polite, the observation of these singular laws was left, as it would \>e at present, to the few who were ambitious of superior sanctity. But it is always easy, as well as agreeable, for the inferior ranks of mankind to claim a merit from the contempt of that pomp and pleasure which fortune has placed beyond their reach. The virtue of tl.e primitive Christians, like that of the

The

Fifteenth Chapter

193

Romans, was very frequently guarded by poverty and ignorance.

dom served only to introduce a new scandal into the church.*^ Among the Christian ascetics,

The chaste severity of the fathers in whatever commerce of the two sexes flowed

would have lived for ever in a state of virgin purity, and that some harmless mode of vegeta-

however (a name which they soon acquired from their painful exercise), many, as they were less presumptuous, were probably more successful. The loss of sensual pleasure was supplied and compensated by spiritual pride. Even the multitude of Pagans w-erc inclined to estimate the merit of the sacrifice by its apparent difficulty; and it was in the praise of these chaste spouses of Christ that the fathers have poured

tion might have peopled paradise with a race of

forth the trouf)Ied stream of their eloquence.**

innocent and immortal Ixrings.*-** The use of marriage wiis permitted only to his fallen posterity, as a necessary expedient to continue the human species, and as a restraint, liowever imperfect,

Such are the early traces of monastic principles and institutions, w'hich, in a subsequent age, have counterbalanced all the temporal advan-

first

related to the

—

from the same principle their abhorrence of every enjoyment which might gratify the sensual and degrade the spiritual nature of man. It was their favourite opinion, that if Adam had preserved his obedience to the Creator, he

on

thcndence and e(|Udlity formed the basis of their internal (X)nsiitulion. The want of discipline and human learning was supplied by the occasional assistance of the prophet who were called to that function faith

its

•

without distinction of age, of sex, or of natural abililie>s, and who, as often as they felt the divine impulse, poured forth the ellusions of the Spirit in the assembly of the faithful. But these extraordinary gifts were frecjucntly abused or misapplied by the prophetic teachers. They display (*d them at an iinpropcT season, presumptuously distuibc'd the .ser\icc of the assembly, and by their pride or mistaken zeal they introduced, particularly into the afxistolie church of Corinth, a long and melancholy train of erceivc and lament the languid state of Christianity in those provinces which had exchanged the Celtic for the Latin tongue, since they did not, during the three first centuries, give birth to a single ecclesiastical wTiter. From Gaul, which claimed a just preeminence of learning and authority over all the

—

countries

on

this side of the Alps, the light of the

Gospel was more faintly reflected on the remote provinces of Spain and Britain; and if wc may

vehement assertions of lertullian, they had already received the first rays of the faith when he addressed his Apology to the magistrates of the emperor Severus.*’* But the obscure and imperfect origin of the western churches of Europe had bc^en so negligently recorded, that, if w’c would relate the time and manner of their foundation, wc must supply the silence of antiquity by those legends which avarice or superstition long afterwards dictated to the monks in the lazy gloom of their convents.*’® Of these holy romances, that of the apostle St. James can alone, by its singular extravagance, deserve to be mentioned. From a peaceful fisherman of the lake of Gennesareth, he was transformed into a valorous knight, who charged at the head of the Spanish chivalry in their battles against the Moors. The gravest historians have credit the

Decline and Fall of the

204

the proportion of the faithful was very inconwhen compared with the multitude of an unbelieving world; but, as we are left without any distinct information, it is impossible to determine, and it is difficult even to conjccturc, the real numbers of the primitive Christians. The most favourable calculation, however, that can be deduced from the examples of Antioch and of Rome will not permit us to iniagine that more than a twentieth part of the subjeets of the empire had enlisted themselves under the banner of the Cross before the important conversion of Constantine. But their habits of faith, of zeal, and of union, seemed to multiply their numbers; and the same causes which

celebrated his exploits; the miraculous shrine of Gompostella displayed his power; and the

sword of a military order,

assisted

by the

sidcrable,

terrors

of the Inquisition, was sufficient to remove every objection of profane criticism.^^* The progress of Christianity was not confined to the Roman empire; and, according to the primitive fathers, who interpret facts by proph-

new religion, within a century after the death of its Divine Author, had already visited cvery part of the globe. “There exists not,” says Justin Martyr, “a people, whether Greek or barbarian, or any other race of men, by whatsoever appellation or manners they may be disccy, the

tinguished, however ignorant of arts or agricul-

whether they dwell under tents, or wander about in covered waggons, among whom pray-

contributed to their future increase served to render their actual strength more apparent and more formidable. Such is the constitution of civil society, that.

ture,

ers arc not offered up in the name of a crucified Jesus to the Father and Creator of all things.”^^^ But this splendid exaggeration, which even at present it would be extremely difficult to reconcile with the real state of mankind, can be considered only as the rash sally of a devout but careless writer, the measure of whose belief was

whilst a few persons are distinguished by riches,

by honours, and by knowledge, the body of the people is condemned to obscurity, ignorance, and poverty. The Christian religion, which addressed itself to the whole human race, must consequently collect a far greater number of

regulated by that of his wishes. But neither the belief nor the wishes of the fathers can alter the

proselytes from the lower than from the superior ranks of life. This innocent and natural circumstance has been improved into a very odious imputation, which seems to be less strenuously dcnied by the apologists than it is urged by the ad-

remain an undoubtthat the barbarians of Scythia and Ger-

truth of history. It will

still

cd fact many, who afterwards subverted the Roman mooarchy, were involved in the darkness of paganism ; and that even the conversion of Iberia, of Armenia, or of ^Ethiopia, was not attempted with any degree of success till the sceptre was in the hands of an orthodox emperor.'^* Before that time the various accidents of war and commerce might indeed diffuse an impicrfect knowledge of the Gospel among the tribes of Caledonia,'^ and among the borderers of the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates.^^^ Beyond the last-mentioned river, Edessa was distinguished

by a firm and

From Edessa

early adherence to the faith.‘*‘

the principles of Christianity were

Greek and Syrian citwhich obeyed the successors of Artaxerxes; but they do not appear to have made any deep impression on the minds of the Persians, whose religious system, by the labours of a weil-disciplined order of priests, had been constructed with much more art and solidity than the uncertain mythology of Greece and Rome.*** From this impartial though imperfect survey

easily introduced into the ics

of the progress of Christianity, it may perhaps that the number of its proselytes has b^n excessively magnified by fear on the one side, and by devotion on the other. According to the irreproachable testimony of Origen,^"

seem probable

Roman Empire

vcrsarics of the faith tians

'

was almost

;

that the

new

sect of Chris-

entirely conipi^ecTof the dregs

of the populace, of peasants and mechanics, of boys and women, of beggars and slaves, the last of

whom

might sometimes introduce the mis-

and noble families to which they belonged. These obscure teachers (such wa.s the charge of malice and infidelity) arc as mute in public as they arc loquacious and

sionaries into the rich

dogmatical in private. Whilst they cautiously avoid the dangerous encounter of philosophers, they mingle with the rude and illiterate crowd, and insinuate themselves into those minds whom their age, their sex, or their education has the best disposed to receive the impression of superstitious terrors.^'^

This unfavourable picture, though not dcvoid of a faint resemblance, betrays, by its dark colouring and distorted features, the pencil of an enemy. As the humble faith of Christ diffused itself through the world, it was embraced by several persons who derived some consequence from the advantages of nature or fortune. Aristides, who pn^sented an eloquent apology to the emperor Hadrian, was an Athenian philoso* phi^.^^^ Justin Martyr had sought divine knowl*

The

Fifteenth Chapter

edge in the schools of Zeno, of Aristotle, of Pythagoras, and of Plato, before he fortunately

was accosted by the old man, or rather the an-

tian sect.*®®

205

The church

still

continued to in-

its outward splendour as it lost its internal purity; and, in the reign of Diocletian, the palace, the courts of justice, and even the army,

crease

gel, who turned his attention to the study of the Jewish prophets.*"® Clemens of Alexandria had acquired much various reading in the Greek,

concealed a multitude of Christians,

and Tertullian in the Latin, language. Julius Afand Origen possessed a very considerable share of the learning of their times; and although the style of Cyprian is very different from that of Lactantius, we might almost discover that both those writers had been public teachers of rhetoric. Even the study of philosophy was at length introduced among the Christians, but it was not always productive of the most salutary effects; knowledge was as often the parent of heresy as of devotion, and the description which was designed for the followers of Artemon may, with equal propriety, be ap-

numl)er, or too recent in time, entirely to remove the imputation of ignorance and obscurity which has been so arrogantly cast on the first proselytes of Christianity. Instead of employing in our defence the fictions of later age.s, it will be more prudent to convert the occasion of scandal into a .subject of edification. Our serious thoughts will suggest to us that the apostles themselves were chosen by Providence among

ricanus

plied to the various sects that resisted the suc-

“They presume to alter to abandon the ancient rule

cessors of the apostles.

the holy Scriptures,

of faith, and to form their opinions according to the subtile precepts 01 logic. The science of the

church

is

neglected for the study of geometry,

and they lose

sight of heaven while they arc employed in measuring the earth. Euclid is perpetU illy in their hands. Aristotle and Theophrastus are the objects of their admiration and thev express an uncommon* reverence for the works of Galen. Their errors arc derived from the abuse of the arts and sciences of the inlidels, and they corrupt the simplicity of the (lOspel by the refinements of human reason.”*"’ Nor can it be affirmed with truth that the advantages of birth and fortune were always .separated from 4

;

the profession of ('hristianity. Several citi/ims

of Pliny,

Roman

were brought before the tribunal and he sotiii discovered that a great

nunilx^r of persons of tvery order of men in Bithynia had deserted the religion of their ancestors.*"" His unsuspected testimony may, in this instance, obtain more credit than the Ixjld challenge of Tertullian, when he addres.ses himself

who

en-

deavoured to reconcile the interests of the present with those of a future life. And yet these exceptions arc cither too few in

the fishermen of Galilee, and that, the lower we depress the temporal condition of the first Chris-

more reason wc shall find to admire and success. It is incumbent on us diligently to remember that the kingdom of heaven was promised to the poor in spirit, and that minds afflicted by calamity and the contempt of mankind cheerfully listen to the divine promise of future happiness; while, on the contrary, the tians, the

their merit

fortunate arc satisfied with the possession of this

world; and the wise abuse in doubt and

dispute their vain superiority of reason

and

knowledge. We stand in need of such reflections to comfort us for the loss of some illustrious characters,

which

in our eyes

might have seemed the most

The names of Seneca, of the older and the >ounger Pliny, of Tacitu.s, of Plutarch, of Galen, of the slave Epictetus, and of the emperor Marcus Antoninus,

wortliy of the heavenly present.

adorn the age alt the

in

which they

and exThey filled with

flourished,

dignity of human nature.

glory their resp>cctive stations, either in active or

contemplative

life

;

their e.xccllcnt understand-

he {kt-

improved by study; philosophy had purified their mind« from the prejudices of the popular supi*rstition and their days were spent in the pursuit of truth and the practice of virtue. Yet all these sages (it is no less an object of sur-

must decimate

prise than of concern) ovt i looked or rejected the

Carthage, and that he will find among the guilty many persons of his own rank, senators and matrons of noblest extraction, and the friends or re-

pen rtion of the Christian s\^tcm. Their language or their silence equally discover their contempt for the growing sect which in their time had diffused itself over the Roman empire. Those among them who condescend to mention

to the fears as well as to the

humanity of the pro-

consul of Africa, by assuring sists

him

in his cruel intentions he

that

if

most intimate friends.*"** It appears, however, that about forty years afterwards the emperor Valerian was persuaded of the truth of this assertion, since in one of his rescripts he evidently supposes that senators, Roman knights, and ladies of quality, were engaged in the Chrislations of his

ings were

;

the Chri.stians consider them only as obstinate and perverse enthusiasts, who exacted an implicit submission to their mysterious doctrines,

without being able to produce a single argument

^o6

Decline and Fall of the

that could engage the attention of and learning.”^

men

of sense

much to be lamented that such a cause was not defended by abler advocates. They expose with superfluous wit and eloquence the extravagance of Polytheism. They interest our compassion by displaying the innocence and sufferings of their injured brethren. But when they would demonstrate the divine origin of Christianity, they in-

much more strongly on the predictions which announced, than on the miracles which accompanied, the appearance of the Messiah. Their favourite argument might serve to edify a Christian or to convert a Jew, since both the one and the other acknowledge the authority of those prophecies, and both are obliged, with devout sist

and

their ac-

complishment. But this mode of persuasion loses much of its weight and influence when it is addressed to those who neither understand nor respect the Mosaic dispensation

and the prophetic

In the unskilful hands of Justin and of the succeeding apologists, the sublime meaning of the Hebrew oracles evaporates in distant

style.^^

types, affected conceits,

and cold allegories; and

even their authenticity was rendered suspicious to an unenlightened Gentile, by the mixture of pious forgeries which, under the names of Orpheus, Hermes, and the Sibyls,**’ were obtruded, on him as of equal value with the genuine inspirations of Heaven. The adoption of fraud and sophistry in the defence of revelation too often reminds us of the injudicious conduct of those

poets

who

Omnipotence, not to their reason, but to their During the age of Christ, of his apostles, and of their first disciples, the doctrine which they preached was confirmed by innumerable prodigies. The lame walked, the blind saw, the sick were healed, the dead were raised, dxmons were expelled, and the laws of Nature were frequently suspended for the benefit of the church. But the sages of Greece and Rome turned aside from the awful spectacle, and, pursuing the ordinary occupations of life and study, appeared unconscious of any alterations in the moral or phy'sical government of the world. Under the reign of Tiberius, the whole earth, or at least a celebrated province of the Roman empire,*®*^ was involved in a preternatural darkness of three hours. Even this miraculous event, which ought to have excited the w^ondcr, the curiosity, and the devotion of mankind, passed without notice in an age of science and history.**® It happened during the lifetime of Seneca and the elder Pliny, who must have experienced the immesenses?

It is at least doubtful whether any of these philosophers perused the apologies which the primitive Christians repeatedly published in behalf of themselves and of their religion; but it is

reverence, to search for their sense

Roman Empire

load their invulnerable heroes with a

useless weight of cumbersome and brittle armour.

But how shall we excuse the supine inattenPagan and philosophic world to those evidences which were presented by the hand of tion of the

diate eflects, or received tlie earliest intelligence, of the prodigy. Each of these philosophers, in a laborious work, has recorded all the great phenomena of Nature, earthquakes, meteors, comets,

and

eclipses, w'hich his indefatigable curios-

could collect.**^ Both the one and the other have omitted to mention the greatest phenomenon to which the mortal eye has bi'cn witness since the creation of the globe. A distinct chapter of Pliny**’* is designed for eclipses of an extraordinary nature and unusual duiation: but he contents himself with describing the singular defect of light which followed the murder of C«esar, when, during the greatest part of a year, the orb of the sun appeared pale and without splendour. This season of obscurity, which cannot surely be compared with the preternatural darkness of the Passion, had lx:en aln^ady celebrated by most of the poets*'*® and historians of that ity

memorable

CHAPTER

age.*®**

XVI

The Conduct of the Roman Government toivards the Christians^ from the Reign of Nero to that of Constantine, F

I tere

wc

seriously consider the purity of the

Christian religion, the sanctity of precepts, livcii

we

moral

the innocent as well as aas-

number of those who ages embraced the faith of the should naturally suppose that so be-

of the greater

during the Gospel,

and

its

first

nevolent a doctrine would have been received with due reverence even by the unbelieving world ; that the learned and the polite, however they might deride the miracles, would have es-

teemed the virtues of the new sect; and that the magistrates, instead of persecuting, would hayp

The Sixteenth Chapter protected an order of men who yielded the most passive obedience to the laws, though they declined the active cares of war and government. If,

on the other hand, we

recollect the universal

toleration of Polytheism, as

was invariably

it

maintained by the faith of the people, the incredulity of philosophers,

and the policy of the

Roman senate and emperors, we are at a loss to discover

what new offence the Christians had

committed, what new provocation could exasperate the mild indifference of antiquity, and what new motives could urge the Roman princes, who beheld without concern a thousand forms of religion subsisting in peace under their gentle sway, to inflict a severe punishment on any part of their subjects who had chosen for themselves a singular but an inoffensive mode of faith and worship.

The religious policy of the ancient world seems to

have assumed a more stern and intolerant

character to oppose the progress of Christianity. About fourscore years after the death of Christ, his innocent disciples were punished with death

by the sentence of

iM.

piutunsul of the most ami-

and philosophic character, and according to the laws of an emperor distinguished by the wisdom and justice of his general administration. The apologies which were repeatedly ad-

able

dressed to the successors of Trajan are

207

A reason

has been assigned for the conduct of the emperors towards the primitive Christians, which may appear the more specious and probable as it is drawn from the acknowledged genius of Polytheism. It has already been observed that the religious concord of the world was principally supported by the implicit assent and reverence which the nations of antiquity expressed for their respective traditions and ceremonies. It might therefore be expected that they would unite with indignation against any sect of people which should separate itself from the communion of mankind, and claiming the exclusive possession of divine knowledge, should disdain every form of worship except its own as impious idolatrous. The rights of toleration were held by mutual indulgence they were justly forfeited by a refusal of the accustomed tribute. As the payment of this tribute was inflexibly refused by the Jews, and by them alone, the consideration of the treatment Wliich they experienced from the Roman magistrates will serve to explain how far these speculations arc justifled by facts, and will lead us to discover the true causes of the persecution of Christianity.

and

:

W ithout repeating what has been already mentioned of the reverence of the Roman princes and governors for the temple of Jerusalem, we

with

shall only obsers’e that the destruction of the

the most pathetic complaints that the Christians,

temple and city was accompanied and followed by every circumstance that could exasperate the

who obeyed

the dictates

and

filled

solicited the lib-

erty of conscience, were alone,

among

all

the

Roman

empire, excluded from the common lx*nefiis of their auspicious government. The deaths of a few eminent martyrs have been recorded with care and from the time that Christianity was invested with the supreme power, the governors of the church have been no less diligently employed in displaying the cruelty, than in imitating the conduct, of their Pagan adversaries. To separate (if it be possible) a few authentic as well as interesting facts from an un-

subjects of the

;

digested mass of fiction in a clear

and

rational

and

error,

and

to relate,

manner, the causes, the

and the most important circumstances of the persecutions to which the

extent, the duration,

first

Christians were exposed,

is

the design of the

present chapter.

The

sectaries of

a persecuted

religion, de-

pressed by fear, animated with resentment,

and

perhaps heated by cnthusia.sm, are seldom in a proper temper of mind calmly to investigate, or candidly to appreciate the motives of their enemies, which often escape the impartial and discerning view even of those who are placed at a secure distance fh>m the flames of persecution.

minds of the conquerors, and authorise religious persecutions by the most specious arguments of political justice and the public safety. From the reign of Nero to that of Antoninus Pius, the Jews discovered a fierce impatience of the dominion of Rome, which repeatedly broke out in the most furious massacres and insurrections. Humanity is shocked at the recital of the horrid cruellies which they committed in the cities of Egypt, of Cyprus, and of C>Tene, where they dwelt in treacherous friendship with the unsuspecting nati\cs;^ and we are tempted to applaud the severe retaliation which was exorcised by the arms of the legions against a race of fanatics whose dire and credulous superstition seemed to render them the implacable enemies not only of the Roman go\’ernment, but of human kind.^ The enthusiasm of the Jew's was supported by it was unlawful for them to pay an idolatrous master, and by the flattering promi.se which they derived from their ancient oracles, that a conquering Messiah would soon arise, destined to break their fetters, and to invest the favourites of heaven with the empire of the earth. It was by announcing himself as

the opinion that taxes to

;

Decline and Fall of the

2o8

their long-expected deliverer,

and by calling on

Roman Empire

which the

posterity of

Abraham was exempt.

the descendants of Abraham to assert the hope of Israel, that the famous Barchochebas

The

a formidable army, with which he reduring two years the power of the emperor Hadrian.* Notwithstanding these repeated provocations, the resentment of the Roman princes expired after the victory, nor were their apprehensions continued beyond the period of war and danger. By the general indulgence of Polytheism, and by the mild temper of Antoninus Pius, the Jews

tiquity, it was of the liighest importance. The Jews were a nation^ the Christians were a secti and if it was natural for every community to re-

all

collected

sisted

were restored to their ancient privileges, and once more obtained the permission of circumcising their children, with the easy restraint that

they should never confer on any foreign prosemark of the Hebrew

lyte that distinguishing

race.*

The numerous remains

of that people,

excluded from the precincts of Jerusalem, were permitted to form and to maintain considerable establishments both in Italy and in the provinces, to acquire the freedom of Rome, to enjoy municipal honours, and to obtain at the same time an exemption from the burdensome and expensive offices of society. The moderation or the contempt of the Romans gave a legal sanction to the form of ecclesiastical policy which was instituted by the vanquished

though they were

sect.

The

still

patriarch,

at Tiberias, was

who had

empowered

fixed his residence

to appoint his sub-

ordinate ministers and apostles, to exercise a domestic Jurisdiction, and to receive from his dispersed brethren an annual contribution.® New synagogues were frequently erected in the principal cities of the empire ; and the sabbaths, the fasts, and the festivals, which were either commanded by the Mosaic law or enjoined by the traditions of the Rabbis, were celebrated in the most solemn and public manner.® Such gentle treatment insensibly assuaged the stern temper of the Jews. Awakened from their dream of prophecy and conquest, they assumed the behaviour of peaceable and industrious subjects. Their irreconcilable hatred of mankind, instead of flaming out in acts of blood and violence, evaporated in less dangerous gratifications. They embraced every opportunity of overreaching the idolaters in trade, and they pronounced secret and ambiguous imprecations against the haughty kingdom of £dom.^ Since the Jews, who rejected with abhorrence the deities adored by their sovereign and by their fellow-subjects, enjoyed, however, the free exercise of their unsocial religion, there must

have existed some other cause which exposed the disciples of Christ to those severities from

difference between

them

is

simple and ob-

vious, but, according to the sentiments- of an-

spect the sacred institutions of their neighbours, it was incumbent on them to persevere in those of their ancestors. The voice of oracles, the precepts of philosophers, and the authority of tlie laws, unanimously enforced this national obligation. By their lofty claim of superior sanctity the Jews might provoke the Polytheists to con-

sider

them as an odi4)us and impure race. By dis-

daining the intercourse of other nations they might deserve their contempt. The laws of Moses might be for the most part frivolous or absurd yet, since they had Ix^en received during many ages by a large society, his followers were justi-

by the example of mankind, and it was uniacknowledged that they had a right to practise what it would have been criminal in them to neglect. But this principle, which protected the Jewish synagogue, afforded not any fied

versally

favour or security to the primitive church. By embracing the faith of the Gospel the Christians incurred the supposed guilt of an unnatural and

unpardonable oflence. They dissolved the sacties of custom and education, violated the

red

religious institutions of their country,

and

pre-

sumptuously despised whatever thur fathers had believed a.s true or had reverenced as sacred.

Nor w’as this apostasy

(if

we may use the expres-

sion) merely of a partial or local kind; since the

pious deserter who withdrew himself from the temples of Egypt or Syria would equally disdain to seek an asylum in those of Athens or Carthage. Every Christian rejected with contempt

the superstitions of his family, his city, and his province.

The w hole body

of Christians unani-

any communion with the gods of Rome, of the empire, and of mankind. It was in vain that the oppressed believer asserted mously refused

to hold

the inalienable rights of conscience

and private

judgment. I’hough his situation might excite the pity, his arguments could never reach the understanding, either of the philosophic or of the believing part of the Pagan world. To their appre-

hensions it was no less a matter of lurprise that any individuals should entertain scruples against complying with the established mode of worship than if they had conceived a sudden abhorrence to the manners, the dress, or the language of their native country.®

The surprise of the Pagans was soon succeeded by resentment, and the most pious of men

:

The

Sixteenth Chapter

were exposed to the unjust but dangerous imputation of impiety. Malice and prejudice concurred in representing the Christians as a society of atheists, who, by the most daring attack

on the religious constitution of the empire, had merited the severest animadversion of the civil magistrate. They had separated themselves (they gloried in the confession) from every mode of which was received in any part of the globe by the various temper of Polytheism but it was not altogether so evident what deity, or what form oi worship, they had substituted to the gods and temples of antiquity. The pure and sublime idea which they entertained of the

superstition

Supreme Being escaped the Pagan multitude,

the gross conception of

who were

at a loss to discover a spiritual and solitary God, that was neither represented under any corporeal figure or visible symbol, nor was adored with the accus-

tomed pomp of libations and festivals, of altars and sacrifices.® The sages of Greece and Rome, who had elevated their minds to the contemplation of the existence and attributes of the First y r/*ason or by vanity to their chosen disciples

Cause, were induct'd

\

reserve for themselves

and

the privilege of this philosophical devotion.^®

ThTS, whose relics,

clares, in the

drawn for the most part from the catacombs of Rome, have replenished so many churches,’* and whose marvellous achievements have been the subject of so many volumes of holy romance.’® But the general assertion of Origen may be explained and confirmed by the par-

who, and under

ticular testimony of his friend Dionysius,

in the

immense

city of Alexandria,

who exercised in the provinces

the rigorous pt*rsecution of Decius, reckons only ten men and seven w’omcn who sufl'ered for the profession of the Christian name.’® During the same period of persecution, the

the authority of the emperor or of the senate, and to whose hands alone the jurisdiction of life

zealous, the eloquent, the ambitious Cyprian governed the church, not only of Carthage, but

and wc may appeal of the

first

to the grateful confessions

Christians, that the greatest part of

those magistrates

Decline and Fall of the

fil8

even of Africa* He possessed every quality which could engage the reverence of the faithful, or provoke the suspicions and resentment of the Pagan magistrates. His character as well as his station seemed to mark out that holy prelate as the most distinguished object of envy and of danger.^® The experience, however, of the life of Cyprian is sufficient to prove that our fancy has exaggerated the perilous situation of a Christian bishop; and that the dangers to which he was exposed were less imminent than those which temporal ambition is always prepared to encounter in the pursuit of honours. Four Roman emperors, with their families, their favourites, and their adherents, perished by the sword in the space of ten years, during which the bishop of Carthage guided by his authority and eloquence the councils of the African church. It was only in the third year of his administration that he had reason, during a few months, to apprehend the severe edicts of Decius, the vigilance of the magistrate, and the clamours of the multitude, who loudly demanded that Cyprian, the leader of the Christians, should be thrown to the lions. Prudence suggested the necessity of

a temporary retreat, and the voice of prudence was obeyed. He withdrew himself into an obscure solitude, from whence he could maintain a constant correspondence with the clergy and people of Carthage; and, concealing himself till the tempest was past, he preserved his life, without relinquishing either his power or his reputation. His extreme caution did not however escape the censure of the more rigid Christians, who lamented, or the reproaches of his personal enemies, who insulted, a conduct which they considered as a pusillanimous and criminal desertion of the most sacred duty.^^ The propriety of reserving himself for the future exigencies of the church, the example of several holy bishops, and the divine admonitions which, as he declares himself, he frequently received in visions

and

ecstacies,

were the reasons alleged

in his justification.^ But his best apology

may

be found in the cheerful resolution with which, about eight years afterwards, he suffered death in the cause of religion. The authentic history of his martyrdom has been recorded with un-

usual candour

and

impartiality.

stract therefore of its

A

short ab-

most important circum-

stances will convey the clearest information of

the spirit and of the forms of the

Roman

perse-

cutions.^^

When Valerian was consul for the third, and Gallienus for the fourth time, Paternus, proconsul of Africa, summoned Cyprian to appear in

Roman Empire

his private council-chamber.

He there acquaint-

ed him with the imperial mandate which he had just received, that those who had abandoned the Roman religion should immediately return to the practice of the ceremonies of their ancestors. Cyprian replied without hesitation that he was a Christian and a bishop, devoted to the worship of the true and only Deity, to whom he offered up his daily supplications for the safety and prosperity of the two emperors,

With modest confrdence he pleaded the privilege of a citizen in refusing to give any answer to some invidious and indeed his lawful sovereigns.

which the proconsul had prosentence of banishment was pronounced as the penalty of Cyprian's disobedience; and he was conducted without delay to Curubis, a free and maritime city of Zeugitana, in a pleasant situation, a fertile territory, and at the distance of about forty miles from Carthage.®* The exiled bishop enjoyed the convenillegal questions

posed.

A

and the consciousness of virtue. His reputation was diffused over Africa and Italy; an account of his behaviour was published for the edification of the Christian world;** and his

iences of life

solitude ters,

the

faithful.

was frequently interrupted by the letvisits, and the congratulations of the

On

the arrival of a

new proconsul

in

the province the fortune of Cyprian appeared for some time to wear a still more favourable

He was recalled from banishment, and. though not yet permitted to relurtt to Carthage, his own gardens in the neighbourhood of the capital were assigned for the place of his resiaspect.

dence.**

At length, exactly one year** after Cyprian was first apprehended, Galerius Maximus, procon.sul of Africa, received the imperial

warrant

for the execution of the Christian teachers.

The

bishop of Carthage was sensible that he should be singled out for one of the first victims, and the fraility of nature tempted him to withdraw himself, by a secret flight, from the danger and the honour of martyrdom ; but, soon recovering that fortitude which his character required, he returned to his gardens, and patiently expected the ministers of death.

Two officer! of rank, who

were intrusted with that commission, placed Cyprian between them in a charidt, and, as the proconsul was not then at leisure, they conducted him, not to a prison, but to a private house in Carthage, which belonged to one of them. An elegant supper was provided for the entertainment of the bishop, and his Christian friends were permitted for the last time to enjoy his society, whilst the streets were filled with a multi-

The

Sixteenth Chapter

tude of the faithful, anxious and alarmed at the approaching fate of their spiritual father.^* In the morning he appeared before the tribunal of the proconsul, who, after informing himself of

name and situation of Cyprian, commanded him to offer sacrifice, and pressed him to reflect on the consequences of his disolx^dience. The refusal of Cyprian was firm and decisive, and the magistrate, when he had taken the opinion of his council, pronounced, with some reluctance, the sentence of death. It was conceived in the following terms: “Ihat Thascius Cythe

prianus should be immediately beheaded, as the enemy of the gods of Rome, and as the chief and ringleader of a criminal association, which he had seduced into an impious resistance against the laws of the most holy emperors Valerian and Gallienus.****^ The manner of his

execution was the mildest and least painful that could be inflicted on a person convicted of any capital ofTence: nor was the use of torture admitted to obtain from the bishop of Carthage either the recantation of his principles or the disi overy of his accomplices. As soon as the sentence was proclaimed, a general cry of “We will die with him” arose at once among the listening multitude of Christians who waited liefore the palace gates. The generoas effusions of their zeal and affection

were neither serviceable ous to themselves.

Cyprian nor dangerled away under a

to

He was

guard of tribunes and centurions, without sistance

and without

re-

insult, to the place of his

execution, a spacious and level plain near the city,

which was already

filled

with great

num-

bers of spectators. His faithful presbyters

and

deacons were permitted to accompany their holy bishop. his

They

assisted

him

in laying aside

upper garment, spread linen on the ground

to catch the precious relics of his blood, and received his orders to bestow fivc-and-lwenty pieces of gold on the executioner. The martyr then covered his face with his hands, and at one

blow

his

head was separated from

his

body. His

corpse remained during some hours exposed to the curiosity of the Gentiles, but in the night it

was removed, and transported, in a triuinplial procession and with a splendid illumination, to the burial-place of the Ciihristians. The funeral was publicly celebrated without re-

of Cyprian

ceiving any interruption from the

Roman magwho had

2ig

Cyprian was the first who was esteemed worthy to obtain the crown of martyrdom,®® It was in the choice of Cyprian either to die a martyr or to live an apostate, but on that choice depended the alternative of honour or infamy. Could we suppose that the bishop of Carthage had employed the profession of the

Africa,

Christian faith only as the instrument of his avarice or ambition, it was still incumbent on him to support the character which he had as-

sumed,®® and, if he possessed the smallest degree of manly fortitude, rather to expose himself to the most cruel tortures than by a single act to exchange the reputation of a whole life for the abhorrence of his Christian brethren and the contempt of the Gentile world. But if the zeal of Cyprian was supported by the sincere conviction of the truth of those doctrines which he preached, the crown of martyrdom must have appeared to him as an object of desire rather than of terror. It is not easy to extract any distinct ideas from the vague though eloquent declamations of the Fathers, or to ascertain the degree of immortal glory and happiness which they confidently promised to those who were so fortunate as io shed their blood in the cause of religion.®^ I'hey inculcated with l^ecoming diligence that the lire of martyrdom supplied every defect and expiated every sin; that, while the souls of ordinary ChrLstians were obliged to pass through a slow and painful purification, the triumphant sufierers entered into the immediate fruition of eternal bliss, w here, in the society of the patriarchs, the apostles, and the prophets, they reigned with Christ, and acted as his assessors in the univex sal

judgment of mankind.

'I'he

assurance of a lasting reputation upon earth, a motive .so congenial to the vanity of human nature. often ser\'ed to animate the courage of the martyrs. The honours which Rome or Athens

bestowed on those citizens w ho had

fallen in the

cause of their country were cold and unmeaning demonstrations of respect, when compartxl with the ardent gratitude and devotion which tlic primitive church expressed towards the vic-

champions of the faith. The annual commemoration of their virtues and sufferings was observed as a sacred ceremony, and at length

torious

terminated in religious worship. Christians

who had

Among

the

publicly confessed their re-

ligious principles, those

who (as it vcr>' frequent-

memory were secure from the danger of inquiry

happened) had been dismissed from the tribunal or the prisons of the Pagan magistrates obtained such honours as w^erc justly due to

or of punishment. It is remarkable that, of so great a multitude of bishops in the province of

resolution.

istrates;

and those among the

performed the

last offices

faithful

to his person

and

his

ly

their imperfect

martyrdom and

The most

their generous

pious females courted the

MO

pemdsdon^of imprinting kissea on the fetters which they had worn, and on the wounds which they had received. Their persons were esteemed were admitted with deferand they too often abused, by their spiritual pride and licentious manners, the pre-eminence which their zeal and intrepidity had acholy, their decisions

ence,

quired.^' Distinctions like these, whilst they display the exalted merit, betray the inconsiderable number, of those who suffered and of those who died for the profession of Christianity. The sober discretion of the present age will more readily censure than admire, but can more easily admire than imitate, the fervour of the first Christians, who, according to the lively expression of Sulpicius Severus, desired martyrdom with more eagerness than his own contemporaries solicited a bishopric.” The epistles which Ignatius composed as he was carried in chains through the cities of Asia breathe sentiments the most repugnant to the ordinary feelings of human nature. He earnestly beseeches the Romans that, when he should be exposed in the amphitheatre, they would not, by their kind but unseasonable intercession, deprive him of the crown of glory; and he declares his resolution to provoke and irritate the wild beasts which might be employed as the instruments of his death.** Some stories are related of the courage of martyrs who actually performed what Ignatius had intended, who exasperated the fury of the lions, pressed the executioner to hasten his office, cheerfully leaped into the fires which were kindled to consume them, and dis-' covered a sensation of joy and pleasure in the midst of the most exquisite tortures. Several examples have been preserved of a zeal impatient of those restraints which the emperors had provided for the security of the church. The Christians sometimes supplied by their voluntary declaration the want of an accuser, rudely disturbed the public service of paganism,*^ and, rushing in crow'ds round the tribunal of the

magistrates, called

and

Roman Empire

Decline and FaU of the

upon them

to

pronounce

to inflict the sentence of the law.

The

be-

haviour of the Christians was too remarkable to escape the notice of the ancient philosophers, but they seem to have considered it with much less admiration than astonishment. Incapable of conceiving the motives which sometimes transported the fortitude of believers beyond the bounds of prudence or reason, they treated such an eagerness to die as the strange result of obstinate despair, of stupid insensibility, or of superstitious frenzy “Unhappy men!” exclaimed the proconsul Antoninus to the Chris-

tians of Asia, 'Sinhappy men! if you are thus weary of your lives, is it so difficult for you to find ropes and precipices?”** He was extremely cautious (as it is observed by a learned and pious historian) of punishing men who had found no accusers but themselves, the imperial laws not having made any provisions for so unexpected a case; condemning therefore a few as a warning to their brethren, he dismissed the multitude with indignation and contempt.”

Notwithstanding this real or affected disdain, the intrepid constancy of the faithful was productive of more salutary effects on those which nature or grace had disposed for the easy reception of religious truth.

On

these melancholy

many among the Gentiles who pitied, who admired, and who were converted. The generous enthusiasm was communoccasions there were

icated from the sufferer to the spectators,

and

the blood of martyrs, according to a well-know n

observation,

became the seed of the church.

But although devotion had raised, and eloquence continued to inflame, this fever of the mind, it insensibly gave way to the more natural hopes and fears of the human heart, to the love of life, the apprehension of pain, and the horror of dissolution. The more prudent rulers of the church found themselves obliged to restrain the indiscreet ardour of their follow or-

tious views, the experience of six years of perse-

ture to insert in the preamble the

and the salutary reflections which a lingering and painful distemper suggested to the mind of Oalerius, at length convinced him

tance,

cution,

that the most violent efforts of despotism are insufficient to extirpate a

due

whole people, or to sub-

their religious prejudices. Desirous of re-

pairing the mischief that he had occasioned, he

published in his own name, and in those of and Constantine, a general edict, which, after a> pompous recital of the IinptTial titles, proceeded in the following manner:

Licinius

“Among the important cares which have occupied our mind for the utility and preservation of the empire, it was their fathers, and, presumptuously despising the practice of antiquity, had invented extravagant laws and opinions according to the dictates of their fancy, and had collected a various society from the different provinces of our empire. The edicts which we have published to enforce the worship of the gods having exjxised many of the CUiristians to danger and distrc.ss, many having .suflered death, and many more, who still jjersist in their impious folly, Ixdng left destitute of any public exercise of religion, we are disjx).sed to extend to those unhappy men the effects of our wonted clemency. We permit them, therefore, freely to

profess their private opinions,

and

to a.s.seinble

in their conventicles without fear or molesta-

provided always that they presene a due and government. By another rescript we shall signify our intentions to the judges and magistrates, and we hope that our indulgence will engage the (Christians to offer up their prayers to the Deity whom they adore for our safety and prosperity, for their own, and for that of the republic.”'^^ It is not tion,

rcsjxjcl to the established lawrs

usually in the language of edicts

wc

and manifestos

should search for the real character of the secret motives of princes; but as these were the words of a dying emperor, his situation, that

and who succeeded a few days afterwards

first six months, however, of his new reign, Maximin affected to adopt the prudent counsels of his predecessor; and though he never condescended to secure the tranquillity of the church by a public edict, Sabinus, his Praetorian praefect, addressed a circular letter to all the governors and magis-

to the provinces of Asia. In the

trates of the provinces, expatiating

perial clemency,

on the Im-

acknowledging the invincible

obstinacy of the Christians, and directing the officers of justice to cease their ineffectual prosecutions, and to connive at the secret assemblies of those enthusiasts. In consequence of these orders, great numbers of Christians were released from prison, or delivered from the mines. The confessors, singing hymns of triumph, returned into their own countries, and those who had yielded to the violence of the tempest, solicited with tears of rej>enlance their rc-admission into the bosom of the church.*'^ But this treacherous calm was of short duration; nor could tlie Christians of the East place any confidence in the character of their sovereign. Cruelty and superstition were the ruling passions of the soul «>f Maximin. The former suggested the means, the latter pointed out the objects, of persecution. The emperor was devoted to the worship of the gods, to the study of magic, and to the lx*licf of oracles. The prophets or philosophers, whom he revered as the favour-

of Heaven, were frequently raised to the government of proNinces, and admitted into his most secret councils. They easily conxinced him that the Christians had t)ecn indebted for their victories to their regular discipline, and that the weakness of polytheism had principally Bowed from want of union and subordination among ites

«

the ministers of religion.

ment was

A

s>T5tcm of govern-

therefore instituted,

which was

evi-

dently copied from the policy of the church. In all the great cities of the empire, the temples were repaired and beautified by the order of Maximin, and the officiating priests of the various deities were subjected to titc authority of a superior pontiff destined to oppose the bishop.

Decline and Fall of the

and to promote the cause

of paganism. These

pontiffs acknowledged, in their turn, the su-

preme jurisdiction of the metropolitans or high who acted as the immediate vicegerents of the emperor himself. A white robe was the ensign of their dignity; and priests of the province,

these

new

prelates were carefully selected from

the most noble and opulent families. By the influence of the magistrates, and of the sacerdotal order, a great number of dutiful addresses were

obtained, particularly from the cities of Nicomedia, Antioch, and 'I'yre, which artfully represented the well-known intentions of the court as the general sense of the people; solicited the emp)eror to consult the laws of justice rather than the dictates of his clemency; expressed their abhorrence of the Christians,

and humbly

prayed that those impious sectaries might at least be excluded from the limits of their respective territories. The answer of Maxlinin to tlie address which he obtained from the citizens of Tyre is still extant. He praises their zeal and devotion in terms of the highest satisfaction, descants on the obstinate impiety of the Chris-

and

by the readiness with which he consents to their banishment, that he considered himself as receiving, rather than as confertians,

ring,

an

betrays,

The priests as well as empowered to enforce

obligation.

magistrates were

tiic

the

execution of his edicts, which were engraved on

and though it w'as recommended them to avoid the effusion of blood, the most cruel and ignominious punishments were in^ ilicted on the refractory Christians,*'® tables of brass ;

to

The

Asiatic Christians hacf everything to

dread from the severity of a bigoted monarch who prepared his measures of violence with such deliberate policy. But a few months had scarcely elapsed before the edicts published by the two Western emperors obliged Maximiin to suspend the prosecution of his designs the civil war which he so rashly undertook against Lici:

nius employed ail his attention and the defeat and death of Maximin soon delivered the church from the last and most implacable of her ;

enemies.

In this general view of the persecution which first authorised by the edicts of Diocletian, 1 have purposely refrained from describing the particular sufferings and deaths of the Christian martyrs. It would have been an easy task, from the history of Eusebius, from the declamations of Lactantius, and from the most ancient arts, to collect a long .series of horrid and disgusting pictures, and to fill many pages with racks and acouri^ with iron hooks and red-hot beds, and

was

Roman Empire

the variety of tortures which fire and savage beasts, and more savage executioners, could inflict on the human body. These melancholy scenes might be enlivened by a

with

all

steel,

crowd of visions and

miracle.s destined either to delay the death, to celebrate the triumph, or to discover the relics of those canonised saints wlio

sutlcred for the

name of Christ. But I cannot de-

ought to transcribe, till I am 1 ought to Ix'lieve. The gravest of the ecclesiastical hi.Htorians, Eusebius himself, indirectly confesses that he has related whatever might redound to the glory, and that he has suppressed all that could tend to the distermine what

satisfied

L

how much

grace, of religion.*^** Such an acknowledgment will naturally exiite a suspicion that a writer who has so opcmiy violated one of the fundamental laws of history has not paid a very strict

regard to the observance of the other; and the suspicion will derive addiiir)nal credit from the

character of Eusebius, w'hich was less tinctured with credulity, and more practised in the arts of courts, than that of almost

poraries.

Of some

any of

his

contem-

particular occasions,

the magistrates were exasperated by

when

some per-

sonal motives of interest or resentment, when the zeal of the martyrs urged them to lorget ilic

and perhaps of decency, to overturn the altars, to pour out irni)r(*( ations again.sl the emperors, or to strike the judge' as he sat on his tribunal, it may be presumed that every modi' of torture' which cruelly could invent, or conslancv could endure, was exhausted on those de'votcd victims.*'® Tw'o circumstances, how'ever, have been unwarily meiuioncd, which insinuate that the general treatment of the Christians who had Ixrn apprehended by the officers of justice was less intolerable than it is rules of prudence,

usually imagined to have iK'en.

who were condemned

i.

The

confes-

mines were permitted by the' humanity or the negligence of their keepers to build chafxrls, and

sors

to we^rk in the

freely to profess their religion in the midst of

those dreary habitations.***® a. 'Fhe bishops were obliged to check and to censure the forward zeal of the Christians, who voluntarily threw Uicmsc'lvcs into the hands of tlic md of the Danulx?, educated in the courts and armies of Asia, and invested with the purple by the legions of Britain.

who had received

The

Ital-

Constantine as their deliverer, submissively obeyed the edicts which he sometimes condescended to address to the senate and people of Rome; but they were seldom honoured with the presence of tlieir new sovereign. During the vigour of his age Constantine, according to the various exigent Ua. of [x*acc and war, moved with slow dignity or with active diligence along the frontiers of his extensive dominions; and was always prepared to take the field cither againsr a foreign or a dontestic enemy. But as he gradually reached the summit of prosperity and the decline of life, he btuse point, which advances towards the east and the shores of Asia, meets and repels the waves of the 'J'hracian Bosphorus. The northern side of the city is lx 3 unded by the harbour, and the southern is washed by the Propontis or .St*a it

Marmora. The beauty, of safety, and of wealth, united in a single spot, w'as suHicient to justify the choice of Constantine. But as some decent mixture of prodigy and fable has, in every age, Ixien supposed to reflect a becoming majesty on the origin of great cities, the einpt'ror was desirous of ascribing his resolution not so much to tlie uncertain counsels of human

237

of this extraordinary conductor, we shall content ourselves with the more humble task of describing the extent and limits of Constantinople.®**

In the actual state of the

and gardens of the

city,

the palace

occupy the eastern promontory, the first of the seven hills, and cover about one hundred and fifty acres of our ow'n measure. The seat of 'Purkish jealousy and despotism is erected on the foundations of a Grecian republic; but it may be supposed that the Byzantines were tempted by the convenicncy of the harbour to extend their habitations on that side beyond the modern limits of the Seraglio.

The new

*Seraglio

w'alls of

Constantine stretched

from the port to the Propontis across the en-

divine wisdom. In one of his laws he has Ijeen

larged breadth of the triangle, at the distance of fifteen stadia from the ancient fortification, and with the city of Byzantium they enclosed five of the seven hijls w hich, to the eyes of those

Careful to instruct pi^sierity that, in ol^edience

who approach

policy as

t«>

the infallible

and

eternal decree's of

commands of God,

he laid the everlasting foundations of Constantinople;^* and though he has not condescended to relate in what man-

to the

ner the celestial inspiration w'as communicated liis mind, the defect of his modest silence has been lilxTally supplied by the ingenuity of succeeding writers, who describe the nocturnal vision which appeared to the fancy of Constantine as he slejH wilhm the wmUs of B>/antiuin. I'hc tutelar genius of the cii\, a venerable matron sinking under the weight of years and infirmito

was suddenly transformed into a blooming maid, whom his own hands adorned with all

ties,

the symbols ol Imperial greatness.*' The monarch awoke, interpreted the auspicious omen, and olxryed, without hesitation, the will of Heaven. 'I’lie day which gave birili to a city or colony was celebrated b\ the Romans with such ceremonies as had lx*en ord.iined by a generous superstition;*® and though Constantine might omit some rites which savoured loo strongly of their Pagan origin, yet he was anxious to leave a deep impression of hope and respect on the minds of the spc'Ctaiors. On fool, with a lance in his hand, the emperor himself led the solemn

and directed the line which was traced as the boundary of the destined capital, till the growing circumference was observed witli astonishment by the assistants, who, at length, ventured to observe that he had already exceeded the most ample measure of a great procession,

city.

“1 shall

still

advance,** replied Constanguide who inarches

tine, “till UK, the invisible

before me, tliinks proper to

stop.***-*®

Without

presuming to investigate the nature or motives

Constantinople, appear to rise

above each other

in beautiful order. About a century after the death of the founder, the new buildings, extending on one side up the harbour, and on the other along the Propontis, already covered the narrow ridge of the sixth and the l)road summit of the seventh hill. The necessity of protecting those suburbs from the incc'ssant inroads of the barbarians engaged the younger Theodosius to surround his capital W'lih an adequate and permanent enclosure of walls.

From

the eastern promontory to the

golden gate, the extreme length of Coastaniiiioplc was about three Roman miles,®® the circumference measured bt'tween ten and eleven, and the surface might be computed as equal to ablaut two thousand English acres. It is impossible to justify the vain and credulous exaggerations of modern trav ellers, who have sometimes stretched the limits of Constantinople over the adjacent villages of the European and even of the Asiatic coast. But the suburbs of Pera and Galata. though situate beyond the harbour, may deserve to be considered as a part of the city;®**

and

this addition

may

jx'rhaps authorise

the measure ol a Byzantine historian, signs sixteen Cireek (about fourteen

who asRoman)

miles for the circumference of his native city.®*

Such an extent may seem not unworthy of an Imperial residence. Yet Constantinople must yield to Babylon and Thebes,®^ to ancient Rome, to London, and even to Paris.®* Tlie master of the to erect an eternal his reign, could

that great

Roman world, who aspired monument

employ

of the glories of

in the prosecution of

work the wealth, the labour, and

all

Decline and Fall of the

338

Roman Empire

that yet remained of the genius, of obedient mil* Some estimate may be formed of the ex-

appears to have been of a circular or rather

lions.

liptical form.

pense bestowed with Imperial liberality on the foundation of Constantinople by the allowance of about two millions five hundred thousand pounds for the construction of the walls, the

triumphal arches; the portieex^s, which enit on every side, were filled with statues, and the centre of the Forum was occupied by a lofty column, of which a mutilated fragment is now degraded by the appellation of the burnt pillar. This column was erected on a pedestal of white marble twenty feet high, and was composed of ten pieces of porphyry, each of which measured about ten feet in height, and about

porticoes,

and the aqueducts.®® The

forests that

overshadowed the shores of the Euxinc, and the celebrated quarries of white marble in the little island of Proconnesus, supplied an inexhaustible stock of materials, ready to be conveyed, by the convenience of a short water-carriage, to multitude of the harbour of Byzantium.^® labourers and artificers urged the conclusion of

A

the

work with incessant toil; but the impatience

of Constantine soon discovered that, in the decline of the arts, the skill as well as his architects bore

numbers of

a very unequal proportion

to the greatness of his designs.

The

magistrates

of the most distant provinces were therefore directed to institute schools, to appoint professors, and, by the hopes of rewards and privileges, to engage in the

study and practice of arch-

number of ingenious youths who had received a liberal education. Ihe buildings of the new city w'cre executed by such itecture a sufficient

the reign of Constantine could afby the hands of the most celebrated masters of the age of Pericles and Alexander. To revive the genius of Phidias and Lysippus surpassed indeed the power of a Roman emperor; but the immortal productions which they had bequeathed to posterity were exposed without defence to the rapacious artificers as

ford ; but they were decorated

vanity of a despot. By his commands the cities of Greece and Asia were despoiled of their most valuable ornaments.® The trophies of memor-

able wars, the objects of religious veneration, the most finished statues of the gods and heroes, of the sages and poets of ancient limes, contril> uted to the splendid triumph of Constanti-

nople ; and gave occasion to the remark of the historian Cedrenus,^® who oljserves, v>ith some enthusiasm, that nothing seemed wanting except the souls of. the illustrious men whom these admirable monuments were intended to represent. But it is nut in (he city of Constantine, nor in the declining period of an empire, when the human mind was depressed by civil and religious slavery, that we should seek for the souls of Homer and of Demosthenes. During the siege of Byzantium the conqueror had pitched his tent on the commanding eminence of the second hill. To perpetuate the memory of his success, he chose the same advantageous position for the principal Forum, which

el-

The two opposite entrances formed

closed

thirty-three in circumference.^^

of the pillar, feet from the of Apollo. It ported either

On the summit

above one hundred and twenty

ground, stood the colossal statue was of bronze, had been transfrom Athens or from a town of Phrygia, and was supposed to be the work of

Phidias. The artist had represented the god of day, or, as it w'as afterwards interpreted, the empcTor Constantine himself, with a sceptre in his right hand, the globe of the world in his lelt, and a crown of ray glittering on his head.^* The Circus, or Hippodrome, w'as a statc'ly building about four hundred paces in length, and one hundred in breadth. The space Ix*tween the two metae or goals was filled with statues and olx'lisks; and we may still remark a very singular fragment of antiquity, the bodies of three serpents twisted into one pillai ol brass. Their triple heads had onte suppoited the golden tripod which, alter the defeat of Xerxes, was consecrated in the temple of Dcl[)hi by the victorious (irecLs.*^ 'Ihe beauty of the Hippodrome has been long since defaced by the rude hands of the 'I'urkish conquerors, but, under the similar appellation of Atnieidan, it still serves as a place of exercise for their horses. From the

throne, whence the emperor viewrd the Circensian games a winding staircase® descended to the palace, a magnilicent ediiice, which scarcely yielded to the residence of

Rome

itself,

and which, together with the depi'ndent court.s, gardens, and |X)rticoes, covered a considerable extent of ground upon the banks of the Propontis, between the Hippodrome and the church of VVe might likewise a*lebrate the retained the name of Zeuxippus, alter they had been enriched by the munificence of Constantine, with lofty columns, various marbles, and above threescore statues of bronze. But we should deviate from the design of this history if we attempted minutely to dcSt. Sophia.*''^

baths,

which

still

cribc the different buildings or quarters of the I may be sufficient to observe that whatever C( uld adorn the dignity of a great capital, or contribute to the benefit or pleasure of its

city.

The Seventeenth Chapter numerous inhabitants, was contained within the walls of Constantinople. scription,

A

particular de-

composed about a century

after its

tics

239

of the palace.

vincials will

foundation, enumerates a capitol or school of learning, a circus, two theatres, eight public and one hundred and fifty-three private baths,

curiosity.

fifty-two porticoes, five granaries, eight aqueducts or reservoirs of water, four spacious halls for the meetings of the senate or courts of justice, fourteen churches, fourteen palaces, and four thousand three hundred and eighty-eight houses which, for their size or l)eauty, deserved to be distinguished from the multitude of plebeian habitations.*’^ I'he populousness of his favoured city was the next and most serious object of the attention of its founder. In the dark ages which succeeded the translation of the empire, the remote and the immediate consequences of (hat memorable event were strangely confounded by the vanity of the Greeks and the credulity of the Latins. It was asserted and believed that all the noble families of Rome, the senate, and the equestrian order, with their iiumiiierablc attendants, had followt'd their emperor to the banks of the Propontis; that a spurious race of strangers and

their subsistence

pleljeians was left to possess the solitude of the ancient capital; and that the lands of Italy, long

since converted into gardens,

were

at

once de-

prived of cultivation and inhabitants.*^ In the course of this history such exaggerations will be reduced to their just value; yet since the growth of C'onstaiuinople cannot be ascril)ed to the general increase of mankind and of industry, it

must be admitted that

this artificial

colony was

raised at the expense of the ancient cities of the

empire.

Many opulent senators of Rome and of

the eastern provinces were probably invited

by

pro-

be attracted by the powerful mo-

tives of interest

A

The most wealthy of the

and duty, of amusement and and more numerous class of

third

inhabitants will insensibly be formed, of servants, of artificers, and of merchants, who derive

from their own labour, and from the wants or luxury of the superior ranks. In less than a century Ck)nstantinople disputed with Rome itself the pre-eminence of riches and numfxrrs. New piles of buildings, crowded together with too little regard to health or convenience, scarcely allowed the intervals of nar-

row

throng of men, of and of carriages. The allotted space of ground was insufficient to contain the increasing people, and the additional foundations, which on either side were advanced into the sea, might alone have composed a very considstreets for the perpetual

horses,

erable* city.”

The

frequent

regular distributions of

a'ftd

and oil, of corn or bread, of money or provisions, had almost exempted the poorer citizens of Rome from the necessity of labour. The magnificence of the first Carsars w’as in some measure imitated by the founder of Constantinople:** but his liberality, however it might w'ine

excite the applause of the people, has incurred

the censure of posterity.

and conquerors might

A

nation of legislators claim to the

assert their

harx’csts of Africa, w'hich had been purchased with their blood; and it was artfully contrived by Augustus, that, in the enjoyment of plenty, the Romans should lose the memory of freedom. But the prodigality of Constantine could not lx* excused by any consideration either of public or private interest; and the annual tribute of com

imposed upon Egvpt

for the benefit of his new"

and

Constantine to adopt for their country the fortunate spot w hich he had chosen for his own residence. The invitations of a master are scarcely to be distinguished from commands, and the liberality of the emperor obtained a ready and cheerful obedience. He bestowrd on his favourites the palaces which he had built in the several quarters of the city, assigned them lands and pensions for the support of their dignity,** and alienated the demesnes of Pontus and Asia to grant hereditary estates by the easy tenure of maintaining a house in the capital.** But these

capital wa.s applied to feed a lazy

encouragements and obligations st)on became and were gradually abolished. Wherever the scat of government is fixed, a considerable part of the public revenue will be expended by the prince himself, by his ministers, by the officers of Justice, and by the domes-

acknowledged supremacy, which was due to her

superfluous,

insolent

populace, at the expense of the husbandmen of an industrious province.* Some other regulations of this emperor arc less liable to blame, but they are less deserving of notice. He divided Cionstantinoplc into fourteen regions or quarters.** dignified the public council with the appellation of senate,*' communicated to the citizens the privileges of Italv,® and bestowed on the rising city the title of Colony, the first and most favoured daughter of ancient Rome. The venerable parent still maintained the legal and age, to her dignity,

and

to the

remembrance of

her former greatness.** As Constantine urged the progress of the work with the impatience of a lover, the walls, the porticoes,

and the principal

edifices

were com*

—

Decline and Fall of the

240

pletcd in a few years, or, according to another account, in a few months:*^ but this extraordinary diligence should excite the less admiration, since many of the buildings were finished in so hasty and imperfect a manner, that, under the

succeeding reign, they were preserved with difficulty from impending ruin.** But while they displayed the vigour and freshness of youth, the founder prepared to celebrate the dedica-

The games and largesses which crowned the pomp of this meinoralile festival may easily be supposed ; but there is one circumstance of a more singular and permanent nature, which ought not entirely to be overlooked. As often as the birthday of the citv returned, the. statue of Constantine, framed by his order, of gilt wood, and bearing in its right hand a small image of the genius of the place, was erected on a triumphal car. The guards, carrying white tapers, and clothed in their richest apparel, accompanied the solemn procession as it moved through the Hippodrome. When it was opposite to the throne of tlic reigning emperor, he rose from his seat, and with grateful reverence adored the memory of his predecessor.*^ At the festival of the dedication, an edict, engraved on a column of marble, bestowed the title of Second or New Rome on the city of Constantine.®* But the name of Constantinople*® has prevailed over that honourable epithet, and tion of liis city.**

after the revolution of fourteen centuries

still

perpetuates the fame of its author."® The foundation of a new capital is naturally^ connected with the establishment of a new form of civil and military administration. The distinct view of the complicated system of policy

introduced by Diocletian, improved by Constantine, cessors,

and completed by his immediate sucnot only amuse the fancy by the

may

singular picture of a great empire, but will tend

and internal causes of its rapid decay. In the pursuit of any remarkable institution, we may be frequently led into the more early or the more recent times of the Roman history; but the proper limits of this into illustrate the secret

quiry will be included within a period of alx>ut

one hundred and thirty years, from the accession of Constantine to the publication of the

Theodosian code;^' from which, as well as from the Notitia of the East and West,’*

we

derive the

most copious and authentic information of the state of the empire. This variety of objects wiU suspend, for some time, the course of the narrative; but the interruption will be censured only

by those readers who are insensible to the importance of laws and manners, while they pe-

Roman Empire

with eager curiosity, the transient intrigues of a court, or the accidental event of a battle. The manly pride of the Romans, content with ruse,

had left to the vanity of the East the forms and ceremonies of ostentatious greatness.^* But when they lost even the semblance of those virtues which were derived from their ancient freedom, the simplicity of Roman manners was insensibly corrupted by the stately

substantial power,

aflcctation of the courts of Asia. tions of personal merit

and

The

distinc-

influence, so con-

spicuous in a republic, so feeble and ol>scure under a monarchy, were abolished by the despotism of the emperors; who substituted in their room a severe subordination of rank and

from the titled slaves who were seated on the steps of the throne, to the meanest instru-

office,

ments of arbitrary power. This multitude of abdependents w'as interested in the support of the actual government, from the dread of a revolution which might at once confound their

ject

hopes and intercept the reward of their services. In this divine hierarchy (for such it is frequently styled) every rank was marked with the most scrupulous exactness, and its dignity was displayed in a variety of trifling and solemn ceremonies, which it w^as a study to learn, and a sacrilege to neglect."^ The purity of the Latin language was debased, by adopting, in the intercourse of pride and flattery, a profusion of epithets which Tully would scarcely have

understood, and which Augustus rejected with indignation.

The

w^c^iild

have

principal ofticers

of the empire were saluted, even by the sovereign himself, with tlie deceitful lilies of your

your Gravily, your Excellencyy your /;m/your sublime and wonderful Magmtudey your illustrious and magnificent IliglinessJ^ The codicils or patents of their oflice were curiously emblazoned with such emblems as were l>cst adapted to explain its nature and high dignity the image or portrait of the reigning emperors; a triumphal car; the Ixxjk of mandates placed on a tabic, covered with a rich carpet, and illuminated by four tapers; the allegorical figures of the provinces which they governed; or the appellations and standards of the troops whom they commanded. Some of these official ensigns were really exhibited in their hall pf audience; others preceded their pompous march whenever they appeared in public; anri every circumstance of their demeanour, their dre.ss, their ornaments, and their train, was calculated to inspii^'. a deep reverence for the representatives of supreme majesty. By a philosophic observer the system of the Roman government might Swcerity, nencey

The Seventeenth Chapter have been mistaken for a splendid theatre,

filled

with players of every character and degree, who repeated the language, and imitated the passions, of their original model. Ail the magistrates of sufficient importance to find a place in the general state of the empire were accurately divided into three classes i. The Illustrious; 2, The Spectahiles, or Respectable \

—

and,

3,

The

Clarissimiy

whom we may

translate

by the word Honourable. In the times of Roman simplicity, the last-mentioned epithet was used only as a vague expression cjf deference, till it lx*camc at length the peculiar and appropriated title of all who were meinLxTS of the senate,^’ and consequently of all who, from that venerable body, were selected to govern the provinces. 'fhe vanity of those who, from their rank and ollicc, might claim a superior distinction above the rest of the senatorial order, was long afterwards indulg ians, to pass through the tedious and expensive forms of a popular election, and to expose their dignity to the shame of a public refusal ; while their own happier fate had re.scrv'cd them for an age and government in which the

the empire the annual

circus,

were at liberty to retire into the shade of private life, and to enjoy during the remainder of the year the undisturbed contemduties, they

own greatness. They no longer presided in the national councils; they no longer executed the resolutions of |K'acc or war. Their plation of their

abilities (unless

effective offices)

they were employed in more were of little moment; and

Decline and Fall of the

242

names served only as the legal date of the year in which they had filled the chair of Marius and of Cicero. Yet it was still felt and acknowledged, in the last period of Roman servitude, that this empty name might be compared, and even preferred, to the possession of substantiad power. The title of consul was still the most splendid object of ambition, the noblest reward of virtue and loyalty. The emperors themselves, who disdained the faint shadow of the republic, were conscious that they acquired an additional splendour and majesty as often as they assumed the annual honours of the consular dignity.” The proudest and most perfect separation which can be found in any age or country between the nobles and the people is perhaps that of the Patricians and the Plebeians, as it was established in the first age of the Roman republic. Wealth and honours, the offices of the slate, and the ceremonies of religion, were almost exclusively possessed by the former; who, preserving the purity of their blood with the most insulting jealousy,*’ held their clients in a condition of specious vassalage. But these distinctions, so Incompatible with the spirit of a free people, were removed, after a long struggle, by the persevering efforts of the Tribunes. The most active and successful of the Plebeians accumulated wealth, aspired to honours, deserved triumphs, contracted alliances, and, after some generations, assumed the pride of ancient nobility,*^ The Patrician families, on the other hand, whose original number was never retheir

cruited

till

the end of the

commonwealth, either

ordinary course of mature, or were extinguished in so many foreign and domestic wars, or, through a want of merit or fortune, insensibly mingled with the mass of the people.** Very few remained who could derive their pure and genuine origin from the infancy of the city, or even from that of the republic, when Caesar and Augustus, Claudius and Vespasian, created from the body of the senate a competent number of new Patrician families, in the hope of perpetuating an order which was still considered as honourable and sacred.** But these artificial supplies (in which the reigning house was always included) were rapidly swept away by the rage of tyrants, by frequent revolutions, by the change of manners, and by the intermixture of nations.*^ Little more was left when Constantine ascended the throne than a vague and imperfect tradition that the Patricians had once been the first of the Romans. To form a body of failed in the

nobles,

whose influence may

restrain while

secures the authority of the monarch,

it

would

Roman Empire

have been very inconsistent with the character but, had he seriously entertained such a design, it might have exceeded ihe measure of his power to ratify by an arbitrary edict an institution which must expect the sanction of time and of opinion. He revived,

and policy of Constantine;

indeed, the

title

of Patricians, but he revived it an hereditary distinction.

as a ptTsonal, not as

Thev yielded only

to the transient superiority of the annual consuls; but they enjoyed the preeminence over all the great officers of slate, with

the most familiar access to the person of the prince. This honourable rank was bt'stowed on them for life and, as they were usually favour;

ites

and ministers who had grown old

perial court, the true

in the

Im-

etymology of the word

was perverted by ignorance and

flattery;

and

the Patricians of Constantine were reverenced as the adopted Fathers of the

emperor and the

republic.**

The

II.

were suls

fortunes of the Praetorian prnrfects

essentially different

and

Patricians.

The

from those of the con-

latter

greatness evaporate in a vain

saw title.

their ancient

The

iormer,

by degrees from the most humble condiwere invested with the civjl and military

rising tion,

administration of the Roman world. From the reign of Severus to that of Diocletian, the guards and the palace, the laws and the finances, the

armies and the provinces, were intrusted to their superintending care; and, like the vi/irs of the East, they held with one hand the seal, and with the other the standard, of the empire. The ambition of the pracfects, always formidable, and sometimes fatal to the masters whom they served, w'as supported by the strength of the Praetorian bands but, after those haughty troops ;

had been weakened by Diocletian and

finally

suppressed by Constantine, the praefects, who survived their fall, were reduced without difficulty to the station of ascful and obc'dient ministers. When they were no longer rcsfxinsiblc for the safely of the emperor’s person, they resigned the jurisdiction which they had hitherto claimed and exercised over all the departments of the palace. They were deprived by Constantine of all military command as soofi as they had ceased to lead into the field, undcr^ their immediate orders, the flower of the Rotman troops; and, at length, by a singular revolution, the captains of the guards were transformed into the civil magistrates of the provinces. According to the plan of government instituted by Diocletian, the four princes had each their Prartorian prsefect; and after the monarchy was once

more united

in the person of Constantine^ he

The Seventeenth Chapter •till

continued to create the same number of

POUR PRiCFEGTS, and intrusted to their care the same provinces which they already adminis-

The

praefect of the East stretched his

tered.

1.

ample

jurisdiction into the three parts of the

globe which were subject to the Romans, from the cataracts of the Nile to the banks of the Phasis, and from the mountains of Thrace to the frontiers of Persia. 2. inces

of Pannonia,

The important

prov-

Macedonia, and

Dacia,

Gres of an institution so advantageous to his native country. After a regular couree of education, which lasted five years, the students dispersed themselves through the provinces in search of fortune and honours; nor could they want an inexhaaslible supply of business in a great empire already corrupted by the multiplicity of law’s,

ments of

of arts,

this lucrative .science

and

of vices.

The

court of the Praetorian

and of preparing a

rich client with subtleties to confound the plain-

and with arguments to colour the most pretensions. The splendid and popular class was composed of the advocates, w’ho filled the Forum with the sound of their turgid and loquacious rhetoric. Careless of fame and of justice, they arc described for the most part as ignorant and rapacious guides, who conducted their clients through a maze ol expense, of delay, and of disappointment; from

est truth,

unjustifiable

whence, after a tedious scries of years, they were at length dismissed, when their patience and fortune were almost exhausted.*-*** 111. In the sx’stem of policy introduced by Augustus, the governors, those at least of the Imperial provinces, were invested with the full powers of the sovereign himself. Ministers of peace and war, the distribution of rewards and

punishments depended on them alone, and

Decline and Fall of the

246

they successively appeared on their tribunal in the robes of civil magistracy, and in complete armour at the head of the Roman Icgions.^^^ The influence of the revenue, the authority of law, and the command of a military force, concurred to render their power supreme and absolute; and whenever they were tempted to violate their allegiance, the loyal province which

dignified with the rank of counts or companions,

a title of honour, or rather of favour, which had been recently invented in the court of Constantine. A gold belt was the ensign which distinguished the office of the counts and dukes; and, besides their pay, they received a liberal allow-

ance

they involved in their rebellion was scarcely any change in its political state. From the time of Gommodus to the reign of Constantine near one hundred governors might be enumerated, who, with various success, erected the standard of re\*olt ; and though the

fering in

time that Constantine gave a legal sanction to the ecclesiastical order, he instituted in the Roman empire the nice balance of the civil and the military powers. The emulation, and sometimes the discord, which reigned between two professions of opposite interests and incompati-

was productive of txmcficial and It was seldom to be expected that the general and the civil governor ble manners,

of pernicious consequences.

of a province should either conspire for the disturbance, or should unite for the service, of

eight masters general of the cavalry

Under their commanders were try.

orders,

and

thirty-five

infan-

military

stationed in the provinces:

three in Britain, six in Gaul, one in Spain, one

on the Upper and four on the Lower Danube, in Asia eight, three in Egypt, and four in Africa. The titles of counts and dukes by which they were properly distinguished, have obtained in modern languages so very different a sense that the use of them may occasion some surprise. But it should be recol-

in Italy, five

,

lected that the second of those appellations

is

only a corruption of the Latin word which was

any military chief. All these provincial generals were therefore

indiscriminately applied to dukes; but

their country.

the assistance

no more than ten among them were

While the one delayed

w hich

to offer

the other disdained to so-

the troops very frequently remained without orders or without supplies, the public safety

licit,

was betrayed, and the defenceless subjects were exposed to the fury of the bar!!nirians. I'he divided administration, which had been formed by Constantine, relaxed the vigour of the state, while it secured the tranquillity of the monarch. The memory of Constantine has been deservedly censured for another innovation which corrupted military discipline, and prepared the ruin of the empire. I'he nineteen years which preceded his hnal victory over Licinius had been a period of licence and intestine war. The left

in the field the several bodies,

ube, and of the Euphrates, the defence of the empire was at length committed to

any matter which related to the ad-

of their department was independent of the authority of the magistrates. About the same

supreme jurisdiction exercised by the Pra*torian praefects over the armies of the empire was transferred to tlic two masUri gene/al whom he insdtuted, the one for the cavalry^ the otlier for the infantry \ and though each of these illustrious officers was more peculiarly responsible for the discipline of those troops which were under his immediate inspection, they both indifl'erently

Roman

maintain one hundred and

ministration of justice or the revenue; but the command which they exercised over the troops

innocent were too often sacrificed, tlie guilty might be sometimes prevented, by the suspiTo secure his cious cruelty of their master, throne and the public tranquillity from these formidable servants, Constantine resolved to divide the military from the civil administration, and to establish, as a permanent and professional distinction, a practice wliich had been adopted only as an occasional expedient. I'he

whether of horse or foot, which were united in the same army.^^^ Their number was soon doubled by the division of the East and West; and as separate generals of the same rank and title were appointed on the four important frontiers of the Rhine, of the Upper and the Low^cr Dan-

sufficient to

ninety servants and one hundred and fifty-eight horses. They were strictly prohibited from inter-

sensible of

commanded

Roman Empire

•

rivals

who contended

for the possession of the

Roman

world had withdrawn the greatest part of their forces from the guard of the general frontier; and the principal cities which formed the boundary of their respective-^ dominions were filled with soldiers, who consijdercd their countrymen as their most implacable enemies. After the use of these internal garrisons had ceased with the civil war, the conqueror wanted either wisdom or firmness to revive the severe

and to suppress a fatal indulgence which habit had endeared and almost confirmed to the military ordesr. From the reign of Constantine a popular and even legal distinction was admitted between the Palatines^ and the Borderers; the troops of the court, as

discipline of Diocletian,

The Seventeenth Chapter they were improperly styled, and the troops of the frontier. The former, elevated by the supe* riority of their pay and privileges, were permitted, except in the extraordinary emergencies of war, to occupy their tranquil stations in the heart of the provinces. The most flourishing cities were oppressed by the intolerable weight of quarters.

The

soldiers insensibly forgot the virtues of

and contracted only the vices of They were cither degraded by the in-

their profession, civil life.

dustry of mechanic trades, or enervated by the luxury of baths and theatres. They soon became careless of their martial exercises, curious in their diet

and apparel, and, while they

inspired

terror to the subjects of the empire, they trem-

bled at the hostile approach of the barbarians.**® Diocletian and his colleagues had extended along the banks of

The chain of fortifications which

the great rivers was no longer maintained with

the same care, or defended with the same vigi-

The nuinbprus,®‘‘ or by the active |>art which the policy of Constantine engaged

genius of Constantine himself had been formed by adversity and experience. In the free inter-

Sarmatians.

course of private life, and amidst the dangers of the court of Galerius, he had learned to comaiand his owm passions, to encounter those of his equals, and to depend for his present safety and future greatness on the prudence and firmness of his personal conduct. Flis destined suc-

race, the Sarmatians

cessors

had the misfortune of being born and

educated in the Imperial purple. Incessantly surrounded with a train of flatterers, they passed their youth in the enjoyment of luxury and the expectation of a throne; nor would the dignity of their rank permit them to descend from that elevated station from whence the various characters of human nature appear to wear a smooth and uniform aspect. The indulgence of Constantine admitted them, at a very tender age, to share the administration of the empire;

and they studied the

art of reigning, at the ex-

pense of the people intrusted to their care. The younger Constantine was appointed to hold his court in Gaul ; and his brother Constantius exchanged that department, the ancient patrimony of their father, for the more opulent, but less martial, countries of the East. Italy, the Western Illyricum, and Africa, were accustomed to revere Constans, the third of his sons, as the representative of the great Constantine. He fixed Dalmatius on the Gothic frontier, to which he annexed the government of Thrace, Mace-

him

to assume in the wars of the Goths

Among

the different branches of the

and

human

form a very remarkable shade; as they seem to unite the manners of the Asiatic barbarians with the figure

and com-

plexion of the ancient inhabitants of Europe. According to the various accidents of peace and

.

war, of alliance or conquest, the Sarmatians were sometimes confined to the banks of the Tanais, and they sometimes spread themselves over the immense plains which lie between the Vistula and the Volga.®® The care of their nu-

merous and the

flocks

and

herds, the pursuit of

game,

exercise of w'ar, or rather of rapine, di-

rected the vagrant motions of the Sarmatians.

The movable camps

or

cities,

the ordinary resi-

dence of their wives and children, consisted only of large waggons drawn by oxen, and covered in the form of tents. The military strength of the nation was composed of cavalry; and the cusof their warriors to lead in their hand one

tom

or two spare horses enabled them to advance and to retreat with a rapid diligence, which surprised the security, and eluded the pursuit, of a distant enemy. 'Fheir poverty of iron

prompted their rude industry to invent a sort of which was capable of resisting a sword or javelin, though it was formed only of horses’ hoofs, cut into thin and polished slices, carefully

cuira.ss,

laid ovt'* feathers,

each other in the manner of scales or and strongly sewed upon an under

•

The Eighteenth Chapter

garment of coanK linen.*® The offensive arms of the Sarmatians were short daggers, long lances,

and a weighty bow with a quiver They were reduced to the necessity

of arrows.

of employing fish-bones for the points of their weapons; but the custom of dipping them in a venomous liquor, that poisoned the wounds which they inflicted, is alone sufficient to prove the most savage manners; since a people impressed with a

would have abhorred so cruel a practice, and a nation skilled in the arts of war would have disdained so impotent a resource.** Whenever these barbarians issued from their deserts in quest of prey, their shaggy b^'ards uncombed locks, the furs with which they were covered from head to foot, and their fierce countenances, which seemed to express the innate cruelty of their minds, inspired the more civilised provincials of Rome with horror and dismay. The tender Ovid, after a youth spent in the enjoyment of fame and luxury, was condemned to an hopeless exile on the frozen banks of the Danube, where he was exposed, almost without defence, to the fu»‘v of these monsters of the desert, with whose stern spirits he feared that his gentle shade might hereafter be confounded. In his pathetic, but sometimes unmanly lamentations,^* he descril)e8 in the most lively colours the dress and manners, the arms and inroads, of the Cielac and Sarmatians, who were associated for the purposes of destruction and from

sense of humanity

;

the accounts of history there

is

some reason

to

believe that these Sarmatians were the Ja/ygae,

one of the most numerous and warlike the nation.

them

The allurements

tribes of

of plenty engaged

to seek a pcd when his sul)jects have no longer anything to li(»pe Iroiii his favour, or to dread from his resentment. The same ministers and generals who bowed with such reverential awe be-

stantinople, his

of fraud were

ereign were engaged in secret consultations to

of cruelty;

on the superior rank of tlv; danger of multiplying the number of sovereigns, and the impending mischiefs which threatened the republic, from the discord of so many rival princes who were not connected by the tender sympathy of fraternal aflection. The intrigue was conducted with zeal and secrecy, till a loud and

care w^as to remove the

obligation of an imprudent promise. 'Fhe arts

fore the inaniniaie corpse of their deceased sov-

exclude his two nephews, Dalmatius and Hannibalianus, from the share which he had assigned tliem in the sir cession of the empire. We are too impcrfeitly acquainted with the court of Constantine to form any judgment of the real motives which influenced the leaders of the conspiracy; unless we should suppose that they were actuated by a spirit of jealousy and revenge against the prajfcct Ablavius, a proud favourite, who had long directed the counsels and abused the confidence of the late emperor. The arguments by which they solicited the concurrence of the soldiers and people are of a more obvious nature: and they might with decency,

first

apprehensions of his kinsmen, by a solemn oath which he pledged for their security. His next employment was to find some specious pretence which might release his conscience from the

made

subservient to the designs

and a manifest forgery was attested by a person of the most sacred character. From the hands of the bishop of Nicomedia, Constantius received a fatal scroll, affirmed to be

the genuine testament of his father; in which the emperor expressed his suspicions that he his brothers; and conrevenge his death, and to consult their own safety, by the punishment of the guilty.” Whatever reasons might have been alleged by these unfortunate princes to defend

had been poisoned by

juri'd his sons to

their

life

and honour against

so incredible

an

accusation, they were silenced by the furious

clamours of the

who declared themenemies, their judges, and

soldiers,

selves, at once, their

The

and even the

as well as truth, insist

their executioners.

the children of Constantine,

forms, of legal proceedings were repeatedly vio-

spirit,

lated in a promiscuous massacre ; which involved the tw'O uncles of Constantius, seven of his cous-

of whom Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were the most illustrious, the Patrician Optatus, who had married a sister of tlie late emperor, and the prxfect Ablavius, whose power and ins,

Decline and Fall of the

264

preceded that of his birth. The wife of Hormouz remained pregnant at the time of her husband’s death, and the uncertainty of the sex, as well as

had inspired him with some hopes of obtaining the purple. If it were necessary to aggravate the horrors of this bloody scene, we might add that Constantius himself had espoused the daughter of his unde Julius, and that he had bestowed his sister in marriage on his cousin Hannibaiianus. These alliances, which the policy of Constantine, regardless of the public prejudice,^ had formed between the several branches of the Imperial house, served only to riches

of the event, excited the ambitious hopes of the

princes of the house of Sassan. sions of civil

in

extorted from his inexjjerienced youth. The massacre of the Flavian race was suc-

ceeded by a new division of the provinces, which was ratified in a personal interview of the three brothers. Constantine, the eldest of the Caesars,

obtained, with a certain pre-eminence of rank, the possession of the new capital, whicli bore

Thrace and

patrimony of Constantius; and Constans was acknowledged as the lawful sovereign of Italy, Africa, and the western Illyricum. The armies submitted to their hereditary right, and they condescended, after .some delay, to accept from

the

Roman

they

first

senate the

assumed the

eldest of these princes

ond twenty, and the

title

of Au^u^tus.

reins of

When

government, the

was twenty-one, the

sec-

third only seventeen, years

of agc.*^

While the martial nations of Europe followed the standards of his brothers, Constantius, at the head of the efleminate troops of Asia, left

was At

to sustain the weight of the Persian war.

the decease of Constantine, the throne of the filled by Sapor, son of Hormouz, or Hormisdas, and grandson of Narses, who, after

East was

the victory of Galerius, the superiority of the

had humbly confessed power. Although

Roman

Sapor was in the thirtieth year of his long reign, he was still in the vigour of youth, as the date of his accession, by a very strange fatality, had

widow

prepared, without delay, A royal bed, on which the queen lay in state, was exhibited in the midst of the palace the diadem was placed on the spot which might be supposed to conceal the future heir of Artaxerxes, and the prostrate satraps adored the majesty of their invisible and insensible sovereign. If any credit can be given to this marvellous tale, which seems, however, to be countenanced by the manners of the people and by the extraordinary duration of his reign, we must admire not only the fortune but the genius of Sapor. In the soft sequestered education of a Persian harem the roval youth could discover the importance of exercising the vigour of his mind and bodv, and by his personal merit deserved a throne on which he had been seated while he was yet unconscious of the duties and temptations of absolute power. His minority was exposed to the almost inevitable calamities of domestic discord; his capital was surprised and plundered by Thair, a fiowerful king of Yemen or Arabia, and the majest^Tof the royal family was degraded by the captivity of a princess, the sister of the deceased king. But as soon as Sapor attained the age of manhood the presumptuous Thair, his nation, and his country, fell Ixmeath the first etiort of the young warrior, who used his victory with so judicious a mixture of rigour and clemency that he obtained from the fears and gratitude of the Arabs the title of Dhoulacnaf, or protector of the nation.®* ;

was the most obnoxious to guilt and reproach, discovered, on some future occasions, a faint and transient remorse for those cruelties which the perfidious counsels of his ministers and the irresistible violence of the troops, had

that of his father.

that the

Hormouz had

the ceremony of his coronation.

some measure subsided. The emperor

own name and

Magi

The apprehenremoved by the

stition, the Persians

ers,

his

at length

conceived, and would safely produce a son. Obedient to the voice of super-

Constantius, who, in the absence of his broth-

the countries of the East were allotted for the

war w^ere

positive assurance of the

of

convince mankind that these princes were as cold to the endearments of conjugal afTection, as they were insensible to the ties of consanguinity and the moving entreaties of youth and innocence. Of so numerous a family, Gallus and Julian alone, the two youngest children of Julius Constantius, were saved from the hands of the assassins, till their rage, satiated with slaughter,

had

Roman Empire

•

The ambition of the Persian, to whom his enemies ascrilx* the virtues of a soldier and a statesman, was animated by the desire of revenging the disgrace of his fathers, and of wresting from the hands of the Romans the five provThe military fame of Constantine, and the real or apparent strength of his government, suspended the attack, and, while the hostile conduct of Sapor ptovoked the resentment, his artful negotiations amused the inces l)cyond the I'lgris.

The death of Constantine was the signal of war,*^ and the actual condition of the Syrian and Armenian frontier seemed to encourage the Persians by the prorpcct of a rich spoil and an easy conpatience of the Imperial court.

The Eighteenth Chapter The example of the massacres of the palace diffused a spirit of licentiousness and sedition among the troops of the East, who were no longer restrained by their habits of obedience to a veteran commander. By the prudence of Constantins, who, from the interview with his brothers in Pannonia, immediately hastened to the banks of the Euphrates, the legions were gradually restored to a sense of duly and discipline; but the season of anarchy had permitted Sapor to form the siege of Nisibis, and to occupy several of the most important fortresses of Mesopotamia.^** In Armenia the renowned Tiridates had long enjoyed the peace and glory which he deserved by his valour and fidelity to the cause of Rome. The firm alliance which he maintained with Constantine was productive of spiritual as well as of temporal benefits; by the conversion of firidates the character of a saint was applied to that of a hero, the Christian faith was preached and )nstaiuius. After the troubles had continued alxiul three years, Antiochus, one of the ofliccrs of the household, executed with success the Imperial

com-

of restoring C'hosroes, the son of 'Eiridates, to the throne of his fathers, of distributing honours and rewards among the faithful servants of the house of Arsaces, anti of proclaiming nii.ssion

a general amnesty, which was accepted by the But the Romans derived more honour than advantage from this revolution. Chosrocs was a prince of a puny stature and a pusillanimous spirit. Unequ^ to the fatigues of war, averse to the society gr^'ater part of the rebellious satraps.

265

of mankind, he withdrew from his capital to a retired palace which he built on the banks of

the river Eleutherus, and in the centre of a shady grove, where he consumed his vacant hours in the rural sports of hunting and hawking. To secure this inglorious ease, he submitted to the conditions of peace which Sapor condescended to impose the payment of an annual :

tribute,

and

the restitution of the fertile prov-

ince of Atropatcnc, which the courage of Tiri-

and the victorious arms of Galcrius had annexed to the Armenian monarchy. “ During the long period of the reign of Constantius the provinces of the East were afTlicted by the calamities of the Persian war. The irregu-

dates

lar

incursions of the light troops alternately

spread terror and devastation beyond the Tigris and b. to sue, and to sue in vain, for pii the crimes of an assassin W’hom he prepared to overwhelm on every side by the cP 'rl of his victorious aims. An Imperial fleet acquired the easy possession of .Africa and Spain, confirmed the wavering faith of the Mixirish nations, and landed a considerable force, which passed the P>’renees, and advanced towards Lyons, the tius.**

last

and

The temper

fatal station of

Magnenwas

of the t>Tant, which

never inclined to clemency, was urged by disevery act of oppression which

tress to exercise

a

Roman Empire my whose revenge would

Decline and Fall of the

273

could extort an immediate supply from the cities of Gaul.** Their patience was at length exhausted; and Treves, the seat of Praptorian government, gave the signal of revolt, by shutting her gates against Decentius, who had been raised by his brother to the rank of cither Capsar or of Augustus.** From Treves, Decentius was obliged to retire to Sens, where he was soon surrounded by an army of Germans, whom the pernicious arts of Constantins had introduced into the civil dissensions of Rome.** In the meantime the Imperial troops forced the passages of the Cottian Alps, and in the bloody combat of Mount Seleucus irrevocably fixed the title of rebels on the party of Magnentiiis.** He was unable to bring another army into the field; the fidelity of his guards was corrupted; and when he appeared in public to animate them by his exhortations, he was saluted with an unanimous shout of “Long live the emperor Constantins !” The tyrant, who perceived that they were preparing to deserve pardon and rewards by the sacrifice of the most obnoxious criminal, prevented their design by falling on his sword death more easy and more honourable than he could hope to obtain from the hands of an ene-

have been coloured with the specious pretence of justice and frater-

The example of suicide was imitated by Decentius, who strangled himself on the news of his brother’s death. The author of the

nal piety.

conspiracy, Marcellinus,

had long

since dis-

appeared in the battle of Mursa,**® and the public tranquillity was confirmed by the execution of the surviving leaders of a guilty and unsuccessful faction.

A

severe inquisition was ex-

tended over all who, either from choice or from compulsion, had been involved in the cause of rebellion. Paul,

perior

skill

surnamed Catena from

his su-

in the judicial exercise of tyranny,

was sent

to explore the latent remains of the conspiracy in the remote province of Biitain. The honest indignation expressed by Martin, vice-pr.Tfect of the island, was interpreted as an evidence of his own guilt; and the governor was urged to the necessity of turning against his breast the sword with which he had been provoked to wound the Imperial minister. 'I he most innocent subjects of the West were exposed

and

torture;

as the timid are always cruel, the

mind of

to exile

and

and

confiscation, to death

Constantins was inacccs.siblc to mercy.

CHAPTER XIX Constantins sole Emperor.

of Julian.

T

Elevation and Death of Callus.

Sarmatian and Persian Wars.

he divided provinces of the empire were again united by the victory of Constantins; but as that feeble prince was destitute of personal merit cither in peace or war; as he feared his generals, and distrusted his ministers; the triumph of his arms served only to establish the reign of the eunuchs over the Roman world. Those unhappy beings, the ancient production of Oriental jealousy and despotism,* were introduced into Greece and Rome by the contagion of Asiatic luxury.* Their progress was rapid; and the eunuchs, who, in the time of Augustus, had been abhorred, as the monstrous retinue of an Egyptian queen,* were gradually admitted into the families of matrons, of senators, and of the emperors themselves.* Restrained by the severe edicts of Domitian and Nerva,* cherished by the pride of Diocletian, reduced to an humble station by the prudence of Constantine,* they multiplied in the palaces of his degenerate sons, and insensibly acquired theknowl^ge, and at length the direction, of the secret

Danger and Elevation

Victories of

Julian in Gaul.

The aversion and contempt which mankind has so uniformly entertained for that imperfect species appears to have degraded their character, and to have rendered them almost as incapable as thev were supposed to be of conceiving any generous sentiment, or of performing any worthy action.* Hut the eunuchs were skilled in the arts of flattery and intrigue; and they alternately governed the mind of Constantius by his fear.s, his indolence, and his vanity.* Whilst he viewed in a deceitful mirror the fair appearance of public prosperity, he supinely permitted them to intercept the complaints of the injured provinces; to accumulate immense treasures by the sale of justice and of honours; to disgrace the most important dignities by the promotion of those who had purchased at their hands the powers of oppression;* and to gratify their resentment against the few independent spirits who arrogantly refused to councils of Constantius.

the protection of slaves. Of these slaves the moit distinguished was the chamberlain

solicit

The Nineteenth Chapter who

ruled the monarch and the palace with such absolute sway, that Constantius, according to the sarcasm of an impartial historian, possessed some credit with this haughty favourite.^® By his artful sugg(‘stions, the emperor was |x:rsuaded to subscribe the condemnation of the unfortunate (/alius, and to add a new crime to the long list of unnatural murders which pollute the honour of the house of ConEusebius,

stantine.

When

273

continued his march towards the West, and Callus fixed his residence at Antioch; from whence, with a delegated authority, he administered the five great diotive stations. Constantius

ceses of the eastern prjefcclurc.** In this fortu-

new

Caesar was not unmindful the honours of his rank, the appearances of liberty, and the restitution of an ample patrimony.^* The writers the most indulgent to the memnate change, the

of his brother Julian,

who obtained

the two nephews of Constantine, Caland Julian, were saved from the fury of the soldiers, the former was about twelve, and the

ory of Callus, and even Julian himself, though he wished to cast a veil over the frailties of his

about six, years of age; and, as the eldest was thought to be of a sickly constitution, they obtained with the less difficulty a precarious and dependent life from the allected pity of Constantius, who was sensible that the execution of these helpless orphans would have been esteemed, by all mankind, an act of the most

was incapable of

lus

latter

deliberate cruelty.” Different cities of Ionia

and

Bithynia were assigned for the places of their exile and education; but as soon as their growj».ahnjsy of the emperor, he ing years-excited it more prudent to secure those unhappy youths in the strong castle of Macellum, near Cccsarca. The treatment w hich they experienced during a six years’ confinement was partly 8uch as they could hope from a careful guardian, and partly such as they might dread from a suspicious tyrant.** 'Fheir pris()n was an ancient

judged

palace, the residence of the kings of

Cappa-

docia; the situation was pleasant, the building stately, the enclosure spacious. 'I’hey

their studies,

and practised

pursued un-

their exercises,

der the tuition of the most skilful masters; and the numerous household appointed to attend, or rather to guard, the nephews of (ionstantinc, was not unworthy of the dignity of their birth. But they could not disguise to themselves that they were deprived of fortune, of freedom, and of safety; secluded from the society of all whom they could trust or esteem, and condemned to pass their melancholy hours in the company of slaves devoted to the commands of a tyrant who had already injured them beyond the hope of reconciliation. At length, however, the emergencies of the state compelled the emperor, or rather his eunuchs, to invest Ciallus, in the twenty-fifty year of his age, with the title of Ca;sar, and to cement this political connection by his marriage with the princess (Jonstantina. After a formal interview, in which the two princes mutually engaged their faith never to undertake anything to the prejudice of each other, they repaired without delay to their respec-

brother, are obliged to confess that the Caesar reigning. Transported

from a

prison to a throne, he possessed neither genius nor application, nor docility to compensate for

and experience. A temper naturally morose and violent, instead of being corrected, was soured by solitude and adversity; the remembrance of what he had enthe want of knowledge

dured dispased him to retaliation rather than to sympathy; and the ungoverned sallies of liis rage were often fatal to those who approached his person, or were subject to his power.“ Ck»nis described, not as a woman, but as one of the infernal furies tormented with an insatiate thirst of human blood.*® Imstead of employing her influence to insinuate the mild counsels of prudence and humanity, she exasperated the fierce passions of her husband; and as she retained the vanity, though she had renounced the gentleness of her sex, a pearl necklace was esteemed an equivalent price for the murder of an innocent and virtuous nobleman.*^ The cruelty of Callus was sometimes displayed in the undisscmbled violence of popular or mil-

stantina, his wife,

and was sometimes disguised by the abuse of law and the forms of judicial

itary executions:

proceedings.

The

private houses of Antioch,

and the palaces of public resort, were besieged by spies and informers; and the Cccsar himself, concealed in a plebt*ian habit, very frequently condescended to assume that odious character. Every apartment of the palace was adorned with the instruments of death and torture, and a general consternation was diffused through the capital of Syria. The prince of the East, as if he had been conscious how much he had to fear, and how little he descrv'cd to reign, selected for the objects of his resentment the provincials accused of some imaginary treason, and his own courtiers, w'hoin with more reason he suspected of incensing, by their secret correspondence, ilic timid and suspicious mind of Ckmstantius. But he forgot that he was depriving himself of his only support, the affection of the people; white

Decline and Fall of the

S74

mitted of some terms of accommodation. They were rendered impracticable by the imprudent behaviour of Montius, a statesman whose art and experience were frequently betrayed by the lev-

he furnished the malice of his enemies with the arms of truth, and afforded the emperor the fairest

pretence of exacting the forfeit of his pur*

and of his lifc.^® As long as the civil war suspended the

pie

fate of world, Constantins dissembled his knowledge of the weak and cruel administration to which his choice had subjected the East; and the discovery of some assassins, secretly despatched to Antioch by the tyrant of Gaul, was employed to convince the public that the emperor and the Carsar were united by the same interest, and pursued by the same enemies.“ But when the victory was decided in favour of Constantins, his dependent colleague became less useful and less formidable. Every

the

ity of his disposition.^^

Roman

and

it

was privately

who was

remove a mupresume to imprison a Praetorian praefect; convoked a meeting of the civil and military officers, and required them, in the name of their sovereign, to defend the person and dignity of his representatives. By this rash declaration of war the impatient temper of Gallus was provoked to embrace the most desperate counsels. He ordered his guards to stand to their arms, assembled the populace of Antioch,

well as that of his enemy. tioch,

On

his arrival at

An-

Domitian passed disdainfully before the

gates of the palace; and, alleging a slight pre-

tence of indisposition, continued several days in

an inflammatory memorial, which he transmitted to the Im(x;riai sullen retirement, to prepare

court. Yielding at length to the pressing solici-

tations of Gallus, the prarfect condescended to

take his seat in council; but his first step was to a concise and haughty mandate, importing that the Caesar should immediately repair to Italy, and threatening that he himself would punish his delay or hesitation by suspending the

commands were

and a thousand wounds on these unhappy victims, and at last precipitated their mangled and lifeless bodies into the stream of

a time of scarcity

instructed to behave towards Gallus with moderation and respect, and, by the gentlest arts of persuasion, to engage him to comply with the invitation of his brother and colleague. The rashness of the praefect disappointed these prudent measures, and hastened his own ruin as

their zeal the care

too fatally obeyed. They rudely seized the praefect and the quaestor, and, tying their legs together with ropes, they dragged them through the streets of the city, inflicted a thousand insults

had been massacred by the people of Antioch, with the connivance and almost at the instigation of Gallus, was justly resented, not only as an act of wanton cruelty, but as a dangerous insult on the supreme majesty of Constantins. Two ministers of illustrious rank, Domitian the Oriental pr2efect, and Montius, qurrslor of the palace, were empowered by a special commission to visit and reform the stale of the East.

They were

and recommended to

of his safety and revenge. His

re-

of Asia to the hardships and dangers of a German war. The death of Theophilus, consular of

who in

scarcely authorised to

nicipal magistrate should

solved cither to deprive Gallus of the purple, or at least to remove him from the indolent luxury

the provinces of Syria,

ThequaMtor reproached

Gallus, in haughty language, that a prince

circumstance of his conduct was severely and suspiciously examined,

Roman Empire

the Orontes.*^ After such a deed, whatever might have been the designs of Gallus, it was only in a field of

^

battle that he could assert his innocence with any hope of success. But the mind of that prince was formed of an equal mixture olWiolence and w'eakness. Instead of assuming the title of Augustus, instead of employing in his defence the troops and treasures of the East, he sufiered himself to be deceived by the aflected tranquillity of Constantins, who, leaving him the vain pageantry of a court, imperceptibly recalled the veteran legions from the provinces of Asia. But as it still appeared dangerous to arrest Gallus in his capital, the slow and safer arts of dissimulation were practised with success. The frequent and pressing epistles of Constantius were filled with professions of confidence and friendship, exhorting the C^rsar to discharge the

duties of his high station, to relive his colleague from a part of the public cares, and to assist the

West by

his presence, his counsels,

many

ahd

his arms.

had

signify

After so

usual allowance of his househdd. The nephew and daughter of Constantine, who could ill

reason to fear and to distrust. But he had neglected the opportunities of flight atid of resistance; he was seduced by the flatticring assurances of the tribune Scudilo, who^ under the semblance of a rough soldier, disgui^ the most

brook the insolence of a subject, expressed their resentment by instantly delivering Domitian to the custody of a guard. The quarrel still ad-

reciprocal injuries, Gallus

artful insinuation;

and he depended on the

credit of his wife Constantina

till the unseasonable dea^h of that princess completed the ruin

The Nineteenth Chapter in

which he had been involved by her impet-

uous

passions.**

After a long delay the reluctant

Ca»ar

set

forwards on his journey to the Imf>erial court. From Antioch to Hadrianoplc he traversed the wide extent of his dominions with a numerous and stately train; and, as he laboured to conceal his apprehensions from the world, and perhaps from himself, he entertained the people of Constantinople with an exhibition of the games of the circus. The progress of the journey might, however, have warned him of the impending danger. In all the principal cities he was met by

275

and all the treasonable designs with which he was charged; and, by imputing them to the advice of his wife, exasall

the criminal actions

perated the indignation of Gonstantius,

who re-

viewed with partial prejudice the minutes of the examination. The emperor was easily convinced that his own safety was incompatible with the life of his cousin: the sentence of death was signed,

despatched, and executed; and the

nephew

of Constantine, with his hands tied be-

hind

his back,

was beheaded in prison, like the Those who arc inclined to

vilest malefactor.*^

palliate the cruelties of Gonstantius assert that

cold salutations or affected disdain; and the

he soon relented, and endeavoured to recall the bloody mandate; but that the second messenger, intrusted with the reprieve, was detained by the eunuchs, who dreaded the unforgiving temper of Gallus. and were desirous of reuniting to their empire the wealthy prov-

tHK/ps whose station lay along the public road

inces of the East.**

were .studiously removed on his approach, lest they might be tempted to offer their swords for

Besides the reigning emperor, Julian alone survived of ail the numerous posterity of Constantius Ghlorus. The misfortune of his royal birth involved him in the disgrace of Callus.

ministers of confidence, commissioned to seize the offices of government, to observe his tions,

and

mo-

to prevent the hasty sallies of his de-

spair. I'he persons despatched to secure the prov-

inces

which he

left

behind passed him with

the service of a civil war.** After Gallus

had

been permitted ti» n puv* himself a few days at lladrianople he received a mandate, expressed in the most haughty and absolute style, that his splendid retinue should halt in that city, while the CiTsar himself, with only ten post-carriages, should hasten to the Imperial residence at Milan. In this rapid journey the profound respect which was due to the brother and colleague of Coiistantius was insensibly changed into rude

and

who

discovered in the countenances of the attendants that they already considered themselves as his guards, and

familiarity;

Gallus,

might soon be employed as his executioners, began to accuse his fatal rashness, and to recollect with terror and remorse the conduct by which he had provoked his fate. The dissimulation which had hitherto been preser%’cd was laid aside at Petovio in Pannonia. He was conducted to a palace in the stiburbs, where the general Barbatio, with a select band of soldiers, who could neither be moved by pity nor corrupted by rewards, expected the arrival of his illustrious victim. In the close of the evening he was arrested, ignoininiously stripped of the ensigns

of Ca»ar,

and hurried away

to Pola, in Istria,

a

sequestered prison, which had been so recently polluted with royal blood. The horror which he felt was soon increased by the appearance of his

implacable enemy the eunuch Eusebius, who, with the assistance of a notary and a tribune, proceeded to interrogate him concerning the administration of the East. The Caesar sunk under the weight of shame and guilt, confessed

From

his retirement in the happy country of Ionia he was conveyed, under a strong guard, to the court of Milan, where he languished above seven months in the continual apprehension of suffering the same ignominious death which was daily infficted, almost before his eyes, on the friend.«* and adherents of his per-

secuted family. His looks, his gestures,

liis si-

with malignant curiosity, and he was perpetually assaulted by enemies whom he had never offended, and by arts to which he was a stranger.** But in the school of adversity Julian insensibly acquired the \'iriue8 of firmness and discretion. He defended his honour, as well as his life, against the ensnaring subtleties of the eunuchs, who endeavoured to lence, werescniiinLsed

extort

some declaration

of his sentiments;

whilst he cautiously suppressed his grief

and and

resentment, he nobly disdained to flatter the tyrant by any seeming approbation of his brother’s murder. Julian most devoutly ascribes his miraculous deliverance to the protection of the gods, who had exempted his innocence from the sentence of destruction pronounced by their justice against the impious house of tine.**

As the most

Constan-

elfectual instrument of their

providence, he gratefully acknowledges the steady and generous friendship of the empress Eusebia,** a w onian of beauty and merit, who, by the ascendant which she had gained over the mind of her husband, counterbalanced in some

measure the powerful conspiracy of the eu-

Decline and Fall of the

ayS ntichs.

By the intercession of his patroness Julian

was admitted

into the Imperial presence; he

pleaded his cause with a decent freedom; he was heard with favour; and, notwithstanding the efforts of his enemies, who urged the danger of sparing an avenger of the blood of Callus, the milder sentiment of Eusebia prevailed in the But the effects of a second interview were dreaded by the eunuchs; and Julian was advised to withdraw for a while into the neighbourhood of Milan, till the emp>eror thought proper to assign the city of Athens for the place of his honourable exile. As he had discovered from his earliest youth a propensity, or rather passion, for the languagjr, the manners, the learning, and the religion of the Greeks, he obeyed with pleasure an order so agreeable to his wishes. Far from the tumult of arms and the treachery of courts, he spent six months amidst the groves of the Academy, in a free intercourse with the philosophers of the age, who studied to cultivate the genius, to encourage the vanity, and to inflame the devotion of their royal pupil. Their labours were not unsuccessful; and Julian inviolably preserv'cd for Athens that lender regard which seldom fails to arise in a liberal council.

mind from

the recollection of the place where

has discovered and exercised

The

gentleness

and

it

growing powers. of manners which

its

affability

temper suggested and his situation imposed, insensibly engaged the affections of the stranhis

gers, as well as citizens,

with

whom he conversed.

Some of his fellow-students might perhaps exam- ^ ine his behaviour with

an eye of prejudice and

aversion; but Julian established in the schools

of Athens a general prepossession in favour of his virtues and talents, which was soon diffused

over the Roman world.*® Whilst his hours were passed in studious retirement, the empress, resolute to achieve the generous design which she had undertaken, was not unmindful of the care of his fortune. The death of the late C;csar had left Constantius invested with the sole command, and oppres.sed by the accumulated weight, of a mighty empire. Before the wounds of civil discord could be healed, the provinces of Gaul were overwhelmed by a deluge of barbarians. The Sarmatians no longer respected the barrier of the Danube. The impunity of rapine had increased the boldness and numbers of the wild Isaurians; those robbers descended from their craggy mountains to ravage the adjacent country, and had even presumed, though without success, to besiege the important city of Seleucia, which was defended

bya garrison of three Roman legions. Above all.

Roman Empire

the Persian monarch, elated by victory, again threatened the peace of Asia; and the presence of the emperor was indispensably required both in the West and in the East. For the first time Constantius sincerely acknowledged that his single strength was unequal to such an extent of care and dominion.*® Insensible to the voice of flattery, which assured him that his all-powerful virtue and celestial fortune would still continue to triumph over every obstacle, he listened with complacency to the advice of Eusebia, which gratified his indolence, without offending his supicious pride. As she perceived that the remembrance of Gallus dwelt on the emperor’s mind, she artfully turned his attention to the opposite characters of the two brothers, which from their infancy had been compared to those of Domitian and of Titus.*' She accus-

tomed her husband

to consider Julian as a

youth of a mild, unambitious disposition, whose allegiance and gratitude might be secured by the

gift

of the purple,

and who was

qualified to

with honour a subordinate station, without aspiring to dispute the commands or to shade

fill

the glories of his sovereign

an obstinate though

and

l)encfactor. Alter

secret struggle, the opposi-

eunuchs submitted to the ascendancy of the empress; and it w^as resolved tion of the favourite

that Julian, after celebrating his nuptials w’ith

Helena,

sister of

pointed, with the

Constantius, should be apof Cevsar, u> reign over

title

the countries beyond the Alps.**

Although the order which recalled him to court was probably accompanied by some intimation of his approaching greatness he appeals to the people of Athens to witness his tears of

undissembled sorrow, when he was reluc'tantly torn away from his beloved retirement.** He trembled for his life, lor his fame, and even for his virtue and his sole confidence was derived from the persuasion that Minerva inspired all his actions, and that he w'as protected by an invisible guard of angels, whom for that purpose she had borrowed from the Sun and Moon. He approached with horror the palace of Milan; nor could the ingenuous youth conceal his indignation when he found himself accosted with false and servile respect by the assassins of his ;

family. Eusebia, rejoicing in the success of her

benevolent schemes, embraced him with the tenderness of a sister, and endeavoured, by the most soothing caresses, to dispel his terrors and

him to his fortune. But the ceremony of shaving his beard, and his awkward demeanor when he first exchanged the cloak of a Greek philosopher for the miliury habit of a

reconcile

Tbc Nineteenth Chapter Roman

prince^

amufcd during a few days the

and

levity of the Imperial court.**

The emperors

of the age of Constantine

no

longer deigned to consult with the senate in the choice of a colleague; but they were anxious that their nomination should be ratified by the

consent of the army. On this solemn occasion the guards, with the other troops whose stations were in the neighborhood of Milan, appeared under arms; and Constantius ascended his lofty tribunal, holding by the hand his cousin Julian, who entered the same day into the twenty-fifth year of his age.** In a studied speech, conceived and delivered with dignity, the emperor represented the various dangers which threatened the prosperity of the republic, the necessity of naming a Cr, that the guilty city of Amida should ser\*e as a funeral pile to expiate the death, and to perpetuate the memory, of his son. "Hte ancient city of Amid or Amida,*^ which sometimes as-sumes the provincial appellation of Diarbckir,'*^ is advantageously situate in a fertile plain, watered by the natural and artificial channels of the Tigris, of w'hich the least inconsiderable stream bends in a semicircular form round the eastern part of the city. The emperor Constantius had recently conferred on Amida the honour of his own name, and the additional

Decline and Fall of the

28a

and lofty towers. It was provided with an arsenal of military engines, and the ordinary garrison had been reinforced to the amount of seven legions, when the His place was invested by the arms of Sapor. first and most sanguine hopes depended on the fortifications of strong walls

Roman Empire

and the works of Sapor were more than once destroyed by the fire of the Romans. But the resources of a besieged city

The

may

be exhausted. and pushed

Persians repaired their losses

their approaches; a large breach

was made by

the several na-

the battcring-ram, and the strength of the garrison, wasted by the sword and by disease,

tions

which followed his standard their respective posts were assigned ; the south to the Vcrtx;

yielded to the fury of the assault. The soldiers, the citizens, their wives, their children, all who

the north to the Albanians; the east to the Chionites, inflamed with grief and indignation; the west to the Segestans, the bravest of his

had not time

success of a general assault.

warriors,

To

who covered their front with a formidThe Persians,

able line of Indian elephants.

on every side, supported their eflbrts, and animated their courage; and the monarch himself, careless of his rank and safety, displayed, in the prosecution of the siege, the ardour of a youthan obstinate combat the barbarians were repulsed ; they ince.ssantly returned to the charge; they were again driven back with ful soldier. After

a dreadful slaughter, and two rebel legions of Gauls, who had been banished into the East, signalised their undisciplined courage by a nocturnal sally into the heart of the Persian camp. In one of the

fiercest of these n*pt*ated assaults,

Amida was betrayed by the treachery of a deserter, who indicated to the barbarians a secret and neglected

scooped out of the rock

staircase,

that hangs over the stream of the Tigris. Seventy

chosen archers of the royal guard ascended in silence to the third story of a lofty tow'cr,

which

commanded

the precipice; they elevated on. high the Persian banner, the signal of confidence to the assailants, and of dismay to the besieged; and if this devoted band could have maintained their post a few minutes longer, the reduction of the place might have been purchased by the sacrifice of their lives. After Sapor had tried, without success, the efficacy of force and of stratagem, he had recourse to the slower but more certain operations of a regular siege, in the conduct of which he was instructed by

the skill of the

Roman

deserters.

The

trenches

were opened at a convenient distance, and the troops destined for that service advanced, under fitt up and undermine the foundations of the walls. Wooden towers were at the same time constructed, and moved forwards on wheels, till

the portable cover of strong hurdles, to the ditch,

who were

provided with every engage almost on level ground with the troops who defended the rampart. Every mode of resistance which art could suggest, or courage could execute, was employed in the defence of Amida, the soldiers,

species of missile weapons, could

to escape through the opposite were involved by the conquerors in a promiscuous massacre. But the ruin of Amida was the safety, of the Roman provinces. As soon as the first transports of victory had subsided, Sapor was at leisure to reflect that to chastise a disobedient city he had lost the flower of his troops and the most favourable season for conquest Thirty thousand of his veterans had fallen under the walls of Amida during the continuance of a siege which lasted seventy-three davs; and the gate,

disappointed monarch returned to his capital with affected triumph and secret mortiilcation. It is more than probable that the inconstancy of his barbarian allies was tempted to relinquish a war in which they had encountered such unexpected difficulties; and that the aged king of the Chionites. satiated with revenge, turned away with horror from a scene of action where he had been deprived of the hope of his family

and nation. The strength as well m spirit of the army with which Sapor took the field in the ensuing spring was no longer equal to the unbounded views of his ambition. Instead of a«tpiring to the conquest of the East, he was obliged to content himself with the reduction of two fortified cities of Mesopotamia, Singara and Bezabde;®'^ the one situate in the midst of a sandy desert, the other in a small fxminsula, surrounded almost on every side by the deep and rapid stream of the Tigris. Five Roman legions, of the diminutive size to which they had been reduced in the age of Constantine^ were made prisoners, and sent into remote captivity on the extreme confines of Persia. After -dismantling the wails of Singara, the conqueror abandoned that solitar>^ and sequestered place $ but he carefully restored the fortifications of Bezabde, and fixed in that important post a garriion or colony of veterans, amply supplied with every means of defence, and animated by high sentiments of honour and fidelity. Towards the close of the campaign the arms of Sapor incurred some disgrace by an unsuccessful enterprise against Virtha. or Tccrit, a strong, or, as it was universally est**eined till the age of Tamerlane, an im-

The Nineteenth Chapter pregnable fortress of the independent Araba.*^ The defence of the East against the arms of Sapor required, and would have exercised, the abilities of the most consummate general and ;

it

seemed fortunate

for the state that

it

was the

actual province of the brave Ursicinus,

who

alone deserved the confidence of the soldiers and people. In the hour of danger Ursicinus**

was removed from his station by the intrigues of the eunuchs; and the military command of the East was bestowed, by llie same iniluence, on Sabinian, a wealthy and subtle veteran, who had attained the infirmities, without acquiring the (‘xperience, of age. By a second order, which issued from the same jealous and inconstant counsels, Ursicinus was again despatched to the frontier of Meso{>otamia, and condemned to sustain the labours of a war, the honours of

which had

unworthy rival. Sabinian fixed his indolent station under the walls of Edessa; and while he amused himseen transferred to his

after supporting the disgrace of a partial

was punished for the misconduct of Sabinian by the loss of his military rank. But Constantiu.s soon experienced the truth of the preinquiry,

which honest indignation had extorted long as such maxims of government were suffered to prevail, the emperor himself would find it no easy task to'defcnd his eastern dominions from the invasion of a foreign enemy. When he had sulxiued

diction

from

his injured lieutenant, that, as

or pacified the barbarians of the Danulx*, Ck>nby slow marches into the East; and after he had wept over the smoking ruins of Amida, he formed, with a |x)werful army, the siege of Bezabde. The walb were shaken by the reiterated efforts of the most enormous of the battering-rams; the town was reduced to the last extremity; but it was still de*

stantius proceeded

283

fended by the patient and intrepid valour of the till the approach of the rainy season

garrison,

obliged the emperor to raise the siege, and ingloriously to retreat into his winter-quarters at Anticx:h.** The pride of Constantius, and the ingenuity of his courtiers, were at a loss to dis-

cover any materials for panegyric in the events of the Persian war; while the glory of his cousin Julian, to whose military command he had intrusted the provinces of Gaul, was proclaimed to the world in the simple and concise narrative of his exploits.

In the blind fury of civil discord, Constantius to the barbarians of Germany the countries of Gaul, which still acknowledged the authority of his rival. A numerous swarm of Franks and Alemanni were invited to cross the

had abandoned

Rhine by presents and promises, by the hopes and by a perpetual grant of all the territories which thtty should be able to subdue.** But the emperor, w ho for a tcmp>orary service had thus imprudently provoked the rapacious spirit of the barbarians, soon discovered and lamented the difficulty of dismissing these formidable allies, after they had tasted the rich-

of spoil,

Roman

Regardless of the nice relx*llion, these undisciplined robbers treated as their natural enemies all the subjects of the empire who possessed any propK.Tty w hich they were desirous of ness of the

soil.

distinction of loyalty

acquiring.

and

Forty-five

flourishing cities,

Ton-

Cologne, Trcv'cs, Worms, Spires, Strasburg, etc., besides a far greater number of

gres,

towns and villages, were pillaged, and for the most part reduced to ashes. The barbarians of

Germany,

still

faithful to the

maxims of

their

ancestors, abhorred the confinement of walls, to

which they applied the odious names of prisons and sepulchres; and, fixing their independent habitations on the banks of rivers, the Rhine, the Moselle, and the Meuse, they secured themselves against the danger of a surprise, by a rude and hasty fortification of large trees, w'hich were felled and thrown across the roads. The Alemanni were established in the modern countries of Alsace and Lorraine; the Franks occupied the island of the Batavians, together with an extensive district of Brabant, which was then know n by the appellation of Toxandria,** and

may

deserve to be considered as the original

seat of their Gallic monarchy.** From the sources

mouth of the Rhine, the conquests of the Germans extended above forty miles to the west to the

by colonies and the scene of devastations was three times more exten*

of that river, over a country peopled

of their their

own name and

nation;

Decline and Fall of the

1284

At a still greater distance the open towns of Gaul were deserted, and the inhabitants of the fortified

sive than that of their conquests.

cities,

who

trusted to their strength

and

vigi-

lance, were obliged to content themselves with such supplies of corn as they could raise on the vacant land within the enclosure of their walls. The diminished legions, destitute of pay and provisions, of arms and discipline, trembled at the approach, and even at the name, of the

barbarians. Under these melancholy circumstances, an

inexperienced youth was appointed to save and to govern the provinces of Gaul, or rather, as he expresses it himself, to exhibit the vain image of Imperial greatness. The retired scholastic education of Julian, in which he had been more conversant with books than with arms, w ith the dead than with the living, left him in profound ignorance of the practical arts of war and government; and when he awkwardly repeated some military exercise which it was necessary for him to learn, he exclaimed with a sigh, “O Plato, Plato, what a task for a philosopher!" Yet even this speculative philosophy, which men of business are too apt to despise, had filled the mind of Julian with the noblest precepts and the most shining examples; had animated him with the love of virtue, the desire of fame, and the contempt of death. The habits of temperance recommended in the schools are still more essential in the severe discipline of a camp. The simple wants of nature regulated the ineas-* ure of his food and sleep. Rejecting with disdain the delicacies provided for his table, he satisfied his appetite with the coarse and common fare

which was

allotted to the

meanest

Dur-

soldiers.

ing the rigour of a Gallic winter he never suffered a fire in his bedchamber; and after a short and interrupted slumber, he frequently rose in the middle of the night from a carpel spread on the floor, to despatch any urgent business, to visit his

moments for The eloquence, which he had hitherto

rounds, or to steal a few

the prosecution of his favourite studies.*^’

precepts of practised

on fancied

topics of declamation,

were more usefully applied to excite or to

as-

suage the passions of an armed multitude and although Julian, from his early habits of con:

versation

and

was more

Roman Empire

siderable share of his attention

from

his philosophic studies

for justice,

an

:

but he derived

inflexible regard

tempered by a disposition to clem-

ency, the knowledge of the general principles of equity and evidence, and the faculty of patiently investigating the most intricate and tedious questions which could be proposed for his discussion. The measures of policy, and the opera-

must submit to the various accidents of circumstance and character, and the unpractised student will often be perplexed in the application of the most perfect theory. But tions of war,

in the acquisition of this irnpijrtant science

was

Ju-

by the active vigour of his ow'ii genius, as well as by the wisdom and experience of Sallust, an officer of rank, who soon conlian

assisted

ceived a sincere attachment for a prince so worthy of his friendship; and whose incorruptible integrity was adorned by the talent of insin-

uating the liarshcst truths without w'ounding the delicacy of a royal ear.®*

Immediately after Julian had received the purple at Milan he was sent into Gaul with a

hundred and sixty solAt Vienna, w'here he passed a painful and anxious winter, in the hands of those ministers to w’hom Constantius had intrusted the direction of his conduct, the C.rsar was infornw'd of the siege and deliverance of Autun. That large and ancient citv, f)roterted only by a ruined w’all and pusillanimous garrison, was sa\(*d by feeble rctinut' of three

diers.

the generous resolution of a few veterans,

who

arms for the defence of their country. In his march from Autun, through the heart of the Gallic provinces, Julian embraced

resumed

their

with ardour the earliest opportunity of signalising his courage. At the head of a small body of archers and heavy cavalry, he pieferred the shorter but the mon* dangerous of two roads; and sometimes eluding and sometimes resisting the attacLs of the barbarians, who wrre masters of the field, he arri\ed with honour and safety at the camp near Rheims, where the Roman troops had been ordered to assemble. The aspect of ih«*ir young prince revived the drooping spirit of the soldiers, and tliey marched from Rheims in search of the enemy with a confidence which had almost proved fatal to them. The Alemanni, familiarised to the knowledge of

familiarly

the country, secretly collected their scattiTcd

acquainted with the beauties of the Greek language, he had attained a competent knowledge of the Latin tongue.** Since Julian was not originally designed for the character of a legislator or a judge, it is probable that the civil jurisprudenoe of the Romans had not engaged any con-

and, seizing the opportunhy of a dark and rainy day, poured with unexpected fury on the rear-guard of the Romans. Before the inevitable disorder could be remedied, two legions were destroyed and Julian was taught by experience that caution and vigilance arc the most

literature,

forces,

;

The Nineteenth Chapter important lessons of the art of war. In a second and more successful action he recovered and established his military fame ; but as the agility of the barbarians saved them from the pursuit, his victory was neither bloody nor decisive. He advanced, however, to the banks of the Rhine, surveyed the ruins of Cologne, convinced himthe difHculties of the war, and retreated on the approach of winter, discontented with the court, with his army, and with his own succcss.^“ The power of the enemy was yet unbroken; and the Cxsar had no sooner separated his troops, and fixed his own quarters at Sens, in the centre of Gaul, than he was surrounded and besieged by a numerous host of Germans. Reduced in this extremity to the resources of his own mind, he displayed a prudent intrepidity which compensated for all the deficiencies of the place and garrison; and the barbarians, at the end of thirty days, were obliged to retire

self of

285

post which would either check the incursions ot intercept the retreat of the enemy. At the same

time Barbatio, general of the infantry, advanced from Milan with an army of thirty thousand men, and, passing the mountains, prepared to throw a bridge over the Rhine, in the neighbourhood of Basil. It was reasonable to expect that the Aleman ni, pressed on cither side by the Roman arms, would soon be forced to evacuate the provinces of Gaul, and to hasten to ihe defence of their native country. But the hopes of the campaign were defeated by the incapacity,

ceived a very specious colour from this conduct

or the envy, or the secret instructions of Barbatio, who acted as if he had been the enemy of the Caesar, and the secret ally of the barbarians. The negligence with which he permitted a troop of pillagers freely to pass, and to return, almost before the gates of his camp, may be imputed to his want of abilities; but the treasonable act of burning a number of boats, and a superfluous stock of provisions, which would have been of the most essential service to the army of Gaul, was an evidence of his hostile and criminal intentions. The Germans despised an enemy who appeared destitute cither of power or of inclination to offend them; and the ignominious retreat of Barbatio deprived Julian of the expected support, and left him to extricate himself from a hazardous situation, w'hcre he could neither remain with safety, nor retire with honour.’® As soon as they w'erc delivered from the fears of invasion, the Alcmanni prepared to chastise the Roman youth w'ho presumed to dispute the possession of that country which they claimed as their ow n by the right of conquest and of treaties. They emplo>'ea three days, and as many nights, in transporting over theRhinelhcir milimry powers. The fierce Chnodomar, shaking

I lavian family. Marand gently dismissed from

the ))onderous javelin which he had victoriously wielded against the brother of Magnentius, led

with disappointed rage.

The

conscious pride of Julian,

who was

in-

debted only to his sword for this signal deliverance, was embittcicd by the reflection that he w'as abandoned, betrayed, and perhaps devoted to destruction, by those who were Ixiund to assist him by every tic of honour and fidelity. Marccllus, master-general of the cavalry in Crdul, interpreting too strictly the jealous orders

of the court, Ix'held with supine indiflercncc the distiess of Julian,

under

his

and

h.td restrained the irtjops

command from marc lung

to the relief

Cxsar had dissembled in silence so dangerous an insult, his person and authority would have been exposed to the contempt of the world; and if an action so criminal had been suHered to pass with impunity, the emperor would have confirmed the suspicions which reof Sens. If the

towards the princes of the cellus W'as recalled,

his oiiice.^^ In his room Severus w’as appointed general of the cavalry; an experienced soldier, of approved courage and fidelity, who could

advise witli respect, and execute with zeal; and submitted, without reluctance, to the su-

who

preme command which Julian, by the

interest

of his patroness Eu-sebia, at length obtained over the armies of Gaul.^- A very judicious plan of

operations was adopted for the approaching

campaign. Julian himself, at the head ot the remains of the veteran bands, and of some new levies which he had been permitted to form, boldly penetrated into the centre of the German cantonments, and carefully ree.siablishcd the fortifications of Saverne, in an advantageous

the van of the barbarians,

and moderated by

ardour which his example inspired.’* He was followed by six other kings, by ten princes of regal extraction, by a long train of high-spirited nobles, and by thirtyfive thousand of the bravest warriors of the of Germany. The cunlidcncc derived from tril the view of their own strength W'as increased by the intelligence which they received from a deserter, that the Cxsar, with a feeble army of thirteen thousand men, occupied a post about onc-and-twenty miles from their camp of Strasburg. With this inadequate force Julian rcsoh ed to seek and to encounter the barbarian host; and the chance of a general action was

his experience the martial

»

*5

Decline and Fall of the

a86 preferred to the tedious

and uncertain opera-

tion of separately engaging the dispersed parties

of the Alemanni. The Romans marched in close order, and in two columns; the cavalry on the right, the infantry on the left ; and the day was so far spent when they appeared in sight of the enemy, that Julian was desirous of deferring the battle till the next morning, and of allowing his troop)S to recruit their

exhausted strength by the

necessary refreshments of sleep and food. Yielding, however, with some reluctance, to the

clamours of the

and even to the opinhe exhorted them to justify

soldiers,

ion of his council, by their valour the eager impatience wiiich, in case of a defeat, would be universally branded

with the epithets of rashness and presumption. The trumpets sounded, the military shout w'as heard through the field, and the two armies rushed with equal fury to the charge. The Caesar, who conducted in person his right w'ing, de-

pended on the dexterity of

his archers

and the

weight of his cuirassiers. But his ranks were instantly broken by an irregular mixture of lighthorse and of light-infantry, and he had the mortification of beholding the flight of six hundred of his most renowned cuirassiers.*^® The fugitives were stopped and rallied b> the pres-

ence and authority of Julian, who, careless of his owm safety, threw himself before them, and, urging every motive of shame and honour, led

them back conflict

against the victorious enemy.

between the two

obstinate

lines of infantry

The was

and bloody. The Germans possessed

the superiority of strength and stature, the Romans that of discipline and tamper; and as

the barbarians who served under the standard of the empire united the respective advantages of both parties, their strenuous efforts, guided

by a skilful leader, at length determined the event of the day. The Romans lost four tribunes,

and two hundred and forty-three soldiers, in this memorable battle of Strasburg, so glorious and so salutary to the afflicted to the Caesar, provinces of Gaul. Six thousand of the Alemanni were

slain in the field, without including those

who were drowned

in the Rhine, or transfixed with darts whilst they attempted to swim across

and

Chnodomar

himself was surrounded taken prisoner, with three of his brave com-

the river.

panions, who had devoted themselves to follow life or death the fate of their chieftain. Julian

in

received him with military pomp in the council of his officers; and expressing a generous pity for the fallen state, dissembled his inward contempt for the abject humiliation of his captive. Instead of exhibiting the vanquished king of the

Roman Empire

Alemanni as a grateful spectacle to the cities of Gaul, he respectfully laid at the feet of the emperor this splendid trophy of his victory. Chnodomar experienced an honourable treatment: but the impatient barbarian could not long .survive his defeat, his confinement, and his exile. After Julian had repulsed the Alemanni from the provinces of the Upper Rhine, he turned arms against the Franks, who were seated nearer to the oa^an, on the confines of Gaul and

his

Germany; and still more from

w'ho,

from

numbers, and

their

their intrepid valour,

had ever

been esteemed the most formidable of the b.irbarians.'® Although they were strongly actuated

by the allurements of

rapine, they professed a

which they considered and felicity of human nature; and their minds and bodies were so completelv hardened by perpetual action, that, according to the lively expression of an orator, the snows of winter were as pleasant to them as the flowers of spring. In the month of DeccmlxT which followed the battle of Strasburg, Julian attacked a body of six hundred Franks who had thrown themselves into two castles on the disinterested love of war,

as the supreme honour

Meuse.

In the midst of that severe season they

sustained, with inflexible constancy, a siege of fifty-four days,

ger,

till

and satisfied

at length, exhausted

by hun-

enemy them no hopes

that the vigilance of the

in breaking the ice of the river

left

of escape, the Franks con-sentedr for the first time, to dispense with the ancient law which commanded them to conquer or to die. Tht* Caps of the nation. His rapid diligence surprised and astonished the active barbarians. Ordering his soldiers to provide themselves with biscuit for twenty days, he suddenly pitched ^s camp near Tongres, while the enemy still supposed him in his winter-quarters of Paris, expecting the slow

from Aquifain. Withcjut allowing the Franks to unite or |o deliberate, he skilfully spread his legions from Cologne to the ocean; and by the terror, as well as by the success of his arms, .soon n^duced the suppliant tribes to implore the clemency and to obc^ the commands of their conqueror. The Chamavians submissively retired to their former habitations beyond the Rhine; but the Salians were arrival of his convoys

;

The Nineteenth Chapter permitted to possess their new establishment of Tuxandria, as the subjects and auxiliaries of the

Roman empire.®* The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths; and perpetual inspectors were appointed to reside

among

the Franks, with the

authority of enforcing the strict observance of the conditions. An incident is related, interesting enough in

and by no means repugnant

itself,

to the character of Julian,

who

ingeniously con-

and the catastrophe of the the Chamavians sued for peace,

trived both the plot

tragedy.

When

he required the son of their king, as the only hostage on whom he could rely. A mournful silence, interrupted by tears and groans, declared the sad p>crplexity of the barbarians; and their aged chief lamented, in pathetic language, that his private loss was now embittered by a sense of the public calamity. While the

Chama-

vians lay prostrate at the foot of his throne, the

whom they believed to have been unexpectedly appeared before their eyes; and as soon as the tumult of joy was hushed into attention, the Csesar addressed the assembly in royal captive,

slain,

the following terms: prince,

)our

whom you

fault.

wept.

God and

you.

liiin to

1

— “Behold

shall

the still

the \outh, rather as a

the son, the

You had lost him by Romans have restored and educate

preserve

monument

of

my own

than as a pledge of your sincerity. Should you presume to violate the faith which you have

\

irtue

•kWijrn,

the arms of the republic will avenge the

perlidy, not

on

the innocent, but

on the

guilt).**

llie barbarians withdrew Irom his presence, impressed with the warmest sentiments ol gratitude and admiration.®* It was not enough for Julian to have delivered the provinces of Gaul from the barbarians of Germany. He aspired to emulate the glory of

the

and most illustrious of the eni{x*rors; whose example he composed his ow n com-

lirst

alter

mentaries of the Ciallic war,**^ Cicsar has rewith conscious pnde, the manner in which he twice passed the Rhine. Julian could lx>ast that, before he assumed the title of Aulated,

he had carried the Roman eagles beyond that great rix-er in three successful expedi-

gustus,

tions.*®

The

consternation of the

Germans after him to the

the l>attle of Strasburg encouraged

attempt; and the reluctance of the troops soon yielded to the persuasive eloquence of a leader who shared the fatigues and dangers first

which he imposed on the meanest of the solThe villages on cither side of the Main, which were plentifully stored with corn and cattle, felt the ravages of an invading army. The

diers.

principal houses, constructed with

some imita-

287

Roman elegance,

were consumed by the and the Caesar boldly advanced about ten miles, till his progress was stopped by a dark and impenetrable forest, undermined by subterraneous passages, which threatened with secret snares and ambush every step of the assailant. The ground was already covered with snow and Julian, after repairing an ancient ca.stle which had been erected by Trajan, granted a truce of ten months to the submissive barbarians. At the expiration of the truce Julian undertook a second expedition beyond the Rhine, to humble the pride of Surmar and Hortaire, two of the kings of th still

sure

retained in their

and easy

absolution,®®

through the dark and bloody paths of w'ar and policy; and, after the victory, he abandoned himself, w'ithout moderation, to the abuse of his fortune. Instead of asserting his just superiority above the imperfect heroism and profane philosophy of Trajan and the Anject of his ambition

Decline and Fall of the

dgB

tonines, the mature age of Constantine forfeited the reputation which he had acquired in his youth. As he gradually advanced in the knowl* edge of truths he proportionably declined in the practice of virtue; and the same year of his

Roman Empire

The exact balance of the two re* continued but a ipoment; and the piercing eye of ambition and avarice soon discovered that the profession of Christianity might con-

of mankind. ligions

tribute to the interest of the present, as well as

The hopes

of wealth and hon-

reign in which he convened the council of Nice was polluted by the execution, or rather mur-

ours, the

der, of his eldest son. This date

tions, his irresistible smiles, diffused conviction

alone sufficient to refute the ignorant and malicious suggestions of Zosimus® who affirms that, after the death of Crispus, the remorse of his father accepted from the ministers of Christianity the expiation which he had vainly solicited from the Pagan pontiffs. At the time of the death of Crispus the emperor could no longer hesitate in the choice of a religion; he could no longer be ignoinnt that the church was possessed of an infallible remedy, though he chose to defer the application of it till the approach of death had removed the temptation and danger of a relapse. The bishops whom he summoned in his last illness to the palace of Nicomedia were edified by the fervour with which he requested and received the sacrament of baptism, by the solemn protestation that the remainder of his life should l)e worthy of a disciple of Christ, and by his humble refusal to wear the Imperial purple after he had been clothed in the white garment of a Neophyte. The example and reputation of Constantine seemed to countenance the delay of baptism. is

Future tyrants were encouraged to believe that the innocent blood which they might shed in a long reign would instantly be washed away in the waters of regeneration; and the abuse of religion dangerously undcrmiqed the foundations of moral virtue. The gratitude of the church has exalted the virtues and excused the failings of a generous patron, who seated Christianity on the throne of the Roman world ; and the Greeks who celebrate the festival of the Imp>erial saint, seldom mention the name of Constantine without adding the

title

parison,

of equal

to the Apostles

Such a com-

alludes to the character

('f those divine missionaries, must be imputed to liie extravagance of impious flattery. But if the parallel is confined to the extent and numl3er of their

if it

of a future

among usually

lifc.^®

example of an emperor,

his exhorta-

the venal and obsequious crowds which fill the apartments of a palace. The cities

signalised a forward zeal by the voluntary destruction of their temples were distin-

which

guished by municipal privileges and rewarded with popular donatives; and the new capital of the East gloried in the singular advantage that Constantinople w'as never profaned by the wwship of idols. As the lower ranks of society are governed by imitation, the conversion of those who possessed any eminence of birth, of power, or of riches, was soon follow'ed by dcix^ndenl multitudes. The salvation of the common people W'as purchased at an easy rate, if it \yc true that, in one year, twelve thousand -men w'cre baptised at Rome, besides a proportionable

number of w'onien and children, and that a white garment, with twenty pieces of gold, had been proinLsed by the cmiieror to every convert, The powerful influence of Constantine was not circumscribed by the narrow liinilb of his life or of hi.s dominions. The education w’hicli he bc.stowed on his sons and neph»*ws secured to the empire a race of princes whose faith w'as still more

lively

and

sincere, as they imbibed, in

their earliest infancy, the spirit, or at least the

War and commerce had spread the knowledge of the Gospel Ix*yond the confines of the Roman provinces; and the barbarians, who had disdained an humble and proscribed sect, soon learned to esteem a religion which had bt*en so lately embraced bv the greatest monarch and the most civilised nation of the glolx'."* The Goths and Germans, who enlisted undt r the standard of Rome, revered the cross which glitK ied at the head of the legions, and their fierce countrymen received at the same time the lcss(m| of faith and of humanity. The kings of Iberia and Armenia worshipped the God of iheir piOtcctor; and doctrine, of Christianity.

evangelic victories, the success of Constantine might perhaps equal that of the Apostles themselves. By the edicts of toleration he removed the temporal disadvantages which had hitherto re-

and

tarded the progress of Christianity; and its active and numerous ministers received a free permission, a liberal encouragement, to recom-

brethren. The Christians of Persia w'crc suspected, in time of war, of preferring their religion to their country; but as long as peace

mend the salutary truths of revelation by every argument which could aBect the reason or piety

cuting

who have invariably preserved of Christians, soon fontied a sacred perpetual connection with their Roman

their subjects,

the

name

subsisted between the spirit

of the

two empires, the perse-

Magi was

effectually re-

A

The Twentieth Chapter by the interposition of Constantine.” rays of the Gospel illuminated the coast of India. The colonies of Jews who had penetrated

d99

strained

trate of the state, as often as

The

by

into Arabia

and ^Ethiopia^* opposed

ress of Christianity ;

sionaries

the prog-

but the labour of the mis-

was in some measure

faeiliiaicd

by a

previous knowledge of the Mosaic revelation; and Abyssinia still reveres the memory of Fru-

mentius, who, in the time of Constantine, devoted his life tf) the conversion of those sequestered regions. Under the n‘ign of his son Constantius, Theophilus,^* who was him elf of Indian extraction, was invested w'iih the double character of ambassador and bishop. He embarked on the Red Sea with two hundrcror was alarmed by the guilt and danger of touching with a profane hand the ark of the

covenant. 1 he separation of men into the two orders of the clergy and of the laity was, indeed, familiar to inanv nations of antiquity; and the priests of India, of Persia, of Assxria, of Judea, of ..T^hiopia, of Egypt, and of Gaul, derixed from a celestial origin the temporal power and possessions which ihev had acquired. These venerable institutions had gradually assimilated themselves to the manners and government of their respective countries but the opposition or contempt of th< eix'il power serx'ed to cement the discipline of th^

primitive church.

The own

cessors could not easily persuade themselves

Christians had been obliged to elect their

that they had forfeited, by their eoiiNersiou, any

magistrates, to raise and distribute a peculiar revenue, and to n^gulatc the internal policy of their republic by a code of law's, which were ratified by the consent of the people and the practice of three hundred years. When Constantine embraced the faith of the Christian.s, he seemed to contract a perpetual alliance with

branch of the Imperial prerogatives, or that they were incapable of gixdng laws to a redigion wliich they had protected and embraced. 'Fhe emperors still continued to cNCTcise a supreme jurisdiction over the ecclesiastical order; and the sixteenth book of the 'Fheodosian code represents, under a variety of titles, the authority which they assumed in the governineni of the

a distinct

and independent

societv:

privileges granted or confirmed

by

his successors, 'ven* accepted, not as

Ci^tholic church.

or, or

But the distinction of the spiritual and temporal powers, which had never been imposed on the free spirit of Greece and Rome, w as introduced and confirmed by the legal establishmci.i of Christianity. The office of supreme pon-

the

'TX'carious favours of the court,

just

and inalienable

liir, which, from the time of Numa to that of Augustus, had always been exercised by one of the most eminent of tlie senators, was at length united to the Imperial dignity. The first magis-

and the

by that emperbut as the

rights of the ecclesiastical

order.

The Catholic church was administered by and

the

hundred bishojxs;** of whom one thousand were seated in the Greek, and eight hundred in the

spiritual

legal jurisdiction of eighteen

Latin, proxinces of the empire. The extent and boundaries of their respective dioceses had been

Decline and Fall of the

SPD

miouaty and acddentally decided by the zeal and success of the first missionaries, by the wishes of the people, and by the propagation of the Gospel. Episcopal churches were closely planted along the banks of the Nile, on the seacoast of Africa, in the proconsular Asia, and through the southern provinces of Italy. The bishops of Gaul and Spain, of Thrace and Pontus, reigned over an ample territory, and delegated their rural suffragans to execute the subordinate duties of the pastoral office.**" A Christian diocese might he spread over a province, or reduced to a village; but all the bishops possessed an equal and indelible character; they all derived the samapo»\ers and privileges from the apostles, from the people, and from the While the ««/ and military professions were separated by the policy of Constanline, a new and perpetual order of ecclesiastical ministers, always respectable, sometimes dangerous, laws.

was established in the church and state. The important review of their station and attributes may be distributed under the following heads: I. Popular election. II. Ordination of the clergy. 111. Property. IV. Civil jurisdiction. V. Spiritual censures. VI. Exercise of public oratory. VII. Privilege of legislative assemblies. I. The freedom of elections subsi.sted long after the legal establishment of Christianity,'**

and

the subjects of

Rome enjoyed in

the privilege which they

had

the church

lost in the

repub-

of choosing the magistrates whom they w ere bound to obey. As soon as a bishop had closed

lic,

his eyes, the metropolitan issued a comniissiorf

to

one of his suffragans to administer the vacant

see,

and prepare, within a

future election.

The

in the inferior clergy,

limited time, the

right of voting

who were

was vested

best qualified to

judge of the merit of the candidates; in the senators or nobles of the city, all those who wxtc distinguished by their rank or property; and finally in the whole body of the people, who on the appointed day flocked in multitudes from the most remote parts of the diocese,*** and sometimes silenced, by their tumultuous acclamations, the voice of reason and the laws of discipline. These acclamations might accidentally fix on the head of the most desating the

the death of Maxentius had submitted Africa to his V ictorious arms, were ill adapted to edify an imiHTfect proselyte. He learned with surprise tha» Uic provinces of that great country,

horn

the coniines of Cyrene to the Columns of Hercules, were distracted with religious discord.*

The

source of the div ision was derived from a double election in the church of Carthage, the second in rank and opulence of the ecclesiastical thrones of the West. Ccecilian and Majourinus were the two rival primates of Africa; and the death of the latter soon made room for Donatus,

305

Decline and Fall ox the

3o6

who» by his superior abilities and apparent virtues, was the finest support of his party. The advantage which Gsecilian might claim from the priority of his ordination was destroyed by the illegal, or at least indecent, haste with which it had been performed, without expecting the arrival of the bishops of Numidia. The authority of these bishops, who, to the number of seventy, condemned Caecilian, and consecrated Majorinus, is again weakened by the infamy of some of their personal characters; and by the female intrigues, sacrilegious bargains, and tumultuous proceedings, which are imputed to this

Numidian

council.’

The

bishops of the

contending factions maintained, with equal ardour and obstinacy, that their adveisaries were degraded, or at least dishonoured, by the odious crime of delivering the Holy Scriptures to the officers of Diocletian.

From

mutual

their

re-

proaches, as well as from the story of this dark transaction, it may justly be inferred that the late persecution had embittered the zeal, with-

Roman Empire But

this incident, so inconsiderable that

it

scarcely deserves a place in history,

was produc-

a memorable schism, which

afflicted the

tive of

provinces of Africa above three hundred years, and was extinguished only with Christianity itself. The inflexible zeal of freedom and fanaticism animated the Donatists to refuse obedience to the usurpers,

and whase

whose election they disputed,

Excluded from the civil and religious communion of mankind, they boldly excommunicated the rest of mankind w'ho had embraced the impious party of Csecilian, and of the Traditors, from whom he derived his pretended ordination. They asserted with confidence, and almost with spiritual powders they denied.

exultation, that

tlie

Apo.stolicdl succession

was

interrupted; that all the bishops of Europe and Asia were infected by the contagion of guilt and

schism; and that the prerogatives of the catholic church w'ere confined to the chosen portion of the African believers, who alone had preserved inviolate the integrity of their faith

and

dis-

This rigid theory was supported by the most uncharitable conduct. Whenever they acquired a proseKte, even from ih«‘ distant prov-

out reforming the manners, of the African Christians. That divided church was incapable of affording an impartial judicature; the contro-

cipline.

versy was solemnly tried in five successive tribunals, which were appointed by the em|)eror;

inces of the East, thev carefiiUv repeated the sacred rites of baptism* and ordination; as they rejected the validity of those which he had al-

and the whole proceeding, from the

first

appeal

to the final sentence, lasted above three years.

A

sc\'cre inquisition,

praetorian vicar

which was taken by the

and the proconsul of Africa, the

report of two episcopal visitors who had been sent to Carthage, the decrees of the councils of

Rome and of Arles, and

the

supreme judgment*

of Constantine himself in his sa(;red consistory, were all favourable to the cause of Carcilian;

and he was unanimously acknowledged by the and ecclesiastical powers as the true and lawful primate of Africa. The honours and c.s-

civil

church were attributed to his sulfragan bishops, and it was not without difficulty that Constantine was sati.sfied with inflicting the punishment of exile on the principal leaders of the Donatist faction. As their cause was examined with attention, perhaps it was determined with justice. Perhaps their complaint was tates of the

not without foundation, that the credulity of the emperor had been abused by the insidious arts of his favourite Osius.

The

influence of

and corruption might procure the condemnation of the innocent, or aggravate the sentence of the guilty. Such an act, however, of injustice, if it concluded an importunate dispute, might be numbered among the transient evils of a despotic administration, which are neither felt nor remembered by posterity. falsehood

ready received from the hands of heieiics or and even spoth^ss infants, were subjected to the disgrace of a public penance before they could lx* admitted to the communion of the Donatists. If they obtained possession of a church which had been used by their C'aiholic adsersaries, they piirifu'd the unhallowed building with the same jealous care which a temple of idols might have required. They washed the pavement, scraped the walls, burnt the altar (which was commonly of wood), melted the consecrated plate, and cast the Holy Eucharist to the dogs, with every circumstance of ignominy which could provoke and perpetuate the animosity of religious factions.® Notwithstanding this irrcroncilable aversion, the tw'o parties, who were mixed and sepaschismatics. Bishops, virgins,

rated in

all

the cities of Africa, haid the

same

language and manners, the same zeal and learn-

same faith and worship. Proscribed by and ecclesiastical powers of the empire, the Donatists still maintained in some provinces, particularly in Numidia, their .superior numbers; and four hundred bishops acknowledged ing, the

the

civil

the jurisdiction of their primate. Bui the invincible spirit of the sect

sometimes preyed on its and the bosom of their schismatical church was torn by intestine divisions. A fourth

own

vitals:

“

The Twenty-first Chapter part of the Donatist bishops followed the independent standard of the Maxiniianists. The

narrow and solitary path which their first leadhad marked out continued to deviate from the great society of mankind. Even the imper-

ers

ceptible sect of the Rogatians could aflirm, with-

out a blush, that when ('hrist should descend to judge the earth, he would find his true religion preserved only in a few nameless villages of the

Caesarean Mauritania.' The schism of the Dunatists was confined to Africa; the more dilfusive mischief of the Trinitarian controversy successively penetrated into every part of the (Christian world. 'Ehc former was an accidental quarrel, occasioned by the abuse of freedom; the latter was a high and riiystericm.s argument, derived from the abuse of philosophy. From the age of Constantine to that of Clovis and Theodoric, the temporal int(*rests both of the Romans and barbarians were deeply involved in the theological disputes of Arianism. The historian may therefore be permitted rcs|)cctfully to withdraw the veil of the sanctuarv, and to deduce th(‘ progress of reason

and

faith, of error

and

pas.sion,

of Plato to the decline and

fall

from the

.school

of the empire.

The g< niiis of Plato, informed by his own meditation or by the traditional knowledge of the j)riated one of

the most surprising discoveries of the Christian The respectable name of Plato was

revelation.

used by the orthodox,** and abused by the heretics,®* as the

common

supfxirt of truth

and

commentators wxtc employed to

error: the authority of his skilful

and the science of

dialectics

remote consetiuences of his opinions, and to supply the discreet silence of the inspired writers. The same subtle and profound questions concerning the nature, the generation, the

justify the

and the equality f>f the three divine persons of the mysterious Iriad, or W'cre agitated in the philosophical and in the Christian schools of Alexandria. An eager spirit of curiosity urged them to expU>rc the secrets of the abyss; and the pride of the professors and of distinction,

their disciples was satisfied with the science of words. But the most sagacious ol the C^hristian theologians, the great Athanasius himself, has candidly confessed’- that, whenever he loiced his understanding to meditate on the divinity of the Logos, his toilsome and unavailing cflorts recoiled on themselves; that the more he thought, the les.s he comprehended; and the more he wrote, the less capable was he of exjiressing his thoughts. In every step of the inquiry we are compelled to feel and acknowledge the immeasurable disproportion between the size of the object and the capacity ol the human mind. We

may

strive to ab-stract the notions ol time, of

and of matter, which so

closely adheie to our exfieriinenial knowledge. But as soon as we presume to reason cjf in-

space, all

the perceptions

finite

cjf

substance, ol spiritual generaticm, as often

we deduce any positive conclusions from a negative idea, we are involved in darkness, per-

as

plexity,

and

inevitable contradiction.

As ihese

from the nature of the subject, they opprc'ss. with the* same insuperable weight, the philosopliic and the thc*ological disputant;

difficulties arise

but we may observe tw'o essential and peculiar circumstances which di.scriminated the doctrines of the catholic church from the opinions of the Platonic school. J.

A chosen society of philosophers, men of a

education and curious disposition, might and temperately discuss in the gardens of Athens or the library ol Alexan-

liberal

silently meditate,

the abstruse questions of iru'taphysical The lofty spixulations, which neither cfinvinced the understanding nor agitated the dria,

science.

passions of the Platonists themselves, were careoverlooked by the idle, the busy, and even

lessly

The Twenty- •first Chapter the 8tuccn trained

rassed, they contoui.dcd, thev at last deceived

the honest simplicity of the Latin bishops,

who

suffered the palladium of the faith to be «*xtort-

cd from their hands by fraud and iniportuniiv, rather than by open violence. The council of Rimini w'as not allowed to separate till the niemlx'rs had imprudcnilv subscribed a captious creed, in which some expressions, susceptible of an heretical .sense, were inserted in the room ol the Homoousion. It was on this occasion that, according to jerom, the W’orld was surprised to find itself Anan.’^ But the bishops of tiie Latin provinces had no sooner reached their res^x’ctivc dioceses than they discovered

and repented of their weakness. capitulation was rejected with disdain and abhorrence, and the Homoousian standard, which had been shaken but not overthrow n, was more firmly replanted in all the their mistake,

The ignominious

churches of the West.’*

buch was the

rise

and progress, and such w*ere

Decline and Fall of the

314

been bestowed on the eloquence and sagadty of Roman general, whose religion might be still a subject of doubt, and whose mind had not been enlightened either by study or by inspiration, was indifferently qualified to discuss, in the Greek language, a metaphysical question, or an article of faith. But the credit of his favourite Osius, who appears to have presided in the council of Nice, might dispose the emperor in favour of the orthodox party and a

the natural revolutions, of those theological disputes which disturbed the peace of Christianity under the reigns of Constantine and of his sons. But as those princes presumed to extend their despotism over the faith, as well as over the lives and fortunes of their subjects, the weight of their suffrage sometimes inclined the ecclesiastical balance: and the prerogatives of the King of Heaven were settled, or changed, or modified, in the cabinet of an earthly monarch. The unhappy spirit of discord which pervaded the provinces of the East interrupted the tri-

umph

Constantine,^^ a

;

well-timed insinuation, that the same Eusebius of Nicomedia, who now protected the heretic, had lately assisted the tyrant,^® might exasper-

of Constantine; but the emperor contin-

to view with cool and carethe object of the dispute. As he was yet ignorant of the difficulty of appeasing the quarrels of theologians, he addn^ssed to the

ued

for

Roman Empire

some time

ate

him

against their adversaries.

The Nicene

less indifference

creed was ratified by Constantine; and his firm declaration, that those who resisted the divine judgment of the synod must prepare themselves

contending parties, to Alexander and to Arius, a moderating epistle;^’ which may be ascribed with far greater reason to the untutored sense of a soldier and statesman tlian to the dictates of

for

any of

his episcopal counsellors.

He

an immediate exile, annihilated the mur* murs of a feeble opposition w'hich, from seventeen. was almost instantly reduced to tw'o, pro;

testing bishops. Eusebius of Carsarea yielded

the origin of the whole controversy to a trifling

and

subtle question concerning

hensible point of the law, which

an incomprewas foolishly

asked by the bishop, and imprudently resolved by the presbyter. He laments that the Christian people, Y^ho had the same God, the same religand the same worship, should be divided

ion,

by such inconsiderable riously

recommends

distinctions;

and he

se-

to the clergy’ of Alexandria

the example of the Greek philosophers,

who

could maintain their arguments without losing their temper and assert their freedom w’ithout violating their friendship.

The

indifference

and

contempt of the sovereign would have been, perhaps, the most effectual method of silencing the dispute, if the popular current had been less rapid and impetuou.s, and if Constantine himself, in the midst of faction and fanaticism, could have preserved the calm possession of his own mind. But his ecclesiastical ministers soon contrived to seduce the impartiality of the magand to awaken the zeal of the proselyte.

istrate,

He was provoked by

a

and ambiguous consent to the homoousion;'*" and the wavering conduct of the Nicomedian Eusebius served only to delay alx^ut three months his disgrace and exile. The impious Arius was banished into one of the remote provinces of Illyricum; his prison and disciples were branded, by law, with the odious name of Porphyrians; his writings were condemned to the flames, and a capital punishment was denounced against those in w-hose possession they shcfuld be found. 'Fhe emperor had now' imbibed the spirit of controversy, and the angry sarcastic style of his edicts was designed to inspire his subjects with the hatred w'hich he had reluctant

attributes

'

conceivf'd against the enemies of Christ.*®

But, as if the conduct of the cmpercjr had been guided by passion instead of principle, three years from the council of Nice were scarcely elapsed Ijefore he discovered some symptoms of mercy, and even of indulgence, towards the proscrilxrd sect, which was secretly protected by his favourite sister. The exiles w'ere recalled; and Eusebius, who gradually resumed his influence over the mind of Constantine, was restored to the episcopal throne, from which he had been

which had been was alarmed by the real as well as the imaginary magnitude ol the spreading mischief; and he extinguished the hope of peace and toleration, from the moment that he assembled three hundred bishops within the walls of the same palace. The presence of the monarch swelled the importance of the de-

ignominiously degraded. Arius himsqlf was treated by the whole court with the respect which would have been due to an innoccsit and oppressed man. His faith was approved by the synod of Jerusalem; and the emperor seemed impatient to repair his injustice, by issuing an

bate; his attention multiplied the arguments;

absolute

the insults

offered to his statues; he

and he exposed his person with a patient intrepidity which animated the valour of the combatants. Notwithstanding the applause which has

command that he should be solemnly admitted to the communion in the cathedral of Constat tinople. On the same day which had been fixed for the triumph of Arius, he expired;

The Twenty-first Chapter and the strange and horrid circumstances of his death might excite a suspicion that the ortho-

dox

saints

had contributed more

efficaciously

than by their prayers to deliver the church from the most forinidablc of her enemies.*** The three principal leaders of the catholics, Athanasius of Alexandria, Eastathius of Antioch, and Paul of Constantinople, were depmed on various accusations, by the sentence of numerous councils; and were afterwards banished into distant provinces by the first of the CJhristian emperors, who, ill the last moments of his life received the rites of baptism from the Ariari bishop of Nico* media. The ecclesiastical government of Constantine cannot be justihed from the reproach of levity and weakness. But the credulous monarch, unskilled in the stratagems of theological

and whose sentiunderstood; and W'hile

315

His spiritual comforter, Valens, the Arian bishop of the diocese, employed the most artful precautions to obtain such early intelligence as might secure cither his favour or his escape. A secret chain of swift and trusty messengers informed him of the vicissitudes of the battle; and while the courtiers stood trembling round their affrighted master, Valens assun*d him that the Gallic legions gave way; and insinuated, with some presence of mind, that the glorious event had been revealed to him by an angel. The grateful emperor ascribed his success to the merits and intercession of the bishop of Mursa, whose faith had deserved the public and miraculous approbation of Heaven.**^ The Arians,

city.

who considered

as their

own

the victory of Con-

stantins, preferred his glory to that of his father.**

warfare, might be deceived by the modest

Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, immediately

sperhap8 be somewhat abated. The ruin of Athanasius was no longer contrived by the obscure malice of a few bigoted or angry bishops, who abused the authority of a credulous

monarch. The monarch himself avowed the reswhich he had so long suppressed, of avenging his private injuries and the first winter after his victory, which he passed at Arles, was employed against an enemy more odious to him than the vanquished tyrant of Gaul. If the emperor had capriciously decreed the death of the most eminent and virtuous citizen of the republic, the cruel order would have been • executed without hesitation by the ministers of open violence or of specious injui'tice. The caution, the delay, the difficulty with which he proceeded in the condemnation and punishment of a popular bishop, discovered to the world that the privileges of the church had already revived a sense of order and freedom in the Roman government. The sentence which was pronounced in the synod of Tyre, and subscribed by a large majority of the Eastern bishops, had never been expressly repealed and as Athanasius had been once degraded from his episcopal dignity by the olution,

;

judgment of his brethren, every subsequent act might be considered as irregular, and even criminal. But the memory of the firm and effectual support which the primate of Egypt had derived from the attachment of the Western church engaged Constantius to suspend the execution of the sentence till he had obtained the concurrence of the Latin bishops.

Two

years

were consumed in ecclesiastical negotiations; and the important cause between the emperor and one of his subjects was solemnly debated,

Roman Empire

synod of Arles, and afterwards in the which consisted of above three hundred bishops. Their integrity was gradually undermined by the arguments of first

in the

great council of Milan,

the Arians, the dexterity of the eunuchs, pressing solicitations of a prince

who

and the

gratified

his revenge at the expense of his dignity, and exposed his own passions whilst he influenced those of the clergy. Corruption, the most infallible

symptom

of constitutional libcTty, was

successfully practised; honouis, gifts,

and im-

munities were oflered and accepted as the price of an episcopal vote;**^ and the condemnation of tlic Alexandrian primate w'as artfully represented as the only measure which could restore the peace and union of thcCatholicchurch. The friends of Athanasius w'ere not, however, w anting to their leader, or to their cause. With a manly spirit, which the sanctity of their character rendered less dangerous, they maintained, in public debate, and in private conference with the emperor, the eternal obligation of religion and

justice.

They declared

that ncitluT the ho|)c of

his favour, nor the fear of his displeasure, should

on them to join in the condemnation of an aL)sent* an innocent, a respectable brother.**® prevail

They

affirmed, w^ith apparent reason, that the

and oijsoletc decrees of the council of Tyre had long since been tacitly alx)lishcd by illegal

the Impcriid edicts, the honourable rc-esiablishinent of the

Archbishop of Al^andria, and

the silence or rccaniaiion of his most clamourous

They alleged tliat his innocence had been attested by the unanimous bishc^ps of Egypt, and had been acknowledged in the councils of Rome and Sardica**® by the impartial judgment of the Latin church. Ihey deadversaries.

plored the hard condition of Athanasius, who, after enjoying so

many

years his seat, his repu-

and the seeming confidence of his sovereign, was again called upon to confute the most groundless and extravagant accusations. Their language was specious; their conduct was honourable: but in this long and obstinate contest, which fixed the eyes of the whole empire on a single bishop, the ecclesiastical factions were prepared to sacrifice truth and justice to the more interesting object of defending or removing the intrepid champion of the Niccne faith. tation,

The Arians

still

thought

it

prudent to disguise,

ambiguous language, their real sentiments and designs; but the orthcxlox bishpps, armed with the favour of the people and the decrees of a general council, insisted on every occasion, and particularly at Milan, that their adversaries should purge themselves from the suspiin

1

The Twenty-first Chapter don of heresy,

whose

clamours of a factious or venal majority; and the councils of Arles and Milan were not dissolved till the archbishop of Alexandria had been solemnly condemned and deposed by the judgment of the Western, as well as of the Eastern, church. 'I’he bishops who had opposed were

who still

before they presumed to arraign the conduct of the great Athanasius.^^^ But the voice of reason (if reason was indeed on the side of Athanasius) was silenced by the

required to subscribe the sentence; and to unite in religious

communion with

ers of the adverse parly.

the sus{>ccted lead-

A formulary oi consent

was transmitted by the messengers of state to the absent bishops: and all those who refused to submit their private opinion to the public and inspired wisdom of the councils of Arles and Milan were immediately banished by the em-

who affected

jxTor,

catholic church.

to execute the decrees of the

Among

those prelates

who led

band of confessors and exiles, LilxTius of Rome, Osius of Cordova, Paulinus

the honourable

32

faculties were perhaps impaired, by the weight of an hundred years; and the insolent triumph of the Arlans provoked some of the orthodox party to treat with inhuman severity the character, or rather the memory, of an unfortunate old man, to whose former services Christianity itself was so deeply indebted.^* The fall of Liberius and Osius reflected a

brighter lustre on the firmness of those bishops

adhered, with unshaken fidelity, to the cause of Athanasius and religious truth. The ingenious malice of their enemies had deprived them of the benefit of mutual comfort and advice, separated those illustrious exiles into distant provinces,

and

carefully selected the

most

inhospitable spots of a great empire.'*® Yet they soon experienced that the deserts of Libya, and the most barbarous tracts of Cappadocia, w^ere inhospitable than the residence of those

less

which ^an Arian bishop could satiate, without restraint, the exquisite rancour of theological hatred.'*' Their consolation was derived

cities in

guished.

may deserve to be particularly distinThe eminent station of Lilx'rius, who

from the consciousness of rectitude and independence. from the applause, the visits, the letters, and the liberal alms of their adherents;'** and from the satisfaction which they soon en-

governed the capital of the empire; the perand long experience ol the venerable

joyed of observing the intestine divisions of the adversaries of the Nicene faith. Such was the

of Treves, Dionysius of Milan, Eusebius of VercelLe, Lucifer of Cagliari, tiers,

and Hilary of Poi-

sonal merit

who was

revered as the favourite of the and the father of the Nicene fa til, placed those prelates at the head of the Latin church: and their example, either of submission or resistance, would proliably be imitat< d by the episcopal crowds. But the repeated attempts of the empcn)r to seduce or to intimiOsius,

great Constantine, i

date the bishops of Rome and Cordova were for inellectual. The Spaniard declared himself ready to suffer under Constantius, as he had suffered threescore years before under his grandfather Maximian. The Roniaii, in the presence of his sovereign, asserted the innocence of Athanasius, and his own freedom. When he was banished to Ber«pa in Thrace, he sent back a large sum which had been offered for the accommodation of his journey; and insulted the court of Milan by the haughty remark, that the emperor and his eunuchs might want that gold

some time

and their bishops.'** I'hc and Osius was at length subdued by the hardships of exile and confineto

pay

their soldiers

resolution of Liberius

ment. The Roman ponlilf purchased liis return by some criminal compliances; and afterwards expiated his guilt by a' seasonable repicntancc. Persuasion and violence were employed to extort the reluctant signature of the decrepit bish-

op of Cordova, whose strength was broken, and

nice

and capricious taste of the emperor Conand so easily was he offended by the

stantius,

from his imaginary standard of C^hristian truth, that he persecuted, with equal zeal, those who defended the consubstan» slightest deviation

tiality^

those

who

asserted the similar substance^

and those w'ho denied the hkeness^ of the Son of God. Three bishops, degraded and banished for those adverse opinions, might possibly meet in the same place of exile; and, according to the dillerencc of their temper, might either pitv or insult the blind enthusiasm of their antagonists,

whose pmsent sufferings would never be compensated by future happiness. The disgrace and exile of the orthodox bishops of the West w-ere designed as so many preparatory steps to the ruin of Athanasius himself.'** Six-and-tw’enty months had elapsed, during which the Imperial court secretly laboured, by the most insidious arts, to remov^e him from Alexandria, and to withdraw the allow'ancc which supplied his popular liberality. But when the primate of Egv i)t, deserted and proscribed by the Latin church, w’as left destitute of any foreign support, Constantius despatched two of his secretaries with a verbal commission to announce and execute the order of his banishment. As the justice of the sentence was publicly avow-

Decline and Fall oi the

3^2

party, the only motive which could restrain Constantius from giving his mes-

tyrs if their deaths

ed by the whole

the second city and the most fertile province of the empire, if the people should persist in the resolution of defending, by force of arms, the innocence of their spiritual father. Such extreme caution afforded Athanasius a spiecious pretence respectfully to dispute the truth of an

order which he could not reconcile cither with the equity or with the former declarations of his gracious master. The civil powers of Egypt found themselves inadequate to the task of persuading or compelling the primate to abdicate his episcopal throne; and they were obliged to conclude a treaty with the popular leaders of

usurper, after receiving the consecration of an Arian synod, was placed on the episcopal throne

by the arms of Sebastian, who had Ijcen appointed count of Egypt for the execution of that important design. In the use, as well as in the acquisition, of power, the tyrant George disregarded the laws of religion, of justice, and of humanity; and the same scenes of violence and scandal which had been exhibited in the capital were repeated in more than ninety episcopal cities of Egypt. Encouraged by success, Ck>nstantius ventured to approve the conduct of his ministers. By a public and passionate epistlt*, the emperor congratulates the deliverance of Alexandria from a popular tyrant, l^ho deluded his blind votaries by the magic of his elociucncc;

Alexandria, by which it was stipulated that all proceedings and all hostilities should be suspended till the emperor’s pleasure had been distinctly ascertained. By this seeming moderation the catholics were deceived into a

more

and fatal security; while the legions of the Upper Egypt, and of Libya, advanced, by secret orders and hasty marches, to besiege, or false

rather to surprise, a capital habituated to sedition, and inflamed by religious zeal,^*^ The po-

between the sea and the lake Mareotis, facilitated the approach and landing of the troops, who were introduced into

sition of Alexandria,

the heart of the city before any effectual meato occupy the important posts of defence. At the

hour of midnight, twenty-three days after the signature of the treaty, Syrianus, duke of Egypt,

head of five thousand soldiers, armed and prepared for an assault, unexpectedly invested the church of St. Thconas, where the aichbishop, with a part of his clergy and people, performed their nocturnal devotions. The doors at the

of the sacred edifice yielded to the impetuosity of the attack, which was accompanied with every horrid circumstance of tumult and blood-

shed; but, as the bodies of the slain, and the fragments of military weapons, remained the next day an unexceptionable evidence in the possession of the catholics, the enterprise of Syrianus may be considered as a successful irruption rather than as an absolute conquest. The other churches of the city were profaned by similar outrages; and, during at least four months, Alexandria was exposed to the insults of a licentious army, stimulated by the ecclesiastics of an hostile faction. Many of the faithful

were

killed,

who may deserve

the

name of mar-

were neither provoked nor

revenged; bishops and presbyters were treated with cruel ignominy; consecrated virgins were stripped naked, scourged, and violated; the houses of wealthy citizens were plundered; and, under the mask of religious zeal, lust, avarice, and private resentment were gratified with impunity, and even with applause. The Pagans of Alexandria, who still formed a numerous and discontented party, were easily persuaded to desert a bishop whom they feaied and esteemed. The hop>es of some peculiar favours, and the apprehension of being inv^olvcd in the general penalties of rebellion, engaged them to promise their support to the destined successor of Athanasius, the famous George of Cappadocia. The

sengers the sanction of a written mandate must be imputed to his doubt of the event; and to a sense of the danger to which he might expose

sures could be taken, either to shut the gates, or

Roman Empire

•

on the virtues and piety of the most reverend George, the elected bishop; and aspires, as the patron and benefactor of the city,

expatiates

fame of Alexander himself. But he solemnly declares his unalterable resolution to pursue with fire and sword the seditious adherents of the wicked Altianasius, who, by flying from justice, has confessed his guilt, and escaped the ignominious death which he had to surpass the

so often deserved.**®

Athanasius had indeed escaped from the most imminent dangers; and the adventures of that extraordinary man deserve and 6x our at-

On

memorable night when the Theonas was invested by the troops of Syrianus, the archbishopi seated on his throne, expected, with calm aod intrepid dignity, the approach of death. While the public devotion was interrupted by shouts of rage and cries of terror, he animated hil trembling tention.

church of

the

St.

congregation to express their religions confidence by chanting one of the psalms of David

which

the triumph of the God of haughty and impious tyrant of

''.elebrates

Israel over the

The Twenty-first Chapter Egypt. The doors were at length burst open: a cloud of arrows was discharged among the people ; the soldiers, with drawn swords, nished forwards into the sanctuary; and the dreadful gleam of their armour was reflected by the holy luminaries which burnt round the altar.^^® Athanasius still rejected the pious importunity of the monks and presbyters who were attached to his p(*rson; and nobly refused to desert his episcopal station till he had dismissed in safety the last of the congregation. The darkness and tumult of the night favoured the retreat of the archbishop; and though he was oppressed by the waves of an agitated multitude, though he was thrown to the ground, and left without sense or motion, he still recovered his undaunted courage, and eluded the eager search of the soldiers, who were instructed by their Arian guides that the head of Athanasius would lx* the most acceptable present to the cmpehaviour is recommended by a Pagan orator as an example worthy of the imitation of succeeding princes. “That emperor,” says Symrnachus, “suffered the privileges of the vestal virgins to remain inviolate; he bestowed the sac(*rdotal dignities on the nobles of Rome, granted the customary allow'ance to defray the expenses of the public rites and sacrifices; and, though he had embraced a dillcrcnt religion, he never attempted to deprive the empire of the sacred worship of antiquity.”*"* The senate still

been instituted by Xuma, and assumed by Augustus, w'ere accepted, without hesitation, by seven Christian cmjxTors, who were invested with d more absolute authority over the religion which they had deserted than over that which they professed. *^^ Tlie divisions of Christianity suspended the ruin of Paganism;*"® and the holy war against the inlidels was less vigorously prosecuted by princes and bishops who w ere more immediately alarmed by the guilt and danger of domestic

might by the established principles of intolerance: but the hostile sects, which alternately reigned in the Imperial court, were mutually apprehensive of alienating, and perhaps exasperating, the minds of a powerful, though declining faction. Every motive of authority

necessity of

rebellion. 'I'he extirpation of idolatry**^

pleasure that in

have

fending. It

is

likewise our pleasure that all our

from sacrifices. If any one should be guilty of such an act, let him feel the sword of vengeance, and, after his execution, let his property be confiscated to the public use. Wc denounce the same penalties against

subjects should abstain

governors of the provinces, if they neglect to punish the criminals.’'*^** But there is the strongest reason to believe that this formidable edict was either composed without being published, or was published without being executed. The th**

and

Ixren justified

fashion, of interest

tated

on

tlie

and reason, now militwo or

side of C'Jiristianity; but

three generations elapsed before their victorious

was universally felt. The religion which had so long and so lately been established in the Roman empire was still revered by a numerous people, less attached indeed to speculative opinion than to ancient custom. The inilucnce

;

Decline and Fall of the

3SO

honours of the state and army were indifferently bestowed on all the subjects of Constantine and Gonstantius; and a considerable portion of knowledge and wealth and valours was still engaged in the service of polytheism. The super-

and of the peasant, of the poet and the philosopher, was derived from very different causes, but they met with equal

stition of the senator

Roman Empire

devotion in the temples of the gods. Their real

was

by the

insensibly provoked

insulting tri-

umph of a proscribed sect and their hopes were ;

revived by the well-grounded confidence that the presumptive heir of the empire, a young and valiant hero, who had delivered Gaul from the arms of the barbarians, had secretly embraced the religion of his ancestors.

CHAPTER XXII Julian

is

declared Emperor by the Legions of Gaul.

The Death of

His March and

Success.

Gonstantius. Civil Administration of Julian.

W

HILE the Romans languished under the ignominious tyranny of eunuchs and bishops, the praises of Julian were repeated with transport in every part of the empire, except in the palace of Gonstantius. The barbarians of Germany had felt, and still dreaded, the arms of the young Cawar: his soldiers

above forty days’ journey.* So extravagant a fable was incapable, how'cver, of deceiving the public credulity, or even of satisfying the pride of the emperor himself. Secretly con«icious that the applause and favour of the Romans accompanied the rising fortunes of Julian, liis discontented mind was prepared to receive the subtle

were the companions of his victory; the grateful

poison of those artful sycophants who coloured their mischievous designs with the fain*st appearances of truth and candour. Instead of depreciating the merits of Julian, they acknowledged, and even exaggerated, his popular lame, superior talents, and impoitant services. But they darkly insinuated that the values of the Carsar might instantly be converted into the mo-it dangtTous crimes, if the inconstant multitude should prefer their inclinations to their dutv; or if the general of a victoricjus armv should be tempted fiom his allegiance b\ the hopes of revenge and independent greatness. The personal Icars of Gonstantius were interpreted by his council as a laudable anxiety for the public safely; whilst in private, and peihaps in his own breast, he disgiiibed, under the less odious appellation of fear, the sentiments of hatred and envy which he had secretly conceived for the inimitable virtues of Julian. The apparent tranquility of Gaul, and the im-

provincials enjoyed the blessings of his reign ; but

the favourites,

who had opposed

were offended by

his virtues;

his elevation,

and they

justly

considered the friend of the people as the enemy of the court. As long as the fame of Julian was doubtful, the buffoons of the palace, who were skilled in the language of satire, tried the efficacy of those arts which they had so often prac-

with success. They easily discovered that was not exempt from affectation the ridiculous epithets of an hairy savage, of an ape invested with the purple, were applied to the dress and person of the philosophic warrior; and his modest despatches were stigmatised as the vain and elaborate fictions of a loquacious Greek, a speculative soldier, who had studied the art of war amidst the groves of the Academy.* The voice of malicious folly was at length silenced by the shouts of victory the conqueror of the Franks and Alernanni could no longer be painted as an object of contempt; and the monarch himself was meanly ambitious of stealing from his lieutenant the honourable reward of his labours. In the letters crowned with laurel, which, according to ancient custom, were addressed to the provinces, the name of Julian was tised

his simplicity

;

omitted. **Gonstantius had tions in person; he

had

made

his disposi-

signalised his valour in

had and the captive king of the barbarians was presented to fum on the field of battle/’ from wffich he was at that time distant the foremost ranks; his military conduct

sectared the victory;

minent clanger of the eastern provinces, oflered a specious pn*tence for the design Which was artfully concerted by the Imperial ministers. They resolved to disarm the Carsai^; to recall those faithful troops who guarded his person and dignity; and to employ, in a distant war against the Persian monarch, the h^rdy veterans who had vanquished, on the banks of the Rhine, the fiercest nations of Germany. While Julian used the laborious hours of his winter quarters at Paris in the administration of power, which, in his hands, was the exercise of virtue,

1

The Twenty-second Chapter he was surprised by the hasty arrival of a tribune and a notary, with positive orders from the emperor, which they were directed to execute, and he was commanded not to oppose. Constantius signified his pleasure that four enthe Celt® and Petulants, the Hertire legions should be separated uli and the Batavians from the standard of Julian, under which they had acquired their fame and discipline; that in each of the remaining bands three hundred of the bravest youths should lx: selected; and that this numerous detachment, the strength of the Gallic army, should instantly begin their march, and exert their utmost diligence to arrive, before the opening of the campaign, on the frontiers of Persia.^ The C®sar foresaw and lamented the consequences of this fatal mandate.

—

Most

—

of the auxiliaries,

who engaged

their vol-

untary service, had stipulated that they should never lx: obliged to pa.ss the Alps. The public

Rome, and the personal honour of Juhad been pledged for the observance of this condition. Such an act of treachery and oppression would destroy the confidence, and excite faith of

a

33

positive refusal

was an

declaration of war.

The

act of rebellion

and a

inexorable jealousy of

and perhaps incommands, left not any

the emperor, the peremptory, sidious, nature of his

room

for

a

fair

apology or candid interpreta-

and the dependent station of the Caesar scarcely allowed him to pause or to deliberate. tion;

Solitude increased the perplexity of Julian; he could no longer apply to the faithful counsels

who had been removed from his ofby the judicious malice of the eunuchs: he could not even enforce his representations by the concurrence of the ministers, w'ho would have been afraid or ashamed to approve the ruin of Gaul. The moment had been chosen

of Sallust, iirc

when

Lupicinus,® the general of the cavalry,

was despatched into Britain, to repulse the inroads of the Scots and Piets; and Florentius was occupied at Vienne by the assessment of the tribute. The latter, a crafty and corrupt statesman, declining to assume a responsible part on dangerous occasion, eluded the pressing

lian,

this

the resentment of the independent warriors of

and repeated invitations of Julian, who represented to him that in every important measure the presence of the praefect was indispensable in the council of the prince. In the meanwhile the Carsar w'as oppressed by the rude and importu-

Germany, who considered truth as the noblest of their virtues, and freedom as the most valulegionaries,

who

privileges of Romans,

were

able of their possessions.

enjoyed the

title

and

The

enlisted for the general defence of the republic;

but those mercenary troops heard with cold innames of the republic and of Rome. Attached, cither from birth or long habit, to the climate and manners of Gaul, they loved and admired Julian; they despised, and perhaps haled, the cmjxTor; they dreaded the laborioas march, the Persian arrows, and the burning deserts of Asia. They claimed as their own the country which they had saved; and excused their want of spirit by pleading the sacred and more immediate duty of protecting their families and friends. The apprehensions of the Gauls were derived from the knowledge of the impending and inevitable danger. As soon as the provinces were exhausted of their military strength, the Germans would violate a difference the antiquated

which had been imposed on their fears; and notwithstanding the abilities and valour of Julian, the general of a nominal anny, to whom the public calamities would be imputed, must find himself, after a vain resistance, cither a prisoner in the camp of the barbarians, or a treaty

criminal in the palace of Constantius. If Julian complied with the orders which he had re-

own who deserved

ceived he subscribed his

destruction,

that of a people

his alfcction.

and But

nate solicitations of the Imperial messengers, w^ho presumed to suggest that, if he expected the return of his ministers, he could charge himself with the guilt of the delay, and rcser\'e for them the merit of the execution. Unable to resist, unwilling to comply, Julian expressed in the most serious terms his wish, and even his intention, of resigning the purple, which he could not preserve with honour, but which he could not abdicate with safety. After a painful conflict, Julian w'as compelled to acknowledge that obedience

was the virtue

of the most eminent subiect, and that the sover-

eign alone w^as entitled to judge of the public welfare. He issued the necessary orders for carrying into execution the commands of Constantius; a part of the iroopxs l>egan their march for the Alps; and the detachments from the several garrisons

moved towards their respecThey advanced with

tive places of assembly.

through the trembling and affrighted crowds of pro\ incials, who attempted to excite their pity bv silent despair or loud lamentadiffu iilty

tions; while the wives of the soldiers, holding

their infants in their arms, accused the desertion

mixed language of and of indignation. 'Fhis scene of general distress afflicted the humanity of the Caesar; he granted a sufficient number of of their husbands in the grief, of tenderness,

Decline and Fall of the

332

post^waggons to transport the wives and famof the soldiers,* endeavoured to alleviate the hardships which he was constrained to inflict, and increased by the most laudable arts

departure the troops were indulged in licentious At the hour of midnight the impetuous multitude, with swords, and bows, and torches in their hands, rushed into the suburbs; encompassed the palace;^ and, careless of future festivity.

ilies

his

own

Roman Empire

popularity and the discontent of the The grief of an armed multitude

exiled troops.

dangers, pronounced the fatal and irrevocable

soon converted into rage; their licentious murmurs, which every hour were communicated from tent to tent with more boldness and effect, prepared their minds for the most daring acts of sedition; and by the connivance of their tribunes a seasonable libel was secretly dispersed, which painted in lively colours the dis-

words, Julian Augustus! The prince, whose anxious suspense was interrupted by their disorderly acclamations, secured the doors against their intrusion; and. as long as it was in his power, secluded his person and dignity from the accidents of a nocturnal tumult. At the dawn of day the soldiers, whose zeal was irritated by opposition, forcibly entered the palace, seized, with respectful violence, the object of their cht)icc, guarded Julian with drawn swords through the streets of Paris, placed him on the tribunal, and with repeated siiouts saluted him as their emperor. Prudence as well as loyalty

is

grace of the Caesar, the oppression of the Gallic

army, and the feeble vices of the tyrant of Asia. The servants of Constantins were astonished and alarmed by the progress of this dangerous

They pressed the Caesar to hasten the departure of the troops; but they imprudently rejected the honest and judicious advice of Julian, who proposed that they should not march spirit.

through Paris, and suggested the danger and temptation of a last interview. As soon as the approach of the troops was announced, the Caesar went out to meet them, and ascended his tribunal, which had been erected in a plain before the gates of the city. After distinguishing the officers and soldiers who by their rank or merit deserved a peculiar attention, Julian addressed himself in a studied

oration to the surrounding multitude: he cele-

brated their exploits with grateful applause ; encouraged them to accept, with alacrity, the honour of serving under the eyes of a powerful and

monarch; and admonished them that of Augustus required an instant and cheerful obedience. The soldiers, who were apprehensive of offending their general by an

liberal

the

commands

indecent clamour, or of belying their sentiments by false and venal acclamations, maintained an oljstinate silence; and, after a short pau.se, were dismissed to their quarters. The principal officers were entertained by the Caesar, who professed, in the warmest language of friendship, his desire and his inability to reward, according to their deserts, the brave companions of his

They retired from the feast full of al senates

of the provinces.

He

abol-

by repeated edicts, the unjust and pernicious exemptions which had withdrawn so many idle citizens from the service of tiieir country; and by imposing an equal distribution ished,

of public duties, he restored the siiength, the splendour, or, according to the glowing expn^ssion of Libanius,” the soul of the expiring cities of his empire. The venerable age of Greece excited the

most tender compassion in the mind of

Julian, which kindled into rapture

when he

and the men gods, who had Ix*-

recollected the gods, the heroe.s,

superior to heroes and to

quealhcd to the

latest posterity the

monuments

of their genius or the example of their virtues. He relieved the distress and testored the beauty of the cities of Epirus and PclQ])onnesus.'’' Athens acknowledged liim for her benefactor, Argos for her deliverer. The piidc, of Corinth, again rising from her ruins with tiic honours of a Roman colony, exacted a tribute from the adjacent republics ior the purptisc ol defraying the games of the Isthmus, which were celebrated in the amphitheatre with tlic hunting of bears and panthers. From this tribute the cities of Elis of Delphi, and of Argos, w'hich had inherited from their remote ancestors the sacred office ol perpetuating the Olympic, the Pythian^

The Twenty-second Chapter and the Nemean games, claimed a just exemption. The immunity of Elis and Delphi was respected by the Corinthians, but the poverty of Argos tempted the insolence of oppression, and the feeble complaints of its deputies were silenced by the decree of a provincial magistrate, who seems to have consulted only the interest of the capital in which he resided. Seven years after this sentence Julian^* allowed the cause to be referred to a superior tribunal, and his elo-

Mc-

whose words

private citizen. If the jealous caprice of jxiwer

quence was interposed, most probably with sucdefence of a city which had been the royal seat of Agamemnon,*® and had given to Macedonia a race of kings and conquerors.*^

The

laborious administration of military

which were multiplied

and

in propor-

tion to the extent of the empire, exercised the abilities of Julian; but he frequently assumed

and of Judge,®* which are almost unknown to the modern sovthe two characters of Orator*^

The arts of pt-rsuasion,

ereigns of Europe.

by the

so dil-

were neglected by the military ignorance and Asiatic pride of their successois, and, it they condescended to harangue the .soldiers, whom they igently cultivated

first Ccr.sars,

feared, they treated with silent disdain the sena-

whom they desphsed. The assemblies of the whhh Constantius had avoided, were

tors,

senate,

considered by Julian as the place where he could exhibit with the most propriety the maxims of a republicdii and the talents of a rhetorician. He alternately practised, as in a school of declamation, the several modes of praise, of censure, of exhortation ; and his friend Libanius has remarked that the study of Homer taught

him

to imitate the simple, concise style of

nelaus, the copiousness of Nestor,

descended

a winter’s snow, or the pathetic and forcible eloquence of Ulysses. The functions of a judge, which arc sometimes incompatible with those of a prince, were exercised by Julian not only as a duly, but as an amusement; and although he might have trusted the integrity and discernment of his Prietorian pnefccts, he often placed himself by their side on the seat of judgment. The acute penetration of his mind was agreeably occupied in detecting and defeating the chicanery of the advocates, who laboured to disguise the like the flakes of

truth of facts

He

and

to pervert the sense of the

sometimes

forgot the gravity of asked indiscn*et or unseasonable questions, and betrayed, by the loudness of his voice and the agitation of his body, the earnest vehemence with which he maintained his opinion against the judges, the advocates^ laws.

his station,

irregular sallies of his passions, the spectators

could observe the shame as well as the gratitude of their monarch. The decrees of Julian were almost always founded on the principles of justice, and he had the firmness to resist the two most dangerous temptations which as.sault the tribunal of a sovereign under the specious forms of compassion and equity. He decided the merits of the cause without weighing the circumstances of the parties; and the poor, whom he wished to relieve, were condemned to satisfy the just demands of a noble and wealthy adversary. He carefully distinguished the judge from the legislator;®* and though he meditated a necessary reformation of the Roman jurisprudence, he pronounced sentence according to the sti ici and literal interpretation of those laws which the magistrates were bound to execute and the subjects to obey. The generality of princes, if they were stripped of their purple and cast naked into the world, would immediately sink to the lowest rank of society, without a hope of emerging from their obscurity. But the personal merit of Julian was, in some measure, independent of his fortune. Whatever had been his choice of life, by the force of intrepid courage, lively wit, and intense application, he would have obtained, or at least he would have deserved, the highest honours of his profession, and Julian might have raised himself to the rank of minister or general of the state in which he was born a

cess, in the

civil affairs,

343 and their clients. But his knowledge of his own temper prompted him to encourage, and even to solicit, the reproof of his friends and ministers: and whenever they ventured to oppose the

his expectations; if he had prudently declined the paths of greatness, the

had disappointed

employment of the same talents in studious solitude would have placed beyond the leach of kings his present happiness and his immortal fame. When we inspect with minute, or perhaps malevolent, attention the portrait of Julian, something seems wanting to the grace and perfection of the w hole figure. His genius w’as less powerful and sublime than that of Caesar, nor did he posse.ss the consummate prudence of Augustus. The virtues of 'I'rajan appear more steady and natural, and the philosophy of Marcus is more simple and consistent. Yet Julian sustained adversity with firmness, and prosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and twenty years from the death of

Alexander Severus, the Romans beheld an emperor who made no distinction between his

Decline and Fall of the

344

and his pleasures, who laboured to relieve the distress and to revive the spirit of his subjects, and who endeavoured always to connect authority with merit, and happiness with vir-

duties

Even

tue.

faction,

and

religious faction,

was

Roman Empire

constrained to acknowledge the superiority of liis genius in peace as well as in war, and to confess, w'ith a sigh, that the apostate Julian was a lover of his country, and that he deserved the empire of the world.**

CHAPTER XXIII The Religion oj Julian. Universal Toleration. He attempts to restore and reform the Pagan Worship. To rebuild the Temple oJ Jerusalem. His Artful Persecution of the Christians. Mutual ^eal and Injustice.

T

and opposed has

ated the real and apparent magnitude of his faults. Our partial ignorance may represent

invectives, of which the signal w'as given

he character of Apostate has injured the reputation of Julian; and the enthusiasm which clouded his virtues has exagger-

him

monarch, who studied to an equal hand, the religious fac-

as a philosophic

protect, with

tions of the empire,

and

to allay the theological

which had inflamed the minds of the peofrom the edicts of Diocletian to the exile of Athanasius. A more accurate view of the character and conduct of Julian will remove this fever ple

favourable prepossession for a prince who did not escape the general contagion of the times. We enjoy the singular advantage of comparing the pictures which have been delineated by his fondest admirers and his implacable enemies. The actions of Julian arc faithfully related by a

name

fixed a stain of infamy on the of Julian; and the unsuccessful apostate

has been overwhelmed with a torrent of pious

by the

sonorous trumpet* of Ciregory Nazianzen.* The interesting nature of the events which were

crowded into the short reign of this active emperor deserves a just and circumstantial narrative. His motive, his counsels, and his actions, as far as they arc connected with the history of re-

be the subject of the present chapter. cause of his strange and fatal apostasy be derived from the early period of his life

ligion, will

The

may

when he was

left

murderers of

his family.

an orphan

in the

hands of the

The names

of C’.hrist

and of Constantins, the ideas of slavery and of

judicious

were soon associated in a youthful imagination, whicli was susceptible of the most lively impressions. The caic of his infancy was

spectator of his

intrusted to Eusebius, bishop of Nicomedia,^

and candid historian, the impartial life and death. The unanimous evidence of his contemporaries is confirmed by the public and private declarations of the emperor himself and his various writings express ;

the uniform tenor of his religious sentiments, which policy would have prompted him to dis-

semble rather than to affect. A devout and sincere attachment for the gods of Athens and

Rome

constituted the ruling passion of Julian

an enlightened understanding were betrayed and corrupted by the influence the powers of

of superstitious prejudice; and the phantoms which existed only in the mind of the emperor had a real and pernicious effect on the government of the empire. The vehement zeal of the Christians, who despised the worship, and overturned the altars, of those fabulous deities, en-

gaged

a state of irreconcilable with a very numerous party of his subjects; and he was sometimes tempted, by the desire of victory or the shame of a repulse, to violate the laws of prudence, and even of justice. The triumph of the party which he deserted their votary in

hostility

religion,

who was and

related to

him on

the side of his moth-

Julian reached the twentieth >ear of his age, he received from his Christian preceptors the education not of a hero but of a saint. The emperor, less jealous of a heavenly th.in

er;

till

of an earthly crowm, contented himself with the imperfect character of a catechumen, w-hile he bestowed the advantages of baptism* on the

nephews of Constantine.® They were even admitted to the inferior offices of the ccx'lcsiastical order; and Julian publicly read the Holy Scriptures in the church of Nicomedia. The study of

which they a.ssiduously cultivated, appeared to produce the fairest fruits of faith and devotion.* They prayed, they fasted, they distributed alms to the poor, gifts to the clergy, and oblations to the tombs of the martyrs; and the splendid monument of St. Mamas, at Carsarea, was erected, or at least was undertaken, by the joint labour of Callus and Julian.® They respectfully conversed with the bishops who were religion,

eminent

for superior sanctity,

and

solicited the

The Twenty- •third Chapter benediction of the monks and hermits who had introduced into Cappadocia the voluntary hardships of the ascetic life.* As the two princes advanced towards the years of manhood, they discovered, in their religious sentiments, the difference of their characters. The dull and obstinate understanding of Callus embraced, with implicit zeal, the doctrines of Christianity, which never influenced his conduct, or moderated his passions. Ttie mild disposition of the

younger

brotlier

was

cepts of the Gospel;

less

repugnant to the pre-

and

his active curiosity

might have been gratified by a theological system which explains the mysterious essence of the Deity, and opens the boundless prospect of invisible and future worlds. But the independent of Julian refused to yield the passive and unresisting obedience which was required, in

spirit

and the poems

of

345 Homer, instead of being ad-

mired as the original productions of human genius, were seriously ascril>ed to the heavenly inspiration of Apollo and the muses. The deities of Olympus, as they are painted by the immortal bard, imprint themselves on the minds which are the least addicted to superstitious credulity. Our familiar knowledge of their names and characters, their forms and attributes, seems to bestow on those airy beings a real and substantial existence; and the pleasing enchantment produces an imperfect and momentary assent of the imagination to those fables

which are the most repugnant

to our reason

and

experience. In the age of Julian every circum-

stance contributed to prolong and fortify the illusion the magnificent temples of Greece and

—

of the chuich. Their speculative opinions were

Asia; the works of those artists who had expressed, in painting or in sculpture, the divine conceptions of the poet; the pomp of festivals

impos(*d as positive laws, and guarded by the

and

ternjrs of etcTnal punishments; but while they

the popular traditions of oracles and prodigies;

the

name

of religion, by the haughty ininistf*rs

prescriberity,*** and the habit of believing that the saints alone were entitled to reign over the earth. As soon as the enmity of Julian deprived the clergy of the privileges which had been conferred by the favour of Constantine, they complained of the most cruel oppression; and the free toleration of idolaters and heretics was a subject of grief and scandal to the orthodox party.*** The acts of violence, which were no longer countenanced by the magistrates, were still committed by the zeal of the people. At Pessinus the altar of Cybele was overturned almost in the presence of the emperor; and in the dty of Carsarea, in Cappadocia, the temple of Fortune, the sole place of worship which had been !efi to the Pagans, was destroyed by the rage of a popular tumult. On these occasions, a

1

The Twenty-fourth Chapter prince who felt for the honour of the gods was not disposed to interrupt the course of justice;

and his mind was still more deeply exasperated when he found that the fanatics, who had deserved and suffered the punishment of incendiaries, were rewarded with the honours of martyrdom.'®^ The Christian subjects of Julian were assured of the hostile designs of their sovereign; and, to their jealous apprehension, every circumstance of his government might afford some grounds of discontent and suspicion. In the ordinary administration of the laws, the Christians, who formed so large a part of the people,

must frequently be condemned; but their indulgent brethren, without examining the merits of the cause, presumed their innocence, allowed their claims, and imputed the severity of their judge to the partial malice of religious persecution.'®® These present hardships, intolerable as they might appear, were represented as a slight prelude of the impending calamities. The Christians coasidered Julian as a cruel and crafty tyrant, who suspended the execution of his revenge till he should return victorious from the Persian war. They expected that, as soon as he

of

had triumphed over the foreign enemies

Rome, he would

lay aside

the irlvsome

36

mask of dissimulation; that the amphitheatres would stream with the blood of hermits and bishops; and that the Christians who still persevered in the profession of the faith would be deprived of the common benefits of nature and Every calumny'^* that could wound the reputation of the Apostate was credulously

society.'®*

embraced by the fears and hatred of his adversaries; and their indiscreet clamours provoked the temper of a sovereign whom it was their duty to respect, and their interest to flattcr.They still protested that prayers and tears were their only weapons against the impious tyrant, whose head they devoted to the justice of offended Heaven. But they insinuated, lution, that their submission

w'ith sullen reso-

was no longer the

weakness; and that, in the imperfect virtue, the patience which is founded on principle may be exhausted by persecution. It is in^[K)ssible to determine how far the zeal of Julian would have prevailed over his

effect of

state of

human

good sense and humanity; but, if we seriously reflect on the strength and spirit of the church, we shall be convinced that, before the emperor could have extinguished the religion of Christ, he must have involved his country in the horrors of a civil war.'*'

CHAPTER XXIV Residence of Julian at Antioch. His nwceisful Expedition against the Persians. Passage of the Tig} is. saves the

T

The Reheat and Death of Julian.

Roman Army

fable which Julian composed under the name of the Csesars' is one of the most agreeable and instructive productions of ancient wit.® During the freedom and equality of the days of the Saturnalia. Romulus prepared a feast for the deities of Olympus, who had adopted him as a worthy associate, and for the Roman princes, who had reigned over his martial people and the vanquished nations of the earth. The immortals were placed in* just order on their thrones of state, and the table of the Caesars was spread below the moon,

he philosophical

upper region of the air. The tyrants, who would have disgraced the society of gods and men, were thrown headlong, by the inexorable in the

Nemesis, into the 1 artarean abyss.

The

rest of

the C.Tsars successively sidvanced to their seats;

and

Election of Jovian.

He

by a disgraceful Treaty.

as they passed, the vices, the defects, the blemishes of their respective characters, were maliciously noticed by old Silenus, a laughing

who disguised the wisdom of a philosopher under the mask of a Bacchanal.® As soon as the feast was ended, the voice of Mercury proclaimed the will of Jupiter, that a celestial crown should be the reward of superior moralist,

Augustus, Trajan, and selected as the most illustrious candidates; the effeminate Constantine* was not excluded from this honourable competition; and the great Alexander was invited to dispute the prize of glory with the Roman heroes. Each of the candidates was allowed to display the merit of his own exploits; but, in the judgment of the gods, the modest silence of Marcus pleaded more powerfully than the elaborate orations of his haughty rivals. When the judges of this aw'ful contest proceeded to examine the heart and to scrutinise the springs of action, the superiority of the lmp>erial Stoic appeared still more decisive and conspicuous.® merit. Julius Cxsar,

Marcus Antoninus, were

jGa

Decline and Fall of the

Alexander and Caesar, Augustus, Trajan, and Constantine acknowledged, with a blush, that fame, or power, or pleasure, had been the important object of their labours; but the gods themselves beheld with reverence and love a

who had practised on the throne the lessons of philosophy, and who, in a state of human imperfection, had aspired to imitate the moral attributes of the Deity. The value of this agreeable composition (the Caesars of Julian) is enhanced by the rank of the author. virtuous mortal,

A prince, who delineates with freedom the vices and virtues of his predecessors, subscribes, in every line, the censure or approbation of his own conduct. In the cool moments of reflection, Julian preferred the useful and benevolent virtues of Antoninus; but his ambitious spirit was inflamed by the glory of Alexander, and he solicited, with equal ardor, the esteem of the wise and the applause of the multitude. In the season of life when the powers of the mind and bodv enjoy the most active vigour, the emperor, who was instructed by the experience and animated by the success of the German war, resolved to signalise his reign by some more splendid and memorable achievement. The ambassadors of the East, from the continent of India and the isle of Ceylon,® had respectfully saluted the Roman purple.^ The nations of the West esteemed and dreaded the personal virtues of Julian both in peace and war. He despised the trophies of a Gothic victory,® and was satisfied that the rapa-^ cious barbarians of the Danid)e would be reany future violatilbn of the faith by the terror of his name and the additional fortifications with which he strengthened the Thracian and Illyrian frontiers. The successor of Cyrus and Artaxerxes was the only rival whom he deemed worthy of his arms, and he resolved, by the final conquest of Persia, to chastise the haughty nation which had so long resisted and insulted the majesty of Rome.® As soon as the Persian monarch was informed that the throne of Constantius was filled by a prince strained from of treaties

of a very different character, he condescended to make some artful or perhaps sincere overtures towards a negotiation of peace. But the pride of Sapor was astonished by the firmness of Julian, who sternly declared that he would never consent to hold a pieaceful conference among the flames and ruins of the cities of Mesopotamia, and who added, with a smile of contempt, that it was needless to treat by ambassadors, as he himself had determined to visit speedily the court of Persia. The impatience of die emperor

Roman Empire

urged the diligence of the military preparations. The generals were named, a fom^dable army was destined for this important service, and Julian, marching from Constantinople through the provinces of Asia Minor, arrived at Antioch about eight months after the death of his predecessor. His ardent desire to march into the heart of Persia was checked by the indispensable duty of regulating the state of the empire, by his zeal to revive the worship of the gods, and

by the advice of his wisest friends, who represented the necessity of allowing the salutary interval of winter quarters to restore the exhausted strength of the legions of Gaul and the discipline and spirit of the Eastern troops. Julian was persuaded to fix, till the ensuing spring, his residence at Antioch, among a people maliciously dis|>osed to deride the haste and to censure the delays of their sovereign.^® If Julian had flattered himself that his personal connection with the capital of the East would be productive of mutual satisfaction to the prince and people, he made a very false estimate of his own character and of the manners of Antioch.'^ The warmth of the climate disposed the natives to the most intemperate enjoyment of tranquillity and opulence, and the liv«*ly licentiousness of the Greeks was blended with the hereditary softness of the Syrians. Fashion was the only law, pleasure the only pursuit, and the splendour of dif^s and furniture was the only distinction of the citizens of Antioch. The arts of luxury were honoured, the serious and manly virtues were the subject of ridicule, and the contempt for female modesty and reverent age announced the universal corruption of the capital of the East. The love of spectacles was the taste, or rather passion, of the Syrians; the most skilful artists were procured from the adjacent cities a considerable share of the revenue was devoted to the public amusements, and the magnificence of the games of the theatre and circus was considered as the happiness and as the glory of Antioch. The rusmanners of a prince who disdained such and was insensible of such happiness, soon disgusted the delicacy of his subjects, and tic

glory,

the effeminate Orientals could neither imitate nor admire the severe simplicity which Julian always maintained and sometimes affected. The days of festivity, consecrated by ancient custom to the honour of the gods, were the only occa-

which Julian relaxed his philosophic and those festivals were the only days in which the Syrians of Antioch could reject the sions in

severity,

allurements of pleasure.

The

majority of the

The Twenty*fourth Chapter people supported the glory of the Christian namci which had been first invented by their ancestors:^* they contented themselves with disobeying the moral precepts, but they were scrupulously attached to the speculative doctrines, of their religion. The church of Antioch was distracted by heresy and schism; but the Arians and the Athanasians, the followers of Meletius and those of Paulinus,^^ were actuated by the same pious hatred of their common adversary.

The

strongest prejudice

an

gainst the character of

was entertained aapostate, the

enemy

and successor of a prince who had engaged the affections of a very numerous sect, and the removal of St. Babylas excited an implacable opposition to the person of Julian. His subjects complained with superstitious indignation, that famine had pursued the emperor’s steps from

Constantinople to Antioch, and the discontent of a hungry people was exasperated by the injudicious attempt to relieve their distress.

The

inclemency of the season had affected the harvests of Syria,

and the

price of bread^^ in the

markets of Antioch had naturally risen in proportion to llie scarcity of corn. But the fair and reasonable proportion was soon violated by the

rapacious arts of monopoly. In this unequal contest, in which the produce of the land is claimed by one party as his exclusive property, is used by another as a lucrative object of trade,

and

is

reejuired

by a

necessary support of

third for the daily

life, all

and

the profits of the

intermediate agents are accumulated on the head of the defenceless consumers. The hardships of their situation were exaggerated

and in-

own

impatience and anxiety, and the apprehension of a scarcity gradually produced the appearances of a famine. When the luxurious citizens of Anticch complained of the high price of poultry and fish, Julian publicly delcared that a frugal city ought to be satisfied with a regular supply of wine, oil, and bread; but he acknowledged that it was the duty of a sovereign to provide for the subsistence of his people. With this salutary view the emperor ventured on a very dangerous and doubtful step, of fixing, by legal authority, the value of corn. He enactecl that, in a time of scarcity, it should be sold at a price which had seldom been creased by their

known in the most plentiful years; and that his own example might strengthen his laws, he sent into the market four hundred and twenty-two thousand modii^ or measures, which were drawn by

his order

from the granaries of Hierapolis, of

and even of Egypt. The consequences might have been foreseen, and were soon felt. Chalcis,

363

The

Imperial wheat was purchased by the rich merchants; the proprietors of land or of com withheld from the city the accustomed supply; and the small quantities that appeared in the

market were secretly sold at an advanced and Julian still continued to applaud

illegal price.

own policy, treated the complaints of the people as a vain and ungrateful murmur, and convinced Antioch that he had inherited the obstinacy, though not the cruelty, of his brother Callus.^ ^ The remonstrances of the municipal senate served only to exasperate his inflexible mind. He was persuaded, perhaps with truth, that the senators of Antioch, who possessed lands or were concerned in trade, had themselves contributed to the calamities of their country; and he imputed the disrespectful boldness which they assumed to the sense, not of public duty, but of private interest. The whole body, consisting of two hundred of the most noble and wealthy citizens, were sent, under a guard, from the palace to the prison; and though they were permitted, before the close of evening, to return to their respective houses,*^ the emp>eror himself could not obtain the forgiveness which he had so easily granted. The same grievances were still the subject of the same complaints, which were industriously circulated by the wit and levity of the Syrian Greeks. During the licentious days of the Saturnalia, the streets of the city resounded with insolent songs, which derided the laws, the religion, the personal conduct, and even the beards of the conqueror; and the spirit of Antioch was manifested by the connivance of the magistrates and the applause of the multitude.^^ The disciple of Socrates was too deeply affected by these popular insults; but the monarch, endowed with quick sensibility and possessed of absolute power, refused his passions the gratification of revenge. A tyrant might have proscribed, without distinction, the lives and fortunes of the citizens of Antioch; and the unwarlike S>Tians must have patiently submitted to the lust, the rapaciousness, and the cruelty of the faithful legions of Gaul. A milder sentence might have deprived the capital of the East of its honours and privileges, and the courtiers, perhaps the his

subjects of Julian, would have applauded an act of justice which asserted the dignity* of the

supreme magistrate of the republic.'* But instead of abusing or exerting the authority of the state to revenge his personal injuries, Julian contented himself with an inoffensive mode of retaliation, which it would be in the power of few princes to employ.

He had been insulted by

Decline and Fall of the

364

turn he composed, unof the Enemy of the Beard, an ironical confession of his own faults, and a severe satire of the licentious and effeminate manners of Antioch. This Imperial reply was publicly exposed before the gates of the palace; and the Misopooon^® still remains a singular monument of the resentment, the wit, the humanity, and the indiscretion of Julian. Though he affected to laugh, he could not forgive.** His contempt was expressed, and his revenge might be gratified, by the nomination of a governor** worthy only of such subjects; and the emp>eror, for ever renouncing the ungrateful city, proclaimed his resolution to pass the ensuing winter at Tarsus satires

and

der the

libels; in his

title

Roman Empire

the superior qualities of the tnind, with which they themselves are so plentifully endowed. Julian might disdain the acclamations of a venal court who adored the Imperial purple ; but he was deeply flattered by the praise, the admonition, the freedom, and the envy of an independent philosopher, who refused his favours, loved his person, celebrated his fame, and protected his memory. The voluminous writings of Libanius still exist ; for the most part they are the vain and idle compositions of an orator who cultivated the science of words the productions of

—

Yet Antioch possessed one citizen whose genand virtues might atone, in the opinion of

a recluse student, whose mind, regardless of his contemporaries, was incessantly fixed on the Trojan war and the Athenian commonwealth. Yet the sophist of Antioch sometimes descended from this imaginary elevation he entertained a various and elaborate correspondence;*® he

and folly of his country. The was bom in the capital of the

praised the virtues of his own times ; he boldly arraigned the abuses of public and private life;

East, he publicly professed the arts of rhetoric

and he eloquently pleaded the cause of Antioch against the just resentment of Julian and Theo-

in Cilicia.** ius

Julian, for the vice sophist Libanius

and declamation

at Nice, Nicomedia, Constan-

tinople, Athens, and, during the

his

life,

at Antioch. His school

remainder of

was assiduously

frequented by the Grecian youth; his disciples, who sometimes exceeded the number of eighty, celebrated their incomparable master; and the jealousy of his rivals, who persecuted him from one city to another, confirmed the favourable opinion which Libanius ostentatiously displayed of his superior merit. The preceptors ofJulian had extorted a rash but solemn assurance that he would never attend the lectures of their adversary; the curiosity of the royal youth was checked and inflamed; he secretly procured the writings of this dangerous sophist, and gradually surpassed, in the perfect imitation of his style, the most laborious of his domestic pupils.^* When Julian ascended the throne, he declared his impatience to embrace and reward the Syrian sophist, who had preserved in a degenerate age the Grecian purity of taste, of manners, and of religion. The emperor’s prepossession was increased and justified by the discreet pride of his favourite. Instead of pressing, with the foremost of the crowd, into the palace of Constantinople, Libanius calmly expected his

withdrew from court on the symptoms of coldness and indifference, required a formal invitation for each visit, and taught his sovereign an important lesson, that arrival at Antioch, first

he might command the obedience of a subject, but that he must deserve the attachment of a friend. The sophists of every age, despising or affecting to despise the accidental distinctions

of birth

and

fortune,** reserve their esteem for

;

dosius. It

is

the

common calamity of old age*^ to

whatever might have rendered it desirable; but Libanius experienced the peculiar misfortune of surviving the religion and the sciences to which he had consecrated his genius. The friend of Julian w'as an indignant spectator of the triumph of Christianity, and his bigotry, which darkened the prospect of the visible world, did not inspire Libanius with any lively hopes of celestial gh>ry and happiness.-® 1 he martial impatience of Julian urged him to take the field in the beginning of the spring, and he dismissed, with contempt and reproach, lose

the senate of Antioch, who accompanied the emperor beyond the limits of their own territory, to which he was resolved never to return. After a laborious march of two days*® he halted on the third at Bcrcra, or Aleppo, where he had the mortification of finding a senate almost enwho received with cold and

tirely Christian,

formal demonstrations of respect the eloquent

sermon of the apostle of Paganism. The son of one of the most illustrious citizens of Bercea, who had embraced, either from interest or conscience, the religion of the emperor, was disinherited by his angry parent. The father and the son were invited to the Imperial table. Julian, placing himself between them, attempted without success to inculcate the lesson and example of toleration, supported, with aflccted calmness, the indiscreet zeal of the aged Christian, who seemed to forget the sentiments of nature and the duty of a subject, and at length, turning towards the afflicted youth, ‘‘Since you have

The Twenty-fourth Chapter a father/’ said he, “for my sake, it is incumbent on me to supply his place.”*® The emperor was received in a manner much more agreeable to his wishes at Batnae, a small town pleasantly seated in a grove of cypresses, about twenty lost

miles from the city of Hierapolis.

The solemn

of sacrifice were decently prepared by the inhabitants of Batnae, who seemed attached to rites

the worship of their tutelar deities, Apollo and Jupiter; but the serious piety of Julian was of-

fended by the tumult of their applause, and he too clearly discerned that the smoke which a-

was the incense of flattery The ancient and magnificent temple, which had sanetifled fur so many ages the city of Hierapolis, no longer sulisisted, and the consecrated wealth, which afforded a liberal maintenance to more than three hundred priests, might hasten its downfall. Yet Julian enjoyed the satisfaction of embracing a philosopher and a friend, whose religious firmness had withstood the pressing and repeated solicitation^ ^f Constanlius and Calrose

from their

altars

rather than of devotion.

lus, as

in

often as those princes lodged at his house

their passage

through Hierapolis. In the

hurrv of military preparation, and the careless confidence of a familiar corrcsf>ondencc, the /eal of Julian ap{>ears to have been lively and unilorm. He had now undertaken an important war, and the anxiety of the event still more attentive to observe and register the most trifling presages from which, according to the rules of divination, anv knowledge of futurity could be derived. He informed Libanius of his progress as far as Hierapolis by an elegant epistle,** which displays the facility of his genius and his tender friendship for tlic sophist of Antioch. Hierapolis, situate almost on the banks of the Euphrates,** had been appointed for the general rendezvous of the Roman troops, who immediately passed the great river on the bridge

and

difficult

rendered him

of boats

which was previously constructed,**

If

the inclinations of Julian had been similar to those of his predecessor, he might have wasted

the active

and important season of the year

in

the circus of Samosata or in the churches of Eklessa. But as the warlike emperor, instead of Constant ius, had chosen Alexander for his model, he advanced without delay to Carrhje,** a very ancient city of Mesopotamia, at the dis-

tance of fourscore miles from Hierajx)lis.

temple of the

Moon

The

attracted the devotion of

was princiimmense pre-

Julian, but the halt of a few days pally

employed

in completing the

parations of the Persian war.

The

secret of the

365

expedition had hitherto remained in his own breast; but as Carrhae is the point of separation of the two great roads, he could no longer conceal whether it was his design to attack the dominions of Sapor on the side of the Tigris, or on that of the Euphrates. The emperor detached an army of thirty thousand men, under the

command of his kinsman Procopius, and of Sebastian, who had been duke of Egypt. They were ordered to direct their march towards Niand to secure the frontier from the desultory incursions of the enemy, before they attempted the passage of the Tigris. I'hcir subsequent operations were left to the discretion of

si bis,

the generals; but Julian expected that, after

wasting with fire and sword the fertile districts of Media and Adiabcne, they might arrive under the walls of Ctesiphon alx>ut the same time that he himself, advancing with equal steps along the banks the Euphrates, should besiege the capital of the Persian monarchv. The success of this well -concerted plan dep>ended, in a great measure, on the pow'crful and ready assistance of the king of Armenia,

cx|X)sing the safety of his

who, without

own dominions, might

detach an army of four thousand horse and tw'cnty thousand foot to the assistance of the Romans.*^ But the feeble Arsaccs Tiranus,*® king of Armenia, had degenerated still more shamefully than his father Chosrocs from the

manlv virtues of the great Tiridates; and as the pusillanimous monarch was averse to any enterprise of danger and glory, he could disguise his timid indolence by the more decent excuses of religion and gratitude. He expressed a pious attachment to the memory of Constantius, from whose hands he had received in marriage Olympias, the daughter of the pr.Tfect Ablavius; and the alliance of a female w'ho had been educated as the destined wife of the emperor Ck)nstans exalted the dignity of a barbarian king.*® Tiranus professed the Christian religion; he reigned over a nation of Christians; and he w'as restrained, by every principle of conscience and interest, from contributing to the victory which would consummate the ruin of the church. The alieBatcd mind of Tiranus was exasperated by the indiscretion of Julian, who treated the king of Armenia as hi^ slave, and as the enemy of the gods. The haughty and threatening style of the Imperial mandates*® aw^akened the secret indignation of a prince who, in the humiliating state of dependence, was still conscious of his royal descent from the Arsacides, the lords of the East, and the rivals of the Roman power.

The

military dispositions of Julian were skil-

Decline and Fall of the

366

fully contrived to deceive the spies

the attention of Sapor.

The

and to divert

legions appeared to

march towards Nisibis and the Tia sudden they wheeled to the right, traversed the level and naked plain of Carrhac, and reached, on the third day, the banks of the Euphrates, where the strong town of Nicephorium, or Gallinicum, had been founded by the Macedonian kings. From thence the emperor pursued his march, above ninety miles, along the winding stream of the Euphrates, till at length, about one month after his departure from Antioch, he discovered the towers of Circesium, the extreme limit of the Roman dominions. The army of Julian, the most numerous direct their gris.

On

that

any of the Carsars had ever led against

Persia, consisted of sixty-five

thousand effective

and well-disciplined soldiers. The veteran bands of cavalry and infantry, of Romans and barbarians, had been selected from the different provinces, and a just pre-eminence of loyalty and valour was claimed by the hardy Gauls, who guarded the throne and person of their beloved prince. A formidable body of Scythian auxiliaries had been transported from another climate, and almost from another world, to invade a distant country of whose name and situation they were ignorant. The love of rapine and war ^lured to the Imperial standard sev-

whose had commanded, while he sternly refused the payment of the accustomed subsidies. The broad channel of the Euphrates" wa^ crowded by a fleet of eleven hunjtred ships, destined to attend the motions and to satisfy the eral tribes of Saracens, or roving Arabs, service Julian

wants of the Roman army. The military strength of the fleet was composed of fifty armed galleys, these were accompanied by an equal number of fiat-bottomed boats, which might occasionally be connected into the form of temporary bridges. The rest of the ships, partly constructed of timber and partly covered with raw hides, were laden with an almost inexhaustible supply of arms and engines, of utensils and provisions. The vigilant humanity of Julian had embarked a very large magazine of vinegar and biscuit for the use of the soldiers, but he prohibited the indulgence of wine, and rigorously stopped a long string of superfluous camels that attempted to follow the rear of the army. The river Chaboras falls into the Euphrates at Circesium,^ and, as soon as the trumpet gave the signal of march, the Romans pas^ the little stream which separated two mighty and hostile empires. The custom of ancient discipline required a military oration, and Julian embraced

and

Roman Empire

every opportunity of displaying his eloquence. He animated the impatient and attentive legions by the example of the inflexible courage and glorious triumphs of their ancestors. He excited their resentment by a lively picture of the insolence of the Persians; and he exhorted them to imitate his firm resolution either to extirpate that perfidious nation, or to devote his life in the cause of the republic. The eloquence of Julian was enforced by a donative of one hundred and thirty pieces of silver to every soldier, and the bridge of the Chaboras was instantly cut away to convince the troops that they must place their hopes of safety in the success of their arms. Yet the prudence of the emperor induced him to secure a remote frontier, perpetually exposed to the inroads of the hostile detachment of four thousand men was Arabs. left at Circesium, which completed, to the number of ten thousand, the regular garrison of that important fortress. From the moment that the Romans entered the enemy’s country,*^ the country of an active and artful enemy, the order of march was disposed in three columns. The strength of the infantry, and consequently of the whole army, was placed in the centre, under the peculiar command of their master-general Victor. On the right, the brave Nevitta led a column of several legions along the banks of the Euphrates, and almost always in sight of The fleet. The left flank of the army was protected by the column of cavalry. Hormisdas and Arintharus were appointed generals of the horse, and the singular adventures of Hormisdas** arc not undeserving of our notice. He was a Persian prince, of the royal race of the Sassanides, who, in the troubles of the minority of Sapor, had escaped from prison to the hospitable court of the great Constantine. Hormisdas at first excited the compassion, and at length acquired the esteem, of his new masters; his valour and fidelity raised him to the military honours of the Roman service; and, though a Christian, he might indulge the secret satisfaction of convincing his ungrateful country that an oppressed subject may prove

A

the most dangerous enemy. Such w|s the disposition of the three principal

and

columns.

army were

The

front

by Lucilianus with a flying detachment of fifteen hundred light-armed soldiers, whose active vigilance observed the most distant signs, and conveyed the earliest notice of any hostile approach. Dagaldiphus, and Sccundinus duke of Osrhoene, conducted the troops of the rear-guard; the baggage securely proceeded in the iotervab df flanks of the

coveited

The Twenty-fourth Chapter the columns ; and the ranks, from a motive either of use or ostentation, were formed in such open order that the whole line of march extended almost ten miles. The ordinary post of Julian was at the head of the centre column, but, as be preferred the duties of a general to the state of a

monarch, he rapidly moved, with a small escort of light cavalry, to the front, the rear, the flanks, wherever his presence could animate or protect

march of the Roman army. The country which they traversed from the Chaboras to the the

cultivated lands of Assyria

may

be considered

as a part of the desert of Arabia, a dry

and bar-

ren waste, which could never be improved by the most powerful arts of human industry. Julian marched over the same ground which had been trod above seven hundred years before by the footsteps of the younger Cyrus, and which is described by one of the companions of his expedition, the sage and heroic Xenophon.^^ “The country was a plain throughout, as even as the sea, and full of wormwood; and if any other kind of shrubs or reeds grew there, they had all an aromatic smell, but no trees could be seen. Bastards and ostriches, antelopes and wild asses,

appeared to be the only inhabi-

tants of the desert,

and the fatigues of the march

were alleviated by the amusements of the chase.” The loose sand of the desert was frequently raised by the wind into clouds of dust,

and a great number of the soldiers of Julian, with their tents, were suddenly thrown to the ground by the violence of an unexpected hurricane.

The sandy plains of Mesopotamia were abandoned to the antelopes and wild asses of the desert, but a variety of populous towns and villages were pleasantly situated on the banks of the Euphrates and in the islands which are occasionally formed by that river. The city of Anah, or Anatho,®* the actual residence of an Arabian emir, is composed of two long streets, which enclose, within a natural fortification, a small island in the midst, and two fruitful spots on either side, of the Euphrates. The warlike inhabitants of Anatho showed a disposition to march of a Roman emperor, till they were diverted from such fatal presumption by the mild exhortations of Prince Hormi^as, and the approaching terrors of the fleet and army. Thev implored and experienced the clemency

stop the

who transplanted the people to an advantageous settlement 'near Chalcis in Syria, and admitted Pusaeus, the governor, to an honourable rank in his service and friendship. But the impregnable fortress of Thilutha could

of Julian,

367

scorn the menace of a siege, and the emperor was obliged to content himself with an insulting

promise that, when he had subdued the interior provinces of Persia, Thilutha would no longer refuse to grace the triumph of the conqueror. The inhabitants of the open towns, unable to resist and unwilling to yield, fled with precipitation, and their houses, filled with spoil and provisions, were occupied by the soldiers of Julian, who massacred, without remorse and without punishment, some defenceless women. During the march the Surenas, or Persian general, and Malck Rodosaces, the renowned emir of the tribe of Gassan,®® incessantly hovered round the army; every straggler was intercepted, every detachment was attacked, and the valiant Hormisdas escaped with some difficulty from their hands. But the barbarians were finally repulsed, the country became every day favourable tofthe operations of cavalry, and the Romans arrived at Macepracta they perceived the ruins of the wall which had been constructed by the ancient kings of Ass\Tia to secure their dominions from the incursions of the Medes. These preliminaries of the expedition of Julian appear to have emplo>’ed about less

when

and we may compute near three hundred miles from the fortress of Circesium to

fifteen day’s,

the wall of Macepracta.®^

The

fertile

province

of Assyria,®*

which

stretched beyond the Tigris, as far as the mountains of Media,®* extended about four hundred

miles from the ancient wall of Macepracta to the territory of Basra, where the united streams of the Euphrates and Tigris discharge themselves into the Persian Gulf.®® The whole coun-

might have claimed the peculiar name of Mesopotamia, as the two rivers, which are never more distant than fifty, approach, bctu’cen Bagdad and Babylon, within twenty-five miles of each other. A multitude of artificial canals, dug without much labour in a soft and yielding soil, connected the rivers and intersected the plain of Assyria. The uses of these artificial cansils were try

and important. They served to discharge the superfluous waters from one river into the other at the season of their respective inundations. Subdividing themseh’es into smaller and smaller branches, they refreshed the dry lands and supplied the deficiency of rain. They facilitated the intercourse of peace and commerce, and, as the dams could be speedily broke down, they armed the despair of the Assyrians with the means of opposing a sudden deluge to the progress of an invading army. To the soil and climate of Assyria nature had denied some various

Decline and Fall of thc

368

of her choicest gifts-^the vine, the olive, and the fig-tree; but the food which supports the life of man, and particularly wheat and barley, were produced with inexhaustible fertility, and the

husbandman, who committed his seed to the was frequently rewarded with an increase of two or even of three hundred. The face of the country was interspersed with groves of innumerable palm-trees, and the diligent natives earth,

celebrated, cither in verse or prose, the three

hundred and sixty uses to which the trunk, the branches, the leaves, the juice, and the fruit were skilfully applied. Several manufactures,

and linen, employed numerous people, and afibrded valuable materials for foreign trade, which appears, however, to have been conducted by the hands of strangers. Babylon had been converted into a royal park, but near the ruins of the ancient capital new cities had successively arisen, and the populousncss of the country was displayed in the multitudes of towns and villages, which were built of bricks dried in the sun and strongly cemented with bitumen, the natural and peculiar production of the Babylonian soil. While the successors of Cyrus reigned over Asia, the province of Assyria alone especially those of leather

the industry of a

maintained, during a third part of the year, the luxurious plenty of the table and household of the Great King. Four considerable villages were assigned for the subsistence of his Indian dogs; eight hundred stallions and sixteen thousand mares were constantly kept, at the expense of* the country, for the royal stables;

and

as the

which was paid* to the satrap amounted to one English bushel of silver, we may compute the annual revenue of Assyria at more than twelve hundred thousand pounds sterling.^* The fields of Assyria were devoted by Julian to the calamities of war; and the philosopher retaliated on a guiltless people the acts of rapine and cruelty which had been committed by their haughty master in the Roman provinces. The

daily tribute

trembling Assyrians their assistance;

summoned

the rivers to

and completed with

their

own

hands the ruin of their country. The roads were rendered impracticable; a flood of waters w^as poured into the camp; and, during several days, the troops of Julian were obliged to contend with the most discouraging hardships. But every obstacle was surmounted by the perseverance of the legionaries, who were inured to toil as well as to danger, and who felt themselves animated by the spirit of their leader. The damage was gradually repaired ; the waters were restored to their proper channels; while groves of palm-

Roman Empire

trees were cut down and placed along the broken parts of the road; and the army passed over the broad and deeper canals on bridges of floating rafts, which were supported by the help of bladders. Two cities of Assyria presumed to resist the arms of a Roman emperor; and they

both paid the severe penalty of their rashness.

At the distance of fifty miles from the

royal resi-

dence of Ctesiphon, Perisabor, or Anbar, held the second rank in the province: a city, large, populous, and well fortified, surrounded with a double wall, almost encompassed by a branch of the Euphrates, and defended by the valour of a numerous garrison. The exhortations of Hormisdas were repulsed with contempt; and the ears of the Persian prince were wounded by a just reproach, that, unmindful of his royal birth, he conducted an army of strangers against his king and country. The Assyrians maintained their loyalty by a skilful as well as vigorous defence, till the lucky stroke of a battering-rarn having opened a large breach by shattering one of the angles of the wall, they hastily retired into the fortifications of the interior citadel. The soldiers of Julian rushed impetuously into the

town, and, after the

full gratification

military appetite, Perisabor

of every

was reduced

to

and the engines which assaulted the citadel were planted on the ruins of the smoking houses. The contest was continued by an incessant and mutual discharge of mi^tSile w'eapons; and the superiority which the Romans might ashes;

derive from the mechanical powcTs of their ba-

and catapultae was counterbalanced by the advantage of the ground on the side of the

listcC

had been which could engage on equal terms with the loftiest ramparts, the tremendous aspect of a moving turret, that would leave no hope of resistance or of mercy, terrified the defenders of the citadel into an humble submission; and the place was surrendered only two days after Julian first appeared under the walls of Perisabor. Two thousand five hundred persons of both sexes, the feeble remnant of a flourishing people, were permitted to retire: the plentiful magazines of corn, of arms, and of splendid furniture, were partly* distriliuted among the troops and partly reserved for the public service ; the useless stores were destroyed by fire or thrown into the stream of the Euphrates; and the fate of Amida was revenged by the total ruin of Perisabor. The city, or rather fortress, of Maogamalcha, which was defended by sixteen large towers, a deep ditch, and two strong and solid walb of besieged. But as soon as ail Helepolis

constructed,

The Twenty-fourth Chapter brick

and bitumen, appears to have been con-

structed at the distance of eleven miles, as the

safeguard of the capital of Persia. The emperor, apprehensive of leaving such an important fortress in his rear, immediately formed the siege of Maogamalcha; and the Roman army was distributed for that purpose into three divisions. Victor, at the head of the cavalry and of a detachment of heavy-armed foot, was ordered to clear the country as far as the banks of the Tigris and the suburbs of Ctesiphon. The conduct of the attack was assumed by Julian himself, who seemed to place his whole dependence in the military engines which he erected against the walls; while he secretly contrived a more eihcacious method of introducing his troops into the heart of the city. Under the direction of Nevitta and Dagalaiphus, the trenches were opened at a considerable distance, and gradually prolonged as far as the edge of the ditch. The ditch was speedily filled with earth ; and, by the incessant labour of the troops, a mine was carried under the foundations of the walls, and sustained at suthcieiit intervals by props of timber. Three chosen cohorts, advancing in a single file, silently explored the dark and dangerous passage; till their intrepid leader whispered back the intelligence that he w'as ready to issue from his confinement into the streets of the hostile city. Julian checked their ardour, that he might ensure their success; and immediately diverted the attention of the garrison bv the tumult and clamour of a general assault. The Persians,

who from

their walls

contemptuously

beheld the progress of an impotent attack, celebrated w'ith songs of triumph the glorv of Sajxir; and ventured to assure the emperor that he might ascend the starr>' mansion of Ormusd liefore he could hope to take the impregnable city of Maogamalcha. The city was already taken. History has recorded the name of a pri\ate soldier, the first

who ascended from

into a deserted tower.

by

his

companions,

the

mine

The

who

passage was w'idened pressed forwards with

impatient valour. Fifteen hundred enemies were already in the midst of the city, Tlie astonished garrison abandoned the walls, and their only

hope of

safety; the gates

were instantly burst

open; and the revenge of the soldier, unless it were suspended by lust or avarice, was satiated by an undistinguishing massacre. The governor, who had yielded on a promi.se of merev, wa.s burnt alive, a few days afterward.s, on a charge of having uttered some disrespectful words against the honour of Prince Hormisdas. The fortifications were razed to the ground; and not

369

a vestige was left that the city of Maogamalcha had ever existed. The neighbourhood of the capital of Persia was adorned with three stately palaces, laboriously enriched with every production that could gratify the luxury and pride of an Eastern monarch. The pleasant situation of the gardens along the banks of the Tigris was improved, according to the Persian taste, by the symmetry of flowers, fountains, and shady walks and spacious parks were enclosed for the reception of the bears, lions, and wild boars, which were maintained at a considerable expense for the pleasure of the royal chase. The park-walls were broken down, the savage game was abandoned to the darts of the soldiers, and the palaces of Sapor were reduced to ashes, by the command of the Roman emperor. Julian, on this occasion, show^ed himscLf ignorant or careless of the laws of civility, which the prudence* and refinement of polished ages have es:

tablished between hostile princes. Yet these

wanton ravages need not excite in our breasts any vehement emotions of pity or resentment. A simple, naked statue, finished by the hand of a (irccian artist, is of more genuine value than all these rude and costly monuments of barbaric labour; and, if we arc more deeply affected by the ruin of a palace than by the conflagration of a cottage, our humanity must have formed a very erroneous estimate of the miseries of hu-

man

life.”

Julian was an object of terror and hatred to the Persians; and the painters of that nation represented the invader of their counlrv under

emblem of a furious lion, who vomited from mouth a consuming fire.** To his friends and soldiers the philosophic hero appeared in a more amiable light; and his virtues were never more conspicuously displayed than in the last and

the his

most active period of his life.

He practised, with-

out clfort, and almost without merit, the habitual qualities of temperance and sobrietv. According to the dictates of that artificial wisdom which assumes an absolute dominion over the mind and body, he sternly refused himself the In indulgence of the most natural appetites. the warm climate of Assyria, which solicited a luxurious people to the gratification of every sensual desire,®® a youthful conqueror preserved his chastitv pure and inviolate: nor was Julian ever tempted, even by a motive of curiosity, to visit his female captives of exquisite beauty,®^ who, instead of resisting his power, would have disputed with each other the honour of his embraces. With the same firmness that he resisted the allurements of love, he sustained the hard-

When

the Romans marched and flooded country, their sovereign, on foot, at the head of his legions, shared their fatigues and animated their diligence. In every useful labour the hand of Julian was prompt and strenuous; and the Imperial purple was wet and dirty, as the coarse garment of the meanest soldier. The two sieges allowed him some remarkable opportunities of signalisships of war.

through the

flat

personal valour, which, in the improved can seldom be exerted by a prudent general. The emperor stood before the citadel of Perisabur, insensible of his

ing

liis

state of the military art,

extreme danger, and encouraged his troops to burst open the gates of iron, till he was almost overwhelmed under a cloud of missile weapons and huge stones that were directed against his {>crson. As he examined the exterior fortifications of

Maogamalcha, two

Persians, devot-

ing themselves for their country, suddenly rushed upon him with drawn scimitars: the emperor dexterously received their blows on his uplifted shield; and, with a steady and well-aimed thrust, laid one of his adversaries dead at his feet. The esteem of a prince who possesses the virtues which he approves is the noblest recompense of a deserving subject ; and the authority which Julian derived from his personal merit enabled him to revive and enforce the rigour of ancient discipline. He punished with death, or ignominy, the misbehaviour of three troops of horse, who, in a skirmish with the Surenas, had lost their honour and one of their standards; and he distinguished with obu^onal^^ crowns the valour of the foremost soldiers ^^4lo liad ascended into the city of Maogamalcha. After the siege of Perisabor the firmness of the emperor was exercised by the insolent avarice of the army, who loudly complained that their services were rewarded by a trifling donative of one hundred pieces of silver. His just indignation was expressed in the grave and manly language of a Roman. “Riches are the object of your desires; those riches are in the hands of the Persians;

and the spoib of

this fruitful country are proposed as the prize of your valour and discipline. Believe me,” added Julian, “the Roman r^’public, which formerly possessed such immense treasures, is now reduced to want and wretchedness; since our princes have been persuaded, by weak and interested ministers, to purchase with gold the tranquillity of the barbarians. The revenue is exhausted; the cities are ruined; the provinces are dispeopled. For myself, the only I have received from my royal a soul incapable of fear; and as long

Inheritance that ancestors

Roman Empire as I am convinced that every real advantage is

Decline and Fall oi the

370

is

seated in the mind, I shall not blush to acknowledge an honourable poverty, which in the days of ancient virtue was considered as the glory

That glory, and that virtue, may if you will listen to the voice of Heaven and of your leader. But if you will rashly persist, if you are determined to renew the shameful and mischievous examples of old seditions, proceed. As it becomes an emperor who has filled the first rank among men, I am prepared to die standing, and to despise a precarious life which every hour may depend on an accidental fever. If I have been found unworthy of the command, there are now among you (I speak it with pride and pleasure), there are many chiefs whose merit and experience are of Fabricius.

be your own,

equal to the conduct of the most important war. Such has been the temper of my reign, that 1 can retire, without regret and without apprcliension, to the obscurity of a private station.”®’ The modest resolution of Julian was answered by the unanimous applause and cheerful obedience of the Romans, who declared their confidence of victory while they fought under the banners of their heroic prince. Their courage w«is kindled

by

his fn^quent

and

familiar asseverations (for

such w'ishes were the oaths of Julian), “So may !” I reduce the Persians under the yoke “'I'hus may I restore the strength and splendour of the republic !” The love of fame was the ardent passion of his soul: but it w'as not Ix^fore he trampled on the ruins of Maogatnalcha that he allowed hiiiLself to say, “We have now provided

some materials

for the sophist of Antioch.”®*

The succcs.sful valour ofjulian had triumphed over

ail

the obstacles that o])posed his

maich

to

the gates of Ctesiphon. But the reduction, or

even the

siege, of the capital of Persia v\as

still

at 9 distance: nor can the military conduct of the emperor lx* clearly apprehended without a

knowledge of the country which was the theatre of his bold and skilful operations.®® Twenty miles to the south of Bagdad, and on the eastern bank of the Tigris, the curiosity of ti’avellers has observed some ruins of the palaces of Ctesiphon, which in the time ofjulian was a great and populous city. The name and glory of the adjacent Seleucia were for ever extinguished; and the only remaining quarter of that Qreck colony bad resumed, with the Assyrian language and manners, the primitive appclation of Cochc. Coche was situate on the western side of the Tigrb; but it was naturally considci'ed as a suburb of Ctesiphon, with which we may suppose it to have been connected by a permanent

The TMrenty^foiirth Chapter bridge of boats. The united parts contributed to form the common epithet of A1 Modain, THE crrss, which the Orientals have bestowed on the winter residence of the Sassanides; and the whole circumference of the Persian capital was strongly fortified by the waters of the river, by lofty walls, and by impracticable morasses. Near the ruins of Scleucia the camp of Julian was fixed, and secured by a ditch and rampart against the sallies of the numerous and enterprising garrison of Goche. In this fruitful and pleasant country the Romans were plentifully supplied with water and forage: and several forts, which might have embarrassed the motions of the army, submitted, after some resistance, to the efforts of their valour. The fleet passed from the Euphrates into an artificial deviation of that river, which pours a copious and

navigable stream into the Tigris at a small distance below the great city. If they had followed this royal canal, which bore the name of NaharMalcha,*^ the intermediate situation of Coche would have separated the fleet and army of Julian; and the rash attempt of steering against the current of the Tigris, and forcing their way through the midst of a hostile capital, must

have

^en attended with Roman navy. The

of the

the total destruction

prudence of the em-

peror foresaw the danger, and provided the remedy. As he had minutely studied the opera-

same country, he soon rechad dug a new and navigable canal, which, leaving Coche

tions of Trajan in the

ollected that his warlike predecessor

on the right hand, conveyed the waters of the

Nahar-Malcha into the tance above the

cities.

river Tigris at

From

some dis-

the information of

the peasants Julian ascertained the vestiges of this ancient work, which were almost obliterated by design or accident. By the indefatigable labour of the soldiers a broad and deep channel

was speedily prepared for the reception of the Euphrates. A strong dyke was constructed to interrupt the ordinary current of the NaharMalcha: a flood of waters rushed impetuously into their new bed and the Roman fleet, steering their triumphant course into the Tigris, derided the vain and ineffectual barriers which the Persians of Gtesiphon had erected to oppose ;

their passage.

As

it

became necessary

to transport the

Ro-

man army

over the Tigris, another labour presented itself, of less toil, but of more danger, than the preceding expedition. The stream was broad and rapid, the ascent steep and difficult;

and the entrenclunents which had been formed on the ridge of the opposite bank were lined

371

with a numerous army of heavy cuirassiers, dexterous archers, and huge elephants; who (according to the extravagant hyperbole of Libanius) could trample with the same ease a field of corn or a legion of Romans.^^ In the presence of such an enemy the construction of a bridge was impracticable; and the intrepid prince, who instantly seized the only possible expedient, concealed his design, till the moment of execution, from the knowledge of the barbarians, of his own troops, and even of his generals themselves. Under the specious pretence of examining the state of the magazines, fourscore vessels were gradually unladen; and a select detachment, apparently destined for some secret expedition, was ordered to stand to their arms on the first signal. Julian disguised the silent anxiety of his own mind with smiles of confidence and joy; and amused the hostile nations with the spectacle of military ganaes, which he insultingly celebrated under the walls of Coche. The day was consecrated to pleasure ; but, as soon as the hour of supper was past, the emperor summoned the generals to his tent, and acquainted them that he had fixed that night for the passage of the Tigris. They stood in silent and respectful astonishment; but when the venerable Sallust assumed the privilege of his age and experience, the rest of the chiefs supported with freedom the weight of his prudent remonstrances.** Julian contented himself with observing that conquest and safety depended on the attempt; that, instead of diminishing, the number of their enemies would be increased by successive reinforcements; and that a longer delay would neither contract the breadth of the stream nor lc\-cl the height of the bank. The signal was instantly given, and obeyed: the most impatient of the legionaries leaped into five vessels that lay nearest to the bank; and, as they plied their oars with intrepid diligence, they were lost after a few moments in the darkness of the night. A flame arose on the opposite side; and Julian, who too clearly understood that his foremost vessels in attempting to land had been fired by the enemy, dexterously converted their extreme danger into a presage of victory. “Our fellowsoldiers,” he eagerly exclaimed, “are already masters of the bank: see— they make the appointed signal ; let us hasten to emulate and assist their courage.” The united and rapid motion of a great fleet broke the violence of the current, and they reached the eastern shore of

the Tigris with sufficient speed to extinguish the

flames ions.

and rescue

The

their adventurous

difficulties

compan-

of a steep and lofty ascent

Decline and Fall of the

373

were increased by the weight cxf armour and the darkness of the night. A shower of stones, darts, and fire was incessantly discharged on the heads of the assailants; who, after an arduous struggle, climbed the bank and stood victorious upon ^e rampart. As soon as they possessed a more equal

had

field,

Julian,

who

with his light infantry

led the attack,^ darted through the ranks a

and experienced eye ; his bravest soldiers, according to the precepts of Homer, were distributed in the front and rear; and all the trumpets of the Imperial army sounded to battle. The Romans, after sending up a military shout, advanced in measured steps to the animating notes of martial music; launched their formidable javelins, and rushed forwards with drawn swords to deprive the barbarians, by a closer onset, of the advantage of their missile weapons. skilful

The whole engagement

lasted

above

tw'elve

the gradual retreat of the Persians was changed into a disorderly flight, of which the shameful example was given by the principal leaders and the Surenas himself. They were pursued to the gates of Ctesiphon; and the conquerors might have entered the dismayed city,^ hours;

if

till

their general, Victor,

who was

dangerously

wounded with an arrow, had not conjured them

Roman Empire

capital eA Sapor, the

march and junction of his

^bastian and Procopius, would be executed with the same courage and diligence. His expectations were disappointed by the lieutenants,

treachery of the Armenian king, who permitted, and most probably directed, the desertion of his auxiliary troops from the camp of the Romans;^* and by the dissensions of the two generals, who were incapable of fomung or executing any plan for the public service. When the emperor had relinquished the hope of this important reinforcement, he condescended to hold a council of war, and approved, after a full debate, the sentiment of those generals who dissuaded the siege of Ctesiphon, as a fruitless and pernicious undertaking. It is not easy for us to

conceive by what arts of fortification a city thrice besieged and taken by the predecessors of Julian could be rendered impregnable against an army of sixty thousand Romans, commanded by a brave and experienced general, and abundantly supplied with ships, provisions, bat-

and military stores. But ue may from the love of glory, and contempt of danger, which formed the character of Julian, that he was not discouraged by any trivial or imaginary obstacles. At the very time tering engines, rest assured,

to desist

when he

fatal if it

jected, with obstinacy

from a rash attempt, which must be were not successful. On their side the Romans acknowledged the loss of only seventyfive men; while they affirmed that the barbarians had left on the field of battle two thousand five hundred, or even six thousand, of their bravest soldiers. The spoil was such as might be expected from the riches and Itbcury of an Ori-

camp; large quantities of silver and gold, splendid arms and trappings, and beds and tables of massive silver. The victorious emperor distributed, as the rewards of valour, some honourable gifts, civic, and mural, and naval crowns; which he, and perhaps he alone, esteemed more precious than the wealth of Asia. A solemn sacrifice was offered to the god of war,

ental

but the appearances of the victims threatened the most inauspicious events; and Julian soon discovered, by less ambiguous signs, that he had now reached thc’term of his prosperity.^ On the second day after the battle the domestic guards, the Jovians and Herculians, and the remaining troops, which composed near twothirds of the whole army, were securely wafted over the Tigris,^* While the Persians beheld from the walls of Ctesiphon the desolation of the adjacent country, Julian cast many an anxious look towards the North, in full expectation that, as he himself had victoriously penetrated to the

declined the siege of Ctesiphon, he re-

and

disdain, the most

flattering offers of a negotiation of peace. Sapor,

who had been

so long accustomed to the tardy

ostentation of Constantius, was surprised by the

As far as the and Scythia, the satraps of the

intrepid diligence of his successor. confines of India

distant provinces were ordered to assemble their troops,

and

to march, without delay, to the as-

monarch. But their preparawere dilatory, their motions slow; and before Sapor could lead an army into the field, he received the melancholy intelligence of the dev-

sistance of their tions

astation of Assyria, the ruin of his palaces,

the slaughter of his bravest troops,

and

who defend-

ed the passage of the Tigris. The pride of royalty was humbled in the dust he took his repasts on the ground; and the disorder of^his hair expressed the grief and anxiety of hip mind. Perhaps he would not have refused |o purchase, with one half of his kingdom, the pafety of the remainder; and he would have gladly sub;

scribed himself, in a treaty of peace, the faithful

and dependent ally of the Roman conqueror. Under the pretence of private business, a minister of rank and confidence was secretly despatcl«ed to embrace the knees of Hormisdas, and to request, in the language of a suppliant, that ht might be introduced into the presence

The Twenty-fourth Chapter The

Sassanian prince, whether he listened to the voice of pride or humanity, whether he consulted the sentiments of his birth or the duties of his situation, was equally in-

of the emperor.

dined to promote a salutary measure which would terminate the calamities of Persia, and secure the triumph of Rome. He was astonished by the inflexible firmness of a hero who remembered, most unfortunately for himself and for his country, that Alexander had uniformly rejected the propositions of Darius. But as Julian was sensible that the hope of a safe and honourable peace might cool the ardour of his troops, he earnestly requested that Hormisdas w'ould privately dismiss the minister of Sapor,

and con-

from the knowl-

solid, reasons,

edge of the camp.^* The honour, as well as interest, of Julian, forbade him to consume his time under the impregnable walls of Ctesiphon ; and as often as he defied the barbarians, who defended the city, to meet him on the open plain, they prudently replied that, if he desireo to exercise his valour, he might seek the army of the Great King. He felt the insult, and he accepted the advice. Instead of confining his servile march to the banks of the Euphrates and Tigris, he resolved to imitate the adventurous spirit of Alexander, and boldly to advance into the inland provinces, till he forced his rival to contend with him, perhaps in the plains of Arbcla, for the empire of Asia. The magnanimity of Julian was applauded and betrayed by the arts of a noble Persian, who, in

tion of Julian.

ceal this dangerous temptation

had generously submitted to act a part full of danger, of falsehood, and of shame.^’ With a train of faithful followers he deserted to the Imperial camp; exposed, in a specious talc, the injuries which he had susthe cause of his country,

tained; exaggerated the cruelty of Sapor, the

discontent of the people, and the weakness of

monarchy; and confidently offered himself as the hostage and guide of the Roman march, The most rational grounds of suspicion were urged, without effect, by the wisdom and expericncc of Hormisdas; and the credulous Julian, receiving the traitor into his bosom, was persuaded to issue an hasty order, which, in the opinion of mankind, appeared to arraign his prudence and to endanger his safety. He dcstroyed in a single hour the whole navy, which had been transported above five hundr^ miles, at so great an expense of toil, of treasure, and of the

blood. Twelve, or, at the most, twenty-two, small vessels were saved, to accompany, on carriages, the march of the army, and to form occasional bridges for the passage of the rivers.

A

373

supply of twenty days’ provisions was reserved for the use of the soldiers; and the rest of the magazines, with a fleet of eleven hundred vessels, which rode at anchor in the Tigris, were abandoned to the flames by the absolute command of the emperor. The Christian bishops, Gregory and Augustin, insult the madness of the apostate, who executed, with his own hands, the sentence of divine justice. Their authority, of less weight, perhaps, in a military question, is confirmed by the cool judgment of an experienced soldier, who was himself spectator of the conflagration, and who could not disapprove the reluctant murmurs of the troops.^* Yet there arc not wanting some specious, and perhaps

which might

justify the resolunavigation of the Euphrates never ascended above Babylon, nor that of the Tigris above Opis.^ The distance of the lastmentioned city from the Roman camp was not very considerable ; and Julian must soon have renounced the vain and impracticable attempt of forcing upwards a great fleet against the stream of a rapid river,*® which in several places was embarrassed by natural or artificial cataracts.*^ The power of sails and oars was insuffident, it became necessary to tow the ships against the current of the river; the strength of

The

twenty thousand soldiers was exhausted in

this

the Romans continued to march along the banks of the Tigris, they could only expect to return home without achieving any enterprise worthy of the tedious

and

servile labour;

and

if

genius or fortune of their leader. If, on the contrary, it was advisable to advance into the inland country, the dc&truction of the fleet and

magazines was the only measure which could save that valuable prize from the hands of the numerous and active troops w^hich might suddenly be poured from the gates of Ctesiphon. Had the arms of Julian been victorious, wc should now admire the conduct as well as the courage of a hero who, by depriving his soldiers of the hopes of a retreat, left them only the alternative of death or conquest.** train of artillery and wagwhich retards the operations of a modem army, was in a great measure unknown in the camps of the Romans.** Yet, in every age, the subsistence of sixty thousand men must have been one of the most important cares of a prudent general ; and that subsistence could only be drawn from his own or from the enemy’s country. Had it been possible for Julian to maintain a bridge of communication on the Hgris, and to preserve the conquered places of

The cumbersome

gons.

Decline and Fall of the

374

Anyila» a desolated province could not afford any burge or regular supplies in a season of the year when the lands were covered by the inundation of the Euphrates,*^ and the unwholesome air was darkened with swarms of innumerThe appearance of the hostile able insects. country was far more inviting. The extensive region that lies between the river Tigris and the mountains of Media was filled with villages and towns; and the fertile soil, for the most part, was in a very improved state of cultivation. Julian might expect that a conqueror who possessed the two forcible instruments of persuasion, steel and gold, would easily procure a {dentiful subsistence from the fears or avarice of the natives. But on the approach of the Romans

Roman Empire

design of saving the army by a hasty march to the confines of Gorduene, a fertile and friendly province, which acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. The desponding troops obeyed the signal of retreat, only seventy days after they had passed the Ghaboras with the sanguine expectation of subverting the throne of Persia.*^ As long as the Romans seemed to advance into the country, their march was observed and insulted from a distance by several bodies of Persian cavalry ; who, showing themselves, sometimes in loose, and sometimes in closer order, faintly skirmished with the advanced guards.

this rich

These detachments were, however, supported by a much greater force; and the hcadi of the columns were no sooner pointed towards the Tigris than a cloud of dust arose on the plain.

blasted.

The Romans, who now aspired only to the

and smiling prospect was instantly Wherever they moved, the inhabitants deserted the open villages and took shelter in the fortified towns; the cattle was driven away; the grass and ripe com were consumed with fire; and, as soon as the flames had subsided which interrupted the inarch of Julian, he beheld the melancholy face of a smoking and naked desert. This desperate but effectual method of defence can only be executed by the enthusiasm of a people who prefer their independence to their property; or by the rigour of an arbitrary government, which consults the public safety without submitting to their inclinations the liberty of choice. On the present occasion the zeal and obedience of the Persians seconded the commands of Sapor; and the emperor was soon reduced to the scanty sto^ of provisions which continually wasted in his hands. Before they were entirely consumed he might still have reached the we^thy and unwarlike cities of Ecbatana or Susa by the effort of a rapid and well-directed march;** but he was deprived of this last resource by his ignorance of the roads and by the perfidy of his guides. The Romans wandered several days in the country to the eastward of Bagdad; the Persian deserter, who had artfully led them into the snare, escaped from their resentment; and his followers, as soon as they were put to the torture, confessed the secret of the conspiracy. The visionary conquests of Hyrcania and India, which had so long amused, now tormented, the mind of Julian. Conscious that his own imprudence was the cause of the public distress, he anxiously balanced the hopes of safety or success without obtaining a satisfactory answer either from gods or men. At length, as the only practicable measure,

he embraced the resolution of directing

his

steps towards the banks of the Tigris, with the

permission of a safe and speedy retreat, endeavoured to persuade themselves that this formidable appearance was occasioned by a troop of wild asses, or perhaps by the approach of some friend-

ly Arabs.

They halted, pitched their tents,

forti-

camp, passed the whole night in continual alarms; and discovered at the dawn of day that they were surrounded by an army of Persians. This army, which might be considered only as the van of the barbarians, was soon followed by the main body of cuirassiers, archers, and elephants, commanded 1^ Meranes, a general of rank and reputation, lie was accompanied by two of the king’s sons and many of the principal satraps; and fame and expectation exaggerated the strength of the remaining powers, which slowly advanced under the conduct Bcd

their

of Sapor himself. As the Romans continued their march, their long array, which was forced to

bend or divide, according to the varieties of the ground, afforded frequent and favourable opportunities to their vigilant enemies.

The

sians repeatedly charged with fury; they

Per-

were

repeatedly repulsed with firmness; and the action at Maronga, which almost deserved the name of a battle, was marked by a considerable loss of satraps and elephants, perhaps of equal value in the eyes of their monarch, ^cse splen-

did advantages were not obtained without an adequate slaughter on the side of ^e Romans: several officers of distinction were cither killed

or wounded; and the emperor himself, who, on all occasions of danger, inspired and guided the valour of his troops, was obliged to expose his person and exert bis abilities. The weight of offensive and defensive arms, which still constituted the strength and safety of the RomanSi them from niaking any king or effectu*

disabled

The Tvirenty-fourth Chapter

375

and as the horsemen of the East were trained to dart their javelins and shoot their arrows at full speed, and in every possible direction,** the cav2dry of Persia was never more formidable than in the moment of a rapid and disorderly flight. But the most certain and irreparable loss of the Romans was that of time.

suddenly attacked. The heat of the weather had tempted him to lay aside his cuirass; but he snatched a shield from one of his attendants, and hastened, with a sufficient reinforcement, to the relief of the rear guard. A similar danger

The hardy

the centre of the

al pursuit;

veterans, accustomed to the cold

climate of Gaul and Germany, fainted under the sultry heat of an Assyrian summer; their vigour was exhausted by the incessant repetition of march and combat ; and the progress of the army was suspended by the precautions of a slow and dangerous retreat in the presence of an active enemy. Every day, every hour, as the supply diminished, the value and price of subsistence increased in the Roman camp.** Julian, who alwa>'S contented himself with such food as a hungry soldier would have disdained, distributed, for the use of the troops, the provisions of the Imperial household, and whatever could be spared from the sumpter-horses of the tribunes and generals. But this feeble relief served only to aggravate the sense of the public distress; and the Romans began to entertain the most gloomy apprehensions that, before they could reach the frontiers of the empire, they

should all perish, either by famine or by the sword of the barbarians.*® While Julian struggled with the almost insuperable difficulties of his situation, the silent hours of the night were still devoted to study and contemplation. Whenever he closed his eyes in short

and interrupted slumbers,

his

mind

was agitated with painful anxiety: nor can it be thought surprising that the Genius of the empire should once more appear before him, covering with a funeral veil his head and his horn of abundance, and slowly retiring from the Imperial tent. The monarch started from his couch, and, stepping forth to refresh his wearied with the coolness of the midnight air, he beheld a fiery meteor, which shot athwart the

spirits

and suddenly vanished. Julian was conrinced that he had seen the menacing countenance of the god of war;*^ the council which he summoned, of Tuscan Hanispices,** unanimously pronounced that he should abstain sky,

from aaion; but, on this occasion, necessity and reason were more prevalent than superstition; and the trumpets sounded at the break of day. The army marched through a hilly country; and the hills had been secretly occupied by the Persians. Julian led the van with the skill and attention of a consummate general; he was alarmed by the intelligence that his rear was

recalled the intrepid prince to the defence of the front ; and, as he galloped left

between the columns,

was attacked, and almost

overpowered, by a furious charge of the Persian cavalry and elephants. This huge body was soon defeated by the well-timed evolution of the light infantry, who aimed their weapons, with dexterity and effect, against the backs of the horse-

men, and the legs of the elephants. The barbarians fled: and Julian, who was foremost in every danger, animated the pursuit with his voice and gestures. His trembling guards, scattered and oppressed by the disorderly throng of friends and enemies, ren^ded their fearless sovereign that he was without armour; and conjured him to decline the fall of the impending ruin. As they exclaimed,** a cloud of darts and arrows was discharged from the flpng squadrons; and a javelin, after razing the skin of his arm, transpierced the ribs, and fixed in the inferior part of the liver. Julian attempted to draw the deadly weapon from his side; but his fingers were cut by the sharpness of the steel, and he fell senseless

from

his horse.

His guards flew to his

relief;

and the wounded emperor was gently raised from the ground, and conveyed out of the tumult of the battle into an adjacent tent. The report of the melancholy event passed from rank to rank; but the grief of the

Romans

inspired

them with

and the

desire of

invincible valour,

The bloody and obstinate conflict was maintained by the two armies till they were

revenge.

separated by the total darkness of the night. The Persians derived some honour from the advantage which they obtained against the left wing, where Anatolius, master of the offices, was slain, and the prapfcct Sallust very narrowly escaped. But the event of the day was adverse to the barbarians. They abandoned the field; their two generals, Merancs and Nohordates,** fifty nobles or satraps, and a multitude of their bravest soldiers [were slain]: and the success of the Ro-

mans, if Julian had survived, might have been improved into a decisive and useful victory. The first words that Julian uttered, after his recovery from the fainting fit into which he had been thrown by loss of blood, were expressive of

He called for his horse and arms, and was impatient to rush into the battle. His remaining strength was exhausted by the painful effort; and the surgeons, who examined his martial spirit.

I;

Decline and Fall of the

376

his wound, discovered the symptoms of approaching death. He employed the awful moments with the firm temper of a hero and a sage; the philosopher who had accompanied

Roman Empire

the consent of the army, it might be fatal to the person whom I should recommend. I shall only, as a good citizen, express my hopes that the Romans may be blessed with the government of a virtuous sovereign.” After this discourse, which

him in this fatal expedition compared the tent Julian pronounced in a firm and gentle tone of of Julian with the prison of Socrates; and the voice, he distributed, by a military testament,*’ spectators, whom duty, or friendship, or curithe remains of his private fortune; and making osity, had assembled round his couch, listened some inquiry why Anatolius was not present, he with respectful grief to the funeral oradon of understood, from the answer of Sallust, that Anatheir dying emperor.** “Friends and fellowtolius was killed; and bewailed, with amiable soldiers, the seasonable period of my departure inconsistency, the loss of his friend. At the same is now arrived, and I discharge, with the cheertime he reproved the immoderate grief of the fulness of a ready debtor, the demands of naspectators; and conjured them not to disgrace, ture. 1 have learned from philosophy how much by unmanly tears, the fate of a prince who in a the soul is more excellent than the body; and few moments would be united with heaven and that the separation of the nobler substance with the stars.** The spectators were silent; and should be the subject of joy, rather than of affliction. I have learned from religion that an early Julian entered into a metaphysical argument with the philosophers Priscus and Maximus on death has often been the reward of piety;** and the nature of the soul. The efforts which he 1 accept, as a favour of the gods, the mortal made, of mind as well as body, most probably stroke that secures me from the danger of dishastened his death. His wound began to bleed gracing a character which has hitherto been with fresh violence his respiration was embarsupported by virtue and fortitude. I die without rassed by the suelling of the veins: he called for remorse, as I have lived without guilt. 1 am pleased to reflect on the innocence of my private a draught of cold water, and, as soon us he had drunk it, expired without pain, about the hour life; and I can affirm with confidence that the of midnight. Such was the end of that extrasupreme authority, that emanation of the Diordinary man, in the thirty-second year of his vine Power, has been preserved in ray hands pure and immaculate. Detesting the corrupt age, after a reign of one year and about eight months from the death of Constantins. In his and destructive maxims of despotism, 1 have considered the happiness of the people as the last moments he displayed, jx^rhajjis with some end of government. Submitting my actions to ostentation, the love of virtue and of fame, which had been the ruling passions of his life.** the laws of prudence, of justice, and of moderation, 1 have trusted the event to the care of' The triumph of Christianity, and the calamiProvidence. Peace was the object of my counties of the empire, may, in some measure, be sels, as long as peace was consistent with the ascribed to Julian himself, who had neglected to public welfare; but when the imperious voice secure the future execution of his designs by the of my country summoned me to arms, I extimely and judicious nomination of an associate and .successor. But the royal race of Constantins posed my person to the dangers of war, with the Chlorus was reduced to his own person and if clear foreknowledge (which I had acquired from the art of divination) that 1 was destined he entertained any serious thoughts of investing with the purple the most worthy among the to fall by the sword. I now offer my tribute of gratitude to the Eternal Being, who has not Romans, he was diverted from his resolution by suffered me to perish by the cruelty of a tyrant, the difficulty of the choice, the jealousy of power, the fear of ingratitude, and the natural preby the secret dagger of conspiracy, or by the sumption of health, of youth, and of prosperity. slow tortures of lingering disease. He has given me, in the midst of an honourable careq^, a His unexpected death left the empire without a splendid and glorious departure from this world master, and without an heir, in a Utate of perplexity and danger which, in the space of fourand 1 hold it equally absurd, equally base, to solicit, or to decline, the stroke of fate. Thus score years, had never been experienced, since much I have attempted to say; but my strength the election of Diocletian. In a government fails me, and I feel the approach of death. which had almost forgotten the distinction of pure and noble blood, the superiority of birth shall cautiously refrain from any word that may tend to influence your suffrages in the election was of little moment; the claims of official rank choice might be imprudent were accidental and precarious; and the candiof an emperor. or injudicious; and if it should not be ratifled by dates who might aspire to ascend the vacant :

;

—

—

My

The Twenty*fourth Chapter throne oould be supported only by the consciousness of personal merit, or by the hopes of popular favour. But the situation of a famished army, encompassed on ail sides by an host of barbarians, shortened the moments of grief and deliberation. In this scene of terror and distress, the body of the deceased prince, according to his own directions, was decently embalmed; and, at the dawn of day, the generals convened a military senate, at which the commanders of the legions, and the officers both of cavalry and

were invited to assist. Three or four hours of the night had not passed away without

infantry,

some secret cabals; and when the election of an emperor was proposed, the spirit of faction began to agitate the assembly. Victor and Arinthseus collected the remains of the court of

Gonstantius; the friends of Julian attached themselves to the Gallic chiefs Dagalaiphus and Nevitta ; and the most fatal consequences might be apprehended from the discord of two factions, so opposite in their character and interest, in their maxims of government, and perhaps in their religious prinr»p*es The superior virtues of Sallust could alone reconcile their divisions

and unite their suffrages; and the venerable praefect would immediately have been declared the successor of Julian, if he himself, with sincere and modest firmness, had not alleged his age and infirmities, so unequal to the weight of the diadem. The generals, who were surprised

showed some disadopt the salutary advice of an in-

and perplexed by position to

his refusal,

ferior officer,^®® that they should act as they

would have acted

in the absence of the

emper-

or; that they should exert their abilities to extricate the

army from

the present distress; and,

they were fortunate enough to reach the confines of Mesopotamia, they should proceed with united and deliberate coun.sels in the election of a lawful sovereign. While they debated, a few voices saluted Jovian, who was no more than of the domestics, with the names of Emperor and Augustus. The tumultuary acclamation was instantly repeated b> the guards who surrouhded the tent, and passed, in a few min-

if

utes, to the extremities of the line.

prince, astonished with his

own

The new

fortune,

was

hastily invested with the Imperial ornaments,

and received an oath of fidelity from the genwhose favour and protection he so lately solicited. The strongest recommendation of Jovian was the merit of his father. Count Varroerals,

who

377

wine and women; yet he supported, with credit, the character of a Christian^®^ and a soldier. Without being conspicuous for any of the ambitious qualifications which excite the admiration and envy of mankind, the comely person of Jovian, his cheerful temper, and familiar wit, had gained the affection of his fellow taste for

and the generals of both parties acquiesced in a popular election which had not l^en conducted by the arts of their enemies. The pride of this unexpected elevation was moderated by the just apprehension that the same day might terminate the life and reign of the new emperor. The pressing voice of necessity was obeyed without delay; and the first orders issued by Jovian, a few hours after his predecessor had expired, were to prosecute a march which could alone extricate the Romans from their actual distress.*®* The esteem of an enemy is more sincerely expressed by his fea«; and the degree of fear may be accurately measured by the joy with which soldiers;

he celebrates his deliverance. The welcome news of the death of Julian, which a deserter revealed to the

camp

of SapK)r, inspired the de-

sponding monarch with a sudden confidence of victory. He immediately detached the royal cavalry, perhaps the ten thousand ImmortatSj^^* to second and support the pursuit; and discharged the whole weight of his united forces

on the rear-guard of the Romans. The rearguard was thrown into disorder; the renowned legions, which derived their title from Diocletian and his warlike colleague, were broke and trampled down by the elephants; and three tribunes lost their lives in attempting to stop the

The battle was at length by the persevering valour of the Romans; the Persians were repulsed with a great slaughter of men and elephants; and the army, after marching and fighting a long summer’s day, arrived, in the evening, at Samara, on the banks of the Tigris, about one hundred miles above Ctesiphon.*®* On the ensuing dav the barlxirians, instead of harassing the march, attacked the camp of Jovian, which had been seated in a deep and sequestered valley. From the hills, the archers of Persia insulted and annoyed the wearied legionaries; and a body of cavalry, which had penetrated with desperate courage through the Prartorian gate, was cut in pieces, after a doubtful conflict, near the Imflight of their soldiers.

restored

perial tent. In the succeeding night the

camp of

the fruit of his long services. In the obscure free-

Carche was protected by the lofty dvkes of the river; and the Roman army, though incessantly

dom

expo^

nian,

enjoyed, in hbnourable retirement,

of a private station, the son indulged his

to the vexatious pursuit of the Sara-

Decline and Fall of the Ronian Empire

379

ccBBi pitched their tents near the city of Dura^^ four days after the death of Julian. The Tigris

was still on their left; their hopes and provisions were almost consumed; and the impatient soldiers, who had fondly persuaded themselves that the frontiers of the empire were not far dis-

new

sovereign that they might be permitted to hazard the passage of the river. With the assistance of his wisest officers, tant, requested their

Jovian endeavoured to check their rashness, by representing that, if they possessed sufficient skill and vigour to stem the torrent of a deep and rapid stream, they would only deliver themselves

naked and defenceless to the barbarians,

who had occupied

the opposite banks. Yielding

at length to their clamourous importunities, he

consented, with reluctance, that five hundred

Gauls and Germans, accustomed from their infancy to the waters of the Rhine and Danube, should attempt the bold adventure, which might serve either as an encouragement or as a warning for the rest of the army. In the silence oi the night they swam the Tigris, surprised an unguarded post of the enemy, and displayed at the dawn of day the signal of their resolution and fortune. The success of this trial disposed the emperor to listen to the promises of his architects, who proposed to construct a floating bridge of the inflated skins of sheep, oxen, and goats, covered with a floor of earth and fasTwo important days were spent in the cines.^ ineiTcctual labour; and the Romans, who already endured the miseries of famine, cast a look of despair on the Tigris, and upon the barbarians, whose numbers and obstinacy increased with the distress of the Imperial army.'®® In this hopeless situation, the fainting spirits of the Romans were revived by the sound of peace. The transient presumption of Sapor had vanished: he observed, with serious concern, that, in the repetition of doubtful combats, he

had

and intrepid nobles, and the greatest part of his of elephants: and the experienced mon-

lost his

most

faithful

his bravest troops,

train

arch feared to provoke the resistance of despair, the vicissitudes of fortune, and the unexhausted powers of the Roman empire, which might soon advance to relieve, or to revenge, the successor ofJulian. The Surenas himself, accompanied by another satrap, appeared in the camp of Jovian,'®® and declared that the clemency of his sovereign was not averse to signify the conditions on which he would consent to spare and to dismiss the Cxsar with the relics of his captive army. The hopes of safety subdued the firmness of the Romans; the emperor was compelled.

by the advice of his council and the cries of the embrace the offer of peace; and the praefect Sallust was immediately sent, with the

soldiers, to

general Arinthacus, to understand the pleasure

^ the Great King. The crafty Persian delayed,

under various pretences, the conclusion of the agreement; started difficulties, required explan-

recced from his demands, and wasted four days in the arts of negotiation, till he had consumed the stock of provisions which yet remained in the camp of the Romans. Had Jovian been capable of executing a bold and prudent measure, he would have continued his march ations, suggested expedients,

concessions, increased his

with unremitting diligence; the progress of the treaty would have suspended the attacks of the barbarians; and, before the expiration of the fourth day, he might have safely reached the fruitful province of Corduene, at the distance only of one hundred miles."® The irresolute emperor, instead of breaking through the toils of the enemy, expected his fate with patient resignation; and accepted the humiliating condi-

was no longer in his provinces beyond the Tigris, which had been ceded by the grandfather of Sapor, were restored to the Persian monarchy. He acquired, by a single article, the impregnable city of Nisibis, which had sustained, tions of p)eace

power

which

to refuse.

The

it

five

in three successive sieges, the effort of his arms.

Singara and the castle of the Moors, one of the

^ere likewise dismembered from the empire. It was considered as an indulgence that the inhabitants of those fortresses were permitted to retire with their strongest places of Mesopotamia,

but the conqueror rigorously insistcxl Romans should for ever abandon the king and kingdom of Armenia. A peace, or rather a long truce, of thirty years, was stipulated cfiects;

that the

between the hostile nations; the faith of the treaty was ratified by solemn oaths and religious ceremonies ; and hostages of distinguished rank were reciprocally delivered to secure the performance of the condition.'" The sophist of Antioch, who saw with indignation the sceptre of his hero in the feeble hand of a Christian successor, professes to> admire the moderation of Sapor in contenting bimself with so small a portion of the Roman eippire. If he had stretched as far as the Euphratei the claims of his ambition, he might have been #ecure, says Libanius, of not meeting with a refusal. If he had fixed, as the boundary of Persia the Orontes, the Cydnus, the Sangarius, or even the Thracian Bosphorus, Batterers would not have been wanting in the court ofJovian to convince

The Twenty-fourth Chapter

379

the timid monarch that his remaining provinces

cessive voyages, a great part of the

would still afford the most ample gratifications of power and luxury.^^’ Without adopting in its full force this malicious insinuation, we must acknowledge that the conclusion of so ignominious a treaty was facilitated by the private ambition of Jovian. The obscure domestic, exaltcd to the throne by fortune, rather than by merit, was impatient to escape from the hands of the Persians, that he might prevent the dcsigns of Procopius, who commanded the army of Mesopotamia, and establish his doubtful rcign over the legions and provinces which were still ignorant of the hasty and tumultuous choice of the camp beyond the Tigris. In the neighbourhood of the same river, at no very considerable distance from the fatal station of Dura,^^^ the ten thousand Greeks, without generals, or guides, or provisions, were abandoned, above

every man was anxious for his personal safety and apprehensive of being left on the hostile shore, the soldiers, who were too impatient to wait the slow returns of the boats, boldly ventured themselves on light hurdles or inflated

twelve hundred miles from their native country, to the resentment of a victorious monarch, The difference of thetr conduct and success de-

pended much more on

their character than on Instead of tamely resigning themselves to the secret deliberations and private views of a single person, the united coun-

their situation.

cils of the Greeks were inspired by the generous enthusiasm of a popular assembly, where the mind of each citizen is filled with the love of glory, the pride of freedom, and the contempt of death. Conscious of their superiority over the barbarians in arms and discipline, they disdaincd to yield, they refused to capitulate: every

was surmounted by their patience, skill and the memorable retreat of the ten thousand exposed and insulted the weakness of the Persian monarchy. As the price of his disgraceful concessions, the emperor might perhaps have stipulated that the camp of the hungry Romans should be plentifully supplied, “• and that they should be permitted to pass the Tigris on the bridge which was constructed by the hands of the Persians, But if Jovian presumed to solicit those equitable terms, they were sternly refused by the haughty tyrant of the East, whose clemency had pardonobstaclc

courage, and military

;

ed the invaders of his country. The Saracens sofnetimes intercepted the stragglers

on the

march; but the generals and troops of Sapor respected the cessation of arms, and Jovian was sufiered to explore the most convenient place

The

small vesseb which had been saved from the conflagration of the fleet performed the tnost essential service, They first conveyed the emperor and his favourfor the passage of the river.

ites,

and afterwards

transported, in

many

sue-

skins,

and drawing

after

them

army. But as

their horses, at-

tempted, with various success, to swim across the river. Many of these daring adventurers were swallowed by the waves; many others, who were carried along by the violence of the stream, fell an easy prey to the avarice or cruelty of the wild Arabs; and the loss which the army sustained in the passage of the Tigris was not inferior to the carnage of a day of battle. As soon as the Romans had landed on the western bank, they were delivered from the hostile pursuit of the barbarians; but in a laborious march of two hundred miles over the plains of Mesopotamia they endured the last extremities of thirst and hungeCL They were obliged to traverse a sandy desert, which, in the extent of seventy miles, did not afford a single blade of sweet grass nor a single spring of fresh w^ater, and the rest of the inhospitable waste was untrod by the footsteps either of friend or enemies, Whenever a small measure of flour could be discovered in the camp, twenty pounds weight were greedily purchased with ten pieces of gold,"^ the beasts of burden were slaughtered and devoured, and the desert was strewed with the arms and baggage of the Roman soldiers, whose tattered garments and meagre countenancesdisplayed their past sufferings and actual misery. A small convoy of provisions advanced to meet the army as far as the castle of Ur; and the supply was the more grateful, since it dedared the fidelity of Sebastian and Procopius, At Thibaphata^* the emperor most graciously received the generals of Mesopotamia, and the

remains of a once flourishing army at length reposed themselves under the walb of Nisibis. The messengers of Jovian had already proclaimed, in the language of flattery, his election, his treaty, and his return, and the new prince had taken the most effectual measures to secure the allcglance of the armies and provinces of Europe by placing the military command in the hands of those officers who, from motives of interest or inclination, would firmly support the cause of their benefactor.

The

friends of Julian

had

confidently an-

nounced the success of his expedition. They entertained a fond persuasion that the temples of the gods would be enriched with the spoib of the East; that Persia would be reduced to the

380

Decline and Fall of the

humble state of a tributary province, governed by the laws and magistrates of Rome; that the barbarians would adopt the dress, and manners, and language of their conquerors; and that the youth of Ecbatana and Susa would study the under Grecian masters.^^^ The arms of Julian interrupted his communication with the empire, and, from the moment that he passed the Tigris, his affectionate subjects were ignorant of the fate and forart of rhetoric

progress of the

tunes of their prince. Their contemplation of fancied triumphs was disturbed by the melancholy rumour of his death, and they persisted to doubt, after they could no longer deny, the truth of that fatal evcnt.“^ The messengers of Jovian promulgated the specious talc of a prudent and necessary peace; the voice of fame, louder and more sincere, revealed the disgrace of the emperor and the conditions of the ignominious treaty. The minds of the people were filled with astonishment and grief, with indignation and terror, when they were informed that the unworthy successor of Julian relinquished the five provinces which had been acquired by the victory of Galerius, and that he shamefully surrendered to the barbarians the important city of Nisibis, the firmest bulwark of the provinces of the East.^“ The deep and dangerous question, how far the public faith should be observed when it becomes incompatible with the public safety, was freely agitated in popular conversation, and some hopes were entertained that the emperor would redeem his pusillanimous behaviour by a splendid act of' patriotic perfidy. The inflexibly spirit of the Roman senate had always disclaimed the unequal conditions which were extorted from the distress of her captive armies; and, if it wore necessary to satisfy the national honour by delivering the guilty general into the hands of the barbarians, the greatest part of the subjects of Jovian would have cheerfully acquiesced in the precedent of ancient timcs.“* But the emperor, whatever might be the limits of his constitutional authority, was the absolute master of the laws and arms of the state; and the same motives which had forced him to subscribe, now pressed him to execute the treaty of peace. He was impatient to secure an empire at the expense of a few provinces, and the respectable names of religion and honour concealed the personal fears and the amibition of Jovian. Notwithstanding the dutiful solicitations of the inhabitants, decency, as well as prudence, forbade the emperor to lodge in the palace of Nisibis; but the next morning after his arrival.

Roman Empire

ambassador of Persia, entered the from the citadel the standard of the Great King, and proclaimed, in his name, Bineses, the

place, displayed

the cruel alternative of exile or servitude. The principal citizens of Nisibis, who till that fatal moment, had confided in the protection of their sovereign, threw themselves at his feet. They

conjured him not to abandon, or at

least not to

deliver, a faithful colony to the rage of a bar-

barian tyrant, exasperated by the three succeswhich he had experienced under the walls of Nisibis. They still possessed arms and courage to repel the invaders of their country; they requested only the permission of using them in their own defence, and, as soon as they had asserted their independence, they should implore the favour of being again admitted into the rank of his subjects. 'I'heir arguments, their eloquence, their tears, were ineffectual. Jovian alleged, with some confusion, the sanctity of oaths; and as the reluctance with which he accepted the present of a crown of gold convinced the citizens of their hopeless condition, the advocate Sylvanus was provoked to exclaim, “O emperor may you thus be crow ned by all the cities of your dominions 1” Jovian, who in a few weeks had assumed the habits of a prince,^** was displeased with fre(*doin, and oflended with truth ; and as he reasonably supposed that the discontent of the people might incline them to submit to the Persian government, he published an edict, under pain of death, th^ they should leave the city within the term of three days. Ammianus has delineated in lively colours the scene of universal despair, which he seems to have viewed with an eye of compassion.**^ The martial youth deserted, with indignant grief, the walls which they had so gloriously defended ; the disconsolate mourner dropped a last tear over the tomb of a son or husband, which must soon be profaned by the rude hand of a barbarian master; and the aged citizen kissed the threshold and clung to the doors of the house where he had passed the cheerful and careless hours of infancy. The highways were crowded with a trembling multitude; the distinctions of rank, and sex, and agc,^were lost in the general calamity. Every one strove to bear away some fragment from the wreck of his fortunes; and as they could not comTiiand the immediate service of an adequate number of horses or waggons, they were obliged to leave behind them the greatest part of their valuable effects. The savage insensibility of Jovian appears to have aggravated the hardships of these unhappy fugitives. They were seated, however, in a newsive defeats

!

1

The Twenty-fourth Chapter built quarter of

Amida; and

that rising city,

with the reinforcement of a very considerable colony, soon recovered its former splendour and

became the

capital of Mesop>otamia.'^^ Similar

orders were despatched by the emperor for the evacuation of Singara and the castle of the Moors, and for the restitution of the five provinces beyond the Tigris. Sapor enjoyed the glory and the fruits of his victory; and this ignominious peace has justly been considered as a memorable era in the decline and fall of the Roman empire. The predecessors of Jovian had sometimes relinquished the dominion of distant and unprofitable provinces; hut, since the foundation of the city, the genius of Rome, the god Terminus, who guarded the boundaries of the republic, had never retired before the sword of a victorious enemy.*®’ After Jovian had performed those engagements which the voice of his people might have tempted him to violate, he hastened away from the scene of his disgrace, and proceeded with his whole court to enjoy the luxury of Antioch.

Without consu*tin^ llie dictates of religious he was prompted, by humanity and gratitude, to l>c 9 tow the last honours on the remains of his deceased sovereign;*®* and Procopius, who sincerely bewailed the loss of his kinsman, was removed from the command of the armv, under 128

zeal,

the decent pretence of conducting the funeral.

The corpse ofJulian wm transported from Nisibis to Tarsus, in a slow march of fifteen days, and, passed through the cities of the East, was saluted by the hostile factions with mournful lamentations and clamorous insults. The Pagans already placed their beloved hero in the rank of those gods whose worship he had restored, while the invectives of the Christians pursued the soul of the apostate to hell, and his body to the grave.**® One party lamented the approaching ruin of their altars, the other celebrated the marvellous deliverance of the church. The Christians applauded, in lofty and ambiguous strains, the stroke of divine vengeance which had Ix'cn so long suspended over the guilty head of Julian. They acknowledged that the death of the tyrant, at the instant he expired beyond the as

it

was revealed to the saints of Egypt, Syria, and Cappadocia ;*** and instead of suffering him

Tigris,

by the Persian darts, their indiscretion ascribed the heroic deed to the obscure hand of somo mortal or immortal champion of the to fall

38

Such imprudent declarations were eagerly adopted by the malice or credulity of their

faith.**®

adversaries,*** who darkly insinuated or confidently asserted that the governors of the church had instigated and directed the fanaticism of a domestic assassin.*** Above sixteen years after the death of Julian, the charge was solemnly and vehemently urged in a public oration addressed by Libanius to the emperor Theodosius. His suspicions are unsupported by fact or argument, and we can only esteem the generous zeal of the sophist of Antioch for the cold and neglected ashes of his friend.*** It was an ancient custom in the funerals, as well as in the triumphs of the Romans that the voice of praise should be corrected by that of satire and ridicule, and that, in the midst of the splendid pageants which displayed the glory of the living or of the dead, their imperfections should not be concealed from the eyes of the world.*®* This custom was practised in the funeral of Julian. The comedians, who resented his contempt and aversion for the theatre, exhibited, with the applause of a Christian audience, the lively and exaggerated representation of the faults and follies of the deceased emperor. His various character and singular manners afforded an ample scope for pleasantry and ridicule.**’ In the exercise of his uncommon talents he often descended below the majesty of his rank. Alexander was transformed into Diogenes the philosopher was degraded into a priest. The purity of his virtue was sullied by excessive vanity; his sup>erstition disturbed the peace and endangered the safetv of a mighty empire; and his irregular sallies were the less entitled to indulgence, as they appeared to be the laborious efforts of art, or even of affectation. The remains of Julian were interred at Tarsus in Cilicia; but his stately tomb, w^hich arose in that city on the banks of the cold and limpid Cydnus,*** was displeasing to the faithful friends who loved and revered the memor>^ of that extraordinary man. The philosopher expressed a very reasonable w’ish that the disciple of Plato might have reposed amidst the groves of the Academy,*** while the soldier exclaimed, in bolder accents, that the ashes of Juli’.n should have been mingled with those of Carsar, in the field of Mars, and among the ancient monuments of Roman virtue.**® The history of princes does not very frequently renew the example of a similar competition.

—

CHAPTER XXV The Government and Death of Jovian. Elation of Valentinian, who associates his Brother Valensy and makes the final Division of the Eastern and Western Empires. Revolt of Procopius. Civil and Ecclesiastical Administration. Germany. Britain. Africa. The East. The Danube. Death of Valentinian. His two SonSy Gratian and Vcdentinxan //., succeed to the Western Empire.

T

he death of Julian had

fairs

left the public afof the empire in a very doubtful and

dangerous situation. The

Roman army

was saved by an inglorious, perhaps a necessary, treaty;^ and the first moments of peace were consecrated by the pious Jovian to restore the domestic tranquillity of the church and state,

The

indiscretion of his predecessor, instead of

had artfully fomented the religious war; and the balance which he affected to preserve between the hostile factions served only to reconciling,

perpetuate the contest by the vicissitudes of hope and fear, by the rival claims of ancient possession and actual favour. The Christians had forgotten the spirit of the Gospel, and the Pagans had imbibed the spirit of the church. In private families the sentiments of nature were extinguished by the blind fury of zeal and re« venge; the majesty of the laws was violated or abused; the cities of the East were stained with blood; and the most implacable enemies of the Romans were in the bosom of their country, Jovian was educated in the profession of Chris-* as he marched from Nisibis to Anbanner of the Cross, the Labarum of Constantine, which was again displayed at the head of the legions, announced to the people the faith of their new emperor. As soon as he asoended the throne he transmitted a circular

tianity;

and

tioch, the

epistle to all the governors of provinces,

in

which he confessed the divine truth and secured the legal establishment of the Christian religion, The insidious edicts of Julian were abolished, the ecclesiastical immunities were restored and enlarged, and Jovian condescended to lament that the distress of the times obliged him to diminish the measure of charitable distributions.* The Christians were unanimous in the loud and sincere applause which they bestowed on the pious successor of Julian; but they were still ignorant what creed or what synod he would choose for the standard of orthodoxy, and the peace of the church immediately revived those eager disputes which had been suspended dur-

ing the season of persecution.

Thm

episcopal

leaders of the contending sects, convinced from experience how much their fate would depend on the earliest impressions that were made on the mind of an untutored soldier, hastened to the court of Edcssa, or Antioch. The highways of the East were crowded with Homoousian, and Arian, and Semi-Arian, and Eunomian tnshops, who struggled to outstrip each other in the holy race; the apartments of the palace re« sounded with their clamours, and the ears of the prince were assaulted, and perhaps astonished, by the singular mixture of metaphysical argument and passionate invective.^ The modera* tion of Jovian, who recommended concord and charity, and referred the disputants to the sentence of a future council, was interpreted as a symptom of indifference ; but his attachment to the Nicene Greed was at length discovered and declared by the reverence which he expressed for the celestial* virtues of the great Athanasius, The intrepid veteran of the faith, ^t the age of seventy, had issued from his retreat on the first intelligence of the tyrant’s death. The acclamations of the people seated him once more on the archicpiscopal throne, and he wisely accepted or anticipated the invitation of Jovian. The venerable figure of Athanasius, his calm courage and insinuating eloquence, sustained the reputation which he had already acquired in the courts of four successive princes. ‘ As soon as he had gained the confidence and secured the faith of the Christian emperor, he returned in triumph to his diocese, and continued, with mature counsels and undiminished vigour, to direct, ten years longer,* the ecclesiastical government of Alexandria, Egypt, and Ihe Catholic church. Before his departure from Antioch, he assured Jovian that his orthodox devotion would be rewarded with a long and peaceful reign, Athanasius had reason to hope that he should be allowed either the merit of a successful prediction, or the excuse of a grateful though ineffectual prayer.^

The slightest force, when it is applied to assist and guide the natural descent of its objecti

38a

The Twenty-fifth Chapter operates with irresistible weight; and Jovian had the good fortune to embrace the religious opinions which were supported by the spirit of the times, and the zeal and numbers of the most powerful sect/ Under his reign Christianity obtained an easy and lasting victory; and as soon as the smile of royal patronage was withdrawn, the genius of Paganism, which had been fondly raised and cherished by the arts of Julian, sunk irrecoverably in the dust. In many cities the temples were shut or deserted ; the philosophers,

who had abused their transient favour, it

thought prudent to shave their beards and disguise

their profession;

that they were

and the Christians

now

rejoiced

in a condition to forgive or

to revenge the injuries

which they had suffered

under the preceding reign.® The consternation of the Pagan world was dispelled by a wise and gracious edict of toleration, in which Jovian exalthough he should severepunish the sacrilegious rites of magic, his subjects might exercise, with freedom and safety, the ceremonies of the ancient worship. The memory of this law has been preserved by the orator Themistius, who was deputed by the senate of Constantinople to express their loyal devotion for the new emperor. Themistius expatiates on the clemency of the Divine Nature, the facility of human error, the rights of conscience, and the independence of the mind, and, with some eloquence, inculcates the prinplicitly declared that, ly

whose aid hour of her distress,

ciples of philosophical toleration,

Sufxrrstition herself, in the is

not

ashamed

to implore.

He

justly observes

that in the recent changes both religions

had

been alternately disgraced by the seeming acquisition of worthless proselytes, of those vota-

purple w'ho could pass, without a reason and without a blush, from the church to the temple, and from the altars of Jupiter to the sacred table of the Christians.^® In the space of seven months the Roman troops, who were now returned to Antioch, had performed a march of fifteen hundred miles, in which they had endured all the hardships of war, of famine, and of climate. Notwithstanding their services, their fatigues, and the approach of winter, the timid and impatient Jovian allowed only to the men and horses a respite of six weeks. The emperor could not sustain the indiscreet and malicious raillery of the people of Antioch.*^ He was impatient to possess the palace of Constantinople, and to prevent the ambition of some competitor who might occupy the vacant allegiance of Europe; but he soon received the grateful intelligence that his authorries of the reigning

ity

383

was acknowledged from the Thracian Bos-

phorus to the Atlantic ocean. By the first letters which he despatched from the camp of Mesopotamia, he had delegated the military command of Gaul and lUyricum to Malarich^ a brave and

and Count Luci Ilian, who had formerly distinguished his courage and conduct in the defence of Nisibis. Malarich had declined an office to which he thought himself unequal, and Lucillian was massacred at Rheims, in an accidental mutiny of the Batavian cohorts.^

faithful officer of the nation of the Franks,

to his father-in-law.

But the moderation of Jovinus, master-general of the cavalry,

who

forgave the intention of his

and confirmed the uncertain minds of the soldiers. The oath of fidelity was administered and taken with loyal acclamations, and the deputies of the Western armies^® saluted their new sovereign as he descended from Mount Taurus to the city of Tyana, in Cappadocia. From Tyana he continued his hasty march to Ancyra, capital of the province of Galatia, where Jovian assumed, with his infant son, the name and ensigns of the consulship.^® Dadastana,^® an obscure town, almost at an equal distance between Ancyra and Nice, was marked for the fatal term of his journey and his life. After indulging himself with a plentiful, perhaps an intemperate supper, he retired to rest, and the next morning the emperor Jovian was found dead in his bed. The cause of this sudden death was variously understood. By some it was ascribed to the consequences of an indigestion, occasioned either by the quantity of the wine or the quality of the mushrooms which he had swallowed in the evening. According to others, he was suffocated in his sleep by the vapour of charcoal, which extracted from the walls of the apartment the unwholesome moisture of the fresh plaster.®* But the w^ant of a regular inquiry into the death of a prince whose reign and person were soon forgotten appears to have been the only circumstance which countenanced the malicious whispers of poison and domestic guilt.®® The body of Jovian was sent to Constantinople to be interred with his predecessors, and the sad procession was met on the road by his wife Charito, the disgrace, soon appeased the tumult

daughter of Count Lucillian, who still wept the recent death of her father, and was hastening to dry her tears in the embraces of an Imperial husband. Her disappointment and grief WTie embittered by the anxiety of maternal tenderness. Six weeks before the death of Jo\'ian, his infant son had been placed in the curule chair, adorned with the title of /(fobtlissmus and the

384

Decline and Fall of the

vain ensigns of the consulship. Unconscious of his fortune, the royal youth, who from his grand* father assumed the name of Varronian, was reminded only by the jealousy of the government that he was the son of an emperor. Sixteen years afterwards he was still alive; but he had already been deprived of an eye, and his afflicted mother expected, every hour, that the innocent victim would be tom from her arms, to appease with his blood the suspicions of the reigning prince.^* After the death of Jovian the throne of the Roman world remained ten days^* without a

The ministers and generals still continued to meet in council, to exercise their respec-

master.

tive functions, to

maintain the public order,

and peaceably to conduct the army to the city of Nice in Bithynia, which was chosen for the place of the election.-^ In a solemn assembly of the civil and military powers of the empire, the diadem was again unanimously offered to the praefect Sallust. He enjoyed the glory of a second refusal; and, when the virtues of the father were alleged in favour of the son, the przefcct, with the firmness of a disinterested patriot, declared to the electors that the feeble age of the one, and the inexperienced youth of the other, were equally incapable of the laborious duties of government. Several candidates were proposed, and, after weighing the objections of chairacter or situation, they were successively rejected: but as soon as the name of Valentinian was pronounced, the merit of that ofRcer united the suffrages of the whole assembly, and obtained* the sincere approbation of Sallust himself. Valentinian^ was the son of Count Cratian, a native oi Cibalis, in Pannonia, who from an obscure condition had raised himself, by matchless strength and dexterity, to the military command of Africa and Britain, from which he retired with an ample fortune and suspicious integrity. The rank and services of Gratian contributed, however, to smooth the first steps of the promotion of his son, and aflbrded him an early opportunity of displaying those solid and useful qualifications which raised his character above the ordinary level of his fellow-soldiers. The person of Valentinian was tall, graceful, and majestic. His manly countenance, deeply marked with the impression of sense and spirit, inspired his friends with awe, and his enemies wi^ fear; and, to second the efforts of his undaunted courage, the son of Gratian had inherited the advantages of a strong and healthy constitution. By the habits of chastity and temperance, which restrain the appetites and in-

Roman Empire

vigorate the faculties, Valentinian preserved his public esteem. The avocations of a

own and the

military life had diverted his youth from the ele* gant pursuits of literature; he was ignorant of the Greek language and the arts of rhetoric; but, as the mind of the orator was never discon* certed by timid perplexity, he was able, as often as the occasion prompt^ him, to deliver his decided sentiments with bold and ready elocution. The laws of martial discipline were the only laws that he had studied, and he was soon

distinguished by the laborious diligence

and

in-

with which he discharged and enforced the duties of the camp. In the time of Julian he provoked the danger of disgrace by the contempt which he publicly expressed for the reigning religion;*^ and it should seem, from his subsequent conduct, that the indiscreet and unseasonable freedom of Valentinian was the effect of military spirit rather than of Christian zeal. He was pardoned, however, and still employed by a prince who esteemed his merit,** and in the various events of the Persian w ar he improved the reputation which he had already acquired on the banks of the Rhine. The celerity and success with which he executed an important commission recommended him to the favour of Jovian, and to the honourable command of the second schooly or company, ol 'largctccrs of the domestic guards. In the march from Antioch he had reached his quarters at Ancyra, when he was unexpectedly summoned, without guilt and without intrigue, to assume, in the forty-third year of his age, the absolute government of the Roman empire. The invitation of the ministers and generals at Nice was of little moment, unless it were confirmed by the voice of the army. The aged Sallust, who had long observed the irrc*gular fluctuations of popular assemblies, proposed, under pain of death, that none of those {arsons whose rank in the service might excite a party in their favour, should appear in public on the day of the inauguration. Yet such was the prevalence of ancient superstition, that a whole day was flexible severity

added to this dangerous interval behappened to be the intercalation of the Bissextile.*^ At length, when the hour was supposed to be propitious, Valentinian showed himself from a lofty tribunal the judicious choice was applauded, and the new prince w'as solemnly invested with the diadem and the purple, amidst the acclamations of the troops, who were disposed in martial order round the tribunaL But when he stretched forth his hand to address the armed multitude, a busy whisper was aoci* voluntarily

cause

it

;

The Twenty-fifth Chapter dentally itarted in the ranks, and insensibly swelled into a loud and imperious clamour, that

385

to Valentinian, and preserved the domestic peace of the empire: a devout and grateful at-

he should name, without delay, a colleague in

tachment to

the empire. The intrepid calmness of Valentinian obtained silence and commanded respect, and he thus addressed the assembly: “A few minutes since it was in jfour power, fellow-soldiers, to have left me in the obscurity of a private station. Judging from the testimony of my past life that 1 deserved to reign, you have placed me on the throne. It is now my duty to consult the safety and interest of the republic. The weight of the universe is undoubtedly too great for the hands of a feeble mortal. 1 am conscious of the limits of my abilities and the uncertainty of my life, and, far from declining, I am anxious to solicit, the assistance of a worthy colleague. But, where discord may be fatal, the choice of a faitiiful friend requires mature and serious deliberation. That deliberation shall be my care, het your conduct be dutiful and consis-

of genius, as well as of authority, Valens humbly

your quarters; refresh your minds and bodies; and expect the accustomed donative on the accession of a new emperor.*’^* The astonished troops, wuh a mixture of pride, of tent. Retire to

satisfaction,

and

their master.

of terror, confessed the voice of

Their angry clamours subsided in-

to silent reverence, and Valentinian, encompassed with the eagles of the legions and the various banners of the cavalry and infantry, was conducted in warlike pomp to the palace of Nice. As he was sensible, however, of the importance of preventing some rash declaration of the soldiers, he consulted the assembly of the chiefs and their real sentiments were concisely expressed by the generous freedom of Dagalaiphus. “Most excellent prince,” said that officer, “if you consider only your family, you have a brother; if you love the republic, look round for the most deserving of the Romans.”*® The emperor, who suppressed his displeasure without altering his intention, slowly proceeded from Nice to Nicomedia and Constantinople. In one of the suburbs of that capital,** thirty da>s after his own elevation, he bestowed the title of Augustus on his brother Valens: and as the

boldest patriots were convinced that their oppositroii,

try,

without being serviceable to their coun-

would be

fatal to themselves, the declara-

tion of his absolute will

was received with

silent

submission. Valens was now in the thirty-sixth year of his age, but his abilities had never been exercised in any employment, military or civil,

and his character had not inspin*d the world with any sanguine expectations. He possessed, however, one quality which recommended him

and his

his benefactor,

whose superiority

cheerfully acknowledged in every action of

life.*®

Before Valentinian divided the {provinces, he reformed the administration of the empire. All ranks of subjects who had been injured or oppressed under the reign of Julian were invited to support their public accusations. The silence of

mankind

attested the spotless integrity of the

praefect Sallust,**

and

his

own

pressing solicita-

he might be permitted to retire from the business of the state were rejected by Valentinian with the most honourable expressions of friendship and esteem. But among the favourites of the late emperor there were many who had abused his credulity or superstition, and who could no longer hope to be protected either tions that

by favour or

justice.®*

The

greater part of the

and the governors of the provinces were removed from their respective stations, yet the eminent merit of some officers was distinguished from the obnoxious crowd,

ministers of the palace

and, notwithstanding the opposite clamours of zeal and resentment, the whole proceedings of this delicate inquiry appear to have been conducted wath a reasonable share of wisdom and moderation." The festivity of a new reign received a short and suspicious interruption from the sudden illness of the two princes, but as soon as their health was restored they left Constantinople in the beginning of the spring. In the castle or palace of Mediana, only three miles from Naissus. they executed the solemn and final division of the Roman empire.®* Valentinian bestowrcd on his brother the rich pracfecture of the Easty from the Lm\trr Danube to the confines of Persia; whibt he reserved for his immediate government the warlike prarfecturcs of lUyricum^ Italyy and Caul, from the extremity of Greece to the Caledonian rampart and from the rampart of Caledonia to the foot of Mount Atlas. The provincial administration remained on its former basis, but a double supply of generals and magistrates was required for two councils and two courts; the division was made with a just regard to their peculiar merit and situation, and seven master-generals were soon created cither of the cavalry or infantry. When this important business had been amicably transacted, Valentinian and Valens embraced for the last time. The empieror of the West established his temporary residence at Milan, and the emperor

of the East returned to Constantinople to as-

Decline and Fall of the

386

provinces^ of whose language he was totally ignorant.^’ 'j^e tranquillity of the East was soon disturbed by rebeltion and the throne of Valens was threatened by the daring attempts of a rival

sume the dominidn of fifty

emperor Jidian^^ was his had been his only crime. Procopius had been hastily promoted fiom the obscure station of a tribune and a notary to the joint command of the army of Mesopotamia; the public opinion already named him as the successor of a prince who was destitute of na« tural heirs; and a vain rumour was propagated by his friends or his enemies, that Julian, before the altar of the Moon at Carrhae, had privately whose

affinity to the

sole merit, aiid

invested Procopius with the Imperial purple.^* He endeavoured, by his dutiful and submissive

behaviour, to disarm the jealousy of Jovian, resigned without a contest his military command, and retired, with his wife and family, to cultivate the ample patrimony which he possessed in the province of Cappadocia. These useful and innocent occupations were interrupted by the appearance of an officer with a band of soldiers, who, in the name of his new sovereigns, Valentinian and Valens, was despatched to conduct the unfortunate Procopius either to a perpetual prison or an ignominious death. His presence of mind procured him a longer respite and a more splendid fate. Without presuming to dispute the royal mandate, he requested the indulgence of

a few moments to embrace his weeping family, and, while the vigilance of his guards was relaxed by a plentiful entertainment, he dexterously, escaped to the sea-coast of the Euxine, from whence he passed over the counti^ of Bosphorus. In that sequestered region he remained many months, exposed to the hardships of exile, of

and of want; his melancholy temper brooding over his misfortunes, and his mind agitated by the just apprehension that, if any accident should discover his name, the faithless barbarians would violate, without much scruple, the laws of hospitality. In a moment of impatience and despair, Procopius embarked in a merchant-vessel which made sail for Constantinople, and boldly aspired to the rank of a sovereign because he was not allowed to enjoy the security of a subject. At first he lurked in the villages of Bithynia, continually changing his habitation and his disguise. By degrees he ventured into the capital, trusted his life and fortune to the fidelity of two friends, a senator and an eunuch, and conceived some hopes of success from the intelligence which he obtained of

solitude,

the actual state of public affairs.

The body

of

Roman Empire

the people was infected with a spirit of disoon^ and the abilities of Sallust, who had been imprudently dismissed from the praefecture of the East. They despised the character of Valens, which was rude without vigour, and feeble without mildness. They tent: they regretted the justice

dreaded the influence of patrician Petronius, ister,

who

his father-in-law, the

a cruel and rapacious min-

rigorously exacted all the arrears of

tribute that

might remain unpaid since the

reign of the emperor Aurelian.

The circum-

stances were propitious to the designs of

The

an

measures of the Persians required the presence of Valens in Syria; from the Danube to the Euphrates the troops were in motion, and the capital was occasionally filled with the soldiers who passed or repassed the Thracian Bosphorus. Two cohorts of Gauls were persuaded to listen to the secret proposals of the conspirators, which were recommended by the promise of a liberal donative; and as they still revered the memory of Julian, they easily consented to support the hereditary claim of his proscribed kinsman. At the dawn of day they were drawn up near the baths of Anastasia, and Procopius, clothed in a purple garment more suitable to a player than to a monarch, appeared, as if he rose from the dead, in the midst of Constantinople. The soldicis, who were prepared for his reception, saluted their trembling prince with shouts of joy and vows of fidelity. Their numbers were soon increased by a sturdy band of peasants collected from the adjacent usurper.

hostile

country, and Procopius, shielded by the arms of his adherents, was successively conducted to the tribunal, the senate, and the palace. During the first moments of his tumultuous reign he was astonished and terrified by the gloomy silence of the people, who were either ignorant of the cause or apprehensive of the event. But his military strength was superior to any actual resistance; the malcontents flocked to the standard of rebellion; the poor were excited by the hopes, and the rich were intimidated by the fear, of a general pillage; and the obstinate cre-

was once more deceived by the promised advantages of 4 revolution. The magistrates were seized, the ^prisons and arsenals broke open, the gates and |he entrance dulity of the multitude

of the harbour were diligently occupied, and, in a few hours, Procopius became the absolute,

though precarious, master of the Imperial city. usurper improved this unexpected success with some degree of courage and dexterity. He artfully propagated the rumours and opinions the most favourable to his interest, while he dc*

The

'

The Twenty-fifth Chapter luded the populace by giving audience to the frequent but imaginary ambassadors of distant nations. The large bodies of troops stationed in the cities of Thrace and the fortresses of the Lower Danube were gradually involved in the guilt of rebellion, and the Gothic princes consented to supply the sovereign of Constantinople with the formidable strength of several thousand auxiliaries. His generals passed the Bosphorus, and subdued, without an effort, the unarmed but wealthy provinces of Bithynia and Asia. After an honourable defence the city and island of Gyzicus yielded to his power, the renowned legions of the Jovians and Herculians embraced the cause of the usurper whom they were ordered to crush, and, as the veterans were continually augmented with new levies, he soon app>eared at the head of an army whose valour, as well as numbers, were not unequal to the greatness of the contest. The son of Hormisdas,^^

a youth of spirit and ability, condescended to his sword against the lawful emperor of

draw

the East, and the Persian prince was immediately invested with ancient and extraordi-

nary powers of a Roman proconsul. The alliance of Faustina, the widow of the emperor Constantins, who intrusted herself and her daughter to the hands of the usurper, added

and reputation to his cause. The prinwho was then about five years of age, accompanied, in a litter, the monarch of the army. She was shown to the multitude in the arms of her adopted father, and, as often dignity

cess Constantia,

as she passed through the ranks, the tenderness

of the soldiers was inflamed into martial fury:*® they recollected the glories of the house of Constantine,

and they declared, with loyal acclamathey would shed the last drop of their

tion, that

blood in the defence of the royal infant.*® In the meanwhile Valentinian was alarmed and perplexed by the doubtful intelligence of the revolt of the East. The difficulties of a Ger-

man war forced him to conflne his immediate care to the safety of his own dominions; and, as every channel of communication was stopped or corrupted, he listened, with doubtful anxiety, to the

rumours which were industriously spread and death of Valens had left

th&t the defeat

Procopius sole master of the Eastern provinces. Valens was not dead; but on the news of the rebellion, which he received at Carsarea, he life and fortune, proposed to negotiate with the usurper, and discovered his secret inclination to abdicate the Imperial purple. The timid monarch was saved from disgrace and ruin by the firmness of his

basely despaired of his

ministers,

387

and

their abilities soon decided in his

civil war. In a season of had resigned without a mursoon as the public safety was at-

favour the event of the tranquillity Sallust

mur, but, as

tacked, he ambitiously solicited the pre-eminence of toil and danger, and the restoration of that virtuous minister to the prefecture of the

East was the first step which indicated the repentance of Valens, and satisfied the minds of the people. The reign of Procopius was apparently supported by powerful armies and obedient provinces. But many of the principal officers, military as well as civil, had been urged, either by motives of duty or interest, to withdraw themselves from the guilty scene, or to watch the moment of betraying and deserting the cause of the usurper. Lupicinus advanced by hasty marches to bring the legions of Syria to the aid of Valens. Arintheus, who in strength, beauty, and valour excelled all the heroes of the age, attacked withta small troop a superior body of the rebels. When he beheld the faces of the soldiers who had served under his banner, he commanded them, with a loud voice, to seize and deliver up their pretended leader, and such was the ascendant of his genius that this extraordinary order was instantly obeyed.*® Arbetio, a respectable veteran of the great Constantine, who had been distinguished by the honours of the consulship, was persuaded to leave his retirement,

and once more to conduct an army

into the field. In the heat of action, calmly tak-

ing off his helmet, he showed his grey hairs and venerable countenance, saluted the soldiers of Procopius by the endearing names of children and companions, and exhorted them no longer to support the desperate cause of a contemptible tyrant, but to follow their old commander, who had so often led them to honour and victory. In the two engagements of Thyatira*‘ and Nacolia the unfortunate Procopius was deserted by his troops, who were seduced by the instructions and example of their perfidious officers. After wandering some time among the woods and mountains of Phrygia, he was betrayed by his desponding followers, conducted to the Imperial camp, and immediately beheaded. He suffered the ordinary fate of an unsuccessful usurper, but the acte of cruelty which were exercised by the conqueror, under the forms of legal justice, excited the pity and indignation of mankind.*®

Such indeed are the common and natural and rebellion. But the inquisition into the crime of magic, which, under the reign of the two brother8» was so rigorously fruits of despotism

Decline and Fall of the Romaii Empire prosecuted both at Rome and Antioch, was inteqsreted as the fatal symptom, either of the displeasure of Heaven or of the depravity of mankind.^’ Let us not hesitate to indulge a liberal pride that, in the present age, the enlighten^ part of Europe has abolished^^ a cruel and odious prejudice, which reigned in every climate of the globe and adhered to every system of religious opinions.^^ The nations and the sects of the Roman world admitted, with equal credulity and similar abhorrence, the reality of that infernal art^* which was able to control the eternal order of the planets and the voluntary operations of the human mind. They dreaded the mysterious power of spells and incantations, of potent herbs and execrable rites, w hich could extinguish or recall life, inflame the passions of the soul, blast the works of creation, and extort from the reluctant daemons the secrets of futurity. They believed, with the wildest inconsistency, that this preternatural dominion of the

ment of death, This deadly and incoherent mixture of treason and magic, of poison and adultery, afforded infinite gradations of guilt

and innocence, of excuse and aggravation, which in these proceedings appear to have been confounded by the angry or corrupt passions of the judges. They easily discovered that the degree of their industry and discernment was esti-

mated by the Imperial court according to the of executions that were furnished from their respective tribunals. It was not without extreme reluctance that they pronounced a sen-

number

tence of acquittal, but they eagerly admitted such evidence as was stained with perjury or procured by torture to prove the most improbable charges against the most respectable characters.

The

progress of the inquiry continually

opened new subjects of criminal prosecution; the audacious informer, whose falsehood was

air,

detected, retired with impunity but the wretched victim who discovered his real or pretended accomplices was seldom permitted to

vilest

receive the price of his infamy.

of earth, and of hell was exercised, from the motives of malice or gain, by some wrinkled hags and itinerant sorcerers, who passed

penury and contempt. magic were equally condemned by the public opinion and by the laws of Rome, but, as they tended to gratify the most imperious passions of the heart of man, they were continually proscribed and continually practised. their obscure lives in

The

arts of

An imaginary cause is capable of producing the most serious and mischievous effects. The dark an emperor or the success of a conspiracy were calculated only to • stimulate the hopes of ambition and to dissolve predictions of the death of

and the intentional guilt of magic was aggravated by the actual crimes of treason and sacrilege.^ Such vain terrors disturbed the peace of society and the happiness of individuals, and the harmless flame which insensibly melted a waxen image might derive a powerful and pernicious energy from the affrighted fancy of the person whom it was malicithe ties of fidelity,

ously designed to represent."

From the

infusion

;

From the extremity of Italy and Asia the young and the aged were dragged in chains to the tribunals of Rome and Antioch. Senators, matrons, and philosophers expired in ignominious and cruel tortures. The soldiers who were appointed to guard the prisons declared, with a murmur of pity and indignation, that their numbers were insufficient to oppose the Hight or resistance of

multitude of captives. ThT wealthiest were ruined by fines and confiscations; the most innocent citizens trembled for their safety; and we may form some notion ol the magnitude of the evil from the extravagant assertion of an ancient writer, that in the obnoxious provinces the prisoners, the exiles, and the fugitives formed the greatest part of the inhabitants." When Tacitus describes the deaths of the innocent and illustrious Romans who were sacrithe

families

ficed to the cruelty of the first Caesars, the art of

the historian, or the merit of the suflercrs, ex-

of those herbs which were supposed to possess a supernatural influence it was an easy step to the

cites in

more substantial poison, and the folly of mankind sometimes became the instrument and the mask of the most atrocious crimes. As soon as the zeal of informers was encouraged by the ministers of Valens and Valentinian, they could

and undistinguishing

use of

not refuse to listen to another charge too frequently mingled in the scenes of domestic guilt, a charge of a softer and less malignant nature, for which the pious though excessive rigour of CSonstantine recently decreed the punish-

h^

our breasts the most

terror, of admiration,

lively sensations of

and of

The coarse Ammianus has

pity.

pencil of

and no longer engaged by the contrast of frc'cdom and servitude, of recent greatness and of actual misdelineated his bloody figures with tedious disgusting accuracy. But as our attention

is

we should turn with horror from the frequent executions which disgraced, both at Rome

ery,

and Antioch, the reign of the two brothers.®* Valens was of a timid,®® and Valentinian of a choleric, disposition.®®

An anxious regard to hia

—

The Twenty-fifth Chapter personal safety was the ruling principle of the administration of Valens. In the condition of a subject, he had kissed, with trembling awe, the hand of the oppressor; and when he ascended the throne, he reasonably expected that the

same fears which had subdued his own mind would secure the patient submission of his people.

The

favourites of Valens obtained,

by the

389

firmed by the habits of cruelty.** He could behold with calm satisfaction the convulsive agonies of torture and death: he reserved his friendship for those faithful servants whose temper was the most congenial to his own. The merit of Maximin, who had slaughtered the noblest families of Rome, was rewarded with the royal approbation, and the praefecturc of Gaul. Two

and conHscation, the wealth which his economy would have refused. They

fierce

urged, with persuasive eloquence, that^ in ail case^ of treason, suspicion is equivalent to proof; that the power supposes the intention of mischief; that the intention is not less criminal than the act ; and that a subject no longer deserves to

alone deserve to share the favour of Maximin. cages of those trusty guards were always placed near the bedchamber of Valentinian, who frequently amused his eyes with the grateful spectacle of seeing them tear and devour the bleeding limbs of the malefactors who were

privilege of rapine

may threaten the safety, or disturb the repose, of his sovereign. The judgment of Valent inian was sometimes deceived, and his confidence abused; but he would have silenced the informers with a contemptuous smile, had live, if his life

they presumed to alarm his fortitude by the sound of danger. They praised his inflexible love of justice; and, in the pursuit of justice, the cmiieror was easilv K*inptfd to consider clemency as a weakness, and passion as a virtue. As

long as he wrestled with his equals in the bold competition of an active and ambitious life, Valentinian was seldom injured, and never insulted, with impunity: if his prudence was arhis spirit was applauded; and the proudest and most powerful generals were apprehensive of provoking the resentment of a fearless soldier. After he became master of the world, he unfortunately forgot that, where no resistance can be made, no courage can be exerted ; and instead of consulting the dictates of reason and magnanimity, he indulged the furious emotions of his temper, at a time when they were disgraceful to himself, and fatal to the defenceless objects of his displeasure. In the government of his hoaschold, or of his empire, slight, or even imaginary otTences a hasty word, a casual omission, an involuntary delay were chastised by a sentence of immediate death. The expressions which issued the most readily from the mouth of the emperor of the West were, “Strike off his head;*’ “Burn him ali\^c;** “Let him be beaten with clubs till he expires;”” and his most favoured ministers soon understood that, by a rash attempt to dispute or suspend the execution of his sanguinary command.s, they might involve themselves in the guilt and punishment of disobedience. The repeated gratification of this savage justice hardened the mind of Valentinian against pity and remorse; and the sallies of passion were con-

raigned,

—

—

—

and enormous

bears, dLstinguished

appellations of Innocence

and Mica

by the

Aureaj could

The

abandoned

to their rage. Their diet and exerwere carefully inspected by the Roman emperor; and when Innocence had earned her discharge, by a long course of meritorious servcises

ice, the iaithiul aifimal was again restored to the freedom of her native woods.” But in the calmer moments of reflection, when

the

mind

of Valens was not agitated by fear, or

that of Valentinian by rage, the tyrant resumed

the sentiments, or at least the conduct, of the father of his country.

The

dispassionate judg-

ment of the Western emperor could clearly perceive, and accurately pursue, his own and the public interest; and the sovereign of the East,

who imitated with equal docility the various examples which he received from his elder brother, was sometimes guided by the wisdom and virtue of the praefcct Sallust. Both princes invariably retained, in the purple, the chaste

and temperate

which had adorned under their reign, the pleasures of the court never cost the people a blush or a sigh. They gradually reformed many simplicity

their private life; and,

of the abuses of the times of Constantius; judiciously adopted and improved the designs of Julian and his successor; and displayed a style and spirit of legislation w hich might inspire posterity with the most lavourablc opinion of their

character and government. roaster of Innocence that

we

It is not from the should expect the

tender regard for the welfare of his subjects which prompted Valentinian to condemn the exposition of new-born infants,*’* and to establish fourteen skilful ph>'8icians, with stipends and privileges, in the fourteen quarters of Rome.

The good an

useful

sense of

and

an

illiterate soldier

founded

liberal institution for the

educa-

and the support of declining was his intention that the arts of

tion of youth, science.*^ It

rhetoric

and grammar should be taught,

in the

Decline and Fall of the Gredk and Latin languages, in the metropolis of every province; and as the size and dignity of the school was usually proportioned to the importance of the city, the academies of Rome and Constantinople claimed a just and singular preeminence. The fragments of the literary edicts of Valentinian imperfectly represent the school of Constantinople, which was gradually improved by subsequent regulations. That school consisted of thirty-one professors in different branches of learning. One philosopher and two lawyers; five sophists and ten grammarians for the Greek, and three orators and ten grammarians for the Latin tongue; besides seven scribes, or, as they were then styled, antiquarians, whose laborious pens supplied the public library with fair and correct copies of the classic writers. The rule of conduct which was prescribed to the students is the more curious, as it affords the first outlines of the form and discipline of a modern university. It was required that they should bring proper certificates from the magistrates of their native province. Their names, professions, and places of abode, were regularly entered in a public register. The studious youth were severely prohibited from wasting their time in feasts or in the theatre; and the term of their education was limited to the age of twenty. The praefe ct of the city was empowered to chastise the idle and refractory by stripes or expulsion; and he was directed to make an annual report to the master of the offices, that the knowledge and abilities of the scholars might be usefully applied to the public service. The institutions of Vaientiniazf contributed to secure the benefipi of peace and plenty; and the cities were guarded by the establishment of the Dejensofs;^ freely elected as the tribunes and advocates of the p>eople, to support their rights, and to expose their grievances, before the tribunals of the civil magistrates, or even at the foot of the Imperial throne. The finances were diligently administered by two princes who had been so long accustomed to the rigid economy of a private fortune; but in the receipt and application of the revenue, a discerning eye might observe some difference between the government of the East and of the West. Valens was persuaded that royal liberality can be supplied only by public oppression, and his ambition never aspired to secure, by their actual distress, the future strength and prosperity of his people. Instead of increasing the weight of taxes, which in the space of forty years had been gradually doubled, he reduced, in the first years of his reign, one-fourth of the tribute of the East.** Valentinian appears to

Roman Empire

have been

less attentive

and

less

anxious to re*

He might reform the abuses of the fiscal administration; but he exacted, without scruple, a very large share of the private property; as he was convinced that the revenues which supported the luxury of individuals would be much more advantageously employed for the defence and improvelieve the burthens of his people.

ment

of the state.

The

subjects of the East,

who

enjoyed the present benefit, applauded the indulgence of their prince. The solid, but less splendid merit of Valentinian was felt and acknowledged by the subsequent generation.*^ But the most honourable circumstance of the character of Valentinian is the firm and temperate impartiality which he uniformly preserved in an age of religious contention. His strong sense, unenlightened, but uncorrupted, by study, declined, with respectful indifference, the subtle questions of theological debate. The government of the Emth claimed his vigilance, and satisfied his ambition; and while he remembered that he was the disciple of the church, he

never forgot that he was the sovereign of the Under the reign of an apostate, he had

clergy.

honour of Christianhe allowed to his subjects the privilege which he had assumed for himself; and they might accept with gratitude and confidence the general toleration which was granted by a prince addicted to passion, but incapable of fear or of disguise.** The Pagans, ihe^ews, and ail the various sects which acknowledged the divine authority of Christ, were protected by the laws from arbitrary power or popular insult; nor was any mode of worship prohibited by Valenti nsignalised his zeal for the ity:

ian, except those secret and criminal practices which abused the name of religion for the dark purposes of vice and disorder. The art of magic, as it was more cruelly punished, was more strictly proscribed but the emperor admitted a formal distinction to protect the ancient methods of divination, which were approved by the senate and exercised by the Tuscan haruspices. He had condemned, with the consent of the most :

rational Pagans, the licence of notturnal sacrifices; but he immediately admitted the petition of Prsetextatus, proconsul of Achai^, who represented that the life of the Greeks would become dreary and comfortless if they went deprived of the invaluable blessing of the Eleusinian mys-

Philosophy alone can boast (and perhaps no more than the boast of philosophy) that her gentle hand is able to eradicate from the human mind the latent and deadly principle of fanaticism. But this truce of twelve years, which teries.

it is

1

The Twenty-fifth Qiapter was inforced by the wise and vigorous govern* ment of Valcntinian, by suspending the repetition of mutual injuries, contributed to soften the manners, and abate the prejudices, of the religious factions. The friend of toleration was unfortunately placed at a distance from the scene of the fiercest controversies.

West had

the

As soon

as the Christians of

extricated themselves from the

snares of the creed of Rimini, they happily re-

lapsed into the slumber of orthodoxy; and the small remains of the Arian party, that still subsisted at Sirmium or Milan, might be considered rather as objects of contempt than of resentment. But in the provinces of the East, from the Euxine to the extremity of Thebais, the strength and numbers of the hostile factions were more equally balanced ; and this equality, instead of recommending the counsels of peace, served only to perpetuate the horrors of religious

The monks and bishops supported their arguments by invectives; and their invectives were sometimes followed by blows. Athanasius war.

still

reigned at Alexarvln^; the thrones of Con-

stantinople and Antioch were occupied prelates;

by Arian and every episcopal vacancy was the

occasion of a f>opular tumult. The Homoouwere fortified by the reconciliation of fiftynine Macedonian, or Semi-Arian, bishops; but their secret reluctance to embrace the divinity

sians

Holy Ghost clouded the splendour of the tiiumph; and the declaration of Valens, who, in the first years of his reign, had imitated the impartial conduct of his brother, was an important victory on the side of Arianism. The two brothof the

ers

had passed

their private

life

in the condition

catechumens; but the piety of Valens prompted him to solicit the sacraments of bap-

of

tism lx*forc he exposed his person to the dangers of a Gothic war. He naturally addressed himself to Eudoxus,®* bishop of the Imperial city; and if the ignorant

monarch was

instructed

by that

Arian pastor in the principles of heterodox theology, his misfortune, rather than his guilt, was the inevitable consequence of his erroneous choice. Whatever had been the determination of the emperor, he must have offended a numerparty of his Christian subjects; as the leaders ^th of the Homoousians and of the Arians believed that, if they were not suffered to reign, they were most cruelly injured and oppressed.

ous'

After he

had taken

tremely

difficult for

this decisive step, it

him

was ex-

to preserve either the

virtue, or the reputation^ of impartiality.

He

never aspired, like Constant ius, to the fame of a profound theologian; but, as he had received

39

with simplicity and respect the tenets of Eudoxus, Valens resigned his conscience to the direc-

and promoted by the influence of his authority the re-union of the Athanasian heretics to the body of theCatholic church. At first he pitied their blindness; by degrees he was provoked at their obstinacy; and tion of his ecclesiastical guides,

he insensibly hated those

sectaries to

whom

he

was an object of hatred. The feeble mind of Valens was always swayed by the persons with whom he familiarly conversed; and the exile or imprisonment of a private citizen are the favours the most readily granted in a despotic court. Such punishments were frequently inflicted on the leaders of the Homoousian party; and the misfortune of fourscore ecclesiastics of Constantinople, who, perhaps accidentally, were burnt

on shipboard, was imputed

to the cruel

and

premeditated malice of the emperor and his Arian ministers. In every contest the catholics (if

we may

antici]$hte that

name) were obliged own faults, and of

to pay the penalty of their

those of their adversaries. In every election the claims of the Arian candidate obtained the preference; and if they were opposed by the majority of the people, he was usually supported by the authority of the civil magistrate, or even by

The enemies of Athanasius attempted to disturb the last years of his venerable age; and his temporary retreat to his father’s sepulchre has been celebrated as a fifth exile. But the zeal of a great people, who instantly fiew to arms, intimidated the prarfect: and the archbishop was permitted to end his life in peace and in glory, after a reign of fortyseven years. The death of Athanasius was the signal of the persecution of Egypt; and the Pathe terrors of a military force.

gan minister of Valens, who forcibly seated the worthless Lucius on the archiepiscopal throne, purchased the favour of the reigning party by the blood and sufferings of their Christian brethren. The free toleration of the heathen and Jewish worship was bitterly lamented, as a circumstance which aggravated the misery of the catholics, and the guilt of the impious tyrant of the East.*®

The triumph of the orthodox party has left a stain of persecution on the memory of

deep

Valens; and the character of a prince

who

de-

rived his virtues, as well as his vices, from a fee-

and a pusillanimous temper, an apology. Yet candour may discover some reasons to suspect ble understanding

scarcely deserves the labour of

that the ecclesiastical ministers of Valens c^ten exceeded the orders, or even the intentions, of their master; and that the real measure of facts

Decline and Fall of the

399

has been very liberally magnified by the vehe* ment declamation and easy credulity of his antagonists.^ I. The silence of Valentinian may suggest a probable argument that the partial severities which were exercised in the name and provinces of his colleague amounted only to some obscure and inconsiderable deviations from the established system of religious toleration; and the judicious historian, who has praised the equal temper of the elder brother, has not thought himself obliged to contrast the tranquillity of the West with the cruel persecution of the East.^® 2. Whatever credit may be allowed to vague and distant reports, the character, or at least the behaviour, of Valens may be most distinctly seen in his personal transactions with the eloquent Basil, archbishop of Caesarea, who had succeeded Athanasius in the management of the Trinitarian cause.^^ The circumstantial narrative has been composed by the friends and admirers of Basil; and as soon as we

have stripped away a thick coat of rhetoric and we shall be astonished by the unexpected mildness of the Arian tyrant, who admired the firmness of his character, or was apprehensive, if he employed violence, of a general revolt in the province of Cappadocia. The archmiracle,

bishop,

who asserted, with inflexible pride,

truth of his opinions

was and

left

in the free possession of his conscience

his throne.

at the

the

and the dignity of his rank,

The emperor devoutly

assisted

solemn service of the cathedral; and,

in-

stead of a sentence of banishment, subscribed

the donation of a valuable estate for the use of

an

hospital

which

Basil

had

lately

founded in

the neighbourhood of Caesarea.’’ 3. I am not able to discover that any law (such as Theodosius afterwards enacted against the Arians) was published by Valens against the Athanasian sectaries;

and

the edict which excited the most

violent clamours

reprehensible.

may

not appear so extremely

The emperor had observed

that

several of his subjects, gratifying their lazy dis-

position

under the pretence of religion, had

sociated themselves with the

monks

as-

of Egypt;

and he directed the count of the East to drag them from their solitude, and to compel those deserters of society to accept the fair alternative

of renouncing their temporal possessions, or of discharging the public duties of men and citizens.’^ The ministers of Valens seem to have extended the sense of this penal statute, since they claimed a right of enlisting the young and abledetachbodied monks in the Imperial armies. ment of cavalry and infantry, consisting of three thousand men, marched frenn Alexandria into

A

Roman Empire

the adjacent desert of Nitria,” which was peopled by five thousand monks. The soldiers were conducted by Arian priests; and it is reported that a considerable slaughter was made in the monasteries which disobeyed the commands of their sovereign.’®

The strict regulations which have been framed by the wisdom of modern legislators to restrain the wealth and avarice of the clergy may be originally deduced from the example of the emperor Valentinian. His edict,” addressed to Damasus, bishop of Rome, was publicly read in the churches of the city. He admonished the ecclesiastics and monks not to fi^quent the houses of widows and virgins; and menaced their disobedience with the animadversion of the civil judge. The director was no longer permitted to receive any gift, or legacy, or inheritance, from the liberality of his s|)iritual daugh-

every testament contrary to this edict was declared null and void: and the illegal donation was confiscated for the use of the treasury. By a subsequent regulation it should seem that the same provisions were extended to nuns and bishops: and that all persons of the ecclesiastical order were rendered incapable of receiving any testamentary gifts, and strictly confined to the ter:

natural and legal rights of inheritance. As the guardian of domestic happiness and virtue, Valentinian applied this severe

growing

remedy

to the

In the capital of the empire the females of noble and opulent hou^s possessed a very ample share of independent property; and many of those devout females had embraced the doctrines of Christianity, not only with the cold assent of the understanding, but with the warmth of afiection, and perhaps with the eagerness of fashion. They sacrificed the pleasures of dress and luxury; and renounced, for the praise of chastity, the soft endearments of conjugal society. Some ecclesiastic, of real or apparent sanctity, was chosen to direct their timorous conscience, and to amuse the vacant tenderness of their heart: and the unbounded confidence which they hastily bestowed was often abused by knaves and enthusiasts, who hastened from the extremities of the East, to enjoy, on a splendid theatre, the privileges of the monastic profession. By their contempt of the world, they insensibly acquired its most desirable advantages; the lively attachment, perhaps, of a young and beautiful woman, the delicate plenty of an opulent household, and the respectful homage of the slaves, the freedmen, and the clients of a senatorial family. The immense fortunes of the Roman ladies were gradually conevil.

The Twenty-fifth Chapter 8umcd in ages; and

and expensive pilgrimmonk, who had assigned

lavish alms

the artful himself the first, or possibly the sole place, in the testament of his spiritual daughter, still presumed to declare, with the smooth face of hypocrisy, that hi was only the instrument of charity, and the steward of the poor. The lucrative, but disgraceful, trade, which was exercised by the clergy to defraud the expectations of the natural heirs, had provoked the indignation of a superstitious age and two of the most respectable of the Latin fathers very honestly confess :

that the ignominious edict of Valentinian was and necessary; and that the Christian

just

had deserved to lose a was still enjoyed by comedians,

which and the ministers of idols. But the wisdom and authority of the legislator are seldom victorious in

priests

privilege

charioteers,

a contest with the vigilant dexterity of private interest: and jerom, or Ambrose, might patiently acquiesce in the justice of

an

ineffectual

or salutary law. If the ecclesiastics were checked in the pursuit of personal emolument, they would exert a moic i!aurovince of Vdintiay the glories of the reign of Valentinian.“* The voice of poetry and panegyric may add, perhaps with some degree of truth, that the unknown regions of Thule were stained with the blood of the Piets, that the oars of Theodosius dashed the waves of the Hyperborean ocean, and that the distant Orkneys were the scene of his naval victory over the Saxon pirates.^’* He left the province with a fair as well as splendid reputation, and was immediately promoted to the rank of master-general of the cavalry by a prince who could applaud, without envy, the merit of his servants. In the important station of the Upper Danube, the conqueror of Britain checked and defeated the armies of the Alemanni, before he was chosen to suppress the

the moit delicate

their horrid repasts.^^ If in the

of the commercial and literary town of Glasgow a race of cannibals has really existed, we may

contemplate in the period of the Scottish history the opposite extremes of savage and civilised life. Such reflections tend to enlarge the

our ideas, and to encourage the pleasing hope that New Zealand may produce in some future age the Hume of the Southern

circle of

Hemisphere. Every messenger who escaped across the British channel conveyed the most melancholy and alarming tidings to the ears of Valentinian, and the emperor was soon informed that the two military commanders of the province had been

and cut off by the barbarians. Sevccount of the domestics, was hastily despatched, and as suddenly recalled, by the court of Treves. The representations of Jovinus served only to indicate the greatness of the evil, and, after a long and serious consultation, the defence, or rather the iccotci y, of Britain was intrusted to the abilities of the brave Theodosius. The exploits of that general, the father of a line of emperors, have been celebrated, with peculiar complacency, by the writers of the age ; but his real merit deserved their applause, and his nomination was received, by the army and province, as a sure presage of approaching victory. He seized the favourable moment of navigation, and securely landed the numerous and veteran bands of the Heruli and Batavians, the Jovians and the Victors. In his march from Sandwich to London, Theodosius defeated several parties of the barbarians, released a multitude of captives, and, after distributing to his soldiers a small portion of the spoil, established surprised rus,

fame of disinterested justice by the restitution of the remainder to the rightful proprietors. The citizens of London, who had almost despaired of their safety, threw open their gates, and, as soon as Theodosius had obtained from the court of Treves the important aid of a military lieutenant and a civil governor, he executecl with wisdom and vigour the laborious the

revolt of Africa. III.

The

prince

who

refuses to

instructs his people to consider

be the judge,

him

as the ac-

complice of his ministers. The military command of Africa had been long exercised by Count Romanus, and his abilities W'cre not inadequate to his station; but as sordid interest was the sole motive of his conduct, he acted on most occasions as if he had been the enemy of the province, and the friend of the barbarians of

The three flourishing cities of Oea, and Sabrata, which, under the name of Tripoli, had long constituted a federal union, the desert. Leptis,

were obliged,

for the first time, to shut their

gates against a hostile invasion; several of their

most honourable

citizens

were surprised and

massacred, the villages and even the suburbs were pillaged, and the vines and fruit-trees of that rich territory were extirpated

by the mali-

The unhappy provinprotection of Romanus; but

cious savages of Gsrtulia.

were recalled to their standard, an edict of amnesty dispelled the public apprehensions, and his cheerful example alleviated the rigour

implored the they soon found that their military governor was not less cruel and rap)acious than the barbarians. As they w'cre incapable of furnishing the four thousand camels and the exorbitant present which he required before he would

of martial discipline.

The scattered and desultory warfare of the barbariaps, who infested the

march to the assistance of Tripoli, his demand was equivalent to a refusal, and he might justly

land and sea, deprived him of the glory of a signal victory; but the prudent spirit and consummate art of the Roman general were displayed

be accused as the author of the public calamity. In the annual assembly of the three cities, they nominated two deputies to lay at the feet of Va-

task of the deliverance of Britain.

The vagrant

soldiers

cials

Decline and Fall of the

400

lentinian the customary offering of Cory,

and to accompany

a gold

vic-

this tribute of duty,

rather than of gratitude, with their humble cornplaint that they

were ruined by the enemy and

betrayed by their governor. If the severity of Valentinian had been rightly directed, it would have fallen on the guilty head of Romanus. But the count, long exercised in the arts of corruption, had despatched a swift and trusty messenger to secure the venal friendship of Remigius, master of the offices. The wisdom of the imperial council was deceived by artifice, and their honest indignation was cooled by delay. At length, when the repetition of complaint had been justified by the repietition of public misfortunes, the notary Palladius was sent from the court of Treves to examine the state of Africa and the conduct of Romanus. The rigid impartiality of Palladius

was

easily

disarmed; he was tempted

to reserve for himself a part of the public trea-

him for the payment of the troops, and, from the moment that he was conscious of his own guilt, he could no longer refuse to attest the innocence and merit of the count. The charge of the Tripolitans was declared to be false and frivolous, and Palladius himself was sent back from Treves to Africa with a special commission to discover and prosecute the authors of this impious conspiracy against the representatives of the sovereign. His inquiries were managed with so much dexterity and success, that he compelled the citizens of Leptis, who had sustained a recent siege of eight days, to contradict the truth of their own decrees and to censure the behaviour of their own sure which he brought with

deputies. A bloody sentence was pronounced, without hesitation, by the rash and headstrong cruelty of Valentinian. The president of Trip-

Roman Empire

which Romanus prosecuted the legal revenge of this murder could be ascribed only to a motive of avarice or personal hatred; but on this occasion his claims were just, his influence was weighty, and Firmus clearly understood that he must either present his neck to the executioner, or appeal from the sentence of the Imperial consistory to his sword and to the people.'^ He was received as the deliverer of his country, and, as it appeared that Romanus was formid-

soon as

able only to a submissive province, the tyrant of became the object of universal contempt.

Africa

The ruin of Caesarea, which was plundered and burnt by the licentious barbarians, convinced the refractory cities of the danger of resistance; the power of Firmus was established, at least in the provinces of Mauritania and Numidia, and it seemed to be his only doubt whether he should assume the diadem of a Moorish king or the purple of a Roman emperor. But the imprudent and unhappy Africans soon discovered that, in this rash insurrection, they had not sufficiently consulted their own strength or the abilities of their leader. Before he could procure any certain intelligence that the emperor of the West

had

fixed the choice of a general, or that a fleet

of transports was collected at the

mouth

of the

Rhone, he was suddenly informed that the great Theodosius, with a small band of veterans, had landed near Igilgilis, or Gigeri, on the African coast, and the timid usurpq;;^sunk under the ascendant of virtue and military genius. Though Firmus possessed arms and treasures, his despair of victory immediately reduced him to the use of those arts which, in the same country and in a similar situation, had formerly been practised by the crafty Jugurtha. He attempted to deceive, by an apparent submission,

who had presumed to pity the distress of the province, was publicly executed at Utica; four distinguished citizens were put to death as the accomplices of the imaginary fraud, and the tongues of two others were cut out by the express order of the emperor. Romanus, elated by

the vigilance of the Roman general, to seduce the fidelity of his troops, and to protract the duration of the war by successively engaging the independent tribes of Africa to espouse his quarrel or to protect his flight. Theodosius imitated

impunity and irritated by resistance, was still continued in the military command, till the Africans were provoked, by his avarice, to ioin the rebellious standard of Firmus, the Moor.“‘ His father Nabal was one of the richest and most powerful of the Moorish princes who acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. But as he left, either by his wives or concubines, a very numerous posterity, the wealthy inheritance was eagerly disputed, and Zamma, one of his sons, was slain in a domestic quarrel by his brother Firmus. The implacable zeal with

ecessor Metcllus.

oli,

the example

and obtained the success of his pred-

When

Firmus, in the charac-

ter of a suppliant, accused his

humbly

solicited the

own xiashness and

clemency of the emperor,

the lieutenant of Valentinian received and dismissed him with a friendly embrace; but he dili-

gently required the useful and substantial pledges of a sincere repentance, nor could he be persuaded, by the assurances of peace, to sus-

pend

for an instant the operations of an active war. A dark conspiracy was detected by the penetration of Theodosius, and he satisfied, without much reluctance, the public indigna-

The tion which he

had

Twenty-fifth Chapter

secretly excited. Several of

the guilty accomplices of Firmus were abandoned, according to ancient custom, to the tumult of a military execution; many more, by the amputation of both their hands, continued to exhibit an instructive spectacle of horror; the

hatred of the rebels was accompanied with fear, and the fear of the Roman soldiers was mingled with respectful admiration. Amidst the boundless plains of Gsetulia and the innumerable valleys of Mount Atlas, it was impossible to prevent the escape of Firmus; and if the usurper could have tired the patience of his antagonist, he would have secured his person in the depth of some remote solitude, and expected the hopes of a future revolution. He was subdued by the perseverance of Theodosius, who had formed an inflexible determination that the war should end only by the death of the tyrant, and that every nation of Africa which presumed to support his cause should be involved in his ruin. At the head of a small body of troops, which seldom exceeded three thousand five hundred men, the Roman general ad%lhia to the banks of the Danube, or even to the gates of Constantinople, the aged monarch of the Goths resigned to the brave Athanaric the danger and glory of a defensive war, against an enemy who wielded with a feeble hand the powers of a mighty state. A bridge of boats was established upon the Danube, the presence of Valcns animated his troops, and his ignorance of the art of war was compensated by personal bravery, and a wise deference to the advice of Victor and Arintheus, his mastersgcneral of the cavalry and infantry. The opera-

campaign were conducted by their and experience ; but they found it impossi-

tions of the

chain of posts and fortifications, skilfully disposed by Valcns, or the generals of Valcns, resisted their march, prevented their retreat, and intercepted their subsistence. The fierceness of the barbarians was tamed and suspended by hunger; they indignantly threw down their arms at the feet of the conqueror, who oflered them food and chains:

skill

numerous captives were distributed in all the cities of the East; and the provincials, who

course of the ensuing summer, to his camp of Marcianopolis. The third year of the war was more favourable to the Romans, and more pernicious to the Goths. The interruption of trade deprived the barbarians of the objects of luxury,

his successful rival.

the

were soon familiarised with their savage appearance, ventured, by degrees, to measure thv,ir own strength with these formidable adversaries, whose name had so long been the object of their terror. The king of Scythia (and Hermanric alone could deserve so lofty a title) was

ble to drive the Visigoths

in the mountains, plains obliged the

the

Danube on

from their strong posts

and the devastation of the

Romans themselves to repass The in-

the approach of winter.

cessant rains, which swelled the waters of the river, produced a tacit suspension of arms, and

confined the emp>cror Valcns, during

tlie

whole

which they already confounded with the necessaries of life and the desolation of a very exten;

sive tract of country threatened

them with the

horrors of fluiiine. Athanaric was pcovdced, or oompelled, to risk a battle, which he lost, in the plains; and the pursuit was rendered more bloody by the cruel precaution of the victorious generals,

who had promised a large reward

the head of every

Goth that was brought

for

into

the Imperial camp. The submission of the bar^ barians appeased the resentment of Valens and his council: the emperor listened with satisfaction to the flattering and eloquent remonstrance of the senate of Constantinople, which assumed, for the first time, a share in the public deliberations; and the same generals, Victor and Anntheus, who had successfully directed the conduct of the war, were empowered to regulate the conditions of peace. The freedom of trade

which the Goths had hitherto enjoyed was restricted to two cities on the Danube; the rashness of their leaders was severely punished by the suppression of their pensions and subsidies; and the exception, whidi was stipulated in favour of Athanaric alone, was more advantageous than honourable to the Judge of the Visigoths. Athanaric, who, on this occasion, appears to have consulted his private interest, without expecting the orders of his sovereign, supported 1^ own dignity, and that of his tribe, in the personal interview which was proposed

by the

Roman Empire

Decline and Fall of

406

ministers of Valens.

He

persisted in his

declaration that it was imp)ossible for him, without incurring the guilt of perjury, ever to set his foot on the territory of the empire; and it is more than probable that his regard for the sanctity of an oath was confirmed by the recent and fatal examples of Roman treachery. The Danube, which separated the dominions of the two independent nations, was chosen for the scene

of the oonference. The emperor of the East, and the Judge of the Visigoths, accompanied by an equal number of armed followers, advanced in their respective barges to the middle of the stream. After the ratification of the treaty, and the delivery of hostages, Valens returned in triumph to Constantinople, and the Goths remained in a state of tranquillity about six years, till they were violently impelled against the Roman empire by an innumerable host of Scythians, who appeared to issue from the frozen regions of the North.*^ The emperor of the West, who had resigned to his brother the command of the Lower Danube, reserved for his immediate care the defence of the Rhaetian and Illyrian provinces, which spread so many hundred miles along the greatest of the European rivers. The active policy of Valentinian was continually em-

ployed in adding new fortifications to the security of the frontier; but the abuse of this policy provoked the just resentment of the barbarians. The Quadi complained that the

ground for an intended fortress had been marked out on their territories, and their comwere urged with so much reason and moderation, that Equitius, master-general of Illyricum, consented to suspend the prosecution of the work till he should be more clearly informed of the will of his sovereign. This fair occasion of injuring a rival, and of advancing the plaints

fortune of his son, was eagerly embraced by the inhuman Maximin, the prxfect, or rather tyrant, of Gaul. The passions of Valentinian were

impatient of control, and he credulously listened to the assurances of his favourite, that, if the

government of Valeria, and the direction of the work, were intrusted to the zeal of his son Marcellinus, the emperor should no longer be importuned with the audacious remonstrances of

The subjects of Rome, and the Germany, were insulted by the arrogance of a young and worthless minister, who considered his rapid elevation as the proof and reward of his sup)erior merit. He affected, howtlic

barbzu-ians.

natives of

ever, to receive the modest application of Gabinius, king of the Quadi, with some attention and regard; but this artful civility concealed a dark and bloody design, and the credulous prince was persuaded to accept the pressing in-

vitation of Marccllinus. 1 am at a loss how to vary the narrative of similar crimes; or how to relate that, in the course of the same year, but in remote parts of the empire, the inhospitable table of two Imperial generals was stain^ with the royal blood of two guests and allies, inhu-

manly murdered by presence.

The

their order,

fate of Gabinius,

and in their and of Para,

was the same: but the cruel death of their sovereign was resented in a very different manner by the servile temper of the Armenians and the free and daring spirit of the Germans. The Quadi were much declined from that formidable power which, in the time of Marcus Antoninus, had spread terror to the gates of Rome. But they still possessed arms and courage; their courage was animated by despaifr, and they ob-

tained the usual reinforcement of the cavalry of their Sarmatian allies. So improvident was the assassin Marcellinus, that he cfaiDse the moment when the bravest veterans hgd been drawn

away

to suppress the revolt of Firmus,

and the

whole province was exposed, with a very feeble defence, to the rage of the exasperated terbariThey invaded Ponnonia in the season of

ans.

The Twenty-fifth Chapter harvest, unmercifuUy destroyed every object of

plunder which they could not easily transport, and cither disregarded or demolished the empty

The

Gonstantia, the daughter of the emperor Gonstantius, and the granddaughter of the great Constantine, very narrowly escaped. That royal maid, who had innocently supported the revolt of Procopius, was now the destined wife of the heir of the

fortifications.

princess

Western empire. She traversed the peaceful province with a splendid and unarmed train. Her person was saved from danger, and the republic from disgrace, by the active zeal of Messaila, governor of the provinces. As soon as he was informed that the village where she stopped only to dine was almost encompassed by the barbarians, he hastily placed her in his own chariot, and drove full speed till he reached the gates of Sirmium, which were at the distance of six-and-twenty miles. Even Sirmium might not have been secure if the Quadi and Sarmatians had diligently advanced during the general consternation of the magistrates and people. Their delay allowed Probus, the Praetorian prarfect, time to iccuvcr his own spirits and to revive the courage of the citizens. He skilfully directed their strenuous efforts to repair and strengthen the decayed fortifications, and procured the seasonable and efTectual assistance of a company of archers to protect the capital of the Illyrian provinces. Disappointed in their attempts against the walls of Sirmium, the indignant barbarians turned their arms against the master-general of the frontier, to whom they

sufficient

murder of their king. Equitius could bring into the field no more than

unjustly attributed the

two

but they contained the veteran and Pannonian bands. The obstinacy with which they disputed the vain honours of rank and precedency was the cause of their destruction, and, while they acted with separate forces and divided councils, they were surprised and slaughtered by the active vigour of the Sarmatian horse. The success of this invasion provoked the emulation of the bordering tribes, and the province of Maraia would infallibly have been lost if young Theodosius, the duke or military commander of the frontier, had not signalised, in the defeat of the public enemy, an intrepid genius worthy of his legions,

strength of the Maesian

illustrious father

The mind at

and of

his future greatneso.^^®

of Valentinian,

who

then resided

Tr^es, was deeply affected by the calamities

of Illyricum, but the lateness of the season sus-

pended the execution of suing spring.

his designs

till

the en-

He marched in person, with a con-

407

siderable part of the forces of Gaul, from the banks of the Moselle; and to the suppliant am-

bassadors of the Sarmatians, who met him on the way, he returned a doubtful answer, that as soon as he reached the scene of action he should examine and pronounce. When he arrived at Sirmium he gave audience to the deputies of the Illyrian provinces, who loudly congratulated their own felicity under the auspicious government of Probus, his Praetorian praefect.^^^ Valentinian, who was flattered by these

demonstrations of their loyalty and gratitude, imprudently asked the deputy of Epirus, a Gynic philosopher of intrepid sincerity,^*® whether he was freely sent by the wishes of the province? “With tears and groans am I sent (replied Iphicles) by a reluctant people.” The emperor paused, but the impunity of his ministers established the pernicious maxim that they might oppress his subjects without injuring his service. A stri^ inquiry into their conduct would have relieved the public discontent. The severe condemnation of the murder of Gabinius was the only measure which could restore the confidence of the Germans, and vindicate the honour of the Roman name. But the haughty

monarch was incapable of the magnanimity which dares to acknowledge a fault. He forgot the provocation, remembered only the injury, and advanced into the country of the Quad! with an insatiate thirst of blood and revenge. The extreme devastation and promiscuous massacre of a savage war were justified in the eyes of the emperor, and perhaps in those of the world, by the cruel equity of retaliation;^^ and such was the discipline of the Romans, and the consternation of the enemy, that Valentinian repassed the Danube without the loss of a single man. As he had resolved to complete the de-

Quadi by a second campaign, he fixed his winter-quarters at Bregetio, on the Danube, near the Hungarian city of Presburg. While the operations of war w»ere suspended by the severity of the weather, the Quadi made an humble attempt to deprecate the wrath of their

struction of the

conqueror, and, at the earnest persuasion of Equitius, their ambassadors W'cre intoduced into the Imperial council. They approached the throne with bended bodies and dejected countenances, and, without daring to complain of tlie murder of their king, they afiirnied, with solemn oaths, that the late invasion was the crime of some irregular robbers, which the public council of the nation condemned and abhorred. The answer of the empexor left them but little hope from his clemency or compassion. He revil^

Decline and Fall of the

408

in the most intemperate language* their baseness, their ingratitude, their insolence.

His eyes,

his voice, his colour, his gestures, expressed the violence of his ungovemed fury; and while his whole frame was agitated with convulsive passion a large blood-vessel suddenly burst in his body, and Valentinian fell speechless into the arms of his attendants. Their pious care immediately concealed his situation from the crowd, but in a few minutes the emperor of the West expired in an agony of pain, retaining his senses till the last, and struggling, without success, to declare his intentions to the generals and ministers who surrounded the royal couch. Valentinian was about fifty-four years of age, and he wanted only one hundred days to accomplish the twelve years of his rcign.^^ The polygamy of Valentinian is seriously at-

tested

by an

ecclesiastical historian.^**

“The

the fable) admitted into her familiar society the lovely Justina, the daughter of an Italian governor; her admiration of those naked charms, which she had often seen in the bath, was expressed with such lavish and imprudent praise that the emperor was tempted to introduce a second wife into his bed; and his public edict extended to all the subjects of the empire the same domestic privilege which he had assumed for himself.” But we may be assured, from the evidence of reason as well as history, that the two marriages of Valentinian

empress Severn

(I relate

with Severa and with Justina were successively contracted, and that he used the ancient permission of divorce, which was still allowed^ by the laws, though it was condemned by the church. Severa was the mother of Gratian, who

seemed to unite every claim which could entitle him to the undoubted succession of the Western empire. He was the eldest son of a monarch whose glorious reign had confirmed the free and honourable choice of his fellow-soldiers. Before he had attained the ninth year of his age the royal youth received from the hands of his indulgent father the purple robe and diadem, with the title of Augustus; the election was solemnly ratified by the consent and applause of the armies of Gaul,^^ and the name of Gratian was added to the names of Valentirian and Valens in all the legal transactions of the Roman government. By his marriage with the granddaughter of Constantine, the son of Valentinian acquired ail the hereditary rights of the Flavian family, which, in a series of three Imperial gen-

Roman Empire

were sanctified by time, religion, and the reverence of the people. At the death of his father the royal youth was in the seventeenth year of his age, and his virtues already justified the favourable opinion of the army and people. But Gratian resided, without apprehension, in the palace of Treves, whilst at the distance of many hundred miles Valentinian suddenly expired in the camp of Bregetio. The passions which had been so long suppressed by the presence of a master immediately revived in the Imperial council, and the ambitious design of reigning in the name of an infant was artfully executed by Mellobaudes and Equitius, who commanded the attachment of the Illyrian and Italian bands. They contrived the most honourable pretences to remove the popular leaders and the troops of Gaul, who might have asserted the claims of the lawful successor; they suggested the necessity of extinguishing the hopes of foreign and domestic enemies by a bold and de-

erations,

The empress Justina, who had been left in a palace about one hundred miles from Bregetio, was respectfully invited to ap* pear in the camp with the son of the deceased emperor. On the sixth day after the death of Valentinian, the infant prince of the same name, who was only four years old, was shown, in the cisive measure.

and solemnly by military acclamation, with the titles and ensigns of supreme power. The impending dangers of a civil war weix; seasonably prevented by the wise and moderate conduct of the emperor Gratian. He cheerfully accepted the choice of the army, declared that he should always consider the son of Justina as a brother, not as a rival, and advjsed the empress, witJi arms ol

his mother, to the legions,

invested,

her son Valentinian, to fix their residence at Milan, in the fair and peaceful province of Italy while he assumed the more arduous command of the countries beyond the Alps. Gratian dissembled his resentment till he could safely punish or disgrace the authors of the conspiracy; and though he uniformly behaved with tenderness and regard to his infant colleague, he gradually confounded, in the administration of the Western empire, the office of a guardian with the authority of a sovereign. The government of the Roman world was exercised in the united names of Valens and his two nephews; but the feeble emperor of the East, who succeeded to the rank of his elder brother, never obtained any weight or influence in the councils of the West.^*^

CHAPTER XXVI Manners of

the Pastoral Nations. Progress of the Huns from China to Europe. Flight of the Goths. They pass the Danube. Gothic War. Defeat and Death of Valens. Gratian invests Theodosius with the Elastern Empire. His Character and

Success. Peace

I

and

Settlement of the Goths.

N the second year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, on the morning of the twentyfirst

day ofJuly, the greatest part of the Ro-

propriety of these lofty speculations, the historian may content himself with an observation,

which seems

to be justified

by experience, that

man world was shaken by a violent and destruc-

man has much more to fear from the passions of

tive earthquake. The impression was communicated to the waters; the shores of the Mediterranean were left dry by the sudden retreat of the sea; great quantities of fish were caught with the hand; large vessels were stranded on the mud and a curious spectator^ amused his eye, or rather his fancy, by contemplating the various appearance of valleys and mountains which had never, since the formation of the globe, been exposed to the sun. But the tide soon returned with the weight of an immense and irresistible deluge, which was severely felt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia, of Greece, and of Egypt; large boats were transported and lodged on the roofs of houses, or at the distance of two miles from the shore ; the people, with their habitations, were swept away by the waters; and the city of Alexandria annually commemorated the fatal day on which fifty thousand persons had lost their lives in the inundation. This calamity, the report of which was magnified from one province to another, astonislied and terrified the subjects of Rome, and their affrighted imagination enlarged the real extent of a momentary evil. They recollected the preceding earthquakes, which had subverted the cities of Palestine and Bithynia; they considered these alarming strokes as the prelude only of still more dreadful calamities; and their fearful vanity was disposed to confound the symptoms of a declining empire and a sinking world.^ It was the fashion of the times to attribute every remarkable event to the particular will of the Deity; the alterations of nature were connected, by an invisible chain, with the moral and metaphysical opinions of the human mind; and the most sagacious divines could distinguish, according to the colour of their respective prejudices, that the establishment of heresy tended to produce an earthquake, or that.a deluge was the inevitable consequence of the progress of sin and error. Without presuming to discuss the truth or

his fellow-creatures than from the convulsions of the elements.® The mischievous effects of an

;

earthquake or deluge, a hurricane or the eruption of a volcano, bear a very inconsiderable proportion to the ordinary calamities of war, as they are now moderated by the prudence or humanity of the princes of Europe, who amuse their own leisure and exercise the courage of their subjects in the practice of the military art.

But the laws and manners of modern nations protect the safety and freedom of the vanquished soldier; and the peaceful citizen has seldom reason to complain that his life or even his fortune ex|X)sed to the rage of war. In the disastrous peric^ of the fall of the Roman empire, which may justly be dated from the reign of Valens, the happiness and security of each individual were personally attacked, and the arts and labours of ages w^ere rudely defaced by the barbarians of Scythia and Germany. The invasion of the Huns precipitated on the provinces of the West the Gothic nation, which advanced, in less than forty years, from the Danube to the Atlantic, and opened a way, by the success of their arms, to the inroads of so many hostile trilx!s more savage than themselves. The original principle of motion was concealed in the remote countries of the North, and the curious observation of the pastoral life of the Scythians* or Tartars**^ will illustrate the latent cause of these destructive emigrations. is

The

different characters that

lised nations of the

globe

mark

the civi-

may be ascribed to the

use and the abuse of reason, which so variously shapes and so artificially composes the manners and opinions of an European or a Chinese. But the operation of instinct is more sure and simple than that of reason; it is much easier to ascertain the appetites of a quadruped than the speculations of a philosopher; and the savage tribes of mankind, as they approach nearer to the condition of animals, preserve a stronger re-

409

Decline and Fall of the

410

semblance to themselves and to each other. The uniform stability of their manners is the natural consequence of the imperfection of their faculties. Reduced to a similar situation, their wants, their desires, their enjoyments still continue the same; and the influence of food or climate, which, in a more improved state of society, is suspended or subdued by so many moral causes, most powerfully contributes to form and to maintain the national character of barbarians. In every age the immense plains of Scythia or Tartary have been inhabited by vagrant tribes of hunters and shepherds, whose indolence refuses to cultivate the earth, and whose restless spirit disdains the confinement of a sedentary life. In every age the Scythians and Tartars have been renowned for their invincible courage and rapid conquests. The thrones of Asia have been repeatedly overturned by the shepherds of the North, and their arms have spread terror and devastation over the most fertile and warlike countries of

Europe.*

On

this occasion, as

on many others, the sober historian is forcibly awakened from a pleasing vision, and is compelled, with some reluctance, to confess that the pastoral manners, which have been adorned with the fairest attributes of peace and

weU

as

innocence, are much better adapted to the fierce and cruel habits of a military life. To illustrate this observation, I shall now proceed to consider a nation of shepherds and of warriors in the

Their diet; II. Their habitation; and III. Their exercises. The narratives of antiquity are justified by the expeand the banks of the rience of modern times Borysthenes, of the Volga, or of the Selinga will indifferently present the same uniform spectacle of similar and native manners.* I. The com, or even the rice, which constitutes the ordinary and wholesome food of a civilised people, can be obtained only by the patient three important articles

of,

1.

of the husbandman. Some of the happy savwho dwell between the tropics are plentifully nourished by the liberality of nature, but in the climates of the North a nation of shepherds is reduced to their flocks and herds. The skilful practitioners of the medical art will determine (if they are able to determine) how far the temper of the human mind may be affected by the use of animal or of vegcuble food ; and whether the common association of carnivorous and cruel deserves to be considered in any other light than that of an innocent, perhaps a salutary, prejudice of humanity.* Yet, if it be true that the sentiment of compassion is imperceptoil

ages

tibly

weakened by the

sight

and

practice of do-

Roman Empire

mestic cruelty, we may observe that the horrid which are disguised by the arts of European refinement are exhibited in their naked and most disgusting simplicity in the tent of a Tartarian shepherd. The ox or the sheep are slaughtered by the same hand from which they were accustomed to receive their daily food; and the bleeding limbs are served, with very little preparation, on the table of their unfeeling murderer. In the military profession, and especially in the conduct of a numerous army, the objects

exclusive use of animal food appears to be pro-

ductive of the most solid advantages. Corn is a bulky and perishable commodity, and the large magazines, which are indispensably necessary for the subsistence of our troops, must be slowly transported by the labour of men or horses. But the flock and herds which accompany the march of the Tartars afford a sure and increasing supply of flesh and milk; in the far greater part of the uncultivated waste the vegetation of the grass is quick and luxuriant; and there are few places so extremely barren that the hardy cattle of the North cannot find some tolerable pasture. The supply is multiplied and prolonged by the undistinguishing appetite and patient abstinence of the Tartars. They indifferently feed on the flesh of those animals that have been killed have died of disease. Horsefl(‘sh, which in every age and country has been profor the table or

scribed by the civilised nations of Europe and Asia, they devour with peculia&.greediness,

and

this singular taste facilitates the success of their

military operations.

The active cavalry of Scyth-

always followed, in their most distant and rapid incursions, by an adequate number of Sparc horses, who may be occasionally used either to redouble the speed or to satisfy the hunia

is

ger of the barbarians. Many arc the resources of courage and poverty. When the forage round a camp of Tartars is almost consumed, they slaughter the greatest part of their cattle, and preserve the flesh, either smoked or dried in the

On the sudden emergency of a hasty march, they provide themselves with a sufficient quantity of little balls of cheese, or^rather of hard curd, which they occasionally dissolve in water, and this unsubstantial diet wfll support, for many days, the life, and even the spirits, of the patient warrior. But this extraordinary abstinence, which the Stoic would ^prove and the hermit might envy, is common^ succeeded by the most voracious indulgence of appetite. The wines of a happier climate are the most grateful present or the most valuable commodity that can be offered to the Tartars; and the only exsun.

;

The Twenty-sixth Chapter ample of

their industry seems to consist in the

art of extracting

liquor

which

from mare’s milk a fermented power of

possesses a very strong

intoxication. Like the animals of prey, the savages, both of the old

and new world, experience and plenty,

the alternate vicissitudes of famine

and

stomach is inured to sustain, without inconvenience, the opposite extremes of hunger and of intemperance. II. In the ages of rustic and martial simplicity, a people of soldiers and husbandmen are dispersed over the fare of an extensive and cultitheir

much

vated country; and some time must elapse before the warlike youth of Greece or Italy could be assembled under the same standard, either to defend their own confines, or to invade the territories of the adjacent triljes. The progress of manufactures and commerce insensibly collects a large multitude within the walls of a city; but these citizens are no longer soldiers, and the arts

which adorn and improve the

state of civil

society corrupt the habits of the military

The

life.

manners of the Scythians seem to unite the different advantages of simplicity and refinement. The individuals of the same tribe pastoral

arc constantly assembled, but they are assem-

bled in a camp, and the native spirit of these dauntless shepherds

is

animated by mutual sup-

and emulation. The houses of the Tartars more than small tents, of an oval form, w'hich afford a cold and dirty habitation for the port

arc no

promiscuous youth of both

wooden

sexes.

The

palaces of

eyes.

The

ment of

more plentiful subsistence or a less formidable enemy. ^The revolutions of the North have frequently determined the fate of the South

and in the conflict of hostile nations the victor and the vanquished have alternately drove, and been driven, from the confines of China to those of Germany.^® These great emigrations, which have been sometimes executed with almost incredible diligence, were rendered more easy by the peculiar nature of the climate. It is well known that the cold of Tartary is much more severe than in the midst of the temperate zone

might reasonably be expected

may be conveniently fixed on large waggons, and drawn by a team perhaps of twenty or thirty oxen. The flocks and herds,

which

day in the adjacent pastures, on the approach of night, within the protection of the camp. The necessity of preventing the most mischievous confusion in such a perp^ historians.** The annals of China®* and revolutions of the pastoral tribe's, which may still be distinguished by the

illustrate the state

vague appellation of Scythians or Tartars— the and sometimes the conquerors of a great empire, whose policy has uniformly opposed the blind and impetuous valour vassals, the enemies,

of the barbarians of the North. From the mouth of the Danube to the sea of Japan, the w*holc longitude of Scythia is about one hundred and ten degrees, which, in that parallel, are equal to

;

Decline and Fall of the

414 more than

five

thousand miles. The latitude of

Roman Empire

Baikal,

a capacious

basin,

above three hundred

these extensive deserts cannot be so easily or so accurately measured; but, from the fortieth de-

miles in length, which disdains the modest appellation of a lake,** and which actually com-

may

municates with the seas of the North, by the long course of the Angara, the Tonguska, and the Ycncsci. The submission of so many distant nations might flatter the pride of the Tanjou; but the valour of the Huns could be rewarded only by the enjoyment of the wealth and luxury of the empire of the South. In the third century before the Christian era, a wall of fifteen hundred miles in length was constructed, to defend the frontiers of China against the inroads of the Huns;®* but this stupendous work, which holds a conspicuous place in the map of the world, has never contributed to the safety of an unwarlike people. The cavalry of the Tanjou frequently consisted of two or three hundred thousand men, formidable by the matchless dexterity with which they managed their bows and their horses by their hardy patience in supp>orting the inclemency of the weather; and by the incredible speed of their march, w hich was seldom checked by torrents or precipices, by the deepest rivers, or by the most lofty mountains. They spread themselves at once over the face of the country; and their rapid impetuosity surprised, astonished, and disconcerted the grave and elaborate tactics of a Chinese army. The emperor Kaoti,** a soldier of fortune, whose personal merit had raised him to the throne, marched against the Huns wiMi those veteran troops which had been trained in the civil wars of China. But he was soon surrounded by the barbarians; and, after a siege of seven days, the monarch, hopeless of relief, was reduced to purchase his deliverance by an ignominious capitulation. The successors oi Kaoti, whose lives were dedicated to the arts of peace, or the luxury of the palace, submitted to a more permanent disgrace. They too hastily confessed the insufficiency of arms and fortifications. They were too easily convinced that, while the blazing signals announced on every side the approach of the Huns, the Chinese troops, who slept with the helmet on their head, and the quirass on their back, were destroyed by the incqssant labour of ineffectual marches.** regular payment of money and silk was stipulated a| the condition of a temporary and precarious peace; and the wretched expedient of disguising a real tribute under the names of a gift or subsidy was practised by the emperors of China as well as by those of Rome. But there still remained a more

gree,

which touches the wall of China, we

securely advance above a thousand miles to the

northward,

till

our progress

is

stopped by the

excessive cold of Siberia. In that dreary climate,

instead of the animated picture of a Tartar

camp, the smoke which issues from the earth, or rather from the snow, betrays the subterraneous dwellings of the Tongouscs and the Samoiedes: the want of horses and oxen is imperfectly supplied by the use of reindeer and of large dogs; and the conquerors of the earth insensibly degenerate into a race of deformed and diminutive savages, who tremble at the sound of arms.** The Huns, who under the reign of Valens threatened the empire of Rome, had been formidable, in a much earlier period, to the empire of China.** Their ancient, perhaps their original, seat was an extensive, though dry and barren, tract of country

immediately on the north

side of the great wall. Their place

is

at present

occupied by the forty-nine Hordes or Banners of the Mongous, a pastoral nation, which consists of about two hundred thousand families.** But the valour of the Huns had extended the narrow limits of their dominions; and their rustic chiefs, who assumed the appellation of Tan* jou, gradually became the conquerors and the sovereigns of a fonnidable empire. Towards the east their victorious arms were stopped only by the ocean; and the tribes, which are thinly scattered between the Amoor and the extreme peninsula of Corea, adhered with reluctance to the standard of the Huns. On the west, near the head of the Irtish, and in the valleys of Imaus, they found a more ample space, and more nu-

merous enemies. One of the lieutenants of the Tanjou subdued, in a single expedition, twentysix nations; the Igours,** distinguished above the Tartar race by the use of letters, were in the number of his vassals; and, by the strange connection of human events, the flight of one of those vagrant tribes recalled the victorious Par-

On the side of the north, the ocean was assigned as the limit of the power of the Huns. Without enenics to thians from the invasion of S>Tia.*^

or witnesses to contradict their vanity, they might securely achieve a real, or imaginary, conquest of the frozen regions of Siberia. The Northern Sea was fixed as the remote boundary of their empire. But the name of that sea, on whose shores the patriot Sovou embraced the life of a shepherd and an exile, may be resist their progress,

transferred, with

much more probability,

to the

A

disgraceful article of tribute, which violated the sacred feelings of humanity and nature. The

The Twenty*sixth Chapter hardships of the savage life, which destroy in their infancy the children who are born with a less healthy and robust constitution, introduce a remarkable disproportion between the numbers of the two sexes, 'fhe Tartars are an ugly and even deformed race; and while they consider their own women as the instruments of domestic labour, their desires, or rather their appetites, are directed to the enjoyment of more elegant beauty. A select band of the fairest maidens of China was annually devoted to the rude embraces of the Huns;*^ and the alliance of the haughty Tanjous was secured by their marriage with the genuine, or adopted, daughters of the Imperial family, which vainly attempted to escape the sacrilegious pollution. The situation of these unhappy victims is described in the verses of a Chinese princess, who laments that she had been condemned by her parents to a distant exile, under a barbarian husband who complains that sour milk was her only drink, raw flesh her only food, a tent her only palace; and w'ho expresses, in a strain of pathetic simplicity, the natural wish that sh*ing his lips to the wound, expressed a horrid delight while he

soldier

sucked the blood of his vanquished enemy.®^ The army of the Goths, laden with the spoils of the wealthy suburbs and the adjacent territory, slowly moved from the Bosphorus to the mountains which form the western boundary of Thrace. The important pass of Succi was betrayed by the fear or the misconduct of Maurus;

and the barbarians, who no longer had any reapprehend from the scattered and

sistance to

vanquished troops of the East, spread thema fertile and cultivated

selves over the face of

country, as far as the confines of Italy and the Hadriatic Sea.®*

The Romans, who so coolly and so concisely mention the acts of justice whicl) were exercised by the legions,®® reserved their compassion and their eloquence for their

own

sufferings

when

the provinces were invaded and desolated by the arms of the successful barbarians. The simpie circumstantial narrative (did such a narrative exist) of the ruin of a single town, of the misfortunes of a single family,'®® might exhibit

an

interesting

and

instructive picture of

human

manners; but the tedious repetition of vague and declamatory complaints would fatigue the attention of the most patient reader. The same censure may be applied, though not perhaps in

an equal degree, to the profane and the ecclesiunhappy period that their minds were inflamed by popular and religious animosity, and that the true size and colour of every object is falsified by the exaggerations of their corrupt eloquence. The vehement Jerom'®' might justly deplore the calamities inflicted by the Goths and their barbarous allies on his native country of Pannonia, and the wide extent astical writers of this

;

Roman Empire

of the provinces from the walls of Constant!* nople, to the foot of the Julian Alps ; the rapes, the massacres, the conflagrations, and, above all, the profanation of the churches that were

turned into stables, and the contemptuous treatof the relics of holy martyrs. But the saint is surely transported beyond the limits of nature and history when he affirms, ‘*that in those desert countries nothing was left except the sky

ment

and the earth; that, after the destruction of the and the extirpation of the human race, the land was overgrown with thick forests and inextricable brambles; and that the universal desolation, announced by the prophet Zephaniah, was accomplished in the scarcity of the beasts, the birds, and even of the fish.” These cornplaints were pronounced about twenty years after the death of Valens and the Illyrian provinces, which were constantly exposed to the invasion and passage of the barbarians, still con-

cities

;

tinned, after a calamitous ptTiod of ten ccnUiries, to supply new materials lor rapine and destruction.

Could

it

even

large tract of countiy

lie

supposed that a left without cul-

had been

tivation and without inhabitants, the consequences might not have lx*en so fatal to the inferior productions of animated nature, I'hc useful and feeble animals, which are nourished by the hand of man, might .sufier and perish if they were deprived of his protection ; but the Ix^asts of the forest, his enemies or his victims, would multiply in the free and undisturbed liosscssion of their solitary domain. The various tnlx-s that peopled the air or the waters arc still less connccted with the fate of the human species; and it is highly probable that the fish of the Danube would have felt more terror and distress from the approach of a voracious pike than from the hostile inroad of a Gothic army, Whatever may have been the just measure of the calamities of Europe, there was reason to fear that the same calamities would soon extend

to the peaceful countries of Asia.

The sons of the

Goths had been judiciously distributed through the cities of the East, and the arts of education were employed to polish and subdue the native fierceness of their temper. In the ^ace of about twelve years their numbers had continually increased and the children who in the first emigration were sent over the Hellespont had attained with rapid growth the strength and spirit of perfect manhood.'®* It was impossible to conceal from their knowledge the events of the Gothic war; and, as those daring youths had not studied the language of dissimulation, they betrayed their wish, their desire, perhaps their ;

The Twenty-sixth Chapter example of The danger of the times seemed to

intention, to emulate the glorious their fathers.

justify the jealous suspicions of the provincials;

and

these suspicions were admitted as unques-

tionable evidence that the Goths of Asia

had

formed a secret and dangerous conspiracy against the public safety. The death of Valens had left the East without a sovereign and Ju;

lius,

who

filled

the important station of master-

general of the troops, with a high reputation of diligence and ability, thought it his duty to consult the senate of Constantinople, which he considered, during the vacancy of the throne, as the representative council of the nation. As

soon as he had obtained the discretionary power of acting as he should judge most expedient for the good of the republic, he assembled the principal officers and privately concerted effectual measures for the execution of his bloody design. An order was immediately promulgated that, on a stated day, the Gothic youth should assemble in the capital cities of their respective provinces; and, as a report was industriously circulated that thc> weic summoned to receive a liberal gift of lands and money, the pleasing hope allayed the fury of their resentment, and perhaps suspended the motions of the conspiracy. On the appointed day the unarmed crowrd of the Gothic youth was carefully collected in the square or forum; the streets and avenues were occupied by the Roman troops, and the roofs of the houses were covered with archers

and

slingers.

At the same hour,

in all the cities

of the East, the signal was given of indiscrimi-

and the provinces of Asia were by the cruel prudence of Julius, from a domestic enemy, who in a few months might have carried fire and sword from the Hellespont nate slaughter;

delivered,

to

tite

The urgent consideration may undoubtedly authorise

Euphrates.*®*

of the public safety

the violation of every positive law\

or any other consideration

may

solve the natural obligations of justice, is

a doctrine of which

How far that

operate to dis-

humanity and

I still desire

to

remain ignorant. The emperor Gratian was far advanced on his Qiarch towards the plains of Hadrianople when he was informed, at first by the confused voice of fame, and afterwards by the more accurate reports of Victor and Richomcr, that his impatient colleague had been slain in battle, and that two-thirds of the Roman army were exterminated by the sword of the victorious Goths. Whatever resentment the rash and jealous vanity of his uncle might deserve, the resentment of a generous mind is easily subdued

429

by the softer emotions of grief and compassion; and even the sense of pity was soon lost in the serious and alarming consideration of the state of the republic. Gratian was too late to assist, he was too weak to revenge, his unfortunate colleague; and the valiant and modest youth felt himself unequal to the support of a sinking formidable tempest of the barbarians

world.

A

of Germany seemed ready to burst over the provinces of Gaul, and the mind of Gratian was

oppressed and distracted by the administration of the Western empire. In this important crisis the government of the East and the conduct of the Gothic war required the undivided attention of a hero and a statesman. A subject invested with such ample command would not long have preserved his fidelity to a distant benefactor; and the Imperial council embraced the wise and manly resolution of conferring an obligation rather tlun of yielding to an insult. It was the wish of Gratian to bestow the purple as the reward of virtue ; but at the age of nineteen it is not easy for a prince, educated in the supreme rank, to understand the true charac-

and generals. He attempted an impartial hand, their various merits and defects; and whilst he checked the

ters of his ministers

to weigh, with

rash confidence of ambition, he distrusted the cautious wisdom which despaired of the republic. As each moment of delay diminished something of the power and resources of the future sovereign of the East, the situation of the times

would not allow a tedious debate. The choice of Gratian was soon declared in favour of an exile, whose father, only three years before, had suffered, under the sanction of fus authority, an unjust and ignominious death. The great Theodosius, a name celebrated in history and dear to the Catholic church,*®* was summoned to the Imperial court, which had gradually retreated from the confines of Thrace to the more secure station of Sirmium. Five months after the death of Valens the emperor Gratian produced before the assembled troops his colleague and ihetr master, who, after a modest, perhaps a sincere resistance, was compelled to accept, amidst the general acclamations, the diadem, the purple, and the equal title of Augustus.*®* The provinces of Thrace, Asia, and Egypt, over which Valens had reigned, were resigned to the administration of the new emperor; but as he w'as specially intrusted with the conduct of the

Gothic war, the Illyrian praefccture was dismembered, and the two great dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia were added to the dominions of the Eastern empire.*®®

!

Decline and Fall of the

430

province, and perhaps the same which had given to the throne the virtues of Trajan and the talents of Hadrian, was

The same

city,^®^

the original seat of another family of Spaniards,

who, in a less fortunate age, possessed, near fourscore years, the declining empire of Rome.^®^ They emerged from the obscurity of municipal honours by the active spirit of the elder Theodosius, a general whose exploits in Britain and Africa have formed one of the most splendid parts of the annals of Valentinian. that general,

who

The son name

likewise bore the

of of

Theodosius, was educated, by skilful preceptors, in the liberal studies of youth ; but he was instructed in the art of war by the tender care and severe discipline of his father.^ Under the

standard of such a leader, young Theodosius sought glory and knowledge in the most distant scenes of military action; inured his constitution to the difference of seasons and climates; distinguished his valour by sea and land; and observed the various warfare of the Scots, the Saxons, and the Moors. His own merit, and the recommendation of the conqueror of Africa, soon raised him to a separate command; and, in the station of duke of Marsia, he vanquished an army of Sarmatians; saved the province; deserved the love of the soldiers; and provoked the envy of the court.^'*^ His rising fortunes were soon blasted by the disgrace and execution of his illustrious father; and Theodosius obtained, as a favour, the permission of retiring to a private life in his native province of Spam. He displayed a firm and temperate character in the ease with which he adapted^ himself to this new situation. His time was almost equally divided between the town and country; the spirit which had animated his public conduct

was shown

in the active

and

affectionate per-

formance of every social duty; and the diligence of the soldier was profitably converted to the improvement of his ample patrimony,^“ which lay between Valladolid and Segovia, in the midst of a fruitful distiict, still famous for a most exquisite breed of sheep. From the innocent, but humble, labours of his farm, Theodosius was transported, in less than four months, to the throne of the Eastern empire: and the whole period of the history of the world will not perhaps afford a similar example of an elevation at the same time so pure and so honourable. The princes who peaceably inherit the sceptre of their fathers claim and enjoy a legal right, the

more secure

as

it is

absolutely distinct

from the merits of their personal characters. The subjects who, in a monarchy or a popular

Roman Empire

acquire the possession of supreme power, raised themselves, by the superiority either of genius or virtue, above the heads of their equals: but their virtue is seldom exempt from ambition; and the cause of the successful candidate is frequently stained by the guilt of conspiracy or civil war. Even in those governments which allow the reigning monarch to declare a colleague or a successor, his partial choice, which may be influenced by the blindest passions, is often directed to an unworthy object. But the most suspicious malignity cannot ascribe to Theodosius, in his obscure solitude of Caucha, the arts, the desires, or even the hopes of an ambitious statesman; and the name of the Exile would long since have been forgotten, if his genuine and distinguished virtues had not left a deep impression in the Imperial court. During the season of prosperity he had been neglected; but, in the public distress, his superior merit was universally felt and acknowledged. What confidence must have been reposed in his integrity, since Gratian could trust that a pious son would forgive, for the sake of the republic, the murder of his father! What state,

may have

expectations must have been formed ol his abilto encourage the hope that a single man could save, and restore, the empire of the East Theodosius was invested with the purple in the thirty-third year of his age. The vulgar ga/ed with admiration on the manly beauty of his face and the graceful majesty of his person, which they were pleased to compare with the pictures and medals of the emperor Trajan; whilst inities,

telligent observers discovered, in the qualities

of his heart

and understanding, a more imporand greatest of the

tant resemblance to the best

Roman

princes.

without the most sincere regret that must now take leave of an accurate and faithful guide, who has composed the history of his own times without indulging the prejudices and passions which usually affect the mind of a conIt is not

I

temporary.

Ammianus Marcclliniis, who termi-

of Valcns,

work with the defeat and death recommends the more glorious sub-

ject of the

ensuing reign to the ydlithful vigour

nates his useful

and eloquence of the rising genetation.'^^ The rising generation was not disposed to accept his advice, or to imitate his example;"^ and, in the study of the reign of Theodosius, yft are reduced

to illustrate the partial narrative Of Zosimus

by

the obscure hints of fragments aod chronicles, by the figurative style of poetry or panegyric, and by the precarious assistance of the ecclesiastical

writc^ who,

in the heat of religious fao-

1

The Twenty^sixth Chapter tion, are apt to despite the pro£Euie virtues of

and moderation. Conscious of these disadvantages, which will continue to involve a considerable portion of the decline and fall of

sincerity

Roman empire,

proceed with doubtful and timorous steps. Yet 1 may boldly pronounce that the battle of Hadrianople was never revenged by any signal or decisive victory of Theodosius over the barbarians; and the expressive silence of his venal orators may be confirmed by the observation of the condition and circumstances of the times. The fabric of a mighty state, which has been reared by the labours of successive ages, could not be overturned by the misfortune of a single day, if the fatal power of the imagination did not exaggerate the real measure of the calamity. The loss of forty thousand Romans, who fell in the plains of Hadrianople, might have been soon recruited in the populous provinces of the East, which conthe

tained so

many

1 shall

millions of inhabitants.

courage of a soldier

is

The

found to be the cheapest

and most common quality of human nature; and sufficient skill t6 T-ncounter an undisciplined foe might have been speedily taught by the care of the surviving centurions. If the bar-

barians were mounted on the horses, and equipped with the armour, of their vanquished enemies, the numerous studs of Cappadocia and Spain would have supplied new squadrons of cavalry; the thirty-four arsenals of the empire were plentifully stored with magazines of offensive and defensive arms; and the wealth of Asia might still have yielded an ample fund for the expenses of the war. But the effects which were produced by the battle of Hadrianople on the minds of the barbarians and of the Romans, extended the victory of the former, and the defeat of the latter, far beyond the limits of a single day. A Gothic chief was heard to declare, with insolent moderation, that, for his own part, he was fatigued with slaughter; but that he was astonished how a people who fled before him like a flock of sheep could still presume to dis-

pute the possession of their treasures and provinces.^^^ The same terrors which the name of the Huns had spread among the Gothic tribes were inspired, by the formidable name of the Goths,

among

the subjects and soldiers of the

Roman

empire.^^* If Theodosius, hastily collecting his

scattered forces,

had

led

them

into the field to

encounter a victorious enemy, his army would have been vanquished by their own fears; and his rashness could not have been excused by the chance of success. But the great Theodosius, an epithet which he honourably deserved on this

43 momentous occasion, conducted himself as the firm and (aithful guardian of the republic. He fixed his headquarters at Thessalonica, the cap-

of the Macedonian diocese;”^ from whence he could watch the irregular motions of the

ital

barbarians, tenants,

and direct the operations of his lieu-

from the gates of Constantinople to the

shores of the Hadriatic.

The

and and order and

fortifications

garrisons of the cities were strengthened;

among whom a sense of was revived, were insensibly embold-

the troops, discipline

ened by the confidence of

From

their

these secure stations they

own

safety.

were encour-

aged to make frequent sallies on the barbarians,

who infested the adjacent country;

and, as they

were seldom allowed to engage, without some decisive superiority, either of ground or of numbers, their enterprises were, for the most part, successful; and they were soon convinced, by

own experience, of the possibility of vanquishing their irmrUbU enemies. The detachments of these separate garrisons were gradually united into small armies; the same cautious measures were pursued, according to an extensive and well-concerted plan of operations; the events of each day added strength and spirit to the Roman arms; and the artful diligence of the emp»eror, who circulated the most favourable reports of the success of the war, contributed to subdue the pride of the barbarians, and to animate the hopes and courage of his subjects. If, instead of this faint and imperfect outline, we could accurately represent the counsels and ac-

their

tions of Theodosius in four successive

cam-

reason to believe that his consummate skill would deserve the applause of every military reader. The republic had formerly been saved by the delays of Fabius; and, while the splendid trophies of Scipio, in the field of Zama, attract the eyes of posterity, the camps and marches of the dictator among the hills of Campania may claim a juster proportion of the solid and independent fame which the general is not compelled to share either with fortune or with his troops. Such was likewise the merit of Theodosius; and the infirmities of his body, which most unseasonably languished under a long and dangerous disease, could not oppress the vigour of his mind, or divert his attention from the public service.^^* The ddiverance and peace of the Roman provinces^^ was the work of prudence, rather than of valour: the prudence of Theodosius was seconded by fortune; and the emperor never failed to seize, and to improve, every favourable drcumstance. As long as the superior genius of paigns, there

is

Decline and Fall of the

432

Fritigem preserved the union and directed the motions of the barbarians, their power was not inadequate to the conquest of a great empire. The death of that hero, the predecessor and master of the renowned Alaric, relieved an impatient multitude from the intolerable yoke of

and discretion. The barbarians, who had been restrained by his authority, abandoned themselves to the dictates of their passions; and discipline

were seldom uniform or consistent. An army of conquerors was broken into many disorderly bands of savage robbers; and their blind and irregular fury was not less pernitheir passions

cious to themselves than to their enemies. Their mischievous disposition was shown in the destruction of every object which they wanted strength to remove, or taste to enjoy; and they often consumed, with improvident rage, the harvests, or the granaries,

wards became necessary tence.

which soon

for their

own

after-

subsis-

A spirit of discord arose among the inde-

pendent

tribes

and

nations,

which had been

united only by the bands of a loose and voluntary alliance. The troops of the Huns and the Alani would naturally upbraid the Hight of the Goths, who were not disposed to use with modtheir fortune: the aneration the advantages cient jealousy of the Ostrogoths and the Visigoths could not long be suspended; and the haughty chiefs still remembered the insults and injuries which they had reciprocally offered or sustained while the nation was seated in the countries beyond the Danube. The progress of

domestic faction abated the more diffusive sentiment of national animosity; apd the officers of Theodosius were instructed to purchase, with liberal gifts and promises, the retreat or service of the discontented party. The acquisition of Modar, a prince of the royal blood of the Amali, gave a bold and faithful champion to the cause of Rome. The illustrious deserter soon obtained the rank of master-general, with an important command; surprised an army of his country-

men, who were immersed in wine and sleep; and, after a cruel slaughter of the astonished Goths, returned with an immense spoil, and four thousand waggons, to the Imperial camp.‘^^

In the hands of a

skilful politician the

most

dif-

means may be successfully applied to the same ends; and the peace of the empire, which had been forwarded by the divisions, was accomplished by the re-union of the Gothic nation. Athanaric, who had been a patient spectator of these extraordinary events, was at length driven, by the chance of arms, from the dark recesses of the woods of Caucalaiid. He no ferent

Roman Empire

longer hesitated to pass the Danube; and a very considerable i>art of the subjects of Fritigem, who already felt the inconveniences of anarchy, were easily persuaded to acknowledge for their king a Gothic Judge, whose birth they respected, and whose abilities they had frequently experienced. But age had chilled the daring spirit of Athanaric; and instead of leading his

people to the held of battle and victory, he wisely listened to the fair proposal of an honourable and advantageous treaty. Theodosius, who was acquainted with the merit and power of his new ally, condescended to meet him at the distance of several miles from Constantinople and entertained him in the Imperial city, with the confidence of a friend, and the magnihcence of a monarch. “The barbarian prince observed, ;

with curious attention, the variety of objects

which attracted his notice, and at last broke out into a sincere and passionate exclamation of wonder. 1 now behold (said he) what I never could believe, the glories of this stupendous capAnd as he cast his eyes around, he viewed and he admired the commanding situation of the city, the strength and beauty of the walls and public edifices, the capacious harbour crowded with innumerable vessels, the perpetual concourse of distant nations, and the arms and discipline of the troops. Indeed (continued Athanaric), the emperor of the Romans is a god upon earth ; and the presimiptuous man who dares to lift his hand against him is guilty of his own blood.”^*^ The Gothic king did not long enjoy this splendid and honourable reception; and, as temperance was not the virtue of his nation, it may justly be suspected that his mortal disease was contracted amidst the pleasures of the Imperial banquets. But the policy of Theodosius derived more solid benefit from the death than he could have expected from the ital!

most faithful services of his ally. The funeral of Athanaric was performed with solemn rites in the capital of the East; a stately monument was erected to his memory; and his whole army, won by the liberal courtesy and c^cent grief of Theodosius, enlisted under the standard of the Roman empire.^” The submission of so great a

body of the Visigoths was procDuctive of the most salutary consequences; and the mixed in-

and df corruption, became every day more powerful and more extensive. Each independent chieftain hastened fluence of force, of reason,

to obtain a separate treaty, from the apprehen-

an obstinate delay might expose Aim, alone and unprotected, to the revenge or justice ofthe conqueror. The general, or rather the

sion that

capitulation of the Goths,

final,

The Twenty^eixth Chapter may be dated pulse of oars and

and twenty-five days, and death of the emperor

four years, one month,

the defeat

after

Valens“»

The provinces of the Danube had been already relieved from the oppressive weight of the Gruthungi, or Ostrogoths, by the voluntary retreat of Alatheus and Saphrax, whose restless had prompted them to seek new scenes of rapine and glory. Their destructive course was pointed towards the West; but we must be satisfied with a very obscure and imperfect knowledge of their various adventures. The Ostrogoths impelled several of the German tribes on the provinces of Gaul; concluded, and soon violated, a treaty with the emperor Gratian; advanced into the unknown countries of the spirit

North; and, after an interval of more than four years, returned with accumulated force to the banks of the Lower Danube. Their troops were recruited with the fiercest warriors of Germany

and Scythia and the ;

soldiers, or at least the his-

empire no longer recognised the name and countenkiicC^ of their former cnc-

torians, of the

micB.“*

The

general

who commanded

the mili-

and naval powers of the Thracian frontier soon perceived that his superiority would be disadvantageous to the public service; and that the barbarians, awed by the presence of his fleet and legions, would probably defer the pastary

sage of the river till the approaching winter. dexterity of the spies

Gothic

camp allured

whom

The

he sent into the

the barbarians into a fatal

They w'cre persuaded that, by a bold attempt, they might surprise, in the silence and darlmess of the night, the sleeping army of the Romans; and the whole multitude was hastily embarked in a fleet of three thousand canoes.“*

snare.

The

bravest of the Ostrogoths led the van; the

main body consisted of the remainder of their subjects and soldiers; and the women and children securely followed in the rear. One of the nights without a moon had been selected for the execution of their design ; and they had almost reached the southern bank of the Danube, in the firm confidence that they should find an easy landing and an unguarded camp. But the progress of the barbarians was suddenly stopped by an unexpected obstacle— a triple line of vessels, strongly connected with each other, and which formed an impenetrable chain of two miles and a half along the river. While they struggled to force their way in the unequal conflict,

their right flank

was overwhelmed by the

attack of a fleet of galleys, which were urged down the stream by tbe united im-

irresistible

433

of the tide. The weight and velocity of those ships of war broke, and sunk, and dispersed the rude and feeble canoes of the barbarians: their valour was ineffectual; and Alatheus, the king or general of the Ostrogoths, perished, with his bravest troops, either by the sword of the Romans or in the waves of the Danube. The last division of this unfortunate fleet might regain the opposite shore; but the distress and disorder of the multitude rendered them alike incapable either of action or counsel; and they soon implored the clemency of the victorious enemy. On this occasion, as well as on many others, it is a difiicult task to reconcile the passions and prejudices of the writers of the age of Theodosius. The partial and malignant historian, who misrepresents every action of his reign, affirms that the emperor did not appear in the field of battle till the barbarians had been vanquished by the ^valour and conduct of his lieutenant Promotus.*** The flattering poet, who celebrated in the court of Honorius the glory of the father and of the son, ascribes the victory to the personal prowess of Theodosius; and almost insinuates that the king of the Ostrogoths was slain by the hand of the cmpcror.“^

The

truth of history might perhaps be found in a just medium between these extreme and contradictory assertions.

The original treaty, which fixed the settlement of the Goths, ascertained their privileges, and stipulated their obligations, would illustrate the history of Theodosius and his succesThe series of their history has imperfectly preserved the spirit and substance of this singular agreement.**® The ravages of war and t>Tanny had provided many large tracts of fertile but uncultivated land for the use of those barbarians who might not disdain the practice of

sors.

A numerous colony of the Visigoths was seated in Thrace; the remains of the Ostrogoths were planted in Phrygia and L>xlia; their immediate wants were supplied by a distribution of corn and cattle; and their future agriculture.

industry was encouraged by an exemption from tribute during a certain term of years. The bar-

barians would have deserved to feel the cruel perfidious policy of the Imperial court if they had suffered themselves to be dispersed

and

through the provinces. They required and they obtained the sole possession of the villages and districts assigned for their residence;

they

still

cherished and propagated their natU-e manners and language; asserted, in the bosom of despotism, the freedom of their domestic government;

and acknowledged the sovereignty of the em-

Decline and Fall of the

434

peror, without Hidnnitting to the inferior jurisAction of the laws and magistrates of Rome. The hereditary chiefs of the tribes and families were still permitted to command their followers

in peace and war: but the royal dignity was abolished; and the generals of the Goths were appointed and removed at the pleasure of the emperor. An army of forty thomand Goths was maintained for the perpetual service of the empire of the East;

and those haughty troops, who

assumed the title of Fofderaii, or allies, were distinguished by their gold collars, liberal pay, and licentious privileges. Their native courage was

Roman Empire

sometimes seduced, by a treacherous and inconstant disposition, to abandon his standard at the moment when their service was the most essential.

civil war against Maximus a number of Gothic deserters retired into

During the

great

the morasses of Macedonia, wasted the adjacent provinces, and obliged the intrepid monarch to expose his person and exert his power to sup-

The public apprehensions were fortified by the strong suspicion that these tumults were not the effect of accidental passion, but the result of deep and press the rising flame of rebellion.***

which had been extorted from him by prudence and necessity, were the voluntary expressions of

premediuted design. It was generally believed that the Goths had signed the treaty of peace with an hostile and insidious spirit; and that their chiefs had previously bound themselves by a solemn and secret oath never to keep faith vdth the Romans, to maintain the fairest show of loyalty and friendship, and to watch the favourable moment of rapine, of conquest, and of revenge. But as the minds of the barbarians were not insensible to the power of gratitude,

Gothic nation.^*^

several of the Gothic leaders sincerely devoted

improved by the use of arms and the knowledge of discipline; and, while the republic was guarded cnr tlueatened by the doubtful sword of the barbarians, the last sparks of the military flame were finally extinguished in the minds of the Romans.^ Theodosius had the address to persuade his allies that the conditions of peace,

his sincere friendship for the

A different mode of vindication or apology was opposed to the complaints of the people, who loudly censured these shameful and dangerous concessions.^*^ The calamities of the War were painted in the most lively colours; and the first

symptoms of the return of order, of plenty, and security were diligently exaggerated.

The advosome apwas impos-

cates of Theodosius could affirm, with

pearance of truth and reason, that

it

warlike tribes, wh9 were rendered desperate by the loss of their native country; and that the exhausted provinces would be revived by a fresh supply of soldiers and husbandmen. The barbarians still wore an angry and hostile aspect; but the experience of past times might encourage the hope that they would acquire the habits of industry and obedience; that their manners would be polished by time, education, and the influence of Christianity; and that their posterity would insensibly blend with the great body of the Roman

sible to extirpate so

many

people.^**

Notwithstanding these specious arguments these sanguine expectations, it was apparent to every discerning eye that the Goths would long remain the enemies, and might soon become the conquerors, of the Roman empire. Their rude and insolent behaviour expressed

and

contempt of the citizens and provincials, they insulted with impunity.*** To the zeal and \^our of the barbarians Theodosius was indebted for the success of his arms: but their assistance was precarious; and they were their

whom

themselves to the service of the empire, or, at of the emperor: the whole nation was insensibly divided into two opposite factions, and much sophistry was employed in conversation and dispute to compare the obligations of their least,

first and second engagements. The Goths who considered themselves as the friends of peace, of justice, and of Rome, were directed by the au-

thority of Fravitta, a valiant and honourable youth, distinguished above the rest of his countrymen by the politeness of his manners, the li^rality of his sentiments, and the mild virtues of social life. But the more numerous faction adhered to the fierce and faithless Priulf, who inflamed the passions and asserted the independence of his warlike followers. On one of the solemn festivals, when the chiefs of both parties were invited to the Imperial table, they were insensibly heated by wine, till they forgot the usual restraints of discretion and respect, and betrayed in the presence of Theodosius the fatal secret of their domestic disputes, '^he emperor, who had been the reluctant witness of this extraordinary controversy, dissembled his fears and resentment, and soon dismissed the tumultuous assembly. Fravitta, alarmed and exasperated by the insolence of his rival, whose departure from the palace might have been the signal of a civil war, boldly followed himiand, drawing his sword, laid Priulf dead at Ins feet. Their companions flew to arms; and the faithful champion of Rome would have been oppressed by superior numbers if he had not been pro-

The Tweilty-fleventh Chapter by die fleasonaUe interposition of the Imperial guards.^** Such were the scenes of barbaric rage which disgraced the palace and

tected

table of the

Roman emperor; and, as the impa-

435

Goths could only be restrained by the firm and temperate character of Theodosius, the public safety seemed to depend on the life and abilities of a single inan.“* tient

CHAPTER XXVII Death of Oration. Ruin of Arianism.

St.

Ambrose. First Civil War, against

Max~

imus. Character, Administration, and Penance^ of Theodosius. Death of Valenr tiruan II. Second Civil War, against Eugenius. Death of Theodosius.

T

he fame of Gratian,

before he had accomplished the twentieth year of his age, was equal to that of the most celebrated princes. His gentle and amiable disposition endeared him to his private friends, the graceful affability of his

manners engaged the

affection of the people; the

men

of letters,

who

enjoyed the liberality, acknowledged the taste and eloquence, of their sovereign; his valour and dexterity in arms were equally applauded by the soldiers; and tiit tlergy considered the humble piety of Gratian as the first and most useful of his virtues.

delivered the

and the

The

victory of

Colmar had

West from a formidable

invasion,

grateful provinces of the East ascribed

the merits of Theodosius to the author of his and of the public safety. Gratian sur-

greatness

received the fair impression of their judicious precepts, and the ab^nce of passion might easily be mistaken for the strength of reason. His preceptors gradually rose to the rank and consequence of ministers of state,^ and, as they wisely dissembled their secret authority, be

seemed to act with fginncss, with propriety, and with judgment on the most important occasions of his life and reign. But the influence of this elaborate instruction did not penetrate beyond the surface, and the skilful preceptors, who so accurately guided the steps of their royal pupil, could not infuse into his feeble and indolent

character the vigorous and independent principle of action which renders the laborious pursuit of f^ory essentially necessary' to the happiness and almost to the existence of the hero. As

vived those memorable events only four or five he survived his reputation, and, before he fell a victim to rebellion, he had lost, in a great measure, the respect and confidence of the Roman world. The remarkable alteration of his character or conduct may not be imputed to the arts of flattery, which had l^esieged the son of Valentinian from his infancy, nor to the headstrong passion which that gentle youth appears to have escaped. A more attentive view of the life of Gratian may perhaps suggest the true cause of the disappointment of the public hopes. His apparent virtues, instead of being the hardy productions of experience and adversity, were the premature and artificial fruits of a royal education. The anxious tenderness of his father was continually employed to bestow on liim those ad-

soon as time and accident had removed those faithful counsellors from the throne, the emperor of the West insensibly descended to the

vantages which he might perhaps esteem the more highly as he himself had been deprived of them, and the most skilful masters of every science and of every art had laboured to form the mind and body of the young prince.^ The knowledge which they painfully communicated was displayed with ostentation and celebrated with lavish praise. His soft and tractable disposition

tion

years, but

level of his natural genius, abandoned the reins of government to the ambitious hands which were stretched forwards to grasp them, and amused his leisure with the most frivolous gratipublic sale of favour and injustice fications. was institute, both in the court and in the

A

by the worthless delegates of his powwhose merit it was made sacrilege to ques-

provinces, er,

tion.*

The

conscience of the credulous prince

was directed by saints and bishops,* who procured an Imperial edict to punish, as a capital offence, the violation, the neglect, or even the

ignorance of the dirine law.* Among the various arts which had exercised the youth of Gratian, he had applied himself, with singular inclina-

and success, to manage the horse, to draw the bow, and to dart the javelin; and these qual-

which might be useful to a soldier, were prostituted to the viler purposes of hunting. Large parks were enclosed for the Imperial pleasures, and plentifully stocked with every ifications,

b^ts, and Gratian neglected the and even the dignity of his rank to con-

sptecies of wild

duties

Declido and Fall of the

406 sume whole days in

the vain display of his dex-

and boldness in the chase. The pride and vdsh of the Roman emperor to excel in an art in which he might be surpassed by the meanest o£ his slaves reminded the numerous spectators of the examples of Nero and Commodus; but the chaste and temperate Gratian was a stranger to their monstrous vices, and his hands were terity

stained only with the blood of animals.* The behaviour of Gratian, which degraded

mankind, could not have disturbed the security of his reign if the army had not been provoked to resent their peculiar injuries. As long as the young emperor was guided by the instructions of his masters, he his character in the eyes of

professed himself the friend

and pupil of the sol-

many

of his hours were spent in the familiar conversation of the camp, and the health,

diers;

the comforts, the rewards, the honours of his faithful troops, appeared to be the object of his attentive concern. But, after Gratian

more freeand

Roman Empire

ance of the civil and military powers which had been established by the policy of Constantine. It is not very important to inquire from what causes the revolt of Britain was produced. Accident is commonly the parent of disorder: the seeds of rebellion happened to fall on a soil which was supposed to lx* more fruitful than any other in tyrants and usurpers;* the legions of that sequestered island had been long famous and for a spirit of presumption and arrogance the name of hlaximus was proclaimed by the tumultuary but unanimous voice both of the

and of the provincials. The emperor, or the rebel, for his title was not yet ascertained by fortune, was a native of Spain, the countryman,

soldiers

the fellow-soldier,

and

the rival of Theodosius,

whose elevation he had not seen without some emotions of envy and resentment; the events of his life had long since fixed him in Britain, and I should not l^e unwilling to find some evidence for the marriage which he is said to have con-

ly indulged his prevailing taste for hunting

tracted with the daughter of a wealthy lord of

shooting, he naturally connected himself with

Caernarvonshire.** But this provincial rank might justly be considered as a state of exile and obscurity, and, if Maximus had obtained any civil or military office, he was not invested with

the most dexterous ministers of his favourite body of the Alani was received amusement. into the military and domestic service of the palace, and the admirable skill which they were

A

accustomed to display in the unbounded plains of Scythia was exercised on a more narrow theatre in the parks and enclosures of Gaul. Gratian admired the talents and customs of these favourite guards, to whom alone he intrusted the defence of his person; and, as if he meant to insult the public opinion, he frequently showed himself to the soldiers and people with the dress and arms, the long bow, the sounding quiver, and the fur garments of a Scythian warrior. The unworthy spectacle of a Roman prince who had renounced the dress and manners of his country filled the minds of the legions with grief and indignation.^ Even the Germans, so strong

and formidable

in the armies of the

the authority cither ot governor or general.** His abilities and even his integi ity are ackmiwl-

edged by the partial writers of the age, and the merit must indeed have been conspicuous that could extort such a confession injavour of the vanquished enemy of Theodosius. The discontent of Maximus might incline him to censure the conduct of his sovereign, and to encourage, perhaps without any views of ambition, the murmurs of the troops. But in the midst of the tumult he artfully or modestly refused to ascend the throne, and some credit appears to have been given to his own positive declaration that he was compelled to accept the dangerous present of the Imperial purple.**

em-

and horrid appearance of the savages of the North, who, in the space of a few years, had wandered from pire, affected to disdain the strange

the banks of the Volga to those of the Seine.

A

loud and licentious murmur was echoed through the camps and garrisons of the West; and as the mild indolence of Gratian neglected to extinguish the first symptoms of discontent, the want of love and respect was not supplied by the influence of fear. But the subversion of an established government is always a work of some real, and of much apparent difficulty; and the throne of Gratian was protected by the sanctions of custom, law, religion, and the nice bal-

But there was danger likewise in refusing the empire, and, from the

had

moment

that

Maximus

violated his allegiance to his lawful sover-

hope to reign, or even to live, he confined his moderate ambition within the narrow limits of Britain. He boldly and wisely

eign, he could not if

resolved to prevent the designs

of)

Gratian; the

youth of the island crowded to his Itandard, and he invaded Gaul with a fleet and army which were long afterwards remembered as the emigration of a considerable part of the British nation.** The emperor, in his peaceful residence of Parij. was alarmed by their hostile approach, and the darts which he idly wasted on lions and bears might have been employed more honour-

The Twenty-ievcnth Chapter ably against the rebels. But his feeble efforts announced his degenerate spirit and desperate situation, and deprived him of the resources which he still might have found in the support of his subjects and allies. The armies of Gaul, instead of opposing the march of Maximus, received him with joyful and loyal acclamations,

and the shame of the desertion was transferred from the people to the prince. The troops whose station more immediately attached them to the service of the palace abandoned the standard of Gratian the first time that it was displayed in the neighbourhood of Paris. The emperor of the West fled towards Lyons with a train of only three hundred horse, and in the cities along the road, where he hoped to find a rciuge, or at least a passage, he was taught by cruel experience that every gate is shut against the unfortunate. Yet he might still have reached in safety the dominions of his brother, and soon have returned with the forces of Italy, and the East, if he had not suffered himself to be fatally deceived by the perfidious governor of the Lyonncse province. Gratlau wa» ^nmuscd by protestations of doubtful fidelity, and the hopes of a support which could not be effectual, till the arrival of Andragathius, the general of the cavalry of Maximus, put an end to his suspense. That resolute officer executed, without remorse, the orders or the intentions of the usurper. Gratian, as he rose from supper, was delivered into the hands of the assassin, and his body was denied to the pious and pressing entreaties of his brother Valentinian.^^ The death of the emperor was followed by that of his powerful general Mellobaudes, the king of the Franks, who maintained to the last moment of his life the ambiguous reputation which is the just recompense of obscure and subtle policy.^* These executions might be necessary to the public safety, but the successful usurper, all

whose power was acknowledged by had the merit and

the provinces of the West,

the satisfaction of boasting that, except those who had perished by the chance of war, his tri-

umph was

not stained by the blood of the

Homans.^*

l^e

events of this revolution

had passed

in

such rapid succession that it would have been impossible for Theodosius to march to the relief of his benefactor before he received the intelligence of his defeat and death. During the season of sincere grief or ostentatious mourning the Eastern emperor was inteixupted by the arrival of the principal chamberlain of Maximus; and the ch^ce of a venerable old man for an office which was usually exercised by eunuchs an-

437

nounced to the court Constantinople the gravity and temperance of the British usurper. The ambassador condescended to justify or excuse the conduct of his master, and to protest, in specious language, that the murder of Gratian had been perpetrated, without his knowledge or consent, by the precipitate zeal of the soldiers. But he proceeded, in a firm and equal tone, to

Theodosius the alternative of peace or war. The speech of the ambassador concluded with a spirited declaration that, although Maximus, as a Roman and as the father of his people, would choose rather to employ his forces in the common defence of the republic, he was armed and prepared, if his friendship should be rejected, to dispute in a field of battle the empire of the world. An immediate and peremptory answer was required, but it was extremely difficult for Theodosius to satisfy, on this important occasion, eitlier the feelings of his own mind or the expectations of the public. The imperious voice of honour and gratitude called aloud for revenge. From the liberality of Gratian he had received the Imperial diadem; his patience would encourage the odious suspicion that he was more deeply sensible of former injuries than of recent obligations; and if he accepted the friendship, he must seem to share the guilt, of the assassin. Even the principles of jusoffer

and the interest of society would receive a blow from the impunity of Maximus, and the example of successful usurpation would tend

tice

fatal

to dissolve the artificial fabric of government,

and once more to replunge the empire in the crimes and calamities of the preceding age. But, as the sentiments of gratitude and honour should invariably regulate the conduct of an individual, they may be overbalanced in the mind of a sovereign bv the sense of superior duties, and the maxims both of justice and humanity must permit the escape of an atrocious criminal if an innocent people would be involved in the consequences of his punishment. The assassin of Gratian had usurped, but he actually possessed, the most warlike provinces of the empire; the East was exhausted by the misfortunes, and even bv the success, of the Gothic war; and it was seriously to be apprehended that, after the vital strength of the republic had been wasted in a doubtful and destructive contest, the feeble conqueror would remain an easy prey to the barbarians of the north. These weighty considerations engaged Theodosius to dissemble his resentment and to accept the alliance of the tyrant. But he stipulated that Maximus should content himself with the possession of the coun-

Decline and Fall of the

438

beyond the Alps. The brother of Gratian was oonfitmed and secured in the sovereignty of Italy, Africa, and the Western Illyricum, and some honourable conditions were inserted in the treaty to protect the memory and the laws of

tries

the deceased emperor.^^ According to the custom of the age, the images of the three Imperial colleagues were exhibited to the veneration of the people; nor should it be lightly supposed moment of a solemn reconciliation, Thecxlosius secretly cherished the intention of that, in the

perfidy

and

revenge.^*

The contempt diers

of Gratian for the

had exposed him to the

Roman sol-

fatal efiects of

Roman Empire

and the doctrine of the Gospd, us b^eve the sole deity of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, under an equal majesty and a pious Trinity. We authorise the followers of this doctrine to assume the title of Catholic Christians; and as we judge that all others are extravagant madmen, we brand them with the infamous name of Heretics, and declare that their conventicles shall no longer usurp the respectable appellation of churches. Besides the condemnation of Divine justice, they must expect to suffer the severe penalties, which our authority, guided by heavenly wisdom, shall think proper to inflict upon them.”** The faith of a of the apostles, let

is commonly the fruit of instruction, rather than of inquiry; but as the emperor always fixed his eyes on the visible landmarks of orthodoxy which he had so prudently consti-

their resentment. His profound veneration for

soldier

the Christian clergy was rewarded by the applause and gratitude of a px^werful order, which has claimed in every age the privilege of dispensing honours, both on earth and in heaven.^* The

tuted, his religious opinions

orthodox bishops bewailed his death, and their own irreparable loss; but they were soon comforted by the discovery that Gratian had committed the sceptre of the East to the hands of a prince whose

humble

were supported by the

faith spirit

and fervent zeal and abilities of a

more vigorous character. Among the benefacfame of Constantine has been rivalled by the glory of Theodosius. If Constantine had the advantage of erecting the

tors of the church, the

standard of the

cross,

the emulation of his suc-

assumed the merit of subduing the Arian heresy, and of abolishing the worship of idols in the Roman world. Theodosius was the first of^ the emperors baptised in the true faith of the' Trinity. Although he was born of a Christian family, the maxims, or at least the practice, of the age encouraged him to delay the ceremony of his initiation till he was admonished of the danger of delay by the serious illness which threatened his life towards the end of the first cessor

year of his reign. Before he again took the field against the Goths, he received the sacrament of baptism*® from Acholius, the orthodox bishop of Thessalonica:*^ and as the emperor ascended j&om the holy font, still glowing with the warm feelings of regeneration, he dictated a solemn edict,

which proclaimed

his

own faith, and

scribed the religion of his subjects. *Tt

pleasure (such

the Imperial style) that

pre-

is

our

the nations which are governed by our clemency and moderation should steadfastly adhere to the is

all

which was taught by St. Peter to the Romans, which faithful tradition has preserved, and which is now professed by the pontiff Damasus, and by Peter, bishop of Alexandria, a man of apostolic holiness. According to the di^piine

religion

were never affected by the specious texts, the subtle arguments, and the ambiguous creeds of the Arian doctors.

Once indeed he

expressed a faint inclination to converse with the eloquent and learned Eunomius, who lived in retirement at a small distance from Constantinople. But the dangerous interview was prevented by the prayers of the empress Flacilla, who trembled for the salvation of her husband; and the mind of Theodosius was confirmed by a theological argument adapted to the rudest capacity. He had lately bestowed on his eldest son Arcadius the naQic and honours of Augustus, and the two princes were seated on a stately throne to receive the homage bishop, Amphilochius of Icoof their subjects. nium, approached the throne, and, after saluting with due reverence the person of his sovereign, he accosted the royal youth with the same familiar tenderness which he might have used towards a plebeian child. Provoked by this insolent behaviour, the monarch gave orders that the rustic priest should be instantly driven from his presence. But while the guards were forcing him to the door, the dexterous polemic had time to execute his design, by exclaiming, with a loud voice, ‘‘Such is the ireatmeilt, emperor ! which the King of heaven has prepared for those impious men who affect to {worship the Father, but refuse to acknowledge the equal majesty of his divine Son.” Theodo|ius immediately embraced the bishop of Iconigm, and never forgot the important lesson v^rhich he received from this Carnatic parable^’ Constantinople was the principal seat and fortress of Arianism; and, in a loi% interval of

A

O

forty years,*® the faith of the princes and prelates

who

reigned in the capital of the East was re^

The Twenty-seventh Chapter jected in the purer schoQb of Rome and Alexandria. The archiepbcopal throne of Macedonius, which had been polluted with so much Christian blood, was successively filled by Eudoxus

and Damophilus. Their diocese enjoyed a free importation of vice and error from every province of the empire; the eager pursuit of religious controversy afforded a new occupation to the busy idleness of the metropolis: and we may an intelligent observer, with some pleasantry, the effects

credit the assertion of

who describes,

of their loquacious zeal. “This

city,’’

says he, “is

of mechanics and slaves, who are all of them profound theologians, and preach in the shops and in the streets. If you desire a man to change a piece of silver, he informs you wherein the Son differs from the Father; if you ask the price of a loaf, you arc told, by way of reply, that the Son is inferior to the Father; and if you inquire whether the bath is ready, the answer is, that full

the

Son was made out of nothing.”*® The here-

of various denominations, subsisted in peace under the protection of the Arians of Constantinople, who cuueavoured to secure the attachment of those obscure sectaries, while they abused, with unrelenting severity, the victory which they had obtained over the followers

tics,

of the council of Nice. During the partial reigns

and Valens, the feeble remnant Homoousians was deprived of the public and private exercise of their religion; and it has

of Constantins of the

been observed, in pathetic language, that the was left without a shepherd to wander on the mountains, or to be devoured by rapacious wolves.*® But as their zeal, instead of being subdued, derived strength and vigour scattered ilock

from oppression, they seized the first moments of imperfect freedom, which they acquired by

a under the conduct of an episcopal pastor. Two natives of Cappadocia, Basil and Gregory Nazianzen,*^ were distinguished above all their contemporaries*® by the rare union of profane eloquence and of orthodox piety. These orators, who might sometimes be compared, by themselves and by the public, to the most celebrated of the ancient Greeks, were united by the tics of the strictest friendship. They had cultivated, with equal ardour, the same liberal studies in the schools of Athens; they had retired, with equal devotion, to the the death of Valens, to form themselves into

legiilar congregation,

same

solitude in the deserts of Pontus; and every spark of emulation or enSfy appeared to be totally extinguished in the holy and ingenuous breasts of Gregory and BasiL But the exaltation of Basil,

froma private life to the archiepis*>

439

copal throne of Caesarea, discovered to the world, and perhaps to himself, the pride of his character; and the first favour which he condescended to bestow on his friend was received, and perhaps was intended, as a cruel insult.** Instead of employing the superior talents of Gregory in some useful and conspicuous station, the haughty prelate selected, among the fifty bishoprics of his extensive province, the wretched village of Sasima,*® without water, without ver-

dure, without society, situate at the junction cS three highways and frequented only by the inces-

and clamorous waggoners. Gregory submitted with reluctance to this humiliating exile: he was ordained bishop of Sasima; but he solemnly protests that he never sant passage of rude

consummated

his spiritual

marriage with

this

He

afterwards consented to undertake the government of his native church of Nazianzus,*^ of |vhich his father had been bishop above fivc-and-forty years. But as he was still conscious that he deserved another audience and another theatre, he accepted, with no unworthy ambition, the honourable invitation which was addressed to him from the orthodox party of Constantinople. On his arrival

disgusting bride.

in the capital, Gregory

was entertained

in the

house of a pious and charitable kinsman; the most spacious room was consecrated to the uses of religious worship; and the name of Anastasia was chosen to express the resurrection of the Niccne faith. This private conventicle was afterwards converted into a magnificent church; and the credulity of the succeeding age was prepared to believe the miracles and visions w'hich attested the presence, or at least the protection, of the Mother of God.** The pulpit of the Anastasia was the scene of the labours and triumphs of Gregory Nazianzen; and in the space of two years he experienced all the spiritual adventures w'hich constitute the prosperous or adverse fortunes of a missionary.** The Arians, who were provoked by the boldness of his enterprise, represented his doctrine as if he had preached thiee distinct and equal Deities; and the devout populace was cxcit^ to suppress, by violence and tumult, the irregular assemblies of the Athanasian heretics. From the cathedral of St. Sophia there issued a motley crowd “of common beggars, who had forfeited their claim to pity; of monks, who had the appearance of goats or satyrs; and of women, more terrible than so many Jezebels.” The doors of the Anastasia were broke open; much mischief was perpetrated, or attempted, with sticks, stones, and firebrands;

and

as a

man

lost his life in

the

Decline and Fall of the

440

affray, Gregcnry, who was summoned the next morning before the magistrate, had the satisfac-

tion of supposing that he publicly confessed the name of Christ. After he was delivered from the fear and danger of a foreign enemy, his infant church was dbgraced and distracted by intestine faction. A stranger, who assumed the name of Maximus^ and the cloak of a Cynic philoso-

pher, insinuated himself into the confidence of Gregory, deceived and abused his favourable opinion, and, forming a secret connection with some bishops of Egypt, attempted, by a clandestine ordination, to supplant his patron in the

episcopal seat df Constantinople. These mortifications might sometimes tempt the Cappadocian missionary to regret his obscure solitude. But his fatigues were rewarded by the daily in-

crease of his fame

and

his congregation;

and he

enjoyed the pleasure of observing that the greater part of his numerous audience retired from his sermons satisfied with the eloquence of the preacher,’^ or dissatisfied with the manifold imperfections of their faith and practice.^* The catholics of Constantinople were ani-

mated with joyful confidence by the baptism and edict of Theodosius; and they impatiently waited the effects of his gracious promise. Their hopes were speedily accomplished; and the emperor, as soon as he had finished the operations of the campaign, made his public entry into the capital at the head of a victorious army. The next day after his arrival he summoned Damophilus

and offered that Arian prelate the hard alternative of subscribing the Nicene creed, or of instantly resigning, to the orthodox believers, the use and possession of the episcopal paUce, the cathedral of St. Sophia, and all the churches of Constantinople. The zeal of Damophilus, which in a catholic saint would have to his presence,

been justly applauded, embraced, without

a life of poverty and exile,^^ and moval was immediately followed by the tation,

cation of the Imperial City.

hesi-

his repurifi-

The Arians might

C(xnplain, with some appearance of justice, that

an inconsiderable congregation of sectaries should usurp the hundred churches which they were insufikient to

fill, whilst the far greater part of the people was cruelly excluded from every place of religious worship. Theodosius was still inexorable; but as the angels who protected the catholic cause were only visible to the eyes of faith, he prudently reinforced those

heavenly legions with the more effectual aid of temporal and carnal weapons, and the church of St. Sophia was occupied by a large body of the Imperial guards. If the mind of Gregory

Roman Empire

was

susceptible of pride, he must have felt a very lively satisfaction when the emperor conducted him through the streets in solemn triumph, and, with his own hand, respectfully placed him on the archiepiscopal throne of Ck>n8tantinople. But the saint (who had not

subdued the imperfections of human virtue) was deeply affected by the mortifying consideration that his entrance into the fold was that of a wolf rather than of a shepherd that the glittering arms which surrounded his person were necessary for his safety; and that he alone was ;

the object of the imprecations of a great party,

whom, as men and citizens, it was impossible for him to despise. He beheld the innumerable multitude, of either sex, and of every age, who crowded the

streets,

the windows, and the roofs

of the houses; he heard the tumultuous voice of rage, grief, astonishment, and despair; and

Gregory fairly confesses that on the memorable day of his installation the capital of the East wore the appearance of a city taken by storm, and in the hands of a barbarian conqueror.^* About six weeks afterwards, Theodosius declared his resolution of expelling from all the churches of his dominions the bishops and their

who should obstinately refuse to believe, or at least to profess, the doctrine of the council of Nice. His lieutenant Sapor was armed with the ample powers of a general law, a special commission, and a military force;^ and this ecclesiastical revolution was cond&cted with so much discretion and vigour, that the religion of the emperor was established, without tumult or bloodshed, in all the provinces of the East. The writings of the Arians, if they had been permitted to exist, would perhaps contain the lamentable story of the persecution which afflicted the church under the reign of the impious Theodosius; and the sufferings of their holy confessors might claim the pity of the disinterested reader. Yet there is reason to imagine that the violence of zeal and revenge was in some measure eluded by the want of resistance ; and that, in their adversity, the Arians displayed much less fiimness than had been exert^ by the orthodox party under the reigns of Constantins and Valens. The moral character and conduct of the hostile sects appear to have been governed by the same common principles of nature and religion: but a very material circumstance may be discovered, which tended tlo distinguish the degrees of their theological faith. Both parties in the schools, as well as in the temples, acknowledged and worshipped the divine majesty of Christ; and, as we are always prone to im* clergy

pute our

own

The Twcnty-eevcnth Chapter and passions to the many opposite

sentiments Deity, it would be deemed more prudent and respectful to exaggerate than to circumscribe the adorable perfections of the Son of God. The disciple of Athanasius exulted in the proud confidence that he had entitled himself to the divine favour, while the follower of Arius must have been tormented by the secret apprehension that he was guilty perhaps of an unpardonable offence by the scanty praise and parsimonious honours which he bestowed on the Judge of the World. The opinions of Arianism might satisfy a cold and speculative mind ; but the doctrine of the Niccne Creed, most powerfully recommended by the merits of faith and devotion, was much better adapted to become popular

and

successful in a believing age.

The hope that truth and wisdom would be found in the assemblies of the orthodox clergy induced the emperor to convene, at Constantinople, a synod of one hundred and fifty bishops, who proceeded, without much difficultv or delay, to complete the theological system which had been established hi tu< council of Nice. The vehement disputes of the fourth century had been chiefly employed on the nature of the Son of God; and the various opinions which were embraced concerning the Second^ were extended and transferred, by a natural analogy, to the Third person of the Trinity. Yet it was found, or it was thought, necessary, bv the victorious adversaries of Arianism, to explain the ambiguous language of some respectable doctors; to confirm the faith of the catholics; and to condemn an unpopular and inconsistent sect of Macedonians, who freely admitted that the Son was consubstantial to the Father, while they were fearful of seeming to acknowledge the existence of Three Gods. A final and unanimous sentence was pronounced to ratify the equal Deity of the Holy Ghost: the mysterious doctrine has been received by all the nations, and all the churches, of the Christian world; and their grateful reverence has assigned to the

bishops of Theodosius the second rank

among

the general councils.^* Their knowledge of re-

may have been preserved by tradimay have been communicated by in-

ligious truth tion, or

it

spiration; but the sober evidence of history will

not allow much weight to the personal authority of the Fathers of Constantinople. In an age

when

the ecclesiastics had scandalously degenerated from the model of apostolical purity, the most worthless and cornipt were always the most eager to frequent and disturb the episcopal assemblies. The conflict and fermentation of so

441

and tempers inflamed the passions of the bishops: and their ruling passions were, the love of gold and the love of dispute. Many of the same prelates who now applauded the orthodox piety of Theodosius had repeatedly changed, with prudent flexibility, their creeds and opinions; and in the various revolutions of the church and state, the religion of their sovereign was the rule of their obsequious faith. When the emperor suspended interests

his prevailing influence, the turbulent

was

synod

by the absurd or selfish motives of pride, hatred, and resentment. The death of Meletius, which happened at the council of Constantinople, presented the most fablindly impelled

vourable opportunity of terminating the schism of Antioch, by suffering his aged rival, Paulinus, peaceably to end his days in the episcopal chair. The faith and virtues of Paulinus were unblemished. But his cause was supported by the Western churches; an(f the bishops of the synod resolved to perpetuate the mischief of discord, by the hasty ordination of a perjured candidate,^’ rather than to betray the imagined dignity of the East, which had been illustrated by the birth and death of the Son of God. Such unjust and disorderly proceedings forced the gravest members of the assembly to dissent and to secede; and the clamorous majority, which remained masters of the field of battle, could be compared only to wasps or magpies, to a flight of cranes, or to a flock of gccsc.^*

A suspicion may possibly arise that so unfavourable a picture of ecclesiastical synods has been drawn by the partial hand of some obstiinfidel. But the name of the sincere historian who lias conveyed this instructive lesson to the knowledge of postenty must silence the impotent murmurs of superstition and bigotry. He was one of the most pious and eloquent bishops of the age: a saint, and a doctor of the church; the scourge of Arianism, and the pillar of the orthodox faith; a nate heretic or some malicious

distinguished

member

of the council of Con-

Melehe exercised the functions of president: in a word— Gregory Nazianzen himself. The harsh and ungenerous treatment which he experienced,^^ instead of derogating from the truth of his evidence, aflords an additional proof of the spirit which actuated the deliberations of the synod. Their unanimous suffrage had confirmed the pretensions which the bishop of Constantinople derived from the choice of the people and the approbation of the emperor. But Gregory soon became the victim of malice and envy. stantinople, in which, after the death of tius,

Decline and Fall of the

44a

The bishops of the East, his strenuous adherents, provoked by his moderation in the affairs of Antioch, abandoned him, without suppc»t, to the adverse faction of the Egyptians,

who

dis-

puted the validity of his election and rigorously asserted the obsolete

canon that prohiluted the

licentious practice of episcopal translations.

The

prompted him to decline a contest which might have been imputed to ambition and avarice; and he publicly offered, not without some mixture of indignation, to renounce the government of a church which had been restor^, and almost created, by lus labours. His resignation was accepted by the synod, and by the emperor, with more readiness than he seems to have expected. At the time when he might have hoped to enjoy the fruits of his victory, his episcopal throne was filled by the senator Nectarius; and the new archbishop, accidentally recommended by his easy temper and venerable aspect, was obliged ceremony of his consecration till he to delay had previously despatched the rites of his bappride, or the humility, of Gregory,

tism.** After this

remarkable experience of the and prelates, Gregory re-

ingratitude of princes

more to his obscure solitude of Cappadocia, where he employed the remainder of

tired once

about eight years, in the exercises of The title of Saint has been added to his name; but the tenderness of his hcart,*^ and the elegance of his genius, reflect a more pleasing lustre on the memory of Gregory his

life,

poetry and devotion.

Nadanzen. It was not enough that Theodosius had sup-

Roman Empire

and the persons of the heretics; and the passions of the legislator were expressed in the language of dedamation and invective. L The heretical teachers, who usurped the sacred titles of Bishops or Presbyters, were not only excluded from the privileges and emoluments so liberally granted to the orthodox clergy, but they were exposed to the heavy penalties of exile and confiscation, if they presumed to preach the doctrine, or to practise the rites, of fine of ten pounds of gold their accursed sects. (above four hundred pounds sterling) was imposed on every person who should dare to confer, or receive, or promote, an heretical ordination: and it was reasonably expected that, if the race of pastors could be extinguished, their helpless flocks would be compelled, by ignorance and hunger, to return within the pale of the Catholic church. II. The rigorous prohibition of conventicles was carefully extended to every possible circumstance in which the heretics could assemble with the intention of worshipping God and Chrbt according to the dictates assemblies,

A

of their conscience. Their religious meetings, secret, by day or by night, in or in the country, were equally proscribed by the edicts of Theodosius; and the building, or ground, which had been used for that illeg^ purpose, was forfeited to the Imperial domain. III. It was supposed that the error of the heretics could proceed only from the abstinatc temper of their minds; and that such a temper was a fit object of censure and punishment. The anathemas of the church were fortified by a sort

whether public or

cities

tual methods of persecution. In the space fifteen years he promulgated at least fifteen severe edicts against the heretics,** more especially against those who rejected the doctrine of the Trinity; and to deprive them of every hope of

of civil excommunication, which separated them from their fellow-citizens by a peculiar brand of infamy; and this declaration of the supreme magistrate tended to justify, or at least to excuse, the insults of a fanatic populace. The sectaries were gradually disqualified for the possession of honourable or lucrative employments; and Theodosius was satisfied with his own justice, when he decreed that, as the Eunomians distinguished the nature of the Son from that of the Father, they should be incapable of making their wills, or of receiving any advantage from testamentary donations. The guilt of the Manichaean heresy was est»)med of such magnitude that it could be expiatc4 only by the death of the offender; and the same capital punishment was inflicted on the Audiads, or Quarto*

escape, he sternly enacted that,

decimanSf^

pressed the insolent reign of Aiianism, or that he had abundantly revenged, the injuries which the catholics sustained from the zeal of Constantins and Valens. The orthodox emperor considered every heretic as a rebel against the su-

preme powers of heaven and of earth, and each of these powers might exercise their peculiar jurisdiction over the soul and body of the guilty.

The

decrees of the council of Constantinople

had ascertained the true standard of the faith; and the ecclesiastics who governed the conscience of Theodosius suggested the most effec-

be alleged in their favour, the

who should dare to perpetrate the atrocious crime of celebrating on dn improper

judges should consider them as the illegal productions cither of fraud or forgery. The penal

exercise the right of public accusation; but the

rescripts should

statutes

if

any laws or

were directed against the ministers, the

day the ofiice

festival of Easter.

Every

Roman

of Inquisitors of the Faith, a

name

might so de-

TTic Twenty-seventh Chapter servedly abhorred, was first instituted under the reign of Theodosius. Yet we are assured that

the execution of his penal edicts was seldom enand that the pious emperor appeared

forced; less

desirous to punish than to reclaim or terrify

his refractory subjects,*®

The theory of pei'sccution was established by Theodosius, whose justice and piety have been applauded by the saints; but the practice of it, in the fullest extent, was reserved for his rival and colleague, Maximus, the first among the Christian princes who shed the blood of his Christian subjects on account of their religious opinions. I’he cause of the Prisctllianists,*^ a recent sect of heretics who disturbed the provinces of Spain, was transferred, by appeal, from the sync^ of Bordeaux to the Imperial consistory of Treves; and by the sentence of the Pratorian pratfcct, seven persons were tortured, condemned, and executed. The first of these was PriscilHan“ himself, bishop of Avila,** in Spain, who adorned the advantages of birth and fortune by the accomplishments of eloquence and learning. Two pr«.ab>Ui.s ind two deacons accompanied their beloved master in his death, which they esteemed as a glorious martyrdom; and the number of religious victims was complet'd by the execution of Latronian, a poet, who rivalled the fame of the ancients; and of Euchrocia, a noble matron of Bordeaux, the widow of the orator Dclphidius,*^ Two bishops, who had embraced the sentiments of Priscillian, were condemned to a distant and drear>' exile;** and some indulgence was shown to the meaner criminals who assumed the merit of an early repentance. If any credit could be allowed to confessions extorted by fear or pain, and to vague reports, the oilspring of malice and credulity, the heresy of the Priscillianists would be found to include the various alx>minations of magic, of impiety, and of lewdness.*® Priscillian, who company

wandered about the

W'orld in the

his spiritual sisters,

was accused of praying

of

stark-naked in the midst of the congregation; and it was confidently asserted, that the effects of his criminal intercourse with the daughter of

Euchrocia had been suppressed by means still more odious and criminal. But an accurate, or rather a candid inquiry, w'Ul discover that, if the Priscillianists violated the laws of nature, it was not by the licentiousness, but by the austertheir lives. They absolutely condemned the use of the marriage-bed; and the peace of families was often disturbed by indiscreet separations. They enjoined, or recommended, a total abstinence from all animal food; and their ity

443

continual prayers, fasts, and vigils, inculcated a rule of strict and perfect devotion. The speculative tenets of the sect, concerning the pierson of Christ and the nature of the human soul, were derived from the Gnostic and Manichsan system; and this vain philosophy, which had been

from Egypt to Spain, was ill adapted to the grosser spirits of the West. The

transpiorted

obscure disciples of Priscillian suffered, lanand gradually disappeared; his tenets

guished,

were rejected by the clergy and people, but his death was the subject of a long and vehement controversy; while

some arraigned, and

applauded, the justice of his sentence. pleasure that

we can

observe the

others

It is

with

humane

in-

consistency of the most illustrious saints and bishops, Ambrose of Milan*^ and Martin of

Tours,** who,

on

this occasion,

asserted the

cause of toleration. They pitied the unhappy men who had been executed at Treves; they refused to hold conSmunion with their episcopal murderers ; and if Martin deviated from that generous resolution, his motives w'crc laudable, and his repentance was exemplary. The bishops of

Tours and Milan pronounced, without hesitation, the eternal damnation of heretics; but they were suipriscd and shocked by the bloody image of their temporal death, and the honest feelings of nature resisted the artificial prejudices of theology. The humanity of Ambrose and Martin was confirmed by the scandalous irregularity of the proceedings against Priscillian and his ad-

The civil and ecclesiastical ministers had transgressed the limits of their respective provinces. The secular judge had presumed to receive an appeal, and to pronounce a definitive sentence, in a matter of faith and episcopal jurisdiction. The bishops had disgraced themselves by exercising the functions of accusers in herents.

a criminal prosecution. The cruelty of Ithawho beheld the tortures, and solicited the death of the heretics, provoked the just indignacius,*®

tion of mankind;

and the

vices of that profligate

bishop were admitted as a proof that his zeal was instigated by the sordid motives of interest. Since the death of Priscillian. the rude attempts of persecution have been refined and methodise in the holy office, which assigns their distinct parts to the ecclesiastical and secular powers. The devoted victim is regularly delivered by the priest to the magistrate, and by the magistrate to the executioner; and the inexorable sentence of the church, which declares the spiritual guilt of the offender, is expressed in the mild language of pity and intercession. Among the ecclesiastics who illustrated the

444

Decline and Fall of the

reign of Theodosius, Gregory Nazianzen was distinguished by the talents of an eloquent preacher; the reputation of miraculous gifts added weight and dignity to the monastic virtues of Martin of Tours;®® but the palm of epis-

copal vigour and ability was justly claimed by the intrepid Ambrose.®^ He was descended from a noble family of Romans; his father had exercised the important office of Praetorian prnefect of Gaul; and the son, after passing through the studies of a liberal education, attained, in the regular gradation of civil honours, the station of consular of Liguria, a province wliich included the Imperial residence of Milan. At the age of thirty-four, and before he had received the sacrament of baptism, Ambrose, to his own surprise and to that of the world, was suddenly transformed from a governor to an archbishop. Without the least mixture, as it is said, of art or intrigue, the whole body of the people unanimously saluted him with the episcopal title; the concord and perseverance of their acclamations were ascribed to a preternatural impulse; and the reluctant magistrate was compelled to undertake a spiritual office for which he was not prepared by the habits and occupations of his former life. But the active force of his genius soon qualified him to exercise, with zeal and prudence, the duties of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and while he cheerfully renounced the vain and splendid trappings of temporal greatness, he condescended, for the good of the church, to direct the conscience of the emperors, and to control the administration of the empire: Gratian loved and revered him as a father; and the elaborate treatise on the faith of the Trinity was designed for the instruction of the young prince. After his tragic death, at a time when the empress Justina trembled for her own safety, and for that of her son Valenti nian, the archbishop of Milan was despatched on two different embassies to the court of Treves. He exercised, with equal firmness and dexterity, the powers of his spiritual and political characters; and perhaps contributed, by his authority and eloquence, to check the ambition of Maximus, and to protect the peace of Italy.®* Ambrose had devoted his life and his abilities to the service of the church. Wealth was the object of his

contempt; he had renounced his private patrimony; and he sold, without hesitation, the consecrated plate for the redemption of captives. The clergy and people of Milan were attached to their archbishop; and he deserved the esteem, without soliciting the favour, or apprehending the displeasure, of his feeble sovereigns.

Roman Empire The government

of Italy,

and of the young

emperor, naturally devolved to his mother Justina, a woman of beauty and spirit, but who, in the midst of an orthodox people, had the misfortune of professing the Arian heresy, which she endeavoured to instil into the mind of her son. Justina was persuaded that a Roman emperor might claim, in his own dominions, the public exercise of his religion; and she proposed to the archbishop, as a moderate and reasonable concession, that he should resign the use of a single church, either in the city or suburbs of Milan. But the conduct of Ambrose was governed by very different principles.*® The palaces of the earth might indeed belong to Csesar, but the churches were houses of God; and, within the limits of his diocese, he himself, as the lawful successor of the apostles, was the only minister of God. The privileges of Christianity, temporal as well as spiritual, were confined to the true believers;

and the mind of Ambrose was

own

that his

satisfied

theological opinions were

the

standard of truth and orthodoxy. The archbishop, who refused to hold any conference or negotiation with the insirumenls of Satan, declared, with modest firmness, his resolution to die a martyr rather than to >ield to the impious

and Justina, who resented the refusal an act of insolence and icbellion, hastily de-

sacrilege;

as

termined to exert the Imperial prerogative of her son. As she desired to peiform her public devotions on the approaching festival of Easter, Ambrose was ordered to appear lx*foie the council. He obeyed the summons with the rcspc‘ct of a faithful subject, but he was followed, without his consent, by an innumerable people: they pressed, with impetuous zeal, against the gales of the palace ; and the affrighted ministers of Valentinian, instead of pronouncing a sentence of exile on the archbishop of Milan, hum-

bly requested that he would interpose his authority to protect the person of the emperor,

and

to restore the tranquillity of the capital.

But the promises which Ambrose received and communicated were soon violated by a perfidious court; and, during six of the most solemn days which Christian piety has set apart for the exercise of religion, the city was agitated by the irregular convulsions of tumult

The

prepare,

new.

and

fanaticism.

household wera directed to the Portian, and afterwards the

officers of the first

immediate reception of the emperor and his mother. The splendid canopy and hangings of the royal seat were arranged in the customary manner; but it was found necessary to defend them, by a strong guard, from Basilica^ for the

The Twenty-seventh Chapter the insults of the populace. The Arian ccclesiastics who ventured to show themselves in the

were exposed to the most imminent danger of their lives; and Ambrose enjoyed the merit and reputation of rescuing his personal enemies from the hands of the enraged multistreets

tude.

But while he laboured to restrain the effects of their zeal, the pathetic vehemence of his scr-

mons tious

continually inflamed the angry and seditemper of the people of Milan. The char-

acters of Eve, of the wife of Job, of Jezebel, of

Hcrodias, were indecently applied to the mothand her desire to obtain a church for the Arians was compared to the most cruel persecutions which Chiistianity had endured under the reign of Paganism. The measures of the court served only to expose the magnitude of the evil. A fine of two hundred pounds of gold was imposed on the corporate body of merchants and manufacturers: an order er of the emperor;

was signified, in the name of the emperor, to all the officers and inferior servants of the courts of justice, that, during the continuance of the public disorders, they should strictly confine themselves to their houses; and the ministers of Valentinian imprudently confessed that the most respectable part of the citizens of Milan was attached to the cause of their archbishop, fie was again solicited to restore peace to his country, by a timely compliance with the will of his sovereign. The reply of Ambrose was couched in the most

humble and

respiectful terms,

which

might, however, be interpreted as a serious declaration of civil war. “His life and fortune were in the hands of the emperor; but he would never betray the church of Christ, or degrade the dignity of the episcopal character. In such a cause he was prepared to suffer whatever the malice of the dacmaii could inflict; and he only wished to die in the presence of his faithful flock, and at the foot of the altar; he had not contributed to excite, but it was in the power of God alone to appease, the rage of the people: he deprecated the scenes of blood and confusion which were likely to ensue; and it was his fervent prayer that he might not survive to behold the riiin of a flourishing city, and perhaps the desolation of all Italy.”** The obstinate bigotry of Justina would have endangered the empire of her son, if, in this contest with the church and

people of Milan, she could have depended on the active obedience of the troops of the palace. A large body of Goths had marched to occupy the BasUica^ which was the object of the dispute: and it might be expected from the Arian prin-

445

dples and barbarous manners of these foreign mercenaries, that they would not entertain any scruples in the execution of the most sanguinary orders. They were encountered on the sacred threshold by the archbishop, who, thundering against them a sentence of excommunication, asked them, in the tone of a father and a master, Whether it was to invade the house of God that they had implored the hospitable protection of the republic?

The suspense of the barbarians al-

lowed some hours for a more effectual negotiation; and the empress was persuaded by the advice of her wisest counsellors to leave the catholics in

and

possession of all the churches of Milan;

till a more convenient season, her intentions of revenge. The mother of Valentinian could never forgive the triumph of Ambrose; and the royal youth uttered a passionate exclamation, that his own servants were ready to betray him into the hands of an insolent priest. The laws of the empire, some of which were inscribed with the name of Valent inian, still condemned the Arian heresy, and seemed to excuse the resistance of the catholics. By the influence of Justina, an edict of toleration was promulgated in all the provinces which were subject to the court of Milan the free exercise of their religion was granted to those who professed the faith of Rimini; and the emperor declared that all persons who should infringe this sacred and salutary constitution should be capitally punished, as the enemies of the public peace.** The character and language of the archbishop of Milan may justify the suspicion that his conduct soon afforded a reasonable ground, or at least a specious pretence, to the Arian ministers, who watched the opportunity of surprising him in some act of disobedience to a law which he strangely represents as a law of blood and tyranny. A sentence of easy and honourable banishment was pronounced, which enjoined Ambrose to depart from Milan witliout delay, whilst it permitted him to choose the place of his exile and the number of his companions. But the authority of the saints, who have preached and practised the maxims of passive loyalty, appeared to Ambrose of less moment than the extreme and pressing danger of the church. He boldly refused to obey; and his refusal was supported by the unanimous con-

to dissemble,

;

sent of his faithful people.**

They guarded by

turns the person of their archbishop; the gates of the cathedral and the episcopal palace were strongly secured; and the Imperial troops, who had formed the blockade, were unwilling to risk

the attack of that impregnable fortress.

The

Decline and Fall of the

446

Roman Empire

numerous poor, who had been relieved by the Ambrose, embraced the fair occa* sion of signalising their zeal and gratitude; and as the patience of the multitude might have been exhausted by the length and uniformity of nocturnal vigils, he prudently introduced into the church of Milan the useful institution of a loud and regular psalmody. While he main* tained this aiduous contest, he was instructed, by a dream, to open the earth in a place where the remains of two martyrs, Gervasius and Pro* tasius,*^ had been deposited above three hundred years. Immediately under the pavement of the church two perfect skeletons were found,*® with the heads separated from their bodies, and

which he extorted^

a plentiful effusion of blood. The holy relics were presented, in solemn pomp, to the venera-

tration of Ambrose

liberality of

and every circumstance of was admirably adapted to promote the designs of Ambrose, llie bones tion o( the people;

this fortunate discovery

of the martyrs, their blood, their garments, were supposed to contain a healing power; and the preternatural influence was communicated to the most distant objects, without losing any part of its original virtue. The extraordinary cure of a blind man,** and the reluctant confessions of several daemoniacs, appeared to justify the faith and sanctity of Ambrose; and the truth of those miracles is attested by Ambrose himself,

by

his secretary Paulinus,

proselyte, the celebrated Augustin,

and by his who, at that

time, professed the art of rhetoric in Milan. The reason of the present age may possibly approve the incredulity of Justina and her Arian court, * who derided the theatrical representations which were exhibited by the contrivance, and at the expense, of the archbishop.^® Their effect, however, on the minds of the people, was rapid and irresistible; and the feeble sovereign of Italy found himself unable to contend with the favourite of Heaven. The powers likewise of the earth interposed in the defence of Ambrose: the disinterested advice of Theodosius was the genuine result of piety and friendship; and the mask of religious zeal concealed the hostile and ambitious designs of the tyrant of Gaul.^^ The reign of Maximus might have ended in peace and prosperity, could he have contedted himself with the possession of three ample countries, which now constitute the three most flourishing kingdoms of modem Europe. But the aspiring usurper, whose sordid ambition was not dignified by the love of glory and of arms, considered his actual forces as the instruments only

he received, with perfidious smiles, Domninus of Syria, the ambassador of Valentinian, and pressed him to accept the aid of a considerable body of troops for the service of a Pannonian war. The pene-

sistance, the passes of the Alps,

had discovered the snares of an enemy under the professions of friendship;^* but the Syrian Domninus was corrupted or deceived by the liberal favour of the court of Treves; and the council of Milan obstinately rejected the suspicion of danger with a blind confi-

dence, which was the eflect not of courage, but The march of the auxiliaries was guided

of fear.

by the ambassador; and they were admitted, without distrust, into the fortresses of the Alps. But the crafty tyrant followed, with hasty and silent footsteps, in the rear; and as he diligently intercepted

all intelligence

of his motions, the

gleam of armour and the dust excited by the troops of cavalry first announced the hostile approach of a stranger to the gates of Milan. In this extremity, Justina and her sonlhight accuse their own imprudence and the perfidious arts of Maximus; but they wanted time, and force, and resolution to stand against the Gauls and Germans, either in the field or within the walls of a large and disaffected city. Flight was their only hope; Aquileia their only refuge: and, as Maxi-

mus now

displayed his genuine character, the brother of Gratian might expect the same fate from the hands of the same assassin. Maximus entered Milan in triumph; and if the wise archbishop refused a dangerous and criminal connection with the usurper, he might indirectly contribute to the success of his armsi>y inculcating from the pulpit the duty of resignation rather than that of resistance.^* The unfortunate Justina reached Aquileia in safety;>but she distrusted the strength of the fortifications; she dreaded the event of a siege ; and she resolved to implore the protection of the great Theodosius, whose power and virtue were celebrated in all the countries of the West vessel Was secretly provided to transport the Imperial family; they

A

was the

embarked with precipitation in one of the ol^

immediate cause of his destruction. The wealth

scure harbours of Venetia, or Istria; traversed

of his

fiiture greatness,

and

firom the oppressed prov-

and Britain, was employed in levying and maintaining a formidable army of barbarians, collected, for the most part, from the fiercest nations of Germany. The conquest of Italy was the object of his hopes and preparations; and he secretly meditated the ruin of an innocent youth, whose government was abhorred and despised by his catholic subjects. But as Maximus wished to occupy, without reinoes of Gaul, SpNiin,

his success

The Twenty-seventh Chapter the whole extent of the Hadriatic and Ionian seas; turned the extreme promontory of Peloponnesus; and, after a long but successful navigation, reposed themselves in the port of Thessalonica. All the subjects of Valentinian deserted the cause of a prince who, by his abdication, had absolved them from the duty of allegiance; the little city of ^Emona, on the verge of had not presumed to stop the career of his inglorious victory, Maximus would have obtained without a struggle the sole possession of the Western empire.

and

if

Italy,

Instead of inviting his royal guests to the palace of Constantinople, Theodosius had some unknown reasons to fix their residence at Thessalonica; but these reasons did not proceed from contempt or indifference, as he speedily made a visit to that city, accompanied by the greatest part of his court and senate. After the first tender expressions of friendship and sympathy, the pious emperor of the East gently admonished Justina that the guilt of heresy was sometimes punished in this world as well as in the next; and that the public profession of the Nicene faith would be the most efficacious step to promote the restoration of her son, by the satisfaction which it must occasion both on earth and in heaven. The momentous question of peace or war was referred by Theodosius to the deliberation of his council; and the arguments which might be alleged on the side of honour and justice had acquired, since the death of Gratian, a considerable degree of additional weight. The persecution of the Imperial family, to which Theodosius himself had been indebted for his fortune, was now aggravated by recent and repeated injuries. Neither oaths nor treaties could restrain the boundless ambition of Maximus; and the delay of vigorous and decisive measures, instead of prolonging the blessings of peace, would expose the Eastern empire to the danger of an hostile invasion. The barbarians who had passed the Danube had lately assumed the character of soldiers and subjects, but their native fierceness was yet untamed; and the operations of a war, which would exercise their valour and diminish their numbers, might tend to relieve the provinces from an intolerable oppression. Notwithstanding these spe-

and solid reasons, which were approved by a majority of the council, Theodosius still hesitated whether be should draw the sword in a contest which could no longer admit any terms of reconciliation; and his magnanimous character was not disgraced by the smprehensions which he felt for the safety of his inmnt sons, and cious

447

the welfare of his exhausted people. In this moment of anxious doubt, while the fate of the Roman world depended on the resolution of a single man, the charms of the princess Galla most poweifully pleaded the cause of her Ixrother Valentinian.^* The heart of Theodosius was softened by the tears of beauty; his affections vrere insensibly engaged by the graces of youth and innocence; the art of Justina managed and directed the impulse of passion; and the celebration of the royal nuptials was the assurance and signal of the civil war. The unfeeling critics, who consider every amorous weakness as an indelible stain on the memory of a great and orthodox emperor, are inclined on this occasion to dispute the suspicious evidence of the historian Zosimus. For my own part, I shall frankly confess that I am willing to find, or even to 8^, in the revolutions of the world some traces of the mild and tender sentiments of domestic life; and amidst the crowd of fierce and ambitious conquerors, I can distinguish, with peculiar complacency, a gentle hero who may be

supposed to receive his armour from the hands of love. The alliance of the Persian king was seciued by the faith of treaties; the martial barbarians were persuaded to follow the standard or to respect the frontiers of an active and liberal monarch; and the dominions of Theodosius, from the Euphrates to the Hadriatic, resounded with the prep 2u*ations of war both by land and sea. The skilful disposition of the forces of the East seemed to multiply their

num-

and distracted the attention of Maximus. He had reason to fear that a chosen body of troops, under the command of the intrepid Arbogastes, would direct their march along the banks of the Danube, and boldly penetrate bers,

through the Rhaetian provinces into the centre A powerful fleet was equipped in the harbours of Greece and Epirus, with an apparent design that, as soon as the passage had been opened by a naval victory, Valentinian and his mother should land in Italy, proceed without delay to Rome, and occupy the majestic seat of religion and empire. In the meanwhile Theodosius himself advanced, at the head of a brave and disciplined army, to encounter his unworthy rival, who, after the siege of iEmona, had fixed his camp in the neighbourhood of Siscia, a city of Pannonia, strongly fortified by the broad and rapid stream of the Save. The veterans, who still remembered the long of Gaul.

and successive resources, of the tyrant Magnentius, might prepare themselves for the labours of three bloody campaigns. But die

resistance,

oontest with his successor, who, like him, had usurped the throne of the West, was easily de-

cided in the term of two months,^* and within the space of two hundred miles. The superior genius of the emperor of the East might prevail over the feeble Maximus, who in this important crisis showed himself destitute of military skill or personal courage; but the abilities of Theodosius were seconded by the advantage which he possessed of a numerous and active cavalry. The Huns,earance would be salutary to a distressed world ; and that they had made choice of Lucian to inform the bishop of Jerusalem of their situation and their wishes. The doubts and difficulties which still retarded this important discovery were successively removed by new visions; and the ground was opened by the bishop, in the presence of an innumerable multitude. The coffins of Gamaliel, of his son, and of his friend, were found in regular order; but when the fourth coffin, which contained the remains of Stephen, was shown to the light, the earth trembled, and an odour such as that of Paradise was smelt, which instantly cured the various diseases of seventy-three of the assistants. The companions of Stephen were left in their peaceful residence of Caphargamala; but the relics of the first martyr were transported, in . solemn procession, to a church constructed in their honour on Mount Sion; arid the minute particles of those relics, a drop of blood, or the scrapings of a bone, were acknowledged, in almost every province of the Roman world, to possess a divine and miraculous virtue. The grave and learned Augustin,^ whose understanding scarcely admits the excuse of credulity, has attested the innumerable prodigies which were performed in Africa by the relics of St.

Steph^; and

marvellous narrative is inwork of the City of God, which the bishop of Hippo designed as a solid and immortal proof of the truth of Ghristiaiiity. Augustin solemnly declares that he has selected those miracles only which were publicly certified by the persons who were either the objects, or the spectators, of the power of the martyr. Many f»tKligies were omitted or forgotten; and Hippo had been less favourably treated than the other cities of the province. And yet the bishop enumerates above seventy miracles, of this

serted in the elaborate

Roman Empire

which three were resurrections from the dead, in the space of two years, and within the limits of his own diocese.^® If we enlarge our view to all the diocese, and all the saints, of the Christian world, fables,

it

will not be easy to calculate the

and the errors, which issued from this in-

we may surely be allowed to observe that a miracle, in that age of

exhaustible source. But superstition

and

credulity, lost

its

name and

its

could scarcely be considered as a deviation from the ordinary and established laws of nature. 111. The innumerable miracles, of which the tombs of the martyrs were the perpetual theatre, revealed to the pious believer the actual state and constitution of the invisible world; and his religious speculations appeared to be founded merit, since

it

on the firm basis of fact and experience. Whatever might be the condition of vulgar souls in the long interval between the dissolution and the resurrection of their bodies, it was evident that the superior spirits of the saints and martyrs did not consume that portion of their existence in silent and inglorious sleep. It was evident (without presuming to determine the place of their habitation, or the nature of their felicity) that they enjoyed the lively and active consciousness of their happiness, their virtue,

and

their

powers; and that they had already secured the possession of their eternal reward. The enlarge-

ment of their intellectual

faculties surpassed the

measure of the human imaginationv^ince it was proved by experience that they were capable of hearing and understanding the various petitions of their numerous votaries, who, in the same moment of time, but in the most distant parts of the world, invoked the name and assistance of Stephen or of Martin.®* The confidence of their petitioners was founded on the persuasion that the saints, who reigned with Christ, cast an eye of pity upon earth; that they were warmly interested in the prosperity of the Catholic church; and that the individuals who imitated the example of their faith and piety were the peculiar and favourite objects of their most tender regard. Sometimes, indeed, their friendship might be influenced by considerations of a less exalted kind: they viewed with partial afgxtion the places which had been consecrate^ by their birth, their residence, their death, their burial, or the possession of their relics. The meaner passions of pride, avarice, and revenge, may be deemed unworthy of a celestial breast; yet the saints themselves condescended to testify their gratefu* approbation of the liberality of their votaries; and the sharpest bolts of punishment

The Twenty-eighth Chapter were hurled against those impious wretches who violated their magnificent shrines, or disbelieved their supernatural power.*’ Atrocious, indeed, must have been the guilt, and strange would have been the scepticism, of those men, if they had obstinately resisted the proofs of a divine agency, which the elements, the whole range of the animal creation, and even the subtle and invisible operations of the human mind, were

compelled to obey.” The immediate, and almost instantaneous, effects, that were supposed to follow the prayer, or the offence, satisfied the Christians of the ample measure of favour and authority which the saints enjoyed in the presence of the Supreme God; and it seemed almost superfluous to inquire whether they were continually obliged to intercede before the throne of grace, or whether they might not be permitted to exercise, according to the dictates of their benevolence and justice, the delegated powers of their subordinate ministry. The imagination, which had been raised by a painful effort to the contemplation and worship of the Universal Cause, eagerly cmbi-arH such inferior objects of adoration as were more proportioned to its gross conceptions and imperfect faculties. The sublime and simple theology of the primitive Christians was gradually corrupted: and the MONARCHY of hcavcn, already clouded by metaphysical subtleties, was degraded by the introduction of a popular mythology which tended to restore the reign of polytheism.®* IV. As the objects of religion were gradually reduced to the standard of the imagination, the rites and ceremonies were introduced that seemed most powerfully to affect the senses of the vulgar. If, in the beginning of the fifth century,®® Tertullian, or Lactantius,” had been suddenly raised from the dead, to assist at the festival of some popular saint or martyr,®® they would have gazed with astonishment and indignation on the profane spectacle which had succeeded to the pure and spiritual worship of a Christian congregation. As soon as the doors of the church were thrown open, they must have been offended by the smoke of incense, the perfume of flowers, and the glare of lamps and tapers, which diffused, at noon-day, a gaudy, superfluous, and, in their opinion, a sacrilegious light. If they approached the balustrade of the

467

they made their way through the prostrate crowd, consisting, for the most part, of altar,

strangers and pilgrims, who resorted to the city on the vigil of the feast; and who already felt the strong intoxication of fanaticism, and, perhaps, of wine. Their devout kisses were imprinted on the walls and pavement of the sacred edifice ; and their fervent prayers were directed,

whatever might be the language of their church, to the bones, the blood, or the ashes of the saint,

which were usually concealed, by a linen or silken veil, from the eyes of the vulgar. The Christians frequented the tombs of the martyrs, in the hope of obtaining, from their powerful intercession, every sort of spiritual, but more especially of temporal, blessings.

They implored

the preservation of their health, or the cure of their infirmities; the fruitfulness of their barren wives, or the safety and happiness of their children. Whenever they undertook any distant or dangerous journe^ they requested that the holy martyrs would be their guides and protectors on the road ; and if they returned without having experienced any misfortune, they again hastened to the tombs of the martyrs, to celebrate, with grateful thanksgivings, their oUigations to the memory and relics of those heavenly patrons. The walls were hung round with syml^ls of the favours which they had received; eyes, and hands, and feet, of gold and silver: and edifying pictures, which could not long escape the abuse of indiscreet or idolatrous devotion, represented the image, the attributes, and the miracles of the tutelar saint. The same uniform original spirit of superstition might suggest, in the most distant ages and countries, the same methods of deceiving the credulity, and of affecting the senses of mankind:®® but it must ingenuously be confessed that the minbters of the catholic church imitated the profane model which they were impatient to destroy. The most respectable bishops had persuaded themselves that the ignorant rustics would more cheerfully renounce the superstitions of Paganism, if they found some resemblance, some compensation, in the bosom of Christianity. The religion of Constantine achieved, in less than a century, the final conquest of the Roman empire: but the victors themselves were insensibly subdued by the arts of their vanquished rivals.®®

CHAPTER XXIX Firud Division of the Roman Empire between the Sons of Theodosius. Reign ofArca~ dius and Horwrius. Administration of Rufinus and Stilicho. Revolt and Defeat of Gildo in Africa, he genius of Rome expired with Theodosius, the last of the successors of Augustus and Constantine who appeared in the field at the head of their armies, and %diose authority was universally acknowledged

T

generals and ministers had been accustomed to adore the majesty of the royal infants; and the army and people were not admonished of their rights, and of their power, by the dangerous example of a recent election. The gradual discov-

diroughout the whole extent of the empire,

ery of the weakness of Arcadius and Honorius, and the repeated calamities of their reign, were not sufficient to obliterate the deep and early impressions of loyalty. The subjects of Rome, who still reverenced the persons, or rather the names, of their sovereigns, beheld with equal abhorrence the rebels who opposed, and the ministers who abused, the authority of the

The memory of his virtues still continued, however, to protect the feeble

and inexperienced

youth of his two sons. After the death of their father, Arcadius and Honorius were saluted, by die unanimous consent of mankind, as the lawfill emperors of the East and of the West; and the oath of fidelity was eagerly taken by every order of the state; the senates of old and new Rome, the clergy, the magistrates, the soldiers, and the people. Arcadius, who then was about eighteen years of age, was born in Spain in the humble habitation of a private family. But he received a princely education in the palace of Constantinople; and his inglorious life was spent in that peaceful and splendid seat of royalty, from whence he appeared to reign over the provinces of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, from the Lower Danube to the confines of Persia and iCtheopia. His younger brother,* Honorius, assumed, in the eleventh year of his age, the nominal government of Italy, Africa, Gaul, Spain, and Britain; and the troops which guarded the frontiers of his kingdom were opposed, on one side, to the Caledonians, and on the other to the Moors. The great and martial praefccturc of Illyricum was divided between the two princes: the defence and possession of the provinces of Noricum, Pannonia, and Dalmatia, still belonged to the Western empire; but the two large dioceses of Dacia and Macedonia, which Grattan had intrusted to the valour of Theodosius, were for ever united to the empire of the East. The boundary in Europe was not very different from the line which now separates the Germans and the Turks; and the respective advantages of territory, riches, popu-

throne.

Theodosius had tarnished the glory of his reign by the elevation of Rufinus, an odious favourite, who in an age of civil and religious faction has deserved, from every party, the imputation of every crime. The strong impulse of ambition and avarice' had urged Rufinus to abandon his native country, an obscure corner of Gaul,* to advance his fortune in the capital of the East the talent of bold and reidy elocution* :

qualified

him to succeed in the lucrative and his success in that

sion of the law ;

profes-

profes-

was a regular step to the most honourable and important employments of the state. He was raised, by just degrees, to the station of

sion

master of the offices. In the exercise of his various functions, so essentially connected with the whole system of civil government, he acquired the confidence of a monarch who soon discovered his diligence and capacity in business, and who long remained ignorant of the pride, the malice, and the covetousness of his disposition, These vices were concealed beneath the mask of profound dissimulation;* his passiotls were subservient only to the passions of his master; yet,

in the horrid massacre of Thessalonica, the cruel Rufinus inflamed the fury, withoiit imitating the repentance, of Theodosius. The minister,

who viewed with proud

indifference the rest of

lousness,

and military strength, were fairly balanced and compensated in this final and perma-

mankind, never forgave the appt^arance of an injury; and his personal enemies had forfeited, in

nent division of the Roman empire. The hereditary sceptre of the sons of The^osius appeared to be the gift of nature and of their father; the

his opinion, the merit of all public services. Pro-

motus, the master-general of the infantry, had saved the empire from the invasion of the Ostro-

468

The Twenty-ninth Chapter

469

goths; but he indignantly supported the preeminence of a rival whose character and profes-

sume

sion he despised; and, in the midst of a public

praefects might p)erhaps be excused by the exceptionable parts of their own conduct; the enmity of Rufinus might be palliated by the jealous and unsociable nature of ambition. But

council, the impatient soldier

was provoked

to

a blow the indecent pride of the was represented to the emperor as an insult which it was incumbent on his dignity to resent. The disgrace and exile of Promotus were signified by a perempchastise with

favourite. This act of violence

tory order to repair without delay to a military

on the banks of the Danube; and the death of that general (though he was slain in a skirmish with the barbarians) was imputed to station

the perfidious arts of Rufinus.^

an hero

The

sacrihce of

honours of the consulship elated his vanity but his power gratified his revenge; the ;

was still imperfect and precarious

as long as the

important posts of prxfect of the East, and of praefect of Constantinople, were filled by Tatian® and his son Proculus, whose united authority balanced for some time the ambition and favour of the master of the offices. The two praefects were accused of rapine and corruption in the administration of he laws and finances. For

the miserable remnant of his old age in poverty and exile. ^ The punishment of the two

he indulged a spirit of revenge, equally repugnant to prudence and to justice, when he degraded their native country of Lycia from the rank of Roman provinces, stigmatised a guiltless p>eople with a mark of ignominy, and declared that the countrymen of Tatian and Proculus should for ever remain incapable of holding any employment of honour or advantage under the Imperial government.** The new prefect of the East (for Rufinus instantly succeeded to the vacant honours of his adversary) was not diverted, however, by the most criminal pursuits from the performance of the religious duties which in that age were considered as the most essential to^^vation. In the suburb of Chalccdon, surnamed the Oak^ he had built a magnificent villa, to which he devoutly added a stately church consecrated to the apostles St.

the trial of these illustrious offenders the emperor constituted a s]:)ecial commission: several judges were named to share the guilt and reproach of injustice; but the right of pronouncing sentence was reserved to the president alone,

Peter and St. Paul, and continually sanctified

The

and the baptism of the founder. This double ceremony was performed with extraordinary pomp; and when Rufinus was

and that president was Ruhnus

himself.

father, stripped of the pra*feciurc of the East,

was thrown

into a

dungeon; but the son, con-

scious that few ministers can be found innocent

where an enemy is their judge, had secretly escaped; and Rufinus must have been satisfied with the least obnoxious victim, if despotism had not condescended to employ the basest and most ungenerous artifice. The prosecution was conducted with an appearance of equity and moderation which flattered Tatiaii with the hope of a favourable event; his confidence was fortified by the solemn assurances and perfidious oaths of the pre.sident, who presumed to interpose the sacred name of Theodosius himself; and the unhappy father was at last persuaded to recall, by a private letter, the fugitive Proculus,

He was instantly seized, examined, condemned, and beheaded in one of the suburbs of Constantinople, with

a precipitation w'hich disappointed

the clemency of the emperor. Without respecting the misfortunes of a consular senator, the cruel judges of Tatian compelled

the execution of his son

:

him

to toehold

the fatal cord

was

fas-

tened round his own neck; but in the moment when he expected, and perhaps desired, the relief of a spe^y death, he was permitted to con-

by the prayers and penance of a regular society A numerous and almost general synod of the bishops of the Eastern empire was sumof monks.

moned to celebrate at the same time

the dedica-

tion of the church

from all the sins that he had hitherto committed, a venerable hermit of Egypt rashly proposed himself as the sponsor of a proud and ambitious statesman.* The character of Theodosius imposed on his

purified in the holy font

minister the task of hypocrisy, w^hich disguised, and sometimes restrained, the abuse of powder;

and Rufinus

w'as

apprehensive of disturbing the still capable of ex-

indolent slumber of a prince erting the abilities raised

him

and the virtue w^hich had But the absence, and

to the throne.^*

soon afterw'ards the death, of the cmp)cror confirmed the absolute authority of Rufinus over the person and dominions of Arcadius, a feeble youth, whom the imperious praefect considered as his pupil, rather than his sovereign. Regardless of the public opinion, he indulged his passions without remorse and without resistance; and his malignant and rapacious spirit rejected every passion that might have contributed to his own glory or the happiness of the people. His avarice,^^ which seems to have prevailed in his corrupt mind over every other sentiment, attracted the wealth of the East by the various

Decline and Fall of the

470

and general extoition-^oppres* scandalous bribery, immoderate fines, unjust confiscations, forced or fictitious testaments, by which the tyrant despoiled of their lawful inheritance the children of strangers or enemies; and the public sale of justice, as well as of favour, which he instituted in the palace of Constantinople. The ambitious candidate eagerly solicited, at the expense of the fairest part of his patrimony, the honours and emoluments of some provincial government; the lives and fixrtunes of the unhappy people were abandoned to the most liberal purchaser; and the public discontent was sometimes appeased by the sacrifice of an unpopular criminal, whose punishment was profitable only to the pradect of the East, his accomplice and his judge. If avarice were not the blindest of the human passions, the motives of Rufinus might excite our curiosity, and we might be tempted to inquire with what view he violated every principle of humanity and justice to accumulate those immense treasures which he could not spend without folly nor possess without danger. Perhaps he vainly imagined that he laboured for the interest of an only daughter, on whom he intended to bestow his royal pupil and the august rank of empress of the East. Perhaps he deceived himself by the opinion that his avarice was the instrument of his ambition. He aspired to place his fortune on a secure and independent basis, which should no longer depend on the caprice of the young emperor; yet he neglected to conciliate the hearts of the soldiers and peo- • pie by the liberal distribution of those riches which he had acquired with so fnuch toil and with so much guilt. The extreme parsimony of Rufinus left him only the reproach and envy of ill-gotten wealth; his dependents served him without attachment; the universal hatred of mankind was repressed only by the influence of servile fear. The fate of Lucian proclaimed to the East that the praefect, whose industry was much abated in the despatch of ordinary busiarts of partial

sive

taxes,

ness, was active and indefatigable in the purauit of revenge. Lucian, the son of the praefect Florenthis, the oppressor of Gaul and the enemy of Julian, had employed a considerable part ol his inheritance, the fruit of rapine and corruption, to purchase the friendship of Rufinus and the high office of count of the East. But the new magistrate imprudently departed from the maxims of the court and of the times, disgraced his benefactor by the contrast of a virtuous and temperate administration, and presumed to re-

fuse

an act of injustice which might have tended

Roman Empire

to the profit of the emperor’s uncle. Arcadius was easily persuaded to resent the supposed in* suit; and the prasfect of the East resolved to exe-

cute in penion the cruel vengeance which he meditated against this ungrateful delegate of his power. He performed with incessant speed the journey of seven or eight hundred miles from Constantinople to Antioch, entered the capital of Syria at the dead of night, and spread universal consternation among a people ignorant of his design, but not ignorant of his character. The count of the fifteen provinces of the East was dragged, like the vilest malefactor, before the arbitrary tribunal of Rufinus. Notwithstanding the clearest evidence of his integrity, which was not impeached even by the voice of an accuser, Lucian was condemned, almost without a trial, to suffer a cruel and ignominious punishment. The ministers of the tyrant, by the order and in the presence of their master, beat him on the neck with leather thongs armed at the extremities with lead; and when he fainted under the violence of the pain, he was removed in a close litter to conceal his dying agonies from the eyes of the indignant city. No sooner had Rufinus perpetrated this inhuman act, the sole object of his expedition, than he returned, amidst the deep and silent curses of a trembling people, from Antioch to Ck>nstantinoplc and his diligence was accelerated by the hope of accomplishing, without delay, the nuptials of his daughter ^ith the emperor of the East.'* But Rufinus soon experienced that a prudent minister should constantly secure his royal captive by the strong, though invisible, chain of habit; and that the merit, and much more easily the favour of the absent, are obliterated in a short time from the mind of a weak and capricious sovereign. While the praefect satiated his revenge at Antioch, a secret conspiracy of the favourite eunuchs, directed by the great chamberlain Eutropius, undermined his power in the palace of Constantinople. They discovered that Arcadius was not inclined to love the daughter of Rufinus, who had been chosen irithout his consent for his bride, and they contrived to substitute in her place the fair Eudoxia,>^the daugh;

ter of Bauto,'*

service of

a general of the Franks in the

Rome, and who was cdu^ted,

since

the death of her father, in the family of the sons of Promotus. The young emperor, whose chas-

had been strictly guarded by th^ pious care of his tutor Arsenius,'^ eagerly listened to the artful and flattering descriptions of the charms of Eudexia; he gazed with impatient ardour on

tity

1

The Twenty-ninth Chapter

47

her picture, and he undemood the necessity of concealing his amorous designs from the knowledge of a minister who was so deeply interested

of Rufinus seemed to justify the accusations that be conspired against the person of his sovereign to seat himself on the vacant throne; and ttat

consummation of Us happiness. Soon after the return of Rufinus, the approaching ceremony of the royal nuptials was announced to the people of Constantinople, who prepared to celebrate with false and hollow ac-

he had secretly invited the Huns and the Goths to invade the provinces of the empire and to in-

to oppxise the

A

splenclamations the fortune of his daughter. did train of eunuchs and officers issued, in hymeneal pomp, from the gates of the palace, bearing aloft the diadem, the robes, and the inestimable ornaments of the future empress. The solemn procession passed through the streets of the city, which were adorned with garlands and filled with spectators; but when it reached the house of the sons of Promotus, the principal eunuch respectfully entered the mansion, invested the fair Eudoxia with the Imperial robes, and conducted her in triumph to the palace and bed of Arcadius,^* The secrecy and success with which this conspiracy against Rufinus had been conducted imprinted a mark of indelible ridicule on the character (xf « minister who had suffered himself to be deceived, in a post where the arts of deceit and dissimulation constitute the most distinguished merit. He considered, with a mixture of indignation and fear, the victory of an aspiring eunuch who had secretly captivated the favour of his sovereign; and the disgrace of his daughter, whose interest was inseparably connected with his own, wounded the tenderness, or at least the pride, of Rufinus. At the moment when he flattered himself that he should become the father of a line of kings, a foreign maid, who had been educated in the house of his implacable enemies, was introduced into the Imperial bed; and Eudoxia soon displayed a superiority of sense and spirit to improve the ascendant which her beauty must acquire over the mind of a fond and youthful husband. The emperor would soon be instructed to hate, to fear, and to destroy the powerful subject whom he had injured; and the consciousness of guilt deprived Rufinus of every hope, either of safety or comfort, in the retirement of a private life. But he still pxMsessed the modt effectual means of defending his dignity, and perhaps of oppressing his enemies. The precfect still exercised an uncontrolled authority over the civil and military government of the East; and his treasures, if he could resolve to use them, might be employed to procure proper instruments for the execution of the blackest designs that pride, ambition, and revenge could suggest to a desperate statesman. The character

crease the public confusion.

The subtle praefect,

had been spent in the intrigues of the palace, opposed with equal arms the artful measures of the eunuch Eutropius; but the timid soul of Rufinus was astonished by the hostile approach of a more formidable rival, of the whose

life

great Stilicho, the general, or rather the master,

of the empire of the West.'*

The celestial gift, which Achilles obtained, and Alexander envied, of a poet worthy to celebrate the actions of heroes, has been enjoyed by a much higher degree than might have been expected from the declining state of genius and of art. The muse of Claudian,” devoted to his service, was always prepared to stigmatise his adv&saries, Rufinus or Eutropius, with eternal infamy; or to paint, in the most splendid colours, the victories and virtues of a powerful benefactor. In the review of a period indifTcrentiy supplied with authentic materials, we cannot refuse to illustrate the annals of Honorius from the invectives, or the panegyrics, of a contemporary writer; but as Claudian appears to have indulged the most ample privilege of a poet and a courtier, some criticism will be requisite to translate the language of fiction Stilicho, in

or exaggeration into the truth and simplicity of historic prose. His silence concerning the family of Stilicho may be admitted as a proof that his patron was neither able nor desirous to boast of a long series of illustrious progenitors, and the slight mention of his father, an officer of barbarian cavalry in the service of Valens, seems to countenance the assertion that the general who so long commanded the armies of Rome was descended from the savage and perfidious race of the Vandab.'* If Stilicho had not possessed the external advantages of strength and stature, the most flattering bard, in the presence of so

many thousand

spectators,

would have

hesi-

tated to affirm that he surpassed the measure of

the demi-gods of antiquity; and that, whenever he moved, with lofty steps, through the streets of the capital, the astonished crowd made the stranger, who displayed, in a private condition, the awful majesty of a hero. From his earliest youth he embraced the pro-

room for

fession of arms; his prudence and valour were soon distinguished in the field; the horsemen and archers of the East admired his superior dexterity; and in each degree of his military

Decline and Fall of the

473

recommended to Stilicho the care of his sons and of the republic.’^ The ambition and the

promotions, the public judgment always pre« vented and approved the choice of the soverdign* He was named by Theodosius to ratify a solemn treaty with the monarch of Persia: he supported, during that important embassy, the

abilities of Stilicho were not unequal to the important trust; and he claimed the guardianship of the two empires during the minority of Arcadius and Honorius.^® The first measure of his administration, or rather of his reign, displayed to the nations the vigour and activity of a spirit worthy to command. He passed the Alps in the depth of winter; descended the stream of the Rhine, from the fortress of Basel to the marshes of Batavia; reviewed the state of the garrisons; repressed the enterprises of the Germans; and, after establishing along the banks a firm and honourable peace, returned with incredible speed to the palace of Milan.^' The person and court of Honorius were subject to the mastergeneral of the West; and the armies and provinces of Europe obeyed, without hesitation, a regular authority, which was exercised in the name of their young sovereign. Two rivals only remained to dispute the claims, and to provoke the vengeance, of Stilicho. Within the limits of Africa, Gildo, the Moor, maintained a proud and dangerous independence; and the minister of Constantinople asserted his equal reign over the emperor and the empire of the East.

dignity of the Roman name; and after his return to CSonstantinople his merit was rewarded by an intimate and honourable alliance with Impierial family. Theodosius had been prompted, by a pious motive of fraternal ailection, to adopt, for his own, the daughter of his brother Honorius; the beauty and accomplishments of Serena^* were universally admired by

the

the obsequious court; and Stilicho obtained the preference over a crowd of rivals who ambitiously disputed the hand of the princess, and the favour of her adoptive father.^® The assurance that the husband of Serena would be faithful to the throne which he was permitted to approach engaged the emperor to exalt the fortunes, and to employ the abilities, of the sagacious and intrepid Stilicho. He rose through the successive steps of master of the horse, and count of the domestics, to the supreme rank of master-general of all the cavalry and infantry of the Roman, or at least of the Western, empire;^ and his enemies confessed that he invariably disdained to barter for gold the rewards of merit, or to defraud the soldiers of the pay and gratifications which they deserved or claimed from the liberality of the state.^ The valour and conduct which he afterwards displayed in the defence of Italy against the arms of Alaric and Radagaisus may justify the fame of his early achievements; and in an age less attentive to the laws of honour or of pride, th£ Roman generals might yield the pre-eminence of rank to the ascendant of superior genius.^’ He lamented and revenged the murder of Promotus, his rival and his friend; and the massacre of many thousands of the flying Bastarnae is represented by the poet as a bloody sacrifice which the Roman Achilles offered to the names of another Patroclus.

The

virtues

and

victories of Stilicho

deserved the hatred of Rufinus: and the arts of

calumny might have been successful, if the tender and vigilant Serena had not protected her husband against his domestic foes, whilst he vanquished in the field the enemies of the empire.^ Theodosius continued to support an unworthy minister, to whose diligence he delegated the government of the palace and of the East; but when he marched against the tyrant Eugenius, he associated his faithful general to the labours and glories of the civil war; and in the last moments of his life the dying monarch

Roman Empire

The the

impartiality which Stilicho affected, as

common guardian of the royal

brothers, en-

gaged him to regulate the equal division of the arms, the jewels, and the magnificent wardrobe and furniture of the deceased cinj!)cror.** But the most important object of the inheritance '

consisted of the

numerous

legions, cohorts,

and

squadrons, of Romans or barbarians, whom the event of the civil war had united under the standard of Theodosius. The various multitudes of Europe and Asia, exasperated by recent animosities, were overawed by the authority of a single man; and the rigid discipline of Stilicho protected the lands of the citizen from the rapine of the licentious soldier.^ Anxious, however, and impatient to relieve Italy from the presence of this formidable host, which could be useful only on the frontiers of the empire, he listened to the just requisition of the minister of Arcadius, declared his intention of reconducting in person the troops of the East, and dexterously employed the rumour of a Gothic tumult to conceal his private designs of ambitidn and revenge.*® The guilty soul of Rufinus was alarmed by the approach of a warrior and a rival whose enmity he deserved; he computedi with increasing terror, the narrow space of his life and greatness; and, as the last hope of safety, he interposed the authority of the emperor Arcadius.

The Twenty«ninth Chapter Stilicho,

who

appears to have directed his

march along the sea-coast of the

Hadriatic, was not far distant from the city of Thessalonica when he received a peremptory message to recall the troops of the East, and to declare that his nearer approach would be considered, by the Byzantine court, as an act of hostility. The prompt and unexpected obedience of the general of the West convinced the vulgar of his loyalty and moderation; and, as he had already engaged the affection of the Eastern troops, he recommended to their zeal the execution of his bloody design, which might be accomplished in his absence, with less danger perhaps, and with less reproach. Stilicho left the command of the troops of the East to Gainas, the Goth, on whose fidelity he firmly relied, with an assurance at least that the hardy barbarian would never be diverted from his purpose by any consideration of fear or remorse. The soldiers were easily persuaded to punish the enemy of Stilicho and of Rome; and such was the general hatred which Ruhnus had excited, that the fatal secret, com-

municated to thomands, was

faithfully pre-

served during the long march from Thessalonica to the gates of Constantinople. As soon as they had resolved his death, they condescended to flatter his pride ; the ambitious prsrfect was seduced to believe that those powerful auxiliaries might be tempted to place the diadem on his

head; and the treasures which he distributed with a tardy and reluctant hand were accepted by the indignant multitude as an insult rather than as a gift. At the distance of a mile from the capital, in the field of Mars, before the palace of Hebdomon, the troops halted; and the emperor, as well as his minister, advanced, according to ancient custom, respectfully to salute the power which supported their throne. As Ruhnus passed along the ranks, and disguised, with studied courtesy, his innate haughtiness, the

wings insensibly wheeled from the right and left, and enclosed the devoted victim within the circle of their arms. Before he could reflect on the danger of his situation, Gainas gave the signal of death; a daring and forward soldier plunged his sword into the breast of the guilty praErfcct, and Rufinus fell, groaned, and expired, at the feet of the afTrightcd emperor. If the agonies of a moment could expiate the crimes of a whole life, or if the outrages inflicted on a breathless corpse could be the object of pity, our humanity might perhaps he affected by the horrid circumstances w'hich accompanied the murder of Rufinus. His mangled

body was abandoned to the brutal fury of the

473

populace of either sex, who hastened in crowds, from every quarter of the city, to trample on the remains of the haughty minister, at whose frown they had so lately trembled. His right hand was cut off, and carried through the streets of Constantinople, in cruel mockery, to extort contributions for the avaricious tyrant,

whose head was publicly exposed, borne aloft on the point of a long lance. According to the savage maxims of the Greek republics, his innocent family would have shared the punishment of his crimes. The wife and daughter of Rufinus were indebted for their safety to the influence of religion. Her sanctuary protected them from the raging madness of the people; and they were penriitted to spend the remainder of their lives in the exercises of Christian devotion in the peaceful retirement of Jerusalem.®^

The

sc^rvile

poet oi Stilicho applauds with

fe-

rocious joy this horrid deed, which, in the execution, perhaps ofjustice, violated every law of

nature and society, profaned the majesty of the and renewed the dangerous examples of military licence. The contemplation of the universal order and harmony had satisfied Claudian of the existence of the Deity ; but the prosptTous impunity of vice appeared to contradict his moral attributes; and the fate of Rufinus was the only event which could dispel the religious doubts of the poet.®® Such an act might vindicate the honour of Providence ; but it did not much contribute to the happiness of the people. In less than three months they were informed of the maxims of the new administration, by a singular edict, which established the exclusive right of the treasury over the spoils of Rufinus; they silenced, under heavy penalties, the presumptuous claims of the subjects of the Eastern empire who had been injured by his rapacious tyranny.®^ Even Stilicho did not deprince,

from the murder of his rival the fruit which he had prop>osed; and though he gratified his revenge, his ambition was disappointed. Under the name of a favourite, the weakness of Arcadius required a master, but he naturally preferred the obsequious arts of the eunuch Eutropius, who had obtained his domestic confldence; and the emperor contemplated with terror and aversion the stem genius of a foreign warrior. Till they were divided by the jealousy of power, the sword of Gainas, and the charms of Eudoxia, supported the favour of the great chamberlain of the palace: the perfidious Goth, who was appointed master-general of the East, betrayed, without scruple, the interest of his benefactor; and the same troops who had so lately masrive

Decline and Fall of the

474

of Rome raised him to the dignity of a military count; the narrow policy of the court of Theodosius had adopted the mischievous expedient of supporting a legal government by the interest of a powerful family; and the brother of Firmus was invested with the command of Africa. His ambition soon usurped the administration of justice and of the finances, without account and without control; and he maintained, during a reign of twelve years, the possession of an office from which it was impossible to remove him without the danger of a civil war. During those twelve years the provinces of Africa groaned under the dominion of a tyrant who seemed to unite the unfeeling temper of a stranger with the partial resentments of domestic faction. The forms of law were often superseded by the use of poison; and if the trembling guests who were invited to the table of Gildo presumed to express their fears, the insolent suspicion served only to excite his fury, and he loudly summoned the ministers of death. Gildo alternately indulged the passions of avarice and

sacred the enemy of Stilicho were engaged to support, against him, the independence of the throne oi Ck>nstantinople. The favourites of Arcadius fomented a secret and irreconcilable war against a formidable hero, who aspired to govern and to defend the two empires of Rome and the two sons of Theodosius. They incessantly laboured, by dark and treacherous machinations, to deprive him of the esteem of the prince, the respect of the people, and the friendship of the l^barians. The life of Stilicho was repeatedly attempted by the dagger of hired assassins; and a decree was obtained from the senate of Constantinople, to declare him an enemy of the republic, and to confiscate his ample possessions in the provinces of the East. At a time when the only hope of delaying the ruin of

Roman name depended on the firm union and reciprocal aid of all the nations to whom it had been gradually communicated, the subjects of Arcadius and Honorius were instructed, by their respective masters, to view each other in a foreign and even hostile light; to rejoice in their mutual calamities; and to embrace, as the

their faithful allies, the barbarians

whom

lust; **

they

my design

will justify

of suspicnding the series of the By-

zantine history, to prosecute, without interruption, the disgraceful but memorable reign of Honorius.

The prudent

Stilicho, instead of persisting to

force the inclinations of a prince

and people

who rejected his government, wisely abandoned Arcadius to his unworthy favourites; and his reluctance to involve the two empires in a civil war displayed the moderation of a minister who

had so often

signalised his military spirit

and

But if Stilicho had any longer endured the revolt of Africa, he would have betrayed abilities.

the security of the capital, and the majesty of the Western emperor, to the capricious insolence of a Moorish rebel. Gildo,*^ the brother of

the tyrant Firmus, had preserved and obtained, as the reward of his apparent fidelity, the im«

mense patrimony which was

forfeited

by

trea-

son; long and meritorious service in the armies

if his

were not

The

days were terrible to the rich, less

dreadful to husbands and

and daughwere prostituted to the embraces of the tyrant; and afterwards abandoned to a ferocious parents.

fairest of their \vives

ters

spise the servile

duced the separation of two natidns,

and

his nights

excited to invade the territories of their countrymen.** The natives of Italy affected to de-

and effeminate Greeks of Byzantium, who presumed to imitate the dress, and to usurp the dignity, of Roman senators;** and the Greeks had not yet forgot the sentiments of hatred and contempt which their polished ancestors had so long entertained for the rude inhabitants of the West. The distinction of two governments, which soon pro-

Roman Empire

troop of barbarians and assassins, the black or

swarthy natives of the desert, whom Gildo considered as the only guardians of his throne. In the civil war between ThcodosiilS" and Eugenius, •

the count, or rather the sovereign of

Africa, maintained a

haughty and suspicious

neutrality; refused to assist either of the con-

tending parties with troops or vessels, expected the declaration of fortune, ahd reserved for the conqueror the vain professions of his allegiance.

Such

professions would not have satisfied the master of the Roman world: but the death of Theodosius, and the weakness and discord of his sons, confirmed the power of the Moor, who condescended, as a proof of his moderation, to abstain from the use of the diadem and to supply Rome with the customary tribute, or rather subsidy, of com. In every division «of the empire, the five provinces of Africa wer^ invariably assigned to the West; and Gildo ha^ consented to govern that extensive country in |he name of

Honorius; but his knowledge of

thl^

character

and designs of Stilicho soon engaged him to address his homage to a more distant and feeble sovereigpi. The ministers of Arcadiul embraced the cause of a perfidious rebel; and ffie delusive hope of adding the numerous cities of Africa to the empire of the East tempted them to assert a

The Twenty-ninth Chapter

475

claim which they were incapable of supporting either by reason or by arms.** When Stilicho had given a firm and decisive answer to the pretensions of the Byzantine court, he solemnly accused the tyrant of Africa before the tribunal which had formerly judged

he feared ; and Mascezel, oppressed by superior power, took refuge in the court of Milan; where he soon received the cruel intelligence that his two innocent and helpless children had been murdered by their inhuman unde. The afiliction of the father was suspended only by the de-

the kings and nations of the earth; and the image of the republic was revived, after a long interval, under the reign of Honorius. The emperor transmitted an accurate and ample detail of the complaints of the provinciab, and the crimes of Gildo, to the Roman senate; and the members of that venerable assembly were required to pronounce the condemnation of the rebel. Thrir unanimous suffrage declared him the enemy of the republic; and the decree of the senate added a sacred and legitimate sanc-

sire of revenge.

tion to the

Roman

remembered

arms.^*

A

people

that their ancestors

who

still

had been the

masters of the world would have applauded, with conscious pride, the representation of ancient freedom, if they had not long since been accustomed to prefer the solid assurance of bread to the unsubstantial visions of liberty and greatness. The subsistence of Rome depended on the harvests of Africa; and it was evident that a declaration of war would be the signal of famine. The praefect Symmachus, who presided in the deliberations of the senate, admonished the minister of his just apprehension that, as soon as the revengeful Moor should prohibit the exportation of corn, the tranquillity, and pel haps the safety, of the capital would be threatened by the hungry rage of a turbulent multitude. The prudence of Stilicho conceived, and executed without delay, the most edectual measure for the relief of the Roman people. A large and seasonable supply of corn, collected in the inland provinces of Gaul, was embarked on the rapid stream of the Rhone, and transported by an easy navigation from the Rhone to the Tiber. During the whole term of the African war, the granaries of Rome were continually filled, her dignity was vindicated from the humiliating dependence, and the minds of an immense people were quieted by the calm confidence of peace and plenty.** The cause of Rome, and the conduct of the African war, were intrusted by Stilicho to a general active and ardent to avenge his private injuries on the head of the tyrant. The spirit of discoru which prevailed in the house of Nabal had excited a deadly quarrel between two of liis sons, Gildo and Mascezel.** The usurper pursued, with implacable rage, the life of his

younger brother, whose courage and

abilities

The

vigilant Stilicho already

prepared to collect the naval and military forces of the Western empire; and he had resolved, if the tyrant should be able to wage an equal and doubtful war, to march against him in person. But as Italy required his presence, and as it might be dangerous to weaken the defence of the frontier, he judged it more advisable that Mascezel should attempt this arduous adventure at the head of a chosen body of Gallic veterans, who had lately served under the standard of Eugenius. These troops, who were exhorted to convince the world that they could subvert, as well as defend, tfae throne of an usurper, consisted of the JoDiariy the Hercuitariy and the Augustan legions; of the Servian auxiliaries; of the soldiers

who

symbol of a

displayed in their banners the and of the troops which were

lion;

distinguished by the auspicious nate

and

Inmnctble.

names of Fortu-

Yet such was the smallness of

their establishments, or the difficulty of recruiting, that these seven bands,** of high dignity and reputation in the service of Rome, amounted to no more than five thousand effective men.** The fleet of galleys and transports sailed in tempes-

tuous weather from the port of Pisa, in Tuscany, and steered their course to the little island of Capraria, which had borrowed that name from the wild goats, its original inhabitants, whose place was now occupied by a new colony of a strange and savage appearance.

“The whole

island (says

of those times)

men who

fly

from the

Monks or

an ingenious

is filled,

traveller

or rather defiled, by

light.

They

call

them-

because they choose to live alone, without any witnesses of their actions. They fear the gifts of fortune, from the apprehension of losing them; and, lest they should be miserable, they embrace a life of voluntary wretchedness. How absurd is their choice! how perverse their understanding! to dread the evils, without being able to support the blessings, of the human condition. Either this melancholy madness is the effect of disease, or else the consciousness of guilt urges these unhappy men to exercise on their owm bodies the tortures which are inflicted on fugitive slaves by the hand of justice.”** Such was the contempt of a profane magistrate for the monks of Capraria, who were revered by the pious Mascezd as selves

solitaries,

Decline and Fall of the

476

the chosen servants of God.*^

were persuaded, by his on board the fleet; and

Some

entreaties, to it is

them embark

of

observed, to the

praise of the

Roman

nights were

employed in prayer,

general, that his days

the occupation of singing psalms.

who with such a

fasting,

and and

The devout

reinforcement appeared confident of victory, avoided the dangerous rocks of Corsica, coasted along the eastern side of Sardinia, and secured his ships against the violence of the south wind, by casting anchor in the safe and capacious harbour of Cagliari, at the distance of one hundred and forty miles from the African shores. Gildo was prepared to resist the invasion with all the forces of Africa. By the libertent and random darts of the barbarians. Alaric disdained to trample any longer on the prostrate and ruined countries of Thrace* and Dacia, and he resolved to seek a plentiful harvest of fame and riches in a province which had hitherto escaped the ravages of war.® The character of the civil and military officers on whom Rufinus had devolved the government of Greece confirmed the public suspicion that he had betrayed the ancient seat of freedom and learning to the Gothic invader. The proconsul Antiochus was the unworthy son of a respectable father; and Gerontius, who commanded the provincial troops, was much better qualified to execute the oppressive orders of a tyrant than to defend, with courage and ability, a country most remarkably fortified by the hand of nature. Alaric had traversed, without resistance, the plains of Macedonia and Thessaly, as far as the foot of Mount C>cta,a steep and woody range of hills, almost impervious to his cavalry.

They stretched from east to west,

to the edge of the sea-shore; and left, between the precipice and the Malian Gulf, an interval of three hundred feet, which in some places was contracted

Roman Empire

to a road capable of admitting only a single car* narrow pass of Thermopylae, where Leonidas and the three hundred Spartans had gloriously devoted their lives, the Goths might have been stopped, or destroyed, by a skilful general; and perhaps the view of that sacred spot might have kindled some sparks of military ardour in the breasts of the degenerate Greeks. The troops which had been posted to defend the straits of Thermopylae retired, as they were directed, without attempting to disturb the secure and rapid passage of Alaric;^ and the fertile fields of Phocis and Boeotia were instantly covered by a deluge of barbarians, who massacred the males of an age to bear arms, and drove away the beautiful females, with the spoil and cattle of the flaming villages. The travellers who visited Greece several years afterwards could easily discover the deep and bloody traces of the march of the Goths; and Thebes was less indebted for her preservation to the strength of her seven gates than to the eager riage.* In this

who advanced to occupy the and the important harbour of the Piraeus. The same impatience urged him to prevent the delay and danger of a siege, by the ofier of a capitulation and as soon as the Athehaste of Alaric,

city of Athens

;

nians heard the voice of the Gothic herald, they

were easily persuaded to deliver the greate.st part of their wealth, as the ransom of the city of Minerva and its inhabitants. The treaty was ratified by solemn oaths, and observed with mutual fidelity. The Gothic prince, with a small and select train, was admitted within the walls; he indulged himself in the refreshment of the bath, accepted a splendid banquet which was provided by the magistrate, and affected to show that he was not ignorant of the manners of civilised nations.® But the whole territory of Attica, from the promontoiy of Sunium to the town of Megara, was blasted by his baleful presence; and, if wc may use the comparison of a contemporary philosopher, Athens itself resembled the bleeding and empty skin of a slaughtered victim. The distance between Megara and Corinth could not much exceed thirty miles; but the bad road^ an expressive nanse, which it still bears among the Greeks, wai, or might easily have been made, impassable for the march of an enemy. The thick and gloonly woods of

Mount Cithaeron covered the inland country; the Scironian rocks approached the water’s edge, and hung over the narrow and winding path, which was confined above six miles along the sea-shore.® The pa.ssage of those rocks, so infamous in every age, was tenninated by the

The Thirtieth Chapter isthmus of Corinth; and a small body of firm and intrepid soldiers might have successfully defended a temporary entrenchment of five or six miles from the Ionian to the i£gean Sea. The confidence of the cities of Peloponnesus in their natural rampart had tempted the care of their antique walls;

them to and the

neglect

avarice

Roman governors had exhausted and betrayed the unhappy province.^® Corinth, Argos, Sparta, yielded without resistance to the arms of the Goths; and the most fortunate of the inhabitants were saved by death from beholding the slavery of their families and the conflagration of their cities.^^ The vases and statues were of the

among the barbarians, with more regard to the value of the materials than to the elegance of the workmanship; the female captives submitted to the laws of war; the enjoyment of beauty was the reward of valour; and the Greeks could not reasonably complain of an abuse which was justified by the example of the heroic timcs.“ The descendants of that extraordinary people, who bad considered valour and discipline as the walls of Sparta, no longer remembered the generous reply of their ancestors to an invader more formidable than Alaric. “If thou art a god, thou wilt not hurt those who have never injured thee; if thou art a man, ad» vance— and thou wilt find men equal to thyself.”** From Thermopylae to Sparta the leader of the Goths pursued his victorious inarch without encountering any mortal antagonists; but one of the advocates of expiring Paganism has confidently asserted that the walls of Athens were guarded by the goddess Minerva, with her formidable i^gis, and by the angry phantom of Achilles,*^ and that the conqueror was dismayed by the presence of the hostile deities of Greece, In an age of miracles it would perhaps be unjust to dispute the claim of the historian Zosimus to the common benefit, yet it cannot be dissem-

distributed

calamities of war.*^

The camp of the

barbarians

was immediately besieged; the waters of the river** were diverted into another channel; and while they laboured under the intolerable pressure of thirst and hunger, a strong line of circumvallation was formed to prevent their escape. After these precautions Stilicho, too confident of victory, retired to enjoy his triumph in

the theatrical games and lascivious dances of the Greeks; his soldiers, deserting their standards, spread themselves over the country of their allies, which they stripped t>f all that had been saved from the rapacious hands of the enemy. Alaric appears to have seized the favourable moment to execute one of those hardy enter-

The songs of the fame of Achilles had probably

transport his troops, his captives, and his spoil, over an arm of the sea, which, in the narrow in-

mind

of Alaric

impressions of Greek superstition.

never reached the car of the Christian faith,

illiterate barbarian^

which he had devoutly

embraced, taught him to despise the imaginary

Rome and Athens. The invasion of the Goths, instead of vindicating the honours, contributed, at least accidently, to extirpate the last remains of Paganism; and the mysteries of

deities of

Ceres,

—

was ill prepared to waking visions, the

bled that the

and the

tain of Pholoe, near the sources of the Peneus,

and on the frontiers of Elis a sacred country, which had formeAy been exempted from the

which the abilities of a general are displa>ed with more genuine lustre than in the tumult of a day of battle. To extricate himself from the prison of Peloponnesus it was necessary that he should pierce the entrenchments which surrounded his camp; that he should perform a difficult and dangerous march of thirty miles, as far as the Gulf of Corinth; and that he should

receive, either in sleeping or

Homer and

479

depend on their arms, their gods, or their sovereign, was placed in the powerful assistance of the general of the West; and Stilicho, who had not been permitted to repulse, advanced to chastise the invaders of Greece.** A numerous fleet was equipped in the ports of Italy; and the troops, after a short and prosperous navigation over the Ionian Sea, were safely disembarked on the isthmus, near the ruins of Ck>rinth. The woody and mountainous country of Arcadia, the fabulous residence of Pan and the Dryads, became the scene of a long and doubtful conflict between two generals not unworthy of each other. The skill and perseverance of the Roman at length prevailed; and the Goths, after sustaining a considerable loss from disease and desertion, gradually retreated to the lofty moun-

which had subsisted eighteen hundred

years, did not survive the destruction of Eleusis

and the calamities of Greece*^* Tlielast hope ofa people who could no longer

prises in

terval

between

Rhium and

the opposite shore,

a mile in breadth.** The operations of Alaric must have been secret, prudent, and rapid, since the Roman general was confounded by the intelligence that the Goths, who had eluded his cflbrts, were in full possession of the important province of Epirus. This unfortunate delay allowed Alaric sufficient time to conclude the treaty which he secretly negotiated with the ministers of Constantinople. The apprehension of a civil war compelled Stilicho to is

at least half

480

Decline and Fall of the

retire, at the haughty mandate of his rivals, from the dominions of Arcadius; and he respected, in the enemy of Rome, the honourable character of the ally and servant of the emperor of the East A Grecian philosopher,’® who visited Con-

stantinople soon after the death of Theodosius,

published his liberal opinions concerning the duties of kings and the state of the Roman republic. Synesius observes and deplores the fatal abuse which the imprudent bounty of the late emperor had introduced into the military ser-

Roman Empire

seldom interrupted by as wild

and

might reject, which excapacity, and devi-

reflection,

visionary, every proposal

ceeded the measure of their ated from the forms and precedents of office. While the oration of Synesius and the downfall of the barbarians were the topics of popular con-

an edict was published at Constantinople which declared the promotion of Alaric to the rank of master-general of the Eastern IIversation,

lyricum.

The Roman

provincials,

and the

allies

who had

respected the faith of treaties, were justly indignant that the ruin of Greece and

vice. The citizens and subjects had purchased an exemption from the indispensable duty of defending their country, which was supported by the arms of barbarian mercenaries. The fugitives of Scythia were permitted to disgrace the illustrious dignities of the empire; their fero-

Epirus should be so liberally rewarded. The Gothic conqueror was received as a lawful magistrate in the cities which he had so lately besieged. The fathers whose sons he had massacred, the husbands whose wives he had violated, were

cious youth, who disdained the salutary restraint

rebellion encouraged the ambition of every

more anxious to acquire the riches than to imitate the arts of a people the object of

of laws, were

their contempt and hatred; and the power of the Goths was the stone of Tantalus, p>erpetually suspended over the p>eace and safety of the devoted state. The measures which Synesius recommends are the dictates of a bold and gener-

subject to his authority;

and the

success of his

leader of the foreign mercenaries.

The

use to

which Alaric applied his new command distinguishes the firm and judicious character of his pKjlicy. He issued his orders to the four magazines and manufactuies of offensive and defensive arms, Margus, Ratiaria, Naissus, and Thessalonica, to provide his troops with an extraordinary supply of shields, helmets, swords, and spears; the unhappy provincials were compelled

ous patriot. He exhorts the emperor to revive the courage of his subjects by the example of manly virtue; to banish luxury from the court and from the camp; to substitute, in the place of the barbarian mercenaries, an army of men interested in the defence of their laws and of their property; to force, in such a moment of public danger, the mechanic from his shop and the philosopher from his school ;^o rouse the indolent citizen from his dream of pleasure; and

with the unanimous consent of the barbarian

to arm, for the protection of agriculture, the

chieftains, the master-general of lllyricum

hands of the laborious husbandman. At the head of such troops, who might deserve the name and would display the spirit of Romans, he animates the son of Theodosius to encounter a race of barbarians who were destitute of any real courage ; and never to lay down his arms till he had

elevated, according to ancient custom,

chased them far away into the solitudes of Scythia, or had reduced them to the state of ignominious servitude which the Lacedaemonians formerly imposed on the captive Helots.’* The court of Arcadius indulged the zeal, applauded the eloquence, and neglected the advice of Synesius. Perhaps the philosopher, who addresses the emperor of the East in the language of reason and virtue which he might have used to a Spartan king, had not condescended to form a practicable scheme, consistent with the temper and circumstances of a degenerate age. Perhaps the pride of the ministers, whose business was

to forge the instruments of their

own

destruc-

and the barbarians removed the only dewhich had sometimes disappointed the ef-

tion; fect

courage.” The birth of Alaric, the glory of his past exploits, and the confidence in his future designs, insensibly united the body of the nation under his victorious standards; and, forts of their

shield,

was on a

and solemnly proclaimed king of the

Visigoths.”

Armed with

this

double power,

seated on the verge of the two empires, he alternately sold his deceitful promises to the courts

of Arcadius and Honorius,’^ till he declared and executed his resolution of invading the dominions of the West. The provinces of Europe which belonged to the Eastern emperor were already exhausted, those of Asia were inac^ssible, and the strength of Constantinople had resisted his attack. But he was tempted by the fame, the beauty, the wealth of Italy, which he had twice visited; and he secretly aspired tx> plant the Gothic standard on the walls of Rome, and to enrich his army with the accumulated spoils of three hundred triumphs.’* The scarcity of facts,’* and the uncertainty of dates,’*

oppose our attempts to describe the

cir-

The Thirtieth Chapter cuimtances of the first invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric. His inarch, perhaps from Thessalonica, through the warlike and hostile country of Pannonia, as far as the foot of the Julian Alps; his passage of those mountains, which were strongly guarded by troops and entrenchments; the siege of Aquileia, and the conquest of the provinces of Istria and Venetia, appear to have employed a considerable time. Unless his operations were extremely cautious and slow, the length of the interval would suggest a probable suspicion that the Gothic king retreated towards the banks of the Danube, and reinforced his army with fresh swarms of barbarians, before he again attempted to penetrate into the heart of Italy, Since the public and important events escape the diligence of the historian, he may amuse himself with contemplating for a

moment

the influence of the arms of Alaric

on

the fortunes of two obscure individuals, a presbyter of Aquileia, and an husbandman of Ve-

The l(‘arncd

rona.

Rufinus,

who was summoned

enemies to appear before a Roman synod,** wisely prcfcrif»,d ui** dangers of a besieged city; and the barbarians, who furiously shook the walls of Aquileia, might save him from the cruel sentence of another heretic, who, at the re-

by

his

481

duced some horrid

tale of strange

and porten-

tous accidents: the Pagans deplored the neglect of omens and the interruption of sacrifices; but

the Christians still derived some comfort from the powerful intercession of the saints and martyrs.**

The emperor Honorius was distinguished, above his subjects, by the pre-eminence of fear as well as of ranL The pride and luxury in which he was educated had not allowed him to suspect that there existed on the earth any power presumptuous enough to invade the repose of the The arts of flattery concealed the impending danger till Alaric approached the palace of Milan. But when the sound of war had awakened the young emperor,

successor of Augustus.

instead of flying to arms with the spirit, or even

the rashness, of his age, he eagerly listened to

those timid counsellors his sacred person

some secure and

and

who proposed to convey

his faithful attendants to

distant station in the provinces

had courage and auwhich would have abandoned Rome and Italy to the barbarians; but as the troops of the palace had

of Gaul. Stilicho alone**

thority to resist this disgraceful measure,

been

lately

detached to the Rhaetian

new

frontier,

quest of the same bishops, w'as severely whipped and condemned to perpetual exile on a desert island,** The old man** who had passed his simple and innocent life in the neighbourhood of

was slow and precarious, the general of the West could only promise that, if the court of Milan would maintain their ground during his absence, he w'ould soon return with an army equal to the encoun-

Verona, was a stranger to the quarrels both of

ter of the

kings

and of bishops;

hxs pleasures, his desires,

and

as the resource of

levies

Gothic king. VV ithout losing a moment moment was so important 10 the

(while each

his

public safety), Stilicho hastily embarked on the

circle of his paternal

Larian lake, ascended the mountains of ice and snow amidst the severity of an Alpine winter, and suddenly repressed, by his unexpected presence, the enemy, who had disturbed the tran-

knowledge, were confined within the little farm; and a staff supported his aged steps on the same ground where he had sported in his infancy. Yet even this humble and rustic felicity (which Claudian describes with so much truth and feeling) was still exposed to the undistinguishing rage of war. His trees, his old cordtmparmy trees,** must blaze in the conflagration of the whole country; a detachment of

might sweep away his cottage and the power of Alaric could happiness, which he was not able

Gotliic cavalry

and

his family;

destroy this

either to taste or to bestow.

“Fame,” says the gloomy wings,

The barbarians, perhaps Alemanni, respected the firmness of a chief who still assumed the language of command; and the choice which he condescended to make of a select number of their bravest youth was considered as a mark of his esteem and favour. The cohorts, who were delivered from the neighbouring foe, diligently re-

quillity of Rhaetia.**

some

tribes of the

poet, “encircling with terror her

paired to the Imperial standard; and Stilicho

proclaimed the march of tlie barbarian army, and filled Italy with consternation:” the apprehensions of each individual were increas^ in just proportion to the measure of his fortune: and the most timid, who had already embarked their valuable effects, meditated their escape to the island of Sicily or the Afiicaq coast. The public distress was aggravated by the fears and reproaches of superstition.** Every hour pro-

issued his orders to the most remote troops of

the West, to advance, by rapid marches, to the defence of Honorius and of Italy. The fortresses of the Rhine were abandoned; and the safety of Gaul was protected only by the faith of the Germans, and the ancient terror of the Roman name. Even the legion which had been stationed to guard the wall of Britain against the

Caledonians of the Nortli was hastily recalled;**

Decline and Fall of the

48s

and a numerou3 body of the cavalry of the Alani was persuaded to engage in the service of the

Roman Empire

re-

so long expected. At the head of a chosen and intrepid vanguard, Stilicho swam the stream of the Addua, to gain the time which he must have lost in the attack of the bridge; the passage of the Po was an enterprise of much less hazard

vealed, at the same time, the weakness of the fall-

and difiiculty and the successful action, in which

ing empire. The legions of Rome, which had long since languished in the gradual decay of discipline and courage, were exterminated by the (jk>thic and civil wars; and it was found impossible without exhausting and exposing the provinces, to assemble an army for the defence of Italy.

he cut his way through the Gothic camp under the walls of Asta, revived the hopes and vindicated the honour of Rome. Instead of grasping the fruit of his victory, the barbarian was gradu-

emperor,

who anxiously expected

his general.

were conspicuous on

When

the return of

The prudence and vigour of Stilicho this occasion,

which

seemed to abandon his sovereign in the unguarded palace of Milan, he had probably calculated the term of his absence, the distance of the enemy, and the obstacles that might retard their march. He principally depended on the rivers of Italy, the Adige, the Mincius, the Oglio, and the Addua, which, in the winter or spring, by the fall of rains, or by Stilicho

the melting of the snows, are commonly swelled into broad and impetuous torrents.’^ But the

season happened to be remarkably dry; and the Goths could traverse, without impediment, the wide and stony beds, whose centre was faintly marked by the course of a shallow stream. The bridge and passage of the Addua was secured by a strong detachment of the Gothic army; aiid as Alaric approached the walls, or rather the suburbs, of ^^lan, he enjoyed the proud satisfaction of seeing the emperor of the Romans fly before him. Hononus, accompanied by a feeble train of statesmen and eunuchs, hastily* retreated towards the Alps, with a design of securing his person in the city of Arles, which had often been the royal residence of his predecessors. But Honorius’^ had scarcely passed the Po before he was overtaken by the speed of the Gothic cavalry;" since the urgency of the danger compelled him to seek a temporary shelter within the fortification of Asta, a town of Liguria or Piemont, situate on the banks of the Tanants.'*^ The siege of an obscure place, which contained so rich a prize, and seemed incapable of a long resistance, was instantly formed, and indefatigahly pressed, by the king of the Goths; and the bold declaration, which the emperor might afterwards make, that his breast had never been susceptible of fear, did not probably obtain much credit even in his own court." In the last and almost hopeless extremity, after the barbarians had already proposed the indignity of a capitulation, the Imperial captive was suddenly relieved by the fame, the approach, and at length the presence, of the hero whom he bad

;

ally invested,

West,

who

on every side, by the troops of the

successively issued through all the

passes of the Alps; his quarters were straitened; his

convoys were intercepted; and the vigilance Romans prepared to form a chain of forti-

of the

fications, ers.

A

and to besiege the

lines of the besieg-

military council was assembled of the

long-haired chiefs of the Gothic nation; of aged warriors, whose bodies were wrapped in furs,

and whose stem countenances were marked with honourable wounds. They weighed the glory of persisting in their attempt against the advantage of securing their plunder; and they recommended the prudent measure of a seasonable retreat. In this important debate, Alaric displayed the spirit of the conqueror of Rome; and afler he had reminded his countrymen of their achievements and of their designs, he concluded his animating speech by the solemn and positive assurance that he was resolved to find in Italy cither a kingdom or a grave." The loose discipline of the barbanans always exp>osed them to the danger of a surprise; but, instead of choosing the dissolute hours of riot and intemperance, Stilicho resolved to attack the Christian Goths whilst they were devoutly employed

in celebrating the festival of Easter.^’ execution of the stratagem, or, as it was termed by the clcrg^y, of the sacrilege, was intrusted to Saul, a barbarian and a Pagan, who had served, however, with distinguished reputation among the veteran generab of Theodosius. The camp of the Goths, which Alaric had pitched in the neighbourhood of Pollentia,^^ was thrown into confusion by the iudden and impetuous charge of the Imperial cgvalry; but, in a few moments, the undaunted gefnius of their leader gave them an order and a field of battle; and, soon as they had recovered fir^m their astonishment, the pious confidence tlfat the God of the Christians would assert their Cause added new strength to their native valour. In this en-

The

gagement, which was long maintained with equal courage and success, the chief of the Alani, whose diminutive and savage form concealed a magnanimous soul, approved his suspected loy-

The Thirtieth Chapter by the zeal with which he fought and fell the service of the republic; and the fame of

ally,

in

this gallant barbarian has

been imperfectly pre-

served in the verses of Glaudian, since the poet, who celebrates lus virtue, has omitted the mention of his name. His death was followed by the flight and dismay of the squadrons which he commanded; and the defeat of the wing of cavalry might have decided the victory of Alaric, if Stilicho had not immediately led the Roman and barbarian infantry to the attack. The skill of the general, and the bravery of the soldiers, surmounted every obstacle. In the evening of the bloody day, the Goths retreated from the field of battle; the entrenchments of their camp were forced, and the scene of rapine and slaughter made some atonement for the calamities which they had inflicted on the subjects of the empire.^* The magnificent spoib of Corinth and Argos enriched the veterans of the West; the captive wife of Alaric, who had impatiently claimed his promise of Roman jewels and Patrician handmaids,^* was reduced to implore the

mercy of the

insulting foe ,

and many thousand

from the Gothic chains, dispersed through the provinces of Italy the praises of their heroic deliverer. The triumph of Stilicho^^ was compared by the poet, and perhaps by the public, to that of Marius; who, in the prisoners, released

had encountered and dearmy of Northern barbarians. The huge bones and the empty helmets of the

same part of

Italy,

stroyed another

Cimbri and of the Goths would easily be confounded by succeeding generations; and posterity might erect a common trophy to the memory of the two mast illustrious generals, who had vanquished, on the same memorable ground, the two most formidable enemies of Rome.** The eloquence of Claudian** has celebrated, with lavish applause, the victory of Pollentia, one of the most glorious days in the life of his patron; but his reluctant and partial muse bestows more genuine praise on the character of the Gothic king. His name is, indeed, branded with the reproachful epithets of pirate and robber, to which the conquerors of every age are so justly entitled; but the poet of Stilicho is compelleci to acknowledge that Alaric possessed the invincible temper of mind which rises superior to every misfortune,

and derives new resources

from adversity. After the total defeat of his infantry, he escaped, or rather withdrew, from the field of battle, with the greatest part of his cavalry entire and unbroken. Without wasting a moment to lament the irreparable loss of so many brave companions, he left his victorious

483 enemy to bind in chains the captive Images of a Gothic king;*® and boldly resolved to break through the unguarded passes of the Apennine, to spread desolation over the fruitful face of Tuscany, and to conquer or die before the gates of Rome. The capit^ was saved by the active and incessant diligence of Stilicho; but he respected the despair of his enemy; and, instead of committing the fate of the republic to the chance of another battle, he proposed to purchase the absence of the barbarians. The spirit of Alaric would have rejected such terms, the permission of a retreat, and the offer of a pension, with contempt and indignation; but he exercised a limited and precarious authority over the inde-

pendent chieftains who had raised him, for thnr above the rank of his equals; they were

service,

disposed to follow an unsuccessful genand many of them were tempted to consult their interest by a private negotiation with the

still less

eral,

minister of Honorius.

The king submitted to the

voice of his people, ratified the treaty with the

empire of the West, and repassed the Po with the remains of the flourishing army which he

had

led into Italy.

Roman

A

considerable part of the

continued to attend his motions: and Stilicho, who maintained a secret correspondence with some of the barbarian chiefs, was punctually appraised of the designs forces

still

camp and council of king of the Goths, ambitious to signalise his retreat by some splendid achievement, had resolved to occupy the important city of Verona, which commands the principal passage of the Rhaetian Alps; and, directing his march through the territories of those German tribes whose alliance would restore his exhausted strength, to invade, on the side of the Rhine, the wealthy and unsuspecting provinces of Gaul. Ignorant of the treason which had already betrayed his bold and judicious enterprise, he advanced towards the passes of the mountains, already possessed by the Imperial troops; where he was exposed, almost at the same instant, to a general attack in the front, on his flanks, and in the rear. In this bloody action, at a small distance from the walls of Verona, the loss of the Goths was not less heavy than that which they had sustained in the defeat of Pollentia; and their valiant king, w ho escaped by the swiftness that were formed in the

Alaric.

The

of his horse, roust either have been slain or prisoner,

if

made

the hasty rashness of the Alani had

not disappointed the measures of the

Roman

army on the adjacent rocks; and prepared himself, with undaunted resolution, to maintain a siege general. Alaric secured the remains of his

Decline and Fall of the

484

against the superior numbers of the enemy,

him on

who

But he could not op*pose the destructive progress of hunger and disease; nor was it possible for him to check the invested

all sides.

continual desertion of his impatient and capricious barbarians. In this extremity he still found

own courage,

or in the moderaretreat of the Gothic king was considered as the deliverance of Italy.® Yet the people, and even the clergy, incapable of forming any rational judgment of the business of peace and war, presumed to arraign the policy of Stilicho, who so often vanquished, so often surrounded, and so often dismissed the implacable enemy of the republic. The first moment of the public safety is devoted to gratitude and joy ; but the second is diligently occupied by envy and calumny.® The citizens of Rome had been astonished by the approach of Alaric; and the diligence with which they laboured to restore the walls of the capital confessed their own fears, and the decline of the empire. After the retreat of the barbarians, Honorius was directed to accept the dutiful invitation of the senate, and to celebrate, in the Imperial city, the auspicious era of the Gothic victory, and of his sixth consulship. The suburbs and the streets, from the Milvian bridge to the Palatine mount, were filled by the Roman people, who, in the space of an hundred years, had only thrice been honoured with the presence of their sovereigns. While their eyes were fixed on the chariot where Stilicho was deservedly seated by the side of his royal pupil, tliey applauded the pomp of a triumph which was not stained, like that of Constantine or of Theodosius, with civil blood. The procession passed under a lofty arch, which had been purposely erected: but in less than seven years, the Gothic conquerors of Rome might read, if they were able to read, the superb inscription of that monument, which attested the total defeat and destruction of their nation.*^ The emperor resided several months in the capital, and every part of his behaviour was regulated with care to conciliate the affection of the clergy, the senate, and the people of Rome. The clergy was edified by his frequent visits, and liberal gifts, to the resources in his

and the

tion of his adversary;

shrines of the apostles.

The

who, in the excused from

fenate,

triumphal procession, had lieen the humiliating ceremony of preceding on foot the Imperial chariot, was treated with the decent reverence which Stilicho always affected for that assembly. The people was repeatedly gratified

by the attention and courtesy of Honowhich were celebrated

rius in the public games,

Roman Empire

on that occasion with a magnificence not unworthy of the spectator. As soon as the appointed number of chariot-races was concluded, the decoration of the circus was suddenly changed; the hunting of wild beasts afforded a various and splendid entertainment; and the chase was succeeded by a military dance, which seems, in the lively description of Glaudian, to present

modern tournament. In these games of Honorius, the inhuman combats of gladiators®* polluted for the last time the amphitheatre of Rome. The first Christian emperor may claim the honour of the first edict the image of a

which condemned the

art

and amusement of

human

blood ;*• but this benevolent law expressed the wishes of the prince, without reforming an inveterate abuse which degraded a civilised nation below the condition of savage cannibals. Several hundred, perhaps several thousand, victims were annually slaughtered in the great cities of the empire and the month of December, more peculiarly devoted to the com-

shedding

;

still exhibited to the eyes of people a grateful spectacle of blood and cruelty. Amidst the general joy of the victory of Pollentia, a Christian poet exhorted the

bats of gladiators,

the

Roman

emperor to extirpate, by his authority, the liorrid custom which had so long resisted the voice The pathetic repreof humanity and religion sentations of Prudentius were less effectual than the generous boldness of Tclem^chus, an Asiatic monk, whose death was more useful to mankind than his life.*® The Romans were provoked by the interruption of their pleasures; and the rash monk, who had descended into the arena, to separate the gladiators, was overwhelmed under a shower of stones. But the madness of the people soon subsided: they respected the

who had

memory

deserved the honours of martyrdom; and they submitted, without a murmur, to the laws of Honorius, which abolished for ever the human sacrifices of the amphitheatre. The citizens, who adhered to the manners of their ancestors, might perhaps insinuate that the last remains of a martial spirit were preserved in this school of fortitude, which accustomed the Romans to the sight of blood, and to the contempt of death a vain and cruel prejudice, so nobly confuted by the valour of ancient Greece and of modern Europe !• The recent danger to which the person of the empieror had been exposed in the defenceless palace of Milan urged him to seek a retreat in some inaccessible fortress of Italy, where he might securely remain, while the open country was covered by a deluge of barbarians. On the of Tclemachus,

:

The Thirtieth Chapter

485

coast of the Hadriatic, about ten or twelve miles from the most southern of the seven mouths of

uted to increase the natural strength of the place, and the shallowness of the water was a

the Po, the Thessalians had founded the ancient colony of Ravenna, which they afterwards resigned to the natives of Umbria. Augustus, who had observed the opportunity of the place, pre-

sufficient barrier against the large ships of the

pared, at the distance of three miles from the old town, a capacious harbour for the reception of two hundred and fifty ships of war. This na-

only for his personal safety, retired to the perpetual confinement of the walls and morasses of

enemy. This advantageous situation was fortified by art and labour; and in the twentieth year of his age the emperor of the West, anxious

val establishment,

Ravenna. The example of Honorius was imitated by his feeble successors, the Gothic kings,

the houses of the artificers, derived its origin and name from the permanent station of the Roman fleet; the intermediate space was soon

and afterwards the Exarchs, who occupied the throne and palace of the emperors; and till the middle of the eighth century Ravenna was considered as the seat of government and the capi-

which included the arsenals and magazines, the barracks of the troops, and

with buildings and inhabitants, and the and populous quarters of Ravenna gradually contributed to form one of the most important cities of Italy. The principal canal of Augustus poured a copious stream of the waters of the Po through the midst of the city, to the entrance of the harbour; the same waters were introduced into the profound ditches that encompassed the walls; they were distributed by a thou«^iM’ subordinate canals into every part of the city, which they divided into a variety of small islands; the communication was maintained only by the use of boats and bridges; and the houses of Ravenna, whose appearance may lx; compared to that of Venice, wore raised on the foundation of wooden piles. The adja-

tal of Italy.®*

cent country, to the distance of many miles, was

to independent tribes,

a deep and impassable morass; and the artiiicial causeway which connected Ravenna with the continent might be easily guarded or destroyed on the approach of an hostile army. These morasses were inicrsix'rsed, however, with vineyards; and though the soil was exhausted by four or five crojw, the town enjoyed a more plentiful supply of wine than of Ircsh water.®^

under a .supreme chief;

filled

three extensive

The most

air,

and alexhalations of low and marshy

instead of receiving the sickly

pestilential

grounds, was distinguished, like the neighbourhood of Alexandria, as uncommonly pure and

and this singular advantage was ascribed to the regular tides of the Hadriatic, which swept the canals, interrupted the un-

salubrious;

wholesome stagnation of the waters, and floated, every day, the vessels of the adjacent country into the heart of Ravenna. The gradual retreat of the sea has left the modern city at the distance of four miles from the Hadriatic, and as early as the fifth or sixth century of tlic Christian era the port of Augustus was converted into pleasant orchards, and a lonely grove of pines covered the ground where the Roman fleet once rode at anchor.®* Even

this alteration contrib-

The fears of Honorius were not without foundation, nor were his precautions without effect.

While

Italy rejoiced in her deliverance from the Goths, a furious tempest was excited among the nations of Germany, who yielded to the irresistible impulse that appears to have been gradually communicated from the eastern extremity of the continent of Asia. The Chinese annals, as they have lx*en interpreted by the learned industry of the present age, may be usefully applied to reveal the secret and remote causes of the fall of the Roman empire. The extensive territory to the north of the great w^all was possessed after the flight of the Huns by the victorious Sienpi; who were sometimes broken in-

and sometimes rc-united till

at length, styling

themselves Topa, or masters of the earth, they acquired a more solid consistence and a more formidable power. The Topa soon compelled the pastoral nations «>f the eastern desert to acknowledge the superiority of their arms; they invaded China in a period of weakness and intestine discord and these fortunate Tartars, adopting the laws and manners of the vanquished ;

people, founded an Imperial dynasty, which reigned near one hundred and sixty years over the northern provinces of the monarchy. Some generations before they ascended the throne of

China, one of the Topa princes had enlisted in a slave of the name of Moko, renowned for his valour, but who was tempted, by he fear of punishment, to desert his standard, and to range the desert at the head of an hundred followers. Tliis gang of robbers and outlaws swelled into a camp, a tribe, a numerhis cavalry

ous people, distinguished by the appellation of Geou^fn;

and

posterity of

their hereditary chieftains, the

Moko

the slave, assumed their rank

The youth of Toulun, the greatest of his descendants, was ex-

among

the Scythian mnnarciis.

Decline and Fall of the

486

erased by those misfortunes which are the school of heroes. He bravely struggled with adversity, broke the imperious yoke of the Topa,

and became the

legislator of his nation

and the

conqueror of Tartary. His troops were distributed into regular bands of an hundred and of a thousand men; cowards were stoned to death; the most splendid honours were proposed as the reward of valour; and Toulun, who had knowledge enough to despise the learning of China, adopted only such arts and institutions as were favourable to the military spirit of his government. His tents, which he removed in the winter season to a more southern latitude, were pitched during the summer on the fruitful banks of the Selinga. His conquests stretched from Corea far beyond the river Irtish. He vanquished, in the country to the north of the Caspian sea, the nation of the Huns*^ and the new title of Kharty or Ce^ariy expressed the fame and power which he derived from this memorable victory.®^ The chain of events is interrupted, or rather is concealed, as it passes from the Volga to the Vistula, through the dark interval which separates the extreme limits of the Chinese and of the Roman geography. Yet the temper of the barbarians,

and the experience of

successive

emigrations, sufficiently declare that the Huns,

who were

oppressed by the arms of the Geou-

gen, soon withdrew from the presence of sulting victor.

an

in-

The countries towards the Euxine

were already occupied by their kindred tribes; and their hasty flight, which they soon converted into a bold attack, would more naturally be* directed towards the rich and level plains through which the Vistula gently flows into the Baltic sea. The North must again have been alarmed and agitated by the invasion of the

Huns and the nations who retreated before them must have pressed with incumbent weight on the confines of Germany.®® The inhabitants of those regions which the ancients have assigned to the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Burgundians, might embrace the resolution of abandoning to the fugitives of Sarmatia their woods and ;

morasses, or at least discharging their superfluous numbers on the provinces of the Roman empire.®® About four years after the victorious Toulun had assumed the title of Khan of the Geougen, another barbarian, the haughty Rhodogast, or Radagaisus,®^ marched from the

northern extremities of Germany almost to the and left the remains of his army to achieve the destruction of the West. The Vandals, the Suevi, and the Burgundians, fonned the strength ofthis mighty host; but the gates of Rome,

Roman Empire

Alani,

who had found an

in their

new seats, added

hospitable reception

their active cavalry to

the heavy infantry of the Germans; and the Gothic adventurers crowded so eagerly to the standard of Radagaisus, that, by some historians, he has been styled the King of the Goths.

Twelve thousand warriors, distinguished above the vulgar by their noble birth or their valiant deeds, glittered in the van;®® and the whole multitude, which was not less than two hundred thousand fighting men, might be increased, by the accession of women, of children, and of slaves, to the amount of four hundred thousand persons. This formidable emigration issued from the same coast of the Baltic which had poured forth the myriads of the Cimbri and Teutones to assault Rome and Italy in the vigour of the republic. After the departure of those barbarians, their native country,

which was marked by

the vestiges of their greatness, long ramparts and gigantic moles,®® remained, during some ages, a vast and dreary solitude; till the human species was renewed by the powers of generation,

and the vacancy was

new

inhabitants.

The

filled

nations

by the influx of

who now usurp

an extent of land which they are unable to culwould soon be assisted by the industrious poverty of their neighbours, if the government of Europe did not protect the claims of dominion and property. The correspondence of nations was in that age so imperfect and precarious, That the revolutions of the North might escape the knowledge of the court of Ravenna, till the dark cloud, which was collected along the coast of the Baltic, burst in thunder upon the banks of the Upper Danube. The emperor of the West, if his ministers disturbed his amusements by the news of the impending danger, was satisfied with being the occasion and the spectator of the war.*^® The safety of Rome was intrusted to the counsels and the sword of Stilicho; but such was the feeble and exhausted state of the empire, that it was impossible to restore the fortifications of the Danube, or to prevent by a vigorous tivate

effort the invasion of the Germans^'^^

The hopes

of the vigilant minister of Honorips were confined to the defence of Italy. Hf once more abandoned the provinces, recalled the troops, pressed the new levies, which were rigorously exacted and pusillanimously eluded; employed the most efficacious means to arrest or allure the deserters; and offered the gift of freedom and of two pieces of gold to all the slaves who would

By these efforts he painfully collected from the subjects of a great empire an army of enlist.**^

The Thirtieth Chapter thousand men, which in the days of Scipio or Gamillus, would have been instantthirty or forty

by the

ly furnished

of Rome.’*

The

free citizens of the territory

thirty legions of Stilicho

reinforced by a large

body of

were

l^arbarian auxili-

aries; the faithful Alani were personally attached to his service; and the troops of Huns and of Goths, who marched under the banners of their native princes Huldin and Sarus, were animated by interest and resentment to oppose the ambition of Radagaisus. The king of the confederate Germans passed without resistance the Alps, the Po, and the Apennine; leaving on one hand the inaccessible palace of Honorius securely buried among the marshes of Ravenna, and, on the other, the camp of Stilicho, who had fixed his head-quarters at Ticinum, or Pavia, but who seems to have avoided a decisive battle till he had assembled his distant forces. Many cities of Italy were pillaged or destroyed; and the siege of Florcnce^^ by Radagaisus is one of

487

ported only by the authority of

Ambrose, who had communicated in a dream the promise of a speedy deliverance.^® On a sudden they beheld from their walls the banners of Stilicho, who advanced with his united force to the relief of the faithful city, and who soon marked that fatal spot for the

St.

grave of the barbarian host.

The apparent contradictions of those writers who variously relate the defeat of Radagaisus, may l)e reconciled without offering much \iolence to their respective testimonies. Orosius

and Augustin, who were intimately connected by friendship and leligion, ascribe this miraculous victory to the providence of

God

rather

than to the valour of man.^^ They strictly exclude every idea of chance, or even of blood-

and positively affirm that the Romans, whose camp was the scene of plenty and idle-

shed, ness,

enjoyed the distress of the barbarians slowon the^^i^arp and barren ridge of the

ly expiring hills

of

Farsiilar,

which

rise

above the

city of

the earliest events in the history of that cele-

Florence. Their extravagant assertion that not

brated republic, whose firmness checked and delayed the unskilful lury of the barbarians. The senate and people trembled at their approach within an hundred and eighty miles of Rome, and anxiously compared the danger wliich they had escaped with the new perils to which they were exposed. Alaric was a Christian and a soldier, the leader of a disciplined army; who understood the laws of war, who respected the sanctity of treaties, and who had familiarly conversed with the subjects of the empire in the same camps and the same churches. The savage Radagaisus was a stranger to the manners, the religion, and even the language of the civilised nations of the South. The fierceness of his temper was exasperated by cruel superstition; and it was universally believed that he had hound himself by a solemn vow to reduce the city into a heap of stones and ashes, and to

a single soldier of the Christian army was killed, or even wounded, may be dismissed with silent contempt; but the rest of the narrative of Augustin and Orosius is consistent with the state of the war and the character of Stilicho. Conscious that he commanded the last army of the republic, hi.n prudence would not expose it in the open field to the headstrong fury of the Germans. The method of surrounding the enemy with strong lines of circumvallation, which he had twice employed against the Gothic king, was repeated on a larger scale and with more considerable effect. The examples of Carsar must have been familiar to the most illiterate of the Roman warriors; and the fortifications of Dyrrachium, w'hich connected twenty -four castles by a perpetual ditch and rampart of fifteen miles, afforded the model of an entrenchment which might confine and starve the most numerous host of barbarians.^* The Roman troops had less degenerated from the industry than from the valour of their ancestors; and if the servile and laborious work offended the pride of the soldiers, Tuscany could supply many thousand peasants who would labour, though perhap»9 they would not fight, for the salvation of their native country. The imprisoned multitude of horses and men’* was gradually destroyed by famine rather than by the sword ; but the Romans were exposed during the progress of such an extensive work to the frequent attacks of an

most illustrious of the Roman senon the altars of those gods who were appeased by human blood. The public danger, which should have reconciled all domestic animosities, displayed the incurable madness of

sacrifice the

ators

religious faction. ter

The oppressed votaries ofJupi-

and Mercury

enemy

respected, in the implacable

Rome, the character of a devout Pagan; loudly declared that they were more of

apprehensive of the sacrifices than of the arms of Radagaisus; and secretly rejoiced in the calamities of their country, which condemned the faith of their Christian adversaries.^*

Florence was reduced to the

last

extremity;

and the fainting courage of the citizens was sup-

impatient enemy. The despair of the hungry barbarians would precipitate them against the fortifications of Stilicho; the general might

Decline and Fall of the sometimes indulge the ardour of his brave auxiliaries,

who eagerly pressed to assault the camp

of the Germans; and these various incidents might produce the sharp and bloody conflicts which dignify the narrative of Zosimus and the

A

Chronicles of Prosper and Marcellinus.*® seasonable supply of men and provisions had been introduced into the walls of Florence, and the famished host of Radagaisus w'as in its turn besieged. The proud monarch of so many warlike nations, after the loss of his bravest warriors,

was reduced

to confide either in the faith

of a capitulation, or in the clemency of Stilicho.“ But the death of the royal captive, who was ignominiously beheaded, disgraced the tri-

umph

of

Rome and

of Christianity;

short delay of his execution

sufficient to

and The famished Germans

brand the conqueror with the deliberate cruelty.*®

was

and the

guilt of cool

who escaped the fury of the auxiliaries were sold as slaves, at the contemptible price of as many single pieces of gold ; but the difference of food

and climate swept away great numbers of those unhappy strangers; and it was observed that the inhuman purchasers, instead of reaping the fruits of their labour,

were soon obliged to pro-

vide the expense of their interment. Stilicho informed the emperor and the senate of his success, title

and deserved a second time the of Deliverer of Italy. of the victory,

The fame

glorious

and firmness of Stilidio, who opposed their march and facilitated their retreat, who considered the safety of Rome and Italy as the great object of his care, and who sacrificed with too much indifference the wealth and tranquillity of the distant provinces.®®

The

barbarians ac-

some Pannonian deserters, the knowledge of the country and of the roads, and the invasion of Gaul, which Alaric had designed, was executed by the remains of the great army of Radagaisus.®® Yet if they expected to derive any assistance from the tribes of Germany who inhabited the

quired, from the junction of

banks of the Rhine, their hopes were disappointed.

The Alemanni

active neutrality,

preserved a state of in-

and the Franks distinguished

their zeal and courage in the defence of the empire. In the rapid progre.ss down the Rhine which was the first act of the administration of Stilicho, he had applied himself with peculiar attention to secure the alliance of the w'arlikc Franks, and to remove the irreconcilable tmeinies of peace and of the republic. Maieomir,

one of

their kings,

was publicly ronvitled

Ix?-

Roman magistrate of faith of treaties. He was seni(*ne(‘d

fore the tribunal of the

violating the

to a mild but distant exile in the province of

Tuscany and this degradation of the regal dignity was so far from exciting the resentment of ;

his subjects, that they punished with death the

and more

especially

of the miracle, has encouraged a vain persuasion that the whole army, or rather nation, of

Germans who migrated from the

shores of the

under the walls of Florence. Such indeed was the fate of Radagaisus himself, of his brave and faithful companions, and of more than one-third of the various Baltic miserably perished

multitude of Sueves and Vandals, of Alani and Burgundians, who adhered to the standard of their general.®* The union of such an army might excite our surprise, but the causes of separation arc obvious and forcible: the pride of birth, the insolence of valour, the jealousy of command, the impatience of subordination,

and the obstinate conflict of opinions, of interand of passions, among so many kings and

ests,

who were untaught to yield or to obey. After the defeat of Radagaisus, two parts of the German host, which must have exceeded

warriors,

number of one hundred thousand men, still remained in arms between the Apennine and the Alps, or between the Alps and the Danube. It is uncertain whether they attempted to revenge the death of their general; but their irregular fury was soon diverted by the prudence the

Roman Empire

turbulent Sunno,

who attempted

to revenge

and maintained a dutiful allegiance the princes who were established on the

his brother,

to

throne by the choice of Stilicho.®^ When the limits of Gaul and Germany were shaken by the northern emigration, the Franks bravely encountered the single force of the Vandals, who, regardless of the lessons of adversity, had again separated their troops from the standard of their barbarian allies. They paid the penalty of their rashne.ss; and twemty thousand Vandals, with their king Godigisclus, were slain in the field of battle. I’hc whole people must have been extirpated if the squadrons of the Alani, advancing to their relief, had not trampled down the infantry of the Franks, w'ho, after ati honourable resistance, were compelled to reliilquish the unequal contest. The victorious confederates pursued their march, and on the last day of the year, in a season when the waters of the Rhine were most probably frozen, they entered without opposition the defenceless provinces of Gaul.

This memorable passage of the Suevi, the Vandals, the Alani, and the Burg^undians, who never afterwards retreated, may be considered as the fail of the Roman empire in the countries

The Thirtieth Chapter beyond the Alps; and the

barriers,

so long separated the savage

which had

and the

civilised

nations of the earth, were from that fatal

ment

mo-

levelled with the ground.®®

While the peace of Germany was secured by the attachment of the Franks and the neutrality of the Alemanni, the subjects of Rome, unconscious of their approaching calamities, enjoyed the state of quiet and prosperity which had sel-

dom

blessed the frontiers of Gaul. Their flocks

and herds were permitted

to graze in the pas-

tures of the barbarians; their

huntsmen pene-

trated, without fear or danger, into the darkest

recesses of the

Hercynian wood.®® The banks of

the Rhine were crowned, like those of the Tiber,

with elegant houses and well-cultivated farms; and if a poet descended the river, he might ex-

doubt on which side was situated the Romans.®® This scene of peace and plenty was suddenly changed into a desert; and the prospect of the smoking ruins could alone distinguish the solitude of nature from the press his

territory of the

desolation

of

man

The

flourishing

city

of

and destroyed, and many thousand Christians were inhumanly massacred in the church. Worms perished after a long and

Mentz was

surprised

obstinate siege; Strasburg, Spires, Rheims, Tournay, Arras, Amiens, experienced the cruel

oppression of the German yoke; and the consuming flames of war spread from the banks of the Rhine over the greatest part of the seventeen provinces of Gaul. That rich and extensive country, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and the Pyrenees, was delivered to the barbarians, who drove before them in a promiscuous crowd the bishop, the senator, and the virgin, laden with the spoils of their houses and altars.®‘ The ecclesiastics, to whom we are indebted for this vague description of the public calamities, embraced the opportunity of exhorting the Christians to repent of the sins which had provoked the Divine Justice, and to renounce the perishable goods of a wretched and deceitful world. But as the Pelagian controversy,®* which attempts to sound the abyss of grace and predestination, soon became the serious employment of the

489

idle disputants overlooked the invariable laws

of nature, which have connected peace with innocence, plenty with industry, and safety with valour. The timid and selfish policy of the court of Ravenna might recall the Palatine legions for the protection of Italy; the remains of the stationary troops might be unequal to the arduous task; and the barbarian auxiliaries might prefer the unl30unded licence of spoil to the benefits of a moderate and regular stipend. But the provinces of Gaul were filled with a numerous race of hardy and robust youth, who, in the defence of their houses, their families, and their altars, if they had dared to die, would have deserved to vanquish. The knowledge of their native country would have enabled them to oppose continual and insuperable obstacles to the progress of an invader; and the deficiency of the barbarians in arms as well as in discipline removed the only ptetence which excuses the submission of a populous country to the inferior numbers of a veteran army. When France was invaded by Charles the Fifth, he inquired of a prisoner how many days Paris might be distant from the frontier; “Perhaps twelve^ but they uill be days of battle :**®* such was the gallant answer which checked the arrogance of that ambitious prince. The subjects of Honorius and those of Francis I. were animated by a very different spirit; and in less than two years the divided troops of the savages of the Baltic, whose numbers, were they fairly stated, would appear contemptible, advanced without a combat to the foot of the P>Tenacan mountains. In the early part of the reign of Honorius, the vigilance of Slilicho had successfully guarded the remote island of Britain from her incessant enemies of the ocean, the mountains, and the Irish coast.®^ But those restless barbarians could not neglect the fair opportunity of the Gothic war, when the walls and stations of the province

were stripped of the Roman troops. If any of the legionaries were permitted to return from the Italian expedition, their faithful report of the

court and character of Honorius must have tended to dis.solve the bounds of allegiance, and

Latin clergy, the Providence which had de-

to exasperate the seditious

creed, or foreseen, or permitted, such a train of

army. The

evils, was rashly weighed in and fallacious balance of reason. I'hc crimes and the misfortunes of the suffering people were presumptuously compared with those of their ancestors, and they arraigned the Divine Justice, which did not exempt from the

disturbed the age of Gallienus, was revived by the capricious violence of the soldiers; and the

moral and natural

the imperfect

common

destruction, the feeble, the guiltless,

the infant portion of the

human

species.

These

spirit

temper of the

British

of revolt, which had formerly

unfortunate, perhaps the ambitious, candidates,

who were

the objects of their choice, were the

instruments,

and

at length the victims, of their

M arcus was the

first w'hom they placed on the throne, as the lawful emperor of Britain and of the West. They violated, by the hasty

pa.ssion.® ^

Decline and Fall of the

490

murder of Marcus, the oath of fidelity which they had imposed on themselves; and their disapprobation of his manners may seem to in* scribe an honourable epitaph on his tomb. Gratian was the next whom they adorned with the diadem and the purple; and, at the end of four months, Gratian experienced the fate of his pred-

The memory of the great Constantine, the British legions had given to the church and to the empire, suggested the singular motive of their third choice. They discovered in the ranks a private soldier of the name of

Roman Empire

lay the head of the rebel at the feet of the emperor Honorius; and the forces of Britain and Italy

were unworthily consumed in this domestic quarrel. After the loss of his two bravest generals, Justinian and Nevigastes, the former of whom was slain in the field of battle, the latter in a peaceful but treacherous interview, Con-

ecessor.

stantine fortified himself within the walls of

whom

Vienna. The place was ineffectually attacked seven days; and the Imperial army supported, in a precipitate retreat, the ignominy of purchasing a secure passage from the freebooters and outlaws of the Alps.®^ Those mountains now separated the dominions of two rival monarclis: and the fortifications of the double frontier were guarded by the troops of the empire, whose arms would have been more usefully employed to maintain the Roman limits against the barbarians of Germany and Scythia. On this side of the Pyrenees, the ambition of Constantine might be lustified by the prr>xiinity of danger; but his throne was soon established by the conquest, or rather submission, of Spain,

Constantine, and their impetuous levity had already seated him on the throne, before they perceived his incapacity to sustain the weight of that glorious appellation.^ Yet the authority of Constantine was less precarious, and his government was more successful, than the transient reigns of Marcus and of Gratian. The danger of leaving his inactive troops in those camps which had been twice polluted with blood and sedition urged him to attempt the reduction of the

Western provinces. He landed at Boulogne with an inconsiderable force; and after he had reposed himself some days, he summoned the cities of Gaul, which had escaped the yoke of the barbarians, to acknowledge their lawful

sovereign. reluctance.

They obeyed the summons without The neglect of the court of Ravenna

had absolved a deserted people from the duty of encouraged them to accept any circumstances of change, without apprehension, and, perhaps, with sonie degree of hope; and they might Batter themselves that the troops, the authority, and even the name of a Roman emperor, who fixed his residence in Gaul, would protect the unhappy country from the rage of the barbarians. The allegiance;

first

their

actual

distress

successes of Constantine against the de-

tached parties of the Germans were magnified by the voice of adulation into splendid and decisive victories, which the reunion and insolence of the enemy soon reduced to their just value. His negotiations procured a short and precarious truce; and if some tribes of the barbarians were engaged, by the liberality of his gifts and promises, to undertake the defence of the Rhine, these expensive and uncertain treaties, instead of restoring the pristine vigour of the Gallic frontier, served only to disgrace the majesty of the prince, and to exhaust what yet remained of the treasures of the republic. Elated however with this imaginary triumph, the vain deliverer of Gaul advanced into the provinces of the South, to encounter a more pressing and personal danger. Sarus the Goth was ordered to

which yielded to the influence of regular and habitual subordination, and received the laws and magistrates of the Gallic pr«.efccturc. The only opposition which was macle to the authority of Constantine proceeded not so much from the powers of government, or the spirit of the

and interest of the family of Theodosius. Four-brothers*’ had obtained, by the favour of their kinsman, the deceased emperor, an honourable rank, and ample possessions, in their native country; and the grateful youths resolved to risk those advanpeople, as from the private zeal

tages in the service of his son. After ful eflbrt to

an unsuccess-

maintain their ground at the head

of the stationary troops of Lusitania, they re-

where they armed and a considerable body of slaves and dependents, and Ix^ldly marched to occupy the strong posts of the Pyr-

tired to their estates; levied, at their

own

exp)cnse,

enaean mountains. This domestic insurrection alarmed and p>crplexed the sovereign of (jaul and Britain; and he was compellcfl to negotiate with some troops of barbarian auxiliaries, for the service of the Spanish war. They were distinguished by the title of Honorarians'^ a name which might have reminded themtof their fidelity to their lawful sovereign; and if it should candidly be allowed that the ScoHs were influ-

enced by any partial affection for a British prince, the Moors and the Marcomanni could be tempted only by the profuse liberality of the usurper, who distribute among the barbarians the military^ and even the civil, honours of

The Thirtieth Chapter 491 Spain. The nine bands of Uonmansy which may pears to have been suspended by the formidable be easily traced on tlie establishment of the Western empire, could not exceed the number of five thousand men; yet this inconsiderable force was sufficient to terminate a war which had threatened the power and safety of Con* Btantine. 'fhe rustic army of the Thcodosian family was surrounded and destroyed in the Pyrenees: two of the brothers had the good fortune to escape by sea to Italy or the East; the other two, after an interval of suspense, were executed at Arles; and if Honorius could remain insensible of the public disgrace, he might perhaps be alTected by the personal misfortunes of his generous kinsmen. Such were the feeble arms which decided the possession of the Western provinces of Europe, from the wall of An-

irruption of Radagaisus;

toninus to the Columns of Hercules. The events of peace and war have undoubtedly been diminished by the narrow and imperfect view of the historians of the times, who were equally ignorant of the causes and of the effects of the most important revu! ’ions. But the total decay of the national strength had annihilated even the last resource of a despotic government; and the revenue of exhausted provinces could no longer purchase the military* service of a discontented and pusillanimous people. The poet, whose flattery has a.scribed to the Roman eagle the victories of Pollentia and Verona, pursues the hasty retreat of Alaric from the confines of Italy, with a horrid train of imaginary spectres, such as might hover over an army of barbarians which was almost exterminated by war, famine, and disease.'®® In the course of this unfortunate expedition, the king of the Goths must indeed have sustained a considerable loss; and his harassed forces required

that his principal care

an interval of repose to recruit their numbers and revive their confidence. Adversity had exercised and displayed the genius of Alaric ; and the fame of his valour invited to the Gothic

sion of

standard the bravest of the barbarian warriors, who, from the Buxine to the Rhine, were agitated by the desire of rapine and conquest. He had deserved the esteem, and he soon accepted the friendship, of Stilicho himself. Renouncing the service of the emperor of the East, Alaric concluded, with the court of Ravenna, a treaty of peace and alliance, by which he was declared master-general of the Roman armies throughout the praefccturc of Illyricum; as it was claimed, according to the true

and ancient

limits,

by

the minister of Honorius.'®' The execution of the ambitious design, which was either stipulated or implied in the articles of the treaty, ap-

and the neutrality of the Gothic king may perhaps be compared to the indifference of Caesar, who, in the conspiracy of Catiline, refused either to assist or to oppose the enemy of the republic. After the defeat of the Vandals, Stilicho resumed his preten-

sions to the provinces of the East; appointed civil

magistrates for the administration of justice

and of the finances; and declared his impatience to lead to the gates of Constantinople the united armies of the Romans and of the Goths. The

prudence, however, of Stilicho, his aversion to war, and his perfect knowledge of the weakness of the state, may countenance the suspicion that domestic peace, rather than foreign conquest, was the object of his policy; and civil

was

to

employ the

forces

of Alaric at a distance from Italy. This design could not long &cape the penetration of the Gothic king, who continued to hold a doubtful,

and perhaps a

treacherous, correspondence with the rival courts; who protracted, like a dissatisfied mercenary, his languid operations of Thessaly and Epirus; and who soon returned to claim the extravagant reward of his ineffectual services. From his camp near ASmona,'®* on the confines of Italy, he transmitted to the emperor of the West a long account of promises, of

expenses, and of demands called for immediate ;

satisfaction,

and

clearly intimated the conse-

quences of a refusal. Yet, if his conduct was hostile, his language was decent and dutiful. He

humbly professed himself the friend of Stilicho, and the soldier of Honorius; offered his person and his troops to march, without delay, against the usurper of Gaul; and solicited, as a permanent retreat for the Gothic nation, the posses-

some vacant province of the Western

empire.

The

political

and

secret transactions of

two

statesmen who laboured to deceive each other and the world must for ever have been concealed in the impenetrable darkness of the cabinet, if the debates of a popular assembly had not thrown some rays of light on the correspondence of Alaric and Stilicho. The necessity of finding some artificial support for a government which, from a principle, not of moderation, but of weakness, was reduced to negotiate with its ow’n subjects, had insensibly revived the authority of the Roman senate: and the minister of Honorius respectfully consulted the legislative council of the republic. Stilicho assembled the senate in the palace of the Csesars; represented, in a studied oration, the actual state of affairs;

Decline and Fall of the

492

Roman Empire

proposed the demands of the Gothic king; and submitted to their consideration the choice of peace or war. The senators, as if they had been suddenly awakened from a dream of four hundred years, appeared on this important occasion to be inspired by the courage, rather than by the wisdom, of their predecessors. They loudly declared, in regular speeches or in tumul-

end; and the proud minister might perceive the symptoms of his approaching disgrace. The generous boldness of Lampadius had been applauded; and the senate, so patiently resigned to a long servitude, rejected with disdain the offer of invidious and imaginary freedom. The troop>s, who still assumed the name and prerogatives of the Roman legions, were exasperated

tuary acclamations, that it was unworthy of the majesty of Rome to purchase a precarious and disgraceful truce from a barbarian king; and that, in the judgment of a magnanimous people, the chance of ruin was always preferable to the certainty of dishonour. The minister, whose pacific intentions were seconded only by the voices of a few servile and venal followers, attempted to allay the general ferment, by an apology for his own conduct, and even for the demands of the Gothic prince. “The payment of a subsidy, which had excited the indignation of the Romans, ought not (such was the language of Stilicho) to be considered in the odious light either of a tribute or of a ransom, extorted by the menaces of a barbarian enemy. Alaric had

by the

faithfully asserted the just pretensions of the re-

public to the provinces which were usurped by the Greeks of Constantinople he modestly required the fair and stipulated recompense of :

his services; and if he had desisted from the prosecution of his enterprise, he had obeyed, in his retreat, the peremptory, though private, letters of the emperor himself. These contradic-

tory orders (he of his

own

would not dissemble the errors had been procured by the

family)

intercession of Serena.

wife

The

had been too deeply

tentler piety of his

affected

by the

dis-

partial affection of Stilicho for the bar-

and the people imputed to the mischievous policy of the minister the public misfortunes, which were the natural consequence barians:

of their own degeneracy. Yet Stilicho might have continued to brave the clamours of the people, and even of the soldiers, if he could have maintained his dominion over the feeble mind

of his pupil. But the respectful attachment of Honorius was converted into fear, suspicion, and hatred. The crafty Olympius/®^ who concealed his vices under the mask of Chri.stian piety, had secretly undermined the benefactor by whose favour he was promoted to the honourable offices of the Imperial palace. Olympius revealed to the unsuspecting emperor, who had attained the twenty-fifth year of his age, that he was without weight or authority in his own government; and artfully alarmed his timid and indolent disposition by a lively picture of the designs of Stilicho, who already medit.Ued the death of his sovereign, with the ambitious hope of placing the diadem on the h?^d of his son Eucherius. The emperor was instigated by liis new favourite to assume the tone of independent dignity; and the minister was astonished to find that secret resolutions were formed in the court

and

council,

which were repugnant

to his in-

cord of the royal brothers, the sons of her adopted father; and the sentiments of nature had too easily prevailed over the stern dictates of the

terest,

public welfare.” These ostensible reasons, which

of Ravenna.

faintly disguise the obscure intrigues of the pal-

death of his brother Arcadius, he prepared to visit Constantinople, and to regulate, with the authority of a guardian, the provinces of the in-

ace of Ravenna, were supported by the authorand obtained, after a warm debate, the reluctant approbation of the senate.

ity of Stilicho;

The tumult of virtue and freedom subsided; and the sum of four thousand pounds of gold was granted, under the name of a subsidy, to secure the peace of Italy, and to conciliate the friendship of the king of the Goths. Lampadius

members of the assembly, still persisted in his dissent ; exclaimed with a loud voice, “This is not a treaty of peace,

alone, one of the most illustrious

but of servitude;”^®* and escaped the danger of such bold opposition by immediately retiring to the sanctuary of a Christian church. But the reign of Stilicho drew towards its

or to his intentions. Instead of residing in the palace of Rome, Hononus declared that it

was

his pleasure to return to the secure fortress

On

the

fant Theodosius.*®®

first

The

intelligence of the

representation of the

and expense of such a distant expedition checked this strange and sudden sally of difficulty

active diligence; but the dangerous project of showing the emperor to the camp of Pavia, which was composed of the Roman troops, the enemies of Stilicho and his barbarian auxiliaries, remained fixed and unalterable. The minister was pressed, by the advice of his confidant, Justinian, a Roman advocate, of a lively and penefating genius, to oppose a journey so prejudicial to his reputation and safety. His strenuous, but ineffectual, efforts conffnned the tri-

The umph

Thirtieth Chapter

493

and the prudent lawyer withdrew himself from the impending ruin of

night Sarus, a Gothic warrior, renowned among the barbarians themselves for his strength and

his patron.

valour, suddenly invaded the

In the passage of the emperor through Bologna a mutiny of the guards was excited and appeased by the secret policy of Stilicho, who announced his instructions to decimate the

factor,

of Olympius;

and ascribed to

guilty,

his

own

intercession the

merit of their pardon. After this tumult, Honoembraced, for the last time, the minister whom he now considered as a tyrant, and proceeded on his way to the camp of Pavia, where he was received by the k)yal acclamations of the troops who were assembled for the service of the Gallic war. On the morning of the fourth day he pronounced, as he had been taught, a military oration in the presence of the soldiers, whom the rius

charitable visits

and

artful discourses of

Olym-

pius had prepared to execute a dark and bloody

conspiracy. At the

first

signal they massacred

the friends of Stilicho, the most illustrious cers of the empire;

ofTi-

two Praetorian praefects. of two masters-geiieral of the

Gaul and of Italv; cavalry and infantry; the master of the ofHces, the quivstor, the treasurer, and the count of the domestics. Many lives were lost, many houses were plundered; the furious sedition continued to rage till the close of the evening: and the trembling emperor, who was seen in the .streets of Pavia witliout his robes or diadem, yielde^l to

condemned the and solemnly ap])roved

the persuasions of his favourite,

memory

of the slain,

the innocence and fidelity of their assassins.

The

intelligence of the nia,ssacre of Pavia filled the

mind

of Stilicho with just

hensifins,

camp

instantly

and gloomv appresummoned, in the

of Bologna, a council of the confederate

who were

leaders

would

and he

l)C

attached to his senice, and

involved in his ruin.

The impetuous

voice of the assembly called aloud for arms

and

march, without a moment’s deunder the banners of a hero whom (hey had

for revenge; to lay,

so often followed to victory; to surprise, to oppress, to extirpate the guilty

Olympius and

degenerate Romans, and perhaps to

dem on

fix

his

the dia-

the head of their injured general. In-

stead of executing a resolution which might have b(‘en justified by success, Stilicho hesitated till he was irrecoverably lost. He was still igno-

rant of the fate of the emperor; he distrusted the

own party; and he viewed with horror the fatal consequences of arming a crow’d of licentious barbarians against the soldiei-s and people of Italy, The confederates, impatient of fidelity of his

his timorous

and doubtful

delay, hastily retin*d

with fear and indignation. At the hoiu* of mid-

camp of his beneplundered the baggage, cut in pieces the faithful Huns who guarded his person, and pen-

etrated to the tent, w'here the minister, pensive

and

meditated on the dangers of his from the sword of the Goth, and after issuing a last and generous admonition to the cities of Italy sleepless,

situation. Stilicho escaped with difficulty

to shut their gates against the barbarians, his

confidence or his despair urged him to throw himself into Ravenna, which was already in the absolute poss(‘Ssion of his enemies. Olympius,

who had

a.s.sumed the dominion of Honorius, was speedily informed that his rival had em-

braced, as a suppliant, the altar of the Christian church. The base and cruel disposition of the hypocrite was incapable of pity or remorse: but he piously affected to elude, rather than to vio-

Count Herawith a troop of soldiers, appeared at the dawn of day before the gates of the chinch of Ravenna. The bishop w’as satisfied by a solemn oath that the Imperial mandate only directed them to secure the person of Stilicho: but as soon as the unfortunate minister had been tempted Ijeyond the holy threshold, he produced the warrant for his instant execution. Stilicho supported with calm resignation the late,

the privilege of the sanctuary.

clian,

names of iraitf>r and parricide: repressed the unseasonable zeal of his followers, injurious

who were

ri

ady

to attempt

an

ineffectual res-

cue: and, with a firmness not unworthy of the last of the Roman generals, submitted his neck to the sword of Heracli an.

The

servile

crowd of the palace, who had so

long adored the lortime of Stilicho, affected to insult his fall: and the most distant connection with the master-general of the West, which had so lately Ix'cn a title to wealth and honours, w'as studiously denied, and rigorously punished. His fatnily, united by a triple alliance with the family of I'heodosius, might envy the condition of the meanest peasant. The flight of his son Eucherius wa.s intercepted; and the death of that iniuKcnt youth soon followed the divorce of Thcnnantia, who filled the place of her sister Maria, and who, like Maria, had remained a virgin in the Imperial bcd.*®^ The friends of Stilicho who had escaped the massacre of Pavia were persecuted by the implacable revenge of

Olympius, and the. most exquisite cruelty was employed to extort the confession of a treasonable and sacrilegious conspiracy.

They died

in

silence; their lirnmess justified the choice,*®®

Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 494 and perhaps absolved the innocence, of their Serena for his marriage with a rich heiress of patron; and the despotic power which could and the statue of Clauthe province of Africa take his

life

without a

memory without a

trial,

and stigmatise his no jurisdiction

proof, has

over the impartial suffrage of posterity.^®® The services of Stilicho are great and manifest; his crimes, as they arc vaguely stated in the language of flattery and hatred, are obscure, at least, and improbable. About four months after his death an edict was published, in the name of Honorius, to restore the free communication of the two empires, which had been so long interrupted by the public enemy The minister, whose fame and fortune depended on the prosperity of the state, was accused of betraying Italy to the barbarians, whom he repeatedly vanquished at Polientia, at Vciona, and before the walls of Florence. His pretended design of placing the diadem on the head of his son Eucherius could not have been conducted without preparations or accomplices; and the ambitious father would not surely have left the future emperor, till the twentieth year of his age, in the .

humble station of tribune of the notaries. Even the religion of Stilicho was arraigned by the malice of his rival. The seasonable, and almost miraculous, deliverance was devoutly celebrated by the applause of the clergy, who asserted that the restoration of idols and the persecution of the church would have been the first measure of the reign of Euchenus. Tlie son of Stilicho, howwer, was educated in the bosom of Christianity, which his father had uniformly professed and zealously .supported.'^' Serena had borrowed her magnificent necklace from the statue of Vesta and the Pagads execrated the memory of the sacrilegious minister, by whose order the Sibylline books, the oracles of Rome,

had been committed to the flames.”* The pride and j>ower of Stilicho constituted his

An

honourable reluctance to shed the blood of his countrymen appears to have real guilt.

contributed to the success of his unworthy

and it is the last humiliation of the character of Honorius, that posterity has not condescended to reproach him with his base ingratitude to the guardian of his youth and the support of his empire. Among the train of dependents whose wealth and dignity attracted the notice of their own rival;

is excited by the celebrated of the poet Claudian, who enjoyed the favour of Stilicho, and was overwhelmed in the

times, our curiosity

name

ruin of his patron.

The

titular offices of tribune

and notary fixed his rank in the Imperial court: he was indebted to the powerful intercession of

dian, erected in the forum of Trajan,

monument of the

man

and

taste

was a

liberality of the

Ro-

senate.”* After the praises of Stilicho be-

came

olfensive and criminal, Claudian was exposed to the enmity of a powerful and unforgiving courtier whom he had provoked by the insolence of wit. He had compared, in a lively epigram, the opposite characters of two Praetorian praefects of Italy; he contrasts the innocent repose of a philosopher, who sometimes resigned the hours of business to slumber, perhaps to study, with the interested diligence of a rapacious minister, indefatigable in the pursuit of unjust or sacrilegious gain. “How happy,” continues Claudian, “how happy might it be for the people of Italy if Mallius could be constant!””® ly awake, and if Hadrian would always sleep The repose of Mallius w'as not disturbed by this iriendly and gentle admonition; but the cruel vigilance of Hadrian watched the opportunity of revenge, and easily obtained from the enemies of Stilicho the tiifling sacrifice of an obnoxious poet. The poet concealed himself, however, during the tumult of the revolution, and consulting the dictates of prudence rather than of honour, he addressed, in tlic form of an epistle, a suppliant and humble recantation to the offended praefcct. He deplores, in mournful strains, the fatal indiscretion into which he had been hurried by passion and forty; submits to the imitation of his adversary the geni*ious examples of the clemency of gods, of herexs, and

of lions;

and expresses

his

hope that the magna-

nimity of Hadrian will not trample on a defenseless and contemptible fbe, already humbled by disgrace and poverty, and deeply wounded by the exile, the tortures, and the death ol his dearest friends.”’

Whatever might

l)c

the suc-

cess of his prayer or the accidents of his future

the pericxl of a few yeais levelled in the grave the minister and the poet: but the name of Hadrian is almost sunk in oblivion, while Claudian is read with pleasure in every country which has retained or acquiied the knowledge of the Latin language. If we faiily balance his merits and his defects, we shall picknowledge that Claudian d(x*s not either satiffy or silence our reason. It would not be easy to produce a passage that deserves the epithet df sublime or pathetic; to select a verse that mqlts the heart or enlarges the imagination. We should vainly seek in the poems of Claudian the happy invention and artificial conduct of an interesting fable, or the just and lively representation of the life,

The Thirty-first Chapter and

characters

situations of real

life.

For the

he published occasional panegyrics and invectives, and the design of these slavish compositions encouraged his propensity to exceed the limits of truth and nature. These imperfections, however, are compensated in some degree by the poetical virtues of Claudian. He was endowed with the rare and precious talent of raising the meanest, of adoring the most barren, and of diversifying the most simiservice of his patron

lar

more especially in and splendid; and he and even to abuse, the

his colouring,

topics;

descriptive poetry,

is

soft

seldom fails to display, advantages of a cultivated understanding, a

495

copious fancy, an easy and sometimes forcible expression, and a perpetual flow of harmonious

To these commendations, independent of any accidents of time and place, we must add the peculiar merit which Claudian derived from the unfavourable circumstances of

versification.

his birth. In the decline of arts

and of empire,

a native of Egypt,^'* who had received the education of a Greek, assumed in a mature age the familiar use and absolute command of the Latin language soared above the heads of his feeble contemporaries; and placed himself, after an

hundred

interval of three

years,

among

the

poets of ancient Rome.^*®

CHAPTER XXXI Invasion of Italy by Alaric. Manners of the Roman Senate and People. Rome is thrice besieged, and at length pillaged, by the Goths. Death of Alaric. The Goths evacuate Italy. Fall of Constantine.

Gaul and Spain are occupied by

the

Bar-

barians. Indebendence of Britain.

T

he incapacity of a weak and distracted government may often assume the appearance and produce the effects of a

treasonable correspondence with the public enIf Alaric himself had been intnxluccd into the council of Ravenna, he would probably

emy.

have ad\'ised the same measures which were actually pursued by the ministers of Honorius.' The king of the Cifiths would have conspired, perhaps with some reluctance, to destroy the formidable adversary by whose anns, in Italy as well as in Greece, he had been twice overthrown. Iheir active and interested hatred laboriously accomplished the disgrace and ruin of the great Stilicho. The valour of Sarus, his fame in arms, and his personal or hereditary influence over the confederate barbarians, could recommend him only to the friends of their country who despised or detested the worthless characters of Turpilio,

Varanes, and Vigilantius. By the

pressing instances of the

new

favourites, these

unworthy as they had shown themselves of the name of soldiers,* were promoted to generals,

the

command

of the cavalry, of the infantry,

and of the domestic troops. I hc Gothic prince would have subscribed with pleasure the edict which the fanaticism of Olympius dictated to the simple and devout emperor. Honorius excluded

who were

adverse to the catholic church irarn holding 9fky office in the state; obstinately rejected the sohdeeof all those all

persons

who dissented from his religion; and rashlv disqualified many of his bravest and most skilful officers who adhered to the Pagan w’orship or who had iml^ibcd the opinions of Arianisrn.* These measures, so advantageous to an enemv, Alaric would have approved, and might perhaps have suggested but it may seem doubtful whether the barbarian would have promoted his interest at the expense of the inhuman and absurd cruelty which was perpetrated by the ;

direction, or at least with the connivance, of the

Imperial ministers.

The

foreign auxiliaries

who

had been attached to the person of Stilicho lamented his death but the desire of revenge was checked by a natural apprehension for the safety of their w'ives and cliildren, who were de;

tained as hostages in the strong cities of Italy, where they had likewise deposited their most valuable effects. At the same hour, and as if by a common signal, the cities of Italy were polluted by the same horrid scenes of universal massacre and pillage, w'hich involved in promiscuous destruction the families and fortunes

of the barbarians. Exasperated by such an inwhich might have awakened the tamest and most servile spirit, they cast a look of indignation and hope towards the camp of Alaric,

jury',

and unanimously sw'ore to pursue with just and implacable war the perfidious nation that had so basely violated the laws of hospitality. By the imprudent conduct of the ministers of Honorius

496

Decline and Fall of the

the republic lost the assistance, and deserved the enmity, of thirty thousand of her bravest soldiers; and the weight of that formidable army, which alone might have determined the event of the war, was transferred from the scale of the Romans into that of the Goths. In the arts of negotiation, as well as in those of war, the Gothic king maintained his superior

ascendant over an enemy whose seeming total want of counsel and design. From his camp, on the confines changes proceeded from the

of Italy, Alaric attentively observed the revolutions of the palace, watched the progress of faction and discontent, disguised the hostile aspect of a barbarian invader, and assumed the more popular appearance of the friend and ally of the great Stilicho; to w'hose virtues, when they were no longer fonnidablc, he could pay a just tribute of sincere praise

and

regret. I'he press-

ing invitation of the malcontents, who urged the king of the Goths to invade Italy, was enforced by a lively sense of his personal injuries; and he might speciously complain that the Imperial ministers still delayed and eluded the payment of the four thousand pounds of gold which had been granted by the Roman senate either to reward his services or to appease his fury. His decent firmness was supported by an artful moderation, which contributed to the success of his designs. He required a fair and reasonable satisfaction; but he gave the strongest assurances that, as soon as he had obtained it, he would immediately retire. He refused to trust the faith of the Romans, unless Actius and Jason, the sons of two great officers of state, were sent as hostages to his camp: but he ollcred to deliver in exchange several of the noblest youths of the Gothic nation. The modesty of

by the ministers of Ravenna as a sure evidence of his weakness and fear. They disdained either to negotiate a treaty or to assemble an army; and with a rash confidence, derived only from their ignorance of the extreme danger, irretrievably wasted the decisive moments of peace and war. While they exAlaric was interpreted

pected, in sullen silence, that the barbarians should evacuate the confines of Italy, Alaric, with bold and rapid marches, passed th, Alps and the Po; hastily pillaged the cities of Aquileia, Altinum, Concordia, and Cremona, which yielded to his arms; increased his forces by the accession of thirty thousand auxiliaries; and, without meeting a single enemy in the field, advanced as far as the edge of the morass which protected the impregnable residence of the emperor of the West. Instead of attempting the

Roman Empire

hopeless siege of Ravenna, the prudent leader of the Goths proceeded to Rimini, stretched his ravages along the sea-coast of the Hadriatic,

and meditated the conquest of the ancient mistress of the world. An Italian hermit, whose zeal and sanctity were respected by the barbarians themselves, encountered the victorious monarch, and boldly denounced the indignation of Heaven against the oppressors of the earth: but the saint himself was confounded by the solemn asseveration of Alaric that he felt a secret and prarternatural impulse, which directed, and even compelled, his march to the gates of Rome. He felt that his genius and his fortune were equal to the most arduous enterprises; and the enthusiasm which he communicated to the Goths insensibly removed the popular and almost superstitious reverence of the nations for the majesty of the Roman name. His troops, animated by the hopes of spoil, followed the course of the Flaminian w'av, occupied the unguarded passes of the Apennine,^ descended into the rich plains of

encamped on

Umbria; and,

as they lay

banks of the Clitumnus, might wantonly slaughter and devour the milkwhite oxen which had lieen so long reserved for the

A

lofty situation the use of Roman triumphs.^ and a seasonable tenqH^st of thunder and Imht-

ning preservTd the little city of Narni but the king of the Goths, despising the ignoble prey, still advanced with unabated vigour; and alter he had passed through the ^thtely arches, adorned with the spoils of barbaric victories, he pitched his camp under the walls of Rome.® During a period of six hundred and nineteen years the seat of empire had never been violated by the presence of a foreign rneniy. 'Fhi* unsuccessful expedition of Hannibal' served only to display the character of the senate and people of a senate degraded, rather than ennobled, by the comparison of an assembly of kings; and of a people to whom the ambassador of Pyrrhus ascribed the inexhaustible resources ol the I lydra." Each of the senators in the time of the Punic war had accomplished his term of military service, either in a suix)rdinatc or a superior station; and the decree which invested with temporary command all those who had been consuls, or censors, or dictators, gave the republic the immediate assistance of many brave and experienced generals. In the beginning of the war the Roman people consisted of two hundred and fifty thousand citizens of an age to bear arms.® Fifty thousand had already died in the defence of their country; and the twentythree legions which were employed in the dif:

;

The Thirty-first Chapter fcrent

camps of

Italy,

Greece, Sardinia,

Sicily,

and Spain, required about one hundred thousand men. But there still remained an equal

number

in

Rome and

who were animated by

the adjacent territory

497

and of perpetual revolutions. Under each successive reign and from every province of the empire a crowd of hardy adventurers, rising to eminence by their talents scat of fortune, of danger,

same intrepid courage; and every citizen was trained from his earliest youth in the discipline and exercises of a

or their vices, usurpied the wealth, the honours, and the palaces of Rome ; and oppressed or pro-

soldier.

Hannibal was astonished by the constancy of the senate, who, without raising the

families,

siege of Capua or recalling their scattered forces,

In the time of Jerom and Claudian the senaunanimously yielded the prc-emincncc to the Anician line ; and a slight view of their history will serve to appreciate the rank and antiquity of the noble families which contended only for the second place.'® During the five first ages of the city the name of the Anicians was unknown they appear to have derived their origin from Praencste ; and the ambition of those new citizens was long satisfied w'ith the plel^eian honours of tribunesof the people.'* One Iftmdred and sixty-eight years before the Christian era the family was ennobled by the pra^torship of Anicius, who gloriously terminated the Illyrian war by the conquest of the nation and the captivity of their king.'® From the triumph of that general three consulships in distant periods mark the succession of the Anician name.'® From the reign of Diocle-

the

expected his approach. He encamped on the banks of the Anio, at the distance of throe miles from the city: and he was soon informed that the ground on which he had pitched his tent was sold for an adequate price at a public auc-

and that a body of troops was dismissed by an opposite road to reinforce the legions of

tion;

Spain.^®

He

led his Africans to the gates of

Rome, where he found

three armies in order of

him; but Hannibal dreaded the event of a combat from which he could not hojje to cscap>c unless he destroyed the last of his enemies; and his speedy n‘treat confessed the invinciW^* courage of the Romans. From the time of the Hunic war the uninterrupted succession of senators had preserved the name and unage of the republic; and the degenerate subjects of Honorius ambitiously derived thTiads of the barbarians. These brave legionaries, encompassed and betrayed, fell a sacriiice to ministerial folly; their general, Valens, with an hundred soldiers, escaped from the field of battle; and one of the ambassadors, who could no longer claim the protection of the law of nations, was obliged to purchase his freedom with a ransom of thirty thousand pieces of gold. Yet Alaric, instead of resenting this act of impotent hostility, immediately renewed his proposals of peace, and the second embassy of the Roman senate, which derived weight and dignity from the presence of Innocent, bishop of the city, was guarded from the dangers of the road by a detachment of Gothic soldiers.^^ Olympius might have continued to insult the just resentment of a people who loudly accused him as the author of the public calamities, but his power was undermined by the secret intrigues of the palace. The favourite eunuchs transferred the government of Honorius and the empire to Jovius, the Praftorian praefcct an unworthy servant, who did not atone by the merit of personal attachment f^r the errors and misfortimes of his administration. 'I he exile, or escape, of the guilty

Olympius reserved him

for

more

vicissitudes of fortune: he experienced the adventures of an obscure and wandering life; he again rose to power; he fell a second time into disgrace; his ears were cut off~hc expired under the lash and his ignominious death afibrded a grateful spectacle to the friends of Stilicho. After the removal of Olympius, whose character was deeply tainted with religious fa-

—

naticism, the Pagans

and

heretics

were deliv-

ered from the impolitic proscription which excluded them from the dignities of the state, llie brave Gennerid,^^ a soldier of barbarian origin, who still adhered to the worship of his ancestors, had been obliged to lay aside the military belt; and though he was repeatedly assured by the emperor himself that laws were not made for persons of his rank or merit, he refused to accept any partial dispensation, and persevered in honourable disgrace till he had extorted a

Roman Empire

general act of justice from the distress of the government. The conduct of Gennerid in the important station to which he was promoted or restored, of master-general of Dal-

Roman

matia, Pannonia, Noricum, and Rhacrtia, seemed and spirit of the republic. From a life of idleness and want his troops were soon habituated to severe exercise and plentiful subsistence, and his private generosity to revive the discipline

which were denied by the avarice or poverty of the court of Ra-

often supplied the rewards

venna. The valour of Gennerid, formidable to the adjacent barbarians, was the firmest bulwark of the Illyrian frontier; and his vigilant care assisted the empire with a reinforcement of ten thousand Huns, who arrived on the confines of Italy, attended by such a convoy of provisions, and such a numerous train of sheep and oxen, as might have been sufficient not only for the march of an army but for the settlement of a colony. But the court and councils of Honorious still remained a scene of weakness and distraction, of corruption and anarchy. Instigated by the praefcct Jovius, the guards rose in

mutiny and demanded the heads of two and of the two principal eunuchs. The generals, under a perfidious promise of safety, were sent on ship-board and privately executed; while the favour of the eunuchs procured them a mild and secure exile at Milan and Gonstantinople. Eusebius the eunuch anjj^thc barbarian furious

generals

Allobich succeeded to the

command

of the bed-

chamber and of the guards; and the mutual jealousy of the subordinate ministers was the cau.se of their mutual destruction. By the insolent order of the

count of the domestics, the

great chamberlain was shamefully beaten to death with sticks before the eyes of the astonished emperor;

and the subsequent

assassina-

tion of Allobich, in the midst of a public procession,

is

the only circumstance of his

life

in

which Honorius discovered the faintest symptom of courage or resentment. Yet before they fell, Eusebius and Allobich had contributed their part to the ruin of the empirp by opposing the conclusion of a treaty which Jovius, IVom a selfish, and perhaps a criminal motive, had negotiated with Alaric, in a persqnal interview under the walls of Rimini. During the absence of Jovius the emperor was persuaded to assume a lofty tone of inflexible dignity, speh as neither

him and a letter, signed with the name of Honorius, was immediately despatched to the Praetorian pr^efect, granting him a free permiasion to dispose of the public money, but his situation nor his character coidd enable

to support;

The Thirty-first sternly refusing to prostitute the military hon-

ours of Rome to the proud demands of a barbarian. This letter was imprudently communicated to Alaric himself; and the Goth, who in the whole transaction had behaved with temper

and decency, expressed in the most outrageous language his lively sense of the insult so wantonly offered to his person and to his nation. The conference of Rimini was hastily interrupted; and the prefect Jovius, on his return to Ravenna, was compelled to adopt, and even to encourage, the fashionable opinions of the court. By his advice and example the principal officers of the state and army were obliged to swear that, without listening in any circumstances to any conditions of peace, they would still persevere in perpetual and implacable war against the enemy of the republic. This rash

engagement opposed an insuperable bar to all The ministers of Honorius were heard to declare that, if they had only invoked the name of the Deity, they would consult the public safety, and trust their souls to the mercy of Heaven, but they had sworn by the sacred head of the emperor himself; they had touched in solemn ceremony that august seat of majesty and wisdom; and the violation of their oath would expose them to the temporal penalties of sacrilege and rebellion. While the emperor and his court enjoyed with sullen pride the security of the marshes and fortifications of Ravenna, they abandoned future negotiation.

Rome, almost without defence, to the resentment of Alaric. Yet such was the moderation which he

still

preserved, or affected, that as he

his army along the Flaminian \Nay he successively despatched the bishops of the towns of Italy to reiterate his offers of peace, and to conjure the emperor that he would save the city and its inhabitants from hostile fire and the sword of the barbarians.*’ These impending calamities were however averted, not indeed by the wisdom of Honorius, but by the prudence or humanity of the Gothic king, who employed a milder, though not less effectual, method of conquest. Instead of assaulting the capital he

moved with

successfully directed his efforts against the Port

of Ostia, one of the boldest and most stupendous works of Roman magnificence.** The accidents to which the precarious subsistence of the city was continually exposed in a winter navigation and an open road had suggested to the

genius of the first Cscsar the useful design which was executed under the reign of Claudius. The artificial moles which formed the narrow entrance advanced far into the sea, and firmly re-

CJhaptcr

507

fury of the waves, while the largest vessels securely rode at anchor within three pelled

tlic

deep and capacious basins which received the northern branch of the Tiber about two miles from the ancient colony of Ostia.*® The Roman Port insensibly swelled to the size of an episcopal city,®® where the corn of Africa was deposited in spacious granaries for the use of the capital. As soon as Alaric was in possession of that important place he summoned the city to surrender at discretion;

by the

and

his

demands were enforced

positive declaration that a refusal, or

even a delay, should be instantly followed by the destruction of the magazines on which the life of the Roman people depended. The clamours of that people and the terror of famine

subdued the pride of the senate; they

listened

without reluctance to the proposal of placing a

new emperor on

the tlirone of the unworthy

Honorius; and the suffrage of the Gothic conqueror bestowed the purple on Attalus, prarfect of the city. The grateful monarch immediately

acknowledged his protector as master-general of the armies of the West ; Adolphus, with the rank of count of the domestics, obtained the custody of the person of Attains; and the two hostile nations seemed to be united in the closest bands oi friendship and alliance.®’

The gates of the city were thrown open, and the new emperor of the Romans, encompassed on every side by the Gothic anns, was conducted in tumultuous procession to the palace of Augustus and Trajan. After he had distributed the

civil

vourites

and and

military dignities followers, Attains

among

his fa-

convened an

assembly of the senate, before whom, in a forflorid speech, he asserted his resolution of restoring the majesty of the republic, and of uniting to the empire the provinces of Egypt and the East which had once acknowledged the sovereignty of Rome. Such extravagant promises inspired every reasonable citizen with a just contempt for the character of an unwarlike

mal and

usurper, w'hosc elevation was the deepest

and

most ignominious wound w'hich the republic had yet sustained from the insolence of the barbarians. But the populace, with their usual le\*.y, applauded the change of masters. The public discontent was favourable to the rival of

Honorius; and the sectaries, oppressed by his persecuting edicts, expected some degree of countenance, or at least of toleration, from a prince who, in his native country of Ionia, had been educated in the Pagan superstition, and who had since received the sacrament of baptism from the hands of an Arian bishop.®* The

—

Decline and Fall of the

5o8 first

days of the reign of Attains were

prosp)erous.

An

officer of confidence

fair and was sent

with an inconsiderable body of troops to secure the obedience of Africa; the greatest part of Italy submitted to the terror of the Gothic powers; and though the city of Bologna made a vigorous and effectual resistance, the people of Milan, dissatisfied perhaps with the absence of Honorius, accepted with loud acclamations the choice of the Roman senate. At the head of a formidable army, Alaric conducted his royal captive almost to the gates of Ravenna and a solemn embassy of the principal ministers of ;

—

Jovius the Praetorian pra'fcct, of Valens, master of the cavalry and infantry, of the quaestor Potamius, and of Julian, the first of the notaries was introduced with martial pomp into the Gothic camp. In the name of their sovereign they consented to acknowledge the lawful election of his competitor, and to divide the provinces of Italy

and the West between the two

Roman Empire

and the slumbers of the emperor were no longer disturbed by the apprehension of imminent and internal danger. The favourable intelligence which was received from Africa suddenly changed the opinions of men and the state of public affairs. The troops and officers whom Attalus had sent into that province were defeated and slain, and the active ?cal of Hcraclian maintained his own allegiance and that of his people. The faithful count of Africa transmitted a large sum of money, which fixed the attachment of the Imperial guards; and his vigilance in preventing the exportation of corn

introduced famine, tumult and disconRome. The failure of the African expedition was the source of mutual complaint and recrimination in the party of

and

oil

tent into the walls of

Attalus,

and the mind of

his protector

was

in-

sensibly alienated from the interest of a prince

who wanted spirit to command or docility to obey. The most imprudent measures w’ere adopted, without the knowledge or against the advice of Alaric, and the obstinate refusal ol the senate to allow in the embarkation the mixture even of five hundred Goths, betrayed a suspi-

emperors. Their proposals were rejected with disdain; and the refusal was aggravated by the insulting clemency of Attalus, who condescended to promise that if Honorius would instantly resign the purple he should be {permitted to pass the remainder of his life in the peaceful exile of some remote island,®^ So desperate indeed did the situation of the son of fheodosius appear to those who were the Ix’st acquainted with his strength and resources, that Jovius and Valens, his minister and his general. t)etrayed their trust, infamously deserted the sinking^ cause of their benefactor, and devoted their treacherous allegiance to the service of his more fortunate rival. Astonished by such examples of domestic treason, Honorius trembled at the approach of every servant, at the arrival of every messenger. He dreaded the secret enemies who might lurk in his capital, his palace, his bed-chamber; and some ships lay ready in the harbour of Ravenna to transport the abdicated monarch to the dominions of his infant

The officers who returned to their dut> were reinstated in their employments, and even the merit of a tardy repcmtance was graci-

nephew, the emperor of the East. But there is a Providence (such

ously allowed; but the degraded emperor of the Romans, desirous of life and insensible of dis-

at least

was

the opinion of the historian Procopius®^) that watches over innocence and folly, and tha^pretensions of Honorius to its peculiar care cannot reasonably be disputed. At the moment when his despair, incapable of

any wise or manly

res-

cious

and

distrustful

temper which in

their situ-

ation w'as neither gemerous nor prudent.

The

resentment of the Gothic king was exasperated by the malicious arts of Jovius, who had been raised to the rank of patrician, and who afterwards excused his double perfidyJDV dec laring Writhout a blush that he had only setmfd to abandon the serv’ice of Honorius more c'Jfectually to ruin the cause of the usurper. In a large plain near Rimini, and in the presence of an innumerable multitude of Romans and bar-

was publicly dediadem and purple; and those en.signs of royalty were sent by Alaric as the pledge of peace and friendship to the son of barians, the wretchc'd Attains

spoiled of the

Theodosius.®^

grace, implored the permission of following the

Gothic camp in the train of a haughty and capricicjus barbarian.®®

The degradation

of Attalus removed the only

and Ravenna

real obstacle to the conclusion of the peace,

olution, meditated a shameful flight, a season-

Alaric advanced within three miles of

able reinforcement of four thousand veterans unexpectedly landed in the port of Ravenna. To these valiant strangers, whose fidelity had

to press the irresolution of the Imperial minis-

not been corrupted by the factions of the court, he committed the walls and gates of the city,

by the report that a rival chieftain, that Sarus, the personal enemy of Adolphus, and the hered-

ters,

whose insolence soon returned with the His indignation was kindled

returi: of fortune.

The

Thirty-first

Chapter

itary foe of the house of Balti,

509 The barbarian viewed with wonder and delight

into the palace.

this valuable acquisition,

had been received At the head of three hundred

followers that fearless barbarian immediately

from the gates of Ravenna, surprised and cut in pieces a considerable body of Goths, reentered the city in triumph, and was permitted

sallied

to insult his adversary

who

by the voice of a herald,

publicly declared that the guilt of Alaric

excluded him from the friendship The crime and folly of the court of Ravenna was expiated a third time by the calamities of Rome. The king of the Goths, who no longer dissembled his appetite for plunder and revenge, appeared in arms under the walls of the capital; and the trembling senate, without any hopes of relief, prepared by a desperate resistance to delay the ruin of their country. But they were unable to guard against the secret conspiiacy of their slaves and domestics, who either from birth or interest were attached to the cause of the enemy. At the h(jur of midnight the Salarian gate was silently opened, and the inhabitants were awakened by the trem‘< sound of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred and sixty-three years alter the foundation of Rome, the Imperial city, which had subdued and civilised so considerable a part of mankind, WcLs delivered to

had and

till he was interrupted by a serious admonition, addressed to him in

the following words: “These,” said she, “arc the consecrated vessels l>e]onging to St. Peter; if you presume to touch them, the sacrilegious deed will remain on your conscience. For my part, I dare not keep what I am unable to de-

The Gothic

for ever

fend.”

alliance of the emperor.®^

ential awe,

the licentious fury of the tribes of

Germany and

Scythia.®**

I’hc proclaiTidtion of Alaric, his entrance into a

vanquished

when he

forced

city, discovered,

however, some regard for the laws of humanity and religion. He encouraged his troops boldly to seize the rewards of valour, and to enrich thcnvsclves with the spoils of a wealthy and elleminatc people; but he exhorted them at the same time to spare the lives of the unresisting citizens, and to respect the churches of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul as holy and inviolable sanctuaries. Amidst the horrors of a nocturnal tumult several of the Christian Goths displayed the fervour of a recent conversion;

and some instances of their uncommon piety and moderation are related, and perhaps adorned, by the zeal of ecclesiastical writers.®® While the barbarians roamed through the city in quest of prey, the humble dwelling of an aged virgin, who had devoted her life to the service of the altar, was forced open by one of the powerful Goths. He immediately demanded, though in civil language, all the gold and silver in her possession, and was astonished at the readiness with which she conducted him to a splendid hoard of massy plate of the richest materials and the most curious workmanship.

captain, struck with reverdespatched a messenger to inform the king of the treasure which he had discovered, and received a peremptory order from Alaric, that all the consecrated plate and ornaments should lx; transported, without damage or delay, to the church of the apostle. From the extremity, perhaps, of the Quirinal hill to the distant quarter of the Vatican, a numerous detachment of Goths, marching in order of battle through the principal streets, protected with glittering arms the long train of their devout companions whb bore aloft on their heads the

sacred vessels of gold and silver, and the martial shouts of the barbarians were mingled with the

sound of religious psalmody. From

all

the ad-

jacent houses a crowd of Christians hastened to join this cdifving procession, and a multitude of fugitives, w’ithout distinction of

age or rank, or

had ilic good fortune to escape to the secure and hospitable sancluarv' of the Vatican. The learned work concerning the City oj God wds professedly composed by St. Augustin,

even of

sect,

to justify the w'ays of Providence in the destruc-

tion of the

Roman greatness. He celebrates with

memorable triumph of and insults his adversaries by challenging them to produce some similar example oi a town taken by storm, in which the fabulous gods of antiquity had Ixren able to protect cither

peculiar satisfaction this Glirist,

themselves or their deluded votaries.*®® In the sack of Rome some rare and extraordinary examples of barbarian virtue have been deservedly applauded. But the holy precincts of the Vatican and the apostolic churches could receive a very small proportion of the Roman people: many thousand w’arriors, more especially of the Huns who .serNcd under the standard of Alaric, were strangers to the name, or at least to the faith, of Christ,

and

w'c

may susp)ect,

without any breach of charity or candour, that in the hour of savage licence, w’hen cver>* passion was inflamed and every restraint was removed, the precepts of the Gospel seldom influenced the behaviour of the Gothic Christians. The writers the best disposed to exaggerate their clemency have freely confessed that a cruel slaughter was made of the Romans,*®* and

Decline and Fall of the

510

that the streets of the city were filled with dead bodies, which remained without burial during

the general consternation. The despair of the was sometimes converted into fiiry ; and whenever the barbarians were provoked by opcitizens

position, they

extended the promiscuous mas-

sacre to the feeble, the innocent, and the helpless. The private revenge of forty thousand

was exercised without pity or remorse; and the ignominious lashes which they had formerly received were washed away in the

slaves

blood of the guilty or obnoxiotis families. The Rome were exposed to injuries more dreadful, in the apprehension of chastity, than death itself; and the ecclesiastical historian has selected an example of female virtue for the admiration of future ages.^®* A Roman lady, of singular beauty and orthodox faith, had excited the impatient desires of a young Goth, who, according to the sagacious remark of Sozomen, was attached to the Arian heresy. Exasperated by her obstinate resistance, he drew his sword, and, with the anger of a lover, slightly wounded her neck. The bleeding heroine still continued to brave his resentment

matrons and virgins of

and

to repel his love,

till

the ravisher desisted

from his unavailing edorts, respectfully conducted her to the sanctuary of the Vatican, and gave six pieces of gold to the guards of the church on condition that they should restore her inviolate to the arms of her husband. Such instances of coiu-agc and generosity were not extremely common. The brutal soldiers satisfied their sensual appetites without consulting either the inclination or the duties of their female captives; and a nice question of casuistry was seriously agitated.

who had

Whether

those tender victims,

inflexibly refused their consent to the

which they sustained, had lost, by crown of virginity.‘®® There were other lasses indeed of a more substantial kind and more general concern. It caimot be presumed that all the barbarians were at all times capable of perpetrating such amorous outrages; and the want of youth, or violation

their misfortune, the glorious

beauty, or chastity, protected the greatest part of the Roman women from the danger of a rape. But avarice is an insatiate and universal passion; since the enjoyment of almost every

object that can afford pleasure to the different

and tempers of mankind may be procured by the possession of wealth. In the pillage of Rome a just preference was given to gold and jewels, which contain the greatest value in the smallest compass and weight; but, after these portable riches had been removed by the more tastes

Roman Empire

diligent robbers, the palaces of Rome were rudely stripped of their splendid and costly furniture. The sideboards of massy plate, and the variegated wardrobes of silk and purple, were irregularly piled in the waggons that always followed the march of a Gothic army. The most exquisite works of art were roughly handled or wantonly destroyed: many a statue was melted for the sake of the precious materials; and many a vase, in the division of the spoil, was shivered into fragments by the stroke of a battle-axe. The acquisition of riches served only to stimulate the avarice of the rapacious barbarians, who proceeded by threats, by blows,

and by

tortures, to force from their prisoners the confession of hidden treasure.^®* Visible splendour and expense were alleged as the

proof of a plentiful fortune ; the appearance of poverty was imputed to a parsimonious disposition; and the obstinacy of some misers, who endured the most cruel torments before they would discover the secret object of their affection, was fatal to many unhappy wretches, who expired under the lash for refusing to reveal their imaginary treasures. I'he edifices of Rome, though the damage has been much exaggerated, received some injury from the violence of the Gotlis. At their entrance through the Sa-

larian gate they fired the adjacent houses to

guide their march and to distract the attention of the citizens; the flames, which encountered no obstacle in the disorder of tRc night, consumed many private and public buildings, and the ruins of the palace of Sallust^ remained in the age of Justinian a stately monument of the Gothic conflagration.^®® Yet a contemporary historian h^s observed that fire could scarcely consume the enormous beams of solid brass, and that the strength of man was insufficient to subvert the foundations of ancient structures. Some truth may possibly be conct‘aled in his devout

wrath of Heaven supplied the imperfections of hostile rage, and that the proud Forum of Rome, decorated with the statues of so many gods and heroes, was levelled in

assertion, that the

the dust by the stroke of lightning.^®^ Whatever might be the numbers of equestrian or plebeian rank who perished in the massacre of Rome, it is confidently affirmed that only one senator lost his life by the sword of the enemy. ^®® But it was not easy to compute the multitudes who, from an honourable station

and a prosperous fortune, were Suddenly reduced to the miserable condition of captives and exiles. As the barbarians had more occasion for money than for slaves, they fixed at a mod-

The Thirty-first Chapter crate price the redemption of their indigent prisoners; and the ransom was often paid by the

benevolence of their friends, or the chanty of captives, who were regularly open market or by private contract, would have legally regained their native freedom, which it was impossible for a citizen to lose or to alienate,^® But as it was soon dis-

strangers.^®®

The

sold, cither in

covered that the vindication of their liberty would endanger their lives, and that the Goths, unless they were tempted to sell, might be pro-

voked to murder their useless prisoners, the civil jurisprudence had been already qualified by a wise regulation, that they should be obliged to serve the moderate term of five years, till they had discharged by their labour the price of their redemption. The nations who invaded the Roman empire had driven before them, into Italy, whole troops of hungry and affrighted provincials, less apprehensive of servitude than of famine.

The

calamities of

Rome and

Italy

dispersed the inhabitants to the most lonely, the most secure, the most distant places of refuge. Wliile tile cavalry spread terror and desolation along the sea-coast of Campania

and

Tuscany, the little island of Igilium, separated by a narrow channel from the Argentarian promontory, repulsed, or eluded, their hostile attempts; and at so small a distance from Rome, great numljcrs of citizens w^crc securely concealed in the thick woods of that sequestered spot."-

The ample patrimonies which many

senatorian families possessed in Africa invited them, if they had time and prudence to escape

matrimonial prostitution, the noblest maidens of Rome to the lust or avarice of the Syrian merchants. The Italian fugitives were dispersed through the provinces, along the coast of Egypt and Asia, as far as Constantinople and Jerusalem; and the village of Bethlehem, the ly sold, in

Jerom and his female was crowned with illustrious beggars, of cither sex and every age, who excited the public compassion by the remembrance of their

solitary residence of St.

converts,

past fortunc.^^^ This awful catastrophe of Rome filled the astonished empire with grief and ter-

So interesting a contrast of greatness and ruin disposed the fond credulity of the people to deplore, and even to exaggerate, the afflictions of the queen of cities. The clergy, who applied to recent events the lofty metaphors of Oriental prophecy, were sometimes tempted to confound the destruction of the capital and the dissolution of the globe.

ror.

There exists In human nature a strong propensity to depreciate the advantages, and to magnify the evils, of the present times. Yet,

when

emotions had subsided, and a was made of the real damage, the more learned and judicious contemporaries were forced to confess that infant Rome had formerly received more essential injury from the Gauls than she had now sustained from the Goths in her declining age."® The experience of the

first

fair estimate

eleven centuries has enabled posterity to produce a much more singular parallel; and to affirm with confidence, that the ravages of the

pious Proba,"* the widow of the prcvfcct Petronius. After the death of her hasband, the most powerful subject of Rome, she had remained at the head of the Anician family, and successively

barbarians whom Alaric had led from the banks Danube were less destructive than the hostilities exercised by the troops of Charles the Fifth, a catholic prince, who styled himself Emperor of the Romans."® The Goths evacuated the city at the end of six days, but Rome remained above nine months in the possession of the Imperialists; and every hour was stained by

supplied, from her private fortune, the expense

some atrocious

of the consulships of her three sons. When the city was besieged and taken by the Oiths,

The

from the ruin of

embrace the shelter of that hospitable province. The most illustrious of these fugitives was the noble and their country, to

Proba supported with Christian resignation the immense riches; embarked in a small vessel, from whence she beheld, at sea, the dames of her burning palace; and Red with her daughter Lseta, and her grand-daughter, the

of the

act of cruelty, lust,

and

rapine.

authority of Alaric prcserv'cd some order and moderation among the ferocious multitude which acknowledged him for their leader and

loss of

king; but the constable of Bourbon had gloriously fallen in the attack of the walls; and the dc ilh of the general removed ever>’ restraint of discipline from an army which consisted of

celebrated virgin Demetrias, to the coast of Africa. The benevolent profusion with which the matron distributed the fruits or the price of

three independent nations, the Italians, the Spaniards, and the Germans. In the beginning of the sixteenth century the manners of Italy exhibited a remarkable scene of the depravity

her estates contributed to alleviate the misfortunes of exile and captivity. But even the family of Proba herself was not exempt from the rapacious oppression of Count Heraclian,

who base-

of mankind. They united the sanguinary crimes that prevail in an unsettled state of society, with the polished vices which spring from the abuse

;

Decline and Fall of the

512

of art and luxury; and the loose adventurers, who had violated every prejudice of patriotism and superstition to assault the palace of the Roman pontiff, must deserve to be considered as the most profligate of the Italians, At the same era the Spaniards were the terror both of the Old and New World; but their high-spirited valour was disgraced by gloomy pride, rapacious avarice, and unrelenting cruelty. Indefatigable in the pursuit of fame and riches, they had improved, by repeated practice, the most exquisite and effectual methods of torturing their prisoners: many of the Castilians who pillaged Rome were familiars of the holy inquisition ; and some volunteers, perhaps, were lately returned from the conquest of Mexico. The Germans were less corrupt than the Italians, less cruel than the Spaniards; and the rustic, or even savage aspect of those Tramontane warriors often disguised a simple and merciful disposition. But they had imbibed, in the first fervour of the Reformation, the spirit, as well as the principles, of Luther. It was their favourite amusement to insult, or destroy, the consecrated objects of catholic superstition; they indulged, without pity or remorse, a devout hatred against the clergy of every denomination and degree who form so considerable a part of the inhabitants of modern

Rome; and their fanatic zeal might aspire to subvert the throne of Antichrist, to purify, with blood and fire, the abominations of the spiritual Babylon.'^’

The

retreat of the victorious Goths,

evacuated

Rome on

who

the sixth day,^^^ might be

the result of prudence, but

it

w^ not surely the

At the head of an army encumbered with rich and weighty spoils, their intrepid leader advanced along the Appian Way

effect of fear.“®

into the southern provinces of Italy, destroying

whatever dared to oppose his passage, and contenting himself with the plunder of the unre-

The fate of Capua, the proud and luxurious metropolis of Campania, and which was respected, even in its decay, as the

sisting country.

eighth city of the empire,^^^ is buried in oblivion whilst the adjacent towm of Nola has l^een illustrated, on this occasion, by the sanctity of Paulinus,^^ who was successively a consul, a monk, and a bishop. At the age of forty he renounced the enjoyment of wealth and honour, of society and literature, to embrace a life of solitude and penance; and the loud applause of the clergy encouraged him to despise the re(rvctvds,

asx xo

or body.^*

who

dSsutd&x

ascribed

cA. vVie.

mvcvd

An early and passionate attachment

Roman Empire

determined him to fix his humble dwelling in one of the suburbs of Nola, near the miraculous tomb of St. Felix, which the public devotion had already surrounded with five large and populous churches. The remains of his fortune, and of his understanding, were dedicated to the service of the glorious martyr; whose praise, on the day of his festival, Paulinus never failed to celebrate by a solemn hymn; and in whose name he erected a sixth church, of superior elegance and beauty, which was decorated with many curious pictures from the history of the Old and New Testament. Such assiduous zeal secured the favour of the saint,^*^ or at least of the people; and, after fifteen years’ retirement the Roman consul was compelled to accept the bishopric of Nola, a few months before the city was invested by the Goths. During the siege, some religious persons were satisfied that they had seen, either in dreams or visions, the divine form of their tutelar patron; yet it soon appeared by the event, that Felix wanted power, or inclination, to preserve the flock of which he had formerly been the shepherd. Nola was not and the saved from the general devastation captive bishop was protected only by the general opinion of his innocence and poverty. Above four years elapsed from the successful invasion of Italy by the arms of Alaric, to the voluntary retreat of the Cioths under the conduct of his successor Adolphus; and, during the whole time, they reigned without control over a country which, in the opinion of the ancients, had united all the various excellences of nature and art. The prosperity, indeed, which Italy had attained in the auspicious age of the Antonines, had gradually declined with the decline of the empire. I’hc fruits of a long peace perished under the rude grasp of the barbarians; and they themselves were incapable of tasting Uie more elegant refinements of luxury which had been prepared for the use of the soft and polished] Italians. Each soldier, however, claimed an ample portion of the substantial plenty, the corn and cattle, oil and wine, that was daily collected and consumed, in the Gothic camp; and the principal warriors insulted the villas and gardens, once inhabited by Lucullus and Cicero, along the beauteous coast of Campania. Their trembling captives, the sons and daughters of Roman senators, presented, in goblets of gold

and gems,

large draughts

of Falcrnian wine to the haughty victors,

who

stretched theAr huge limbs under the shade of

anihcvallv disposed to exclude the scorching rays, and to admit the genial

vVaue-xtees,^'^®

The Thirty-first Chapter warmth, of the sun. These delights were enhanced by the memory of past hardships; the comparison of their native soil, the bleak and barren hills of Scythia, and the frozen banks of the Elbe and Danube, added new charms to the felicity of the Italian climate.*”

Whether fame, or conquest, or

riches

were

the object of Alaric, he pursued that object with an indefatigable ardour which could neither be

quelled by adversity nor satiated by success. No sooner had he reached the extreme land of Italy than he was attracted by the neighbouring prospect of a fertile and peaceful island. Yet even the possession of Sicily he considered only an intermediate step to the important expedition which he already meditated against the continent of Africa. The straits of Rhegium and Me.ssina*^* are twelve miles in length, and in the narrowest passage al)out one mile and a half broad; and the fabulous monsters of the deep, the rocks of Scylla and the whirlpool of Charybdis, could terrify none but the most timid and unskilled mariners. Yet as soon as the first division of tlie GoiLa hi*vl nibarked, a sudden tempest arose, whicli sunk or scattered many of the transports; their courage was daunted by the terrors of a new element; and the whole design was defeated by the premature death of Alaric, which fixed, after a short illnes.s, the fatal term I

The fcroci

and interesting narrative I might possibly forget to mention the death of such a prince, and I shall therefore take the precaution of observing

in this place that he survived the last siege of

Rome ,

about thirteen years.

The usurpation of Constantine, who received

the pqrplc from the legions of Britain, had been and seemed to be secure. His title was acknowledged from the wall of Antoninus

successful,

to the Columns of Hercules, and, in the midst of the public disorder, he shared the dominion and the plunder of Gaul and Spain with the tribes of barbarians whose destructive progress was no longer checked by the Rhine or Pyrenees. Stained with the blood of the kinsmen of

Decline and Fall of the

5i 6

Honorius, he extorted from the court of Ravenwhich he secretly corresponded, the ratification of his rebellious claims. Constantine engaged himself by a solemn promise to deliver Italy from the Goths, advanced as far as the banks of the Po, and, after alarming rather than assisting his pusillanimous ally, hastily returned to the palace of Arles, to celebrate with intemperate luxury his vain and ostentatious triumph. But this transient prosperity was soon interrupted and destroyed by the revolt of Count Gerontius, the bravest of his generals, who, during the absence of his son Constans, a prince already invested with the Imperial purple, had been left to command in the provinces ol Spain. For some reason of which we arc ignorant, Gerontius, instead of assuming the diadem, placed it na, with

on the head of

his friend

Maximus, who

fixed

Tarragona, while the active count pressed forwards through the Pyrenees to surprise the two emperors Constantine and Constans before they could prepare for their defence. The son was made prisoner at Vienne, and immediately put to death and the unfortunate youth had scarcely leisure to deplore the elevation of his family, which had tempted or compelled him sacrilegiously to desert the peaceful obscurity of the monastic life. The father maintained a siege within the walls of Arles; but those walls must have yielded to the assailants had not the city been unexpectedly relieved by the approach of an Italian army. The name of Honorius, the proclamation of a lawful emperor, astonished the contending parhis residence at

;

ties

of the rebels. Gerontius,

abandoned by

his

ow n troops, escaped to the confines of Spain, and rescued his name from obliv ion by the Roman courage which appeared to animate the last moments of his life. In the middle of the night a great body of his perfidious soldiers surrounded and attacked his house, which he had strongly barricaded. His

w'ife,

of the nation of the Alani,

a valiant friend

and some

faithful

were still attached to his person and he used with so much skill and resolution a large magazine of darts and arrowrs, that above three hundred of the assailants lust their lives m the attempt. His slaves, when all the missile weapons were spent, fled at the dawn of day; and Gerontius, if he had not been restrained by conjugal tenderness, might have imitated their example; till the soldiers, provoked by such obstinate resistance, applied fire on all sides to the house. In this fatal extremity he complied with slaves,

;

the request of his barbarian friend and cut off his head.

The

wife of Gerontius,

who

conjured

Roman Empire

him not

abandon her to a life of misery and eagerly presented her neck to his sword and the tragic scene was terminated by the death of the count himself, who after three to

disgrace, :

ineffectual strokes,

sheathed

it

drew a short dagger and

in his heart.*

The unprotected

Maximus, whom he had invested with the purple, was indebted for his life to the contempt that was entertained of his power and abilities. caprice of the barbarians, who ravaged Spain, once more seated this Imperial phantom on the throne but they soon resigned him to the justice of Honorius; and the tyrant Maximus,

The

:

he had been shown to the people of Ravenna and Rome, was publicly executed. The general, Constantius was his name, who raised by his approach the siege of Arles and dissipated the troops of Gerontius, was Ixjrn a Roman; and this remarkable distinction is after

strongly expressive of the decay of military spirit

among

The

the subjects of the empire.

strength

and majesty which were conspicuous in the person of that gencral*^^ marked liim in the popular opinion as a candidate worthy of the throne which he afterwards ascended. In the familiar intercourse of private life his manners were cheerful and engaging: nor would he sometimes disdain, in the license of convivial mirth, to vie

with the pantomimes themselves in the extTcises of their ridiculous profession But when the trumpet summoned him to ailtls; when he mounted his horse, and, Ixmding down (for .such was his singular practu e) almost upon thes deserved the esteem, w ithout exciting the compassion, of their enemies; and the lion was no sooner taken in the toils^^^ than he was instantly dcs{>atched. The death of Sarus dissolved the loose alliance w hich Adolphus still maintained with the usurpers of Gaul. He again listened to the dictates of

and prudence and

S(X)n satisfied the bro-

Alani,

love

ans;

ther of Placidia, by the assurance that he

;

would

immediately transmit to the palace of Ravenna the heads of the two t>Tants, Jovinus and Sebastian. The king of the Goths executed liis promise without difficulty or delay: the helpless brothers, unsupported by any personal merit, were abandoned by their barbarian auxiliaries;

Decline and Fall of the

5t8

and the short opposition of Valentia was explated by the ruin of one of the oldest cities of Gaul. The emperor chosen by the Roman sen-

who had been promoted,

degraded, inand again insulted, was finely abandoned to his fate; but when the Gothic king withdrew his protection, he was restrained, by pity or contempt, from ate,

sulted, restored, again degraded,

any violence to the {person of Attalus. unfortunate Attalus, who was left without subjects or allies, embarked in one of the ports of Spain, in search of some secure and solitary retreat; but he was intercepted at sea, conducted to the presence of Honorius, led in triumph through the streets of Rome or Ravenna, and publicly exposed to the gazing multitude, on the second step of the throne of his invincible conqueror. The same measure of punishment with which, in the days of his prosperity, he was accused of menacing his rival, was inflicted on Attalus himself: he was condemned, after the amputation of two fingers, to a perpetual exile in the isle of Lipari, where he was supplied with the decent necessaries of life. The remainder of the reign Honorius was undisturbed by rebellion; and it may be observed that in the space of five years seven usurpers had yielded to the fortune of a prince who was himself incapable either of counsel or of action. The situation of Spain, separated on all sides from the enemies of Rome, by the sea, by the mountains, and by intermediate provinces, had secured the long tranquillity of that remote aitd sequestered country; and we may observe, as a sure symptom of domestic happiness, that, in a period of four hundred yc2irs, Spain furnished very few materials to the history of the Roman empire. The footsteps of the barbarians, who, in the reign of Gallienus, had penetrated beyond the Pyrenees, were soon obliterated by the return of peace; and in the fourth century of the Christian era, the cities of Emerita or Merida, of Corduba, Seville, Bracara, and Tarragona, were numbered with the most illustrious of the Roman world. The various plenty of the animal, the vegetable, and the mineral kinfj^oms, was improved and manufactured by the skill of an industrious people; and the peculiar advantages of naval stores contributed to support an extensive and profitable trade.^^^ The arts and offering

The

sciences flourished under the protection of the

emperors; and

if the

character of the Spaniards

was enfeebled by peace and servitude, the hostile approach of the Germans, who had spread terror and desolation from the Rhine to the Pyrenees seemed to rekindle some sparks of

Roman Empire

military ardour.

As long as the defence of the

mountains was intrusted to the hardy and

faith-

they successfully repelled the frequent attempts of the barbarians. But no sooner had the national troops been compelled to resign their post of the Honorian bands in the service of Constantine, than the gates of Spain were treacherously betrayed to the public enemy, about ten months before the sack of Rome by the Goths.'*® The consciousness of guilt, and the thirst of rapine, prompted the mercenary guards of the Pyrenees to desert their station; to invite the arms of the Suevi, the Vandals, and the Alani and to swell the torrent which was poured with irresistible violence from the frontiers of Gaul to the sea of Africa. The misfortunes of Spain may be described in the language of its most eloquent historian, who has concisely expressed the passionate, and perhaps exaggerated, declamations of contemporary ful militia of the country,

;

writers.'” “The irruption of these nations was followed by the most dreadful calamities: as the barbarians exercised their indiscriminate cruelty on the fortunes of the Romans and the Span-

and ravaged with equal fury the cities and the open country. The progress of famine reduced the miserable inhabitants to feed on the flesh of their fellow -creatures; and even the iards,

wild beasts, who multiplied, without control, in the desert, were exasperated bjr the taste of blood and the impatience of hunger boldly to attack and devour their human prey. Pestilence soon appeared, the inseparable companion of famine; a large proportion of the people was swept away; and the groans of the dying excited only the envy of their surviving friends. At length the barbarians, satiated with carnage and ra-

and afflicted by the contagious evils which they themselves had introduced, fixed their permanent seats in the depopulated country. The ancient Gallicia, whose limits included the kingdom of Old Castillc, was divided between the Suevi and the Vandals: the Alani were scattered over the provinces of Carthagena and pine,

Lusitania, from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic Ocean; and the fruitful territory of Bae-

was allotted to the Silingi, another branch of the Vandalic nation. After itgulating this partition, the conquerors contracted with their

tica

new

some reciprocal engagements of and obedience: the lands wore again cultivated; and the towns and villages were again occupied by a captive people. The greatest part of the Spaniards was even disposed to prefer this new condition of poverty and barsubjects

protection

barism to the severe oppressions of the

Roman

The Thirty-first Chapter many who still asfreedom, and who refused,

5 19

government; yet there were

geric, the free choice of the nation

serted their native

Gothic sceptre on Wallia, whose warlike and ambitious temper appeared, in the beginning of his reign, extremely hostile to the republic. He marched in arms from Barcelona to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, which the ancients revered and dreaded as the boundary of the world. But when he reached the southern promontory of Spain,'®* and, from the rock now covered by the fortress of Gibralter, contemplated the neighbouring and fertile coast of Africa, Wallia resumed the designs of conquest which had been interrupted by the death of Alaric. The winds and waves again disappointed the enterprise of the Goths; and the minds of a superstitious people were deeply affected by

more

especially in the

mountains of Gallicia, to

submit to the barbarian yoke.^^ The important present of the heads ofJovinus and Sebastian had approved the friendship of Adolphus, and restored Gaul to the obedience of his brother Honorius. Peace was incompatible with the situation and temper of the king of the Goths. He readily accepted the proposal of turning his victorious arms against the barbarians of Spain; the troops of Constantins intercepted his communication with the seaports of Gaul, and gently pressed his march towards the he passed the mountains, and surPyrenees prised, in the name of the emperor, the city of Barcelona. The fondness of Adolphus for his Roman bride was not abated by time or possession; and the birth of a son, surnamed, from his illustrious grandsire, Theodosius, appeared to fix him for ever in the interest of the pubiia The loss of that infant, whose remains were deposited in a silver coffin in one of the churches near Barcelona, ailiictcd his parents; but the grief of the Gothic king was suspended by the

bestowed the

the repeated disasters of storms and shipwrecks. In this disposition, the successor of Adolphus no longer refused to listen to a Roman ambassador, whose proposals were enforced by the real, or

lalx)urs of the field;

supposed, approach of a numerous army, under the conduct of the brave Constantius. A solemn treaty was stipulated and obscr\Td: Placidia was honourably restored to her brother; six hundred thousand measures of \\ heat were delivered to the hungry Goths;'®' and Wallia en-

tories

gaged to draw

and the course of his vicwas soon interrupted by domestic treason. He had imprudently received into his service one of the followers of Sams, a barbarian of a daring spirit, but of a diminutive stature, whose secret desire of revenging the death of his be-

loved patron was continually irritated by the sarcasms of his insolent master. Adolphus was assassinated in the palace of Barcelona; the laws of the succession were violated by a tumultuous faction and a stranger to the royal race, Singeric, the brother of Sams himself, was seated on the Gothic throne. The first act of his reign was the inhuman murder of the six children of Adolphus, the issue of a former marriage, whom he tore, without pity, from the feeble arms of a venerable bishop.'®^ The unfortunate Placidia, instead of the respectful compassion which she might have excited in the most savage breasts, was treated with cmel and wanton insult. The daughter of the emperor Theodosius, confounded among a cn^wd of vulgar captives, was compelled to march on foot above twelve miles, before the horse of a barbarian, the assassin of an husband whom Placidia loved and lamented.'® But Placidia soon obtained the pleasure of revenge ; and the view of her ignominious sufferings might rouse an indignant people against the tyrant, who was assassinated on the seventh day of his usurpation. After the death of Sim

his

sword

in the service of the

A

bloody war was instantly excited among the barbarians of Spain; and the contending princes are said to have addressed their letters, their ambassadors, and their hostages, to the throne of the Western emperor, exhorting him to remain a tranquil spectator of their contest, the events of which must lx? favourable to the Romans by the mutual slaughter of their common enemies.'®® The Spanish war was obstinately supported, during three campaigns, with desperate valour and various success; and the martial achievements of Wallia diffused through the empire the superior renown of the Gothic hero. He exterminated the Silingi, who had irretrievably ruined the elegant plenty of the province of Baetica. He slew, in battle, the king of the . civil magistrate.

sars.'** llicir situation

dispose

them

and

their hopes

would

to affect the dress, the language,

and the customs of their ancestors. If the princes of Britain relapsed into barbarism, while the cities studiously preserved the laws and manners of Rome, the whole island must have been gradually divided by the distinction of two national parties; again broken into a thousand subdivisions of war and faction by the various provocations of interest and resentment. The public strength, instead of being united against a foreign enemy, was consumed in obscure and intestine quarrels; and the personal merit which had placed a successful leader at the head of his equals might enable him to subdue the freedom of some neighbouring cities, and to claim a rank among the tyrants^^^ who infested Britain after the dissolution of the Roman government. III. The British church might be composed of thirjy or forty bishops,'*^ with an adequate proportion of the inferior clergy; and the want of riches (for

they seem to have been poor)'** would compel them to deserve the public esteem by a decent and exemplary behaviour. The interest, as well as the temper, of the clergy, was favourable to the peace and union of their distracted country: those salutary lessons might be frequently inculcated in their popular discourses; and the episcopal synods were the only councils that could pretend to the weight and authority of a national assembly. In such councils, where the princes and magistrates sat promiscuously with the bishops, the important affairs of the state, as well as of the church, might be freely debated, differences reconciled, alliances formed, contributions imposed, wise resolutions often concerted, and sometimes executed ; and there is reason to believe, that, in moments of extreme danger, a Pendragon^ or Dictator, was elected by the general consent of the Britons. These pastoral cares, so worthy of the episcopal character.

and

the British clergy incessantly la-

boured to eradicate the Pelagian heresy, which they abhorred as the peculiar disgrace of their native country.'** It is somewhat remarkable, or rather it is extremely natural, that the revolt of Britain and Armorica should liavc introduced an appearance of liberty into the obedient provinces of Gaul. In a solemn edict,'** filled with the strongest assurances of that paternal affection which

princes so often express, and so seldom feel, the emperor Hoiiorius promulgated his intention of convening an annual assembly of the seven prov’inces: a name peculiarly appropriated to Aquitain and the ancient Narl^nnesc, which had long since exchanged their Celtic rudeness for the useful and elegant arts of Italy.'*' Arles, the scat of government and commerce, was appointed for the place of the eissembly, which regularly continued twenty-eight days, from the fifteenth of August to the thirteenth of September

of every year. It consisted of the Praetorian praeGauls; of seven provincial governors,

fect of the

one consular, and six presidents; of the magistrates, and perhaps the bishops, of about sixty cities; and of a competent, though indefinite, number of the most honourable and opulent of land, w ho might justly l^e considered as the representatives of their countr>\

were empowered

to interpret

They

and communicate

the laws of their sovereign ; to ewpose the grievances and wishes of their constituents; to moderate the excessive or unec}ual weight of taxes; and to deliberate on every subject of local or national irn{X)rtancc that could tend to the restoration of the peace and piosperity of the seven provinces. If such an institution, which gave the people an interest in their own government, had been universally established by Trajan or the Antonines, the seeds of public

wisdom and virtue might have been cherished and propagated in the empire of Rome. The privileges of the subject would have secured the throne of the monarch the abuses of an arbi;

trary administration might have been prevented, in some degree, or corrected, by the interpo-

and would have been defended against a foreign enemy by the arms of natives and freemen. Under the mild and generotb influence of liberty, the Roman empire might have remained invincible and immortal; or if its excessive magnitude, and the instability of human affairs, had opposed such perpetual continuance, its vital and constituent members might have sepsition of these representative asdemblies;

the country

The Thirty-second Chapter arateiy preserved their vigour

and indepen-

523

reluctant provinces to accept

a

privilege

which

dence. But in the decline of the empire, when every principle of health and life had been exhausted, the tardy application of this partial remedy was incapable of producing any important or salutary effects. The emperor Honorius

they should ardently have solicited. A fine of three, or even five, pounds of gold was imposed on the absent representatives, who seem to have declined this imaginary gift of a free constitu-

expresses his surprise that he must compel the

oppressors.

tion, as the last

and most

cruel insult of their

CHAPTER XXXII Arcadius Emperor of the Blast. Administration and Disgrace of Eutropius. Revolt of Gainas. Persecution of St. John Chrysostom. Theodosius II. Emperor of the East. His Sister Pulcheria. His Wife Eudocia. The Persian War, and Division of Armenia.

T

he

division of the

Roman

world between

the sons of I’hcodosius marks the final es-

tablishment of the empire of the East, which, from the reign of Arcadius to the taking of Constantinople by the Turks, subsisted one thousand and fifty-eight years in a state of premature and perpetual decay. The sovereign of that empire

assumed and obstinately retained

the vain, and at length fictitious, title of Emperor of the Romans; and the hereditary appellations of Ci«.SAR and Augustus continued to decltire that he was the legitimate successor of the first of men, who had reigned over the first

The

and the resplendent plates of gold, that glitter as they are agitated by the motion of the carriage. The Imperial pictures are white, on a blue ground; the emperor appears seated on his throne, with his arms, his horses, and his guards beside him;

carpet, the size of the precious stones,

and

his

vanquished enemies in chains at hb successors of Constantine established

feet.”

The

their

perpetual residence in

the

royal

city

which he had erected on the verge of Europe and Asia. Inaccessible to the menaces of their enemies, and perhaps to the complaints of their people, they received with each wind the tribu-

ri-

tary productions of every climate ; w^hile the im-

and perhaps excelled, the magnificence of Persia; and the eloquent sermons of St. Chrysostom^ celebrate, while they condemn,

pregnable strength of their capital continued for ages to defy the hostile attempts of the barbarians. Their dominions were Ixiunded by the Hadriatic and the Tigris; and the whole inter-

of nations.

palace of Constantinople

valled,

the pompous luxury of the reign of Arcadius. “'Fhc emperor,” says he, “wears on his head cither a diadem or a crown of gold, decorated with precious stones of inestimable value. These ornaments and his purple garments are reserved for his sacred person alone; and his robes of silk arc embroidered with the figures of golden dragons. His tluonc is of massy gold. Whenever he appears in public he is surrounded by his courtiers, his guards, and his attendants. Their spears, their shields, their cuirasses,

the bridles

and trappings of

their horses,

have

either the substance or the appearance of gold;

and the large splendid boss shield

b

in the midst of their

encircled with smaller bosses, which

represent the shape of the

human eye. The two

mules that draw the chariot of the monarch arc perfectly white, and shining all over with gold. The chariot itself, of. pure and solid gold, attracts the admiration of the spectators, who contemplate the purple curtains, the snowy

val of tw'enty-fivc days’ navigation,

which sep-

arated the extreme cold of Scythia from the torrid zone of -/Ethiopia,*

was comprehended

within the limits of the empire of the East. The populous countries of that empire were the scat of art and learning, of luxury and wealth ; and the inhabitants, who had assumed the language and manners of Greelcs, styled themselves, with some appearance of truth, the most enlightened and civilised portion of the human species. The form of government was a pure and simple monarchy; the name of the Roman Republic, which so long preserved a faint tradition of freedom, w^as confined to the Latin provinces; and the princes of Constantinople measured their greatness by the servile obedience of their people. They were ignorant how much this passive disposition enervates and degrades every faculty of the mind.

The

who had recommands of a

subjects

signed their will to the absolute

Decline and Fall of the

524

master were equally incapable of guarding their lives

and

fortunes against the assaults of

the barbarians or of defending their reason

from the terrors of superstition.

The first events of the reign of Arcadius and Honorius are so intimately connected, that the rebellion of the Goths and the fall of Rufinus have already claimed a place in the history of the West. It has already been observed that Eutropius,® one of the principal eunuchs of the palace of Constantinople, succeeded the haughty minister whose ruin he had accomplished and whose vices he soon imitated. Every order of the slate bowed to the new favourite; their tame and obsequious submission encouraged him to insult the laws, and, what is still more dilTicult and dangerous, the manners of his country. Under the weakest of the predecessors of Arcadius the reign of the eunuchs had been secret and almost invisible. They insinuated themselves into the confidence of the prince; but their ostensible functions were confined to the menial service of the wardrobe and Imperial bedchamber. They might direct in a whisper the public counsels, and blast by their malicious suggestions the fame and fortunes of the most illustrious citizens; but they never presumed to stand forward in the front of empire,^ or to profane the public honours of the state. Eutropius was the first of his artificial sex who daied to assume the character of a Roman magistrate and general.® Sometimes, in the presence of the blushing senate, he ascended the tribunal to pronounce judgment or to repg^t elaborate harangues; and sometimes appeared on horseback, at the head of his troops, in the dress and armour of a hero. The disregard of custom and decency always betrays a weak and ill-regulated mind nor does Eutropius seem to have compensated for the folly of the design by any superior merit or ability in the execution. His former habits of life had not introduced him to the study of the laws or the exercises of the held; his awkward and unsuccessful attempts provoked the secret contempt of the spectators; the Goths expressed their w^ish that such a general might always command the armies of Rome and the name of the minister was branded with ridicule, more pernicious, perhaps, than hatred to a public character. The subjects of Arcadius were exasperated by the recollection that this deformed and decrepit eunuch,® who so perversely mimicked the actions of a man, was bom in the most abject conditions of servitude; that before he entered the Imperial palace he had been successively sold and purchased

and

;

;

Roman Empire

by an hundred masters, who had exhausted his youthful strength in every mean and infamous office, and at length dismissed him in his old age to freedom and poverty.^ While these disgraceful stories were circulated, and perhaps exaggerated, in private conversations, the vanity of the favourite was flattered with the most extraordinary honours. In the senate, in the capital, in the provinces, the statues of Eutropius were erected, in brass or marble, decorated with the symbols of his civil and military virtues, and inscribed with the pompous title of the third founder of Constantinople. He was promoted to

the rank of patrician^ which began to signify, in a popular and even legal acceptation, the father of the cmptTor: and the last year of the fourth century w»as polluted by the consulship of an eunuch and a slave. This strange and inexpiable prodigy® awakened, however, the prejudices of the Romans. The effeminate consul was rc-jecicd by the West as an indelible stain to the annals of the repuljlic; and without invoking the

shades of Brutus and Camillus, the colleague of Eutropius, a learned and respectable msence of Gainas his troops were surprised and oppressed; seven thousand barbarians perished in this bloody massacre. In the fury of the pursuit the catholics uncovered the rmjf, and con-

tinued to throw down flaining logs of wood till they overwhelmed their adversaries, who had retreated to the church or conventicle of ilie Arians. Gainas was either innocent of the* design or too confident of his suet ess; he was astonished by the intelligence that the flower tif his army had been ingloriously destroyed; that

he himself was declared a public enemy; anti countryman Fravitta, a brave and loval confederate, had assumed the manage^ment of the war by sea and land. The enterprises of the rebel against the cities of Thrace were encountered by a firm and well-ordered defence, his hungry soldiers were soon redvited to the gia.ss that grew on the margin of the fortifications; and Gainas, who vainly regretted the wealth and luxury of Asia, embraced a desperate n*sothat his

lution of forcing the passage of the Hellespi^nt.

He was destitute of vessels, but the woods of the Chersonesus afforded materials lor raft>, and his intrepid barbarians did not reluse to trust themselves to the waves. But Fravitta attenti\r*watched the progress of their undertaking. as they had gained the middle of the stream, the Roman galleys,*^ impelled by the full force of oars, of the current, and of a favourable wind, rushed forw-ards in compact order and w'ith irresistible weight, and the Hellespont was covered with the fragments of the Gothic ly

As soon

shipwreck. After the destruction of his ho|x:s and the loss of many thousands of his bravest soldiers, Gainas, who could no longer aspire to govern or to subdue the Romans, determined to

resume the independence of a savage life. A and active body of barbarian horse, disengaged from their infantry and baggage, might perform in eight or ten days a march of three hundred miles from the Hellespont to the Danlight

The

Thirty-second Chapter

ubc;*® the garrisons of that important frontier had been gradually annihilated ; the river in the

month of December would be deeply frozen; and the unbounded prospect of Scythia was open to the ambition of Gainas. This design was secretly communicated to the national troops,

who devoted

of their leader; ture

and

themselves to the fortunes of depar-

lx?fore the signal

was given, a great numlxT of provincial whom he susf>ected of an attach-

auxiliaries,

ment

to their native country, were perfidiously

The Goths advanced by rapid marches through the plains of Thrace, and they were soon delivered from the fear of pursuit by the vanity of Fravitta, who, instead of extinguishing the war, hastened to enjoy the popular applause, and to assume the peaceful honours of the consulship. But a formidable ally appeared in arms to vindicate the majesty of the empire, and to guard the peace and liberty of massacred.

Scythia.®®

The

superior forces of Uldin, king of

the Huns, opposed the progress of Gainas;

an

and ruined country prohibited his he disdainersuaded to renounce the errors of Paganism, received at her baptism the Christian name of Eudocia: but the cautious Pulcheria withheld the title of Augusta till the wife of Theodosius had approved her fruitfulness by the birth of a daughter, who espoused fifteen years afterwards the emperor of the West. The brothers of Eudocia obeyed, with some anxiety, her Imperial

summons; but

as she could easily forgive their

fortunate unkindness, she indulged the tender-

or perhaps the vanity, of a sister, by promoting them to the rank of consuls and praefccts.

ness,

In the luxury of the palace she those ingenuous arts which

still

cultivated

had contributed

to

her greatness, and wisely dedicated her talents to the honour of religion and of her husband. Eud(x:ia composed a poetical paraphrase of the first eight book? ol* JiC Old Testament and of the prophecies of Daniel and Zechariah; a cento of the verses of

Homer, applied

to the

life

and

miracles of Christ, the legend of St. Cyprian,

and a panegyric on the Persian victories of Theodosius; and her writings, wliich were applauded by a servile and superstitious age, have not been disdained by the candour of impartial criticism.^** The fondness of the emperor was not abated by time and possession; and Eudocia, after the marriage of her daughter, was permitted to discharge her gratelul vows by a sol-

emn

pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Her ostentatious

progress through the East

may seem

inconsis-

tent with the spirit of Cliristian humility: she

pronounced from a throne of gold and gems an eloquent oration to the senate of Antioch, declared her royal intention of enlarging the walls of the city, bestowed a donative of two hundred pounds of gold to restore the public baths, and accepted the statues w'hich were decreed by the gratitude of Antioch. In the Holy Land her alms and pious foundations exceeded the munificence of the great Helena; and though the public treasure might be impKiverishcd by this excessive liberality, she enjoyed the conscious satisfaction of returning to Constantinople with the chains of St. Peter, the right arm of St. Si^^phcn, and the undoubted picture of the Virgin, painted by St. Luke.^® But this pilgrimage was the fatal term of the glories of Eudocia. Satiated with empty pomp, and unmindful perhaps of her obligations to Pulcheria, she ambi-

535

government of the Eastern empire; the palace was distracted by female discord but the victory was at last decided by the superior ascendant of the sister of Theodotiously aspired to the

;

sius.

The

offices,

execution of Paulinus, master of the

and the disgrace of Cyrus, Praetorian

praefect of the East, convinced the public that the favour of Eudocia was insufficient to protect

her most faithful friends, and the uncommon beauty of Paulinus encouraged the secret rumour that his guilt was that of a successful lover. As soon as the empress perceived that the affection of Theodosius was irretrievably lost, she requested the permission of retiring to the distant solitude of Jerusalem. She obtained her request, but the jealousy of Theodosius, or the vindictive spirit of Pulcheria, pursued her in her last retreat; and Saturninus, count of the domestics, was directed to punish with death tw'o ecclesiastics, her most favoured servants. Eudocia instantly revenged them by the assassination of the count: the furious passions which she indulged on this suspicious occasion seemed to justify the severity of Theodosius; and the empress, ignominiously stripped of the honours of her rank,’^ was disgTaced, perhaps unjustly, in the eyes of the world. The remainder of the life of Eudocia, about sixteen years, was spent in exile and devotion ; and the approach of age, the death of Theodosius, the misfortunes of her only daughter, who was led a captive from Rome to Carthage, and the society of the Holy Monks of Palestine, insensibly confirmed the religious temper of her mind. After a full experience of the vicissitudes of human life, the daughter of the philosopher Leontius expired at Jerusalem, in the sixty-seventh year of her age protesting with her dying breath that she had never transgressed the Ixjunds of innocence and friendship.^*

The gentle mind of Theodosius was never inflamed by the ambition of conquest or military renown ; and the slight alarm of a Persian war scarcely interrupted the tranquillity of the East.

The

motives of this war were just and honour-

able. In the last year of the reign of jezdegerd,

the supposed guardian of Theodosius, a bishop, \^lo aspired to the crown of martyrdom, destroyed one of the fire-temples of Susa.*^® His

and obstinacy were revenged on his breMagi excited a cruel persecution; and the intolerant zeal of Jezdegerd was imitated by his son Varanes, or Bahrain, who soon zeal

thren: the

afterwards ascended the throne. tian fugitives, who escaped to the tier,

Some

Chris-

Roman

fron-

were sternly demanded, and generously

Decline and Fall of the

536 refused;

and the

refusal,

aggravated by com-

mercial disputes, soon kindled a war between the rival monarchies. The mountains of Armenia, and the plains of Mesopotamia, were filled with hostile armies; but the operations of two successive camf>aigns were not productive of any decisive or memorable events. Some engagements were fought, some towns were besieged, with various and doubtful success: and if the Romans failed in their attempt to recover the long-lost possession of Nisibis, the Persians were repulsed from the walls of a Mesopotamian city by the valour of a martial bishop, who pointed his thundering engine in the name of St. Thomas the Apostle. Yet the splendid victories which the incredible speed of the messenger Palladius repeatedly announced to the palace of Constantinople were celebrated with fes-

and panegyrics. From these panegN’rics the historians’*^ of the age might borrow their extraordinary, and perhaps fabulous, tales; of the proud challenge of a Persian hero, who was entangled by the net, and despatched by the sword, of Arcobindus the Goth; of the ten thoutivals

sand Immortals^ who were the

slain in the attack of

Roman camp; and of the hundred thousand

Arabs, or Saracens, who were impelled by a panic terror to throw themselves headlong into the Euphrates. Such events may be disbelieved or disregarded; but the charity of a bishop, Acacius of Amida, whose name might have dignified the saintly calendar, shall not be lost in oblivion. Boldly declaring that vases of gold and silver are useless to a God who neither cats'nor drinks, the generous prelate sold the plate of the

church of Amida ; employed the price in the redemption of seven thousand Persian captives; supplied their wants with affectionate liberality;

and dismissed them

to their native country,

to inform their king of the true spirit of the re-

which he persecuted. The practice of benevolence in the midst of war must always tend to assuage the animosity of contending nations; and I wish to persuade myself that Acacius contributed to the restoration of peace. In the conference which was held on the limits of the two empires, the Roman ambassadors degraded the personal character of their sovereign, by a vain attempt to magnify the extent of his power, when they seriously advised the Persians to prevent, by a timely accommodation, the wrath of a monarch who was yet ignorant of this distant war. A truce of one hundred years was solemnly ratified; and although the revolutions of Armenia might threaten the public tranquillity, the essential conditions of this treaty were religion

Roman Empire

spected near fourscore years by the successors of Constantine and Artaxerxes. Since the Roman and Parthian standards first encountered on the banks of the Euphrates, the kingdom of Armenia® was alternately oppressed by its formidable protectors; and in the course of this History, several events, which inand war, have been

clined the balance of peace

already related. A disgraceful treaty had resigned Armenia to the ambition of Sapor; and the scale of Persia appeared to preponderate. But the royal race of Arsaces impatiently submitted to the house of Sassan; the turbulent nobles asserted, or hK'lraycd, their hereditary independence ; and the nation was still attached to the Christian princes of Constantinople. In the beginning of the fifth century Armenia was divided by the progress of war and faction;’^'* and the unnatural division precipitated the downfall of that ancient monarchy. Chosroes, the Persian vassal, reigned over the eastern and most extensive portion of the country; while the

western province acknowledged the jurisdiction

and the supremacy of the emperor Arcadius. After the death of Arsaces, the Romans suppressed the regal government, and imposed on their allies the condition of subjects. The military command was delegated to the of Arsaces,

count of the Armenian frontier; the city ol Theodosiopolis^^ was built and fortified in a strong situation, on a fertile and lofty ground, near the sources of the Euphrates; and the dependent territories were ruled by five satraps, whose dignity was marked by a pxrculiar habit of gold

and puiplc. The

who lamented

less

fortunate nobles,

and envied the honours of their equals, were provoked to negotiate their peace and pardon at the Persian court; and, retuining with their followers to the palace of Artaxata, acknowledged Chosroes lor their lawful sovereign. About thirty years afterthe loss of their king,

wards, Artasires, the nephew and successor of Chosroes, lell under the displeasure of the haughty and capricious nobles of Armenia; and they unanimously desired a Persian governor in the room of an unworthy king. The answer (»f the archbishop Isaac, whose sanction they earnestly solicited, is expressive of the character of a superstitious people. He deplored the manifest and inexcusable vices of Artasires; and declared that he should not hesitate to accuse him before the tribunal of a Christian emperor, who

would punish, without destroying, the

“Our

sinner.

continued Isaac, “is too much addicted to licentious pleasures, but he has been pu.'ified in the holy water of baptism. He is a king,**

The Thirty-third Chapter

537

The

lover of women, but he does not adore the (ire or the elements. He may deserve the reproach of

himself.

lewdness, but he is an undoubted catholic; and his faith is pure, though his manners are flagi-

possessed above five hundred and sixty years and the dominions of the unfortunate Artasires, under the new and significant appellation of Persarmenia, were reduced into the form of a

tious. I will

never consent to abandon

to the rage of devouring wolves;

my sheep

and you would

soon repent your rash exchange of the infirmities of a believer, for the specious virtues of an heathen.*’*® Exasperated by the firmness of Isaac, the factious nobles accused both the king and the archbishop as the secret adherents of the emperor; and absurdly rejoiced in the sentence of condemnation, which, after a partial hearing, was solemnly pronounced by Bahrain

descendants of Arsaccs were degraded from the royal dignity,*® which they had

province. This usurpation excited the jealousy

Roman government; but the rising disputes were soon terminated by an amicable, though unequal, partition of the ancient king-

of the

dom

of Armenia and a territorial acquisition, which Augustus might have despised, reflected some lustre on the declining empire of the younger Theodosius. ;

CHAPTER XXXIII Death of Honorius. Valentinian HI. Emperor oj the West. Administration of his Mother Placidia. A'etius and Boniface. Conquest of Aft ica by the Vandals.

D

uring a long and disgraceful reign of iwenly-^igL. /ears, Honorius, emperor of the West, was separated Iroin the

friendship of his brother,

and afterwards of

his

nephew, who reigned over the East; and Constantinople beheld, with apparent indilference and secret joy, the calamities of Rome. The stiange adventures of Placidia gradually renewed and cemented the alliance of the two

The daughter

empire of the West. The death of Constantins, in the seventh

month

of his reign, instead of

diminishing, seemed to increase, the power of Placidia; and the indecent familidrity* of her brother, which might symptoms of a childish

lx:

no more than the were univer-

affection,

On a sudden, by some base intrigues of a steward and a nurse, this excessive fondness was converted

sallv attributed to incestuous love.

of the great Theodosius

into an irreconcilable quarrel: the debates of

and

queen of the (ioths; she lost an affectionate husband; she was dragged in chains by his insulting assassin; she tasted the pleasure of revenge, and W'as cx( hanged, in the treaty of peace, for six hundred

the cmp>eror

thousand measures of wheal. Alter her return Spain to Italy, Placidia experienced a new

by the forced or voluntary retreat of Placidia and her children. The royal exiles landed at

empires.

had

lx*eii

the captive

llie

Ironi

bosom

of her family. She was which had been stipulated without her consent; and the brave Coustanliiis, as a noble rcw'ard for the tyrants whom he had vanquished, received, from the liand of floiiorius himself, the struggling and reluctant hand of the widow' of Adolphus. But her resistance ended with the ceremony of the nup-

persecution in the

averse to a marriage

nor did Placidia refuse to become the mother of Honoria and Valentinian the Third, or to assume and exercise an absolute dominion over the mind of her grateful husband. The generous soldier, whose time had hitherto been divided between social pleasure and military sossiblc for

him

to despise. After

hesitation, the last struggles of loyalty, Boniface

some

prudence and

despatched a trusty friend to

the court, or rather to the camp, of Gonderic, king of the Vandals, with the proposal of a strict alliance,

and the

and perpetual

settlement.

offer of

an advantageous

After the retreat of the Goths the authority of

Decline and Fall of the

540

Honorius had obtained a precarious establish-

ment

in Spain, except only in the province of

where the Suevi and the Vandals had camps in mutual discord and hostile indejxindcncc. The Vandals prevailed, and their adversaries were besieged in the Nervasian hills, between Leon and Oviedo, till the approach of Count Asterius compelled, or rather provoked, the victorious barbarians to remove

Roman Empire

king and his army into the river Anas, and calmly returned to the sea-shore to embark his troops.

The

vessels

which

trans-

Gallicia,

victorious

fortified their

ported the Vandals over the modern Straits of Gibralter, a channel only twelve miles in breadth, were furnished by the Spaniards, who anxiously wished their departure, and by the African general, who had implored their for-

war to the plains of Bartica. The rapid progress of the Vandals soon required a more effectual opposition, and the master-general Castinus marched against them with a numerous army of Romans and Goths. Vanquished in battle by an inferior enemy, Castinus fled with dishonour to Tarragona; and this memorable defeat, which has been represented as the punishment, was most probably the effect, of his rash presumption.” Seville and Carthagena became the reward, or rather the prey, of the ferocious conquerors; and the vessels which they found in the harbour of Carthagena might easily transport them to the isles of Majorca and Minorca, where the Spanish fugitives, as in a secure recess, had vainly concealed their families and their fortunes. The experience of navigation, and perhaps the prosp>ect of

midable

assistance.^®

Our fancy,

the scene of the

penetrated from the Ellx? to Mount Atlas, were united under the command of their warlike king; and he reigned with equal authority over the Alani, who had passed within the term of human life from the cold of Scythia to the excessive heat of an African climate. The hopes of the bold enterprise had excited many bra\c adventurers of the Gothic nation, and many desperate provincials were tempted to repair their fortunes by the same means which had occasioned their ruin. Yet this various multitude amounted only to fifty thousand elfective

Africa, encouraged the

men; and

invitation

his

Vandals to accept the which they received from Count Boniface, and the death of Gonderic served only to forward and animate the bold enter-

In the room of a prince not conspicuous for any superior powers of the mind or body, they acquired his bastard brother, the terrible Genseric;^ a name which in the destruction of the Roman empire has reserved an equal rank with the names of Alaric and Attila. The king of the Vandals is described to have been of a middle stature, with a lameness in one leg, which he had contracted by an accidental fall from his horse. His slow and cautious speech seldom declared the deep purposes of his soul: he disdained to imitate the luxury of the vanquished, but he indulged the sterner passions of anger and revenge. The ambition of Genseric was without bounds and without scruples, and the warrior could dexterously employ the dark engines of policy to solicit the allies who might be useful to his success, or to scatter among his enemies the seeds of hatred and contention. Almost in the moment of his departure he was informed that Herinanric, king of the Suevi, had presumed to ravage the Spanish territories which he was resolved to abandon. Impatient of the insult, Genseric pursued the hasty retreat of the Suevi as far as Merida, precipitated the prise.

so long accustomed to exaggerate

and multiply the martial swarms of barbarians that seemed to issue from the North, will perhaps be surprised by the account of the army which Genseric mustered on the coast of Mauritania. The Vandals, who in twenty years had

tliough (Jenseric artfully magnified apparent strength by appointing eighty

chiitarchsy

or

commanders

of thousands, the fal-

lacious increase of old men, of children,

and of

have swelled his armv to the number of fourscore thousand persons.’* But his own dexterity and the discontents of Africa soon fortified the Vandal powers by the

slaves,

would

scarce ly

and active allies. U'he which Ixjrdcr on the gr(*ai desert and the Atlantic ocean were filled uith a fierce and untractable race of men, whose sa\ age temper had Ix'en exasperated rather than reclaimed by their dread of the Roman arms. The wandering Moors, as they gradually ventured to approach the .sea-shore and the camp of the Vandals, must have viewed with terror and astonishment the dress, the armour, the martial pride and discipline of the unknown strangers who had landed on their coast; and accession of numerous parts of Mauritania

the fair complexions of the blue-eyed warriors

Germany formed a very singular contrast with the swarthy or olive hue w^hich is derived from the neighbourhood of the torrid zone. After the first difficulties had in some measure been removed which arose from the mutual ignorance of their respective language, the Moors, regardless of any future consequence, embraced the alliance of the enemies of Rome, and a of

The Thirty-third Chapter crowd of naked savages rushed from the woods and valleys of Mount Atlas, to satiate their revenge on the polished tyrants who had injuriously expelled them from the native sovereignty of the land. The persecution of the Donatists’® was an

event not less favourable to the designs of Genscric. Seventeen years before he landed in Africa, a public conference was held at Carthage by the order of the magistrate. The catholics

were

satisfied that, after the invincible

reasons which they had alleged, the obstinacy of the schismatics must be inexcusable and voluntary,

and the emperor ilonorius was

per-

suaded to inflict the most rigorous penalties on a faction which had so long abused his patience and clemency. Three hundred bishops,'* with many thousands of the inferior clergy, were torn from their churches, stripped of their ec-

541

the triumph of Christianity contributed to the loss of the most important province of the West.**

The court and the people were astonished by the strange intelligence that a virtuous hero, after so many favours and so many services, had renounced his allegiance and invited the barbarians to destroy the province entrusted to his command. The friends of Boniface, who still believed that his criminal behaviour might be excused by some honourable motive, solicited, during the absence of Aetius, a free conference with the Count of Africa and Darius, an officer of high distinction, was named for the impor;

clesiastical possessions,

first interview at Carthage the imaginary provocations w'ere mutually explained, the opposite letters of Aetius were produced and compared, and the fraud was easily detected. Placidia and Boniface lamented their fatal error, and the count had sufficient

and proscribed by the

magnanimity

banished to the islands, if they presumed to conceal themselves in the provinces of Africa. Their numerous congregations, both in cities and in ibe country, were deprived of the rights of citizens and of the exercise of religious worship. laws,

A regular scale of fines, from ten to two hundred pounds of silver, was curiously ascertained, according to the distinctions of rank and fortune, to punish the crime of assisting at a

tant embassy.'^* In their

to confide in the forgiveness of his

sovereign, or to expose his head to her future

resentment. His repentance was fervent and sincere; but he soon discovered that

it

w^as

no

longer in his power to restore the edifice which he had shaken to its foundations. Carthage and the

Roman

garrisons returned with their gen-

eral to the allegiance of Valentinian, but the

levied five times without sulxluing the obsti-

was still distracted with w^ar and and the inexorable king of the Vandals, disdaining all terms of accommodation, sternly

punishment was

refused to relinquish the possession of his prey.

sciiismatic conventicle;

nacy of the offender,

and

if

the fine

his future

had

Ixicn

Imperial court.'* By these severities, which obtained the warmest approbation of St, Augustin,'* great numbers of Donatists were reconciled to the Catholic church; but the fanatics who still persevered in their opposition were provoked to madness and despair; the distracted country wJis filled with tumult and bloodshed; the referred

to

the

armed troops

discretion

of

the

of Circuincellions

alternately

pointed their rage against themselves or against their adversaries; and the calendar of martyrs received on both sides a considerable augmentation.** Under these circumstances Genscric, a Chri.stian, but an enemy of the orlhwlox communion, showed himself to the Donatists as a

powerful deliverer, from whom thev might reasonably expect the repeal of the odious and oppressive edicts of the

Roman

emperors.'-' 'Fhc

conquest of Africa was facilitated by the active zeal or the secret favour of a domestic faction; the wanton outrages against the churches and the clergy, of which the Vandals are accused, may be fairly imputed to the fanaticism of their allies;

and the

intolerant spirit

which disgraced

rest of Africa

faction;

The band

of veterans

who marched under

the

standard of Boniface, and his hasty levies of provincial troops, were defeated wdth considerable loss; the victorious barbarians insulted the open country; and Carthage, C’irta. and Hipjx) Regius, were the only cities that appeared to ri.se

alwvc the general inundation.

I hc long and narrow

tract of the African with frequent monuments of Roman art and magnificence; and the respective degrees of improvement might be accurately mea.sured by the distance from Carthage and the Mediterranean. A simple rellection will impress evcTv thinking mind with the clearest idea of fertility and cultivation: the country was extnMuely populous; the inhabitants rcser\'ed a

coast

was

tilled

lilxTal subsistence for their

owm

use;

and the

annual exportation, particularly of wheat, w»as so regular and plentiful, that Africa deserved the name of the common granary of Rome and of mankind. On a sudden the seven fruitful provinces, from Tangier to Tripoli, were overwhelmed by the invasion of the Vandals, whose destructive rage has perhaps been exaggerated

Decline and Fall of the

542

by popular ai^osity, religious zeal, and extravagant declamation. War in its fairest form implies a perpetual violation of humanity and justice; and the hostilities of barbarians are inflamed by the fierce and lawless spirit which incessantly disturbs their peaceful and domestic society. Tl^ie Vandals, where they found resistance, seldom gave quarter; and the deaths of the valiant countrymen were expiated by the ruin of the cities under whose walls they had fallen. Careless of the distinction of age, or sex, or rank, they employed every species of indignity and torture to force from the captives a discovery of their hidden wealth. The stern

policy of Genseric justified his frequent ples of military execution:

the master of his

own

exam-

he was not always

passions or of those of his

and the calamities of war were aggravated by the licentiousness of the Moors and

followers;

the fanaticism of the Donatists. Yet

1 shall not persuaded that it was the common practice of the Vandals to extirpate the olives and other fruit trees of a country where they intended to settle: nor can I believe that it was a usual stratagem to slaughter great numbers of their prisoners before the walls of a besieged city, for the sole purpose of infecting the air and pr^ucing a pestilence, of which they themselves must have been the first victims.*^ The generous mind of Count Boniface was tortured by the exquisite distress of beholding the ruin which he had occasioned, and whose rapid progress he was unable to check. After the loss of a battle he retired tb Hippo Regius, where he was ^immediately besieged by an enemy who considered him as the real bulwark of Africa. The maritime colony of Hippo^^ about two hundred miles westward of Carthage, had formerly acquired the distinguishing epithet of Regtus from the residence of Numidian kings; and some remains of trade and populousness still adhere to the modern city, which is known in Europe by the corrupted name of Bona. The military labours and anxious reflections of Count Boniface were allevi-

easily be

ated by the edifying conversation of his friend till that ^ishop, the light and St. Augustin pillar of the Catholic church, was gently released, in the third month of the siege and in the seventy-sixth year of his age, from the actual and the impending calamities of his country. The youth of Augustin had been stained by the vices and errors which he so ingenuously confesses; but from the moment of his conversion to that of his death the manners of the bishop of Hippo were pure and austere, and the most

Roman Empire

conspicuous of his virtues was an ardent zeal against heretics of every denomination— the Manichseans, the Donatists, and the Pelagians, against whom he waged a perpetual controver-

When the city, some months after his death, was burnt by the Vandals, the library was fortunately saved which contained his voluminous writings two hundred and thirty-two separate books or treatises on theological subjects, besides a complete exposition of the psalter and the gospel, and a copious magazine of epistles and homilies.*^ According to the judgment of the most impartial critics, the superficial learning of Augustin was confined to the Latin language;*^ and his style, though sometimes animated by the eloquence of passion, is usually clouded by false and affected rhetoric. But he sy.

—

possessed a strong, capacious, argumentative

mind; he boldly sounded the dark abyss of grace, predestination, free-will, and original sin; and the rigid system of Christianity which he framed or restored*® has been entertained with public applause and secret reluctance by the Latin church.®® By the skill of Boniface, and perhaps by the ignorance of the Vandals, the siege of Hippo was protracted above fourteen months: the sea

was continually open; and when the adjacent country had lx‘en exhausted by irregular rapine, the besiegers themselves were compelled by famine to relinquish their enterprise. The impK)rtance and danger of Africa were deeply felt by the regent of the West. Placidia implored the

and tlic Italian and army were reinforced by Aspar, who sailed from Constantinople with a powrrful armament. As soon as the force of the two empires was united under the command of Boniface, he boldly marched against the Vandals; and the loss of a second battle irretrievably decided the fate of Africa. He embarked with the precipitation of despair, and the people of Hippo were permitted, with their families and effects, to occupy the vacant place of the soldiers, the greatest part of whom were cither slain or made priloners by the Vandals. The count, whose fatal credulity had wounded the vitals of the republic, might enter the palace of Ravenna with some anxiety, which was soon removed by the smiles of Placidia. Boniface assistance of her £a.stern ally; fleet

accepted with gratitude the rank of patrician the dignity of master-general of the Roman armies; but he must have blushed at the sight of those medals in which he was represented with the name and attributes of victory.®* The discovery of his fraud, the displea-

and

The Thirty-third Chapter

543

sure of the empress, and the distinguished favour of his rival, exasperated the haughty and perfidious soul of AStius. He hastily returned from Gaul to Italy, with a retinue, or rather

troops from the Western provinces; the seacoast was exposed to the naval enterprises of the Romans of Spain and Italy; and, in the heart of

with an army, of barbarian followers; and such was the weakness of the government, that the two generals decided their private quarrel in a bloody battle. Boniface was successful; but he received in the conflict a mortal wound from the spear of his adversary, of which he expired within a few days, in such Christian and charitable sentiments that he exhorted his wife, a rich heiress of Spain, to accept Actius for her second husband. But Aetlus could not derive any immediate advantage from the generosity of his dying enemy: he was proclaimed a rclDcl by the justice of Placidia; and though he attempted to defend some strong fortresses, erected on his patrimonial estate, the Imperial power soon compelled him to retire into Pannonia, to the tents of his faithful Huns. The republic was deprived by their mutual discord of the service of her two most illustrious cham-

p>crsisted in

piopIt

treat

^

might naturally be expected, after the reof Boniface, that the Vandals would

acliieve without resistance or delay the con-

quest of Africa. Eight years however elapsed

from the evacuation of Hippo to the reduction of Carthage. In the midst of that interval the ainl)itious Genseric, in tlie full tide of apparent prosperity, negotiated a treaty of peace, by which he gave his son Hunneric for an hostage, and consented to leave the Western emperor in the undisturbed possession of the three Mauritan ias.*® This moderation, which cannot be imputed to the Justice, must be ascribt'd to the policy, of the conqueror. His throne w^as encompassed with domestic enemies, who accused the baseness of his birth, and asserted the legitimate claims of his nephews, the sons of Gonderic. Those nephews, indeed, he sacriliced to his safety, and their mother, the widow of the deceased king, was precipitated by his order into the river Ampsaga. But the public discontent burst forth in dangerous and frequent conspiracies; and the warlike tyrant is supposed to have shed more Vandal blood by the hand of

the executioner than in the field of battle.®^

The

convulsions of Africa, which had favoured his attack, opposed the firm establishment of his

power; and the various .seditions of the Moors and Germans, the Donatists and catholics, continually disturbed or threatened the unsettled

As he advanced towards Carthage he was forced to withdraw his reign of the conqueror.

Numidia, the strong inland

city of Cirta

still

obstinate independence.*® These

were gradually sulxlued by the spirthe perscrverance, and the cruelty of Glcnseric, who alternately applied the arts of peace and war to the establishment of his African kingdom. He subscribed a solemn treaty, with the hope of deriving some advantage from the

difficulties it,

term of

its

violation.

continuance and the moment of its vdgilance of his enemies was re-

The

laxed by the protestations of friendship which concealed his hostile approach; and Carthage was at length surprised by the Vandals, five hundred and eighty-five years after the destruction of the city and republic by the younger Scipio.*®

A new city had arisen from its ruins, wdth the title

of a colony; and though Carthage might

yield to the royal prerogatives of Constanti-

nople, and perhaps to the trade of Alexandria, or the splendour of Antioch, she still maintained the second rank in the West; as the Rome (if we may use the style of contemporaries) of the African w'orld. That wealthy and opulent metropolis” displayed, in a dependent condition, the image of a flourishing reptiblic. Carthage contained the manufactures, the arms, and the treasures of the six provinces. A regular subordination of civil honours gradually ascended fn)m the procurators of the streets and quarters of the city to the tribunal of the supreme magistrate, who, with the title of proconsul, represented the state and dignity of a consul of ancient Rome. Schools and ^ymnaua were instituted for the education of the African youth; and the lilx*ral aits and manners, grammar, rhetoric, and philo.sophy, were publicly taught in the Greek and Latin languages. The buildings of Carthage were uniform and magnificent: a .shady grove was planted in the midst of the capital; the new port, a secure and capa-

cious heu'bour, was subservuent to the cial industry of citizens

and

commerand the

slrangei's;

splendid games of the circus and theatre W'cre exhibited almost in the presence of the barbarians. The reputation of the Carthaginians was not equal to that of their country, and the reproach of Punic faith still adhered to their subtle and faithless character.®* The habits of trade and the abuse of luxury had corrupted their manners; but their impious contempt of monks and the shameless practice of unnatural lusts are the two abominations which excite the

544

Decline and Fall of the

pious vehemence of Salvian, the preacher of the age.® The king of the Vandals severely reformed the vices of a voluptuous people; and the ancient, noble, ingenuous freedom of Carthage (these expressions of Victor are not without energy) was reduced by Genscric into a state of ignominious servitude. After he had pennitted his licentious troops to satiate their rage and avarice, he instituted a more regular system of rapine and oppression. An edict was promulgated, which enjoined all persons, without fraud or delay, to deliver their gold, silver, jewels, and valuable furniture or apparel to the royal officers; and the attempt to secrete any part of their patrimony was inexorably punished with death and torture as an act of treason against the state. The lands of the proconsular province, which formed the immediate district of Carthage, were accurately measured and

divided among the barbarians; and the conqueror reserved for his peculiar domain the fertile territory of Byzaciuin and the adjacent parts of Numidia and Gietulia.^® It was natural enough that Genscric should hate those whom he had injured: the nobility and senators of Carthage, were exposed to his jealousy and resentment; and all those who refused the ignominious terms which their honour and religion forbade them to accept were compelled by the Arian tyrant to embrace the condition of perpetual banishment. Rome, Italy, and the provinces of the East, were filled with a crowd of exiles, of fugitives and of in-

who solicited the public omand the benevolent epistles of Thcodoret still preserve the names and misfortunes The Syrian bishop of Gaelestian and Maria.

genuous captives,


ersonal conduct of Aetius himself, was marked with the blood of eight thousand Goths. But in the absence of the patrician,

who was

hastily

summoned

to Italy

by some

public or private interest, Count Litorius suc-

ceeded to the command; and his presumption soon discovered that far different talents are required to lead a wing of cavalry, or to direct the operations of an important war. At the head of an army of Huns, he rashly advanced to the gates of Toulouse, full of careless contempt for an enemy whom his misfortunes had rendered prudent, and his situation made desperate. The predictions of the augurs had inspired Litorius with the profane confidence that he should enter the Gothic capital in triumph; and the ti\ist which he reposed in his Pagan allies encouraged him to reject the fair conditions of peace which were repeatedly proposed by the bishops in the name of Theodoric. The king of the Goths exhibited in his distress the edifying

and moderation; nor did he lay aside his sackcloth and ashes till he was prepared to arm for the cotnbat. His soldiers, animated with martial and religious contrast of Christian piety

enthusiasm, assaulted the camp of Litorius. conflict was obstinate; the slaughter was tual.

The Roman

The mu-

general, after a total defeat,

which could be imputed only to his unskilful rashness, was actually led through the streets of I’oulouse, not in his own, but in an hostile triumph; and the misery which he experienced, in a long and ignominious captivity, excited the compassion of the barbarians themselves.** loss, in a country whose spirit and finances were long since exhausted, could not easily be repaired; and the Goths, assuming, in their turn, the sentiments bf ambition and revenge, would have planted their victorious standards on the banks of the Rhdne, if the

Such a

presence of Aetius had not restored strength discipline to the Romans.** The two armies expected the signal of a decisive action; but the

and

generals, force,

who were

conscious of each other’s

and doubtful of

their

own

superiority,

prudently sheathed their swords in the

field

of

Roman Empire

battle;

and

and

their reconciliation

was permanent

sincere. Theodoric, king of the Visigoths,

appears to have deserved the love of his subthe confidence of his allies, and the esteem of mankind. His throne was surrounded by six valiant sons, who were educated with equal care in the exercises of the barbarian camp, and in those of the Gallic schools: from the study of the Roman jurisprudence they acquired the theory, at least, of law and justice; and the harmonious sense of Virgil contributed to soften The two the asperity of their native manners. daughters of the Gothic king were given in marriage to the eldest sons of the kings of the Suevi and of the Vandals, who reigned in Spain and Africa; but these illustrious alliances were pregnant with guilt and discord. The queen of the Suevi bcw'^ailcd the death of an husband, inhumanly massacred by her brother. The princess of the Vandals was the victim of a jealous tyrant, whom she called her father. I’he cruel Gcnseric suspected that his son’s wife had conspired to poison him; the supposed crime was punished by the amputation of her nose and ears; and the unhappy daughter of Theodoric was ignominitmsly returned to the court of Toulouse in that deformed and mutilated condition. This horrid act, which must seem inaudible to a civilised age, drew tears from every spectator; but Theodoric was urged, by the feelings of a parent and a king, to revenge su( h irreparable injuries. I'lic Imperial ministers, who always cherished the discord of the barbarians, would have supplied the Goths with arms, and siiips, and trea.^urcs, lor the Alru an war; and the cruelty of Genseric might have been fatal to hiniseli, if the artful Vandal hud not armed, in his cause, the formidable pow'cr of the fluns. His rich gifts and pressing solicitations inflamed the ambition of Attila; and the designs of Aetius and Theodoric were prevented jects,

by the invasion of Gaul.*** The Franks, whose monarchy was still confined to the neighbourhood of the Lower Rhine, had wisely established the right of hereditary succession in the noble family of the

Merovingians.*® These princes were elevated on a buckler, the symbol of military com-’ mand ;*” and the royal fashion of long hair was the ensign of their birth and dignity. Their fiaxen locks, which they combed and dressed with singular care, hung down in flowing ringlets on their back and shoulders; while the rest of the nation were obliged, cither by law or custom, to shave the hinder part of their head, to comb their hair over the forehead, and to con-

1

The

Thirty-fifth

ornament of two small whiskers.^** The lofty stature of the Franks and their blue eyes denoted a Germanic origin; tent themselves with the

their close apparel accurately expressed

the

a weighty sword was suspended from a broad belt; their bodies were protected by a large shield: and these warlike barbarians were trained from their earliest youth to run, to leap, to swim; to dart the javelin or battle-axe with unerring aim; to advance without hesitation against a superior enemy; and to figure of their limbs;

maintain, cither in life or death, the invincible reputation of their ancestors.^® Clodion, the first ol their long-haired kings wliose uame and actions are mentioned in authentic history, held his residence at l')ispargum,®® a village or fortress,

whose place may be assigned between Louvain and Brussels. From the report of his spies the king of the Franks was informed that the defenceless state of the second Bclgic must yield, on the slightest attack, to the valour of his subpenetrated through the thickets and morasses of the Carbonarian forest;'^* occuph’d 'll may and Cambray, the only cities which existed in the fifth century; and extended his conquests as far as the river Somme, over a desolate country whose cultivation and popu-

jects.

I

le boldly

Chapter

56

perpetual dominion of the same barbarians who evacuated the ruins of Treves, and Treves, which in the space of forty years had been four times besieged and pillaged, was disposed to lose the

memory

of her afflictions in the vain

circus.^*^ The death of Clodion, after a reign of twenty years, exposed his kingdom to the discord and ambition of his two

amusements of the

sons.

Meroveus, the younger,*® was persuaded Rome he re-

to implore the protection of

;

w^

ceived at the Imperial court as the ally of Valcntinian and the adopted son of the patri-

cian Aetius, and dismissed to his native country with splendid gifts and the strongest assurances of friendship and support. During his absence his elder brother had solicited with equal ar-

dour the formidable aid of Attila; and the king of the Huns embraced an alliance which facilitated the passage of the Rhine, and justified by a specious and honourable pretence the invasion of Gaul.2^

When

Attila declared his resolution of sup-

the Vandals and and almost in the spirit of romantic chivalry, the savage monarch professed himself the lover and the champion of

porting

tlic

cause of his

the Franks, at the

same

the princess Honoria.

allies

time,

The

sister of

Valcntinian

lousness are the eflects of

more recent industry.-- While Clodion lay encamped in the plains of Artois, and celebrated with vain and osten-

was educated

tatious security the marriage perhaps of his son,

above the hof>cs of the most presumptuous subject. But the fair Honoria had no sooner attained the sixteenth year of her age than she detested the importunate greatness which must for ever exclude her from the comforts of honourable love: in the midst of vain

the nuptial least was interrupted by the une.v-

pected and unwelcome presence of Actius, w'ho liad passed the Somme at the head of his light cavalry. The tables, which had been spread

under the shelter of a hill along the banks of a pleasant stream, were rudely overturned; the franks were oppressed before they could rccov'S guided by his prudence; and as he foresaw the as their ia^vful prince.

army which, under the conduct

consequences of a defeat in the heart of Gaul, he repassed the Seine, and expected the enemy in the plains of ChAlons, whose smooth and level surface was adapted to the operations of his Scythian cavalry. But in this tumultuary fatal

vanguard of the Romans and their continually pressed, and sometimes engaged, the troops whom Attila had posted in

retreat the allies

the rear; the hostile columns, in the darkness of the night and the perplexity of the roads, might

;

Decline and Fall of the

564

encounter each other without design; and the bloody conflict of the Franks and Gepidae, in which fifteen thousand^** barbarians were slain, was a prelude to a more general and decisive action. The Catalaunian fields^^ spread themselves round Ch&lons, and extend, according to the vague measurement of Jornandcs, to the length of one hundred and fifty, and the breadth of one hundred miles, over the whole province, which is entitled to the appellation of a champaign country. This spacious plain was distinguished, however, by some inequalities of ground; and the importance of an height which commanded the camp of Attila was understood and disputed by the two generals. The young and valiant Torismond first occupied the summit; the Goths rushed with irresistible weight on the Huns, who laboured to ascend from the op[>osite side: and the possession of this advantageous post inspired both the troops and their leaders with a fair assurance of victory. The

him to consult his was reported that, the entrails of victims and

anxiety of Attila prompted priests

and

haruspices. It

after scrutinising

scraping their bones, they revealed, in mysterious language, his own defeat, with the death of

and that the barbarian, by accepting the equivalent, expressed his involuntary esteem for the superior merit of Actius. But the unusual despondency which seemed to prevail among the Huns engaged Attila to his principal adversary;

use the expedient, so familiar to the generals of by a military

antiquity, of animating his troops

oration;

and

his

language was that of a king

who had often* fought and conquered at their head.*® He pressed them to consider their past glory,

their actual danger,

and

hopies.

The same

deserts

and morasses of Scythia

ed valour, which had laid so tions prostrate at their feet, joys of this

memorable

tion of their victories.

enemies, their

their future

fortune which opened the to their

unarm-

many

warlike nahad reserved the

field for the

consumma-

The cautious steps of their

strict alliance,

and

their

advan-

tageous posts, he artfully represented as the effects, not of prudence, but of fear. The Visigoths alone were the strength and nerves of the opposite army, and the Huns might securely

trample on the degenerate Romans, whose close and compact order betrayed their apprehensions, and who were equally incapable of supporting the dangers or the fatigues of a day of battle.

The

doctrine of predestination, so fa-

vourable to martial virtue, was carefully inculcated by the king of the Huns; who assured his subjects that the warriors, protected by Heaven,

Roman Empire

were safe and invulnerable amidst the darts of the enemy; but that the unerring Fates would strike their victims in the bosom of inglorious peace. “I myself,” continued Attila, “will throw the first javelin, and the wretch who refuses to imitate the example of his sovereign is devoted to inevitable death.” The spirit of the barbarians was rekindled by the presence, the voice, and the example of their intrepid leader; and Attila, yielding to their impatience, immediately formed his order of battle. At the head of his brave and faithful Huns, he occupied in person the centre of the line. The nations subject to his empire, the Rugians, the Heruli, the Thuringians, the Franks, the Burgundians, were extended, on either hand, over the ample .space of the Catalaunian fields; the right wing was commanded by Ardaric, king of the GepidtC and the three valiant brothers who reigned over the Ostrogotlis were posted on the lelt to oppose the kindred tribes of the Visigoths. The disposition ;

of the allies was regulated by a difleient prinSangiban, the faithless king of the Alani,

ciple.

was placed in the centre: where his motions might be strictly watched, and his treachery might be instantly punished. Aetiiis assumed the command of the left, and Theodoric of the right wing; while Torismond still continued to occupy the heights which appear to have streu hed on the flank, and perhaps the rear, of the Scythian army. The nations from the Volga to the Atlantic were assembled on the plain of Chalons; but manv of these nations had been divided by faction, or conquest, or emigration and the appearance of similar arms and ensigns, w'hich threatened each other, presented the image of a

civil

war.

The discipline and tactics of the Greeks and Romans form an interesting part of their national manners. The attentive study of the miliXenophon, or Ca‘sar, or are described by the same genius which conceived and executed them, may tend to improve (if such improvement can tary operations of Frederic,

when they

be wished) the art of destroying the

human spe-

But the battle of Chalons can only excite our curiosity by the magnitude of the object; since it was decided by the blind impetuosity 6f barbarians, and has been related by partial writers, whose civil and ecclesiastical profession secluded them from the knowledge of military cies.

Cassiodorus, however, had familiarly conversed with many Gothic warriors who served in that memorable engagement; “a conflict,” as they informed him, “fierce, various, obstinate, and bloody; such as could not be affairs.

The

Thirty-fifth

paralleled either in the present or in past ages.”

The number

of the slain amounted to one hundred and sixty-two thousand, or, according to another account, three hundred thousand persons;'*^ and these incredible exaggerations suppose a real and effective loss, sufficient to justify

the historian’s remark that whole generations be swept away by the madness of kings in

may

the space of a single hour. After the mutual and repeated discharge of missile weapons, in which the archers of Scythia might signalise their superior dexterity, the cavalry

and infantry of the

two armies were furiously mingled in closer combat. The Huns, who fought under the eyes of their king, pierced through the feeble and doubtful centre of the

allies,

separated their

wings from each other, and wheeling, with a rapid effort, to the left, directed their whole force against the Visigoths. As Theodoric rode along the ranks to animate his troops, he received a mortal stroke from the javelin of Andages, a noble Ostrogoth, and immediately fell from his horse. The wounded king was oppressed in the general disorder and trampled under the feet ol his own cavalry; and this important death served to explain the ambiguous prophecy

Chapter

565

disorder and anxiety.

The

inconsiderate cour-

age of Torismond was tempted to urge the purhe unexpectedly found himself, with a few followers, in the midst of the Scythian waggons. In the confusion of a nocturnal combat he was thrown from his horse; and the Gothic prince must have perished like his father, if his

suit, till

youthful strength and the intrepid zeal of his companions had not rescued him from this dangerous situation. In the same manner, but on the

left

from

of the line, A6tius hinLself, separated

his allies, ignorant of their victory,

and

encountered and escaped the hostile troops that were scattered over the plains of Chalons; and at length reached the camp of the Goths, w'hich he could only fortify with a slight rampart of shields till the dawn of day. The Imperial general was soon satisfied

anxious for their

fate,

of the defeat of Attila, w^ho

still

active within his entrenchments;

remained

in-

and when he

remainder of the prediction. The Visigoths, who had been thrown into confusion by the flight,

contemplated the bloodv scene, he observ^ed, with secret satisfaction, that the loss had principally fallen on the barbarians. The body of Theodoric, pierced with honourable wounds, was discovered under a heap of the slain: his subjects bewailed the death of their king and father; but their tears were mingled with songs and acclamations, and his funeral rites were performed in the face of a vanquished enemy. The Goths, clashing their arms, elevated on a buckler his eldest son Torismond, to whom they

or defection, of the Alani, gradually restored

justly ascribed the glory of their success;

of the haruspices. Attila already exulted in the

confidence of victory,

when

mond descended from

the

their order of battle;

the valiant Toris-

hills,

and

verified the

and the Huns

w'ere

un-

doubtedly vanejuished, since Attila was compelled to retreat. He had exposed his person with the rashness of a private soldier; but the intrepid troops of the centre had pushed forwards beyond the rest of the line; their attack was faintly supported; their flanks were unguarded; and the conquerors of Scythia and Germany w^re saved by the approach of the night from a total defeat. They retired within the circle of waggons that fortified their

camp;

and the dismounted squadrons prepared themselves for a defence to which neither their arras nor their temper were adapted. The event was doubtful: but Attila had secured a last and honourable resource. The saddles and rich furniture of the cavalry were collected by his order into a funeral pile; and the magnanimous barbarian had resolved, if his entrenchments sliould be forced, to rush headlong into the flames, and to deprive his enemies of the glory which they might have acquired by the death or captivity of Attila.^*

But

his

enemies had passed the night in equal

the

new king accepted

and

the obligation of revenge

as a sacred portion of his paternal inheritance.

Yet the (Joths themselves were astonished by the fierce and undaunted aspect of their formidable antagonist; and their historian has compared Attila to a lion encompassed in his den and threatening his hunters with redoubled fury. 'Fhe kings and nations who might have deserted his standard in the hour of distress were

made

sensible

that the displeasure of their

monarch w»as the most imminent and

inevitable

danger. .Ml his instruments of martial music incessantly sounded a loud and animating strain of defiance; and the foremost troops, who ad-

vanced to the assault, were checked or destroyed by showers of arrows from every side of the entrenchments. It was determined in a general council of war to besiege the king of the

Huns in

camp, to intercept his provisions, and to reduce him to the alternative of a disgraceful treaty or an unequal combat. But the impahis

tience of the barbarians soon disdained these cautious and dilatory measures and the mature policy of AStius was apprehensive that, after the :

Decline and Fall of the

566

extirpation of the Huns, the republic would be oppressed by the pride and power of the Gothic

The

nation.

patrician exerted the superior as-

cendant of authority and reason to calm the passions which the son of Theodoric considered as a duty; represented, with seeming affection and real truth, the dangers of absence and delay; and persuaded Torismond to disappoint, by his speedy return, the ambitious designs of his brothers, who might occupy the throne and treasures of Toulouse.^* After the departure of the Goths, and the separation of the allied army, Attila

was surprised

at the vast silence that

reigned over the plains of ChUlons: the suspicion of some hostile stratagem detained him several days within the circle of his waggons, and his retreat beyond the Rhine confessed the last victory which was achieved in the name of the Western empire. Meroveus and his Franks, obser\'ing a prudent distance,

and magnifying

the opinion of their strength by the numerous fires which they kindled every night, continued

Huns till they reached the confines of Thuringia. The Thuringians served in the army of Attila: they traversed, both in their march and in their return, the to follow the rear of the

territories of the this

war

Franks; and

it

was perhaps

in

that they exercised the cruelties which,

about fourscore years afterwards, were revenged by the son of Clovis. They massacred their hostages, as well as their captives: two hundred young maidens were tortured with exquisite and unrelenting rage; their bodies were tom asunder by wild horses, or their bones were crushed under the weight of rolling waggons; and their unbdried limbs were abandoned on the public roads as a prey to dogs and vultures. Such were those savage ancestors whose imaginary virtues have sometimes excited the praise and envy of civilised ages!^^ Neither the spirit, nor the forces, nor the reputation of Attila were impaired by the failure of the Gallic expedition. In the ensuing spring he repeated his demand of the princess Honoria

and her patrimonial treasures. The demand was again rejected or eluded; and the indignant

Roman Empire

work. The skill of the Roman artists might be corrupted to the destruction of their country. The walls of Aquileia were assaulted by a formidable train of battering rams, movable turrets, and engines that threw stones, darts, and

and the monarch of the Huns employed the forcible impulse of hope, fear, emulation, and interest, to subvert the only barrier which delayed the conquest of Italy. Aquileia was at that period one of the richest, the most populous, and the strongest of the maritime cities of fire;^*

The Gothic

the Hadriatic coast.

who appear

to have served

auxiliaries,

under their native

and Antala, communicated and the citizens still remembered the glorious and successful resistance which their ancestors had opposed to a fierce, princes,

Alaric

their intrepid spirit;

who

inexorable barbarian,

Roman

disgraced the

ma-

Three months were consumed without effect in the siege of Aquileia; till the want of provisions and the clam-

jesty of the

purple.

ours of his army compelled Attila to relinquish the enterprise, and reluctantly to issue his orders that the troops should stiike their tents the next morning, and begin their retieat. But as he rode round the walls, picnsive, angry, and disappointed, he observed a stork preparing to leave her nest in one of the towers, and to fly with her infant family towards the country. He seized, with the ready penetration of a states-

man,

which chance had and exclaimed, in a loud

this trifling incident

oftered to supersiltion

and cheerful

;

tone, that such a domestic bird, so

constantly attached to

human

society,

would

never have abandoned her ancient seats unless those towers had been devoted to impending ruin and solitude.® I’hc favourable omen inspired an assurance of victory; the siege was renewed, and prosecuted with fresh vigour; a large breach was made in the part of the wall from whence the stork had taken her flight; the Huns mounted to the assault with irresistible fury; and the succeeding generation could scarcely discover the ruins of Aquileia.®® After this dreadful chastisement, Attila

pursued his

Alps, invaded Italy,

and besieged Aquileia with an innumerable host of barbarians. Those barbarians were unskilled in the methods of con-

march; and as he passed, the cities of Altinum, Concordia, and Padua were reduced into heaps of stones and ashes. The inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and Beggamo, were exposed to the rapacious cruelty Qf the Huns. Milan and Pavia

ducting a regular siege, which, even among the ancients, required some knowledge, or at least some practice, of the mechanic arts. But the labour of many thousand provincials and captives, whose lives were sacrificed without pity, might execute the most painful and dangerous

submitted, without resistance, to the loss of their wealth; and applauded the unusual clemency which preserved from the flames the public as well as private buildings, and spared the lives of the captive multitude. The popular traditions of Comum, Turin, or Modena may justly be

lover immediately took the held, passed the

The Thirty-fifth Chapter guspected; yet they concur with more authentic evidence to prove that Attila spread his ravages over the rich plains of modern Lombardy,

which are divided by the Po, and bounded by the Alps and Apennine/’* When he took possession of the royal palace of Milan, he was surprised and ofiended at the sight of a picture which represented the Caesars seated on their

and the princes of Scythia prostrate at The revenge which Attila inflicted on monument of Roman vanity was harmless

throne,

their feet. this

and ingenious. He commanded a painter to reverse the figuri's and the attitudes; and the emperors were delineated on the same canvas approaching in a suppliant posture to empty their bags of tributary gold before the throne of the Scythian monarch. The spectators must have confessed the truth and propriety of the alteration; and were perhaps tempted to apply, on this singular occasion, the

well-known fable of

the dispute between the lion and the man.*’ It is a saying worthy of the ferocious pride of Attila, that the grass never grew on the spot

whsH

ijii

horse had trod. Yet the savage de-

stroyer undcsignedly laid the foundations of a

republic which revived, in the feudal state of Europe, the art and spirit of a commercial industry.

The celebrated name of Venice,

ctia,*^

was formerly

fertile

province of Italy,

or Venover a large and from the coniines of

dill used

Pannonia to the river Addua, and from the Po to the Rh.Ttian and the Julian Alps. Before the irruption of the barbarians, fifty Venetian cities flourished in peace and prosperity: Aquilcia was placed in the most conspicuous station but the ancient dignity of Padua was supjKirtcd by agriculture and manufactures; and the properly of five hundred citizens, who were entitled to the cqu(‘strian rank, must have amounted, at the strictest computation, to one million seven hundred thousand pounds. Many families of Aquilcia, Padua, and the adjacent towns, who fled from the sword of the Huns, found a safe, though obscure, refuge in the neighbouring islands.** At the extremity of the Gulf, where the :

Hadriatic feebly imitates the tides of the ocean, near an hundred small islands are separated by shallow water from the continent, and protected from the waves by several long slips of land, which admit the entrance of vessels through

some

and narrow channels.**

Till the century these remote and sequestered spots remained without cultivation, with few inhabitants, and almost without a name. But the nlanners of the Venetian fugitives, their arts and their government, were

secret

middle of the

fifth

567

gradually formed by their new situation ; and one of the epistles of Cassiodorus,*^ which describes their condition about seventy years afterwards, may be considered as the primitive monument of the republic. The minister of Theodoric compares them, in his quaint declamatory style, to waterfowl, who had fixed their nests on the bosom of the waves; and though he allows that the Venetian provinces had formerly contained many noble families, he insinuates that they were now reduced by misfortune to the same level of humble poverty. Fish was the common, and almost the universal, food of every rank their only treasure consisted in the plenty of salt which they extracted from the sea: and the exchange of that commodity, so essential to human life, was substituted in the neighbouring markets to the currency of gold and silver. A people whose habitations might be doubtfully assigned to the earth or w^er soon became alike familiar with the two elements; and the demands of avarice succeeded to those of necessity. The islanders, who, from Grado to Chiozza, were intimately connected with each other, penetrated into the heart of Italy, by the secure, though laborious, navigation of the rivers and inland canals. Their vessels, whicli were continually increasing in size and number, visited all the harbours of the Gulf; and the marriage which Venice annually celebrates wiih the Hadriatic was contracted in her early infancy. The epistle of Cassiodonis, the Praetorian pracfect, is addressed to the maritime tribunes; and he exhorts them, in a mild lone of authority, to animate the zeal of their countrymen for the public service, which required their assistance to transf)ort the magazines of wine and oil from the province of Istria to the royal city of Ravenna. The ambiguous office of these magistrates is explained bv the tradition, that, in the twelve principal islands, twelve tribunes, or judges, were created by an annual and popular election. The existence of the Venetian republic under the Gothic kingdom of Italy is attested by the same authentic record which annihilates their lofty claim of original and perpetual independence.** The Italians, who had long since renounced the exercise of arms, were surprised, after forty years’ peace, by the approach of a formidable barbarian, whom they abhorred as the enemy of their religion as well as of their republic. Amidst the general consternation, A^tius alone was incapable of fear; but it was impossible that he should achieve alone and unassisted any military exploits worthy of his former renown. :

Decline and Fall of the

568

Roman Empire

The barbarians who had defended Gaul refused

whose ordinary food consisted of milk and raw

and the succours promised by the Eastern emperor were distant and doubtful. Since Aetius, at the head of his domestic troops, still maintained the field, and

indulged themselves too freely in the use and of meat prepared and seasoned by the arts of cookery; and the progress of disease revenged in some measure the injuries of the Italians.®^ When Attila declared his resolution of carrying his victorious arms to the gates of Rome, he was admonished by his friends, as well as by his enemies, that Alaric had not long survived the conquest of the eternal city. His mind, superior to real danger, was assaulted by imaginary terrors; nor could he escape the influence of superstition, which had so often been subservient to his designs.®** The pressing eloquence of Leo, his majestic asp>ect and sacerdotal rol>es, excited the veneration of

to

march

to the relief of Italy;

harassed or retarded the marcli of Attila, he never showed himself more truly great than at the time when his conduct was blamed by an ignorant and ungrateful people.*® If the mind of Valenti nian had been susceptible of any generous sentiments, he would have chosen such a general for his example and his guide. But the timid grandson of Theodosius, instead of sharing the dangers, escaped from the sound, of

war; and his hasty retreat from Ravenna to Rome, from an impregnable fortress to an open capital, betrayed his secret intention of abandoning Italy as soon as the danger should approach his Imperial person. This shameful abdication was suspended, however, by the spirit of doubt and delay which commonly adheres to pusillanimous counsels, and sometimes corrects their pernicious tendency. The Western emper-

flesh,

of bread, of wine,

Attila for the spiritual father of the Christians.

The

apparition of the two apostles of St. Peter who menaced the barbarian with instant dt^ath if he rejected the prayer of their

and

St. Paul,

successor,

is

one of the noblest legends of eccleRome might

siastical tradition. 'Ihe safety of

specious

deserve the interposition of celestial bt'ings; and some indulgence is due to a fable which has been represented by the pencil of Raphael and the chisel of Algardi.®® Before the king of the Huns evacuated Italy, he threatened to return more dreadful, and more implacable, if his bride, the princess Honoria, were not delivered to his ambassadors within the teriq^ stipulated by the treaty. Yet,

and artful character of Avienus^*^ was admirably

in the meanwhile, Attila relieved his tender

qualified to conduct a negotiation either of pub-

anxiety,

or, with the senate

and people of Rome, em-

braced the more salutary resolution of depreby a solemn and suppliant embassy, the wrath of Attila. This important commission was accepted by Avienus, who, from his birth and cating,

riches, his consular dignity, the

numerous

train

of his clients, and his personal abilities, held the first

lic

rank in the

Roman

senate.

The

or private interest; his colleague Trigetius

had exercised the Praetorian praefecture of Italy; and Leo, bishop of Rome, consented to expose his life for the safety of his flock.

The

genius of

Leo

was exercised and displayed in the public misfortunes; and he has deserved the appellation of Great by the successful zeal with which he laboured to establish his opinions and his authority, under the venerable names of orthodox faith and ecclesiastical discipline. The Roman ambassadors were introduced to the tent of Attila, as he lay encamped at the place where the slow-winding Mincius is lost in the foaming waves of the lake Benacus,*'^ and trampled, with his Scythian cavalry, the farms of Catullus and Virgil.** The barbarian monarch listened with favourable, and even respectful, attention and the deliverance of Italy was purchased by the immense ransom or dowry of the princess Honoria. The state of his army might facilitate the treaty and hasten his retreat. Their martial spirit was relaxed by the wealth and indolence ;

of a

warm climate. The shepherds of the North,

by adding a beautiful maid, whose Ildico, to the list of his innumerable wives.®^ Their marriage was celebrated with barbaric pomp and festivity, at his wooden palace beyond the Danube and the monarch, oppressed with wine and sleep, retired at a late hour from the banquet to the nuptial bed. His

name was

;

attendants continued to respect his pleasures or his repose the greatest part of the ensuing day, till the unusual silence alarmed their fears and

awaken Atthey at length broke into the royal apartment. They found the trembling bride sitting by the bedside, hiding her face with her veil, and lamenting her ovvn danger, as well $b the death of the king, who had expired during the night.®® An artery had suddenly burst: hnd as Attila lay in a supine posture, he was suffocated by a torrent of blood, which, instead of finding a passage through the nostrils, regurgitated into the lungs and stomach. His body was solemnly exposed in the midst of the plain, under a silken pavilion; and the chosen squadrons of the Huns, wheeling suspicions; and, after attempting to tila

by loud and repeated

cries,

The Thirty-fifth Chapter round

in

measured evolutions, chanted a

fu-

neral song to the memory of a hero, glorious in his life, invincible in his death, the father of his people, the scourge of his enemies,

and the

ter-

ror of the world. According to their national custom, the barbarians cut off a part of their hair,

gashed their faces with unseemly wounds,

and bewailed their valiant leader as he deserved, not with the tears of women, but with the blood of warriors.

The remains

of Altila were en-

closed within three coffins of gold, of silver,

of iron,

and

and

privately buried in the night: the

were thrown into his grave; the the ground were inhumanly massacred; and the same Huns, who had indulged such excessive grief, feasted, with dissolute and intemperate mirth, about the recent sepulchre of their king. It was reported at Constantinople that, on the fortunate night in which he expired, Marcian beheld in a dream the bow of Attila broken asunder: and the report may be allowed to prove how seldom the image of that formidable barbarian was absent mind of a Roman emperor.^ from The revolution which subverted the empire of the Iluns established the fame of Attila, whose genius alone had sustained the huge and disjointed fabric. After his death the boldest chieftains aspired to the rank of kings; the most spoils of nations

captives

who had opened

powerful kings refused to acknow'ledgc a suand the numerous sons whom so many various mothers bore to the deceased monarch divided and disputed like a private inheritance the sovereign command of the nations of Germany and Scythia. The bold Ardaric felt and represented the disgrace of this servile partition; and his subjects, the warlike Gepida*, with the Ostrogoths, under the conduct of three valiant perior;

brothers, encouraged their allies to vindicate

the rights of freedom and royally. In a bloody and decisive conflict on the banks of the river Nctad in Pannonia, the lance of the Gepidae, the sword of the Goths, the arrow's of the Huns, ihe Suevic infantry, the light arms of the Heruii, and the heavy weapons of the Alani, encountered or supported each other; and the victory of Ardaric was accompanied with the slaughter of thirty thousand of his enemies. Ellac, the eldest son of Attila, lost his life and crown in the memorable battle of Netad; his early valour had raised him to the throne of the Acatzircs, a Scythian people, w'honi he subdued ; and his father, who loved the superior merit, would have envied the death, of Ellac. His brother Dengisich, with an army of Huns still formidable in their flight

and

ruin, maintained his

ground above

fifteen years

569 on the banks of the Danube. The

palace of Attila, with the old country of Dacia,

from the Carpathian hills to the Euxine, became the scat of a new power which was erected by Ardaric, king of the Gepidac. The Pannonian conquests, from Vienna to Sirmium, were occupied by the Ostrogoths; and the settlements of the tribes who had so bravely asserted their native freedom were irregularly distributed according to the measure of their respective strength. Surrounded and oppressed by the multitude of his father’s slaves, the kingdom of Dengisich was confined to the circle of his waggons; his desperate courage urged him to invade the Eastern empire: he fell in battle, and his head, ignominiously exp>osed in the Hipp>o-

dromc, exhibited a grateful spectacle to the people of Constantinople. Attila had fondly or superstitiously believed that Irnac, the young-

was destined

to perpetuate the character of that prince, w'ho attempted to moderate the rashness of his brother Dengisich, was more suitable to the

est of his sons,

glories of his race.

The

declining condition of the Huns; and Irnac,

with

his subject hordes, retired into the heart of

the Lesser Scythia. I'hey were soon ovcrw'helmcd by a torrent of new barbarians, who followed

the same road w’hich their own ancestors had formerly discovered. The Geougen^ or A\ares, whose residence is as'^igned by the Greek writers to the shores of the ocean, impelled the adjacent tribes; till at length the Igours of the North, issuing from the cold Siberian regions

produce the most valuable

furs,

which

spread them-

selves over the desert as far as the Bor>'sthencs

and the Caspian

gates,

and

finally extinguished

the empire of the Huns."' Such an event might contribute to the safety of the Eastern empire under the reign of a prince

who

conciliated the friendship, without

forfeiting the esteem, of the barbarians.

But the

emperor of the West, the feeble and dissolute Valenlinian, who had reached his thirty-fifth year without attaining the age of reason or courage, abused this apparent security to undermine the foundations of his own throne by the murder of the* patrician Aetius. From the instinct of a base and jealous mind, he hated the man who was universally celebrated as the terror of the barbarians and the support of the reand his new favoiu-ite, the eunuch Heraclius, aw'akencd the eitip>eror from the supine public;

lethargy which might be disguised during the life of Placidia'- by the excuse of filial piety. The fame of Aetius, his wealth and dignity, the numerous and martial train of barbarian follow-

Decline and Fall of the

570

filled the cml the state, and the hopes of his son Gaudcntius, who was already contracted to Eudoxia, the emperor’s daughter, had raised him above the rank of a subject. The ambitious

ers,

hh powerful dependents who

offices oi

designs, of

which he was

secretly accused, ex-

cited the fears as well as the resentment of Val-

by the consciousness of his merit, his services, and perhaps his innocence, seems to have maintained a haughty and indiscreet behaviour. The patrician offended his sovereign by an hostile declaration; he aggravated the offence by compelling him to ratify with a solemn oath a treaty of reconciliation and alliance; he proclaimed his suspicions, he neglected his safety; and from a vain confidence that the enemy whom he despised was incapable even of a manly crime, he entinian. Aetius himself, supported

rashly ventured his person in the palace of Rome. Whilst he urged, perhaps with intem-

perate vehemence, the marriage of his son, Valsword— the first sword he had ever drawn plunged it in the breast of a

entinian, drawing his

—

general

who had

saved his empire: his courtiers

and eunuchs ambitiously struggled to imitate their master; and Aetius, pierced with an hundred wounds, fell dead in the royal presence. Boethius, the Praetorian praefect, was killed at the same moment; and before the event could be divulged, the principal friends of the patrician were summoned to the palace and separately murdered. The horrid deed, palliated by the specious

names of justice and

necessity,

was

immediately communicated by the emperor to his soldiers, his subjects,

tions

who were

and

his allies.

The

na-

strangers or enemies to Aetius

generously deplored the unworthy fate of a hero; the barbarians who had been attached to his service dissembled their grief and resent-

ment; and the public contempt which had been so long entertained for Valentinian was at once

converted into deep and universal abhorrence. Such sentiments seldom pervade the walls of a palace; yet the emperor was confounded by the honest reply of a Roman whose approbation he had not disdained to solicit. “I am ignorant, sir, of your motives or provocations; I only know that you have acted like a man who cuts off his right hand with his left.”^* The luxury of Rome seems to have attracted the long and frequent visits of Valentinian, who was consequently more despised at Rome than in any other part of his dominions. A republican spirit was insensibly revived in the senate, as their authority,

and even their supplies, became

necessary for the support of his feeble govern-

Roman Empire

ment. The stately demeanour of an hereditary monarch offended their pride, and the pleasures of Valentinian were injurious to the peace and honour of noble families. The birth the empress Eudoxia was equal to his own, and her charms and tender affection deserved those testimonies of love which her inconstant husband dissipated in vague and unlawful amours.

Petronius Maximus, a wealthy senator of the who had been twice consul, was possessed of a chaste and beautiful wife; her obstinate resistance served only to irritate the

Anician family,

and he resolved to accomplish them cither by stratagem or force. Deep gaming was one of the vices of the court; the emperor, who, by chance or contrivance, had gained from Maximus a considerable sum, uncourteously exacted his ring as a security for the debt, and sent it by a trusty messenger to his wife, with an order in her husband’s name that she should immediately attend the empress Eudoxia. The unsuspecting wife of Maximus was conveyed in her litter to the Imperial palace; the emissaries of her impatient lover conducted her to a remote and silent bcd-chamber; and Valentinian violated, without remorse, the laws of hospitality. Her tears when she returned home, her deep afiliction, and the bitter reproaches against a husband whom she considered as the accomplice of his own shame, excited Maximus a just revenge; the desire of revenge was stimulated by ambition; and he might reasonably aspire, by the free suflragc of the Roman senate, to the throne of a detested desires of Valentinian,

and despicable

rival.

Valentinian,

human

who

sup-

was devoid like his own of friendship and gratitude, had impru-

posed that every

breast

dently admitted among his guards several domestics and followers of Aetius. Two of these, of

barbarian race, were persuaded to execute a sacred and honourable duty by punishing with death the assassin of their patron and their intrepid courage did not long expect a favourable :

moment. Whilst Valentinian amused himself in the field of Mars with the spectacle of some military sports, they suddenly rushed upon him with drawn weapons, despatched the guilty Heraclius, and Stabbed the emperor to the heart, without tjhe least opposition

numerous

train,

who seemed

from

his

to rejoice in the

Such was the fate of Valentinian the Third,’^^ the last Roman emperor of the family of Theodosius. He faithfully imitated the hereditary weakness of his cousin and his two tyrant’s death.

uncles, without inheriting the gentleness, the

purity, the innocence,

which

alleviate in their

1

The Thirty-sixth Chapter characters the

want of spirit and

ability.

Valen-

was less excusable, since he had passions without virtues: even his religion was questionable; and though he never deviated into the paths of heresy, he scandalised the pious Christians by his attachment to the profane arts of tinian

magic and divination. As early as the time of Cicero and Varro it was the opinion of the Roman augurs that the twelve vultures which Romulus had seen, reprecenturies assigned for the fatal period of his city.^® This prophecy, disregarded perhaps in the season of health and prosperity, inspired the people with gloomy apprehensions when the twelfth century, clouded with disgrace and even and misfortune, was almost elapsed

sented the twelve

posterity

must acknowledge with some surprise

that the arbitrary interpretation of an accidental

or fabulous circumstance has been seriously

verified in the downfall of the

But

its fall

Western empire.

was announced by a

clearer

omen

than the flight of vultures: the Roman government appeared every day less formidable to its enemies, more odious and oppressive to its subjects.’’ The taxes were multiplied with the pub-

57

economy was neglected in proporbecame necessary; and the injustice of

lic distress;

tion as

it

the rich shifted the unequal burden from themselves to the people, whom they defrauded of the indulgences that might sometimes have alleviated their misery. The severe inquisition, which confiscated their goods

and tortured

their per-

sons, compelled the subjects of Valentinian to

more simple tyranny of the barbariwoods and mountains^ or to embrace the vile and abject condition of mercenary servants. They abjured and abhorred the name of Roman citizens, which had formerprefer the

ans, to fly to the

mankind. The Armorican provinces of Gaul and the greatest part of Spain were thrown into a state of disorderly independence by the confederations of the Bagaudae, and the Imperial ministers pursued with proscriptive laws and ineffectual arms the rebels whom they had made.’* If all the barbarian conquerors had been annihilated in the ly excited the ambition of

same hour,

their total destruction

would not

have restored the empire of the West: and

Rome

still

if

survived, she survived the loss of

freedom, of virtue, and of honour.

CHAPTER XXXVI Sack of

Rome by

Genseric,

sion of the last

King of

Emperors of

His Naval Depredations. SuccesWest, Maximus, Avitus, Majorian, Severus,

the Vandals.

the

Anthemius, Olybrius, Glycerius, Nepos, Augustulus. Total Extinction of the Western Empire. Reign of Odoacer, the first Barbarian King of Italy.

T

of

terranean. The discovery and conquest of the Black nations, that might dwell Ixneath the torrid zone, could not tempt the rational ambition of Genseric; but he cast his eyes towards the sea; he resolved to create a naval power, and his bold resolution was executed with steady

the senators,

and

sidies

and intercepted the regular subwhich relieved the poverty and encour-

Atlas afforded an inexhaustible nursery of tim-

he

loss

or desolation of the provinces

from the Ocean to the Alps impaired the

and greatness of Rome: her interwas irretrievably destroyed by the separation of Africa. The rapacious Vanglory

nal prosperity

dals confiscated

the

patrimonial

estates

aged the idleness of the plebeians. The distress of the Romans was soon aggravated by an unexpected attack; and the province, so long

by industrious and obewas armed against them by an ambitious barbarian. The Vandals and Alani, who followed the successful standard of Genseric, had acquired a rich and fertile territory, which stretched along the coast above ninety days* journey from Tangier to Tripoli; but their narrow limits were pressed and confined, on either side, by the sandy desert and the Medicultivated for their use

dient subjects,

active perseverance.

The woods

of

Mount

ber; his new subjects w^ere skilled in the arts of navigation and shipbuilding; he animated his daring Vandals to embrace a mode of warfare which would render every maritime country accessible to their arms; the Moors and Africans were allured by the hopes of plunder; and, after an interval of six centuries, the fleets that

issued from the port of Carthage again claimed

the empire of the Mediterranean. The success of the Vandals, tlie conquest of Sicily, the sack of Palermo, and the frequent descents on the coast of Lucania, awakened and alarmed the

Decline and Fall of the

57^

mother of Valentinian and the sister of Theowere formed; and armaments, expensive and ineffectual, were prepared for the destruction of the common enemy, who redosius. Alliances

served his courage to encounter those dangers which his policy could not prevent or elude. The designs of the Roman government were

repeatedly baffled by his artful delays, ambigu-

ous promises, and apparent concessions; and the interposition of his formidable confederate, the king of the Huns, recalled the emperors from the conquest of Africa to the care of their domestic safety. The revolutions of the palace, which left the Western empire without a defender and without a lawful prince, dispelled the apprehensions and stimulated the avarice of Genseric. He immediately equipped a numerous fleet of Vandals and Moors, and cast anchor at the mouth of the Tilx:r, about three months after the death of Valentinian and the elevation of Maximus to the Imperial throne.

The private life of the senator Petronius Maximus^ was often alleged as a rare example of human felicity. His birth was noble and illustrious, since he descended from the Anician family; his dignity was supported by an adequate patrimony in land and money; and these advantages of fortune were accompanied with liberal arts and decent manners, w'hich adorn or imitate the inestimable gifts of genius and virtue. The luxury of his palace and table was hospitable

and

elegant.

Whenever Maximus

appeared in public, he was surrounded by a

and obsequious clients and it that^mong these clients he might deserve and possess some real friend. His merit was rewarded by the favour of the prince and train of grateful

is

possible

senate; he thrice exercised the office of Prartorian pra:fect of Italy; he was twice invested with the consulship, and he obtained the rank of patrician. These civil honours were not incompatible with the enjoyment of leisure and tranquillity; his hours, according to the demands of pleasure or reason, were accurately distributed by a water-clock; and this avarice of time may be allowed to prove the sense which Maximus entertained of Iiis own happiness. The injury which he received from tlie emperor Valentinian appears to excuse the most bloody revenge. Yet a philosopher might have reflected, that, if the resistance of his wife had been sincere, her chastity was still inviolate, and that it could never be restored if she had consented to the will of the adulterer. A patriot wo'ild have hesitated before he plunged himself and his country into those inevitable calamities which

Roman Empire

must follow the extinction of the royal house of Theodosius.

The imprudent Maximus

disregarded these

salutary considerations: he gratified his resentment and ambition; he saw the bleeding corpse

of Valentinian at his feet; and he heard himself saluted Emperor by the unanimous voice of the

senate and people. But the day of his inauguration was the last day of his happiness. He was imprisoned (such is the lively expression of Si-

donius) in the palace; and after passing a sleephe sighed that he had attained the summit of his wishes, and aspired only to deless night,

scend from the dangerous elevation. Oppressed by the weight of the diadem, he communicated his anxious thoughts to his friend and quarstor Fulgentius; and when he looked back with unavailing regret

on the secure pleasures of

his

former life, the emperor exclaimed, “O fortunate Damocles, thy reign began and ended with the same dinner;” a well-known allusion, which Fulgentius afterwards repeated as an instructive lesson for princes

and

subjects.®

The reign of Maximus continued about

three

months. His hours, of which he had lost the command, were disturbed by remorse, or guilt, or terror; and his throne was shaken by the seditions of the soldiers, the people, and the confederate barbarians. The marriage of his son Palladius with the eldest daughter of the late emperor might tend to establish the hereditary succession of his family; but the violence which he offered to the empress Eudoxia could proceed only from the blind impulse of lust or revenge. His own wife, the cause of these tragic events, had been seasonably removed by death; and the widow of Valentinian was compelled to violate her decent mourning, perhafis her real grief, and to submit to the embraces of a presumptuous usurper, whom she suspected as the assassin of her deceased husband. These suspicions were soon justified by the indiscreet confession of MaxinuiS himself; and he wantonly provoked the hatred of his reluctant bride, who was still conscious that she descended from a line of emperors. From the East, however, Eudoxia could not ^ope to obtain any effectual assistance: her father and her aunt Pulcheria were dead; her mother languished at Jerusalem in disgrace

and

exile;

and the sceptre of ConShe

stantinople was in the hands of a stranger.

directed her eyes towards Carthage; secretly implored the aid of the king of the Vandals;

and persuaded Genseric to improve the fair opportunity of disguising his rapacious designs by the specious names of honour, justice, and

The

Thirty-sixth Chapter

Whatever abilities Maximus might have shown in a subordinate station, he was found incapable of administering an empire: and though he might easily have been informed of the naval preparations which were made on the opposite shores of Africa, he expected with supine indifference the approach of the enemy, without adopting any measures of compassion.^

defence, of negotiation, or of a timely retreat. When the Vandals disembarked at the mouth of the Tiber, the emperor was suddenly roused from his lethargy by the clamours of a trembling and exasperated multitude. The only hope which presented itself to his astonished mind was that of a precipitate flight, and he exhorted the senators to imitate the example of their prince. But no sooner did Maximus appear in the streets than he was assaulted l)y a shower of stones: a Roman or a Burgundian soldier claimed the honour of the first wound; his mangled body was ignominiously cast into the Til^r; the Roman people rejoiced in the punishment which they had inllieted on the author of the pi biu ^ahunities; and the domestics of Eudoxia

573

hands of Genseric.^ The holy instruments of the Jewish worship,® the gold table, and the gold candlestick

with seven

branches,

originally

framed according to the particular instructions of God himself, and which were placed in the sanctuary of his temple, had been ostentatiously displayed to the Roman people in the triumph of Titus. They were afterwards deposited in the temple of Peace and at the end of four hundred years, the spoils of Jerusalem were transferred from Rome to Carthage, by a barbarian who derived his origin from the shores of the Baltic. These ancient monuments might attract the notice of curiosity as well as of avarice. But the Christian churches, enriched and adorned by ;

the prevailing superstition of the times, aflordplentiful materials for sacrilege; and

ed more

the pious liberality of piope Leo,

who melted

six silver vases, the gift of Constantine,

each of

an hundred pounds w eight, is an evidence of the damage which he attempted to repair. In the forty-hve years that had elapsed since the Gothic invasion, the pomp and luxury of Rome were in some measure restored and it was diffi;

signalised their zeal in the service of their mis-

cult cither to escape, or to satisfy, the avarice of

tress.®

a conqueror who possessed leisure to collect, and ships to transport, the wealth of the capital. I’he Imperial ornaments of the palace, the magnificent furniture and w'ardrobc, the sideboards of massy plate, were accumulated with disorderly rapine the gold and silver amounted to several thousand talents; yet even the brass and copper W’ere laboriously removed. Eudoxia herself, who advanced to meet her friend and deliverer, soon bewailed the imprudence of her ow’n conduct. She was rudclv stripped of her jew'els; and the unfortunate empress, with her

On

the third day after the tumult, Genseric

boldly advanced from the port of Ostia to the gates of the defenceless city. Instead of a sally of

the Roman youth, there issued from the gates an unarmed and venerable proces.sion of the bishop at the head of his clergy.® The fearless spirit of Leo, his authority and elotpience, a^ain

mitigated the fierceness of a barbarian conqueror: the king of the

Vandals promised to

.spare

the unresisting multitude, to protect the buildings from fire, and to exempt the captives from

and although such orders were neither mediation of Leo was glorious to himself, and in some degree beneficial to his country. But Rome and its inhabitants w'ere delivered to the licentiousness of the Vandals and Moors, whose

:

remains of

torture;

tw'o daughters, the onlv sur\*iving

seriously given, nor strictly obeyed, the

the great 7'hcodosiiis, was compelled, as a captive, to follow the haughty Vandal, who imme-

blind passions revenged the injuries of C'arthage.

The and

pillage lasted fourteen days all

and nights;

that yet remained of public or private

wealth, of sacred or profane treasure, W'as diligently transported to the vessels of Genseric. Among the spoils, the splendid relics of two temples, or rather of two religions, exhibited a

memorable example of the vicissitudes of human and divine things. Since the abolition of Paganism, the Capitol had been violated and abandoned; yet the statues of the gods and heroes were still respected, and the curious roof of gilt bronze was reserved for the rapacious

sail, and returned with a prosperous naxigation to the port of Carthage.® Many thousand Romans of both sexes, chosen for some useful or agreeable qualifications, reluctantly embarked on board the fleet of Genseric; and their distress was aggravated by the

diately hoisted

unfeeling barbarians, who, in the division of the booty, separated the wives from their husbands, their parents. The charbishop of Carthage,*® was their only consolation and support. He generously sold the gold and silver plate of the church to purchase the freedom of some, to alleviate the

and the children from ity of Deogratias,

and to assist the wants and ina captive multitude, whose health was impaired by the hardships which they had slax’ery of others,

firmities of

Decline and Fall of the

574

suffered in the passage from Italy to Africa.

By

two spacious churches were converted into hospitals: the sick were distributed in convenient beds, and liberally supplied with food and medicines; and the aged prelate repeated his visits both in the day and night, with an assiduity that surpassed his strength, and a tender sympathy which enhanced the value of his his order,

Compare this scene with the field of Cannae; and judge between Hannibal and the

services.

successor of St. Cyprian.'^

The deaths of Ai^tius and Valentinian had relaxed the tics which held the barbarians of Gaul in peace and subordination. The sea-coast was by the Saxons; the Alemanni and the Franks advanced from the Rhine to the Seine; and the ambition of the Goths seemed to medi-

infested

tate

The

more

and permanent conquests. relieved himself, by a from the weight of these dis-

extensive

emjjeror

Maximus

judicious choice,

tant cares; he silenced the solicitations of his

and promoted a stranger to the general command of the forces in Gaul. Avilus/* the stranger whose merit was so nobly rewarded, descended from a wealthy and honourable family in the diocese of friends, listened to the voice of fame,

Auvergne. The convulsions of the times urged him to embrace, with the same ardour, the civil

and military

professions;

and the indefatigable

youth blended the studies of literature and jurisprudence with the exercise of arms and hunting. Thirty years of his life were laudably spent in the public service; he alternately displayed his talents in war and negotiation; and the soldier of Aetius, after executing the most important embassies, was raised to the station of PreCtorian prarfect of Gaul. Either the merit of Avitus excited envy, or his moderation was desirous of repose, since he calmly retired to an estate which he possessed in the neighbourhood of Clermont. A copious stream, issuing from the mountain, and falling headlong in many a loud and foaming cascade, discharged its waters into a lake about two miles in length, and the villa

Roman Empire

their fury;

and whatever means he might eror he might be forced

ploy, whatever concessions

to make, the p)eople enjoyed the benefits of But the fate of Gaul de-

actual tranquillity.

Roman genthan to the public interest, did not disdain to visit Toulouse in the character of an ambassador. He was received with courteous hospitality by Theodoric, the king of the Goths; but while Avitus laid the foundations of a solid alliance with that powerful nation, he was astonished by the intelligence pended on the Visigoths; and the

eral, less attentive to his dignity

that the emperor

Maximus was

slain,

and that

been pillaged by the Vandals. A vacant throne, which he might ascend without guilt or danger, tempted his ambition:** and the V^isigoths were easily persuaded to support his claim by their irresistible suffrage. They

Rome had

loved the person of Avitus; they respected his virtues; and they were not insensible of the advantage, as well as honour, of giving an em-

peror to the West. The season was now approaching in which the annual assembly of the seven provinces was held at Arles; their deliberations might perhaps be influenced bv the presence of Theodoric and his martial brothers; but their choice would naturally incline to the most illustrious of their countrymen. Avitus, after a decent resistance, accepted the Impel ial diadem from the representatives of Gaul; and his clcrlion was ralitiit'd by the acclamations of the barbarians and provincials. The formal consent of Marcian, emperor of the East, was solicited

and obtained; but the though humbled by

senate,

Rome, and

Italy,

their recent calamities,

submitted with a secret

murmur

to the pre-

forded the various prospects of woods, pastures, and meadows.** In this retreat, where Avitus

sumption of the Gallic usurper. Theodoric, to whom Avitis was indebted for the purple, had acquired the Gothic sceptre by the murder of his elder brothcT lorismond and he justified this atrocious deed by the design which his predecessor had formed of violating his alliance with the empire.*® Such a crime might not be incompatible with the virtues of a manners of Theodoric were barbarian but gentle and humane; and posterity may contemplate without terror the original picture of a Gothic king, whogi Sidonius had intimately observed in the houfs of peace and of social intercourse. In an epistle, dated from the court of

amused

Toulouse, the orator

was pleasantly seated on the margin of the lake. baths, the porticoes, the summer and winter apartments, were adapted to the purposes of luxury and use; and the adjacent country af-

The

his leisure

with books, rural sports, the

practice of husbandry,

and the

society of his

friends,*^ he received the Imperial diploma, which constituted him master-general of the cavalry and infantry of Gaul. He assumed the military command; the barbarians suspended

;

;

satisfies

the curiosity of

one of his friends, in the following description:*^ “By the majesty of his appearance, Theodoric would command the respect of those who are ignorant of his merit; and although he is born a prince, his merit would dignify a private sta-

The Thirty-fiixth Chapter tion.

He is of a middle stature, his body appears

rather plump than fat, and in his well-proportioned limbs agility is united with muscular strength.^’* If you examine his countenance, you will distinguish a high forehead, large shaggy eyebrows, an aquiline nose, thin lips, a regular set of white teeth, and a fair complexion, that blushes more frequently from modesty than from anger. The ordinary distribution of his time, as far as it is exposed to the public view, may be concisely represented. Before daybreak

he

repairs,

with a small train, to his domestic

chapel, where the service is performed by the Arian clergy; but those who presume to inter-

pret his secret sentiments consider this assiduous

devotion as the effect of habit and policy. The morning is employed in the administration of his kingdom, f lis chair is surrounded by some military officers of decent aspect and behaviour: the noisy crowd of his barbarian guards occupies the hall of audience, but they are not permitted to stand within the veils or curtains that conceal the council-chamber from vvlga* '‘yes. The ambassadors of the nations arc successively introduced: Thcodoric listens with attention, answers them with discreet brevity, and either announces or delays, according to the nature of their business, his final resolution. About eight (the second hour) he rises from his throne, and visits cither his treasur>' or his stables. If he chooses to hunt, or at least to exercise himself on horseback, his bow is carried by a favourite youth; but when the game is marked, he bends it with his ow'n hand, and seldom misses the object of his aim; as a king, he disdains to Ix'ar arms in such ignoble w'arfare; but as a soldier he would blu:>h to accept any military service w'liich he could perform himself. On common days his dinner is not different from the repast of a private citizen; but evei*y Saturday many honourable guests are invited to the royal table, w^iich, on these occasions, is served with the elegance of Greece, the plenty of Gaul, and the order and diligence of Italy.^® The gold or silver plate is less remarkable for its w*eight than for the brightness and curious workmanship: the taste is gratified without the help of foreign and costly luxury; the size and number of the cups of wine arc regulated with a strict regard to the laws of temperance; and the respectful silence that prevails is interrupted only by grave and instructive conversation. After dinner Theodoric sometimes indulges himself in a short slumber; and as soon as he wakes he calls for the dice and tables, encourages his friemds to forget the royal majesty, and is delighted when rest of the

575

they freely express the passions which are excited by the incidents of play. At this game, which he loves as the image of war, he alternately displays his eagerness, his tience,

and

laughs: he

skill,

his pa-

he loses, he he wins. Yet,

his checerful temper. If is

modest and

silent if

notwithstanding this seeming indifference, his courtiers choose to solicit any favour in the mo-

ments of victory; and I myself, in my applications to the king, have derived some benefit from my losses.^® About the ninth hour (three o’clock) the tide of business again returns, and

Bows

incessantly

till

after sunset,

when

the sig-

nal of the royal supp>er dismisses the weary crowd of suppliants and pleaders. At the sup-

more familiar repast, buffoons and pantomimes are sometimes introduced, to divert, not to offend, the company by their ridiculous wit: but female singers, and the soft cffcininatc modes of music, are severely banished, and such martial tunes as animate the soul to deeds of valour arc alone grateful to the car of Theodoric. He retires from table; and the nocturnal per, a

guards are immediately posted at the entrance of the treasury, the palace, and the private apartments.” When the king of the Visigoths encouraged Avitus to assume the purple, he offered his person and his forces as a faithful soldier of the republic.*^ The exploits of Theodoric soon convinced the world that he had not degenerated

from the warlike \irtues of his ancestors. After the establishment of the Goths in Aquitain, and the passage of the Vandals into Africa, the Sucvi, who had fixed their kingdom in Gallicia, aspired to the conquest of Spain, and threatened to extinguish the feeble remains of the Roman dominion. The provincials of Carthagena and Tarragona, afflicted by an hostile invasion, represented their injuries and their apprehensions. Count Fronlo was despatched, in the name of the emperor Avitus, witli advantageous offers of peace and alliance and I'heodoric interposed his weighty mediation to declare that, ;

unless his brother-in-law, the king of the Suevi, immediately retired, he should be obliged to in iJic cause of justice and of Rome. “Tell him,” replied the haughty Rechiarius, “that I despise his friendship and his arms; but that I shall soon try w’hether he w ill dare to expect my arrival under the w'alls of Toulouse.” Such a challenge urged Theodoi ic to prevent the bold designs of his enemy: he passed the PvTcnees at the head of the \^isigoths; the Franks and Burgundians served under his standard and though

arm

;

he professed himself the

dutiful servant of Avi-

Decline and Fall of the

576

he privately stipulated,

tus,

for himself

and

successors, the absolute possession of his ish conquests.

The two

his

Span-

armies, or rather the

two nations, encountered each other on

tlic

banks of the river Urbicus, about twelve miles from Astorga; and the decisive victory of the Goths appeared for a while to have extirpated the

name and kingdom

of the Suevi.

From

the

of battle Theodoric advanced to Braga, their metrop>olis, which still retained the splendid vestiges of its ancient commerce and digfield

His entrance was not polluted with blood ; and the Goths respected the chastity of their female captives, more especially of the consecrated virgins: but the greatest part of the clergy and people were made slaves, and even the churches and altars were confounded in the universal pillage. The unfortunate king of the Suevi had escaped to one of the ports of the ocean ; but the obstinacy of the winds opposed his flight: he was delivered to his implacable rival ; and Rechiarius, who neither desired nor expected mercy, received, with manly constancy, the death which he would probably have inflicted. After this bloody sacrifice to policy or resentment, Theodoric carried his victorious arms as far as Merida, the principal town of Lusitania, without meeting any resistance, except from the miraculous powers of St. Eulalia; but lie was stopped in the full career of success, and recalled from Spain belore he could provide for the security of his conquests. In his retreat towards the Pyrenees he revenged his disappointment on the country through which he passed ; and, in (he sack of Polentia and Astorga he showed himself a faithless ally, as well as a cruel enemy. Whilst the king of the Visigoths fought and vanquished in the name of Avitus, the reign of Avitus had expired; and both the honour and interest of Theodoric were deeply wounded by the disgrace of a friend whom he had seated on the throne of the Western emnity.**

pire.*®

The pressing solicitations of the senate and people persuaded the emperor Avitus to fix his residence at Rome, and to accept the consulship for the ensuing year. On the first day of January, his son-in-law, Sidonius Apollinaris, celebrated his praises in a panegyric of six hundred verses; but this composition, though it was rewarded with a brass statue,*^ seems to contain a very moderate proportion cither of genius or of truth. The poet, if we may degrade that sacred name, exaggerates the merit of a sovereign and a father; and his prophecy of a long and glorious reign was soon contradicted by the

Roman Empire

event. Avitus, at a time

nity

was reduced

when

the Imperial dig-

to a pre-eminence of toil

and

danger, indulged himself in the pleasures of Italian luxury: age had not extinguished his amorous inclinations; and he is accused of insulting, with indiscreet and ungenerous raillery, the husbands whose wives he had seduced or violated.*® But the Romans were not inclined either to excuse his faults or to acknowledge his virtues.

The several

parts of the empire

became

every day more alienated from each other; and the stranger of Gaul was the object of popular hatred and contempt. The senate asserted their legitimate claim in the election of an emperor; and their authority, which had been originally derived from the old constitution, was again fortified by the actual weakness of a declining monarchy. Yet even such a monarchy might

an unarmed senate, if had not been supported, or perhaps inflamed, by Count Ricimer, one of the principal commanders of the barbarian trooi)S who formed the military defence of Italy. The daughter of Wallia, king of the Visigoths, was the mother of Ricimer; but he was descended, on the father’s side, from the nation of the Sue-

have

resisted the votes of

their discontent

pride or patriotism might be exasperated by the misfortunes of his countrymen; and he obeyed with reluctance an emperor in whose elevation he had not been consulted. His faithful and importaiU services against the common enemy rendered him still more formidable;"^ and, after destroying on the coast of Corsica a

vi:*® his

Vandals, which consisted of sixty galRicimer returned in triumph with the ap-

fleet f)f

leys,

pellation of the Deliverer of Italy.

moment

He chose that

was an end and the feeble emperor, at a distance from his Gothic allies, was compelled, after a short and unavailing struggle, to abdicate the

at

purple.

to signify to Avitus that his reign ;

By

the clemency, however, or the con-

tempt of Ricimer,*^ he was permitted to descend from the thrr)nc to the more desirable station of bishop of Placentia: but the resentment of the still uasatisfled and their inflexible pronounced the sentence of his death.

senate was severity

;

He fled towards the Alps, with the humble hope, not of arming the Visigoths in his cau.se, but of securing hb person and treasures in the sanctuary of Juliaui, one of the tutelar saints of Auvergne.*® Disease, or the hand of the execuhim on the road; yet his remains were decently transported to Brivas, or Brioude, in his native province, and he reposed

tioner, arrested

at the feet of his holy patron.®® Avitus left only

one daughter, the wife of Sidonius Apollinaris,

The who

Thirty-sixth Chapter

inherited the patrimony of his father-in-

law; lamenting, at the same time, the disappointment of his public and private expectations. His resentment prompted him to join, or at least to countenance, the measures of a rebellious faction in Gaul; and the poet had contracted

some

guilt,

which

it

was incumbent on

him to expiate by a new tribute of flattery to the succeeding emperor. The successor of Avitus presents the welcome discovery of a great and heroic character, such as sometimes arise, in a degenerate age, to vindicate the honour of the human species. The emperor Majorian has deserved the praises of

may

Romans.”® Such a

“That he was terri-

historian

:

every

who had reigned over testimony may justify at Sidonius; and we may

the panegyric of acquiesce in the assurance that, although the obacquunK orator would have flattered W'ith least

equal zeal the most worthless of princes, the extraordinary merit of his object confined him, on this occasion, within the bounds of truth.^® Majorian derived his name from his maternal grandfather, who, in the reign of the great had commanded the troops of the

'J'heodosius,

Illyrian frontier. lie

gave

his daugiiter in

riage to the father of Majorian, a respt

c

martable

who

administered the revenues of (iaul integrity; and generously preferred the friendship of Aetius to the tempting oilers of an insidious court. His son, the future emperor, who was educated in the profession of arms, displayed, from his early youth, intrepid skill

and

courage, premature w’isdom, and unlx)unded liberality in a scanty fortune. He follow’ed the standard of Aetius, contributed to his success, shared,

and prosper the counsels and events of administration to your advantage and to the public welfare For my own part I did not aspire, I have submitted, to reign ; nor should I have discharged the obligations of a citizen if I

direct

my

I

had

refused, with base

and

selfish ingratitude,

were imposed by the republic. Assist, therefore, the prince whom you have made; partake the duties which you have enjoined; and may our common endeavours promote the happiness of an empire which I have accepted from your hands. Be assured that, in our times, justice shall resume her ancient vigour, and that virtue

and disinterested

virtue all his predecessors

with

election, Conscript Fathers! and the ordinance of the most valiant army, have made me your emperor.®® May the propitious Deity

be strongly expressed in the words

posterity;

he was gentle to his subjects; that ble to his enemies; and that he excelled in

Oilicer,

“Your

to support the weight of those labours which

of a judicious

the

the epistle which he addressed to the senate will best describe his situation and his sentiments.

and these

his contemporaries

praises

and of

577 Romans, whose favour Majorian had solicited by a recent victory over the Alcmanni.**^ He was invested with the purple at Ravenna: and

and sometimes

eclipsed, his glory,

and

at last excited the jealousy of the patrician, or

rather of his wife,

who forced him

to retire

from

the service.®^ Majorian, after the death of Actius, was recalled and promoted; and liis intimate connection with Count Riciiner w'as the immediate step by w^hich he ascended the throne of the Western empire. During the vacancy that succeeded the abdication of Avitus, the ambitious barbarian, whose birth excluded him from

the Imperial dignity, governed Italy, with the title of Patrician ; resigned to his friend the con-

spicuous station of master-general of the cavalry and infantry, and, after an interval of some months, consented to the unanimous wish of the

become not only innocent but meritorious. Let none, except the authors themselves, be apprehensive of delationsy^’ which, as a subject, I have always condemned, and, as a prince, will

shall

severely punish.

Our own

vigilance,

our father, the patrician Riciiner,

and that

of

shall regulate

and provide for the safety of world, which w'e have saved from foreign and domestic enemies.®*^ You now understand the maxims of my government: you all

military affairs

the

Roman

may confide in the faithful love and sincere assurances of a prince who has formerly been the companion of \our life and dangers, who still glories in the

name

of senator,

and who

is

anx-

ious that you should never repent of the judg-

ment which you have pronounced in his favour.” The emperor, who, amidst the ruins of the Ro-

man world,

revived the ancient language of law

which Trajan would not have disclaimed, must have derived those generous sentiments from liis own heart, since they were not suggested to his imitation by the customs of his age or the example of his predecessors.® The private and public actions of Majorian are very imperfectly knowm: but his laws, re-

and

liberty,

markable

for

an original cast of thought and

expression, faithfully represent the character of

a sovereign who loved

his people,

who sympa-

who had

studied the

thised in their distress,

causes of the decline of the empire, and who was capable of applying (as far as such refonnation was practicable) judicious and effectual remedies to the public disorders.®® His regulations concerning the finances manifestly tended

Decline and Fall of the

578

Roman Empire

to remove^ or at least to mitigate^ the most irn tolerable grievances. I. From the first hour of

sponsible for the whole sum assessed on their district, they are only required to produce a

own

regular account of the payments which they have actually received, and of the defaulters

his reign

he was

solicitous (I translate his

words) to relieve the weary fortunes of the provincials, oppressed by the accumulated weight of indictions and superindictions.^ With this view, he granted an universal amnesty, a final and absolute discharge of all arrears of tribute, of ail debts which, under any pretence, the fiscal officers might demand from the people. This wise dereliction of obsolete, vexatious, and unprofitable claims, improved and purified the sources of the public revenue; and the subject, who could now look back without despair, might labour with hope and gratitude for himself and for his country. II. In the assessment and collection of taxes Majorian restored the ordinary jurisdiction of the provincial magistrates, and suppressed the extraordinary commissions which had been introduced in the

name of the emperor himself or of the Prastorian prxfects. The favourite servants who obtained such irregular powers were insolent in their behaviour and arbitrary in their demands: they affected to despise the subordinate tribunals, if their fees and prodid not twice exceed the sum which they condescended to pay into the treasury. One instance of their extortion would appear incredible were it not authenticated by the legislator himself. They exacted the whole payment in gold: but they refused the current coin of the empire, and would accept ogly such ancient pieces as were stamped with the names of Faustina or the Antonines. The subject who was unprovided with these curious medals had recourse to the expedient of compounding with their rapacious demands; or, if he succeeded in the research, his imposition was doubled according to the weight and value of the money of former times. ^ III. “The municipal corporations (says the emperor), the lesser senates (so antiquity has justly styled them), deserve to be considered as the heart of the cities and the sinews of the republic. And yet so low are they now reduced, by the injustice of magistrates and the venality of collectcMrs, that many of their members, renouncing their dignity and their country, have taken refuge in distant and obscure exile.” He urges, and even compels, their return to their respective cities; but he removes the grievance which had forced them to desert the exercise of their municipal functions. They are directed, under the authority of the provincial magistrates, to resume their office of levying the tribute; but, instead of being made re-

who

are still indebted to the public. IV. But Majorian was not ignorant that these corporate bodies were too much inclined to retaliate the injustice and oppression which they had suffered, and he therefore revives the useful office of the defenders of

cities.

He

a

full

and

discretion

and

integrity

elect, in

exhorts the people to

some man of

free assembly,

who would

dare to as-

sert their privileges, to represent their griev-

ances, to protect the poor from the tyranny of

the rich, and to inform the emp>eror of the abuses that were committed under the sanction

name and authority. The spectator who casts a mournful view

of his

over the ruins of ancient Rome is templed to accuse the memory of the Goths and Vandals for the mischief which they had neither leisure, nor power, nor perhaps inclination, to perpetrate. The tempest of war might strike some lofty turrets to the ground but the destruction which undermined the foundations of those ;

was prosecuted, slowly and

and they were discontented

massy

fits

during a period of ten centuries; and the motives of interest, that afterwards opcrate‘d without shame or control, were severely checked by the taste and spirit of the emperor Majorian. The decay;, of the city had gradually im-

fabrics

silent-

ly,

paired the value of the public works. The circus and theatres might still excite, but they seldom gratified, the desires of the people and the temples which had escaped the zeal of the Christians were no longer inhabited either by gods or :

men;

the diminished crowds of the

Romans

immense space of their baths and porticoes; and the stately libraries and halls of justice became useless to an indolent generation whose repose was seldom disturbed either by study or business. The monuments of consuwere

lost in

the

lar or Imperial greatness

were no longer revered

^ory of the capital they were only esteemed as an inexhaustible mine of materials, cheaper, atid more convenient, than the as the immortal

;

distant quarry. Specious petitions were continr

ually addressed to the easy magistrates of Rome

which stated the want of stones or bricks for some necessary service: the fairest forms of architecture were rudely defaced for the sake of some paltry or pretended repairs; and the degenerate RomanSt who converted the spoil to their own emolument, demolished, with sacrilegious hands, the labours of their ancestors. Majorian, who had often sighed over the deso-

The Thirty-sixth Chapter remedy to the the prince and

lation of the city, applied a severe

growing

evil.^*

He

reserved to

senate the sole cognisance of the extreme cases which might justify the destruction of an an-

imposed a fine of fifty pounds of gold (two thousand pounds sterling) on every magistrate who should presume to grant such illegal and scandalous licence; and threatened cient edifice;

to chastise the criminal obedience of their sub-

ordinate officers by a severe whipping and the amputation of both their hands. In the last instance the legislator might seem to forget the proportion of guilt and punishment; but his zeal arose from a generous principle, and Majorian was anxious to protect the monuments of those ages in which he would have desired and deserved to live. The emperor conceived that it was his interest to increase the number of his subjects; that it was his duty to guard the purity of the marriage-bed: but the means which he employed to accomplish these salutary purposes arc of an ambiguous, and perhaps exceptionable, kind. The pious maids who consecrated their virginity to Christ were restrained from taking the veil till they had reached their fortieth year.

Widows under that age were com-

pelled to form a second alliance within the

term

of five years, by the forfeiture of half their

wealth to their nearest relations or to the state. Unequal marriages were condemned or an-

The punishment of confiscation and was deemed so inadequate to the guilt of

nulled. exile

their

judicious policy. If the intrepid emperor could have infused his own spirit into the youth of

he could have revived in the held of exercises in which he had always surpassed his equals; he might have marched against Genseric at the head of a Roman army. Such a reformation of national manners might be embraced by the rising generation but it is the misfortune of those princes who laboriously sustain a declining monarchy, that, to obtain some immediate advantage, or to avert some impending danger, they are forced to countenance, and even to multiply, the most Italy; if

Mars the manly

;

pernicious abuses. Majorian, like the weakest of

was reduced to the disgraceful expedient of substituting barbarian auxiliaries in the place of his unwarlike subjects; and his superior abilities could only be displayed in the vigour and dexterity with which he wielded a dangerous instrument, so apt to recoil on the hand that used it. Besides the confederates who his predecessors,

were already engaged in the service of the emfame of his liberality and valour attracted the nations of the Danube, the Borysthenes, and perhaps of the Tanais. Many thousands of the bravest subjects of Attila, the Gepidap, the Ostrogoths, the Rugians, the Burgundians, the Suevi, the Alani, assembled in the plains of Liguria, and their formidable strength was balanced by their mutual animosities.**

pire, the

passed the Alps in a severe winter. The led the way on foot and in complete armour, sounding with his long staff the depth of the ice or snow, and encouraging the Scythians,

They

the criminal returned to Italy, he might, by the express dec laration of Majorian, be slain with impunity.

emperor

While the emperor Majorian assiduously laboured to restore the happiness and virtue of the Romans, he encountered the arms of GenBcric, from his character and situation their most formidable enemy. A fleet of Vandals and

who complained

adultery, that,

if

Moors landed at the mouth of the I-iris or Garigand

liano; but the Imperial troops surprised

attacked the disorderly barbarians, who were encumbered with the spoils of Campania; they were chased with slaughter to their ships, and their leader, the king’s brother-in-law, was found in the number of the slain. Such vigilance might announce the character of the new reign, but the strictest vigilance and the most numerous forces were insufficient to protect the

long-extended coast of Italy from the depredaa naval war. The public opinion had imposed a nobler and more arduous task on the genius of Majorian. Rome expected from him alone the restitution of Africa, and the design which he formed of attacking the Vandals in tions of

579

new settlements was the result of bold and

of the extreme cold, by the

cheerful assurance that they should be satisfied

with the heat of Africa. The citizens of Lyons had presumed to shut their gates; they soon implored, and experienced, the clemency of Majorian. He vanquished Theodoric in the field, and admitted to his fiiendship and alliance a king w’hom he had found not unworthy of his arms. The beneficial though precarious reunion of the greatest part of Gaul and Spain was the effect of persuasion as well as of force;*'

independent Bagaudae,

who had

and the

escaped or re-

former reigns, were disposed to confide in the virtues of Majorian. His camp was filled with barbarian allies; liis throne was supported by the zeal of an affectionate people; but the emperor had foreseen that it was impossible without a maritime power to achieve the conquest of Africa. In the first Punic war the republic had exerted such incredible diligence that, within sixty da^’s after the first

sisted the oppression of

580

Decline and Fall of the

had been given in the forest, a of one hundred and sixty galleys proudly rode at anchor in the sea.^® Under circumstances much less favourable, Majorian equalled the spirit and perseverance of the ancient Romans. The wo^s of the Apennine were felled; the arsenals and manufactures of Rastroke of the axe fleet

venna and Misenum were Gaul vied with each other

restored; Italy

and

in liberal contribu-

and the Imperial navy of three hundred large galleys, with an adequate proportion of transports and smaller vessels, was collected in the secure and capacious harbour of Carthagena in Spain. The intrepid countenance of Majorian animated his troops with a confidence of victory; and if we might credit the historian Procopius, his courage sometimes hurried him beyond the bounds of prudence. Anxious to explore with his own tions to the public service;

eyes the state of the Vandals, he ventured, after disguising the colour of his hair, to visit Car-

thage in the character of his own ambassador: and Genseric was afterwards mortified by the discovery that he had entertained and dismissed the emperor of the Romans. Such an anecdote may be rejected as an improbable fiction, but it is a fiction which would not have been imagined unless in the life of a hero.^® Without the help of a personal interview, Genseric was sufficiently acquainted with the genius and designs of his adversary. He practised his customary arts of fraud and delay, but he practised them without success., His applications for peace became each hour more submissive, and perhaps mbre sincere; but the inflexible Majorian had adopted the ancient maxim that Rome could not be safe as long as Carthage existed in a hostile state. The king of the Vandals distrusted the valour of his native subjects, who were enervated by the luxury of the South;*' he suspected the fidelity of the vanquished people, who abhorred him as an Arian tyrant and the desperate measure which he executed of reducing Mauritania into a descrt“ could not defeat the operations of the Roman emperor, who was at liberty to land his troops on any part of the African coast. But Genseric was saved from impending and inevitable ruin by the treachery of some powerful subjects, envious or apprehensive of their master’s success. C^uided by their secret intelligence, he surprised the unguarded fleet in the bay of Carthagena: many of the ships were sunk, or taken, or burnt; and the preparations of three years were destroyed in a single day.®® After this event the behaviemr of the two antagonists showed them superior ;

Roman Empire

to their fortune. The Vandal, instead of being elated by this accidental victory, immediately renewed his solicitations for peace. The emper-

or of the West, who was capable of forming great designs and of supporting heavy disappointments, consented to a treaty, or rather to a suspension of arms, in the full assurance that before he could restore his navy he should be supplied with provocations to justify a second war, Majorian returned to Italy to prosecute his labours for the public happiness; and as he was conscious of his own integrity, he might long remain ignorant of the dark conspiracy which threatened his throne and his life. The recent misfortune of Carthagena sullied the glory which had dazzled the eyes of the multitude: almost every description of civil and military officers were exasperated against the Reformer, since they all derived some advantage from the abuses which he endeavoured to suppress; and the patrician Ricimer impelled the inconstant passions of the barbarians against a prince whom he esteemed and hated. The virtues of Majorian could not protect him from the impetuous sedition which broke out in the camp near I’ortona at the foot of the Alps. He was compelled to abdicate the Imperial purple; five days alter his abdication it was reported that he died of a dysentery, *'* and the humble tomb whu h covered his remains was consecrated by the respect and gwititude of succeeding generations.®* The private character of Maionan in.spired love and respect. Malicious calumny and satire excited his indignation, or if he himself were the object, his contempt; but he protected the freedom of wit, and in the hours which the emperor gave to the familiar society of his friends he could indulge his taste for pleasantry without degrading the majesty of his rank.®® It was not perhaps without .some regret that

Ricimer

sacrificed his friend to the interest of

his ambition: but

he resolved in a .second choice

to avoid the imprudent preference of superior

virtue and merit. At his command the obsequious senate of Rome bestowed the Imperial title on Libius Severus, who ascended the throne of the West without emerging from the obscurity of a private condition. History has scarcely deigned to notice his birth, his elevation, his character, or his death. Severus expired as soon as his life became inconvenient to his patron;®^ and it would be useless to discriminate his nominal reign in the vacant interval of six years between the death of Majorian and the elevation of Anthemius. During that period the govern-

ment was

in the

hands of Ricimer alone; and

The

Thirty-sixth Chapter

581

although the modest barbarian disclaimed the name of king, he accumulated treasures, formed a separate army, negotiated private alliances, and ruled Italy with the same independent and

i^gidius ended only with his life, and the suspicions of poison and secret violence, which derived some countenance from the character of

despotic authority which was afterwards exer-

sionate credulity of the Gauls.*^

by Odoacer and Thcodoric. But his dominions were bounded by the Alps; and two

The kingdom of Italy, a name to which the Western empire was gradually reduced, was afflicted under the reign of Ricimer, by the incessant depredations of the Vandal pirates.*’ In the spring of each year they equipped a formidable navy in the port of Carthage, and Genseric himself, though in a very advanced age, still commanded in person the most important expeditions. His designs were concealed with impenetrable sccrccy till the moment that he hoisted sail. When he was asked by his pilot w'hat course he should steer, “Leave the determination to the winds (replied the barbarian,

cised

Roman

generals,

Marcelliniis

and ALgidius,

maintained their allegiance to the republic, by rejecting with disdain the phantom which he styled an emperor. Marcellinus still adhered to the old religion; and the devout Pagans, who secretly disobeyed the laws of the church and state, applauded his profound skill in the science of divination. But he possessed the more valual>le qualifications

aprr;6»

of learning, virtue,

and cour-

the study of the Latin literature had im-

taste, and his military talents had recommended him to the esteem and confidence

proved his

Ricimer, were eagerly entertained by the pas-

with pious arrogance)

Marcellinus escaped

they will transport us to the guilty coast whose inhabitants have provoked the divine justice” but if Genseric him-

the rage of Valentinian, and boldly assorted his lilx‘riv amidst the convulsions of the Western

deigned to issue more precise orders, he judged the most wealthy to be the most crimi-

of the great Aetius, in whose ruin he was involved.

By a timely

flight

empire. His voluntary or reluctant submission to the authority of Majorian was rewarded by the government of Sicily and the command of an army stationed in that island to oppose or to attack the Vandals; but his barbarian mercenaries, after th’S embarked a suflicient number of horses, they had no .sooner landed than they swept the dismayed country with a body of light cavalry. Yet, notwithstanding the example of their king, the nafortified cities, or

the open

tive

field.

Vandals and

.\lani insensibly declined this

toilsome and perilous warfare; the hardy gen-

conquerors was almost exwho were born in Africa, enjoyed the delicious baths and gardens which had been acquired by the valour of their fathers. Their place was readily supplied by a various muliiiudc of Moors and Romans, of captives and outlaws; and those desperate wretches, who had already violated the laws of their country, were the int»st eager to promote eration of the tinguished,

first

and

ihcir sons,

the atrocious acts which disgraced the victories of Genseric. In the treatment of his unhappy prisoners he sometimes consulted his avarice.

;

Decline and Fall of the

582

and sometimes indulged his cruelty; and the massacre of five hundred noble citizens of Zante or Zacynthus, whose mangled bodies he cast into the Ionian Sea, was imputed by the public indignation to his latest posterity. Such crimes could not be excused by any provocations, but the war which the king of the Vandals prosecuted against the Roman empire

was justified by a specious and reasonable motive.

The widow of Valentinian, Eudoxia, whom

Rome to Carthage, was the sole heiress of the Theodosian house; her eldest daughter, Eudocia, became the reluctant wife of Hunneric, his eldest son; and the stern father, asserting a legal claim which could not easily be refuted or satisfied, demanded a just he had led captive from

proportion of the Imperial patrimony. An adequate, or at least a valuable, compensation was offered by the Eastern emperor to purchase a necessary peace. Eudoxia and her younger daughter Placidia were honourably restored, and the fury of the Vandals was confined to the limits of the Western empire. The Italians, destitute of a naval force, which alone was capable of protecting their coasts, implored the aid of the more fortunate nations of the East, who had formerly acknowledged in peace and war the supremacy of Rome. But the perpetual division of the two empires had alienated their interest and their inclinations; the faith of a recent treaty was alleged; and the Western Romans, instead of arms and sliips, could only obtain the assistance of a cold and ineffeetual mediation. The haughty Ricimer, who had long struggled with the difficulties of his situation, was at length reduced to address the throne of Constantinople in the humble language of a subject and Italy submitted, as the price and security of the alliance, to accept a master from the choice of the emperor of the East.®* It is not the purpose of the present chapter, or even of the present volume, to continue the distinct series of the Byzantine history; but a concise view of the reign and character of the emperor Leo may explain the last efforts that were attempted to save the falling empire of the West.*® Since the death of the younger Theodosius, the domestic repose of Constantinople had never been interrupted by war or faction. Pulcheria had bestowed her hand, and the sceptre of the East, on the modest virtue of Marcian he gratefully reverenced her august rank and virgin chastity; and, after her death, he gave his people the example of the religious worship that was due to the memory of the Imperial saint,** Attentive to the prosperity of his own domin:

Roman Empire

ions, Marcian seemed to behold with indifference the misfortunes of Rome; and the obstinate refusal of a brave and active prince to draw his sword against the Vandals was ascribed to a secret promise which had formerly been exacted from him when he was a captive in the power of Genseric.®* The death of Marcian, after a reign of seven years, would have exposed the East to the danger of a f>opular election, if the superior weight of a single family had not been able to incline the balance in favour of the candidate whose interest they supported. The patrician Aspar might have placed the diadem on his own head, if he would have subscribed the Nicene creed.*^ During tlirec generations the armies of the East were successively commanded by his father, by himself, and by his son Ardaburius; his barbarian guards formed a military force

that overawed the palace and the capital ; and the liberal distribution of his immense treasures

rendered Aspar as popular as he was powerful. He recommended the obscure name of Leo of I'hrace, a military tribune, and the principal steward of his household. His nomindtion was unanimously ratified by the senate; and the servant of Aspar received the Imperial crown from the hands of the patriaich or bishop, who was permitted to express, by this unusual ceremony, the suffrage ol the Deity.®** This emiMTor, the first of the name of Leo, has been distinguished by the title of the Great, from a succession of princes W'ho gradually fixed in the opinion of the Greeks a very humble standard of heroic, or at least of royal, perfection. Yet the temperate firmness with which Leo resisted the oppression of his benefactor show'cd that he was conscious of his duty and of his prerogative. Aspar was astonished to find that his influence could no longer appoint a prirfect of Constantinople: he presumed to reproach his sovereign with a breach of promise, and, insolently shaking his purple, *Tt is not proper (said he) that the

man who

is

invested w'ith this garment

should be guilty of lying.*’ “Nor is it proper (replied Leo) that a prince should be compelled to resign his own judgment, and the public interest, to the will of a subject.”*® After this extraordinary scene, it was impossible that the reconciliation of the ein|>eror and the patrician could be sincere; or, at l^t, that it could be solid and piermancnt. An ar^iy of Isaurians^® was secretly levied and introduced into Constantinople; and while Leo undermined the authority, and prepared the disgrace, of the family of Aspar, his mild and cautious behaviour restrained them from any rash and desperate attempts, which

The Thirty-sixth Chapter might have been fatal to themselves or their enemies. The measures of peace and war were affected by this internal revolution. As long as Aspar degraded the majesty of the throne, the secret correspondence of religion

and

interest

engaged him to favour the cause of Gcnscric. When Leo had delivered himself from the ignominious servitude, he listened to the complaints of the Italians; resolved to extirpate the tyranny of the Vandals; and declared his alliance with his colleague Anthemius, whom he solemnly invested with the diadem and purple of the West. The virtues of Anthemius have perhaps been magnified, since the Imperial descent, which he could only deduce from the usurper Procopius, has been swelled into a line of emperors.^^ But the merit of his immediate parents, their honours, and their riches, rendered Anthemius one of the most illustrious subjects of the East, His father, Procopius, obtained, after his Persian

embassy, the rank of general and patrician; and the name of Anthemius was derived from his maternal grandfather, the celebrated pracfect, who protected, with so much ability and success, the infant reign of Theodosius. The grandson of the praefect was raised above the condition of a private subject by his marriage with Euphemia, the daughter of the emperor Marcian. This splendid alliance, which might supersede the necessity of merit, hastened the promotion of

Anthemius

to the successive dignities of

count, of master-general, of consul, and of patrician; and his merit or fortune claimed the

honours of a victory which was obtained on the banks of the Danube over the Huns. Without indulging an extravagant ambition, the sonin-law of Marcian might hope to be his successor; but Anthemius supported the disapfxiintment with courage and patience; and his subsequent elevation was universally approved by the public, who esteemed him worthy to reign till he ascended the throne.^'-* The emperor of the West marched from Constantinople, attended by several counts of high distinction, and a body of guards almost equal to the strength and numbers of a regular army: he entered Rome in triumph, and the choice of Leo w^as confirmed by the senate, the people, and the barbarian confederates of Italy,^* The solemn inauguration of Anthemius was followed by the nuptials of his daughter and the patrician Ricimcr; a fortunate event, which was considered as the fiemest security of the union and happiness of the state. The wealth of tw^o empires was

and many senators by an expensive effort to

583

disguise their poverty. All serious business

was

suspended during this festival; the courts of justice were shut the streets of Rome, the theatres, the places of public and private resort, resounded with hymena^al song and dances: and the royal bride, clothed in silken robes, with a crown on her head, was conducted to the palace of Ricimer, w^ho had changed his military dress for the habit of a consul and a senator. On this ;

memorable occasion, Sidonius, whose eariy ambition had been so fatally blasted, appeared as the orator of Auvergne, among the provincial deputies who addressed the throne with congratulations or complaints.^^ The calends of January were now approaching, and the venal poet, who had loved Avitus and esteemed Major! an,

was persuaded by

his friends to cele-

brate, in heroic verse, the merit, the felicity, the

second consulship, and the future triumphs of the emperor Anthemius. Sidonius pronounced, with assurance and success, a panegyric which is still extant; and whatever might be the im-

comwas immediately

perfections, either of the subject or of the position, the

welcome

flatterer

rewarded with the praefecture of Rome; a dignity which placed him among the illustrious personages of the empire, till he wisely preferred the more respectable character of a bbhop, and a saint.’® The Greeks ambitiously commend the piety and catholic faith of the emperor whom they gave to the West; nor do they forget to obscr\'C that, when he left Constantinople, he converted his palace into the pious foundation of a public bath, a church, and an hospital for old men.'* Yet some suspicious app>earances arc found to sully the theological fame of Anthemius. From the conversation of Philotheus, a Macedonian sectary, he had imbibed the spirit of religious toleration; and the heretics of Rome would have assembled with impunity, if the bold and vehement censure which pope Hilary pronounced in the church of St. Peter had not obliged him to abjure the unpopular indulgence.” Even the Pagans, a feeble and obscure remnant, conceived some vain hopes, from the indifference, or partiality, of Anthemius; and his singular friendship for the philosopher Se-

whom

he promoted to the consulship,

was ascribed

to a secret project of reviving the

verus,

ancient worship of the gods.’* These idols were crumbled into dust: and the mythology which had once been the creed of nations was so universally disbelieved, that

ostentatiously displayed;

without scandal, or at

completed their ruin,

by Christian

poets.’*

it

might be employed

least

without suspicion,

Yet the

vestiges of super-

Decline and Fall of the

584

were not absolutely obliterated, and the whose origin had preceded the foundation of Rome, was still celebrated under the reign of Anthemius. The savage and simple rites were expressive of an early

Roman Empire Heradius.®^

The

troops of Egypt, Thebais,

stition

fcct

festival of the Lupercalia,

and Libya were embarked under this command: and the Arabs, with a train of horses and camels, opened the roads of the desert. Heraclius landed on the coast of Tripoli, surprised and subdued the cities of that province, and prepared, by a laborious march, which Cato had formerly executed,*® to join the Imperial army under the

state of society before the invention of arts

agriculture.

The

rustic deities

who

and

presided

over the toils and pleasures of the pastoral life, Pan, Faunus, and their train of satyrs, were such as the fancy of shepherds might create, sportive, petulant,

walls of Carthage. The intelligence of this loss extorted from Genseric some insidious and ineffectual propositions of peace but he was still

ited,

more

and lascivious; whose power was limand whose malice was inoflensive. A goat

was the oficring the best adapted to their character and attributes; the flesh of the victim was roasted on willow spits; and the riotous youllis, who crowded to the feast, ran naked about the fields, with leather thongs in their hands, communicating, as it was supposed, the blessing of fecundity to the women whom they touched. The altar of Pan was erected, perhaps by Evander the Arcadian, in a dark recess in the side of

watered by a perpetual founand shaded by a hanging grove. A tradi-

the Palatine tain,

hill,

tion that, in the

same

place,

Romulus and Re-

mus were

suckled by the wolf, rendered it still more sacred and venerable in the eyes of the Romans; and this sylvan spot was gradually

surrounded by the stately edifices of the Forum. After the conversion of the Imperial city, the Christians still continued, in the month of February, the annual celebration of the Luper-

which they ascribed a secret and myson the genial powers of the animal and vegetable world. The bishops of Rome were solicitous to abolish a profane custom so repugnant to the spirit of Christianity; but their zeal was not supported by the author-

calia; to

terious influence

ity of the civil magistrate : the inveterate

abuse

till the end of the fifth century, and pope Gelasius, who purified the capital from the last stain of idolatry, appeased, by a formal apology, the murmurs of the senate and p's of justice. His complaints were soon re•

moved. An early day was fixed for his trial and Arvandus appeared, with his accusers, before a numerous assembly of the Roman senate. The mournful garb which they affected excited the compassion of the judges, who were scandalised by the gay and splendid dre.ss of their adversary and when the prapfect Arvandus, with the first of the Gallic deputies, were directed to take their places on the senatorial benches, the same contrast of pride and modesty was observed in their behaviour. In this memorable judgment, which presented a lively image of the old republic, the Gauls exposed, with force and freedom, the grievances of the province; and as soon as the minds of the audience were suffi;

:

ciently inflamed, they recited the fatal epistle.

The

obstinacy of Arvandus was founded on the

strange supposition that a subject could not be convicted of treason, unless he had actually con-

ister,

the Catiline of his age

and country, held a

dustry was continually exercised in the discovery of new taxes and obsolete offences; and his extravagant vices would have inspired contempt if they had not excited fear and abhorrence.*®*

Such criminals were not beyond the reach of justice; but

whatever might be the guilt of Ri-

cimer, that powerful barbarian was able to contend or to negotiate with the prince whose alli-

ance he had condescended to accept. The peaceand prosperous reign which Anthemius had promised to the West was soon clouded by

ful

misfortune and discord. Ricimcr, apprehensive or impatient of a superior, retired from Rome and fixed his residence at Milan; an advantageous situation, either to inv itc or to repel the warlike tribes that were seated between the Alps and the Danube.*®* Italy was gradually divided into two independent and hostile kingdoms; and the nobles of Liguria, who trembled at the near approach of a civil war, fell prostrate at the feet of the patrician, and conjured him to spare their unhappy country. “For my own part,” replied Ricimcr, in a tone of insolent moderation, “I am still inclined to embrace the friendship of the Galatian;*®' but who will undertake to appease his anger, or to mitigate the pride which always rises in proportion to our submission?” They informed him that Epi-

was

phanius, bishop of Pavia,* united the w^isdom of the serpent with the innocence of the dove; and appeared confident that the eloquence of

voice, ac-

such an ambassador must prevail against the

genuine composition ; and his astonishment was equal to his dismay when

strongest opposition, either of interest or pas-

spired to assume the purple. As the paper read, he repeatedly,

knowledged

it

and with a loud

for his

the unanimous voice of the senate declared him guilty of a capital offence. By their decree he

was degraded from the rank of a

pr«rfcct to the

obscure condition of a plebeian, and ignominiously dragged by servile hands to the public prison. After a fortnight’s adjournment the senate was again convened to pronounce the sen-

Their recommendation was approved; and Epiphanius, assuming the benevolent office

sion.

of mediation, proceeded without delay to Rome where he was received with the honours due to his merit

and reputation. The oration of a

bishop in favour of peace may be easily supposed: he argued that, in all possible dreumstances, the forgiveness of injuries must be an

Decline and Fall of the

588

act of mercy, or magnanimity, or prudence; and he seriously admonished the emperor to avoid a contest with a fierce barbarian, which

and must be ruinous to his dominions. Anthemius acknowledged the truth of his maxims; but he deeply felt, with grief and indignation, the behaviour of Ricimcr; and his passion gave eloquence and energy to his discourse. ‘‘What favours,” he warmly exclaimed, “have we refused to this ungrateful might be

fatal to himself,

man? What provocations hav-c we not endured?

Roman Empire

more unpopular to the Italians; but when Ricimer meditated the ruin of the emperor Anthemius, he tempted, with the offer of a diadem, who could justify his rebellion by an illustrious name and a royal alliance. The husband of Placidia, who, like most of his ancestors, had been invested with the consular dignity, might have continued to enjoy a secure the candidate

and splendid fortune

in the peaceful residence

of Constantinople; nor does he appear to have been tonnented by such a genius as cannot be

Regardless of the majesty of the purple,

amused or occupied

my

tion of an empire. Yet Olybrius yielded to the importunities of his friends, perhaps of his wife;

I gave daughter to a Goth; I sacrificed my own blood to the safety of the republic. The liberality which ought to have secured the eternal attachment of Ricimer has exasperated him against his benefactor. What wars has he not excited against the empire? flow often has he in-

stigated

and

Shall I

now

assisted the fury of hostile nations?

accept his perfidious friendship?

Gan I hope that he will respect the engagements of a treaty, who has already violated the duties of a son?” But the anger of Anthemius evaporated in these passionate exclamations: he insensibly yielded to the proposals of Epiphanius;

and the bishop returned

to his diocese with the

by a and con-

satisfaction of restoring the peace of Italy

reconciliation,'®^ of which the sincerity

tinuance might be reasonably suspected. The clemency of the emperor was extorted from his weakness; and Ricimer suspended his ambitious designs till he had secretly prepared the engines with which he resolved to subvert the throne of Anthemius. The mask of peace*and moderation was then thrown aside. The armv of Ricimer was fortified by a numerous reinforcement of Burgundians and Oriental Suevi: he disclaimed all allegiance to the Greek emperor, marched from hlilan to the gates of Rome, and, fixing his camp on the banks of the Anio, impatiently

expected the arrival of Olybrius, his Imperial candidate. The senator Olybrius, of the Anician family, might esteem himself the lawful heir of the Western empire. He had married Placidia, the younger daughter of Valentinian, after she was restored by Genseric, who still detained her sister Eudoxia, as the wife, or rather as the captive, of his son. The king of the Vandals supported, by threats and solicitations, the fair pretensions of his Roman ally; and assigned, as one of the motives of the war, the refusal of the senate and people to acknowledge their lawful prince, and the unworthy preference which they had given to a stranger.'®® The friendship of the public enemy might render Olybrms still

unless

by the administra-

rashly plunged into the dangers and calamities of a civil war; and, with the secret connivance of the emperor Leo, accepted the Italian purple, which was bestowed, and resumed, at the capricious will of a barbarian. He landed w'ithout obstacle (for Genseric was master of the sea) cither at Ravenna or the port of Ostia, and immediately proceeded to the camp of Ricimer, where he was received as the sovereign of the

Western world. '®^

The patrician, who had extended his posts from the Anio to the MiKian bridge, already possessed two quarters of Rome, the Vatican and the Janiculum, which arc separated by the Tiber from the rest of the city;'®® and it may be conjectured that an assembly of seceding senators imitated, in the choice of Olybrius, the

forms of a legal election. But the body of the senate and people firmly adhered to the cause of Anthemius; and the more effectual support of a Gothic army enabled him to prolong his reign, and the public distress, by a resistance of three months, which produced the concomitant evils of famine and pestilence. At length Ricimer made a furious assault on the bridge of Hadrian, or St. Angelo; and the narrow pass was defended with equal valour by the Goths till the death of Gilimcr, their leader. The victorious troops, breaking down every barrier, rushed with irresistible violence into the heart of the city, and Rome (if we may use the language of a contemporary pope) was subverted by the cavil fury of

Anthemius and Ricimer.'®® The

unfortunate Anthemius was dragged from his

concealment and inhumanly massacred by the of his son-in-law, who thus added a third, or perhaps a fourth, emperor to the num-

command

ber of his victims. The soldiers, who united the rage of factious citizens with the savage manners of barbarians, were indulged without control in the licence of rapine and murder: the crowd of slaves

and plebeians, who were unconcerned

in

The Thirty-sixth Chapter the event, could only gain by the indiscriminate pillage; and the face of the city exhibited the strange contrast of stern cruelty and dissolute

intemperance."® Forty days after this calamitous event, the subject, not of glory, but of guilt, Italy was delivered, by a painful disease, from the tyrant Ricimer, who bequeathed the com-

mand of his army to his nephew Gundobald, one of the princes of the Burgundians. In the same year

the principal actors in this great removed from the stage; and

all

revolution were

the whole reign of Olybrius, whose death docs not betray any symptoms of violence, is in-

cluded within the term of seven months. He one daughter, the offspring of his marriage with Placidia and the family of the great 'Fheodosius, transplanted from Spain to Constantinople, was propagated in the female line as far as the eighth generation.*" Whilst the vacant throne of Italy was abandoned to lawless barbarians,"-* the election of a

left

;

new colleague was seriously agitated in the The empress Verina, studious to promote ihc greatness of her own family, had

council of Leo.

married one of her nieces to Julius Nepos, who succeeded his uncle Marrellinus in the sovereignty of Dalmatia, a more solid possession than the title which he was persuaded to accept of Emperor of the West. But the measures of the Byzantine court were so languid and irresolute, that many months elapst'd after the death of Anthemius, and even of Olybrius, before their destined successor could show himself, with a respectable force, to his Italian subjects. Dur-

ing that interval. Glycerins, an ol^scure soldier, was invested with the purple by his patron Gun-

dobald; but the Burgundian prince was unable or unwilling to support his nomination by a ci\ il war: the pursuits of domestic ambition recalled

him beyond

the Alps,**'*

and

his client

was per-

mitted to exchange the Roman sceptre for the bishopric of Salona. After extinguishing such a competitor, the emperor Nepos was acknowl-

edged by the senate, by the Italians, and by the provincials of Gaul; his moral virtues and military talents were loudly celebrated; and those who derived any private benefit from his government announced in prophetic strains the restoration of the public felicity.**^ Their hopics (if such hopes had been entertained) w’cre confounded within the term of a single year; and the treaty of peace, which ceded Auvergne to the Visigoths,

is

inglorious reign.

the only event of his short and The most faithful subjects of

Gaul were sacrificed by the Italian emperor to the hope of domestic security;"® but his repose

589

was soon invaded by a furious sedition of the barbarian confederates, who, under the command of Orestes, their general, were in full march from Rome to Ravenna. Nepos trembled at their approach; and, instead of placing in the strength of Ravenna, he hastily escaped to his ships, and retired to his

a Just confidence

Dalmatian principality, on the opposite coast of the Hadriatic. By this shameful abdication he protracted his life about five years, in a very ambiguous state between an emperor and an exile, he was assassinated at Salona by the ungrateful Glyccrius, who was translated, perhaps as the reward of his crime, to the archbishopric of Milan."®

till

The

nations

who had

asserted their inde-

pendence after the death of Attila were established, by the right of possession or conquest, in the ix)undless countries to the north of the

Dan-

Roman

provinces between the ri\er and the Alps. But the bravest of their youth enlisted in the army of confederateSt who formed the defence and the terror of Italy and in this promiscuous multitude, the names ub(‘; or in the

of the Heruli, the Sciri, the Alani, the Turcilin-

and the Rugians, appear to have predomiThe example of these warriors was imitated by Orestes,"® the son of Tatullus, and the father of the last Roman emperor of the West. Orestes, w'ho has been already mentioned in this history, had never deserted his country. His birth and fortunes rendered him one of the most illustrious subjects of Pannonia. When that province was ceded to the Huns, he entered gi,

nated.

into the service of Attila, his lawful sovereign,

obtained the office of his secretary, and was repeatedly sent ambassador to Constantinople, to represent the person and signify the commands of ilie imperious monarch. The death of that conqueror restored him to his freedom; and Orestes might honourably refuse cither to follow the sons of Attila into the Scythian desert, or to obey the Ostrogoths, who had usurped the dominion of Pannonia. He preferred the service of the Italian princes, the successors of V’alcntinian; and, as he possessed the qualifications of

courage, industry, and exjDcricncc, he advanced with rapid steps in the military profession, till he was elevated, by the favour of Nepos himself, to the dignities of patrician and master general of the troops. These troops

tomed

had been long accusand authority

to reverence the character

of Orestes, who affected their manners, conversed with them in their own language, and was intimately connected with their national diieftains by long habits of familiarity and

Decline and Fall of the

590 friendship.

At

his solicitation they rose in

arms

who presumed to and when Orestes, from

against the obscure Greek

claim their obedience;

some

secret motive, declined the purple, they

consented, with the same facility, to acknowl* edge his son Augustulus as the emperor of the West. By the abdication of Nepos, Orestes had now attained the summit of his ambitious hopes; but he soon discovered, before the end of the first year, that the lessons of perjury and ingratitude which a rebel must inculcate will be retorted against himself, and that the precarious

sovereign of Italy was only permitted to choose whether he would be the slave or the victim of his barbarian mercenaries. The dangerous alli-

ance of these strangers had oppressed and insulted the last remains of Roman freedom and dignity. At each revolution their pay and privileges were augmented; but their insolence increased in a still more extravagant degree; they envied the fortune of their brethren in Gaul, Spain, and Africa, whose victorious arms had acquired an independent and perpetual inheritance; and

they insisted on their peremptory demand that third part of the lands of Italy should be immediately divided among them. Orestes, with a spirit which, in another situation, might be entitled to our esteem, chose rather to encounter the rage of an armed multitude than to subscribe the ruin of an innocent people. He rejected the audacious demand; and his refusal was favourable to the ambition of Odoacer, a bold barbarian, who assured his fellow-soldiers that, if they dared to associate under his command, they mi^t soon extort the justice which had been denied to their dutiful petitions. From all the camps and garrisons of Italy the confederates, actuated by the same resentment and the same hopes, impatiently flocked to the standard of this popular leader; and the unfortunate patrician, overwhelmed by the torrent, hastily retreated to the strong city of Pavia, the episcopal seat of the holy Epiphanites. Pavia was immediately besieged, the fortifications were stormed, the town was pillaged; and although the bishop might labour, with much aeal and some success, to save the property of the church and the chastity of female captives, the tumult could only be appeased by the execution of Orestes.^^ His brother Paul was slain in an action near Ravenna; and the helpless Augustulus, who could no longer command the respect, was reduced to implore the clemency, of Odoacer. That successful barbarian was the son 'Tf Edeoon; who, in some remarkable transactions,

a

Roman Empire

particularly described in a preceding chapter had been the colleague of Orestes himself. The

honour of an ambassador should be exempt from suspicion; and Edecon had listened to a conspiracy against the life of his sovereign. But this apparent guilt was expiated by his merit or repentance: his rank was eminent and conspicuous; he enjoyed the favour of Attila; and the troops under his command, who guarded in their turn the royal village, consisted of a tribe of Sciri, his immediate and hereditary subjects. In the revolt of the nations they still adhered to the Huns; and, more than twelve years after-

wards, the name of Edecon is honomably mentioned in their unequal contest with the Ostrogoths; which was terminated, after two bloody battles, ri.120

by the defeat and dispersion of the

Their gallant leader,

this national calamity, left

who two

Sci-

did not survive sons,

Onulf and

Odoacer, to struggle with adversity, and to maintain as they might, by rapine or service, the faithful followers of their exile. Onulf directed his steps towards Constantinople, where he sullied, by the assassination of a generous benefactor, the fame which he had acquired in arms. His brother Odoacer led a wandering life among the barbarians of Noricum, with a mind and a fortune suited to the most desperate adventures; and when he had fixed his choice, he piously visited the cell of »Sevcrinus, the popular saint of the country, to solicit his approbation and blessing. The lowness of the door would not admit the lofty stature of Odoacer: he was obliged to stoop; but in that humble attitude the saint could discern the symptoms of his future greatness; and addressing him in a prophetic tone, “Pursue (said he) your design; proceed to Italy, you will soon cast away this coarse garment of skins; and your wealth will be adequate to the liberality of your mind.”**^ The barbarian, whose daring spirit accepted and ratified the prediction, was admitted into the service of the Western empire, and soon obtained an honourable rank in the guards. His manners were gradually polished, his military skill was improved, and the confederates of Italy would not

have elected him

for their general unless the

exploits of Odoacer

had established a high opinion of his couragd and capacity.'” Their military acclamation8 erial ensigns,

hundred, to more than fourscore thousand, sterling.'®® It was adorned by the new proprietor with Grecian arts and Asiatic treasures; and the houses and gardens of Lucullus obtained a distinguished rank in the list of Imfive

pounds

perial palaces.'”

When

the Vandals

became

formidable to the sea-coast, the Lucullan villa, on the promontory of Misenum, gradually as-

sumed

the strength

and appellation of a strong

obscure retreat of the last emperor of the West. About twenty years after that great revolution it was converted into a church and monastery, to receive the bones of St. Severinus. They securely reposed, amidst the broken tiocastle, the

Decline and Fall of the

592

phies of Gimbric and Armenian victories, till the beginning of the tenth century; when the fortifications, which might afford a dangerous shelter to the Saracens,

were demolished by the peo-

ple of Naples.^** first barbarian who reigna people who had once asserted their just superiority above the rest of mankind. The disgrace of the Romans still excites our respectful compassion, and we fondly sympathise with the imaginary grief and indignation of their degenerate posterity. But the calamities of Italy had gradually subdued the proud consciousness of freedom and glory. In the age of Roman virtue the provinces were subject to the arms, and the citizens to the laws, of the republic, till those laws were subverted by civil discord, and both the city and the provinces became the servile property of a tyrant. The forms of the constitution, which alleviated or disguised their abject slavery, were abolished by time and violence; the Italians alternately lamented the presence or the absence of the sovereigns whom

Odoacer was the

ed

in Italy, over

they detested or despised ; and the succession of

Roman Empire virtues claimed the friendship

and

grateful applause of Sidonius, his client.^’^

The

ilius,

whose

laws of the emperors were strictly enforced, and the civil administration of Italy was still exercised by the Praetorian pracfect and his subordinate officers. Odoacer devolved on the Roman magistrates the odious and oppressive task of collecting the public revenue; but he reserved for himself the merit of seasonable and popular indulgence.'®^ Like the rest of the barbarians, he had been instructed in the Arian heresy; but he revered the monastic and episcopal characters;

and the silence of the catholics attests the toleration which they enjoyed. 'Fhe peace of the citv required the interposition of his prarfcct Basiliiis in the choice of a Roman pontiff: the decree

which restrained the clergy from alienating their lands was ultimately designed for the benefit of the people, whose devotion would have been taxed to repair the dilapidations of the church.’ Italy was protected by the arms of its conquer-

and its frontiers were respected by the barbarians of Gaul and Ciermanv, who had so long insulted the feeble race of Fheodosius. Odoaor;

five centuries inflicted the various evils of mili-

cer pa.ssed the Hadriatir, to chastise the assas-

tary licence, capricious despotism, and elaborate oppression. During the same period, the

emperor N(‘pos, and to acquire the maritime province of Dalmatia. He passed the Alps, to rescue the remains of Noricum from Fava, or Feletheus, king of the Riigians, who held his residence bevond the Danube. 'Fhe king was vanquished in battle, and led awav prisoner; a numerous colony of captives and

barbarians had emerged from obscurity and contempt, and the warriors of Germany and Scythia were introduced into the provinces, as allies, and at length the masRomans, whom they insulted or pro-

the servants, the ters,

of the

tected. TJie hatred of the people was suppressed by fear; they rppccted the spirit and splendour of the martial chiefs who were invested with the honours of the empire; and the fate of Rome had long depended on the sword of those formid-

able strangers.

The stern Ricimer, who trampled

on the ruins of

Italy,

without assuming the patient

Romans

had exercised the power, title, of a king; and the

w'cre insensibly prepared to

acknowledge the royalty of Odoacer and his barbaric successors.

The king of Italy was not unworthy of the high .station to which his valour and fortune had exalted him: his savage manners were polished by the habits of convcrsallion; and he respected, though a conqueror and a barbarian, the institutions, and even the prejudices, of his subjects. After an interval of seven years, Odoacer restored the consulship of the West. For himself he modestly, or proudly, declined an honour which was still accepted by the emperors of the East; but the curule chair was successively filled by and the eleven of the most illustrious senators list is adorned by the respectable name of Bas-

sins of the

subjects

Rome,

was transplanted

into

Italy;

after a long period of defeat

and

and dis-

grace, might claim the triumph of her bar-

barian master.'®^ Notwithstanding the prudence and success of Odoacer, his kingdom exhibited the sad prospect of misery and desolation. Since the age of 1 i-

decay of agriculture had been felt in was a just subject of complaint that the life of the Roman people depended on the accidents of the winds and waves.'®® In the diviberius, the Italy;

and

it

and the decline of the empire, the tributary Egypt and Africa were withdrawn; the numbers of the inhabitants continually diminished with the means of sul^sistence; and the country was exhausted by the irretrievable losses of war, famine,'®* and pestilence. St. Ambrose sion

harvests of

has deplored the ruin of a populous district, which had been once adorned with the flourishing cities of Bologna, Modena, Rhegium, and Placentia.'^® Pope Gelasius was a subject of Odoacer; and he affinns, with strong exaggeration, that in ^Emilia, Tuscany, and the adjacent provinces, the

human

species

was almost

The extirpated.^*^

The

plebians of

Thirty-seventh Chapter

Rome, who were

by the hand of their master, perished or disappeared as soon as his liberality was suppressed the decline of the arts reduced the industrious mechanic to idleness and want; and the senators, who might support with patience the fed

;

ruin of their country, bewailed their private loss of wealth and luxury. One third of thme ample estates, to which the ruin ol Italy is origi-

593 and since he was the absolute master of their fortunes, the portion which he left must be accepted as his pure and voluntary gift.'^® The distress of Italy was mitigated by the prudence and humanity of Odoacer, who had bound him-

lives;

as the price of his elevation, to satisfy the

self,

demands tude.

and turbulent multikings of the barbarians were fre-

of a licentious

The

sults; the sense of actual sufierings

quently resisted, deposed, or murdered, by their native subjects; and the various bands of Italian mercenaries, who associated under the standard of an elective general, claimed a larger privilege

tered by the fear of

of freedom and rapine.

was extorted for the use of the nally imputed, conquerors. Injuries were aggravated by inwas embitmore dreadful evils; and as new lands were allotted to new swarms of barbarians, each senator was apprehensive lest the

arbitrary surveyors should ite villa,

uiilortunatc were those

a

approach

his favour-

or his most profitable farm.

murmur

who

The

least

submitted without

to the pow'er whicli

it

was impossible

owed some gratitude to the tyrant who had spared their to resist. Since they desin*d to live, tliey

A

monarchy

destitute

union and hereditary right hastened to its dissolution. After a reign of fourteen years Odoacer was oppressed by the superior genius of Theodoric, king of the Ostrogoths; a hero alike excellent in the arts of war and of government, who restored an age of peace and pros-

of national

perity,

and whose name still excites and demankind.

serves the attention of

CHAPTER XXXVII and Effects oj the Monastic Life. Conversion of the Barbarians to Christianity and Arianism. Petsecution oJ the Vandals in Africa. Extinction of Arianism among the Barbatians.

Oiigin, Progress,

T

he

indissoluble connection of civil

encouraged

me

and

and

I

fall

of the

Roman

empire.

institution of the monastic life;^

and

I.

II.

conversion of the northern barbarians. Prosperity and peace introduced the distinction of the vulfiar and the Ascetic Christians,^ The loose and imperfect practice of religion satisfied the conscience of the multitude. The prince or magistrate, the soldier or merchant, reconciled their fervent zeal and implicit faith wdth the exercise of their profession, the pursuit of their interest, and the indulgence of their passions but the Ascetics, who obeyed and abused the rigid precepts of the Gospel, were inspired by the savage enthusiasm which represents man as a criminal, and God as a tyrant. They seriously renounced the business and the pleasures of the age; abjured the use of wine, of flesh, and of marriage; chastised their body, mortified I.

:

of misery,

Constantine the Ascetics fled from a profane to perpetual solitude or religious society. Like the first Christians of Jerusalem,® they resigned the use or the pro|> erty of their temporal possessions; established regular communities of the same sex and a sim-

and the gradual corruption have purposely delayed the consideration of two religious events interesting in the study of human nature, and important in the decline

life

to relate the progress, the

the final triumph,

The The

and embraced a

as the price of eternal happiness. In the reign of

persecutions, the establishment, the divisions,

of Christianity.

their affections,

cumjxdled and

ecclesuLslical allairs has

and degenerate world

ilar disposition;

and assumed the names of Her-

Monks, and AnachnretSy expressive of their lonely retreat in a natural or artificial desert. Thev soon acquired the respect of the world, w^hich they despised and the loudest applause was Ix'stowed on this Divine Philosophy,^ w hich surpassed, without the aid of science or reason, the laboriotus virtues of the Grecian schools. The monies might indeed contend witli mtis^

;

the Stoics in the contempt of fortune, of pain,

and of death: the Pythagorean silence and submission were revived in their servile discipline;

and they disdained as firmly as the Cynics themselves all the fonns and decencies of civil society. But the votaries of this Divine Philosophy aspired to imitate a purer and more perfect model. They trod in the footsteps of the prophets,

who had retired to the desert;® and

tliey re-

Decline and Fall of the

594

and contemplative life, which had been instituted by the E^enians in Palestine and Egypt. The philosophic eye of Pliny had surveyed with astonishment a solitary peostored the devout

who

dwelt among the palm-trees near the Dead Sea; who subsisted without money; who were propagated without women; and who derived from the disgust and repentance of mankind a perpetual supply of voluntary associates.^ Egypt, the fruitful parent of superstition, afforded the first example of the monastic life. Antony,' an illiterate® youth of the lower parts of Thebais, distributed his patrimony,® deserted his family and native home, and executed his monastic penance with original and intrepid fanaticism. After a long and painful novitiate among the tombs and in a ruined tower, he ple,

boldly advanced into the desert three days* journey to the eastward of the Nile; discovered a lonely spot, which possessed the advantage's of shade and water; and fixed his last residence on Mount Colzim, near the Red Sea, where an ancient monastery still preserves the name and memory of the saint.'® The curious devotion of the Christians pursued him to the desert; and when he was obliged to appear at Alexandria, in the face of mankind, he supported his fame with discretion and dignity. He enjoyed the friendship of Athanasius, whose doctrine he ap)proved; and the Egyptian peasant respectfully declined a respectful invitation' from the emperor Constantine. The venerable patriarch (for Antony attained the age of one hundred and five years) beheld the numeroils progeny which had been formed by his example and his lessons.

The

prolific colonies of

monks multiplied

with rapid increase on the sands of Libya, upon the rocks of Thebais, and in the cities of the Nile. To the south of Alexandria, the mountain, and adjacent desert, of Nitria was peopled by five thousand anachorets; and the traveller may still

investigate the ruins of fifty monasteries,

which were planted in that barren soil by the disciples of Antony." In the Upper Thebais, the vacant island of Tabcnnc,** was occupied by Pachomius and fourteen hundred of his brethren. That holy abbot successively founded nine monasteries of men, and one of women and the festival of Easter sometimes collected fifty thousand religious persons, who followed his angelic rule of discipline.'® The stately and populous ;

city of Oxyrinchus, the seat of Christian orthodoxy, had devoted the temples, the public edifices, and even the ramparts, to pious and charitable uses; and the bishop, who might preach in twelve churches, computed ten thousand fe-

Roman Empire

males,

and twenty thousand males, of the mo-

nastic profession.'®

The

Egyptians,

in this marvellous revolution,

who

gloried

were disposed to

hope, and to believe, that the number of the monks was equal to the remainder of the people;'® and posterity might repeat the saying

which had formerly been applied to the sacred animals of the same country, that in Egypt it was less difficult to find a god than a man. Athanasius introduced into Rome the knowledge and practice of the monastic life; and a school of this new philosophy was opened by the disciples of Antony, who accompanied their primate to the holy threshold of the Vatican. The strange and savage appearance of these Egyptians excited, at first, horror and contempt, and, at length, applause and zealous imitation. The senators, and more especially the matrons, transformed their palaces and villas into religious houses; and the narrow institution of six Vestals was eclipsed by the frequent monasteries, which were seated on the ruins of ancient temples and in the midst of the Roman Forum.'® Inflamed by the example of Antony, a Syrian youth, whose name was HiJarion,'' fixed his dreary abode on a sandy beach between the sea and a morass about seven miles from Gaza. The austere penance, in which he persisted forty-eight years, diffused a similar enthusiasm; and the holy man was follow^ed by a tiain of two or three thousand anachorets, whenever he visited the innumerable inod&steries of Palestine. The fame of Basil'® is immortal in the monastic history of the East. With a mind that had tasted the learning and eloquence of Athens; with an ambition scarcely to be satisfied by the archbishopric of Caesarea, Basil retired to a savage solitude in Pontus; and deigned, for a while, to give laws to the spiritual colonies w^hich he profusely scattered along the coast of the Black Sea. In the West, Martin of Tours,'® a soldier, a hermit, a bishop, and a saint, established the monasteries of Gaul ; two thousand of his disciples followed him to the grave; and his eloquent historian challenges the deserts of Thebais to produce, in a more favourable climate, a champion of equal virtue. The progress of the monks was not less rapid or universal than that of Christianity itself. Ever^ province, and, at last, every city, of the empire was filled with their increasing multitudes; aud the bleak and barren isles, from Lerins to Lipari, that arise out of the Tuscan Sea, were clmen by the anachorets for the place of their voluntary exile. An easy and perpetual intercourse by sea and land connected the provinces of the Roman world; and the life

The

Thirty-seventh Chapter

of Hilarion displays the facility with which an indigent herrnit of Palestine might traverse Egypt, embark for Sicily, escape to Epirus, and finally settle in the island of Cyprus.*® The Latin Christians

tions of

embraced the

Rome. The

pilgrims

religious institu-

who

visited Jeru-

salem eagerly copied, in the most distant climates of the earth, the faithful model of the monastic life. The disciples of Antony spread themselves beyond the tropic, over the Christian empire of yEthiopia.*^ The monastery of Banchor,** in Flintshire, which contained alx)ve two thousand brethren, dispersed a numerous colony among the barbarians of Ireland;** and Iona, one of the Hebrides, which was planted by the Irish monks, diffused over the northern regions a doubtful ray of science and superstition.**

These unhappy

exiles

from

social life

were

impelled by the dark and implacable genius of superstition. Their mutual resolution was supported by the example of millions, of cither sex, of every age, and of every rank; and each proselyte who entered the gates of a monastery was peisuadcd that he trod the steep and thorny path of eternal happine^ss.** But the operation of these religious motives was variously deter-

mined by the temper and situation of mankind. Reason might sulxlue, or passion might suspend, their influence; but they acted most forcibly on the infirm minds of children and females; they were strengthened by secret remorse or accidental misfortune; and they might derive some aid from the temporal considerations of vanity or interest. It was naturally supposed that the pious and humble monks, who had renounced the world to accomplish the work of

were the best qualified for the government of the Christians. The reluctant hermit w'as torn from his cell, and seated amidst the acclamations of the people, on the their salvation,

spiritual

episcopal throne: the monasteries of Egypt, of Gaul, and of the East, supplied a regular succession of saints and bishops; and ambition soon discovered the secret road which led to the possession of wealth and honours.*® The popular monks, whose reputation was connected with the fame and success of the order, assiduously laboured to multiply the number of their fellow-captives. They insinuated themselves into noble and opulent families; and the specious arts of flattery and seduction were employed to secure those proselytes who might bestow wxalth or dignity on the monastic profession. The indignant father bt^wailed the loss, perhaps, of an only son;** the credulous maid was betrayed by

595

vanity to violate the laws of nature; and the matron aspired to imaginary perfection by renouncing the virtues of domestic life. Paula yielded to the persuasive eloquence of Jerom;*® and the profane title of mother-in-law of God*® tempted that illustrious widow to consecrate the virginity of her daughter Eustochium. By the advice, and in the company, of her spiritual guide, Paula abandoned Rome and her infant son; retired to the holy village of Bcthlem; founded an hospital and four monasteries; and acquired, by her alms and penance, an eminent and conspicuous station in the Catholic church.

Such rare and

illustrious penitents w^erc cele-

brated as the glory and example of their age; but the monasteries were filled by a cn^wd of obscure and abject plebeians,*® who gained in the cloister much more than they had sacrificed in the world. Peasants, slaves, and mechanics

might escape from poverty and contempt to a and honourable profession, whose apparent hardships were mitigated by custom, by popular applause, and by the secret relaxation of discipline.*^ The subjects of Rome, whose persons and fortunes were made responsible for unequal and exorbitant tributes, retired from the oppression of the Imperial government; and the pusillanimous youth preferred the penance of a monastic, to the dangers of a military, life.

safe

The

affrighted provincials of every rank,

who

found shelter and subsistence; whole legions were buried in these religious sanctuaries; and the same cause which relieved the distress of individuals impaired the fled before the barbarians,

strength and fortitude of the empire.**

The monastic profession of the ancients** was an act of voluntary devotion. The inconstant fanatic was threatened with the eternal vengeance of the God w'hom he deserted; but the doors of the monastery were still open for repentance. Those monks whose conscience w’as fortified by reason or passion w'cre at liberty to resume the character of men and citizens; and cv'cn the spouses of Christ might accept the legal embraces of an earthly lover. *^ The examples of scandal, and the progress of superstition, suggested the propriety of more forcible rea sufficient trial, the fidelity of the novice was secured by a solemn and perpetual

straints. After

vow; and his irrevocable engagement was ratified by the law's of the church and state. A guilty fugitive was pursued, arrested, and restored to his perpetual prison; and the interposition of the magistrate oppressed the freedom and merit which had alleviated, in some degree, the abject slavery of the monastic discipline.*®

The

Decline and Fall of the

596

actions of a monk, his words, and even his thoughts, were determined by an inflexible rule®* or a capricious superior: the slightest offences were corrected by disgrace or confine-

ment, extraordinary

or bloody flagellation; and disobedience, murmur, or delay were ranked in the catalogue of the most heinous fasts,

A

blind submission to the commands of the abbot, however absurd, or even criminal, they might seem, was the ruling principle, the first virtue of the Egyptian monks; and their patience was frequently exercised by the most extravagant trials. They were directed to remove an enormous rock; assiduously to water a barren staff that was planted in the ground, till, at the end of three years, it should vegetate and sins.®^

blossom like a tree; to walk into a fiery furnace; or to cast their infant into a deep pond: and several saints, or madmen, have been immormonastic story by their thoughtless The freedom of the mind, the source of every generous and rational sentiment, w'as destroyed by the habits of credulity and submission; and the monk, contracting the vices of a slave, devoutly followed the

Roman Empire

supported by a long staff. The aspect of a genuine anachoret was horrid and disgusting: every sensation that is offensive to man was thought acceptable to God and the angelic rule of Tabenne condemned the salutary custom of bathing the limbs in water and of anointing them with oil.** The austere monks slept on the ground, on a hard mat or a rough blanket; and the same bundle of palm-leaves seized them as a seat in the day and a pillow in the night. Their original cells w'cre low narrow huts, built of the slightest materials; which formed, by the regular distribution of the streets, a largss. England produced the apostle of (Germany: and the evangelic light was graduallv diflused fiorn the neighbourhood of the Rhine to the nations ol the Elbe, the Vistula, and the Baltic.” 'Fhe dillerenl motives which influenced the reason or the passions o{ the barbarian con1 he> were often capricious and aciidental; a dream, an omen, the report ol a miracle, the example ol some priest or hero, the charms ol a bclnxing verts cannot easilv be ascertained.

wiJe, and,

above

all,

the fortunate event of a

prayer or vow which, in a they had addressed to the tians.®^^

The

moment God of

of danger,

the

C'hri**-

carlv pre|udiees of education wtTc

insensibly erased by the habits ol frecpicnt

and

familiar society; the moral precepts of the Ciospcl wolcmical works to the most

religious warfare. Yet, instead of

venerable names of Christian antiquity; the characters of Athanasius and Augustin were awkwardly personated by Vigilius and his disciples;"® and the famous creed, which so clearly exp>ounds the mysteries of the Trinity and the incarnation, is deduced, with strong probability, from this African school."^ Even the Scriptures themselves were profaned by their rash and sacrilegious hands. The memorable text which asserts the unity of the Three who bear

the

605

unhappy remnant,

refusing all

communion

with the usurper, still presumed to hold their pious, but illegal, assemblies. Their disobedience exasperated the cruelty of Hunneric. A military count was despatched from Carthage to Tipasa: he collected the catholics in the Forum, and, in the presence of the whole province, deprived the guilty of their right hands and their tongues. But the holy confessoi;^ continued to speak without tongues; and this miracle is attested by Victor, an African bishop, who published an history of the persecution within

two years

after the event."® ‘Tf

any

one,’* says

Victor, “should doubt of the truth, let

pair to Constantinople,

and

him

re-

listen to the clear

and

allegorical interpretation, in the

perfect language of Restitutus, the subdeacon, one of these glorious suiTerers, w'ho is now lodged in the palace of the emperor Zeno, and is respected by the devout empress.’* At Constantinople we arc astonished to find a cool, a learned, and unexceptionable witness, without interest, and without passion. /Bneas of Gaza, a Platonic philosopher, has accurately described his own observations on these African sufferers. ‘T saw them m>’self: I heard them speak: I diligently inquired by what means such an articulate voice could be formed without any organ of speech I used my eyes to ex-

form perhaps of a marginal note, invaded the text of the Latin Bibles w'hich were renewed and corrected in a dark period of ten centuries."*

amine the repiort of my cars; I opened their mouth, and saw that the whole tongue had been completely torn away by the roots; an opera-

Alter the invention of printing,"* the editors of the Greek rcstament yielded to their own preju-

tion w^hich the physicians generally suppose to

and the pious

might be confirmed by the superfluous evidence of the emperor Justinian, in a perpetual edict;

is condemned by the uniof the orthodox fathers, ancient

witness in heaven"^ vt

.iiietife

versions, first

and authentic manuscripts."®

alleged by the catholic bishops

neric

summoned

thage."^

An

to

the conference of Car-

dices, or those of the times;"®

iraud,

It w'as

whom Hun-

which was embraced with equal zeal at

Rome and at Geneva,

has been infinitely multiand every language of

plied in every country

modern

Eurofic.

The

c.xamplc of fraud must excite suspicion: and the specious miracles by which the African catholics have defended the truth

and justice

of

may be ascribed, with more reason, to their own industry than to the visible protection of Heaven, Yet the historian who views this religious conflict with an impartial eye may their cause

condescend to mention one preternatural event, which will edify the devout and surprise the incredulous. Tipasa,"^ a maritime colony of Mauritania, sixteen miles to the east of Caesarea, had been distinguished in every age by the orthodox zeal of its inhabitants. They had braved the fury of the Donatists;^®* they resisted or eluded the tyranny of the Arians. The town was deserted on the approach of an heretical bishop: most of the inhabitants who could procure ships passed over to the coast of Spain ; and

:

be mortal.”"^ The testimony of /Eneas of Gaza

of Count Marcellinus, in his Chronicle of tlie times; and of pope Gregory the P'irst, w'ho had resided at Constantinople as the minister of the Roman pontiff."® They all lived within the compass of a century; and they all appeal to

knowledge or the public notoriwhich was repeated in several instances, displayed on the greatest theatre of the world, and submitted during a series of years to the calm examination of the senses. This supernatural gift of the African their personal

ety for the truth of a miracle

who spoke without tongues, will command the assent of those, and of those only, who already believe that their language was

confessors,

pure and orthodox. But the stubborn mind of infidel is guarded by secret, incurable suspi-

an

and the Arian, or Socinian, who has seriously rejected the doctrine of the Trinity, will not be shaken by the most plausible evidence of cion;

an Athanasian

miracle.

The Vandals and

the Ostrogoths persevered

—

Decline and Fall of the

6o6

in the profession of Arianism till the final ruin of the kingdoms which they had founded in Africa and Italy. The barbarians of Gaul submitted to the orthodox dominion of the Franks;

and Spain was restored to the catholic church by the voluntary conversion of the Visigoths. This salutary revolution”® was hastened by the example of a royal martyr, whom our calmer reason may style an ungrateful rebel. Leovigild, the Gothic monarch of Spain, deserved the respect of his enemies and the love of his

Roman Empire

Leander, effectually negotiated in person with the Byzantine court. But the hopes of the catholics were crushed by the active diligence of a monarch who commanded the troops and treasures of Spain; and the guilty Hermencgild, after his vain attempts to resist or to escape, was compelled to surrender himself into the hands of an incensed father. Leovigild was still mindful of that sacred character; and the rebel, despoiled of the regal ornaments, was still permitted, in a decent exile, to profess the catholic

His repeated and unsuccessful treasons

subjects; the catholics enjoyed

a free toleration, Arian synods attempted, without much

religion.

and

at length provoked the indignation of the Goth-

by abolishing

ic king;

his

success, to reconcile their scruples

the unpopular rite of a second baptism. His eldest son Hermencgild, who was invested by his

diadem and the fair princontracted an honourable

father with the royal cipality of Bdctica,

and orthodox

and the sentence of death, which he pronounced with apparent reluctance, was pri-

vately executed in the tower of Seville. The inflexible constancy with which he refused to ac-

cept the Arian communion, as the price of his may excuse the honours that have been paid to the memory of St. Hermencgild. His wife and infant son w'ere detained by the Ro-

a Merovingian princess, the daughter of Sigebert, king of Austrasia, and of the famous Brunei hild. The beauteous Ingundis, who was no more than thir-

safety,

teen years of age, was received, beloved, and persecuted in the Arian court of Toledo; and her religious constancy was alternately assaulted with blandishments and violence by Goisvintha, the Gothic queen, who abused the double claim of maternal authority.”^ Incensed by her resistance, Goisvintha seized the catholic princess by her long hair, inhumanly dashed her against the ground, kicked her till she was covered with blood, and at last gave orders that she

misfortune tarnished the glories of Leovigild, and embittered the last moments of his life. His son and successor, Rccarcd, the first catholic king of Spain, had imbibed the faith of his unfortunate brother, which he supported with more prudence and success. Instead of re-

alliance with

should be stripped and thrown into a basin or

and honour might excite Hermenegild to resent this injurious treatment of his bride; and he was gradually persuaded that Ingundis suffered for the cause of divine truth. Her tender complaints, and the weighty arguments of Leandcr, archbishop of Seville, accomplished his conversion; and the heir of the Gothic monarchy was initiated in the Nicenc faith by the solemn rites of confirmation. The rash youth, inflamed by zeal, and perhaps by ambition, was tempted to violate the duties of a son and a subject; and the catholics of Spain, although they could not complain of persecution, applauded his pious rebellion against an fishpond.”* Love

The civil war was protracted by the long and obstinate sieges of Merida, Cordova, and Seville, which had strenuously heretical father.

espoused the party of Hermencgild. He invited the orthodox barbarians, the Suevi, and the Franks, to the destruction of his native land: he solicited the dangerous aid of the Romans, who possessed Africa and a part of the Spanish coast; and his holy ambassador, the archbishop

mans in ignominious captivity; and

this

domes-

tic

volting against his father, Recared patiently cxficcted the hour of his death Instead of con-

demning

his memory, he piously sup|X)sed that dying monarch had abjured the errors of Arianism, and recommended to his son the conversion of the Gothic nation. To accomplish that salutary end, Recared convened an assemblv of the Arian clergy and nobles, declared himself a catholic, and exhorted them to imitlie

tate the

example of their prince. The laborious

interpretation of doubtful texts, or the curious

would have and the mon-

pursuit of metaphysical arguments, excited an endless controversy;

arch discreetly proposed to his illiterate audience two substantial and visible arguments the testimony of Earth and of Heaven. The Earth had submitted to the Nicene synod: the

Romans, the barbarians, and the inhabitants of Spain unanimously professed the same orthodox creed; and the Visigoths resisted, almost alone, the consent of the Christian world.

A

superstitious ageSvas prepared to reverence, as

the testimony of Heaven, the preternatural cures which were performed by the skill or virtue of the catholic clergy; the baptismal fonts of Osset in Baetica,”® which were spontaneously replenished each year on the vigil of Easter;”'

and the miraculous shrine of

St.

Martin of

;

The Thirty*sevcnth Chapter Tours, which had already converted the Sucvic prince and people of GaUicia.^** The catholic king encountered some difficulties on this im* portant change of the national religion. A conspiracy, secretly fomented by the queen-dowager, was formed against his life; and two counts excited a dangerous revolt in the Narbonnese Gaul. But Recared disarmed the conspirators, defeated the rebels, and executed severe justice, which the Arians, in their turn, might brand

with the reproach of persecution. Eight bishops, whose names betray their barbaric origin, abjured their errors; and all the books of Arian theology were reduced to ashes, with the house in which they had been purposely collected. The whole bexly of the Visigoths and Suevi were allured or driven into the pale of the catholic

communion

generation,

;

the faith, at least of the rising

was fervent and sincere; and the de-

vout liberality of the barbarians enriched the churches and monasteries of Spain. Seventy bishops, assembled in the council of Toledo, received the submission of their conquerors; and the zeal of the Spaniards improved the Nicene

by declaring the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Son, as well as from the Father; a weighty point of doctrine, which produced, long afterwards, the schism of the Greek and Latin churches.'®* The royal proselyte immediately saluted and consulted pope Gregory, siirnamed the Great, a learned and holy prelate whose reign was distinguished by the conversion of heretics and infidels. The ambassadors of Recared resix'ctfuUy offered on the threshold of the Vatican his rich presents of gold and gems; they accepted, as a lucrathc exchange, the hairs of St. John the Baptist; a cross which enclosed a small piece of the true wood and a key that contained some particles of iron which had been scraped from the chains of St. Peter.'** The same Gregory, the spiritual conqueror of Britain, encouraged the pious Theodclinda, queen of the Lombards, to propagate the Nicenc faith among the victorious savages, whose recent Christianity was polluted by the Arian

creed,

;

Her devout labours still left room for the and success of future missionaries, and many chics of Italy were still disputed by hostile bishops. But the cause of Arianism was heresy.

industry

gradually suppressed by the weight of truth, of interest, and of example; and the controversy, which Egypt had derived from the Platonic school, was terminated, after a war of three hundred years, by the final conversion of the

Lombards of

Italy.”*

The first missionaries who preached

the Gos-

607

pel to the barbarians appealed to the evidence of reason, and claimed the benefit of toleration.”* But

no sooner had they established

their

spiritual dominion than they exhorted the Chris-

tian kings to extirpate, without mercy, the remains of Roman or barbaric superstition. The successors of Clovis inflicted one hundred lashes

on the peasants who refused

to destroy their

crime of sacrificing to the demons was punished by the Anglo-Saxon laws with the heavier penalties of imprisonment and confiscation; and even the wise Alfred adopted, as an indispensable duty, the extreme rigour of the Mosaic institutions.'*^ But the punishment and the crime were gradually abolished among a

idols; the

Christian people; the theological disputes of the schools were suspended by propitious ignorance

and the

which could find neiwas reduced to the penecution of the Jews. That exiled nation had founded some synagogues in the cities of Gaul; but Spain, since the time of Hadrian, was filled with their numerous colonies.'** The wealth which they accumulated by trade and the management of the finances invited the pious avarice of their masters; and they might lx: oppressed without danger, as they had lost the use, and even the remembrance, of arms. Sisebut, a Gothic king who reigned in the Ixrginning of the intolerant spirit

ther idolaters nor heretics,

seventh century, proceeded at once to the last extremes of persecution.'** Ninety thousand Jews were compelled to recci\c the sacrament of baptism; the fortunes of the obstinate infidels were confiscated, their bodies were tortured, and it seems doubtful whether they were permitted to abandon their native country'. The excessive zeal of the catholic king was moderated even by the clergy of Spain, who solemnly pronounced an inconsistent sentence: t/uit the sacraments should not be forcibly imposed; but that the Jews who had been baptised should be constrained, for the honour of the church, to persevere in the e.xternal practice of a religion which they disbelieved and detested. 'Fheir frequent relapses provoked one of the successors of Sisebut to banish the whole nation from his dominions; and a council of Toledo published a decree that every Gothic king should swear to

maintain this salutar>' edict. But the tyrants were unwilling to dismiss the victims whom tlicy delighted to torture, or to deprive themselves of the industrious slaves over

whom

they

might exercise a lucrative oppression. The Jews still continued in Spain, under the weight of the civil and ecclesiastical laws, which in the same country have been faithfully transcribed in the

Decline and Fall of the

6o8

Ckxle of the Inquisition. The Gothic kings and bishops at length discovered that injuries will produce hatred, and that hatred will find the opportunity of revenge. A nation, the secret or professed enemies of Christianity,

still

multi-

and distress; and the intrigues of the Jews promoted the rapid success of the Arabian conquerors.^^® As soon as the barbarians withdrew their plied in servitude

powerful support, the unpopular heresy of Arius sunk into contempt and oblivion. But the Greeks still retained their subtle and loquacious disposition: the establishment of an obscure doctrine suggested new questions and new disputes; and it was always in the power of an ambitious prelate or a fanatic monk to violate the peace of the church, and perhaps of the empire. The historian of the empire may overlook those disputes which were confined to the obscurity of schools and synods. The Manicha^ans, who laboured to reconcile the religions of Christ and of Zoroaster, had secretly introduced them-

Roman Empire

selves into the provinces: but these foreign sectaries were involved in the common disgrace of the Gnostics, and the Imperial laws were executed by the public hatred. The rational opinions of the Pelagians were propagated from Britain to Rome, Africa, and Palestine, and silently expired in a superstitious age. But the East was distracted by the Nestonan and Euty-

chian controversies, which attempted to explain the mystery of the incarnation, and hastened the ruin of Christianity in her native land. These controversies were

fii-st

agitated under the reign

of the younger Theodosius: but their important

consequences extend far beyond the limits of the present volume. The metaphysical chain of argument, the contests of ecclesiastical ambition,

and their political influence on the decline oi the By/antine empire, may aflbrd an interesting and instructive scries of history, from the general councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon to the conquest of the East by the successors ol

Mahomet.

CHAPTER XXXVIII Reign and Conversion of Clovii. His Victories over the Alemanni, Burgundians, and Visigoths. Establishment of the French Monarchy in Gaul. Laws of the Barbarians. State of the

Romans. The Visigoths of Spain. Conquest of Britain by

the Saxons.

he Gauls,^ who impatiently supported the yoke, received a memorable lesson from one of the lieutenants of Vespasian, whose weighty sense has been refined and expressed by the genius of Tacitus.* “The protection of the republic has delivered Gaul from internal discord and foreign invasions. Bv the loss of national independence you have acquired the name and privileges of Roman citi-

T

zens.

Roman

You

enjoy, in

common with ourselves,

the

permanent benefits of civil government; and your remote situation is less exposed to the accidental mischiefs of tyranny. Instead of exercising the rights of conquest, we have been contented to impose such tributes as arc requisite

your own preservation. Peace cannot be secured without armies, and armies must be supported at the expense of the people. It is for your sake, not for our own, that we guard the barrier of the Rhine against the ferocious Germans, who have so often attempted, ind who will always desire, to exchange the solitude of their wocrfluous to praise the valour of a Frank, but the valour of Clovis was directed by cool and consummate prudence,*® In all his transactions with mankind he calculated the w’cight of interest, of pa*ision, and of opinion; and his measures were sometimes adapted to the sanguinary manners of the Germans, and

6 10

Decline and Fall of the

sometimes moderated by the milder genius of

Rome and

He was

intercepted in the career of victory, since he died in the fortyChristianity.

year of his age; but he had already accoma reign of thirty years, the establishment of the French monarchy in Gaul. The first exploit of Clovis was the defeat of Syagrius, the son of i^gidiu.s, and the public quarrel might on this occasion be inflamed by private resentment. The glory of the father still insulted the Merovingian race ; the power of the son might excite the jealous ambition of the king of the Franks. Syagrius inherited, as a patrimonial estate, the city and diocese of Soissons: the desolate remnant of the second Belgic, Rheims and Tro>es, Beauvais and Amiens, would naturally submit to the count or patrician;** and after the dissolution of the Western empire he might reign with the title, or at least with the authority, of king of the Romans.*® As a Roman, he had been educated in the liberal studies of rhetoric and Jurisprudence; but he was engaged by accident and policy in the familiar use of the Germanic idiom. The independent barbarians resorted to the tribunal of a stranger who possessed the singular talent of explaining, in their native tongue, the dictates of reason and equity. The diligence and affability of their judge rendered him popular, the impartial wisdom of his decrees obtained their voluntary obedience, and the reign of Syagrius over the Franks and Burgundians seemed to revive the original institution of civil society.*® in the midst of these peaceful occypations Syagrius received, and boldly accepted, the hostile defiance of Clovis,* who challenged his rival in the spirit, and almost in the language of chivalry, to appoint the day and the lield*^ of battle. In the time of Garsar, Soissons would have poured forth a body of fifty thousand horse; and such an army might have been plentifully supplied with shields, cuirasses, and military engines from the three arsenals or manufactures of the city.** But the courage and numbers of the Gallic youth were long since exhausted, and the loose bands of volunteers or mercenaries who marched under the standard of Syagrius were incapable of contending avith the national valour of the Franks. It would be ungenerous, without some more accurate knowledge of his strength and resources, to condemn the rapid flight of Syagrius, who escaped after the loss of a battle to the distant court of Toulouse. The feeble minority of Alaric could not assist or protect an unfortunate fugitive; the pusillanimous** Goths were intimidated by the menaces of Clofifth

plished, in

Roman Empire

vis:

and the Roman

after

a short confine-

ment, was delivered into the hands of the executioner. The Belgic cities surrendered to the king of the Franks, and his dominions were enlarged towards the east by the ample diocese of Tongres,*® which Clovis subdued in the tenth year of his reign.

The name of the Alemanni has been absurdly derived from their imaginary settlement on the banks of the Leman lake.** That fortunate district, from the lake to Avenchc and Mount Jura, was occupied by the Burgundians.** The northern parts of Helvetia had indeed been subdued by the ferocious Alemanni, who destroyed with their own hands the fruits of their conquest. A province, improved and adorned by the arts of Rome, was again reduced ness,

and some

may still

to a savage wilder-

vestige of the stately Vindonissa

be discovered in the

fertile

and popu-

From the source of the Rhine to its conflux with the Main and the Molous valley of the Aar.**

selle,

the formidable sw'arms of the Alemanni either side of the river by the riglit

commanded

of ancient possession or recent victory.

They had

spread themselves into Gaul over the modern provinces of Alsace and Lorraine; and their bold invasion of the kingdom ol Cologne summoned the Salic prince to the delencc of his Ripuarian allies. Clovis encountered the invaders of Gaul in the plain of Tolbiac, about twenty-four miles from Cologne, and the two fieicest nations ol Germany were mutually animated by the memory of past exploits and the prospect of future greatness. The Franks after an obstinate struggle gave way, and the Alemanni, raising a shout of victory, impetuously pressed their retreat. But the battle was restored by the valour, the conduct, and pei haps by the piety, of Clovis; and the event ol the

bloody day decided for ever the alternative of empire or servitude. The last king of the Alemanni was slain in the field, and his people were slaughtered and pursued till they threw down their arms and yielded to the mercy of the conqueror. Without discipline it was impossible for them to rally: they had contemptuously demolished the walls and fortifications which might have protected their distress; and they were followed into the heart of their forests by an enemy not less active or intrepid than themselves. The great Theodoric congratulated the victory of Clovis^ whose sister Albofleda the king of Italy had lately married; but he mildly interceded with his brother in favour of the suppliants and fugitives who had implored his protection. The Gallic territories which vyere poa-

1

The Thirty-eighth Chapter by the Alemanni became the prize of their conqueror; and the haughty nation, invincible or rebellious to the arms of Rome, ac-

sesBcd

knowledged the sovereignly of the Merovingian kings, who graciously permitted them to enjoy their peculiar manners and institutions under the government of official, and, at length, of hereditary dukes. After the conquest of the Western provinces, the Franks alone maintain-

ed their ancient habitations beyond the Rhine.

They gradually subdued and

civilised the ex-

hausted countries as far as the Elbe and the mountains of Bohemia, and the peace of Europe was secured by the obedience of Germany.*^ Till the thirtieth year of his age Clovis continued to worship the gods of his ancestors.®* His disbelief, or rather disregard of Christianity, might encourage him to pillage with less remorse the churches of an hostile territory but his subjects of Gaul enjoyed the free exercise of religious worship, and the bishops entertained a more favourable hope of the idolater than of the heretics. The Merovingian prince had contracted a fortunate alliance with the fair Clotilda, tbe niere of the king of Burgundy, who in the midst of an Arian court was educated in the profession of the catholic faith. It was her interest as well as her duty to achieve the conver:

Pagan husband and Clovis insensibly and religion. He consented (perhaps such terms had been previ-

sion®® of a

;

listened to the voice of love

ously stipulated) to the baptism of his eldest

son;

and though the sudden death of the infant some superstitious fears, he was per-

excited

suaded a second time to repeat the dangerous experiment. In the distress of the battle of Tolbiac, Clovis loudly invoked the God of Clotilda and the Christians; and victory disposed him to hear with respectful gratitude the eloquent®’ Remigius,®* bishop of Rheims, who forcibly dis|)layed the temporal and spiritual advantages of his conversion. The king declared himself satisfied of the truth of the catholic faith ; and the political reasons which might have suspended his public profession were removed by the devout or loyal acclamations of the Franks, who showed themselves alike prepared to follow their heroic leader to the field of battle or to the baptismal font. The important ceremony was performed in the cathedral of Rheims with every circumstance of magnificence and solemnity that could impress an awful sense of religion on the minds of its rude proselytes.®* The new Constantine was immediately baptised with three thousand df his warlike subjects, and their example was imitated by the remainder of the

61

who, in obedience to the victorious prelate, adored the cross which they had burnt, and burnt the idols which they had formerly adored.*® The mind of Clovis was susceptible of transient fervour: he was exasperated by the pathetic talc of the passion and death of Christ; and instead of weighing the salutary consequences of that mysterious sacrifice, he exclaimed with indiscreet fury, “Had I been present at the head of my valiant Franks, I would have revenged his injuries.”” But the savage conqueror of Gaul was incapable of examining the proofs of a religion which depends

gentle barbarians^

on the laborious investigation of historic evidence and speculative theology. He was still more incapable of feeling the mild influence of the Gospel, which persuades and purifies the heart of a genuine convert. His ambitious reign violation of moral and Christian duties: his hands were stained with blood in peace as well as in war; and, as soon as Clovis

was a perpetual

had dismissed a synod of the Gallician church, he calmly assassinated ail the princes of the Merovingian race.*® Yet the king of the Franks might sincerely worship the Christian God as a Being more excellent and powerful than his national deities; and the signal deliverance and victory of Tolbiac encouraged Clovis to confide in the future protection of the Lord of Hosts. Martin, the most popular of the saints, had filled the Western world with the fame of those miracles which were incessantly performed at his holy sepulchre of Tours. His visible or invisible aid promoted the cause of a liberal and orthodox prince; and the profane remark of Clovis himself, that St. Martin w'as an expensive friend,** need not be interpreted as the symptom of any permanent or rational scepticism. But earth as well as heaven rejoiced in the conversion of the Franks. On the memorable day when Clovis ascended from the baptismal font, he alone in the Christian world deserved the name and prerogatives of a catholic king. The emperor Anastasius entertained some dangerous errors concerning the nature of the divine incarnation and the barbarians of Italy, Africa, Spain, and Gaul were involved in the Arian heresy. The eldest, or rather the only son of the church, was acknow'ledged by the clergy as their lawful sovereign or glorious deliverer; and the arms of Clov'is were strenuously supported by the zeal and favour of the catholic ;

faction.*®

Under

the

Roman

empire the wealth and

jurisdiction of the bishops, their sacred character

and perpetual

office, their

numerous de-

;

Decline and Fall of the

6 12

pendents, popular eloquence, and provincial had rendered them always respectable, and sometimes dangerous. Their influence was augmented with the progress of superstition; and the establislunent of the French monarchy may, in some degree, be ascribed to the firm alliance of an hundred prelates, who reigned in the discontented or independent cities of assemblies

Gaul. The slight foundations of the Armorican republic had been repeatedly shaken or overthrown; but the same people still guarded their domestic freedom; asserted the dignity of the Roman name; and bravely resisted the predatory inroads and regular attacks of Clovis, who laboured to extend iiis conquests from the Seine to the Loire. Their successful opposition introduced an equal and honourable union. The Franks esteemed the valour of the Armoricans;®® and the Armoricans were reconciled by the religion of the Franks. The military force which had been stationed for the defence of Gaul consisted of one hundred diffetent bands of cavalry or infantry ; and these troops, while they assumed the title and privileges of Roman soldiers, were renewed by an incessant supply of the barbarian youth. The extreme fortifications and scattered fragments of the empire were still defended by their hopeless courage. But their retreat was in-

and

communication was imabandoned by the Greek princes of Constantinople, and they piously disclaimed all connection with the Arian usurfxirs of Gaul. They accepted, without shame or reluctance, the generous capitulation which was proposed by a catholic hero; and the spurious or legitimate progeny of the Roman legions was distinguished in the succe('ding age by their arms, their ensigns, and their peculiar dress and institutions. But the national strength was increased by these powerful and voluntary accessions; and the neighbouring kingdoms dreaded the numbers as well as the spirit of the Franks. tercepted,

their

practicable: they were

The reduction of the northern provinces of Gaul, instead of being decided by the chance of a

have been slowly efby the gradual operation of war and treaty; and Clovis acquired each object of his ambition by such efforts br such concessions as were adequate to its real value, //if savage character and the virtues of Henry IV. suggest the most opposite ideas of human nature; yet some single battle, appears to

fected

resemblance

may

be found in the situation of

two princes who conquered France by their valour, their policy, and the merits of a seasonable conversion.**

The kingdom of the Burgundians, which was

Roman Empire

defined by the course of two Gallic rivers, the Saone and the Rhdne, extended from the forest of Vosges to the Alps and the sea of Marseilles.*’ The sceptre was in the hands of Gundobald.

That valiant and ambitious prince had reduced number of royal candidates by the death of two brothers, one of whom was the father of the

Clotilda;®* but his imperfect prudence still permitted Godegesil, the youngest of his brothers,

to possess the dependent principality of Geneva.

The Arian monarch was justly alarmed by

the

and the hopes which seemed to animate his clergy and people after the conversion of Clovis; and Gundobald convened at Lyons an assembly of his bishops, to reconcile, if it were possible, their religious and political discontents. A vain conference was agitated between the two factions. The Arians upbraided satisfaction

the catholics with the worship of three (iods: the catholics defended their cause by theological distinctions; and the usual arguments, objections,

and

replies

obstinate clamour,

till

were reverberated with the king revealed his se-

cret afiprehensions

by an abrupt but decisive

which he

addre.sscd to the orthodox

question,

bishops: “If you truly profess the Christian reli-

why do you not restrain the king of the Franks? He has declared war against me, and forms alliances with my enemies for my destruction. A sanguinary and covetous mind is not the symptom of a sincere conversion: let him show his faith by his works.” The answer of Avitus, bishop of Vienne, who spoke in the name ol his brethren, was delivered with the voice and countenance of an angel. “Wc are ignorant of the motives and intentions ol the king of the I ranks: but wc arc taught by Scrijiturc that the kingdoms which abandon the divine laws arc frequently subverted; and that enemies will arise on every side against those who have made God their enemy. Return, with thy people, to the law of God, and he w’iil give peace and security to thy dominions.” The king of Burgundy, who was not prepared to accept the condition which the catholics considered as essential to the treaty, delayed and dismissed the ecclesiasiical conference, after reproaching his bishops, that Clogion,

vis, their friend

and

proselyte,

tempted the allegiance of

had privately

his brother.®*

The allegiance of his brother was already seduced; and the obedience of Godegesil, who joined the royal standard with the troops of Geneva, more effectually promoted the success of the conspiracy. While the Franks and Burgundians contended with equal valour, his seasonable desertion decided the event of the battle

The and

as

Thirty-eighth Chapter

Gundobald was faintly supported by the

disaffected Gauls, he yielded to the

arms of from the field, which appears to have been situate between Langres and Dijon. He distrusted the strength of Dijon, a quadrangular fortress, encompassed by two rivers and by a wall thirty feet high and fifteen thick, with four gates and thirty- three he abandoned to the pursuit of Clovis towers the important cities of Lyons and Vienne; and Gundobald still fled with precipitation till he had reached Avignon, at the distance of two hundred and lifty miles from the field of battle. A long siege and an artful negotiation admonished the king of the Franks of the danger and difficulty of his enterprise. He imposed a tribute on the Burgundian prince, compelled him to pardon and reward his brother’s treachery, and proudly returned to his own dominions with the spoils and captives of the southern provinces. This splendid triumph was soon clouded by the Clovis,

and

hastily retreated

Gundobald had

613

severe admonition from one of his attendants: “It is not his situation, king! it is thine which deserves pity and lamentation.” The reproaches

O

of a guilty conscience were alleviated, how’ever,

by

monastery of or St. Maurice, in Vailais; which he

his liberal donations to the

Agaunum,

himself had founded in honour of the imaginary martyrs of the Thcbrean legion.*^ A full chorus of perpni e Iroin spiritual and temporal bondage; and two hundred and lilty skives ol both sexes were baptised by their indulgent nuisicr.

The kingdom

ol Sussex, which spread from tlie hames, (ontained seven thousand families, twelve hundred wire ascribed to the Isle of Wight; and, il vve multiply this v'ague computation, it may seem probable that ICnglarid was cultivated by a million ol servants, or villains, who were at tat lied to the estates of thenarbitrary landlords. The indigent barbarian> were often tempted to sell their children or themselves into perpetual, and even foreign, bondage*;'"- yet the special exemptions which were granted to national slaves* sulhciently declare that they were much less numerous than the

sea to the

1

and captives who had lost their libchanged their masters, by the accidents war. When time and religion had mitigated

strangers erty, or ol

petual influx

the lierce spirit of the Anglo-baxon-s, the laws

colonics.

encouraged the fiecjuent practice of manuinis-

said to

have obeyed the summons of Hengist;'*^

the entire emigration of the Angles

was attested,

in the age of Bede, by the solitude of their native country;'^**

and our experience has shown

the free propagation of the human race, if they are cast on a fruitful wilderness, where their steps are unconfined, and their subsistence is plentiful.

The Saxon kingdoms

face of recent discovery

and

displayed the

cultivation: the

towns were small, the villages were distant; the

sion;

and

their subiect.s, of

extraction,

assumed the

Welsh or Cambrian

rcsplir was uiKxpial to the support of their united lorc««. A subsidy ol two thousand

pounds ovc thirty thousand persons were slain in the merciless and promiscuous

falling edifices,

carnage of the day. Hypatius w^as dragged from his throne, and conducted with his brother Pompey to the feet of the emperor; they implored his clemency, but their crime was manifest, their innocence uncertain, and Justinian had been too much terrified to forgive. The next morning the two nephews of Anastasius, with eighteen illustrious accomplices, of patrician or consular rank, were privately executed

by the soldiers, their bodies were throwm into the sea, their palaces razed, and their fortunes confiscated.

The hippodrome

demned, during

itself

nent danger and his unworthy fears. “If flight,” “were the only means of safety, yet I should disdain to flv.

silence; with the restoration of the

Dea'h 1 llic condition of our birth, but they who have reigned should never survive the loss of dignity and dominion. I implore Heaven

ian,

said the consort ol Justinian,

.

may

never be seen, not a day, without I may no longer behold the light w'hen 1 cease to be saluted with the name of t|ueoli and Scstus, had not been secured by their peculiar foriifications. The lon(f wall, as it was emphatically styled, wa'i a W'ork as disgraceful in the object as it was reintervals

spectable in the execution. The riches of a cajiital dill use thcmselvt‘s over the neighbouring

countrv, and the territory of Constantinople, a paradise of nature, was adorned with the luxurious gardens

and

villas of the senators

and

opulent cili/ens. But their wealth served only to attract the bold and rapacious barbarians; the noblest of the Roman.s, in the bosom of peaceful indolence, were led awa> into Scythian captivity; and their sovereign might view Irom his palace the hostile flames which were insolently spread to the gales of the Imperial citv. \{ the distance only ol forty miles, .\n,isiasiiis was constrained to establish a last frontier; his long wall of sixty miles, from the Propontis to the Euxine, proclaimed liic impotence of his arms; and as the danger became more imminent, new fortifications were added by the indefatigable pru-

dence of Justinian."** Asia Minor, after the submission of the Isaurians,"** remained without enemies and without fortifications. Those bold savages, who had disdained to be the subjects of Gallienus, persisted two hundred and thirty years in a life of independenee and rapine. The most successful princes respected the strength of the mountains

and the despair

of the natives: their fierce spirit

Decline and Fall of the

666

was sometimes soothed with gifts, and sometimes restrained by terror; and a military count, with three legions, fixed his permanent and ignominious station in the heart of the Roman provinces.'-® But no sooner was the vigilance of power relaxed or diverted, than the lightarmed squadrons descended from the hills, and invaded the peaceful plenty of ^\sia. Although the Isaurians were not remarkable for stature or bravery, want rendered them bold, and experience made them skilful in the exercise of predatory war. They advanced with secrecy and speed to the attack of villages and defenceless towns; their flying parties have sometimes touched the Hellespont, the Euxine, and the gates of Tarsus, Antioch, or Damascus;'^' and the spoil was lodged in their inaccessible mountains, before the Roman troops had received their orders, or the distant province had computed its loss. The guilt of rebellion and robbery excluded them from the rights of national enemies; and the magistrates were instructed by an edict, that the trial or punishment of an Isaurian, even on the festival of Easter, was a meritorious act of justice and pietv.*-^ If the captives were

condemned

to domestic slavery,

they maintained, with their sword or dagger, the private quarrel of their masters; and it was

found expedient for the public tranquillity to prohibit the ser\'icc of such dangerous retainers.

When

their

countryman

Tarcalissai'us or

Zeno

ascended the throne, he invited a faitliful and formidable band of Isaurians, who insulted the court and city, and were reweirded by an annual tribute of five thousand pounds of gold. But the hopes of fortune depopulated the mountains, luxury enervated the hardiness of their minds and bodies, and, in proportion as they mixed with mankind, they became less qualified for the enjoyment of poor and solitary freedom. After the death of Zeno, his successor Anastasius suppressed their pensions, exposed their persons to the revenge of the people, banished them from Constantinople, and prepared to sustain a war which left only the alternative of victory or servitude. A brother of the last emperor usurped the title of Augustus; his cause was powerfully suppoited by the arms, the treasures, and the magazines collected by Zeno; and the native Isaurians must have formed the

hundred and fifty thousand barbarians under his standard, which was sanctified for the first time by the presence of a fighting bishop. Their disorderly numbers were vanquished in the plains of Phrygia Ly the valour and discipline of the Goths, but a war of six

smallest portion of the

Roman Empire emmoun-

years almost exhausted the courage of the peror.***

The

Isaurians retired to their

tains, their fortresses w'cre successively besieged

and ruined,

their

communication with the sea

W'as intercepted, the bravest of their leaders died in arms, the surviving chiefs before their execu-

tion were dragged in chains through the hippo-

drome, a colony of their youth was transplanted into Thrace, and the remnant of the people submitted to the Roman government. Yet some generations elapsed before their minds w'cre reduced to the level of slavery. The populous villages of Mount Taurus were filled with horse-

men and

archers; they resisted the imposition

of tributes, but they recruited the armies of

Justinian; and his civil magistrates, the proconsul of Cappadocia, the count of Isauria, and the praetors of

Lycaonia and

were invested

Pisidia,

with military powder to restrain the licentious practice of rapes and assassinations.'*^ If vve extend our view from the tropic to the mouth of the Tanais, we mav observe, on one hand, the precautions of Justinian to euib the savages of iEthiopia,'-*^ and, on the other, the long walls which he constructed in Crima^a for the protection of his friendly Goths, a colony of three thousand shepherds and w'arriors.'** from that peninsula to 'Irebi/ond the eastern cuive of the Euxine was secured by forts, by alienee, or bv religion; and the possession of Ld^ua^ tlic Colchos of ancient, the Mingrelia of mod frontier tasted the full measure of iia caldiiiities 1 he gold of Anasiasius was ofltred too late, the numbti of his troops was defe ited b\ thi numbe r of their generals, the eounti> was snipped of its inhabitants, and both the living and the dead were abandoned to the wild beasts of the dese it 1 he resistance of I dessa and the deiieu ncy of spoil inclined the

mind

of C abadis to peace, he sold

an exoibit int piiet anel the same line, though marktd with si lughtei ind devastation, still si p u ited the two enipiies lo aveit the repctitun of the same imIs Anistasius resolved to found a new eolonv, so stiong that it should defv the power ol the Persian so far advanced towirds \ssvria that its stationary troops might defe nd the prov me bv the me n^ee his eonqutNts for

i

or operation of oflensivi vvai foi this purpose fouiteen miles fiorn Nisithe town of Dai a bis and four divs journev fiom the Tigiis was peopled and adorned the hasty woiks uf \n istasius were impioved b> the peisevei nice of Justinian, and, without insisting

impoitant, the loitifieations sent the militarv city

ol

on

plaees less

Dan may le pie-

irchiti eiiire of the age

was surrounded with two

interval between them, ol

wills,

I

he

and the

paces afforded a Ihc inner wall was a monument of strength and be lutv md the It measured sixty feet from the ground height of the to\>ers was one hundred feet, the loopholes from whence inenernv might be annoved with missile weapons we le small but nufitt>

retreat to the cattle of the besieged

merous, the soldi! rs were planted alemg the rampart, under the shelter of double gilleiies, and a third platform spacious and seeun, was raised on the summit ol the towe rs 1 he exterior wall appears to have been less lofty, but more solid, and each lower was protected by a ejuadrangular bulwark A lurd roe ky soil rc’^istcd the texils ol the mine rs, and on the south-east wh< re the ground was more tractable, thi ir appro ich was retaided by a new work, which idvanecd in the shajie of a half-moon The double and treble ditches were filled with a stream of water,

and

in the

skilful

management

of the river lie

labour was employed to supply the in-

habitants, to distress the be siege

vent

nieist

the

is,

and

to pre-

mischiefs of a natuial nr artificial in-

undation Dara e ontmued more than sixty v< ais fulfil the widies of its founders and lo provoke the jealousy of the Pe rsians, w ho incessantly complained that this impregnable forlicss had been constructed in manifest violation of to

Roman Empire

the treaty of peace between the two empires. Between the Euxinc and the Caspian the countries of Colchos, Iberia, and Albania arc interscetid in every direction by the branches of Mount Cauiasiis and the two priiuipjl or passes fiom noilh to south, have been

m

ficquenlly confounded of the ancients

geograph\ both

the

and moderns

I he

name

Cav-

of

properly applied to Dcrbcnd,''^'* which oeeupies a short deeliviiv between the mount iins and the sea, the cit\ if we give credit to local tradition, had be en foundor

gatis

is

ed b\ the Ciiteks and this dangerems entraiiee was foi titled by the kings of Persia with a mole double walls and eloeiis of non Hit //e; w/i gites' aie foiineel by a naiiow pissage ol si\ miles in Mount C me isus w hieh opens fioin the northern side of Ibe n i oi (le orgi i intei the pi nn that reaches to the I in us and the Volgi \ ’

fortress

designed by \ltx inder peril ips or

of his sue lessors

to

eominand

that

e

ne

impoiimt

pass liid distended b\ light of eonquest oi in

hint met to i piuut i mode rate piiee

itfor

Anistasius piuseci

puted riv

tlie

d

the

clist

isns

1

tinioioush ton

met a nmrt

lele s

he

v\hoofhictI

emperor biitwhil

while he

ind C ib

thcstrntsufC me

an

it)

cost ukI the

Intel pose

il

ol the Iliins

\igil

lore iblv oe

Mbiniin

e

md

gitesexelucieel the horse me n of Sevihi

the shoitest iiid

whole fiont

ol

riinjiirt ol

the

md

i

fb i

f

ii

m

lit

most prielie ible ro ids inci the \ the mount nns was eoveud (lOg and Magog the lem^ w dl I

which his excited ealiph^'

mt

npie

the

Russi

m

euiiositv of e

onejue loi

an \rabi

tii

\ceorelnu

ee nt df s( iption huge stones scMnleet Iwenlv e>ne ktt length or height ne artiheallv |om( ei without ire>n or eeineni to eoinpost a w ill which runs abo\c thiee Iiiin

to

i

le

I

m

thie k

dred miles frtnn the shejie s ol De rbe nd (j\trtlie hills 'inel through the v illtys oi 1) ighest m and Georgii Without i Msion sue h a weirk might be undcrtiken by the policN of Cabades without a iniiacle it might be aceomplished by his son so foi inidable to the Romans unde r the name ol Chosroe s, so dear to the One nlals uncle r the ap prlUtion eif Nushiiwan Ihe Persian mem tie Ii held in his h md the ke vs botli of pt ace and w ir, but he stipulated in every treaty that Justiiu m should conliibutt lo the expense e3f a eoiiimoii hairier which erjually protected the two empires fiom the inroads of the Scythians

VI

Juslini in supj)ies eel the schoeils of \ll

ens and given so

the

consulship of Rome, which lud Sages and heroes to mankind

many

Bfjth these institutions had long since degenerated from their primitive glory, yet some re-

The may be

Fortieth Chapter

on the avarice and jealousy of a prince by whose hand such

proach

justly inflicted

venerable ruins .were destroyed. Athens, after her Persian triumphs, adopted the philosophy of Ionia and the rhett^ric of

and these .studies became the patrimony a city whose inhabitants, about thirty thou-

Sicily;

of

sand males, condensed, within the period of a sinule

life,

the genius of ages

srmt* of the dignity of

and

Imman

nature

bv the simple recollection that the

is

the

first

Our

exalted

Isocrates*^^

companion of Plato and Xenophon;

assisted, perh.ips

at

millions.

was

that he

with the historian rhucydides,

representaiioiis of the (Fdipus of

Sophocles and

tin*

that his pupils

Aw

tend(*d ior the

crown of patriotism

Iphigcnia of l.uripides; and hines and 1 )einosthenes conin the pres-

ence of Aristotle, the master of Theophrastus, taught at Athens with the founders of the Sioie and bpieurcan sects.’ ^^The ingenious vouth ol Attiea enjoyed the benefits of thc for the T'anais, they place the field of battle in the plains of Scythia.

modern face of the country is a just representation of the ancient, since, in the hands of the Cossacks, it still remains in a state of nature. 29. In the sixteenth chapter of Jornandes, instead of secundo Marsiam, we may venture to substitute secundam, the second Marsia, of which Marcianopolis was certainly the capital (Hierocics

43. Aurelius Victor allows two distinct actions for the deaths of the two Decii; but I have pre-

and even

Bell (vol.

ferred the account of Jornandes.

have venture d to copy from Tacitus (An64) the picture of a similar engagement be-

46. I nal.

i.

tween a

Roman army and

a

German

47* Jornandes, c. 18. Zosimus,

1. i.

tribe. [c.

23] p. 22.

\

Notes; Chapter

x

699

20] p. 627. Aurelius Victor.

from an accidental circumstance fully canvassed by Tillemont, tom. iii. p, 710, 1181.

l>cii were killed before the end of the year two hundred and iifty-one, since the new princes took possession of the consulship on the ensuing calends of January. 49. Hist. August, p. 223 [Vopcsc. Aur. c. 42] gives them a very honourable place among the small number of good emperors who reigned be-

71. Plin. Hist. Natur. xvi. i. The panegyrists frequently allude to the moras&cs of the Franks. 72. Tacit. Germania, c. 30, 37.

ZonaraSy

1.

[Epitome

c. 29].

48.

xii.

[c.

The

tween Augustus and Diocletian. 50. Haec ubi Patres compercre

. . . decernunt. Victor in Ca:saribus [c. 30]. 51. Zonaras, 1. xii. [c. 21] p. 628. 52. A Sella, a Toga, and a golden Patera of five pounds weight, were accepted with joy and giatitude by the wealthy king of Egypt (Livy, xxvii. 4). Qjiina Mtllia JEris, a weight oi copper in value about eighteen pounds sterling, was the usual present made to foreign ambassadors (lavy, xxxi. 9). 53. See the firmness of a Roman general so late as the time of Alexander Severus, in the Excerpta Lc’gationum, p. 25, edit. Louvre. 54. Jornandes, c. 19, and Victor in Carsaribus. 55. These improbable accusations arc alleged by Zosimus, 1. i. p. 23, 24. 5O. lornandes, c. 19. 'Lhe Oothic writer at least obscivcu tlic peace which his victorious country-

men had sworn

to Callus.

1.

ix. c.

6 says

tertio

1.

station Valerian's

i.

anny

notis

Zosimus, 1. i. p. 27. M. de Brequigny (Mem. dc I’Acad. tom. xxx.) has given us a very curious life of Posthumus. A series of the Augustan History from Medals ami Inscriptions has been more than once planned, and is still much wanted. 77. Aurel. Victor, r. 33. Instead of Pane direpio, both the sense and the expression require deleto: though, indeed, for different reasons, it is alike 75.

76.

difficult to correct the text of the best,

and

tlie

worst, writers. 78. In the time of Ausonius (the end of the fourth century) Herda or l^-rida was in a very ruinous state, which probably was the consequence of this invasion. Aus. ep. 23, 8. 79. Valesius is then-fore xni.stakcn in supposing that the Franks had invaded Spain by the sea. 80. Aurel. Victor. Eutrop. ix. 6.

i i

—

mense. Euse-

84. Cicsar in Bello Gallico, iv. 7.

85. Victor in Caracal,

p. 28.

cum

dc Rcpublica Helvct.

82. Cluver.

Eutropius and Victor

in Kha'tia.

He was about

seventy at the time of his accession, or, as it is more probable, of his death. Hist. August, p. 173. rillcmont, Hist, des Erapereurs, tom. iii. p. 893, note i. 64. InimicusTyrannoriim. Hist. August, p. 173. In the glorious struggle of the senate against Maximin, Valerian acted a very spirited part. Hist. August, p. 156. 65. According to the distinction of Victor, he seems to have received the title of Imperaior from the army, and that of Augustus from the senate. 66. From Victor and from the iTU'dals, Tille63.

74. Simler Fuselin.

ves-

81. Tacit.

bius omits this emp*ut. xvi. 16, the commentators, and a very sensible note in the Universal History, vol. i. p. boj, edit. fol. 13. When Poinpey, using or abusing the right of comiuest, entered into the Holy of Holies, it was observed with amazement, “Nulla intus Drum efligie, vacuam sc'dein et inania areana.** Tacit. Hist. V. 9. It was a popular saying, with regard to the Jews, Nil praeter nubes et coeli numen adorant. 14. \ second kind of eireumcision w'as inflicted on a Samaritan or Egyptian prosedyte. The sullen indifference of the Talmudists, with respect to the conversion of strangers, may be seen in Basnage, Histoire des Juifes, 1 v. c. 6. 15. 'Ihcse arguments were urged with great ingenuity by the Jt w Orobio, and refuted with equal ingenuity and canduui by the Christian Limborch. See the Arnica Collatio (it well deserves that name), or account of the dispute beUveen them. 16. Jesus . . . circumcisiis erat; cibis utebatur .

xvii. 6,

Havercamp.

Philo

is

1 . ii. [c.

by Zosimus,

sian writer

i.

A Jewish sc*ct, which indulged themselves in a

719

111. Zosimus,

Chapter Oriens

xv

Notes: Chapter

720

Judaicis; vcstit(!k simili; purgatos scabie mittcbat ad saccrdotes; Pasrhata et alios dies festos religiose observabat: si quos sanavit sabbatho, ostmdit non tantum ex lege, sod ct ex receptis st'ntentis, talia

opera sabbatho non interdicta. Grotius de

A

little Veritate Rcligionis Christianse, 1. v. c. 7. afterwards (c. 12) he expatiates on the condescension of the apostles.

17.

Pacnc oinnes Christum l>eum sub legis ob-

servationc credebant. Sulpicius Severus, ii. 31. See Eusebius, Hist. Ecclesiast, 1. iv. c. 5. 18. Mosheim dc Rebus Christianis ante Constantinum Magnum, p. 153. In this niasteily per-

formance, which 1 shall often have occasion to quote, he enters much more fully into the state of the primitive church than he has an oppoitunity of doing in his General History. 19. £us(‘bius, 1. iii. c. 3. Le Clcrc, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 605. During this occasional absence, the bishop and chuich of Pella still retained th:tify the pride of birth (The Spirit of Laws, 1 . xxx. c. 25) by dating the origin of French nobility from the reign of Clotaire II. (a.d. 615). 75. §cc the Burgundian laws (tit. ii. in tom. iv. p. 357), the code of the Visigoths (1 . vi. tit. v. in tom. iv. p. 363), and the constitution of Chldeberty not of Paris, but most evidently of Austrasia (in

Agobard, bbhop of Lyons, solicited Lewb the Pious to abolish the law of an Arian tyrant (in tom. vi. p. 356-358). He relates the conversation of Gundobald and Avitus. 83. “Accidit (says Agobard), ut non solum valentes viribus, sed etiam infirmi et senes lacessantur ad [ceitamen et] pugnam, etiam pro vilbsimb

74.

The

Anlrustiones^ qui in truste

leudt, fiddeSy

rebus.

Quibus

feralibus certaminibus contingunt

88o

Notes; Chapter xxxvin

hoimcidui injusta, et crudcles ac perverai eventus judiciorum” [tom. vi. p. 357]. Like a prudent rh^orician, he suppresses the legal privilege of luring champions. 84. Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, xxviii. c. the judicial combat was 14), who understands admitted by the Burgundians, Ripuarians, Alemanni, Bavarians, Lombards, Thuringians, Frisons, and Saxons, is satisfied (and Agobard seems to countenance the assertion) that it was not allowed by the Salic law. Yet the same custom, at least in cases of treason, is mentioned by Ermoldus Nigellus (1. iii. 543, in tom. vi. p. 48) and the anonymous biographer of Lewis the Pious (c. 46, in tom. vi. p. 1 12), as the “mos antiqiius Francorum, more Francis solito,*’ etc., expressions too general to exclude the noblest of their tribes. 85. Csrsar de Bell. Gall. 1. i. c. 31, in tom. i. p. 213. 86.

The

obscure hints of a division of lands occasionally scattered in the laws of the Burgundians (tit. liv. No. 1, 2, in tom. iv. p. 271, 272) and Visigoths (1. x. tit. i. No. 8, 9, 16, in tom. iv. p. 428, 429* 430) are skilfully explained by the President Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, 1. xxx. c. 7, 8, 9). 1 shall only add that, among the Goths, the division seems to have been ascertained by the judgment of the neighbourhood; that the barbatians frequently usurped the remaining third\ and that the Romans might recover their right, unless they were barred by a prescription of fifty years. 87. It is singular enough that the President dc Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, 1. xxx. c. 7) and the Abb6 de Mably (Observations, tom. i, p. 21,

22) agree in this strange supposition of arbitrary and private rapine. The Count dc Boulainvillicrs (Etat de la France, tom. i. p. 22, 23) shows a strong understanding through a cloud of ignorance and prejudice. 88. See the rustic edict, or rather code, of Charlemagne, which contains seventy distinct and minute regulations of that great monarch (in tom. v. p. 652-657). He requires an account of the horns and skins of the goals, allows his fish to be sold, and carefully directs that the larger villas (Capitanea) shall maintain one hundred hens and thirty geese, and the smaller {Mansionales) fifty hens and twelve geese. Mabillon (de Re Diplomatic^) has investigated the names, the number, and the situation of the Merovingian villas. 89. From a passage of the Burgundian law (tit. i. No. 4 [3] in tom. iv. p. 257) it b evident that a deserving son might expect to hold the lands which his lather had received from the royal bounty of Gundobald. The Burgundians would firmly maintain their privilege,

and

their

example might en-

courage the beneficiaries of France. 90. The revolutions of the benefices clearly fixed by the Abb£ de Mably.

and

fiefs

arc

Hb accurate

him a merit to which even Montesquieu b a stranger. 91. Stt the Salic law (tit hdi in tom. iv.p. 156).

distinction of timis gives

The

origin and nature of these Salic lands, which in times of ignorance were perfectly understood, now perplex our most learned and sagacious

critics.

92. Many of the two hundred and six miracles of St. Martin (Greg. Turon. in Maximi Bibliothecft Patruni, tom. xi. p. 896-932) were repeatedly performed to punish sacrilege. Audite haec omnes (exclaims the bishop of Tours) potestatem habentes, after relating how some horses ran mad that had been turned into a sacred meadow, 93. Heinec. Element. Jur. German. 1, ii. p. 1^

No.

8.

94. Jonas, bishop of Orleans (a.d. 821-826; Llave, Hist. Litteraria, p. 443), censures the Itgal

tyranny of the nobles. J^o feris, quas cura hominuin nun aluit, sed Deus in commune mortalibus ad utendum concessit, pauperes a potentioiibus spoliantur, flagellantur, ergastulis dettniduntur, et multa alia patiuntur. Hoc enim qui faciunt, legs mundi se facere juste posse contendiint. Dc Institu-

tione Laicorum, 1. ii. c. 23, apud Thomassin, Disciplinc de TEglisc, tom. iii. p. 1348. a mere suspicion, Chundo, a chainber95.

On

Gontram, king of Burgundy, was stoned to death (Greg. Furon. 1. x. c. 10, in lom. ii, p. 369). John of Salisbury (Policrat. 1. i. c. 4) asserts the lain of

and exposes the cruel practice of the twelfth century. Sec Heineccius, Elcm. Jur, Germ. 1. ii, p. i, No. 51-57. 96. The custom of enslaving prisoners of war was totally extinguished in the thirteenth century by the prevailing influence of Christianity; but it might be proved, from frequent passages of Cregory of Tours, etc., that it was practised without censure under the Merovingian race; and even Grotius himself (de Juic Belli et Pacis, 1. iii. c. 7), as well as his commentator Barbeyrac, have laboured to reconcile it with the laws of nature and rights of nature,

reason. 97. The state, professions, etc., of the German, Italian, and Gallic slaves, during the middle ages,

are explained by Heincxcius (Element. Jur.

Germ,

No. 28-47), Muratori (Dissertat. xiv. xv.)f Ducangc (Gloss, sub voce Servi), and the Abb6 de 1.

i.

Mably

(Observations, tom.

ii.

p. 3, etc., p. 237,

etc.).

98. Gregory of Tours (1. vi. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 289) relates a memorable example, in which Chil* pcric only abused the private rights of a master.

Many families, which belonged to his domusfiscaUs in the neighbourhood of Paris, were forcibly sent away into Spain. I Licentiam habe^tis mihi qualemcunque vodisciplinam ppnere; vel venumdare, aut quod vobis placuerit 4e me facere. Marculf. Formul. 1. ii. 28, in tom. iv. p. 497. The Formtda of Lindenhrogius (p. 559), and that of Anjou (p. 565), are to the same effect. Gregory of Tours (1. vii. c. 45, in tom. ii. p. 0 speaks of many persons who sold themselves to bread in a great tonine. 100. When Ga»ar saw it, he laughed (Plutarch. 99.

lueritis

Notes: Chapter in Caesar [The Lives of the

Romans])

he

Gergovia with

from a great

Noble Grecians and

relates

less

man

his unsuccessful siege of frankness than we might expect to whom victory was familiar.

He

acknowledges, however, that in one attack he lost forty-six centurions and seven hundred men (de Bell. Gallico, 1. vi. [vii.] c. 44-53, in tom. i. p. 270-272). 101 Audebant se quondam fratres Latio dicerc, et sanguine ab lliacx> populos computare (Sidon. Apollinar. 1. vii. Epist. 7, in tom. i. p. 799;. 1 arn not informed of the degrees and circumstances of .

this fabulous pedigree.

102. Either the first or second partition among the sons of Clovis had given Berry to Childebert (Greg. Turon. 1. iii. c. 12, in tom. ii. p. 192). Vc-

lim (said he), Arvernam Lemanem^ qua* tantae jocunditatis gratis refulgcre dicitur, oculis cernere (1. iii. c. 9, p. 1 91). 'riic face of the country was concealed by a thick fog when the king of Paris made his entry into Clermont. 103. For tlic description of Auvergne, see Sidonius (1. iv. Epist. 21, in tom. i. p. 793), with the notes of Savaron and Sirmond (p. 279 and 51 of their respective editions). Boulainvillicrs (Etat

de

242-268), and the Abb6 de la Longuerue (Description de la France, part i. p, 133-13/)^ 104. Furorem gentium, quae de ulteriore Rheni amnis parte vcncrant, superare non poterat (Greg. I’uron. 1. iv. c. 50, in tom. ii. 229), was the excuse of another king of Austrasia (a.d. 574) for the ravages which his troops committed in the neighbourliood of Paris. 1 05. From the name and situation, the Benedictine editors of Gregory of Tours (in tom. ii. p. 192) have fixed this fortress at a place named Chattel Merliae^ two miles from Mauriac, in the Upper Auvergne. In this description I translate infra as if I read mtra; the two prepositions are perpetually confounded by Gregory or his transcribers, and the sense must always decide. 1 06. Sec these revolutions and wars of Auvergne in Gregory of Tours (1. ii. c. 37, in tom. ii. p. 183, and 1. iii. c. 9, 12, 13, p. 191, 192, de Miraculis St.

la France,

tom.

ii.

p.

Julian, c. 13, in tom. ii. p. 466). He frequently betrays his extraordinary attention to his native

country.

xxxvm

881

Nobilis antiquft decurrens prole parentum, Nobiltor gestis, nunc super astra manet. 109. Arbiter ante ferox, dein pius ipse sacerdos,

Quos domuit judex,

fovit amore patris. As M. de Valois and the P. Ruinart are determined to change the Mosella of the text into Mosa, it becomes me to acquiesce in the alteration. Yet, after some examination of the topography, 1

could defend the

common

reading.

no. The parents of Gregory (Gregorius

Flo-

were of noble extraction (nataJibus illustres), and they possessed large estates {latijundia) both in Auvergne and Burgundy. He was born in the year 539, was consecrated bishop of Tours in 573, and died in 593 or 595, soon after he had terminated his history. Sec his Life by Odo, abbot of Clugny (in tom. ii. p. 1 29-1 35), and a new Life in the Memoires de 1’ Academic, etc., rentius Georgius) ,

tom. xxvi. p. 598-637. 111. Decedente atquc immo potius pereunte ab urbibus Gallicanis libcralium culture litcrarum, etc. (in prarfat. in tom. ii. p. 137), is the complaint of Gregory himself, which he fully verifies by his own work. His style is equally devoid of elegance and simplicity. In a conspicuous station he still remained a stranger to his own age and country; and in a prolix work (the five last books contain ten years) he has omitted almost everything that posterity desiri^ to learn. I have tediously acquired, by a painful perusal, the right of pronouncing this Unfavourable sentence. 1 1 2. The Abb6 de Mably (tom. i. p. 247-267) has diligently confirmed this opinion of the President de Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, L xxx. C. 13). 1

13.

See Dubos, Hist. Critique de

Frangoisc, tom.

ii. 1.

vi. c. 9, 10.

la

Monarchic

The French antithat the Romans

quarians establish as a principle anil barbarians may be distinguished by their names. Their names undoubtedly form a reasonable presumption; yet, in reading Gregory of Tours, I have observed Gondulphus, of Senatorian or Roman extraction (1. vi. c. 1 1, in tom. ii. p. 273), and Claudius, a barbarian (1. vii. c. 29, p. 303). 114. Eunius Mummolus is repeatedly mentioned by Gregory of Tours, from the fourth (c. 42, p. 224) to the seventh (c. 40, p. 310) book. The computation by talents is singular enough; but if Greg-

107. The story of Attalus is related by Gregory of Tours (1. iii. c. 15, in tom. ii. p. 193“* 95)- His editor, the P. Ruinart, confounds this Attalus, who was a youth {piur) in the year 532, with a friend of Sidonius of the same name, who was count of

ory attached any meaning to that obsolete word, the treasures of Mummolus must have exceeded

Autun fifty or sixty years brfore. Such an error, which cannot be imputed to ignorance, is excused in some degree by its own magnitude.

1 16. The bishop of Tours himself has recorded the complaint of Ghilperic, the grandson of Clovis. Ecce pauper remansit fiscus nostcr; cccc divitiae nostrar ad ecclesias sunt translatae: nulli penitus nisi soli Episcopi regnant (1. vi. c. 46, in tom. ii. p.

Gregory, the great-grandfather of (in tom. ii. p. 197, 490), lived ninety-two years, of which he passed forty as count of Autun, and thirty-two as bishop of Langres. According to the poet Fortunatus, he displayed equal 108. This

Gregory of

Toun

merit in these different stations:—

£100,000 sterling. 1 5. Sec Fleury, Discours 1

iii.

sur PHistoire

Eo

cl^siastique.

* 9 *).

See the Ripuarian Code (tit. xxxvi. in tom. 241 ). The Salic law does not provide for the safety of the clergy; and we might suppose, on the 1

1

7.

iv. p.

1

Notes; Chapter xxxvni

889

behalf of the more civilised tribe, that they had not foreseen such an impious act as the murder of a priest Yet Prsetextatus, archbishop of Rouen, was assassinated by the order of queen FVedegundis before the altar (Greg. Turon. 1 viii. c. 31, in tom. .

p. 326). 118. M.

ii.

scriptions,

Bonamy (M6m. de T Academic

des In-

p. 589-670) has ascertained Rusticoy which, through the

tom. xxiv.

ancestors. 1 19. Ge beau systtae a ^t6 trouv£ dans Ics bois. Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, 1 xi. c. 6. 190. See the Abb6 de Mably, Observations, etc., tom. i. p. 34-56. It should seem that the institution of national assemblies, which are coeval with the French nation, has never been congenial to its temper. Gregory of Tours ( 1 viii. c. 30, in tom. ii. p. 1 2 1 395-326) relates, with much indifference, the crimes, the reproof, and the apology. Nullus Re129. gem metuit, nuUus Dueem, nullus Goinitem reveretur; et si fortassis alicui ista displicent, et ea, pro .

.

longarvitate vitae vestrae,

.

emendare conatur, statim

seditio in populo, statim tumultus exoritur, et in

tantum unusquisque contra seniorem, saevA intentione grassatur, ut vix se credat evadere, si tandem silere nequiverit. Spain in these dark ages has been peculiarly unfortunate. The Franks had a Gregory of Tours; the Saxons, or Angles, a Bede; the Lombards, a Paul Wamefrid, etc. But the history of the Visigoths is contained in the short and imperfect Chronicles of Isidore of Seville and John of Biclar. 123. Such are the complaints qf St. Boniface, the apostle of Germany and the reformer of Gaul (in tom. iv. p. 94).^ The fourscore years which he deplores of licence and corruption would seem to insinuate that the barbarians were admitted into the clergy about the year 660. 124. The acts of the councils of Toledo are still the most authentic records of the church and constitution of Spain. The following passages are par-

important:— hi. 17, 18; iv. 75; v. 2, 3, 4, 5, 8; vi. II, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18; vii. i; xiii. 2, 3, 6. have found Mascou (Hist, of the Ancient Gerticularly

mans, XV. 29, and Annotations, xxvi. and xxxiii.) and Ferreras (Hist. G 6n 4raie de I’Espagne, tom. very uaefol and accurate guides. The Code of the Visigoths, regularly divided into twelve books, has been correctly published by Dom Bouquet (in tom. iv. p. 283-460). It has been treated by the President De Montesquieu (The Spirit of Laws, 1. xxviii. c. i) with excessive severity. I dislike the style; I detest the superstition: but I shall presume to think that the civil jurisprudence displays a more civilised and enlightened state of society than that of the Burguddians or even of the Lombards. 125.

1

1--25,

35-65, p. 1 05-1 15, edit. Oentis Anglorum,

iast.

.

22,

p. 58, edit.

G^e; Bede, 1.

i.

c.

Hist. Eccles12-16, p. 49-53,

Smith; Chron. Saxonicum,

edit. Gibson. The Anglo-Saxon 11-23, laws were published by Wilkins, [.ondon, 1731, in folio; and the Leges Wallicar, by Wotton and Clarke, London, 1 730, in folio. 127. The laborious Mr. Carte and the ingenious Mr. Whitaker are the two modern writers to whom I am principally indebted. The particular historian of Manchester embraces, under that obscure title, a subject almost as extensive as the general history of England. 128. This invitation, which may derive some countenance from the loose expressions of Gildas and Bede, is framed into a regular story by Witikind, a Saxon monk of the tenth century (see Cousin, Hist, de 1 * Empire d’Occident, tom. ii. p. 356). Rapin, and even Hume, have too freely used this suspicious evidence without regarding the precise and probable testimony of Nennius: Interea venerunt tres Chiuldr k Germanic in extlto pulste, in quibus erant Hors et Hengist [c. 28]. 1 29. Nennius imputes to the Saxons the murder of three hundred British chiefs; a crime not unsuitable to their savage manners. But we are not obliged to believe (see Jeffrey of Monmouth, L viii. c. q-12) that Stonehenge is their monument, which the giants had formerly transported from Africa to Ireland, and which was removed to Britain by the order of Ainbrosius and the art of Merlin. 130. All these tribes are expressly enumerated

p.

the Lingua Romana medium ofthe Romance, has gradually been polished into the actual form of the French language. Under the Carlovingian race the kings and nobles of France stiU understood the dialect of their German

ii.)

126. See Gildas de Excidio Britannise, c.

. 4-9, edit. Gale; Nennius, Hist. Britonum, c. 98,

by Bede ( 1 i. c. 1 5, p^ 52, 1 v. c. 9, p. 90) and though I have considered Mr. Whitaker’s remarks (Hist, of Manchester, vol. ii. p. 538-543), I do not .

.

1

;

perceive the absurdity of supposing that the Friwere mingled with the Anglo-Saxons. two 131. Bede has enumerated seven kings Saxons, a Jute, and four Angles— who successively acquired in the heptarchy an indehnite supremacy of power and renown. But their reign was the effect, not of law, but of conquest; and he observes, in similar terms, that one of them subdued the Isles of Man and Anglesey; and that another imposed a tribute on the Scots and Piets (Hist. Ecdcs. 1. ii. c. 5, p. 83). 132. Sec Gildas de Excidio Britanniae, c« i. p. i, edit. Gale. 1 33. Mr. Whitakef (History of Manchester, vol. ii. p. 503, 516) has smartly exposed this glaring absurdity, which hgd passed unnoticed by the general historians, a| they were hastening to more sians, etc.,

—

and implant events. At Bcran-bifig, or Barbury-castle, near Marlborough. I'he jSaxon Chronicle assigns the name and date. Caqiden (Britannia, vol. L p. 128) ascertains the places and Henry of Huntingdon (Scriptores post Bedam, p. 314) relates the circuminteresting

134.

stances of this battle^

They are probable and char-

^

Notes: Chapter

and the historians of the twelfth centu^ might consult some materials that no longer ScteHttic;

xxxvm

983

The

progress of romance and the state of learning in the middle ages are illustrated by Mr. 141.

Thomas Warton, with 1

33,

Cornwall was finally subdued by Athelstan

an English colony at and confined the Britons beyond the river

(a.d. 9®7“94*)> wl'O planted

Exeter,

Tamar. See William of Malmesbury, 1. ii. in the Scriptores post Bedam, p. 50. The spirit of the Cornish knights was degraded by servitude: and it should seem, from the romance of Sir Tristram, that their cowardice was almost proverbial. 136. The establishment of the Britons in Gaul proved in the sixth century by Procopius [Bell. Goth. iv. 20], Gregory of Tours, the second council of Tours (a.d. 567), and the least suspicious of

is

of saints. The subscription of a bishop of the Britons to the first council of Tours (a.d. 461, or rather 481)1 tfic of Riothamus, and the loose declamation of Gildas (alii transmarinas petebant regiones, c. 25, p. 8), may countenance an emigration as early as the middle of the fifth century. Beyond that era the Britons of Armorica can be found only in romance; and I am surprised that Mr. Whitaker (Genuine History of the Britons, p. 214-221) should so faithfully transcribe the gross ignorance of Carte, whose venial errors he has so rigorously chastised. lyf. Ih'c antiquities of Bretagne^ which have been the subject even of political controversy, are illustrated by Hadrian Valesius (Notitia Gallitheir chronicles

and

lives

^^y

arum, sub voce Britannia Cttmarina, p. 98-100), M. d’Anville (Notice dc I’Anciennc Gaule, Corisopitiy Curtosolites^ Osismii^ Vorganium, p. 248, 258, 508, 720, and Etats dc 1* Europe, p. 76-80), Longuerue (Dc^ription dc la France, tom. i. p. 84-94), the Abb6 dc Vertot (Hist. Critique dc I’Etablissement des Bretons dans Ics Gaules, 2 vols. in i2mo. Paris 1720). I may assume the merit of examining the original evidence which they have produced. 138. Bede, who in his chronicle (p, 28) places Ambrosius under the reign of Zeno (a.d. 474-491 ), observes that his parents had been “purpuri induti;” which he explains, in his ecclesiastical history, by “regium nomcn et insigne ferentibus” (1. i. c. 16, p. 53). The expression of Nennius (c. 44, p. 1 10, edit. Gale) is still more singular, “Unus de consulibus gentis Romanicse cst pater meus.” doubtful, con1 39. By the unanimous, though jecture of our antiquarians, Ambrosius is confounded with Natanlcod, who (a.d. 508) lost his own life and five thousand of his subjects in a battle against Ccrdic, the West Saxon (Chron. Saxon, p. 17, 18). 140. As I am a stranger to the Webh bards, Myrdhin, Llomarch, and Talicssin, my fii»*h in the existence and exploits of Arthur principally rests on the simple and circumstantial testimony of Nennius (Hist. Brit. c. 62, 63, p. 114). Mr. Whitaker (Hist, of Manchester, vol.

ii.

p.

3*“7i) has

framed an interating, and evrn probable narralive of the wars of Arthur though it is impossible to aUow the reality of the round table.

the taste of a poet and the minute diligence of an antiquarian. I have derived much instruction from the two learned dissertations prefixed to the first volume of his History of

English Poetry. 142. Hoc anno (490) /Ella et Cissa obsedcrunt Andredcs-Ceaster; et intcrfecerunt omnes qui id incolcrent; adeo ut ne unus Brito ibi superstes fuerit (Chron. Saxon, p. 15); an expression more dreadful in its simplicity than all the vague and tedious lamentations of the British Jeremiah. 143. Andredes-Ceaster, or Anderida, is placed

^mden

by (Britannia, vol. i. p. 258) at Newenden, in the marshy grounds of Kent, which might be formerly covered by the sea, and on the edge of the great forest (Anderida) which overspread so large a portion of Hampshire and Sussex, 144. Dr. Johnson affirms that few English words are of British extraction. Mr. Whitaker, who understands the British language, has discovered

more than three thousand and actually produces a long and various catalogue (vol. ii. p. 235-329).

many of these words been imported from the Latin or Saxon into the native idiom of Britain. 145. In the beginning of the seventh century the Franks and the Anglo-Saxons mutually understood each other’s language, which was derived from the same Teutonic root (Bede. 1. i. c. 25, p. It is possible, indeed, that

may have

60). 146. After the

filled

with Saxon proselytes,

147. Carte’s History of England, vol. i. p. 195. He quotes the British historians; but I much fear

that Jeffrey of

Monmouth

(1.

vi. c.

15)

is

his only

witness.

148 Bede, Hist. Ecclesiast. 1. i. c. 15, p. 52. The is probable and well attested: yet such was the loose ini*Tmixture of the German tribes, that we find, in a subsequent period, the law of the Angli and 'Varini of Germany (Lindenbrog. Codex, p.

fact

479-486). 149. Sec Dr. Henry’s useful

tory of Great Britain, vol. 1

50*

Tynam

Quicquid

Tesam

et

(says

ii.

and laborious His-

p. 388.

John of Tinemouth)

fluvios extitit, sola

inter

cremi v^ti-

tudo tunc temporis fuit, et idcirco nullius ditioni servivit, eo quod sola indomitoruin et silvestrium animalium spelunca et habitatio fuit (apud Carte, vol. i. p. 195). From Bishop Nicholson (English Historical Lil^rary, p. 65, 98) I understand that fair copies of John of Tinemouth’s ample collcctions arc preserved in the libraries of Oxford,

Lambeth,

etc. .

«

j

151. Sec the mission of Wilfrid, eta, in Bede, Hist. Eccles. 1. iv. c. 13, 16, p. 155, *5^ *591

,

:

generation of Italian or Scotthe dignities of the church were

first

tish missionaries,

ii.

5a.

From

c. i, p.

p. 102),

it

the

r and William of Malmabury (l^ii. appears that the Anglo-Saxons, fifom

78)

General Observations

884 the lint to the

last age, persisted in this

practice* 'Dieir youths

unnatural

were publicly sold in the

market of Rome. 153. According to the laws of Ina they could not be lawfully sold beyond the seas. 1 54. The life of a Wallus^ or Camhricus^ homo^ who possessed a hyde of land, is fixed at i ao shillings, by the same laws (of Ina, tit. xxxii. in Leg. AngloSaxon. p. ao) which allowed aoo shillings for a free Saxon, and laoo for a Thane (see likewise Leg. Anglo-Saxon, p. 71). We may observe that these legislators, the West-Saxons and Mercians, continued their British conquests after they became Christians. The laws of the four kings of Kent do not condescend to notice the existence of any sub-

under tho

effect of their servitude

The picture of Welsh and Armorican mandrawn from Giraldus (Descript. Cambriac, c. 6-15, inter Script. Camden, p. 888-891) and the authors quoted by the Abb£ de Vertot (Hist. 160.

ners

is

Critique, tom.

ii.

p.

259-266).

Sec Procopius de Bell. Gothic. 1 iv. c. 20, p. 620-623 [ed. Paris; tom. ii. p. 539 sgq., ed. Bonn]. The Greek historian is himself so confounded by the wonders which he relates, that he weakly attempts to distinguish the islands of BuUia and Britain^ which he has identified by so many insep161.

.

arable circumstances.

grandson of Clovis and king of was the most powerful and warlike prince of the age; and this remarkable adventure may be placed between the years 534 and 547, the 162. 'I'heodcbert,

Austrasia,

ject Britons.

155.

be the Normans.

sibly

See Carte’s Hist, of England,

vol.

i.

p. 978. 156.

At the conclusion of his history (a.d. 731), Bede describes the ecclesiastical state of the island, and censures the implacable, though impotent, hatred of the Britons against the English nation and the catholic church (1. v. c. 23, p. 219). 137. Mr. Penn2uit’s Tour in Wales (p. 42^-449) has furnished me with a curious and interesting account of the Welsh bards. In the year 1568 a session was held at Caerwys by the special command of queen Elizabeth, and regular degrees in vocal and instrumental music were conferred on fifty-five minstrels. The prize (a silver harp) was adjudged by the Mostyn family. 158. Regio longe lateque diffusa, militc, magis

quam

credibile sit, referta. Partibus equidem in miles unus quinquaginta gencrat, sortitus more barbaro denas aut amplius uxores. This reproach of William of Poitiers (in the Historians of France, tom. xi. p. 88) is disclaimed by the Bene-

iliis

dictine editors.

159. Giraldus Cambrensis confines this gift of bold and ready eloquence to the Romans, the French and the Britons. The malicious Welshman insinuates that the English taciturnity might pos-

extreme terms of his reign. His sister I'heudechildis retired to Sens, where she founded monasteries and distributed alms (see the notes of the Benedictine editors, in tom. ii. p. 21b). If we may credit the praises of Fortunatus ( 1 vi. carm. 5, in tom. ii. p. 507), Radiger was deprived of a most valuable .

wife.

163. Perhaps she was the sister of one of the princes or chiefs of the Angles who landed, in 527 and the following years, between the Humber and

the Thames, and gradually founded the kingdoms of East Anglia and Mercia. The English writers are ignorant of her name and existence; but Procopius may have suggested to Mr. Rowe the character and situation of Rodogunc in the tragedy of the Royal Convert. 164. In the copious history of Gregory of Tours we cannot find any traces of hostile or friendly intercourse between France and England, except in the marriage of the daughter of Caribert, king of Paris, quam in Cantia regis cujusdam filius matrimonio copulavit (1. ix. c. 26, in tom. ii. p. 348). The bishop of Tours ended his history and his life almost immediately before the conversion of Kent.

General Observations 1. Such are the figurative expressions of Plutarch (Opera, tom. ii. p. 318, edit. Wechel [Frankf. 1620]), to whom, on the faith of his son Lamprias

3. Sallust, de Bell. Jugurthin. c. 4. Such were the generous professions of P. Scipio and Q. Maximus. The Latin historian had read, and most

(Fabricius, Bibliot. Grsec. tom. iii. p. 341), 1 shall boldly impute the malicious declamation, vcpl PwMcUoir rvxTP* The same opinions had prevailed among the Greeks two hunclred and fifty years before Plutarch; and to confute them is the pro-

probably transcribes,, Polybius, their contemporary and friend. 4. While Carthage' was in flames Scipio repeated two lines of thO Iliad, which express the destruction of Troy, ackjnowledging to Polybius, his friend and preceptor (Polyb. [Fragm. 1 xxxix sub /it.] in Excerpt, de Vfrtut. et Vit. tom. ii. p. 1433

887

ferent styles of fdendship, counsel, expostulation, etc.

34.

Even of his table (Var.

The admiration

vi.

9)

of strangers

and palace

(viL

represented as the most rational motive to justify these vain expenses, and to stimulate the diligence of the officers to whom these provinces were intrusted. 35. See the public and private alliances of the Gothic monarch, with the Burgundians (Var. i. 45» 4^)» 'vith the Franks (ii. 40), with the Thuringians (iv. i), and with the Vandals (v. i); each of these epistles affords some curious knowledge of the policy and manners of the barbarians. 36. His political system may be observed in Cassiodorus (Var. iv. i, ix. 1), Jornandes (c. 58, p 698, 699), and the Valesian Fragment (p. 720, 721 [Amm. tom. ii. p. 311, ed. Bip.]). Peace, honourable peace, was the constant aim of Theodoric. 37. The curious reader may contemplate the Hcruli of Procopius (Goth. 1. ii. c. 14), and the patient reader may plunge into the dark and minute researches of M. de Buat (Hist, des Peoples Anciens, tom. ix. p. 348-396). 38. Variarum, iv. 2. The spirit and forms of this martial institution arc noticed by Cassiodorus; but he seems to have only translated the sentiments of the Gothic king into the language of Roman eloquence. 39. Cassi(^orus, who quotes Tacitus to the iEstians, the unlettered savages of the Baltic (Var. v. 2), describes the amber for which their shores have ever been famous as the gum of a tree hardened by the sun and purified and wafted by the waves. When that singular substance is analysed by the chemists, it yields a vegetable oil and a mineral 5).

is

acid.

40. Scanzia, or Thule,

is

described by

Joman-

610-613) and Procopius (Goth. 1. ii. c. 15). Neither the Goth nor the Greek had visited the couTitry: both had conversed with the natives in their c\ile at Ravenna or Constantinople. 41. Saphninas pelles. In the time of Jornandes they inhabited Suethans, the proper Sweden; but that beautiful race of animals has gradually been driven into the eastern parts of Siberia. See Buffon (Hist. Nat. tom. xiii. p. 309-313, quarto edition); Pennant (System of Quadrupeds, vol. i. p. 322328); Gmclin (Hist. G^n. des Voyages, tom. xviii. p, 257, 2«)8); and Levesque (Hist, de Russie, tom. des

(c. 3,

p.

v. p. 165, ib6, 514, 515).

42. In the system or romance of M. Baillv (Lettres sur les Sciences et sur PAtlantide, tom. i.

phoenix of tom. ii. p. ii 4“139)> the Edda, and the annual death and revival of Adonis and Osiris, are the allegorical symbols of the absence and return of the sun in the Arctic regions. Phis ingenious writer is a worthy disciple of the great Buffon; nor is it easy for the coldest reason to withstand the magic of their philosophy.

p. 249-256,

/uyurT-ii r&w bofntav 8ersonal allusion to Theodora. 31. Her prisons, a labyrinth, a Tartarus (Anecdot. c. 4), were under the palace. Darkness is propitious to cruelty, but

it is

likewise favourable to

calumny and fiction. 32. A more jocular whipping was

Saturninus, for presuming to say that his favour.it^ f the empress, had not been found Arpfjrof (Anecdot. c. 1 7 [tom. iii. p. 104, ed. Bonn]). 33. Per viventem in ssecula cxcoriari te faciam. Anastasius de Vitis Pont. Roman, in Vigilio, p. 40. 34. Ludewig. p. 161-166. I give him credit for the charitable attempt, although /u hath not much charity in his temper. 35. Compare the Anecdotes (c. 17) with the Edifices (1 i. c. 9). How differently may the same fact be stated ! John Malala (tom. ii. p. 174, 1 75 [p. 440, 441, ed. Bonn]) observes, that on this, or a similar occasion, she released and clothed the girls whom she had purchased from the stews at five aurci apiece. 3b. Novel, viii. x . An allusion to Theodora. Her enemies read the name Daemonodora (Aleman, p. 66 [Procop. tom. iii. p. 415, cd. Bonn]). 37. St. Sabas refused to pray for a son of Theodora, lest he should prove a heretic worse than Anastasius himself (Cyril in Vit. St. Sabse, apud Aleman, p. 70, 109 [Procop. tom. iii. p. 421, 462, ed. Bonn]). .

38. See John Malala, torn. ii. p. 174 [p. 441, ed. Bonn]. Theophancs, p. 158 [tom. i. p. 286, ed. Bonn]. Procopius dc iFxiilic. 1 v. c. 3. 39. 'Fheodora Chalcedoncnsis synodi inimica canceris plagd toto corporc perfusa vitam prodigiose finivit (Victor Tununensis in Chron., On such occasions an orthodox mind is steeled against pity. Alcmannus (p. 12, 13) understands the hioifjL^iOii of 'I'heophancs as civil language, which docs not imply cither piety or repentance; yet two years after her death St. Theodora is celebrated by Paul Silentiarius (in Proem, vcr. 58-62). 40. As she persecuted the popes, and rejected a .

893

council, Baronius exhausts the lila,

Hcrodias,

etc.; after

names of Eve, Da-

which he has recourse to

his infernal dictionary: civis infemi

monum — satanico

agitata spirit^

alumna

dae-

ocstro percita

diabolico, etc. etc. (a.d. 548, No. 24). 41. Read and feel the twenty-third book of the Iliad, a living picture of manners, passions, and

the whole form and spirit of the chariot-raoe. West’s Dissertation on the Olympic Games (sect. xii.-xvii.) affords much curious and authentic information. 42. I'he four colours, albaii, russati, prasini^ ivn^/i, represent the four seasons, according to Cassiodorus (Var. iii. 51), who lavishes much wit and eloquence on this theatrical mystery. Of these colours, the three first may be fairly translated, wfute^ red, and green. Venetus is explained by caru^ leus, a word various and vague: it is properly the sky reflected in the sea; but custom and convenience may allow blue as an equivalent. (Robert. Stephan, sub voce. Spence’s Polymetis, p. 228.) 43. See Onuphrius Panvinius de Ludis Circensibus, 1 . i. c. 10, 1 1 ; the seventeenth Annotation on Mascou’s History of the Germans; aixl Aleman,

ad

on wife, a

inflicted

xl

c. vii.

44. Marcellin. in Ghron. p. 47 [anno 501]. Instead of the vulgar word veneta, he uses the more

c^uUa and

Baronius the blues were orthodox; but Tillcmont is angry at the supposition, and will not allow any martyrs in a playhouse (Hist, des Emp. tom. vi. p. 554). 45. See Procopius (Persic. 1 i. c. 24). In describing the vices of the factions and of the government, the public is not more favourable than the secret historian. Aleman, (p. 26 [tom. iii. p. 373, ed. Bonn]) has quoted a fine passage from Gregory Nazianzen, which proves the inveteracy of the

exquisite terms of (a.d. 501,

No.

ceerealis.

4, 5, 6) is satisfied that

.

evil.

46. The partiality ofJustinian for the blues (Anecdot. c. 7 [tom. iii. p. 53, ed. Bonn]) is attested by

Evagrius (Hist. Ecclcs. 1 iv. c. 32), John Malala (tom. ii. p. 138, 139 [p. 152, cd. Oxon.; lib. xviii. 42^ ed. Bonn]), especially for Antioch, and Theophanes (p. 142 [p. 256, ed. Bonn]). 47. A wife (says Procopius) who was seized and almost ravished by a blue-coat, threw herself into the Bosphorus. 'Fhc bishops of the second Syria (Aleman, p. 26 [tom. iii. p. 374, ed. Bonn]) deplore a similar suicide, the guilt or glory of female chastity, and name the heroine. 48. The doubtful credit of Procopius (Anecdot. . 17) is supported by the less partial Evagrius, who confirms (he fact, and specifies the names. The tragic fate of the prarfect of Constantinople is related by John Malala (tom. ii. p. 139 [p. 416, ed. Bonn]). 49. See John Malala (tom. ii. p. 147 [p. 422, cd. Bonn]); yet he owns that Justinian was attached to the blues. The seeming discord of the emperor and Theodora is perhaps viewed with too much jealousy and refinement by Procopius (Anecdot. .

.

Notes: Chapter xl

^94 e.

lo [t.

ill.

p. 70^ ed. Bonn]).

See Aleman. Prsfat.

. 6. 50. This dialogue, which Theophanes has preserved, exhibits the popular language, as well as the manners, of Oonstantinople in the sixth cen-

mingled with many strange and barbarous words, for which Ducange cannot always find a meaning or etymology. 51. See this church and monastery in Ducange, G. P. Christiana, 1 iv. p. 182. 52. The history of the MJta sedition is extracted from Marcellinus (in Chron. [an. 532]), Procopius (Persic. 1 . i. c. 26 [c. 24, tom. i. p. 1 1 9, ed. Bonn]), John Malala (tom. ii. p. 213-218 [ed. Ox.; p. Bonn]), Chron. Paschal, (p. 336-340, 473 477 i tom. i. p. 620144. [ed. Bonn]), Theophanes (Chronograph. p. 154-158 [ed. Par. tom. i. p. 278-286, ed. Bonn]), and Zonaras ( 1 xiv. p. 61-63). tury. Their

Greek

is

.

.

53. Marcellinus says, in general terms, innumcris populis in circo trucidatis. Procopius num-

bers 30,000 victims [tom. i. p. 129, ed. Bonn]; and the 35,000 of Theophanes arc swelled to 40,000 by the more recent Zonaras [tom. ii. p. 63]. Such is the usual progress of exaggeration. 54. Hierocles, a contemporary ofJustinian, composed his Zvi^ixSif/uun (Itineraria, p. 631), or review of the eastern provinces and cities, before the year 535 (Wcsseling, in Prarfat. and Not. ad p. 623, etc.).

55. See the Book of Genesis (xii. 10), and the administration of Joseph. The annals of the Greeks and Hebrews agree in the early arts and plenty of Egypt: but this antiquity supposes a long series of improvement; and Warburton, who is almost stifled by the Hebrew, calls aloud for the Samaritan, chronology (Divine Legation, vol. iii. p. 29, etc.).

56. Eight milli ons of Roman modii, besides a contribution of Soyoco aurei for the expenses of water-carriage, from ;which the subject was graciously excused. See the thirteenth Edict of Justinian [c. viii.]; the numbers are checked and verified by the agreement of the Greek and Latin texts.

57. Homer’s Iliad, vi. 289. These veils, HtXoi wa/i^oUiXot, were the work of the Sidonian women.

But this passage is more honourable to the manufactures than to the navigation of Phoenicia, from whence they had been imported to Troy in Phrygian bottoms. 58. See in Ovid (de Arte Amandi, iii. 269, etc.) poetical list of twelve colours borrowed from flowers, the elements, etc. But it b almost impossible to discriminate hy words all the nice and va-

a

and nature. discovery of cochineal, etc., we far surpass the colours of antiquity. Their royal purple had a strong smell, and a dark cast as deep as bull’s blood— obscuritas rubena (says Gassiodorus, Var. 1 . I, c. 2) nigredo sanguinea. The President Goguec (Origine des Loix et des Arts, 'part ii. 1. ii. 2, p. i84’-2t5) will amuse and satisfy the reader. rious shades both of art 59.

.

By the

I

doubt whether hb book, especially in Engiand^

b

as well

known as it deserves to be. 60. Hbtorical proofr of thb jealousy have been occasionally introduced, and many more might deshave been added; but the arbitrary acts

d

potbm were

by the sober and general declarations of law (Codex Theodosian. 1 x. tit. justified

.

21, leg. 3; Codex Justinian. 1 . xi. tit. 8, leg. 5). An inglorious permission, and necessary restriction, was applied to the mims, the female dancers (Cod.

Thcodos. 1 XV. tit. 7, leg. 1 1). 61 . In the hbtory of insects (far more wonderful than Ovid’s Metamorphoses) the silkworm holds a conspicuous place. The bombyx of the ble of Ceos, as described by Pliny (Hbt. Natur. xi. 26, 27, with .

the notes of the two learned Jesuits, Hardouin and Brotier), may be illustrated by a similar species in China (M^moircs sur les Chinob, tom. ii. p. 575598); but our silkworm, as well as the white mulberry-tree,

were unknown to Theophrastus and

Pliny. ii. 121. Serica quando venerint in planissime non scio: suspicor tamen in Julii Csesaris aevo, nam ante non invenio, says Justus Lipsius (Excursus i. ad Tacit. Annal. ii. 32). See Dion Cassius ( 1 xliii. [c. 24] p. 358, edit. Reimar), and Pausanias ( 1 vi. [c. 26, § 6-9] p. 519), the first who describes, however strangely, the Seric insect. 63. Tam longinquo orbe petitur, ut in publico matrona translucent . ut denudet foeminas vestb (Plin. vi. 20, xi. 26). Varro and Publius Syrus had already played on the Toga vitrea, ventus textilis, and nebula linea (Horat. Sermon, i. 2, loi, with the notes of 'I'orrcntius and Dacier). 64. On the texture, colours, names, and use of the silk, half-silk, and linen garments of antiquity, see the profound, diffuse, and obscure researches of the great Salmasius (in Hbt. August, p. 127, 309. 3 «o. 339. 34 «. 34a, 344. 388-391, 395, 513), who was ignorant of the most common trades of Dijon or Leyden. 65. Flavius Vopbeus in Aurelian. c. 45, in Hist.

62. Gcorgic.

usum

.

.

.

.

August, p. 224. See Salmasius ad Hbt. Aug. p. 392, and Plinian. Excercital. in Solinum, p. 694, 695. The Anecdotes of Procopius (c. 25) state a partial and imperfect rate of the price of silk in the time of Justinian. 66. Procopius dc iEdif. 1 . iii. c. i . These pinnes de mer are found near Smyrna, Sicily, Corsica, and Minorca; and a pair of gloves of their silk was presented to Pope ^nedicl XIV. 67. Procopius, Persid 1 . i. c. 20; 1. ii. c. 25; Gothic. 1 iv. c. 1 7. Mebandcr in Excerpt. Legat. p. 107 [ed. Par.; p. 2g0, ed. Bonn]. Of the Parthian or Persian empfre, Isidore of Charax (in .

Statbmb Parthicb,

p. 7^ 8, in Hudson, Geograph, Minor, tom. ii.) has mgrked the roads, and Ammianus Marcellinus (Ir xxiii. c. 6, p. 400) has enumerated the provinces.

68. The blind admbation of the Jesuits confounds the diflerent periods of the Chinese hbtory.

They

are

more

critically

dutingubhed by

M. de

Notes: Chapter xl Guignes

Huns, tom. L part i. in the in the Geography. M^moires de

(Hist, des

Tables, part

ii.

FAcad^^e

des Inscriptions, tom. xxxii. xxxvi. xlii. xliii.), who discovers the gradual progress of the truth of the annals and the extent of the monarchy, till the Christian era. He has searched with a curious eye the connections of the Chinese with the nations of the West; but these connections arc slight, casual, and obscure; nor did the Romans entertain a suspicion that the Seres or Sinae possessed an empire not inferior to their own. 69. The roads from China to Persia and Hindustan may be investigated in the relations of Hackluyt and Thevenot (the ambassadors of Sharokh, Anthony Jenkinson, the P^re Greuber, etc. See likewise Hanway’s Travels, vol. i. p. 345-357). A communication through Thibet has been lately explored by the English sovereigns of Bengal. 70. For the Chinese navigation to Malacca and Achin, perhaps to Ceylon, see Renaudot (on the two Mahometan Travellers, p. 8-1 1, 13-17, 141-

Dampier

157),

(vol.

ii.

p. 136), the Hist. Philoso-

phique des deux Indes (tom. i. p. 98), and the Hist. G6n6rale des Voyages (tom. vi. p. 201). 71. The knowledge, or rather ignorance, of Strabo, Pliny, Ptolemy, Arrian, Marcian, etc., of the countries eastward of Cape Comorin, is finely illustrated l*y D’Anville (Antiquity G^ographique de rinde, especially p. 161-198). Our geography of India is improved by commerce and conquest; and has been illustrated by the excellent maps and memoirs of Major Rcnnell. If he extends the sphere of his inquiries with the same critical knowledge and sagacity, he will succeed, and may surpass, the

first

of

modern geographers.

The Taprobane

72.

of Pliny

(vi.

24), Solinus

and Salmas. Pliniand. Ixxxiv.

dotes. 82. Procopius (Anccdot. c. 30) relates the idle

conjectures of the times. The death of Justinian, says the secret historian, will expose his wealth or poverty. 83. See Corippus de Laudibus Justini Aug. L ii.

V,

abo, etc., 389, etc. '*Plurima sunt vivo nimium neglecta parente, Unde tot exhaustus oontraxit debita Bscus.**

—

Gentenaries of gold were brought by strong arms into the Hippodrome: *‘Debita persolvit genitoris, cauta recepit.** 84.

Hie Anecdotes facts

(c.

1

1-14, 18, 20-30) supply

and more complaints.

85. One to Scythopolis, capital of the second Palestine, and twelve for the rest of the province.

Aleman, (p. 59 [Procop. tom. iii. p. 407, 408, ed. Bonn]) honestly produces this fact from a MS. Life of St. Sabas, by his disciple Cyril, in the Vatican library, and since published by Cotelerius. 86. John Malala (tom. ii. p. 23a [p. 488, ed. Bonn]) mentions the want of bread, and Zonaras (L xiv. p. 63) the leaden pipes, which Justinian, or his servants, stole

from the aqueducts.

87. For an aureus, one-sixth of an ounce of gold, instead of 210, he gave no more than 180 folles or disproportion of the mint, beounces of copper.

A

must have soon produced a money. In England, twelue pence in copper would sell for no more than seven pence (Smith’s Inquiry into the Wealth of Nations, Bk. i. eh. 4). For Justinian’s gold coin, see Evagrius low the market

price,

scarcity of small

(1.

iv. c.

30).

88. The oath is conceived in the most formidable words (Novell, viii. tit. 3). The defaulters imprecate on themselves, quicquid habent telonim armamentaria cocli; the part of Judas, the leprosy of Giezi, the tremor of Cain, etc., besides ail tem-

poral pains.

A

similar or more generous act of friendship 89. related by Lucian of Eudamidas of Corinth (in Toxare, c. 22, 23, tom. ii. p. 530), and the story has produced an ingenious, though feeble, comedy of Fontenclle. 90. Joim Malala, tom. ii. p. loi, 102, 103 [p. is

171-173, ed. Oxon.; 439, 440, ed. Bonn]. 91. One of these, Anatolius, perched in an earthquake doubtless a judgment! 'Fhe complaints and clamours of the people in Agathias (1. v. p. 146, 147 [ed. Par.; p. 284 sq,y cd. Bonn]) are almost an echo of the anecdote. The aliena pecunia reddenda of Corippus (1. ii. 381, etc. [Laud. Just. Min.]) is not very honourable to Justinian’s

—

memory. 92. See the history

and character of John of

Cappadocia in Procopius

(Persic.

1. i.

c. 24, 25,

1.

Vandal. 1. i. c. 13. Anecdot. c. 2, 17, 22). The agreement of the history and anecdotes is a mortal wound to the reputation of the prarfect. 93. 06 7dp &XXo oitdkv it ypannaruTTOv 4»oirGiv ipato, Ati pii ypApparat sal Tovra xasd KaKtat 7/)d^a( ii.

c. 30.

—a fiordble expression [Pers.

i.

c. 24].

The chronology

of Procopius is loose and obsimre; but with the aid of Pagi I can discern that John was appointed Praetorian praefect of the East in the year 530; that he was removed in January, 532 restored before June, 533~banished in 541 94.

XL

Notes: Chapter

Qg6

many

!

— —and recalled

between June, 548, and April i, 549. Aleman, (p. 96, 97 [Procop. tom. iii. p. 449, 450, ed. Bonn]) gives the list of his ten successors a rapid series in a part of a single reign.

95. This conflagration is hinted by Lucian (in Hippia, c. 2) and Galen (1. iii. de Temperamentis, tom. i. p. 81, edit. Basil) in the second century. A thousand years afterwards it is positively affirmed by Zonaras (1. ix. p. 424) on the faith of Dion Cassius, by Tzetzes (Chiliad ii. 119, etc.), Eustathius (ad Iliad, E. p. 338), and the scholiast of Lucian. Sec Fabricius (Biblioth. Grate. 1. iii. c. 22, tom. ii.

552 [ed, Hamb. 1 716]), to whom I am more indebted for several of these quotations. 96. Zonaras (1. xiv. p. 55) affirms the fact, without quoting any evidence. 97. Tzetzes describes the artifice of these burning-glasses, which he had read, perhaps with no learned eyes, in a mathematical treatise of An-

. 551

or

,

less

themius. That treatise, ircpl prixavri^ pAtwp, has been lately published, translated, and illustrated by M. Dupuys, a scholar and a mathematician (M6moires de TAcad^mie des Inscriptions,

tom.

xlii.

p. 392-451).

98. In the siege of Syracuse, by the silence of Polybius, Plutarch, Livy; in the siege of Con-

by that of Marcellinus and all the contemporaries of the sixth century. 99. Without any previous knowledge of Tzetzes or Anthemius, the immortal Buffon imagined and executed a set of burning-glasses, with which he could inflame planks at the distance of 200 feet (Suppl6ment k I’Hist. Naturelle, tom. i. p. 399483, quarto edition). What miracles would not his genius have performed for the public service, with royal expense, and in the strong sun of Constantinople or Syracuse

stantinople,

100. John Malala (tom. ii. p. 120-124 [p. 403406, ed. Bonn]) relates the fact; but he seems to confound the names or persons of Proclus and

Marinus. 101. Agathias, 1. v. p. 149-152 fed. Par.; p. 289-294, ed. Bonn], 'fhe merit of Anthemius as an architect is loudly praised by Procopius (de i^if. 1. i. c. I [tom. iii. p. 174, cd. Bonn]) and Paulus Silentiarius (part i. 134, etc. [p. 15, ed. Bonn]). 102. See Procopius (de iEdificiis, 1. i. c. i, 1. ii. . 3). He relates a coincidence of dreams which supposes some fraud in Justinian or his architect. They both saw, in a vision, the same plan for stopping an inundation at Dara. A stone-quarry near Jerusalem was revealed to the emperor (1. v. c. 6 [tom. iii. p. 323, ed. Bonn]): an angel was tricked into the perpetual custody of St. Sophia (Anonym, de Antiq. C. P. 1. iv. p. 70). 103. Among the crowd of ancients and moderns who have celebrated the edifice of St. Sophia, I shall distinguish

tators

and

and

follow,

i.

Four original spec-

historians: Prtocopius (de iEdific.

1. i.

c.

Agathias (1. v. p. ife2, 153 [p. 296, 297, ed. Bonn]), Paul Silentiarius (in a poem of 1026 hexi),

ameters, ad ealeem Atmae Cllomnen. Alexiad.), and Evagrius (1. iv. c. 31). 2. Two legendary

Greeks of a later period: Gkx^rge Codinus (de OriP. p. 64-74 [ed. Par.; p. 130-148, ed.

gin.

C

!

!

Notes: Chapter xl

wd

]^nn]), the anonymous writer of Banduri (Imp. Orient, tom. i. 1. iv. p. 65-80). 3. The great Byzantine wtiquarian, Ducange (Comment, ad Paul Silentiar. p. 525-598, and G. P. Christ. 1. iii.

—

the one, Peter p* 5"7®)* 4* Two French travellers (^llius (de Topograph, C. P. 1. ii. c. 3, 4) in the sixteenth; the other, Grelot (Voyage dc G. P. p.

95-164, Paris, 1680, in 4to): he has given plans, prospects, and inside views of St. Sophia; and his plans, though on a smaller scale, appear more coricct than those of Ducange. I have adopted and reduced the measures of Grelot: but as no Christian can now ascend the dome, the height is borrowed from Evagrius, compared with Gyllius, Greaves, and the Oriental Geographer. 104. Solomon’s temple was surrounded with courts, porticoes, etc.; but the proper structure of the house of God was no more (if we take the Egyptian or Hebrew cubit at 22 inches) than 55 feet in height, in breadth, and 1 1 o in length a small parish church, says Prideaux (Connection, vol. i. p. 144, folio); but few sanctuaries could be valued at four or five millions sterling 105. Paul Silentiarius, in dark and poetic language, describes the various stones and marbles that were employed in the edifice of St. Sophia (P. ii. ver. 129, 133, etc. etc. fp. 27 547., cd. Bonn]): pale, with iron veins. 2. Ihe I. The Caiy^uan Phrygtan^of two sorts, both of a rosy hue; the one with a white shade, the other purple, with silver flowers. 3. The Porphyry oj Egypt with small stars. from 4. The green marble 0/ Lacoma, 5. The Canon Mount lassis, with oblique veins, white and red. pale, with a red flower. 7. 'Ihe 6. llie of a gold or saffron hue. African^ or Mauritanian black, with white veins. 9. The 8. The Celtic Bosphonc white, with black edges. Besides the I'roconnesian, which formed the pavement; the Thes^ salian^ Molosstan^ etc., whicli arc less distinctly

—

—

—

—

—

—

—

painted. 106. The six books of the Edifices of Procopius arc thus distributed: the first is confined to Constantinople; the second includes Mesopotamia and Syria; the third, Armenia and the Euxinc; the fourth, Europe; the fifth, Asia Minor and Palestine; the sixth, Egypt and Africa. Italy is forgot by the emperor or the historian, who published this work of adulation before the date (a.d. 555) of its Anal

conquest. 107. Justinian once gave fortv-fivc centenaries of gold (;£ 1 80,000) for the repairs of Antioch after the earthquake (John Malala, tom. ii. p. 1 46-1 49 [p. 422-424, cd. Bonn]). 108. For the Hcracum, the palace of Theodora, sec Gyllius (dc Bosphoro Thracio, 1. iii. c. *i.), Aleman. (Not. ad Ancc. p. 80, 81 [Procop. tom. iii. p. 43I1 432, cd. Bonn], who quotes several epi-

grams of the Anthology) and Ducange (G. P. i75» >76)in the Edifices (1. i. c. 11) and in the Anecdotes (c. 8, 15), the different styles of adulation and malevolence: stripped of the paint.

Christ. 109.

1.

iv. c. 13, p.

Compare,

—

897

or cleansed from the dirt, the object appears to be the same. no. Procopius, Goth. iii. 29; most probably a stranger and wanderer, as the Mediterranean does not breed whales. Balaenac quoque in nostra maria penetrant (Plin. Hist. Nalur. ix. 2 [5]). Between the polar circle and the tropic, the cetaceous animals of the ocean grow to the length of 50, 80, or 1 00 feet. (Hist, dcs Voyages, tom. xv. p. 289. Pennant’s British Zoology, vol. iii. p. 35.) 1 1 1 . Montesquieu observes (tom. iii. p. 503, Considerations sur la Grandeur et la Decadence des Remains, c. xx.) that Justinian’s empire was like France in the time of the Norman inroads never so weak as when every village was fortified112. Procopius affirms (1. iv. c. 6 [tom. iii. p. 289, cd. Bonn]) that the Danube was stopped by the ruins of the bridge. Had Apollodorus, the architect, left a description of his own work, the fabulous wonders of Dion Cassius (1. Ixviii. [c. 1 3] p. 1129) would have been corrected by the genuine picture. Trajan’s bridge consisted of twenty or twenty-two stone piles with wooden arches; the river is shallow, the current gentle, and the whole interval 110 more than 443 (Reimar ad Dion, from Marsigli) or 515 tones (D’Anvillc, Gfographie

Ancienne, tom.

p. 305).

i.

Of

the two Dacias, Mediterranea and Ripensts, Dardania, Praevalitana, the second Msesia, and the second Macedonia. See Justinian (Novell, xi. [Praef.]), who speaks of his castles beyond the Danube, and of homines semper bcllicis sudoribus 113.

inharrentes.

(M6moircs de l’Acad6mie, tom. xxxi. p. 289, 290). Rycaut (Present State of the Turkish Empire, p. 97, 316), Marsigli (Stato Militarc del Imprrio Ottomano, p. 130). The sanjak of Guistendil is one of the twenty under the beglcrbeg of Rumelia, and his district maintains 48 zutm^ and 588 timanots, 1 15. Ihi-se fortifications may be compared to the castles in Mingrelia (Chardin, Voyages en a natural picture. Perse, tom. i. p. 60, 131) 1 16 The valley of Tempc is situate along the river Pencus, between the hills of Ossa and Olympus: it is only five miles long, and in some places no more than 120 feet in breadth. Its verdant 114. See D’Anville

etc.

—

beauties are elegantly described by Pliny (Hist. I. iv. 15), and more diffusely by iElian

Natur.

(Hist. Var.

1.

iii.

c. i.).

Hellenic. 1. iii. c. 2. After a long tedious conversation with the Byzantine declaimers, how refreshing is the truth, the simplicity, the elegance of an Attic writer 1 1

7.

Xenophon

and

See the long wall in Evagrius (1. iv. [iii.] c. whole article is drawn from the fourth book of the Edifices, except Anchialus (1. iii. c. 7). 1 19. Turn back to p. 1 1 3 above. In the course of this history 1 have sometimes mentioned, and much oftencr slighted, the hasty inroads of the Isaurians, which were not attended with any con1

18.

38). I'his

sequences.

Note*; Chapter xl

898 laa

IVebelUiis PoUio in Hitt. August, p. 197 [Triginta Tyr. 25], who lived under Diocletian, or Constantine. See likewise Pancbolus ad Notit. Imp. Orient, c. 115, 141. See God. Theodos. 1. ix. lit*

35 » i^* 37

[7]* vvith

a copious

tation of Godefroy, tom.

iii.

collective

Anno-

p. 256, 257. extent of their inroads

121 . See the full and wide in Philostorgius (Hist. Ecclcs. 1. Godefroy’s learned Dissertations.

xi.

c.

8),

with

122. God. Justinian. 1 ix. tit. 12, leg. 10. The punishments are severe a fine of an hundred pounds of gold, degradation, and even death. The public peace might afford a pretence, but Zeno was desirous of monopolising the valour and serv.

—

ice of the Isaurians.

The

stasius are briefly

Malala (tom.

p.

Isaurian ii.

Bonn], Evagrius 1 x

8-120

(I.

[cd. Par.;

106, 107 [p. 393, 394, cd. iii.

c.

Thcophanes

35),

(p.

tom. L p. 212-215, cd. Bonn]),

and the Chronicle of Marcellinus. 124. Fortes ea regio (says Justinian) viros habet,

nec in uUo

ab

though Procopius (Persic, i. i. c. 18 [tom. i. p. 96, ed. Bonn]) marks an essential difference between their military character; yet in former times the Lycaonians and Pisidians had defended their liberty against the Great King (Xenophon. Anabasis, 1 iii. c. 2). Justinian intn^uces some false and ridiculous erudition of the ancient empire of the Pisidians, and of Lycaon, who, after visiting Rome (long fcicforc iEneas), gave a name and people to Lycaonia differt

Isaurift,

.

(Novell. 24, 25, 27, 30). 125. See Procopius, Persic.

1 . i. c.

19.

The

altar

of national concord, of annual sacrifice and oaths, which Diocletian had erected in the Isle of Elephantine, was demolished by Justinian with less policy than zeal. • 126. Procopius dc .ASdificiis, 1 iii. c. 7 [p. 262, ed. Bonn]; Bell. Goth.