Government and Local Power in Japan 500-1700 [1 ed.] 9780691030197, 0691030197

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GOVERNMENT AND LOCAL POWER IN JAPAN 000 to 1700

GOVERNMENT AND LOCAL POWER

IN JAPAN 500 to 1700 A Study Based on Bizen Province JOHN WHITNEY HALL

PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY

Copyright © 1966 by Princeton University Press ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

L. C. Card: 65-14307

Publication of this book has been aided by the Whitney Darrow Publication Reserve Fund of Princeton University Press.

Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

To Miki Yukiharu

PREFACE TT BOOK received its inspiration between 1951 and 1952 when

I spent my first extended period of residence in Okayama Prefecture and succumbed to the area's lure as a subject for his-

torical study. Okayama offers its history freely as an exciting and moving panorama. It begins with the visible signs that in human memory most of the land of the Okayama plain had been sea and

that the hills which rise above its broad stretches of rice fields were once islands. It comes alive in the present as one watches the reclaiming of still new land for modern industry and the scooping of new channels for ocean-going vessels. Man has lived long and

industriously in the area of ancient Kibi, as the region used to be called, and the evidence of this long history, given unity by its geography of rivers and hills, provides a microcosmic record of the evolution of human society in Japan. Readers of the previously published results of this first period of field research in Okayama, in the volume entitled Village Japan, will discover there the beginnings of a method and of a plan. The method is simply the technique of concentrating field observation and documentary analysis upon a single geographical region and

thus to define a historical case study which, though limited in scope, nonetheless contains all the institutional ingredients of the larger national community. The plan is the hope to persevere in the investigation of Okayama so as to complete a series of studies which will trace its history from ancient times to the point at the end of the nineteenth century when Japan stood on the threshold

of becoming a modern state. This volume, then, is the first of several projected works and serves as an introduction to a considerably more detailed analysis of the political institutions of Okayama during the Tokugawa period, which in due time should follow.

Being an introductory work it must partake more of a survey than of a narrowly confined regional analysis. I have departed somewhat from the standard style of local study by attempting from time to time in the course of local events to draw connections

to the wider flow of national history or to read into observations made at the local level implications for a broader understanding of Japanese history. By doing so I no doubt reveal that my interests are ultimately more national than local. Though Okayama has

Vill Preface become a second home in Japan, it is nonetheless as the region reveals the secrets of national history that it delights me most. And Okayama is full of such delights.

That this plan to study a local region over a span of sixteen centuries is even remotely possible is itself a historical fact of some

significance. Japan has preserved the story of its past not only in the remarkably rich deposits of historical artifacts and institutional continuities but also through the work of generations of diligent historians. In this volume I must count myself the beneficiary of the works of three generations at least. First there are those often anonymous scholars of the Tokugawa period who in Chinese style compiled local histories or gazetteers which they filled with extracts from old documents or with commentaries on the legends which had grown up around historical persons or locations of the region. Following them, the twentieth century produced first a generation of local antiquarians who refurbished these older works, who vigorously pursued the fields of historical geog-

raphy and antiquarian archaeology, and who carefully combed the standard historical texts for local references. The greatest of this generation in Okayama is Nagayama Usaburé, whose several massive volumes have served as basic references for my study. He himself proved a rare and enthusiastic guide to the many historic monuments of old Kibi, which he vividly brought to life for me with stories of ancient heroes or climactic battles. But a third generation is now in the field. Historians attached to Okayama University, bibliographers in the university and prefectural libraries, archaeologists with professional training who

have come into Okayama from central university posts or who are attached to such institutions as the Kurashiki Archaeological Museum—these are the men who today are reworking the historv of Okayama by the application of new methodology and the uncovering of new sources of documentation from out of the ground or from hitherto undiscovered archives. In the face of such richness of historical study it would be presumptuous for one from afar to suggest that he might prepare a study notably different from what these Japanese precursors have already done in greater depth and detail. My debt to my Japanese guides and mentors is great, and, as the following pages will show, I have freely relied upon their labors for tasks which I myself could hardly have duplicated. My object, in this first volume especially,

Preface 1X has been to synthesize and to interpret. And if to them I have contributed anything of value, it must simply be the occasional nuance

with which an outsider to Japanese culture will express a wellknown fact from a slightly different point of view. It in no sense belittles my debt to these scholars to say, however, that my greatest dependence has been upon the region of Okayama itself, its hills, fields, coastline, and villages. For above all it has been the region which has excited my interest and which has given me what sense I may have acquired of the flow of history and of the boundaries

of the historically possible and plausible in Japan. Okayama has taught a brand of history which is not contained in books. But Okayama is also its people, and among them I must count many who have been of very special help to me in the preparation

of this book. I start with the late Governor Miki whose gracious hospitality and interest in my work has made my visits to Okayama

both pleasant and rewarding. At Okayama University Professor Fujii Shun, whose family lineage traces back to the earliest rulers of Kibi, first acquainted me with the contents of the ancient documents of the area. Professor Mizuno Kydichiré has diligently filled out the Ashikaga chapter of Okayama history which had hitherto remained almost unknown. Professor Taniguchi Sumio uncovered the vast riches of the Ikeda House archives as well as conducting basic research in Tokugawa institutions. My debt to him will in-

crease as J take up the second of my contemplated volumes on Okayama. Finally I must recognize a very special indebtedness toward Mr. Kanai Madoka of the Historiographical Institute of Tokyo University who singlehandedly performed the difficult task of reconstructing the land map of the Kamakura period, who drew a number of base maps upon which I have relied heavily, and who deciphered the complex figures of the 1203 wheat tax. Both Professor Taniguchi and Mr. Kanai have offered me valuable sugges-

tions in the editing of my manuscript, and Professor Taniguchi also helped in securing illustrations. I am especially indebted to the Okayama Prefecture Government, which graciously granted permission to use certain of the photographs. A book of this kind which has been in preparation for many years and under various circumstances is indebted in the final analysis to a large number of persons who have aided directly in its preparation and to institutions which supported its author’s research and writing. Among the latter, at various periods and

X Preface under various circumstances, I have received the support of the Carnegie Corporation, the Guggenheim Foundation, the University of Michigan’s Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studies, Princeton University’s Council of the Humanities, and Yale University s Concilium on International Studies. Individuals who have helped in the preparation of the manuscript include Miss Adrienne

V. Suddard, who offered editorial advice and helped prepare the index, and Mr. Robert Williams, who drew the maps.

Joun Wuitney Hai Bethany, Connecticut September 1964

Preface vii List of Illustrations xiii CONTENTS

List of Maps xiv

Introduction 3

I. The Familial System in Early Kibi 19 II. The Creation of the Imperial State System 45

III. Bizen and the Institutions of Taihd 66 IV. The Shden System and the Return to

Familial Authority 99

V. The Rise of the Bushi and the

Origins of Feudal Authority 129

VI. Bizen During the Kamakura Period 155 VII. The Ashikaga Hegemony and the Rise

of the Shugo-Daimyo 191

VIII. Bizen Under the House of Akamatsu 209

IX. Bizen and the Sengoku Daimyo 238

of the Daimyo 271

X. Nobunaga, Hideyoshi, and the Unification

XI. Bizen Under the House of Ukita 296 XII. The Establishment of the Tokugawa Hegemony 330

XII. Bizen Under the Tokugawa Regime 375

Index 439

Bibliography AQT

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS following page OKAYAMA AND THE BIZEN PLAIN - RICE AND THE VILLAGE COM-

MUNITY + CONTINUING RECLAMATION - THE TOMB AGE 34

1, View of the city of Okayama—2, View of Bizen Plain—3, Reclamation projects—4, Drying racks laden with the fall harvest— 3, Rice paddy fields—6, A farm—7, Entrance to a village shrine—8, A fall festival—9, Newly reclaimed fields—10, Industrial reclamation—l1, A keyhole style tomb—12, Bronze mirror—18, Yayoi pe-

riod vase NARA + KAMAKURA + THE AKAMATSU HOUSE +: LIFE IN THE MIDDLE AGES +- SENGOKU

14, Site of Bizen capital—15, The Sanyodd highway—16, Remains of the jori field system—17, Sketch map of Bitchi fields—

18, Kibi-no-Makibi in China—19, Tax document (1203)—20, Chogen (1121-1206)—21, Valley beyond the pass of Mitsuishi —22, Akamatsu Norisuke (1814-1871 )—28, Document signed by Akamatsu Masanori (1455-1496)—24, Market at Fukuoka—25, Saidaiji—26, The burning of Saidaiji—27, Valley of the Takahashi River—28, Matsuyama, a hilltop castle—29, View from the castle to the town below THE UKITA HOUSE + THE IKEDA HOUSE - THE CASTLE TOWN -

THE INLAND SEA AND ITS PORTS 330

30, Ukita Yoshiie (d. 1534)—81, Ukita Naoie (1529-1581)—32 AB, Survey of Kinzanji temple lands—33, Provincial map of early Tokugawa period—34, Yotokuin, mother of Nobuteru (1536-1584)

—35, Nobuteru’s son Terumasa (1564-1613)—86, Nobuteru’s grandson Mitsumasa (1609-1682 )—37, The Raven castle—38, The

Ikeda family temple of Sogenji—39, Graves of the Ikeda daimyo and their wives—40, The west castle gate—41, Saidaiji-ché, a commercial ward—42, Shimotsui today compared with Ushimado during the Tokugawa period.

LIST OF MAPS

1. Ancient Kibi 18 2. Expansion of Okayama Plain 20 System (c. 480) 29

3. Southeastern Kibi under the Kuni-no-miyatsuko

(after 788 ) 67

4. Administrative Divisions under the Ritsury6 System

5. Administrative Institutions (after 788 ) 74 6. Bizen, Bitch, and Mimasaka under the Ritsury6

System (after 788 ) 80 7. Jori Field System (c. 788) 87

8. Shden and Kokugaryo (c. 1200) 159

9. Shugo under the Ashikaga Shogunate (c. 1370) 199

10. Shden and Kokugaryo (c. 1440) 221

11. Eve of the Ukita Consolidation (c. 1550) 265

12. Daimyo during the Last Days of the Ashikaga Sho-

gunate (c. 1572) 273 13. Ukita Domain (1580-1600) 307

14. Fiefs under the Urakami (c. 1560) 314

15. Territorial Divisions (c. 1700) 379

16. Rise of the Ikeda House (1560-1613 ) 385

GOVERNMENT AND LOCAL POWER IN JAPAN 500 to 1700

INTRODUCTION APAN'S growing role in world affairs has directed increasing atJ tention to its historical past. The first Oriental nation to project itself upon the world stage, a country which in the last century has undergone the most startling of cultural changes, Japan appears as something of a modern prodigy whose history is probed for answers to the riddle of its restless emergence as a modern

power. Histories of Japan there are in abundance, and among these many have described with imagination and skill the fascinating pageant of the past in Japan. Yet too often this history has appeared to Western eyes more exotic than real, more contradictory

than plausible. Too often our writers have unrolled a brocade of oddly composed figures: of warlike tribal chieftains, elegant aristocrats emulating the arts of China, Buddhist monks engrossed in meditation, fanatical samurai fighting and dying for their lords, dedicated Christians and equally dedicated enemies of the Cross, docile subjects, and cold-blooded assassins.

The exotic quality of Western writing on Japanese history derives in part from the remoteness of Japanese culture from so much that is familiar to the Western observer. The Japanese have literal-

ly lived on the farthest fringe of the civilized world. And for the European, the Japanese have been the farthest in that romantic easterly direction of any people of the Orient. Only as steam and air travel have bridged the Pacific have Americans come to speak of Japan as a “New Far West” which yet seems strangely Eastern in its paradoxes.*

In the nineteenth century, when Westerners rediscovered Japan,

the clothing, food, and domestic architecture which they found seemed incredibly quaint and impractical. And yet this same “land of birds and butterflies” as it was once called, was the first of the countries of Asia to master the ways of Western life and thought.’

This modern paradox has seemed to be only the last of many which confront the Western reader of Japanese history. How is one to account for the contrasting images of a quiet people in love 1Show devoted its May 1963 issue (vol. 8, no. 5) to Japan under the title “Japan: The New Far West.” The reference was intended to be humorous, to be sure, and played on the concept of “Westernization” in Japan as much as on the fact that travel to Japan has become so easy. 2 The quotation is from Sir Edwin Arnold who headed a long line of romantic Western commentators on Japan.

A Introduction with nature and shadows yet periodically roused to violent warfare or fanatical assassination, worshippers at the feet of Chinese civilization yet aggressively proud of their own heritage, artists of uncanny delicacy and sensitivity among warriors and officials capable of utmost arrogance and brutality, a people so seemingly Oriental yet so energetically modern? The Western historian has not found it easy to discover unity and meaning in the seeming contradictions of Japanese history or the unfamiliar behavior of its main actors. And this is particularly true the farther back he goes in Japanese history. The very names with which the story is studded seem to deny the possibility of coherence. What is the thread linking the separate beads of Yamato, Nara, Heian, Kamakura, Muromachi, Azuchi, Momoyama, Edo, and Tokyo? How can one explain except by reference to inscrutable behavior, for instance, the political condition of the

thirteenth century when the real rulers of Japan were usurpers of the power of the shogun, who presumably ruled in the name of the emperor, who himself was a puppet of the court regent, who

in turn had no influence because he was overshadowed by the office of ex-emperors?

Such are the seeming conundrums with which Japanese history confronts the Western writer, causing him to resort to concepts

of “uniqueness” in Japanese behavior or of an “imitativeness” which responds to every passing influence from abroad. One explanation is as common as another among historians groping for the elusive Japanese “essence.” The strong currents of Buddhist influence, of Chinese political philosophy, of Sung and Ming aesthetics have been used to explain a variety of turning points in Japan’s premodern history. And against these there have been counterposed the periodic outcroppings of native practices and social values which seem to articulate an almost mechanical dialectic

from the interplay of the foreign and the native in Japanese culture. But more often the Western historian, despairing of explanation, has sheepishly made a virtue of telling his story as a “bewildering history.” Most of this difficulty in arriving at an understanding of Japanese history stems from the propensity to look at Japan through alien eyes, to seek explanations in terms of Western preconcep$ For an extreme example see Vincent McHugh, “Japan: Their Bewildering His-

tory,” Holiday, 30.4 (October 1961), 76-111. :

Introduction 5 tions about the nature of society, the political process, or religious consciousness. If the Western observer could but shift his view-

point and accept Japanese history on its own terms, taking explanations from the content of Japanese culture and from the value system of the Japanese people themselves, the results would be quite different, and certainly more comprehensible. Behind the colorful pageant of Japan’s cultural history, behind the seeming

erratic shifts in political or social behavior, the outlines of continuity are inescapably visible. In the basic relationships within Japanese society, such as those between government and social classes, between power and wealth, between individual and society, Japanese institutions have shown a remarkable constancy. The brocade of Japanese history has been woven on a warp of enduring material. This is not to say that we should think to find some single controlling factor or some single thread which will unravel all the mysteries of Japanese history. The patterns of cultural behavior in Japan have been quite varied. But this variety has been contained within well-defined limits, and the predominant motifs have frequently repeated. The following study of Japan in premodern times, embracing a span of nearly thirteen centuries, is directed toward the illumination of some important elements of continuity in Japanese history. It is an effort to explain through the detailed analysis of a microcosm—the small province of Bizen—the fundamental institutions of

political organization and social and economic structure upon which Japanese government has rested. It seeks historical depth both by limiting the study in terms of its geographical scope and by restricting the number of variables to which it gives attention. The geographic base is the province of Bizen, one of sixty-six di-

visions of old Japan. In area it covered perhaps five hundred square miles, and by the eighteenth century it had acquired a population of something over 400,000 people. Within the confines of Bizen our attention is concentrated upon the unfolding of two sets of relationships: first, the combination of traditions and techniques by which the Japanese organized power and exercised authority and, second, the connections between the holders of power and the sources of wealth, mainly the land. Our study, therefore, deals chiefly with such subjects as theories of legitimacy and practices of administration, concepts of social stratification and social

rights, and practices of land tenure and taxation. Within the lim-

6 Introduction ited world of Bizen it seeks to gain a sufficient intimacy with Japanese life to find meaning in the historic continuities and changes in the way premodern Japanese governed themselves. For the historian one of the most fascinating aspects of the study

of Japanese political institutions is the fact that isolation has placed limitations on the number and duration of contacts which Japan has had with outsiders and has protected Japan from the possibility of foreign invasion and cultural engulfment. The drama of political change in Japan was, until recent times at least, almost completely an indigenous affair, and the roles and the motivations of its main actors were created and sustained by the conditions of the Japanese environment. To this extent Japan offers the ingredients of a closed system in which the norms of political life have been relatively fixed and in which influences intruding from outside have been few and easily identified. Within this system have evolved certain clearly established patterns, each originally a response to a particular set of conditions at a particular period of Japan’s past, which provided the boundaries and moving forces of political behavior in later eras. To look at Japanese political history through Japanese eyes is to see these recurring, interacting, subtly changing, indigenous patterns in the perspective of their centuries-long continuity. The oldest and in many ways the most deeply rooted of these historically ingrained systems of political organization grew out of the earliest period of Japanese history for which we can reconstruct the political community. We have called this the “familial” system, rather than use the more common term “clan” which gives

rise to too many ambiguous connotations. (The Japanese elite family organization, the uji, was by no means a clan in either the Germanic or Chinese sense. )* During the Yamato period, that is, from roughly the middle of the third century to the middle of the seventh, government in Japan was exercised by a hierarchy of ruling families whose authority, though secured originally by military force, was ultimately rationalized on the basis of lineage and exerted along the lines of kin relationship. The prime sanctions for

authority were prestige of family status and the supposed religious power possessed by family chiefs according to their position within the social hierarchy. At the apex of the familial system stood the imperial family around which there developed the be4T have also thought it best to avoid the term “familistic” used by Max Weber.

Introduction 7 liefs and practices of political Shinto. The “familial state,” in which

sovereignty was held by the head of the house claiming lineal descent from the Sun Goddess and in which all subjects were conceived of as being members of a great extended family, became

the form of national organization which Japanese periodically looked back to as most ideally theirs. Once it had become established and institutionalized during the fourth or fifth centuries it was to have tremendous staying power throughout the remainder of Japanese history, as indicated by the continuous respect paid the imperial house, the almost religious veneration given to political and social eminence, and the continuing propensity to channel authority along family lines. The familial ingredient in Japan’s political heritage, while being transformed under changing conditions of culture and political ideology, nonetheless formed a constant and important element linking the social hierarchy to the power structure at all levels. The tendency of the Japanese to fictionalize superior-inferior relations by conceiving of them in familial terms is the best example of this. Contrasted with this deeply indigenous style of exercising authority was another which we have called imperial-bureaucratic. In origin this tradition was considerably affected by Chinese influence, although it would be wrong to see it as wholly alien to the Japanese way of government. The tendency of familially based power groupings to become “rationalized” and to develop what Max Weber would call a patrimonial officialdom for purposes of administration was a recurring feature of Japanese political history. The Chinese model of bureaucratic organization thus fitted into the urge toward centralization and rationalization of government which frequently manifested itself in Japan. The bureau-

cratic concept of government and administration received the greatest commitment from the Japanese during the Nara and early Heian periods, that is, during the eighth through tenth centuries. To this concept belongs the principle of imperial rule under heayenly mandate, the ordered hierarchy of court ranks, the centralized national bureaucracy, and the exercise of authority through a systematically codified legal and administrative apparatus. Since it was first put into effect in Japan when society in China, but even more in Japan, was strictly divided between aristocracy and commoners, the bureaucratic tradition came to rest upon an assump-

tion that authority was an inherent quality of aristocracy. The

8 Introduction aristocracy, as partners in the exercise of sovereignty with the emperor, were by definition imbued with the right to govern. Beyond this, the idea that bureaucracy and law could exist in the abstract above and independent of the hierarchy of aristocratic families was adopted less whole-heartedly in Japan than in China. The familial

structure of government which had characterized the earlier period was never entirely discarded but remained as the skeleton upon which bureaucratic procedures were overlaid. Japan never abandoned the essentially patrimonial style of authority. And the government of the Heian period provides a particularly clear example of fusion between a highly aristocratic conception of society and certain bureaucratic techniques imported from China.

The deterioration of civil aristocratic power during the Heian period gave rise to a third distinctive tradition of political organization which was in large measure the creation of the lower aristocracy. This group, increasingly preoccupied with military functions, had by the eleventh century become identified as a distinct class, the bushi or samurai. The bushi style of government has customarily been called feudal, a characterization which should not offend us if we are careful to limit the sense in which the term is used. What particularly distinguished the bushi manner of exercising authority was its reliance on the lord-vassal relationships resulting from agreements in arms between members of the fighting aristocracy. The military bond added a dimension of compul-

sion to a system of authority in a world which had become dangerously disorganized. The bushi gained their first major power breakthrough with the establishment of the office of shogun in 1192, but it was not until the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries that feudal practices became

the norm in Japan. For many centuries the practices of feudal organization applied to only certain clear-cut areas within Japanese government, primarily to the areas of shogunal jurisdiction and to certain features of local administration exercised by military governors and land stewards. Throughout much of the early centuries during which the bushi were gaining power, the Japanese polity was held together by the remnants of the imperial bureauc-

racy or at least the idea of an imperial state to which both the court aristocracy and the warrior aristocracy subscribed. Feudal authority from the beginning justified itself as a delegation from the imperial system. Furthermore, the feudal system in Japan com-

Introduction 9 monly retained many features of the earlier familial organization. Vassals in Japan for instance were generally called “children of the house” or “housemen,” and the feudal power structure was typically buttressed by real or fictional family ties. The feudal tradi-

tion added a number of ingredients to the political culture of Japan. In particular it brought into being a definite warrior aristocracy, the members of which conceived of their national role as

protectors of the state uniquely competent to exercise political leadership. It added the power of the sword to the authoritarianism inherent in the other traditions. The high point of feudalism in Japan occurred during the sixteenth century; thereafter the feudal elements of Japanese society were gradually diluted. The revival of Confucianism as the prime social philosophy was indicative of a renewed reliance on bureaucratic techniques in government. If during the early phase of feudal development in Japan the imperial system had maintained the framework of national organization within which feudalism spread, then during the Tokugawa period it was the feudal system which maintained the structure within which the bureaucratic and legal principles reminiscent of the imperial system began to infuse the political life of Japan. Not that the Tokugawa period should be thought of as a throwback to the somewhat primitive procedures of state organization

which characterized the Nara period. Clearly in the course of Japanese history there had been a constant growth in cultural richness and in technological complexity. By the Tokugawa period

Japanese culture was fundamentally different from that of the eighth century. Greater and more varied economic production, a dramatic growth in urbanization, the spread of literacy, and an overall rise in standard of living, all made for a much more complex and sophisticated way of life. Whereas government in the

eighth century relied on the thinnest crust of an educated aristocracy, Japan by the eighteenth century was a society of large mass groups and classes in which the samurai made up a sizable five percent or more. Moreover, the samurai class of the Tokugawa period constituted a body of educated officials vastly superior in quality of education and administrative experience to the Nara aristocracy. While the eighth century officials had tried to enforce uniform codes of administrative procedure, their effort had been largely premature. Their codes having been imported from China

10 Introduction contained provisions too far out of touch with Japanese conditions. In the seventeenth century, despite the strong influence of Confucian theory upon Japanese law, the basic elements of the new procedural codes were of strictly indigenous origin and had grown out of more than a century of experimentation by the great territorial houses. The greatest legal innovation of this period, the practice of legislation by class, or social group, was clearly an outgrowth of the functional differentiations which were becoming apparent in Japanese society. The three systems of authority which we have described served principally as methods of supralocal or elite organization within Japanese society. Underlying all of these systems were the practices which linked power in the hands of the elite to wealth and the ability to enforce authority, namely land and labor. The key

to the organization of land and man in Japan was the agrarian community. Village Japan itself gave rise to an important pattern of political organization which formed a continuing though qualitatively changing foundation beneath the elite structure. Village life in turn was strongly affected by prevailing conditions of agriculture, namely the intensive wet rice system of cultivation and the concomitant need for a dense population organized for communal cooperation. The rural community in Japan since earliest times tended to manage its local affairs within a system of cor-

porate existence under the leadership of community headmen. These headmen played a dual role. They were first of all represen-

tatives of the locality and of the village, but they were also in touch with higher authority and hence performed a key function in the delivery of tax grain and labor service. Village communities consisting of cultivators and headmen traditionally handled their own aftairs with a minimum of interference from above, but always as units of the superior system of local administration. Thus, depending upon which of the dominant traditions prevailed within

the elite level of government, the ties between supralocal and local government were based on familial concepts, bureaucratic procedures, or feudal controls. Rural life has had little direct effect upon the shaping of Japan’s political history, and to this extent the villages may seem to form an inert mass upon which the play of elite politics took place. Yet the problem of village control has always been a prominent concern of Japanese rulers, and the interaction between the large and

Introduction 11 the small communities in Japan has not been without its influence upon the lives of the elite. In particular the conditions of village

organization have strongly affected the pattern of land use and management and in this way have touched the roots of elite society and its sources of power. Perhaps the reason that village organization has played such an important role in the affairs of the elite is that the level of control over land production exercised by the Japanese elite has been rela-

tively removed from the land itself. In other words, their main concern has been man and his labors rather than the land as such. In the Yamato period emphasis was frankly on manpower, that is, on the communities of workers known as be. Under the imperial-

bureaucratic system, taxes were assessed on the head and labor was more important than the grain tax. Under the feudal system, military and labor service were important elements of the superior rights of profit from the land. Throughout premodern Japanese history control of the rights over profit from the land—in other words, control over the workers of the land—has served as the basis of political power. Even in the Tokugawa period the territorial aristocracy was enfeoffed in terms of villages and units of production (rice) rather than in terms of specific parcels of land. It was not until Japan’s modern revolution that land in economic terms, or wealth secured from other sources than the villages, or the ability to control men’s minds became alternative bases of political power. Thus up through the middle of the nineteenth century the evolution of Japan’s political institutions has had a remarkably stable quality. This is not merely because the elements of power and the sources of wealth were limited and homogeneous, but also because of the isolation of the Japanese islands and the fact that the political struggle was confined within such a narrow sphere. We have

already noted that the interplay of political traditions was slow and that one system of authority never suddenly displaced another. In surveying the history of Japanese political institutions it would be hard to say that anything like a real revolution ever took place. There were, of course, many periods of violent warfare and bloodshed among the ruling families. And yet these did not result in the overthrow of an entire political system or of an entire ruling group. The elite of one age were generally only pushed aside by those of the next. And so the familial chiefs of the seventh century remained as the local elite of the eighth; the court aristocracy of

12 Introduction the eleventh century retained an identity even into the twentieth century, and even the members of the feudal aristocracy received patents in a modern nobility after 1885. If the Japanese political establishment was not subject to violent division leading to dynastic overthrow, neither was it greatly troubled by revolutionary outbursts which might have posed a threat to the social order from below. The first Westerners who visited Japan in the sixteenth century commented on the remarkably secure hold of the territorial rulers over their officials and subjects. Undoubtedly the Japanese political community has been characterized by a strong tendency to accept authority among individuals in all stations of life and by a prevalence of authority situations within the sub-units of the political system such as family, fief, or village. This condition had another manifestation which helps to explain the frequency of group tenure of authority or of group responsibility and the relative ease with which individuals have subordinated themselves to family, group, or authoritarian interests. In common with most political cultures of the Orient, the Japanese have accepted the existence of social stratification as or-

dained by nature and have recognized without reluctance the prerogatives which have attended such stratification. The stress upon group rather than individual has been an outcome of the importance of the group as the recipient of status. And status itself has served as its own prime rationale for the exercise of political authority. In its most generalized form, perhaps, the sense of group served to heighten the Japanese consciousness of the political community as a whole, reinforcing that particular pattern of unity around the

imperial family which the Japanese have labeled “the polity” (kokutai). From the time of the early Yamato hegemony, the structure of political power in Japan had consisted of a coalition of families around the emperor, and the Japanese political community was sufficiently small that there were no powers to contend with outside the imperial sway. The significance of this fact can-

not be understated. For since there was never but one power hierarchy, struggles for national hegemony took place within a limited group and consisted of conflicts or intrigues among a closed

elite. Thus war in Japan was always civil war, and intrigue was always carried out from within the group. This made for strong pressures toward compromise and coalition at every step. From

Introduction 13 the time of the original rise of the imperial family, political ascendancy tended to be the result of incomplete civil war. The resulting power structure generally consisted of a coalition of closely allied and recently defeated families held together in a delicate balance. Historically the imperial family was once a party to the violent struggle for power in Japan. But once the initial hegemony was established, and although the imperial family gradually lost real military and political power, its symbolic position as mediator be-

tween the members of the oligarchy and as the prime source of legitimacy remained of such importance that the emperor could never be assailed. A few attempts were made to overthrow the imperial family by intrigue from within the oligarchy, notably by the Soga chiefs during the seventh century and again by the priest

Dokyo during the eighth. Each time these attempts were frustrated by a closing of the ranks among the remaining aristocratic families who felt threatened by the “usurper.” Five times powerful military families arose to political hegemony in Japan: the Taira, Minamoto, Ashikaga, Toyotomi, and Tokugawa. Yet in each instance these families achieved their victory as the result of a military conquest which carried through from within the oligarchic

structure rather than attacking it from without. The resulting hegemonies therefore included former enemies who had given up

the struggle as the balance of power turned against them. Even during the age of great feudal wars no group was able to obtain a base of power outside of the polity from which it might have at-

tacked and destroyed the system of legitimacy over which the emperor presided. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the em-

peror was reduced to a condition of near oblivion and outright economic distress, yet the idea of the national hierarchy remained. As new military leaders fought to the top they looked to the emperor for the tokens of legitimacy and to the system of court ranks over which he presided for a means of ritualizing the pyramid of

power. It is no accident that Japan entered the modern era following a political coup d’état carried out in the name of the emeror. The slow organic nature of the changes which affected the struc-

ture of government in Japan is nowhere better illustrated than in the practices dealing with land tenure and property rights. We have already noted that the particular form of intensive agricul-

14 Introduction ture practiced in Japan had profoundly influenced the tenure system so that superior rights over land were generally limited to the rights of profit and management and not that of outright owner-

ship. Inferior rights of cultivation were equally persistently retained in the hands of the workers of the soil. The evolution in practices of tenure and taxation have thus revolved around two distinct poles: possession as practiced by the elite has taken the form of proprietorship and has consisted of rights of management

and taxation; the rights of cultivation have remained separable from proprietorship.

We know too little about the pre-seventh century land system to be able to say much more about it than that it was tied in with the system of familial organization and with the groups of hereditary workers attached to the elite families. There was no clear-cut theory of proprietorship. This was first clarified legally during the seventh century when the government codified its claim not only to the rights of governance but also of proprietorship over the rice

lands of the country. The breakdown of this system of public domain came about as rights of proprietorship were gradually acquired away from the government by the aristocracy and the religious institutions along with certain immunities and exemptions from taxation and governmental inspection. The shden, or private proprietorship, which resulted from this process put into the hands of court families and religious orders most of the powers over the

workers of the land which had formerly been exercised by the state. For this reason the proprietary rights were themselves divisible into several functional levels with respect to the land and its management. As the military aristocracy gained possession of various proprietorships they divided them among themselves, linking their possession to conditions of military service. In other words,

they became the basis of the feudal fief. But it was not until the sixteenth century that the military families secured proprietary control over all lands in Japan, at which time they automatically had secured possession of the territorial rights of governance as well.

Characteristic of the history of land tenure in Japan was its verv slow evolution and the persistent overlap of one system of tenure

as another began to develop. Despite the fact, for instance, that the Chinese-inspired system of public proprietorship began to be circumvented as early as the middle of the eighth century, public

Introduction 15 domain was still to be found (in a greatly modified form, to be sure ) as late as the fifteenth century. While the practice of linking shoen proprietorships to the system of feudal authority began as early as the eleventh century, the shden system itself persisted into

the sixteenth century. It was in fact not until after 1585, when Hideyoshi imposed a nationwide cadastral survey upon Japan, that a new legal basis was laid for the distribution of superior and in-

ferior rights to the land. To the military aristocracy went the rights (and responsibilities ) of territorial proprietorship and gov-

ernance under the authority of the military hegemon. To the cultivators went the rights of copyhold as established in the village cadastral registers. This was the system which provided the foun-

dation for daimyo rule in the provinces during the Tokugawa period. Not until the Meiji Restoration did the central government finally regain the rights of governance and of eminent domain, giving to the people only the rights of ownership in its modern sense.

These are the main themes of institutional continuity and change which we shall hope to illuminate through our study of the history of Bizen province. The study need not be isolated from the narrative of political events in Bizen and cannot be cut away from the course of national history as it flowed through the prov-

ince. But it will naturally play down the record of personal or idiosyncratic events in its search for pattern and commonality. Bizen is of interest to us as a case study through which we can observe at close range the functioning of political institutions common to most of the rest of Japan. There is no attempt to claim for Bizen, however, a place among Japanese provinces which makes

its study typical or particularly significant, and the meticulous student may well question whether generalizations from the case of Bizen are at all representative. But the local historian is fortunate in having at his command a wide variety of monographic studies with which he can correct his provincialism. And Bizen need not be excused as being too far from the main stream of Japanese political development. Located midway between the capital and the frontier provinces, it has had a history which has avoided the extremes of both center and periphery. The one quali-

fication which might be made is that Bizen by being located to the west of the capital has had a longer and richer cultural history under more propitious economic conditions than if it had

16 Introduction been located in the mountainous region a similar distance to the east.

The contemporary traveler to Okayama, the heart of old Bizen, will find himself struck by two extremes of the historical process almost simultaneously. For the soil of Bizen today shows its age in the intensity with which it has been worked by its human inhabitants. Even the casual eye quickly picks up the contours of ancient burial mounds, of dyked rivers long channeled to flow between the fields of rice, of stretches of paddy land reclaimed in past ages from the waters of the sea. Yet on top of the ancient base the present citizens of the area engaged in almost frenzied efforts to build their cities and improve their lives. The ocean dredge is ever active in reclaiming still new strips of land for industrial use, and new lines of concrete laid with intricate bridgework over ancient waterways are linking Okayama to Tokyo by truck and bus. The record of Bizen’s development from the days of the early tumuli is indeed impressive, and though we in this study look at Bizen impersonally

and analytically, the story of human achievement and cultural growth cannot altogether be lost upon us.

GOVERNMENT AND LOCAL POWER IN JAPAN

500 to 1700

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I. THE FAMILIAL SYSTEM IN EARLY KIBI BB” was one of four provinces created in the seventh century by subdividing the ancient region of Kibi. The name Bizen, which signifies “the fore-part of Kibi,” indicates that it lay closest to the capital among the Kibi provinces. What the original significance of the name Kibi was we do not know, but by early historic times it had come to refer to a locale possessing strong political and cultural cohesion and extending over all of present Okayama

Prefecture and a portion of Hiroshima Prefecture to the west. Topographically this area was based upon the drainage systems of four large rivers which in east-west order bear the modern names of Yoshii, Asahi, Takahashi, and Ashida. Bizen, the easternmost of the subdivisions of Kibi, consisted in the main of the rivermouth plains of the Yoshii and Asahi rivers.

As in a number of other similar parts of western Honshu bordering on the Inland Sea, the physical features of the Kibi region have undergone considerable change in the last two millennia owing to the erosion of hills and the silting-in of bays and river mouths along the coast. At the time when our story begins, some sixteen centuries ago, the topography of Bizen was visibly different from what it is today. At that time three rivers, the Yoshii, Asahi, and Takahashi, all flowed into the Inland Sea within twenty

miles of each other at a point considerably above what was then the large island of Kojima. The name Kojima means “child island,” and presumably derives from the early geographical relationship

of the island to the “parental” mainland.t Today Kojima is no longer an island, but is joined to the mainland by a rich stretch of alluvial soil. The mouths of the three main rivers are widely separated from each other. The steady silting-in of the shallow waters which once lay between the mainland and off-shore islands like Kojima has given a constant dimension of growth to the agricultural base of the region. The fertile plain formed by the expanding deltas of the rivers of this region became the heart of historic Bizen and provided the soil on which the modern city of Okayama was to emerge.

A mild climate, broad river valleys, and easy access to the sea account for the early settlement of Kibi in prehistoric times. Here 1 Nagayama Usaburd, Okayama-ken tstishi (2 vols., Okayama, 1930), 1.55. Hereafter cited as Tsiishi.

ee

o or: we ARN ENS § BS. NSO RSS PRS

& Y Nite a SOO9 RUA SSN ~BONING Red Te Ss EES oy RY Seay BR AGREES wich On

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9

Ua ; Va Expansion of Okayama Plain or SITENY Hypothetical shoreline ca. 1500 B.C. Ws Approximate shoreline ca. A.D. 788 | Approximate shoreline ca. A.D. 1200 SRN Tokugawa Period reclamations meer Reclamations after 1868

10 miles & Jomon site ©

was one of the cradles of Japanese civilization, its history closely paralleling that of Yamato to the east, where the political center of Japanese culture established itself. Today the region abounds in archaeological remains which attest to the continuity of human life from remote prehistoric times. Hardly a town is without its

amateur archaeological association, each with its collection of Stone or Iron Age artifacts uncovered in the surrounding fields and hills. The Kurashiki Museum of Archaeology is one of several mod-

ern organizations active in the scientific study of the prehistory of Kibi.

The Familial System in Early Kibi 21 Archaeological evidence of human life in Bizen begins with scattered finds of paleolithic flake and core stone implements dating back some eight or more millennia. But our concern is with

the beginning of the political community in Bizen, and for this our story begins quite late, perhaps in the third or fourth century of our era. It begins essentially with the appearance of large burial mounds erected by the first regional chieftains of the area. These mounds, called “kofun” by the Japanese, are often referred to as “dolmens” by Western writers, though the simple term tumuli is probably more appropriate. The earliest in Kibi date from about

the beginning of the fourth century; the latest were built in the seventh century. These dates roughly define what has been called the “kofun age” in Japan, a time during which recorded and archaeological evidence begin to fuse for us and when our conceptions of the earliest social and political institutions of Japan can take on substance.

It is during the age of tumuli that Kibi first acquired political identity. Chinese records, which provide the earliest authentic descriptions of Japan, relate that Japan of the third century consisted of some 50 districts (or kuni), and we may presume that Kibi-no-kuni was one of these. The Kibi region probably acquired its identity somewhat later than similar districts of northern Kyushu, and it is perhaps only with the rise of Yamato that Kibi came into prominence. Although the provinces into which Kibi was later divided ultimately merged without great distinction into the ranks

of “the 66 provinces,” from the fourth to seventh centuries this region was one of the most culturally advanced and politically important outside of Yamato. Today Okayama Prefecture boasts a density of tumulus remains greater than that of any locale outside of central Japan. A count in 1918 revealed over 4000 large and small kofun.? Among these are some of the most spectacular in terms of size and richness of content to be found anywhere in Japan. Within the present boundaries of what was once Kibi, archaeologists have identified over 140 gigantic “keyhole” (zempokéen) tumuli of the type reserved for chieftains of great influence.

Twenty of them are readily visible in the environs of Okayama City. The largest of these tombs, that of Kamo-Tsukuriyama in Takamatsu township just west of Okayama, is a massive man-made

mound measuring nearly 90 feet high and over 1100 feet long. 2 Tstishi, 1.809-317.

22 The Familial System nn Early Kibi Such mounds were heaped over spacious stone burial crypts which have yielded pottery, bronze, and iron artifacts of advanced manufacture.

Tsukuriyama appears long ago to have been plundered of its most significant contents, but other dolmens excavated either by amateur antiquarians or more recently by professional archaeolog-

ical teams have gathered from the ancient tombs of Kibi a rich accumulation of artifacts from which we can gain considerable insight into the early life of this region.’ Kibi’s rulers, as revealed by the articles buried with them, bore the conspicuous marks of higher civilization and political and social distinction. Earthenware figurines placed both within and outside the tombs reveal house types ancestral to the present thatched-roofed farmhouses of western Honshu. They also depict men and women dressed in continental-style garments, the men in riding outfits which were the fashion in Northeast Asia. Iron and bronze horse equipment, iron breastplates and helmets, iron swords and arrow points tell us much about the styie of warfare in which the Kibi chieftains engaged. Iron agricultural implements reveal the secret of agrar-

ian improvements which expanded the economic base upon which the tumulus builders depended. Ornaments of semi-precious stones and particularly bronze mirrors of both foreign and domestic manufacture tell us of some of the embellishments which distinguished the elite life of this period. Comparison of the artifacts found in Kibi with those in other

regions of Japan reveals that Kibi was in close contact with Yamato, the center of Japanese culture, and also with the continent. To date, for instance, the region has yielded 94 bronze mirrors. Many of these were most certainly imported directly from China, and among these some look intriguingly like articles received from the Chinese court in return for tribute. Others were 3A thorough and well-illustrated report on the excavation of Kanakura-yama tumulus is characteristic of the newest professional archaeological studies. See Nishitani Shinji and Kamaki Yoshimasa, Kanakura-yama kofun (Kurashiki, 1959). For a general illustrated survey see Iwatsu Seiuemon and Kamaki Yoshimasa, eds., Okayama-ken jiiyo bunkazai zuroku, Kéko shiryé hen (Tokyo, 1957). The Okayamaken tsiishi and more recent surveys of Okayama history all contain useful chapters on the tumulus period. Occasional articles in more general historical series help to

put the Kibi area in perspective. See Nishikawa Hiroshi, “Kofun bunka ni arawareta chiiki shakai” (Nihon kékogaku kéza, 5, 1955) Kond6é Yoshiro, “Nihon kofun bunka” (Nihon rekishi kéza, 1, Genshi-kodai, 1958), and Inoue Tatsuo, “Iwai no hanran to Nansen” in the same volume.

The Familial System in Early Kibi 23 clearly of domestic manufacture, and of these several share the same mold as mirrors found in Yamato tombs.‘ It is not so much the individual finds of the dolmen period but rather the total assemblage that is most characteristic and impressive. When we consider the total number of the burial mounds, the gigantic size and weight of the boulders fashioned into the inner crypts, the many styles and origins of articles both of religious and secular significance found in the tombs, we are able to visualize not only

a society of some material sophistication but also one whose leaders were men of considerable power and political influence. Here clearly was the origin of the political community in Kibi. Unfortunately for Japan as a whole and for individual regions such as Kibi in particular, the documentary evidence which might fill out the details of the social and political institutions of Japan prior to the seventh century do not compare in richness and reliability with the archaeological record. Because of the belated spread in Japan of the knowledge of writing and the practice of keeping records, there are almost no written records which might accompany the findings from the tumuli, particularly for regions outside of Yamato. The national histories set down in the eighth century are concerned primarily with events at the political center of Japan. Although it is presumed that house histories from Kibi may have gone into the writing of the Nihon shoki, it is not at all possible to gain from the fragmentary references to local events contained in this work any clear conception of the internal events of Kibi or of the region’s political institutions. It seems incredible, for instance, that no written record or inscription links any of the

great graves of Kibi with the men for whom they were built. Nonetheless we must proceed with what little evidence we have to add political and social substance:to the archaeological evidence.

By the age of the tumulus builders, it is clear, Kibi was by no means politically isolated; the region was, in fact, part of a growing national order. At a time not yet agreed upon with any certainty, but judged by Japanese historians to have occurred in the late third or early fourth century, the basis of a primitive political hegemony was laid in the Yamato region to the east of Kibi. Here a group of families (uji) drawn together under the leadership of the powerful chieftain claiming descent from the Sun Goddess 4 Kobayashi Yukio, Kofun jidai no kenkyit (Tokyo, 1961), 97-159.

24 The Familial System in Early Kibt (Amaterasu-Omikami) had succeeded in pacifying the Yamato

plain and had begun to push out from Yamato into adjoining regions. The first incident which appears to fuse legend, archaeology, and written history around the area of Kibi is the story of what was unquestionably the conquest of Kibi by this emergent Yamato power.

Local legend associated with shrines and place names of Kibi and the earliest national historical records, the Kojiki and Nihon shoki, relate that the Yamato ruler Sujin, probably of the early fourth century, sent out military chiefs along four routes from central Japan. According to the Kojiki, one of these, said to be the son of the Yamato ruler Korei, named O-Kibitsu-hiko-no-mikoto, was dispatched westward along the Inland Sea.’ O-Kibitsu-hiko met and conquered formidable opposition just west of present

Okayama City. Having pacified the area, he and his brother, Waka-hiko-take-no-kibitsu-hiko-no-mikoto, are said to have settled

in the region, giving it the name Kibi-no-kuni. O-Kibitsu-hiko himself is commemorated in the main shrine of the locale, Kibitsu Jinja.° A great keyhole mound near the shrine is still revered as his

burial place. According to the Nihon shoki, it was the younger brother, however, whose offspring peopled the area with members of the Kibi family, and continued to represent the Yamato interest within the region. While the narrative of O-Kibitsu-hiko’s exploits is probably em-

bellished by legend and may, in fact, be a composite of several individual stories, later references in the chronicles to members of the Kibi family are unquestionably factual. There is sufficient reason to accept, therefore, the existence of a powerful tomb-age

family surnamed Kibi in the Okayama region. Its branches, spreading east and west, extended the area of the family’s dominance in subsequent generations. The current, though perhaps fictional, genealogy of the Kibi lineage states that Kibitsu-hiko had three offspring, two of whom were daughters and were taken as wives or concubines into the household of the Yamato chieftain.

The third child, a son named Misuki-tomomimi-takehiko-nomikoto, had seven children. Each of these attained prominence 5 Pertinent passages are quoted and annotated by Nagayama in Tstshi, 1. 157-

1 e Nagayama Usaburé, Kibi-gun shi (8 vols., Okayama, 1937-38), 1. 92-100. Hereafter cited as Kibi-gun shi.

The Familial System in Early Kibi 25 in one way or another. One son is said to have become a local chieftain in the region of Suruga, another in Echizen. One daughter became the wife of the fabled Yamato-takeru-no-mikoto, another the consort of the Yamato ruler Ojin. Of the three remaining sons, Mitomo-no-wake-no-mikoto continued the succession of the

main Kibi lineage. His brothers and his three sons established branch lineages with hegemonies over separate districts within Kibi.’

While the Kibi family carried out the conquest of Kibi and remained dominant in most of the area for several centuries, it was not the only ruling group to enter the region from Yamato. Dur-

ing the slightly later reign of Ojin, it is recorded that the third generation offspring of Nuteshi-wake, son of the Yamato ruler Suinin, was set over the region of Fujino as a reward for his mili-

tary services. Fujino at that time referred to the area embracing the upper valley of the Yoshii River and included the districts of Iwanashi and Wake of later years. The family which took root from this migration used the name Iwanashi-no-wake, and eventually simply “Wake.” The origin of this name was obviously derived from the fact that the family began as a branch (wake) of the Yamato line.®

These stories of the Kibi and Wake families, taken in conjunction with what we know about the events in Yamato at the time, reveal a picture, necessarily dim and uncertain, of an emerging military hegemony centered on the Yamato plain. The late third

and early fourth centuries were a period of extensive warfare, as the Yamato rulers consolidated their position in central Japan

and then embarked upon further conquests. Legends clustered around the names Sujin and Yamato-takeru tell of the conquests by which the central core of the Japanese islands was securely tied to the Yamato hegemony and the remoter areas, containing

different ethnic groups such as the Kumaso and Hayato, were pacified. The conquest of Kibi came relatively early in this process. Once it was pacified, its conquerors stayed on as local rulers, con-

tinuing to serve in the fighting forces of the Yamato chieftain. Eventually we find members of the Kibi family group fighting 7 Tstshi, 1. 191-194. Nagayama relies on the “Kibitsu Jinja ki” which contains the tradition perpetuated by the shrine of Kibitsu. 8 Miyoshi Iheiji, ed., Okayama-ken, Wake-gun, Fujino-son shi (Okayama, 1953),

3-5; Tstishi, 1.879-385,

26 The Famihal System in Early Kuibi even in Korea. The cultural identity of Kibi with Yamato is clearly

borne out by the style of tumuli and the objects they have been found to contain, particularly the many mirrors of identical manu-

facture held in common between the Kibi and Yamato graves.’ The evolving Yamato polity was based first of all on conquest,

but it was held together and given institutional stability by a number of other techniques which provided for a routinization of authority in a manner common to early familial societies. Efforts

to elevate the position of the Yamato chieftain to a position of sovereignty was accomplished rather early. A vocabulary of political and social titles distinguished the Yamato chieftain as sovereign (sumera-mikoto ) and endowed with the prerogative to govern (shiroshimesu ).*° The establishment for public worship of a shrine to the ancestral deity of the sovereign family and ritual identification of the family with the protective deity of Yamato, Omono-nushi-no-kami, provided the elements of religious sanction. But it was chiefly through the spread of an extended kinship

system and the tightening of marriage or fictive kinship bonds with an increasingly large body of subservient family lines that the authority of the Yamato chieftain was extended, first throughout Yamato and then to more distant regions. This particular pattern

of interrelationship between lines of political authority and kinship ties was one to which the Japanese elite was to return time and time again throughout premodern history. Between the sovereign family, its outlying branches, and its

direct subordinates the earliest channels of authority, those created during the third and fourth centuries, consisted of real or artificial kinship ties. Groups like the Kibi and Wake, presumably branches of the sovereign lineage, were “kept in the family”

by regular intermarriage and by the granting of intimate titles. Subjugated groups such as the Izumo were also interconnected through marriage and required to pay homage. In both instances one of the strongest continuing methods of cementing close but subservient ties was the taking of wives and “tribute” men and women from the families of the subordinate chiefs. Tribute fe-

males (uneme) frequently found their way into the group of recognized wives of the Yamato chieftains. Tribute males (toneri) ® Kobayashi, op.cit.

Hosei shiyo. , ,

10 Ishii Ryosuke, Nihon hosei shiyo (Tokyo, 1949), 12. Hereafter cited as Ishii,

The Familial System in Early Kibi 27 served as guards and servants of the sovereign. While in the serv-

ice of the sovereign, such individuals must also have remained

as hostages on behalf of their own family. Passages relating to Toneri-kibi-no-yugibe-no-dsora and Kibi-no-Kamutsumichi-no-

uneme-damachi in the record of the ruler Yuryaku contained in the Nihon shoki are two of many references which indicate that Kibi men and women were sent to Yamato for tribute purposes.” Kinship relations were constantly expanded and generalized to cover wider and more inclusive conditions of political organiza-

tion. The Yamato rulers devised rather early a system of social classification and ranks which gave justification to their claim of sovereignty. A division of lineages into direct branches (kdbetsu), those of local but unrelated origin (shimbetsu), and those of foreign origin ( bambetsu) provided a gross indication of the relationship of ali elite lines to the Yamato chieftain. Gradually also the diverse vocabulary of social distinction was brought under control

and fashioned into a uniform hierarchy of titles (kabane) descending from the sovereign. Since the Kibi and Wake families traced their descent from the sovereign line, they were included among the kdbetsu. Kibi chiefs appear in the earliest records with such titles as mikoto, wake, hiko, or mimi. Several generations later as the system of titles became standardized, the heads of the chief families of the Kibi lineage were designated omi, a title given almost exclusively to branch members of the sovereign line originating with or before the ruler Kogen.”

But there was constantly in evidence a tendency to push beyond this sort of rough federation of local chiefs to something

more clearly resembling a government of officials serving a supreme authority. Gradually the Yamato chiefs began to claim over local chiefs an administrative authority based on the concept that they were officials (tsukasa) of the sovereign accountable to

his pleasure (yosashi).* This effort is best illustrated in the use of titles of local authority such as kuni-no-miyatsuko and agatanushi, and those of service to the sovereign, chiefly tomo-no-miyatsuko. Terms for geographical units of local rule such as kuni or agata 11 Wakamori Tard and Nagano Masashi “Reimeiki Nihon no shakai to seikatsu,” (Shin Nihon shi taikei, 1, Kokka no seisei (1952), 179-180. 12 Ota Akira, Zentei Nihon jédai shakai soshiki no kenkyu (rev. ed., Tokyo, 1955), 89; 404-405. 13 Ishii, Hdsei shiyod, 18.

28 The Familial System in Early Kibi appear to go back a considerable time in Japanese practice. In the legend of the original pacification of Yamato it is related that several of the local chiefs who had come over to the cause of the new sovereign were set up as agata-nushi or kuni-no-miyatsuko in the Yamato region. The records of succeeding Yamato rulers tell the story of the extension of their authority through the acquisition

of control over an increasing number of kuni from which they could derive tribute. The relationship between kuni and agata is not altogether clear. In certain instances the terms appear to be used interchangeably; in others the term agata seems to stand for a smaller subdivision of the kuni." In Kibi the earliest appearance of these territorial titles is found in the record of the ruler Ojin in the third and fourth generations after O-kibitsu-hiko’s conquest. The time was perhaps at the very end of the fourth century. As the story in the Nihon shoki goes, Ojin, whose wife was a Kibi woman, had been on a hunt on Awaji Island in the Inland Sea. On his return he visited Kibi and in the course of his stay confirmed the titles of the members of the Kibi

uji over Kibi and its parts. To the chief of the Kibi lineage, Mitono-wake, went the superior title of Kibi-no-kuni-no-miyatsuko. The others were assigned as follows: At that time Mitomo-wake went to greet him accompanied by his brothers, children, and grandchildren, and prepared a banquet. The sovereign, seeing the reverence with which Mitomo-wake served him, was pleased. He therefore divided the country (kuni) of Kibi and allotted [Chinese character for enfeofted] its parts to his children. To the agata of Kawashima he assigned his eldest son Inahaya-wake. He originated

the line of Shimo-tsu-michi-no-omi. Next he assigned the second son Nakatsu-hiko to the agata of Kamu-tsu-michi. He originated the lines of Kamu-tsu-michi-no-omi and Kaya-noomi. Next he granted to Otohiko the agata of Mino. He originated the line of Kasa-no-omi. Next he assigned the agata of

Sono to his elder brother Urakori-wake. He originated the line of Sono-no-omi. Finally he granted to [his consort] Ehime the agata of Hatori.*° 14 Ota, op.cit., 698-699; Inoue Mitsusada, “Kokuz6-sei no seiritsu,” in Shigaku zasshi, 60.11 (November 1951), 964-1005. Henceforth cited as Inoue, “Kokuz6.” 15 Nihon shoki, Kokushi Taikei edition, 1.187.

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The significance of this passage is heightened when we learn that the agata designated by Ojin are equivalent, or nearly so, to many of the administrative divisions, later called districts (kori or gun),

which remained in use, either formally or informally, from the seventh century to the present day. In particular the districts of Kaya, Mino, and Kamutsumichi retained the same names and roughly the same boundaries from this time for over 1500 years. There is strong evidence that throughout much of central Japan the basic territorial divisions upon which later government was to rest had already begun to take shape.

The practice of adding to the number of kuni-no-miyatsuko proved the most effective method by which the Yamato sovereign could spread his authority once the initial process of conquest was

complete. By the time of the ruler Ojin the process appears to

30 The Familial System in Early Kibi have gone a considerable distance, and the “King of Wa” boasted in A.D. 478, “From of old our forebearers have clad themselves in armor and helmet and gone across the hills and waters, sparing no time for rest. In the east, they conquered fifty-five countries of hairy men; and in the west, they brought to their knees sixtysix countries of various barbarians.”*° Kuni-no-miyatsuko or agata-

nushi were, of course, not all uniformly related to the Yamato chieftain. Some were heads of local groups whose subjugation was

uncertain. Others were strongly attached to Yamato by blood ties. But the Yamato rulers were constantly at work to convert local chiefs to the more subservient type of kuni-no-miyatsuko, and this required frequent interference in local affairs.

Some such underlying political motive no doubt was at the bottom of Ojin’s further modification of the regional organization of Kibi. Toward the end of his reign, during the early decades of the fifth century, it is recorded that he revised the system he had established on his previous visit to Kibi, renaming existing agata into kuni, and assigning new titles. The area of central and eastern

Kibi, with which we are chiefly concerned, was divided at this time into the kuni (rather than agata) of Oku, Kamutsumichi, Mino, Kaya, Hatori, and Shimotsumichi (an amalgamation of Sono and Kawashima). Except for Oku, which was assigned to Saki-no-sukune, the other kuni were given under the title of kunino-miyatsuko to the same members of the Kibi family who had

formerly served as agata-nushi." It is possible that behind this action may have been an effort to break up the strong regional influence of the Kibi chiefs and that the occasion which permitted

this was Mitomo-no-wake’s death. At any rate, from this time the Kibi family was apparently divided into two competing factions, one based geographically on the Takahashi River and headed by the Shimotsumichi line, the other centered on the Asahi

River and headed by the Kamutsumichi line. Thereafter the regional title Kibi-no-kuni-no-miyatsuko, previously held by Mitomo-no-wake, was passed back and forth between the heads of

these two lines.

As was to prove the case so often in Japanese history, a power 16 Tsunoda Ryutsaku, tr. Japan in the Chinese dynastic histories: Later Han through Ming dynasties (So. Pasadena, Calif., 1951), 23. The quotation is from the Sung shu, c. ap. 513. 17 Tstishi, 1.168-169; Ota, op.cit., 83. 18 Inoue, “Kokuzo,” 976.

The Familial System in Karly Kibi 31 structure that placed its prime reliance on kinship or marriage bonds, while able to maintain the hierarchy of authority effectively

during the early stages of political consolidation, tended to lose its cohesion as time wore on, succumbing to the fractional pull of intrafamily rivalries and feuds. From all indications the relation-

ship of Kibi to Yamato was both intimate and precarious during the fifth and sixth centuries. Heads of the Kibi branch lines, such as Mino or Shimotsumichi, though considered chiefs of kuni for administrative purposes, held the status of omi which placed them high in the hierarchy of social ranks around the sovereign. Despite

their distance from Yamato, Kibi chiefs were often directly involved in Yamato affairs. It may well be that the Kibi chiefs were in the habit of providing loyal support to the Yamato rulers. Yet understandably the written record dwells on the less happy side of Kibi-Yamato relations, citing examples of friction and even of open rebellion.

Perhaps the most dramatic incident in the history of KibiYamato relations took place during the rule of the notorious sovereign Yuryaku, who lived during the last half of the fifth century. Yuryaku appointed Tasa, chief of the Kamutsumichi branch of the Kibi family, to the governorship of Mimana, Japan’s distant

Korean colony. His motives may well have been, as some historians suspect, to move Tasa out of the way so as to weaken Kibi influence. Or his motives may have been purely personal; for with Tasa gone to Korea, Yuryaku is said to have abducted the beautiful wife he left behind. And Tasa, on hearing the news, turned rebel in Korea. Yaryaku, true to his character, devised the scheme of ordering Tasa’s son, Otogimi, to lead a Yamato force against his

father. Otogimi complied and moved toward Korea; but he intended eventually to join his father in rebellion. Before this could

happen, however, Otogimi’s wife discovered his intention and

killed her own husband to prevent him from turning against his sovereign.” Too much of this story sounds romanticized, but there is every evidence that a clash of power was building up between Kibi and Yamato. Previous to the Tasa episode, Yuryaku had become incensed over what he took to be the disrespectful behavior of the head of the Shimotsumichi branch of the Kibi line and had sent a force of Mononobe warriors who reportedly wiped

out all seventy members of this branch of the family. Yet the 19 Tsushi, 1.204.

82 The Familial System in Early Kibi Shimotsumichi line carried on to produce eminent leaders in the eighth century, so that it would be wrong to take the chroniclers too literally. Several other incidents involving intrigues or uprisings of members of the Kibi family are contained in the chronicles.

Each one of these failed, and each failure must have served to weaken, but not destroy, one or another branch of the Kibi line. By the beginning of the sixth century evidence from yet another source indicates that the Kibi family was losing its ability to dominate quite so dramatically the region with which its name was identified. Archaeologists tell us that there was a perceptible decrease in size and grandeur of local tombs built after the middle of the sixth century.”

Much of the same uncertainty that has affected our attempt to describe the position of Kibi in the Yamato political hegemony must attend any effort to picture the conditions of life within the Kibi region itself. Evidence derived from early historical writings, the archaeological record, the connotations surrounding certain place names, and the legends clustering around the most ancient shrines in the area offers at best tangential information about the society, life, and religious practices of the tomb age inhabitants of Kibi. There is no certain evidence, for instance, either written or legendary, which identifies the builders of the tumuli in Kibi, so that we can only infer that they were the work of the several chieftains of the Kibi and Wake families. Yet the tombs are stark evidence of the existence of local chieftains of great power. Today we can only marvel at the size of the largest of these huge mounds, at the tremendous expenditure of manpower it must have taken to float and drag the great boulders which comprised the burial

crypts, and the labor taken to heap the earthen mounds above the stones. A recent estimate of the earth-moving task required for a burial mound of the type exemplified by Kibi-Tsukuriyama puts the volume of earth at over 1,400,000 cubic meters. Assum-

ing that one man could move one cubic meter a day, it would have taken a thousand laborers four years to complete the mound alone. In addition, there was the added labor of digging a broad moat about the mound and various other lesser requirements such as making clay figures (haniwa) and distributing them about the

tomb. It is recorded that the tomb of the Yamato ruler Nintoku took twenty years to complete. All of this required effective po20 Inoue Tatsuo, op.cit., 111.

The Familial System in Early Kibi 33 litical control over a large populace and periodically the ability to draw huge quantities of manpower away from the primary function of food production.” What sort of authority did the Kibi or Wake chiefs exercise over the mass of the inhabitants within their spheres of influence? Undoubtedly they relied upon the same combination of military power, the claim to social superiority backed by religious sanc-

tions, and the loose network of kinship connections of the type which served the Yamato family in its assertion of overall su-

premacy. They could, of course, invoke the backing of the Yamato sovereign as well. The stories of the Kibi and Wake families illustrate how closely

they were identified with certain areas as “natural” indigenous rulers. Kibi and Wake chiefs went by names that coincided with entire districts. This in turn gives us some idea of the extent over which the separate chiefs exercised authority. The continued prestige of the shrine of O-kibitsu-hiko at Magane, as well as the fact that the chief provincial shrines of Bizen and Mimasaka are dedicated to O-kibitsu-hiko and that at least five other extant shrines

bear his name or those of his relatives, points to the close relationship between ruling authority and religious practice at this time.”? The same condition held for the Wake family, whose influence eventually penetrated the inner province of Mimasaka and left as its mark eight shrines dedicated to Wake ancestors.” Although few of these shrines are actually associated with extant burial mounds, there is no question but that tumuli did serve as centers of religious worship and that, as in the case of Kibitsu

shrine of Bitch, the efficacy of such worship was thought to extend beyond family membership to an entire region.

Chinese records containing the observations of continental travelers to Japan in the third century report the marked differentiation between the common people and those of rank. They note the almost religious reverence that the ordinary people showed their rulers. Early Japanese myths and legends and the later historically documented activities of the Yamato sovereign confirm this picture of local chieftains who combined acts of 21 Furushima Toshio, Nihon négy6 shi (Tokyo, 1956), 383. 22 Tsushi, 1. 534-547. 23 Nagayama Usaburd, Okayama-ken néchi shi (Okayama, 1952), 181. Hereafter cited as Néchi shi.

34 The Familial System in Early Kibi governance with leadership in religious observance. As religious

leaders, they performed rites at local shrines, thereby assuring the welfare of the area over which the powers of the shrine were thought to extend. In the process a great deal of the charisma of the local deities rubbed off upon the officiating leaders. As George Sansom has observed, European sovereigns “might call themselves

sovereign ‘by the grace of God, but the emperors of Japan described themselves as ‘manifest gods. .. . ”°* This strong tradition of identity between secular and sacerdotal authority which typified the historic status of the Japanese sovereign applied equally to other uji chieftains during this period. In Kibi the most signifi-

cant local religious observances were those performed by the head of the Kibi family at Kibitsu shrine. Conversely, the privilege

of performing such rites provided the Kibi chief with a potent source of prestige. But how was this strong social and religious charisma translated into political authority? Of the precise form of local government we know almost nothing. Yet, on the other hand, we have enough general knowledge about the organization of Japanese society as a whole to be able to describe the institutional channels through which authority was exercised. From the structural and functional

point of view three types of social groups, uji, be, and yatsuko,

made up the local community. The first we have translated “family” or “lineage group”; the second has no easy English equivalent and so will remain untranslated; the third may be rendered “slave.” Much remains to be revealed about the exact nature of the first two of these social categories. Some scholars have in fact denied anv fundamental difference between them, at least in their earliest manifestation.”” Recently scholars have put the formation of be at a considerably later date than heretofore supposed. By the tomb age, however, we are not troubled by problems of origin. By then

it was apparent that elite families were organized as uji, while subordinate bodies of workers were by and large grouped into be.

Uji were organized in principle on the basis of consanguinity, while be were held together more by shared locale or occupation. Yet it was characteristic of both types of organization that, as a means of assuring cohesion, kinship bonds were frequently as°4 George Sansom, A History of Japan to 1334 (Stanford, 1958), 45, 25 Nakamura Kichiji, Nihon shakai shi (Tokyo, 1952), 62-68,

ne oo |.

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68 Bizen: the Institutions of Tatho inner plateau based on the upper reaches of the Yoshii and Asahi rivers, being cut off to comprise the province of Mimasaka.* We can be reasonably certain that some sort of contest between central and local interests took place in Kibi before the area succumbed to this division and came under central administration. After all, Kibi was the territory of one of the most powerful and influential families outside of Yamato proper. Yet it appears un-

likely that the Kibi family had much with which to resist the changes that were destined to deny its members their local independence. Members of the Kibi family had by now divided into several competitive branches. Those with ambition had for many generations involved themselves in the politics of Yamato.

Many of them, able to satisfy their political ambitions in the capital, weakened their local ties by long absence. At any rate, no regionally based resistance to the reform of local administration manifested itself in Kibi. The significance of the action of Shitaru, Kibi-no-Kasa-no-omi, who joined the plot led by the imperial prince Furuhito-no-Oe in 645 against Prince Naka-no-Oe,

is not at all clear.? Does the fact that members of the Soga, Mononobe, and Yamato families were fellow conspirators provide evidence that this was a conservative effort to thwart the promulgation of the 646 reform edict? We have no way of knowing.

Whether or not there was open resistance to its reform plans, however, the central government chose to move cautiously in Kibi.

Probably the first efforts to influence local administration were based upon the former miyake. And it was undoubtedly in such imperial lands that the various fiscal innovations embodied in the reform program were first put into effect.* Only after Temmu’s rise to power did the central government have the strength to assert visible authority over the Kibi region.* In 682 the imperial prince Ishikawa-no-6 was appointed governor-general (mikoto mochi) of the entire Kibi region. This was followed in 700 by the appointment of Kamitsukenu-no-Otari to a similar post under the title sory6 of Kibi. Regional appointments of this kind were made elsewhere in Japan as well; they were generally confined to those areas in which the remnants of strong local power made it difficult 1 Okayama-ken no rekishi, 99. 2 Nihon shoki, 25.12. 3 Murao Jir6, Ritsuryd zaiseishi no kenkyti, 220-239. * Mayuzumi Hiromichi, “Kokushi-sei no seiritsu” in Osaka Rekishigakkai, Rit-

suryo kokka no kiso k6z6 (Tokyo, 1960), 124, .

Bizen: the Institutions of Tath6 69 to apply the provincial system immediately.> It was these men who probably paved the way for the eventual appointment of imperial governors over the three kuni of Bizen, Bitchi, and Bingo. Bizen received the first in its long line of civil governors in 703; Bitcht in 708.° Since the new provincial governors were sent out from among

the central aristocratic officialdom, they immediately overshadowed the local families of influence such as the Kibi and the

Wake. In the following decades, therefore, the descendants of families who had served as kuni-no-miyatsuko gradually lost their prominence in local affairs. Yet in Kibi the process worked slowly as members of the Kibi and Wake families continued to struggle for status both at court and in the areas of their traditional strength. The pages of the official chronicles occasionally reveal their ac-

tivities. In 757 we hear that Kamutsumichi-no-Hidatsu helped crush the revolt of Fujiwara-no-Nakamaro and consequently received the fourth court rank and the title of ason. More outstanding was the story of Kibi-no-Makibi (693-775), head of the Shimotsumichi branch, who distinguished himself in his diplomatic missions to China and by his erudition. In 765 he reached the high post of Minister of the Right and the second court rank. Somewhat later Wake-no-Kiyomaro (738-799) gained recognition for aiding

in the downfall of the priest Doky6 and for his administrative services at the time of the transfer of the capital from Nara to Heian. He achieved the third court rank. All three of these men managed to establish themselves in the central court aristocracy so that their descendants continued for a while as minor officials. Hidatsu’s son served in the provincial administration and attained the fourth rank. Makibi’s son, Kibi-no-Izumi, in 807 became imperial inspector of the southern circuit and in 810 gained the title of court councillor.’ His ultimate rank was senior fourth rank upper grade, a large step below that of his father. Kiyomaro’s line held on for several generations as scholars at the imperial college. The Kamutsumichi line faded rapidly. 5 See the list of governors of Bizen in Okayama Shiyakusho, ed., Okayamashi shi (6 vols., Okayama, 1938), 1.290-313. Henceforth cited by title only. I follow the interpretation of Mayuzumi, op.cit., 144, and Ota Akira, op.cit., 760. 6 Okayama-shi shi, 1.290; Kibi-gun shi, 1.618. 7 Kugy6 bunin, Kokushi Taikei edition, 53.82; Nomura Tadao, “Ritsury6 kanjin 960) 2 to shutsuji,” in Osaka Rekishigakkai, Ritsuryo kokka no kiso k6z6 (Tokyo,

70 Bizen: the Institutions of Taih6 The clearest evidence of the way in which provincial families were eventually cut off from honors and opportunities surrounding the emperor appears in the growing discrepancy between the remnants of the hereditary social honors to which they clung and the new system of titles and ranks defining the official hierarchy

from which the servants of the emperor were newly selected. This came about in a typically indirect fashion as the old social elite was bypassed or its remnants allowed to remain after being shorn of real power. By the skillful use of honorary rather than real titles and posts, concessions and compromises were made

toward the members of the provincial aristocracy in order to soften the effect of the reform. Thus Temmu’s decision to revive a system of honorary titles similar to the old kabane cut two ways.

It returned to the old uji their hereditary titles, but it also rearranged the hierarchy so that the provincial titles omi and muraji, which had previously ranked near the top, were now placed near

the bottom of a list of eight. The new kabane, in order of rank, were: mahito, ason, sukune, imiki, michi-no-shi, omi, muraji, and inagi. A few of the provincial families such as the Kibi and Wake managed to secure new titles, bettering themselves with the name of ason. But they were exceptions. And as we shall see, this title

did not serve to assure their possession of high official rank or government posts. There is one further indication that the central government was

sensitive to the problems which might arise from too sudden a destruction of the local familial power groups. There are scattered references in the chronicles to the continued use in certain parts

of the country of the title of kuni-no-miyatsuko. In 757 Kamutsumichi-no-Hidatsu was named kuni-no-miyatsuko of Kibi. Later on Wake-no-Kiyomaro was named kuni-no-miyatsuko of Mimasaka and Bizen.* Obviously these appointments were not administra-

tively significant; the titles were in fact honorary. But they may not have been without a certain local prestige, particularly in the religious sphere. For example, the holders of these titles served as leaders (haraibashira) in local Shinto rituals and hence were a symbol of unity around which the inhabitants of these locales could rally.° This return to a familiar title of the pre-Taika days 8 Okayama-shi shi, 1.431-432; Okayama-ken no rekishi, 80-81. ® Niino Naoyoshi, “Ritsuryo-sei ka ni okeru ‘kuni-no-miyatsuko, ” Rekishi kyoiku, 9.5 (1961), 42-47.

Bizen: the Institutions of Tathé 71 undoubtedly reflected an attempt by the central government to carry over into the new system some stabilizing elements from the

past. The critical difference between the old and new kuni-nomiyatsuko, therefore, lay in the fact that the latter were placed over the newly created provinces rather than the old geographical units. The final result was the refocusing of local Shinto beliefs

toward the new units of local administration, the provinces.” Among the inhabitants of old Kibi who distinguished themselves in the new imperial government, Kibi-no-Makibi and Wake-

no-Kiyomaro were both outstanding and unusual. Yet they perhaps exemplify the prevalent pattern of interrelationship between the new capital and the old local hegemonies. Those who made their way to the capital and climbed the ladder of official preferment were few. Those who did so were of the meteoric type—men of outstanding ability in practical affairs (scholarship,

administration, or military command) but with little staying power. These momentary successes did not serve to assure security

of high office for succeeding generations in the court or in local government." Neither Makibi nor Kiyomaro became governors of their provinces. Though Makibi was named chief of the district of Shimotsumichi at the time of his elevation to Minister of the Right, even this was obviously an honorary appointment.” Just as the old kuni had been downgraded to the level of district, so also the old uji aristocracy was eventually relegated pretty much to the level of district administration. What assured the deep gap between the provincial and court aristocracy, despite the perpetuation of a more equitable practice of honorific titles, was the system of official ranks which came into use with the Taika Reforms. The rank system finally perfected in 757 and used with almost no change down to 1869 placed

unusual emphasis upon proximity to the emperor. Four special ranks (hon) were set aside for members of the imperial family. Below these were eight official ranks (kurai) which applied to the

aristocracy as a whole. These were subdivided into twenty-six separate grades. The first three ranks were each divided into senior and junior grades forming six divisions from senior first rank (shé ichi-i) to junior third rank (ju sammi). These six grades were limited to a small fraction of the upper aristocracy who 10 Inoue Mitsusada, “Ritsuryo taisei,” 23-26.

11 Nomura Tadao, op.cit., 267-290. 12 Kibi-gun shi, 1.177.

72 Bizen: the Institutions of Taih6 could aspire to the posts of state ministers (daijin) and state councillors (nagon). The fourth and fifth ranks were each divided into junior and senior grades with upper and lower levels. They thus accounted for eight divisions. The highest was senior fourth rank upper grade (shé shi-i no j6 ), and the lowest junior fifth rank lower grade (ju go-i no ge). To these ranks belonged the middle class of court aristocracy. The majority of the aristocracy held ranks within

the twelve grades into which ranks six through eight were divided.** Although the provincial aristocracy could aspire to court ranks of the above categories, they were, for the most part, relegated to a system of “outer” ranks quite separate from those of the central aristocracy. These offered twenty divisions descending from outer senior fifth rank upper grade to lower eighth. The new rank system effectively divided the aristocracy into four dis-

tinct groups between which there could be little mobility: the high nobility (those above fourth rank), the middle nobility (those from fourth through fifth rank), the lower aristocracy (those below the fifth rank), and the local aristocracy (those outside the capital). For the Kibi or Wake families, despite the fact that they held the high honorary title of ason (the same as that of the Fujiwara), their court ranks, except for the rare exception, were low and were generally classed as “outside.” During the middle of the eighth century members of the Kaya family appear as ason ranked

junior sixth lower grade; those of the Shimotsumichi, as ason ranked junior seventh lower grade; and those of the Sono, as omi outer rank senior sixth upper grade.** These men were all dis-

trict governors and appear to have received “inner” classification on occasion. Members of the Mino family, also with the title of ason, nonetheless consistently received “outer” ranks of junior seventh upper grade.** Since the post of governor of a province the size of Bizen or Bitcht: was reserved to the rank of junior fifth lower grade, we can imagine how the intrusion of the new provincial governors unbalanced the indigenous social and political _ hierarchy. The establishment of the new provincial system effectively excluded the old uji aristocracy from the most desirable 13 Joiion des Longrais, op.cit., 185-187, provides the best Western language explanation. 14 Kodama Kota, ed., Zusetsu Nihon bunkashi taikei (14 vols., Tokyo, 1956),

oS Kibiceun shi, 1.765-766. 18 Okayama-shi shi, 1.491.

Bizen: the Institutions of Tatho 73 positions within the new units of local government. In their place came representatives of the central government backed by all the prestige of the new imperial institutions. While we can trace the introduction of members of the central officialdom into the new provinces of Bizen, Bitchi, and Mimasaka, we can be less certain of the manner in which they set about organizing provincial government. The first governorships were probably informal affairs involving only periodic tours of official inspection.” But eventually, particularly after the promulgation of the Taiho code, the buildings and offices necessary for a fullscale provincial administration were put together. The provinces each built their capital towns, known as kokufu, from which the new administrative codes could be applied systematically. These new towns must have been for their locales in every way as im-

pressive to the local population as the imperial city was to the capital area. The kokufu of Bizen was built in the district of Kamutsumichi on what was then the bank of the Asahi River, just north of present Okayama near the village of Konoichiba. In those days the Asahi River made a sharp turn to the east after emerging from the foothills and entered the sea on the eastern side of the rocky hill of Misao. (It now flows to the west.) Thus the kokufu was within reach of the river and its shipping facilities.** The kokufu of Bitcht

was located in the midst of the delta between the Takahashi and Ashimori rivers, in a place now included in the town of Soja.’® It too may well have been on the banks of a branch of the Takahashi,

which at that time appears to have emptied into the sea to the east of its present mouth. The kokufu of Mimasaka was situated near present Tsuyama, and that of Bingo near the present village of Kokufu on the Ashida River above Fukuyama.

Each kokufu became the political and cultural center of its province. Public buildings were erected to house administrative offices (kokuga or kokucho ), storehouses, a school, a military gar17 Inoue Mitsusada, “Ritsuryo taisei,” 20.

18 There is still some debate as to whether the kokufu was located in Mino or Kamutsumichi district, but this is largely a problem of how the Asahi River flowed at that time. I have followed Nagayama’s conclusions in Tstshi, 1.899-402. Ishida Minoru prefers to place the kokufu in Mino district. See his “Okayama-ken jori no rekishi-chirigaku-teki kenkyi,” in Okayama-ken Chihéshi Kenkytt Renraku Kyogi-

kai kaihé, 8 (1960), 58.

19 See Fujii Shun, “Bitchi no kokuga ni tsuite,” in Dokushi Kai Séritsu Gojinen Kinen, Kokushi ronsha (1959), 642; Kibi-gun shi, 1.608-609.

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200 The Ashikaga Hegemony had two prime provincial bases, one in Shimdsa and the other in Mikawa.'* It was from these territories that the private vassals (fudai-hikan) of the shogun were drawn. The shogun’s authority was, of course, nationwide, but outside of his own territories it was exerted indirectly through vassals of the status of shugo. Under the shogun the government of the country was placed in the hands of the shugo. By the time of Yoshimitsu most of the shugo had been carefully selected by the shogun and were considered trustworthy. The majority (14 out of 21) were branches of the Ashikaga family. While they held surnames different from the Ashikaga, they were included among the cadet lines referred to as ichimon. The remaining seven were families, such as the Shimazu, who had been subdued to vassalage but were too powerful for elimination. They were given “outside” (tozama) status.” The Ashikaga shoguns from the first had difficulty in retaining the loyalty of the shugo. To guarantee loyal service, primary reliance was placed on branch members of Ashikaga lineage, families such as the Hosokawa, Shiba, Hatakeyama, Isshiki, Yamana, and

Imagawa, who had followed Takauji out of the Kanto. These families formed the core of the Ashikaga power structure and administration. Furthermore, in order to extend the hands of the shogunate to the east and west, members of the Ashikaga main

line were set up in strategic spots as governors-general in the Kanto, in the far north, and in Kyushu. Tozama shugo were of two rather different types. Those far distant from Kyoto, such as the

Shimazu and Otomo, were able to retain a wide area of local independence but were largely excluded from shogunal affairs. Those who held provinces close to the capital, such as the Kyogoku, Rokkaku, Akamatsu, Toki, and Ouchi had given volun-

tary support to the Ashikaga and were considered trustworthy. They were consequently assigned positions of major responsibility

within the bakufu in later years. From the mid-fourteenth century on, the government of Japan should be thought of in its simplest terms as a central administration (bakufu) under the shogun placed over numerous local administrations under the shugo. Legitimacy was still provided by the emperor, whose delegate the shogun was. But it was largely on the basis of feudal loyalty between shogun and vassal shugo 11 Sato, “Shugo,” 87. 12 Sugiyama, “Muromachi,” 58.

Rise of the Shugo Daimyo 201 that the exercise of authority in the Ashikaga system was made effective. Within the Ashikaga system the shugo performed at both the central and local levels. Shugo habitually maintained residences in Kyoto as well as in the provinces. In Kyoto they took part in the operation of the bakufu, serving in major policy boards

or functional offices, providing armed forces for the shogunal guards and armies, and attending the shogunal needs in various ways. They periodically returned to the provinces where they were charged with the administration of their territories. Since the shogun was still legally conceived of as chief of the shugo (he himself was shugo of Kazusa and Mikawa) it is the rights and powers of the shugo which best reveal the extent to which military authority had expanded under the Ashikaga. By the end of the fourteenth century the shugo had developed into true regional rulers, having absorbed most of the governmental functions performed by officials of the earlier imperial local ad-

ministration as well as many of the rights of proprietorship derived from their status in the shden and koryo as jitd.** In ad-

ministrative terms the shugo of Ashikaga times can best be thought of as combining the powers of civil governor (kokushu),

the military governor (shugo), and the military stewards (itd), although this was never made explicit. During the brief Kemmu Restoration, it will be recalled, the same individual frequently had been appointed to both civil and military governorships.* After the restoration it became increasingly common to omit the appointment of civil governor, leaving to the shugo the ultimate authority over local affairs. Shugo jurisdictions were referred to as kankoku or bunkoku (reflecting the concept of proprietary governorship of the late Heian period). The increased powers of the shugo were not haphazardly ac-

quired and in most cases found legal support in the Ashikaga code. Specifically provided for in the code were the new rights of pursuit of criminals (karita-rozeki) and judicial inspection and settlement of land disputes (shisetsu-jungyo ), both of which gave the shugo entrance into the lands of civil and military proprietors.” Supervision of temples and shrines and the authority to carry out

land surveys was taken over from the provincial governors. Of great importance also was a fundamental change in the duties

13 Thid., 49. 14 It6, Hoken, 142. 15 Nagahara, “Namboku,” 24; Sekai rekishi jiten, 22.205.

202 The Ashtkaga Hegemony exercised by the shugo within the shogunal system itself. Under the Kamakura system all gokenin throughout the country were considered direct housemen of the shogun; thus jit6 came only indirectly under the authority of the shugo. By Ashikaga times the shugo stood between the shogun and the lesser provincial families. In the provinces, now, the shugo confirmed the holdings of jito, or more likely had absorbed the jit6’s powers into their own.’® Military service was now recruited not in the name of the shogun but by the shugo, who thus became the heads of regional hierarchies of military men. When the shugo gained the ability

to distribute lands captured in war or left vacant as a result of military action their local independence was nearing completeness, for this was a privilege which had once adhered to the shogun alone. Finally shugo received various supra-shéen powers

derived from the civil governors to recruit labor and to collect special taxes (tansen) within the provinces under their jurisdiction. Thus while their powers did not specifically include all those of the former civil and military governors, they did come more and more to comprise a full complement of the powers of government at the local level. The ascendancy of the Ashikaga shugo thus robbed the civil governors of their function, so that the title rapidly lost all political significance.” The only provinces in which governorships remained after the fifteenth century were those of Ise, Hida, and Tosa, and these were quite special cases. On the other hand, military houses of shugo rank freely acquired the titles of provincial governors for their own social distinction.

The new circumstances to which the military aristocracy of Ashikaga times had risen was made apparent in numerous ways. Beginning with the shogun, the great families of provincial aris-

tocratic provenance took up residence in Kyoto and began to assume the cultural guise of the old nobility, building palaces, patronizing temples, dressing and behaving in courtly fashion. In their lives the shugo sought to exemplify the new political status they had achieved. This was particularly evident in the provinces, where the shugo and their great vassals now constituted the only real aristocracy. The civil court families were too politically weak and too much removed from practical affairs to serve as anything more than a shadowy reminder of the days of 16 Yasuda, Shden, 274. 17 Sato “Shugo,” 106-115,

Rise of the Shugo Daimyo 203 imperial grandeur. No longer did scions of the Fujiwara or the imperial family descend to the provinces, there to dominate local affairs in the name of the court. Their position was now taken by the military nobility, who by their acquisition of outstanding

landed wealth, political power, and noble status fused at the local level the tokens of superiority which had previously been divided between the bushi and kuge. Such changes in the way of life of the provincial military elite were the natural outcome of the changing capacities of the military families, as against the old court and religious bodies, to profit

_ from the landed proprietorships which still persisted in Japan. Although it was not until the end of the fifteenth century that the shden system finally came to an end and the court aristocracy

was cut off entirely from its economic support, the elimination of civil authority over the land system was more or less complete by the time the Ashikaga type shugo had entrenched themselves. The wars of the dynasties had done much to weaken the prestige and wealth of the imperial family and the court nobility. The bitter years during which the court had been divided into two camps had left the whole structure of shden proprietorships in confusion. With the defeat of the southern court, many shden were lost outright to their civil proprietors. The imperial house, for instance, lost most of the shéen held by the junior branch, for Go-Daigo, confident of his ability to revive the imperial system of

government, had actually given back to the public domain the shoen in his possession. These were the portfolios of Hachijéin, part of Shichijéin, and half of Muromachiin."* The failure of the Go-Daigo cause meant that all these lands passed into the hands of military proprietors. Remaining to the imperial house were only

the estates of the senior branch of the family, among them the Chokod6 and half of the Muromachiin proprietorships. Meanwhile the imperial family had lost its control over the public domains of the provinces. By Ashikaga times even the practice of

granting provinces as proprietorships was abandoned or taken over by the shogun. In Bizen, for instance, while a few parcels of public domain remained on the books, these were held under the disposal rights of the shogun.

As for the other court families, during and after the war of 18 Okuno, Késhitsu, 39,

204 The Ashikaga Hegemony the dynasties, many of them were extinguished and their estates taken over by local interests. Many other courtiers, finding that the titles to their sh6en were empty of economic return, moved to the country and began to live directly off their lands in a final

desperate attempt to salvage a living from their inheritances. Within a generation, these families ceased to retain their identity as courtiers. Those few court families whose prestige was too great

to permit their complete elimination, notably the main Fujiwara families, remained in the capital and eventually became utterly dependent upon the shogun and shugo to protect their absentee

interests. By the middle of the fifteenth century such families were living mainly on the sufferance of the great provincial military lords who, out of a lingering sense of obligation, or because the courtiers could provide certain cultural and prestige benefits,

continued to make token payments on shden in the provinces under their control.?® Among the old non-military interests the religious bodies alone managed to improve their position somewhat under the Ashikaga

regime. The reasons for this will become more apparent in the following chapter. In an age of sincere religious belief, of course, temples and shrines possessed a spiritual power which protected

them from the most flagrant violation of their rights. Buddhist establishments such as the great monastic temples of Koyasan, Tédaiji, Kofukuji, Toji, and Saidaiji were generally able to take care of their local interests, however, through their branch temples and the extensive bureaucratic organizations staffed by their

priesthood. In the struggle for power both at the capital and in the provinces, the great temples had certain advantages. They were able to recruit and maintain large bodies of armed monks for protection or coercion. Their considerable military power thus enhanced their status as objects of favor by competing court

groups during the unsettled years before and after the Kemmu Restoration. The emperor Go-Daigo, for instance, gave liberally

to Enryakuji and Toji to curry their support, and as a result Osada-no-sh6 in Bizen passed to Toji in 1826. The newly emergent

military aristocracy also gave generously to the temples. Thus in most locations, including Bizen, the religious establishments increased their proprietary holdings at this time. 19 It6, Hoken, 130-132.

Rise of the Shugo Daimyo 205 But the ability to retain or increase the number of proprietorships was to mean increasingly little as time went on. For one thing, with the establishment of the Ashikaga shogunate the entire legal superstructure of the shéen system was largely taken out of the hands of the civil authorities. By the time of Yoshimitsu the

ultimate legal authority relating to the shden now resided entirely with the shogun and extended to the provinces through the shugo. Courtiers and temples were therefore obliged to take their shéen problems to the bakufu. It was the shogun who now determined such important matters as the division of shares of income between civil and military sectors. During the fourteenth

century the shogun permitted a constant encroachment of the

military interests over those of civil proprietors. : By the end of the Kamakura period many shden had been divided between military and civil proprietary sectors. This prac-

tice had gone furthest in the peripheral provinces. In central Japan, court and religious bodies had had better success in retaining their absentee land rights. But during the north-south dynasty wars, those local families who had involved themselves

in the fighting had everywhere broken with the customary restraint of shden or jitd law, in many instances claiming the entire

proceeds of shden on the pretext of military necessity. When peace was restored, the Ashikaga shogunate saw that a return to pre-Kemmu conditions would be impossible, since the costs of maintaining military establishments had grown so drastically. As a result the shogunate legalized a practice known as hanzei, or half rights. Under it the shugo were empowered to hold back for military purposes one half of the shden proceeds destined to the absentee proprietor. Although in 1868 the lands of the imperial family, the principal Fujiwara house, and the primary holdings of the great temples were exempted from the hanzei system, this order had little effect in limiting the further encroachments upon the non-military proprietorships.”

The hanzei provision made for important changes in the overall system of land management and local administration. Although unlike the chiibun procedure, hanzei practice did not result in an immediate division of proprietary rights over the shéen, it gave the shugo authority to hold back one-half of the 20 Sekai rekishi jiten, 22.305-306.

206 The Ashtkaga Hegemony proprietor’s share at the provincial level. Before long, therefore, this was actually translated into a division of the land base, placing still further holdings under the proprietary powers of the military families.** For the civil aristocracy this was a heavy blow. For

in those holdings in which the shitaji-chibun division had not been carried out, the hanzei order provided the excuse for an immediate half-and-half division of land rights. Where such a division had already been made, it became the justification of a further reduction by half of the absentee proprietor’s income.

The other special feature of the hanzei practice was that it was enforced by the shugo, not the jit6. This meant that the provincial military governors automatically acquired fiscal rights in all non-military shoen within the area over which they were given jurisdiction, and their rights were quickly extended through the practice of contract management on behalf of absentee proprietorships. As the jité had done previously, now the shugo began to assume the entire responsibility of rent collection for the court or temple proprietors, setting up their agents (called daikan) to manage the shden. Once this had happened the authority of the civil proprietors to interfere in local affairs became minimal. The shugo had become the sole authorities in the provinces. And as they became increasingly independent of shogunal control, they became the real masters of the countryside. By such time, the shugo had con-

verted themselves into what Japanese historians have called shugo-daimyo, that is, great regional hegemons with extensive territorial holdings. The provinces over which the shugo-daimy6 held sway were referred to as their ryd-koku (proprietary provinces ).

It is characteristic of the provinces of the Kibi area that not one of them gave rise to a local family of sufficient capacity to hold the title of shugo for any length of time. The Matsuda, with headquarters at Tomiyama on the lower Asahi river plain, were

named shugo of Bizen at the time of the Kemmu wars and managed to retain the title until 1364. The Takahashi and Ko families based at Matsuyama on the Takahashi River, and the Shibukawa and Hosokawa of Kamogata were successively named

shugo of Bitcht: in these early years. But none of these families 21 Shimizu Mitsuo, Nihon chusei no sonraku (Tokyo, 1942), 343-344.

Rise of the Shugo Daimyo 207 was in a position to do much more than hold a title that was greater than their capacity to fight off competitors, and they were eventually superseded. More typical of the Kibi provinces during the period of shugo-

daimy6 ascendancy in Japan was the intrusion of powerful influences from adjoining provinces. Bizen generally found itself under the control of a shugo whose primary base lay in the province of Harima to the east. This meant that Bizen was contested by the Akamatsu and the Yamana families. Bitchi, most often assigned to a branch of the Hosokawa house, was in reality controlled by the main Hosokawa headquarters in Shikoku. Later on the Mori, with headquarters at Hiroshima in Aki province, became

paramount in Bingo and Bitch. Mimasaka, constantly subject to the shifting balance of outside shugo, fell successively to the Akamatsu or Yamana from the east, or later to the Amako from the northwest. If the area of the four provinces did not give rise to indigenous families able to warrant the title of shugo, it did support numerous local families of secondary importance. Among these the most powerful achieved the status of deputy governor, or shugodai, under one or another of the shugo based in the adjoining prov-

inces. In Bizen in addition to the Matsuda, who fell to deputy status after 1864, there was the Urakami, foremost vassals of the Akamatsu. In Bitch the base of the shugodai was generally Matsuyama castle at the site of the present city of Takahashi. Here the Akiba, Ueno, Shé, and Mimura successively dominated local affairs while acknowledging their subordination as deputies of the

Hosokawa and later the Mori. In Mimasaka no single center achieved local preeminence. Families such as the Gotd of Yunogo and the Miura of Katsuyama stood out, however, in the military struggle. (See page 264 below. ) The new Ashikaga order was imposed upon Bizen between the time of the Kemmu wars and the establishment of the Akamatsu hegemony over the province some time after 1364. From that time until 1484, when the Akamatsu house lost its ability to control its

deputies, the Matsuda and Urakami, Bizen existed under the governance of a typical shugo-daimy6o house. We can imagine that

such control was never so systematic nor so effective as that provided by the civil governors and shogunal officials of the Kama-

kura period. The times were unsettled, warfare was frequent,

208 The Ashkaga Hegemony and the pattern of land ownership was undergoing drastic change. Nonetheless a certain style of government developed during these

years in which the shugo-daimyo played the dominant role. In local affairs Bizen was governed increasingly in a manner congenial to the military aristocracy in which authority followed the channels of vassalage and enfeoffment. But also, insofar as the shugo combined the function of civil and military governors, they exercised certain vestiges of imperial authority. Just as the shugo and 7ito of the twelfth century were legitimate creations of the imperial system, so were the shugo of Ashikaga times the products of imperial law. Theirs was still to this extent a transitional form of government.

VIII. BIZEN UNDER THE HOUSE OF AKAMATSU HE Akamatsu house of Harima province was one of the main

T participants in the struggle which attended the rise of Ashikaga Takauji in central Japan. The house itself was of relatively humble origin, taking its name from Akamatsu village in the shoen of Sayo, a large court proprietorship held by the Kujo family. During the Kamakura period the Akamatsu served as /it6,

and by the end of the Kamakura period they had extended branches throughout Say6 district and had established marriage alliances with jit6 families in nearby shden.* At the time of the Kemmu wars the Akamatsu chief, Norimura, was able to put a sufficient force into the field to call conspicuous attention to himself. Having thrown in his lot with the Ashikaga,

he joined in the abortive attack on Kyoto in 1835, resisted the bitter assault of Nitta Yoshisada during 1335, and then, as Ashikaga Takauji fought his way back from the west, joined in the

final campaigns which gained the capital and secured the shogunate for Takauji. Akamatsu Norimura was probably named

shugo of Harima in 1836. From this point the Akamatsu rose rapidly under the Ashikaga patronage. In rapid succession, a branch of the Akamatsu family acquired the military governorship of Settsu province, a cadet branch acquired lands in Tamba and Harima, and still a third was given holdings in Settsu and in Bizen in Umaya-no-go. The post of shugo of Bizen was entrusted to the head of the main line in 13864. And in 1892 an Akamatsu replaced the Yamana as shugo of Mimasaka. This brought the house to the pinnacle of its power. The family as a whole held five military governorships and occupied a leading position among the Ashikaga vassals at the capital. The special trust which the shogun had in the Akamatsu house is revealed by the appointment of the head of the family to the position of chief of the military council, a responsibility reserved to only three other trusted vassals of which all were kinsmen of the Ashikaga. But despite the rapid rise of the Akamatsu in the councils of the Ashikaga, the family was never completely secure either in

the trust of the Ashikaga or within the province of Harima. In 1 Mizuno Kydichiré, “Shugo Akamatsu-shi no rydkoku shihai to Kakitsu no hen,”

in Shirin, 42.2 (1959), 254-281. Hereafter cited as Mizuno, “Akamatsu.” Also Okayama-shi shi, 2.991.

210 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu Kyoto the position of the shugo was a precarious one, and as long

as the southern court remained active, the pledged vassals of the shogun were constantly shifting their allegiances. The Akamatsu were particularly harassed by this problem because their closest rivals, the Yamana, masters of Inaba, Hoki, Mimasaka, Tamba, and Tango provinces, were so ambitious as to frequently turn against the Ashikaga. The Yamana not only surrounded the Akamatsu geographically, but were frequently at odds with them politically. In 1353 the Yamana switched to the southern side, and by 1360 the Akamatsu were everywhere on the defensive against

the Yamana, losing their outposts along the Mimasaka border. In Bitchii and Bizen the Akamatsu, though reinforced by the Hosokawa of Shikoku, were unable to cope with the Yamana armies. It was even with considerable difficulty that they held on to their home province of Harima. But in 1864 the Yamana were back in the Ashikaga camp. Briefly again in 1879 the Yamana used the southern cause as a means of pressing new demands upon

the shogunate. Returning later to the Ashikaga fold, the Yamana during the 1380's gained possession of the additional governorships of Izumi, Kii, Tajima, Izumo, and Iki. By this time they held twelve provinces, one-sixth of all Japan. Then suddenly, in 1891, the Yamana turned their massive forces against the shogunate in a further effort at expansion. They were thoroughly defeated and cut back to the three provinces of Tajima, Inaba, and Hoki. The

governorships stripped from them at this time were divided among their rivals. It was as a result of this victory over the Yamana that the Akamatsu regained Bizen and received the governorship of Mimasaka.’ The year 13892, which saw the capitulation of the southern court, also ushered in a period of compara-

tive security for the Akamatsu in Harima. Yet a glance at the provincial bases of such a family helps to explain the precariousness of the support upon which it could rely. In terms of actual

land and power in hand the shugo of the Ashikaga period had many difficult problems with which to cope. The power relationships of the shugo of the early Ashikaga period to the provinces over which they were appointed was based 2 Mizuno Kydichiré, “Namboku-ch6é nairanki ni okeru Yamana-shi no doké,” in Okayama Daigaku Hobungakubu gakujutsu kiyo, 13 (May 1960), 57-70; Oae, Bizen, 80-88. The largest number of shugoships held by the Yamana is generally given as eleven. This is probably due to the fact that Yamashiro, the home province, was not considered a private holding.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 211 on three prime factors. First, they were local proprietors of outstanding size and status. Second, they exercised certain legal rights of administration as military governors. Third, they functioned as centers of extensive military alliances which extended outward from their own and branch families to other bushi of the province. In none of these categories was the shugo’s capacity comprehensive. It was characteristic of the shugo houses, except for such long-established ones as the Shimazu of Satsuma, that they had acquired comprehensive authority over only a fraction of the territory of their home province. Rather they held a variety of rights in a large number of widely scattered locations, both in their home province and elsewhere. Such rights were still legally phrased in terms of shden practice and included some outright proprietorships, but more commonly a variety of jit6, shdkan, or hanzei rights which were accountable to the customary limitations of shéen practice. The expansion of Akamatsu land holdings is not well enough recorded to afford a complete picture of the family’s economic foundations, but remaining documents can give us some hints as to their general nature. An official confirmation of Akamatsu land holdings issued by the shogun in 1350 reveals the possessions of the main family in Harima during the early years of its governorship over that province as follows: An order that Akamatsu Mimasaka-no-gon-no-kami Norisuke

will forthwith hold as proprietor: In Harima Province, Within Sayo-no-sho: Akamatsu-kami-mura Mikawa-mura Within Egawa-no-go: Ota-kata Hirose-kata Hirooka-kata Motoida Shimo-Tokuhisa Also in Harima, Within Goka-no-shd: Shuku-mura (including the my6 proper to the gesu, kumon, and mandokoro )

212 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu Ki-mura Otsu-mura

In Harima, Awakawa-no-sho, Shimo-mura

In Harima, The kannushi rights of the Shirahata-chinju-hachiman and the Kasuga shrines In Hoki Province, Yabashi-gun Oi-shimo-no-g6

The above are inheritances of the deceased father, Enshin, and are asserted to be among the lands held by the various branch families. You were directed by the document of this

year, seventh month, 28th day with their possession and management (rydshd). It is so ordered. 13850, 12th month, oth day.®

This was the portion of the Akamatsu holdings which descended through the main (sdéryd) line of the house. From it we can see that the family had its base in the village of Akamatsu, where by

now the fortress of Shirahata had been built. In addition the family had acquired various rights to parts of shden scattered

throughout Harima and Hoki. Branches of the Akamatsu house, of course, had by this time acquired further rights and properties in Harima and elsewhere. As the Akamatsu rose to further prominence, their lands also

were increased, both within Harima and in the provinces of Mimasaka, Bizen, and elsewhere. Lands previously held by former shugo frequently changed hands as the result of the wars of rivalry

we have noted. Thus Akamatsu Norisuke received Nyita-nosho, which was the prime shugo holding in Bizen in 1865.‘ His son and successor Yoshinori received territories in Chitsu-gun in

Inaba, Asako-gun in Tajima, and Nakajima in Settsu.’ Despite these additions, the holdings of the main line of the Akamatsu remained but a small percentage of the total territory of any one province, even Harima. Moreover, the holdings were widely dispersed. In fact, the case of the Akamatsu is rather more favorable than most, for among the shugo who came out of the Kanto 3 Mizuno, “Akamatsu,” 257. 4 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1001. 5 Ibid., 2.1004.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 213 with the Ashikaga, many still had their home territories in the east country though they were given military governorships over provinces far to the west. As will be revealed later, the Akamatsu lost their territories to the Yamana in 1441 but regained the governorships of Harima, Bizen, and Mimasaka in 1467. At the time of their second rise their lands were scattered more widely outside of Harima in Kaga, Bizen, Izumo, and Ise.° Not only were the territories over which the shugo held land rights scattered, the rights themselves were of a wide variety and generally several degrees short of full proprietorship. Most commonly the Akamatsu held jit6-shiki, in other words the jitd salary

lands or lands acquired by the jit6 after division under the shitaji-chibun system. In the shden listed in the 1850 document of investiture, while the Akamatsu house was in possession of the jit6 rights to Say6-no-sho, the actual land over which it was proprietor was limited to five villages within the sho. The remaining territory was held by agreement with the civil proprietor or as hereditary grants made by previous shogun or military governors. Endowed with a scattered and complicated handful of landed support the Akamatsu chief, having acquired the title of shugo and through it the legal backing of the Ashikaga shogun, asserted his prerogatives of military governorship over Harima and adjoining provinces. The legitimate powers of the shugo, as we have

noted, were those of military command and appointment, administrative supervision, pursuit of criminals, adjudication of land disputes, and the collection of special military dues and imposts. We have no direct evidence on how the hanzei system was carried out in the provinces under Akamatsu jurisdiction, but there is no question that it was put into force. The Akamatsu also took over contract rights for a number of shden in Harima and Bizen. Thus in Bizen, Tottori-no-sho was managed under the shugo-uke sys-

tem sometime before 1441. From comments appearing in the court diaries of this time, it is clear that once the shugo took over as contract manager all internal affairs of the shden passed into the hands of the shugo. The imperial family, absentee proprietor of Tottori-no-sh6, was forced to rely entirely on the shugo or on the shogun for redress of grievances in its shden.” In shoen held 6 Ibid., 2.1019. 7 Arimoto Minoru, “Muromachi jidai ni okeru Bizen-no-kuni Tottori-no-sho,” in Kibi chihdshi geppd, 1.4 (App., 1952), 4-7; Néchi shi, 416-422.

214 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu by temples, the shugo generally had to be more careful of the interests of the proprietor. For instance, in Niimi-no-sho of Bitchu, the proprietary temple Toji continued to send a financial overseer to represent its interests as late as 1461.° But the court aristocracy

had no such resources. The Akamatsu probably acted as contractor or perhaps proprietor for the remaining kokugaryo of the provinces under their jurisdiction.

The growing authority of the Akamatsu in their capacity as local governors can ultimately be documented. We know that several attempts were made to collect province-wide taxes, tansen and munebetsusen, in Bizen.® And there are numerous documents revealing the Akamatsu attempt to prevent the alienation of land or the process whereby the family head granted or confirmed land rights to individuals. For the people of Bizen, therefore, the shugo became the prime authority, much as the provincial governors had once been.

But there was a fundamental difference in the manner of the shugo’s exercise of authority from that of the old civil governors.

We have seen that the land base controlled by the shugo was hardly sufficient for the exercise of local hegemony. Nor did the backing of the shogunate carry absolute weight. Rather it was in large measure the system of private control over other military families in the provinces that provided the effective element in the shugo’s ability to impose his influence upon the local area. This system of control was partially patriarchal and _ partially feudal. The complex pattern of interrelationships between shugo and other military families in their jurisdictional territories had been built up in several stages. For the Akamatsu, for example, there was first the inner sdry6 system of kinship organization. The main line with its preponderance of holdings in Harima acted as the center of a kinship system which included branch Akamatsu families, one of which held the governorship of Settsu with lands in Tamba and Harima, while another began with the ito rights to shden in Arima-gun in Settsu and Umaya-no-g6 in Bizen. Once the Akamatsu attached themselves to the Ashikaga as high-ranking shugo, their cadet branches rapidly began to acquire positions of influence and high status in the military aristocracy. Thus, of the close kin of the Akamatsu, five gained honorary titles of provincial governorships: Izu, Kozuke, Shimotsuke, T6tomi, and 8 Sugiyama Hiroshi, Shéen kaitai katei no kenkyu (Tokyo, 1959), 209. 9 Tsitshi, 1.950-952.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 215 Noto.”° The family, as an assemblage, comprised a power group considerably larger than that of the main family alone. Conversely such shugo families, as they expanded, maintained an inner soli-

darity through their kinship ties and their subordination to the main family head. Aside from the cadet families which were held together under

the concept of first kin (ikke), the Akamatsu main line could count on the support of a number of less closely related families

which had branched off at earlier times and had assumed surnames derived from their villages of residence. This group of families was extremely large, the following being only a partial list of the names which the Akamatsu included among their extended kin: Uno, Majima, Kozuki, Kashiwabara, Bessho, Saigusa, Ota, Sayo, Kamauchi, Toyofuku, Nakajima, Nakayama, Tokuhira,

Fukuhara, Suiden." These families were incorporated into the extended organization of the Akamatsu house as kin (ichizoku). The villages with which their names are associated were clustered

conspicuously in central Harima in and about Sayé-no-shd. Individually these families had acquired a variety of land rights in a large number of shden in Harima and neighboring provinces, so that their collective holdings must have rivaled those of the main Akamatsu house. Over such kin families the Akamatsu chief

could exercise several powers. First as shugo he claimed their military allegiance in the name of the shogun. As a superior kinsman he claimed the right of the séryd over them. As the ultimate

authority over certain lands and rights within the province, he was able to confirm, protect, or grant new land rights to them.” In other words, they were his administrative subordinates, his kinsmen, and his vassals. In addition to the kin group, the Akamatsu sought to exert control over as many other military houses as possible in the provinces which they governed. In this case the task was more difficult. Many such families were of long-standing local prominence and were not inclined to subordinate themselves easily to Ashikaga or Akamatsu authority. Furthermore, the wars of dynasties gave constant opportunity to those who might wish to oppose the Akamatsu to justify their cause. The standard techniques used by the shugo to bring such families into line was military pressure, alliances of marriage, or grants of land based upon conditions of

10 Okayama-shi shi, 2.991. 11 [bid. 12 Mizuno, “Akamatsu,” 259; Okayama-shi shi, 2.1220.

216 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu vassalage. Once securely enlisted as vassal housemen, the shugo

aided these families in extending their land holdings and enlarging their spheres of influence over the shden in which they resided, thus further cementing the interrelationships. The following list of the most important of the Akamatsu housemen indicates

that the Akamatsu were able to enlist a sizable portion of the landed families of Harima as their non-kin vassals (hikan). Such were the Urakami, Kitano, Tomita, Kodera, Nakamura, Uehara, Hori, Kushibashi, Yorifuji, Akashi, Yakushiji, Ose, Kidokoro, Iwami, Gotd, and Kinugasa.** An important feature of the ability of any shugo to maintain authority over his housemen was the possibility of creating a balance between kin and non-kin families. Whether for kin or non-kin housemen, an important link in the relationship between shugo and vassals derived from the practice of verification and confirmation of land rights. Numerous documents remain to reveal the activity of members of the Akamatsu family as the foremost source of cadastral authority in Harima and Bizen. To his kinsman Majima Norikiyo in 1865 the head of

the Akamatsu house granted “one-third of the jitd rights of Iwami-no-sh6 in Ito-gun and the 7it6 rights entire of Noguchi-noho.” To a non-kin vassal, Shimazu Tadakane, he granted in 1338 the jitd rights to Shimo-Ibo-no-shd-west and in 1349 the jit rights to the eastern portion of the same shdé. For the Asaka family he confirmed the following holdings: “In Shis6-gun, Asaka-no-ho, the

rights of the civil steward and clerk; the rights of the clerk of Mikata-nishi-no-sho; and dry and wet fields in Himeji village.”** The Asaka were a family of long residence in Harima, perhaps original shden officials who had established themselves as a leading landed bushi family in their locale. Enlisted into the Akamatsu following, the family served as loyal non-kin vassals. The Akamatsu capacity to act as guarantor, or grantor, of the above types of rights and holdings was, of course, the result of long years of piecemeal acquisition of scattered rights under the shden

system plus the extensive military powers accumulated while they served as jit6 and shugo. The new authority granted by the Ashikaga shogun also added to the shugo’s ability to reward his vassals with land. The application of the hanzei system must have released considerable land to shugo disposition. As evidence we 18 Okayama-shi shi, 2.991. 14 Mizuno, “Akamatsu,” 259-260.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 217 learn that during the 1850's the Awauda family was granted the hanzei portion of Tanaka-no-sh6.** Or again, in 1368, Akamatsu Masanori granted Namba Yukitoyo the fields vacated by the previous jit6 in Bizen’s Tottori-no-sho “for military provisions.”** Not all of the rearrangement of land rights under the shugo was accomplished peacefully. As the outcome of wars between oppos-

ing shugo the victor claimed the vacated holdings of the vanquished. At the provincial level, while the shogun had ultimate powers of disposal, there was little likelihood that the shogun would interfere beyond a certain formal involvement. Within the province, the shugo was able to determine the smaller dispositions

as part of his prerogatives over his housemen. Such were the expectations of war, but there were other examples of the ways in which bushi families stretched the letter of the law in order to extend their interests. In the above-mentioned Tanaka-no-sho

the former resident officials were soon complaining that the Awauda family had extended their hanzei rights into complete proprietorship (shitaji). In the Toji estate of Yano-no-sho the temple's agent reported that the Akima family was asserting complete control under cover of the shugo’s grant of hanzei rights.” Such complaints from the remaining civil interests were generally directed to the shogun over the head of the shugo. But they must have had little effect, for although the shogun might have communicated the complaints to the shugo, he generally did not have the power or the inclination to discipline his great vassals. At any rate, the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were notable for the rapid change in land tenures. Not only did the military houses constantly encroach on the absentee civil proprietors, but they also led the way in a general process of consolidation of hold-

ings in which the rights of absentee proprietors, even including absentee military houses, were eliminated in favor of resident pro-

prietorships. To cite but one example, the Narita family of Musashi, as was common in the Kamakura period, had acquired the land rights of the jito-shiki of Sutomi in Harima. They lost these rights in 13389 when the Akamatsu granted them to one

of their vassals on the grounds that the Narita family did not reside in Harima and so were unable to give them proper man15 Ibid. 16 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1222-12238.

17 Mizuno, “Akamatsu,” 261.

218 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu agement.** Although the shden structure continued in external form, the vital authority of disposition of land rights was flowing more and more into the hands of the shugo or of his major vassals. Yet the process of conversion to military rule was by no means complete, and at almost every level of activity the shugo of Ashi-

kaga times confronted competitive interests. The Akamatsu of Harima were thus involved in a constant struggle for survival: at the top against other shugo, against the lingering authority of the old court powers, and even against the shogun; at the bottom against the independence or even treachery of “local men,” the so-called kokujin. The success of the Akamatsu as provincial hegemons in large measure fluctuated with their ability to keep the support of the shogun and to retain the loyalty of the band of housemen through which their local influence could be exerted. Provincial government as superintended by the shugo-daimyo

was clearly less formal than it had been during the Kamakura period. Basically it took the form of an extension of the shugo's house organization in which the shugo relied on his closest vassals for council and on lesser housemen for functional administrative tasks. No longer was there an impersonal bureaucracy staffed by

appointment from the capital or even hereditary officials who claimed to represent the central government. Most territorial functions were performed by resident magnates who undertook administrative responsibilities as the shugo’s deputies. On the

other hand the levels of responsibility and the territorial boundaries of administrative jurisdiction remained remarkably stable. Authority continued to be exercised within the boundaries of provinces, districts, villages, and shden. The functional units, in other words, tended to show a considerable degree of continuity,

but the types of individuals filling the units and the type of authority which kept the system together had changed greatly. Once involved in bakufu affairs, the Akamatsu built a residence in Kyoto and made that their center of activity. Increasingly, the

Akamatsu chief was drawn away from his provincial base into the power struggle in Kyoto. Thus his so-called castle headquarters of Shirahata was probably never developed into a large residential establishment. As a consequence, the shugo’s home territories were left pretty much to the management of deputy 18 Ihid., 202.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 219 governors (shugodai). Under the Akamatsu, the deputy governorship of Harima was held by the head of the Uno family, of Bizen

by the Urakami, and of Mimasaka at first by the Abo and then successively by the Kigo, Uozumi, Shimizu, and Hirai.1° Even these shugodai were frequently called to Kyoto to perform duties

for the Akamatsu house, so that sub-deputies (shugo-matadai) were left in charge of provincial affairs.”° Below the shugodai, areas of administrative jurisdiction were probably arranged for by agreement among the lesser vassals of the shugo. There is evidence that the shugo used a fairly systematic

procedure of allocation of responsibility which rested at least in part on the older boundaries of local administration. For example, under the Ouchi of Su6 province, a sub-deputy was placed over each district (k6ri). Such representatives of the shugo acted as general intendants ( gundai) and served as chief administrators of each area.”* It was probably up to such officials to make sense out

of the complex jumble of land rights and to see that rents were forthcoming to the proper authorities. Within the kori, the go also frequently remained as units over which designated shugo representatives were assigned. There is evidence, therefore, that the system of local administration which continued in actual practice did not necessarily coincide with the contours of land tenure boundaries but rested on the more abstract divisions made familiar under the imperial system. The fief had not yet developed to the point that it could serve as the sole basis of local administration.

It was still necessary to rely upon the remnants of the imperial system for the more impersonal functions of the shugo’s provincial responsibilities: the collection of provincial taxes, the carrying out

of cadastral surveys, and the collection of shoen dues under the contract system. Within the province, we can imagine that the shugo’s residence served as the foremost center of government affairs. The old pro-

vincial capitals by now had fallen into decay. If we may judge from the example of the Ouchi house, which may well have been better organized than that of the Akamatsu, it appears that shugo presided over a fairly complex system of house administration.

Shugo were in the habit of building residences for their major vassals around their provincial military headquarters, although

19 [bid., 265. 20 Matsuoka, “Ouchi,” 69. 21 [bid., 71.

220 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu no “castle towns” were to emerge until after the turn into the six-

teenth century. The administrative centers established by the shugo were probably modeled on the pattern of the bakufu. Thus the Ouchi maintained such organs as a military council (samuraidokoro), administrative board ( bugy0-shi), judicial board (hy6joshi ), finance office (mandokoro ), and a large number of functional officers (bugyd) to take charge of such specific services as the supervision of temples and shrines, the shugo’s personal affairs, construction, records, and correspondence. A hierarchy of local deputies (daikan ) handled regional land tax administration. There was also a fully developed military organization in which the main vassals were responsible for major divisions made up of their personal troops, and the shugo himself could recruit various guard groups from his own lands or from his direct vassals.” Such was

the organization of local government as it was brought to bear upon the province of Bizen by the house of Akamatsu. The internal administration of Bizen under the rule of the shugodaimyo clearly differed quite markedly from what it had been in Kamakura days. Gone were the officials of the imperial govern-

ment, the civil governors or their agents in the provincial headquarters. The kokufu had disappeared, though there is no precise record of when it fell into disuse. Provincial documents after the middle of the fourteenth century carry chiefly the signatures of the shugo and his deputy officials. Yet Bizen retained a basic orientation toward Kyoto. For despite the fact that absentee proprietors were able to exert less and less influence over their holdings in Bizen, still something over half of the territory of Bizen was divided into shden of which the proprietors were located in Kyoto. In fact the shden system itself was still much in evidence, though it was obvious that the administration of the shden was in the hands of military stewards and of the shugo’s contract agents. If we take the year 1440 as the high point of Akamatsu authority in Bizen, from a purely formal point of view the political map of Bizen showed that most of the territorial units—such as sh6en, go, and ho—which had existed in 1200 were still in evidence.” Proprietorships had changed hands, of course, and the internal organi22 Thid., 77.

23 Tam grateful to Mr. Kanai Madoka for his effort in systematizing the informa-

tion contained in the documents listed in Nagayama’s Néchi shi, 396-452. The tabulations which follow are my own.

¥Mt ott , OPE Wa Saddle gg Verte otties = Hibs Pld MMe at os if oe, Cth gd tte iii a . we ide vite eee eek CEL Ne ‘ BIE i MLE ALLELE ELE a Sy ER Yi YE oy, ti ti ") ; cai A ad SIS fefifa eety eit pon RT Susai Pos Bi hy tea fs oF fee Sen, i. Ah Personen AES meeaan? htt ly td af a Mh, hy acs ata rah ‘ ee t on wo letoe ty aye “7%, ANS ‘SSa‘ YH ‘é Lei om | ee aes AN A. ,*,

LALA SE je Aili / fe ah ye

ye SLI he ~~ RCE N Nibori \-’ na Wicas SS | RNY

ATS gaa | NN . Ry bad \ Saiki x : f} Madd te SS On

SU ty . SAS YH Rs ~ oSSBSS” ws vam ir Maro Ukai OIE! al — OSS dd. Nog ENN Yo?"4 7/ RAD ERI \A (Noren YF ———_s is . ~ Z: Vay I

OT/ NN INL.Ces ond queer 4:01 ANN SOLS A

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xi AY SS Qpert SW ee yf a go °a devg

akasakabe Mae aS \y_ienatase COLE eR FOO aoe eee eaty aot tee eee Ne 71 & men eae , ey, AAs a Meroe em atin mer neo (BOA! Beye A To Le Oe “oePAS AUere BEeet RSA EES C) tf ‘4fe ort , Yoh i. Jy ee EE RR ET _, WE RAIS EMatfettPray oshate PR on ai RES Na lim toon ain a meat mete! Ra comnts oan cameo maarmeee AKER LoDTO Retin SS ae Pe rennet OO RN se aRee NaNSe ea ~tSah a State mn BR) iG tet; een Ayast ena PSR Se WSS ea eS Re eee eee es, GILG LEE OR REE RR

EF SARI FG) "GOES 1 ee ooene a {a (GR RRS RS ES BN lO Roam ean nO RA IT te Nome IS Sane Steen 4 TEL Ea nh nb entA Le en | ee BS I KOR fad ORR d ASia RR KK ane OIL Sage eenNee f= Reed Neapen Se SeaOOOO Stee Me Pe OS aan aaa oe alow actinSe oan ee aimeee pane = PIRES BnOSE a ESISSS Si nent KSABARS Ne OSERP NaeAER oe RT aNRee ee eR SECx SOO OS +. IKRE XRD ES aEeoR REena TRE See ee . ‘i ES EE om gr ema RR NOOO, ES SoPoOS PO LE “(ALI PAREN +. SS Se SE reiterates SCE Nae ee ee ee WBE POC K OO POOO>E? enee. $0666.66 eS oeee eet Mt etanttar natin ’ Ralearstpittin Haaseteetinn et lites nel SBN edt Raa aera Oana ast a ee pa ae ea Se SON oN OS 2

CAT RSBRR Ko eetetet Oar einerPASSE en (CRNA ER BLES GRRE RGA

BERRA POOR OE EBSAERR (ES RATA SG EN erernre ar bcaeey:

EGF OOS MAN BOZO STOR EEG SE : BE OOOO OO IOS Sh >>

ream? nee - PAA 1 ne Setenteee matty sere een ah me toga

Garo Seri ESS S50 SESS Se Pe ee

aSRS NN eaOEOe Kokugarya RR aR SRII. Shoen REN RR 5 pe i noble IGG GGG GS GF GOFF IF FFF ofSRE Imperial house, BD ERE 4% Yk 31 NShouse i BBB BF FAG F-F-F or shogun’s family i nS a io ok a a a I A . oe ~ ie se ee ee ee: Pe aS ee WH Sh6en of Ce ntral temple or sh rine AS ea en ae Re Neere eeen & yo BASRAS Be A AON nS RS AS AAate Se eS

Bo Be a ee ee Ree ~ . BOR EE { Unknown but controlled by Hosokawa RNS RR OARSAes SR ad EE| Shoen TT TT)of local temple or shrine Re BRRE RSS SeRg ee ems areneSR oa 6: Caceem e

RS ee a ee

REESE SAG eaeSe SeRe BENS SCE ee AO MUES on Se SRS Shoen proprietorship unknown a Se aa orn iti atm nner ranger ma ernment ene : ne Ea cle rected eae mere merece #0 Ae OS 9 we Semana erence ara eee ' i Sanee ceo ean eantat ceetie See ee NOE TE ES RE TE OAR

KEY TO NUMBERED LOCATIONS 17. Hata-no-go 37. Owari-no-ho (Kamo Jinja)

1. Ichinomiya (Kibitsu Jinja) 18. Takara-no-gs6 38. Minami Naganuma-no-sho

2. Daianji-no-sho (Daianji) 19. Taema-no-sho (Zuishin’in)

3. Nishi Noda-no-sho (Kibitsu 20. Kachi-no-go 39. Naganuma-no Mikuriya

Jinja?) 21. Areno (Sennyuji) (Ise Nisho Daijingu)

4, Mino-no-shin-sho 22. Onishi-no-sho 40. Naganuma-no-sho (Tédaiji?) (ChokGdo) (estimated former Kanaoka 41. Oku-no-go

5. Tsushima-no-go Nishi-no-sho) 42. Ani Jinja

6. Ifuku-no-go 23. Aranuma 43. Rengeji 7. Higashi Noda-no-sho (Kdfukuji?) 24. Takehara-no-shé (Kamo Jinja) 44. Guhoin 8. Shin Tsutsumi-no-ho 27. Kanaoka-no-sho (Gakuanji) 45. Sayama 9. Kinzanji 28. Anyodji-ryo 46. Tsurumi 10. Hirashi-no-go 29. Kawada 47. Ushimado-no-sho (lwashimizu 11. Mino-no-go 30. Nibo-mura (Gosukoin) Hachiman)

12. Izushi-no-go 31. Motoroi-no-ho 48. Kashino-no-sho (Miidera Onjoji) 13. Shikata-no-sho (Fujiwara, 32. Yugei-no-go 49. Tsurashima-no-sho (Hosokawa)

Denka-watari-ryo) 33. Hattori-no-ho 50. Shionasu-no-sho (Hosokawa)

14. Kamutsumichi-no-go 34. Haji-no-g6 51. Kayd-no-shin-sh6é

15. Uji-no-go 35. Mameda-no-sho 52. Kayd-no-hon-sho (Saionji?) 16. Areno-no-shd (Kasuga Jinja) 36. Yamada-no-shd (Kamo Jinja) 53. Yamajo Mura (Myodkenji)

222 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu zation of these territorial units had undergone considerable transformation. In 1440 there were some 104 identifiable local units. Of

these the kokugaryé had been reduced to thirteen pieces; the rest were shden, of which the proprietorships were distributed as follows:

Imperial family 4 Court aristocracy 4 Ashikaga family i Central temples 16 Central shrines 10 Local temples 8

Local shrines 4 Hosokawa family 12 Unknown (but including shugo

and other bushi proprietorships ) 39

The increase in total number of units (there had been 88 in 1200) is accounted for largely by the subdivision of some of the very large shden or pieces of public domain. In most instances the new, smaller units did not fall below the size of gd, however. Changes

in proprietorship followed a number of distinct patterns. They may be summarized in the following tables:

Kokugaryo 1] Imperial shden 8

Areas remaining unchanged:

Shéen of central temples and shrines 9 Shoen of court nobility 2 Shden of local temples and shrines 7 32

Areas changing proprietorship:

Kokugary6 to temple or shrine shoen 6

Kokugary6 to court shéen 1

Kokugary6 to bushi shoden 2

Kokugary6 to shéen, proprietor unknown 15 Imperial shoen to temple or shrine shden 4

Temple or shrine to bushi shden 4

Temple or shrine to unknown proprietor 1

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 223 Court family to another court family 1

Court family to unknown proprietor ] 35

Kokugary6 2 Temple or shrine shden 7 Bushi shoen 6

Newly created units:

Ashikaga shéen ] Imperial family shden 1 17

Disappeared (units recorded in 1200 for which there is no documentary evidence in 1440):

Temple or shrine shéen 5

Kokugary6 6 No information: 20 104

The first observation which emerges from these figures is that the public domain had been drastically cut away. But what is not revealed in the figures is that the few lands which were still referred to as the public domain had in fact lost all their “public” character. A document of 1407 indicates that the kokugary6 of Bizen were now treated essentially as shden. In 1407 the shogun, Ashikaga Yoshimasa, was able to devise the “public lands” of Bizen and Mino, plus other shéen, to his daughter, Minami-no-Gosho,

the abbess of Daijiin. The grant of these lands was made to appear no different from the transfer of shden proprietorships. There

was no attempt to keep up a pretense of provincial jurisdiction over them.”* Furthermore, there is little indication that the income

from such domains was in any way commensurate with what it had been in 1200. Undoubtedly a farming-out procedure was used in which a military steward undertook on-the-spot tax collection, while the shugo accepted the responsibility of seeing to it that an agreed-upon quota of taxes was delivered to Kyoto. The Matsuda family may well have served as 7ité of all these domains, although 24 Takeuchi, Jiryd, 63-64; 77.

224 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu we can only be certain of its stewardship over Tsushima-no-go. According to the above calculations, 24 pieces of kokugaryo had become shden. Of these, the largest bloc with known proprietorships (six) went into the hands of temples or shrines. There were, to be sure, fifteen whose proprietorships were unknown,

and most of these probably ended up in the hands of military families. We may surmise this, since the distribution of these shoen coincided with the known locations of some of the major bushi bands. All told, however, there were still a significant number of civil and religious proprietorships, and it is important to see how valuable these were as sources of income for the absentee proprietors. In the final analysis, of course, the shden provided the only continuous source of income available to the court aristocracy. Their dependence upon such income was consequently desperate. So long as the shugo considered themselves primarily members of Kyoto society, there was some incentive for them to see to it that shoen rights were respected. But the actual authority of the ab-

sentee proprietor was minimal, and the income which reached Kyoto was meager and dependent almost entirely on the willing-

ness of the military governors and their deputies to respect a weakening tradition. Income had been reduced legally by half or three-quarters, and few proprietors received even their legal dues from their holdings. In the land grant made Minami-no-gosho in 1407, for instance, it was stated that for Onishi-no-sh6o in Bizen, while the proprietor’s share was 45 strings (kan) of cash, of late the local interests saw fit to deliver only 25 kan. A more common complaint was that no delivery was being made at all. The onceprofitable Fujiwara holding in Bizen at Shikada-no-sho had been reduced to twenty strings of cash by 1481. When the head of the

Fujiwara complained to the shogun that the Matsuda family, which acted as contract agent, had not delivered the annual rents the shogun’s only reply was that the Matsuda were busy fighting their neighbors and had no surplus produce to deliver.”

One reason why proprietorships of religious institutions increased at this time was that the temples and shrines had the means of guarding their holdings somewhat better than court families. Moreover, by this time many of the kuge families, particularly the imperial family, had gained hereditary rights to cer25 Fujii, “Shikada-no-sho,” 137.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 225 tain high posts in the religious hierarchy. Thus the income of the temples and shrines of the Kyoto area directly affected the wellbeing of the kuge. In the case of Osada-no-sh6, the emperor GoDaigo transferred the shiki of management (shomu-daikan-shiki) to the hands of T6ji temple in 1826. The temple consequently received one-tenth of the guardian’s income but absorbed the responsibility of managing the shden.”* Within a few years Toji held the entire guardianship rights. And then in 1853 the proprietary rights passed to Rengebuji under the seal of the Ashikaga shogun.” From this point on the imperial family could derive only indirect benefit from the shéen as members of the family entered the priesthood. In a similar manner Fukuoka-no-sho passed to the control of Toji, and Kanaoka-no-sh6 to Saidaiji. Of the court proprietorships in Bizen, Tottori-no-sh6 remained in imperial hands for the longest period of time. Emperors did their best to keep a hand in its affairs, appointing managing agents first from the Saionji family and later from the Hino. By Ashikaga times local supervision was farmed out to resident jito-type managers. By 1420 the shugo contract system was in use, and the Akamatsu had named a deputy manager over the shd. In this way some income was assured the imperial house throughout the first half of the fifteenth century. We know, for instance, that in 1407 the income from Tottori was 1000 koku of rice. Although in the years which followed the emperors constantly complained to the shogunate that the shugo was remiss in payment of dues, the chances are that during years of peace the Akamatsu kept up their payments. In 1524 a delivery of 200 kan was made, and there is some indication that income reached Kyoto from Tottori-no-sh6 even after that.® In another part of Kibi, Niimi-no-sh6 of Bitchi, also an imperial shden which had passed into the hands of Toji, showed a record of nominal tax payment (about 20 kan) annually until 1458 through the auspices of the shugo’s deputy.” While it is not always possible to determine the precise fiscal conditions of the court proprietorships of the fifteenth century, the new administrative procedures imposed by the shugo were quite apparent. With the maturation of the shugo system, we find 26 Takeuchi, Jiryé, 471-472. 27 Shimizu, Shéen, 1125.

28 Arimoto Minoru, “Muromachi jidai ni okeru Bizen-no-kuni Tottori-no-shé,” op.cit., 5-6. 29 Sugiyama Hiroshi, Shéen kaitai katei no kenkyi, 209-210,

226 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu in every instance that the shugo’s deputy took over the ultimate

managerial powers from both the former proprietor’s agents (shokan) and shogun’s agents (jit). The chain of command between shogun, shugo, and daikan was generally short and direct. It was the propensity of the shugo’s agent, be he a former jit6 or a newly intruded vassal of the shugo, that he collect rigorously, even ruthlessly, at the local level while passing on little to the

top. It was not uncommon that, as in Niimi-no-sho during the 1460's, the inhabitants rebelled against the exactions of the daikan, calling for a return to conditions under the old proprietorship.

But in this case even the great Toji temple was unable to resist the intrusion of the shugo’s agent into their territories. Probably what is more important to our study than a recitation of the frustrations of the civil aristocracy in Kyoto or local inhab-

itants in Bizen is the fact that even at this late date the shéen system had not altogether disappeared. It still provided the boundaries of local land organization and management. Shden law, greatly modified to be sure, still provided the terminology for most of the transfers of rights and tenures as exemplified in such documents as the devise of family holdings of the Akamatsu house. Yet the system was obviously breaking down, and in large part the concept of shiki rights was losing its meaning. This was especially true of the large areas which had been taken over by

military families: the areas on our map of Bizen about which we know comparatively little but which we assume to have passed under feudal proprietorships. The most dramatic change between 1200 and 1440 was the ex-

pansion of proprietorships and lesser tenures belonging to military families. In the map of Bizen we can see that the Ashikaga had acquired proprietorship over the public domain and the shéen of Takebe. The head of the Hosokawa house held 18 shéden, largely

on Kojima and Shodoshima islands. These were probably part of

a package which was held by virtue of the family’s status as kanrei. It is the group of 38 units of which the proprietorship is unclear, however, which reveals the true inroads of the bushi into the lands of Bizen. These areas, once shéen or kokugaryo, had by now passed into that transition state in which absentee proprietorships had so little force as to have lost all meaning. Over most of

these lands we can assume that local military families holding various degrees of proprietorship short of completeness were the

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 227 on-the-spot masters. And it is within these territories that we must assume the shden practices were most fully displaced by feudal. For Bizen as a whole we have only fragmentary evidence on the way in which local military families acquired such powers or of

how they managed their lands. The rise of the Matsuda and Urakami families are the best documented, although their cases are somewhat atypical. The early history of the Matsuda family is obscure, but there is evidence that the family was of Kanto origin and received its first grant of land in Bizen about 1221. In 1285 a member of the house, Matsuda Motoyasu, as a result of meritorious military service at the time of the first Mongol invasion, “received Ifukuno-g6” in Bizen, although the exact nature of his tenure is not revealed. Motoyasu lived until 1310. His son, Motokuni, is said to have been rewarded with the post of shugo of Bizen and the additional holding of Tsushima-no-gd. Motokuni consequently moved out of the Kanté and took up residence in Bizen, building his strong point at Tomiyama.* The Matsuda family genealogy states at this point that Motokuni “controlled” the two districts of Mino and Tsutaka, but the nature of this control is left vague. At this

same time another branch of the family appears to have been active in Bizen. Its head, Matsuda Moriyori, has already appeared

in our narrative. In the wars of the Kemmu period the Matsuda supported the Ashikaga, and Moriyori (not his kinsman Motokuni) received the military governorship of Bizen. About the same time Motokuni acquired further lands in Tsutaka district and the additional holding of Shikada-no-go. If we add together the holdings of the above two Matsuda families they obviously comprised a sizable portion of the four westernmost districts of Bizen. They did not, however, make possible a secure control of the province.

Matsuda influence must have been particularly weak in the eastern districts. In 1837 Matsuda Mototaka, son of Motokuni, built and entered a castle at Kanagawa, leaving his senior vassals as keepers of his previous headquarters at Tomiyama.” This shift of military base is of considerable significance, for it indicates that the tempo of

warfare was increasing and that exposed positions, such as the one at Tomiyama, were best exchanged for less accessible moun30 Okayama-shi shi, 2.13802-1303. 31 [hid., 2.1305.

228 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu tain defenses. By this time most of the regional chiefs were mak-

ing similar moves, and although it was still many years before castles capable of withstanding lengthy assaults were to be built, a growing emphasis was put upon internal territorial consolidation and on defense of boundaries. Between 1345 and 1864 Matsuda Nobushige, son of Moriyori,

served as military governor of Bizen.*’ But this branch of the Matsuda is not heard of after 1364, when Nobushige lost his title. On the other hand, Mototaka’s succession continued to prosper

at Kanagawa. There we find the next head, Motoyasu, making peace with the Akamatsu to become deputy governor of the western halt of Bizen. We learn also that he took a daughter of Akamatsu Sadanori as wife, probably as an act of reconciliation. Under Motoyasu’s leadership the Matsuda came to “control all of Mino-gun.”** The next chief, Motofusa, was found fighting in

the Kyoto area on behalf of the shogun Yoshimitsu. For these military services he received the additional grant of Iwanasu-nog6. His successor, Motokata, took as wife the daughter of Mimura

Shigemichi, the deputy governor of eastern Bitcht. He also improved the defenses of the family castle of Kanagawa so that it acquired the reputation of being the most formidable fortification in Bizen.** Thus the Matsuda constantly expanded their holdings

and improved their family connections during the years they served as deputy governors for half of Bizen.

The Matsuda genealogy is too unreliable a document upon which to base an understanding of the exact nature of Matsuda holdings, for it would have us believe that the Matsuda held proprietary rights (rydyit) over the entire four districts of Mino, Tsutaka, Akasaka, and Kamutsumichi. This was clearly an exaggeration. What we can believe is that Ifuku-no-g6, and probably also Iwanasu-no-g6, were held entire and complete. In these areas the Matsuda had been established the longest and so presumably

possessed their fullest rights. Elsewhere within the above four

districts their powers were more limited, and there is clear evidence that conflicting proprietorships existed within their boundaries. Eleven of the thirteen pieces of public domain over which the daughter of the shogun had been named proprietor were located in this area.** Over these the Matsuda surely could 82 Tbid., 2.13807-1308. 33 Thid., 2.1810. 34 Thid., 2.1811-1312. 35 Kanai, “Bizen,” 52-54.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 229 have claimed only the jit6 rights or perhaps the powers of the shugo’s deputy. The same was definitely true of Shikada-no-sho of which the proprietorship was still partially in the name of the Fujiwara house. As of the year 1481, it is recorded that the Mat-

suda served as proprietor’s agent (sdry0-ukebito) or general deputy (shodaikan) for this shden.** In Tottori-no-sho the same must have been true, since the proprietorship was clearly in the hands of the imperial family. Technically, therefore, the Matsuda position was far from comprehensive. Even as late as 1408 the Matsuda leader had this to say about his position in response to an inquiry from the shugo: “I have not grasped as my personal domain half of Bizen as is sometimes said. I am only holding this territory as a source of military provisions and personnel (hydrd gunyaku). If ordered to return it I will of course do so. But Ifuku-no-go is a different matter. My family was granted this holding in Kamakura times as salary land in recognition of meritorious military service; of this there is no dispute.”*”

The Matsuda were certainly the outstanding power in western Bizen from a military point of view, and the title of deputy shugo

gave them a legal backing to match their growing military strength. We can assume that the Matsuda headquarters at Tomiyama and Kanagawa had become the prime centers of administration, legal transaction, and tax collection for the entire four districts, and it was upon the Matsuda that the shugo had to depend for the execution of various contract services. Within this area as well, the Matsuda chief unquestionably was acquiring more and more land which had been granted him by confirmation from the shugo. Such land would be subject to no further claims of higher proprietorship and required only loyalty and military service on behalf of the shugo. Even such requirements were frequently nominal since the Matsuda had holdings (such as Ifukuno-g6) which had become hereditary since Kamakura times. In contrast to the Matsuda, the Urakami came into Bizen completely at the behest of the shugo and therefore started out with the narrowest of land bases. Yet within a few decades this family 63 Fujii, “Shikada-no sho,” 187. 87 Dohi Tsunehira, “Bizen gunki” (Ms., 1774), modern ed. in Tanaka Seiichi

comp. Kibi gunsho shisei (10 vols., Tokyo, 1921), 3.26-27. Hereafter cited by title only.

230 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu also achieved a position of leadership in eastern Bizen as the shugo’s deputy. Actually we know very little about the Urakami until after 1467 when the second phase of Akamatsu control over Bizen began. The family was originally from Harima and had become one of the chief non-kin vassals of the Akamatsu. Urakami

Munetaka was assigned Mitsuishi castle after 1864 and given jurisdiction as deputy shugo over eastern Bizen. The Urakami position in Bizen was based on military force and the backing of

the shugo. In other words it derived from an extension of the shugo’s power base in Harima, not from extensive control of land or long-established connections with other local families. Upon moving into Bizen the Urakami retained their main holdings in

Harima, receiving only some slender grants in the vicinity of Mitsuishi. We cannot even be sure that they acquired rights over

Nyuta-no-sho (the main jit6 proprietorship in Bizen), for the Fujiwara family was still in evidence there.** Not until the late fifteenth century did the Urakami expand as a major territorial power in Bizen. The Matsuda and Urakami, two military families of very different origin and relationship to Bizen, became the major agents

of the Akamatsu. It was through these deputy houses that the authority of the military governor of Bizen was exercised over the province and fashioned into something of a systematic form of government. From the period 1364 to 1441 a large number of land documents remain in which the Akamatsu, or their deputies, the Urakami and Matsuda, confirmed or guaranteed land rights

in the name of shogunal law. From these documents we can visualize the manner in which the shugo system succeeded in supplanting the older provincial administration. In the Anyoji docu-

ments we note that the Fujiwaras of Nytta-no-sho had been en-

listed as intendants (daikan) under the Urakami and that the Urakami maintained a magistral office (bugydsho ) serving eastern

Bizen.*® Intendants appear to have been distributed in such a manner that they could act as intermediary agents between the deputy governor and the stewards of the individual proprietary units (now called satanin or shishé bito). There appears to have been a relatively systematic division of responsibility for handling the paperwork of land management.”

39 Ibid. 40 Néchi shi, 436.

88 Komonjo-sht, 1.14-15, Anyoji documents.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 231 Beyond a statement of this sort, however, it is difficult to gain a picture of how the shugo exercised his provincial authority. The Akamatsu chief's powers were based primarily upon the fact of his being shugo and only secondarily upon his land holdings. Thus he differed from the later daimyo who had gained full proprietary

rights over all territory within their domains. As the shogun’s designate, the shugo received certain legal and administrative rights which were his to exploit. In terms of the formal action of the Ashikaga shogunate the Akamatsu had been authorized to

govern all of Bizen province in both civil and military terms. Under them the deputies (Matsuda and Urakami) and below them the intendants (daikan) and stewards (satanin) constituted the recognized chain of authority within the province. But between the theoretical administrative structure and actual manner of enforcement a large area of discrepancy probably existed. The

power of enforcement was not inherent in the acquisition of legitimacy from the shogun. Rather it rested upon the ability to exercise military force. This in turn depended on the ability to secure the following or at least acquiescence of indigenous landed families. In Harima, of course, the Akamatsu were supported by an extensive network of family connections and alliances within which personal bonds of vassalage served as the major binding element. In Bizen this element was not so fully developed. Over western Bizen, in fact, neither the Akamatsu nor the Yamana were

able to do more than enlist the allegiance of the Matsuda. But over eastern Bizen a more personal chain of vassalage could be extended. Beginning with his long-time retainer, the Urakami, and other lesser vassal families put into the lands which came into his possession in Bizen, the Akamatsu chief extended his network of housemen into Bizen, granting new lands, confirming old holdings and in general attempting to bring the vassalage system into coincidence with the authority system. Behind the creation of the formal Ashikaga system of authority in Bizen, then, there was the constant effort of the shugo to extend

his band of retainers through such means as intermarriage and enfeoffment. As various land rights came into his possession, the shugo took every occasion to reward his followers or to gain new

vassals. Copies of land grants in reward for service have been

retained by a few houses that managed to survive this age of frequent local warfare. For example a document of 1467 signed

232 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu by Akamatsu Masanori and addressed to Matsuda Mototaka reads as follows:

Regarding the hanzei portion of Kamimura village of Ito-nosho, although Minota Saky6-no-suke is raising objections, these lands were assigned to Namba Jurdbei-no-jo for mili-

tary support as a result of his recent show of loyalty. This should be understood.

Again in the same year Masanori signed the following document:

After the Katsuragi had been driven from Tottori-no-sh6, Namba Jardbei-no-j6 was assigned scattered fields for his military support. There are those who resist this disposition, claiming they are the original owners of the lands (honshwu).

But the Katsuragi were deprived of their lands because of their tardiness in joining our cause. Of this there is no doubt. Therefore quickly suppress this resistance. These lands will

be managed (sata) by Jurdbei-no-jo and his succession. Respectfully. In Bizen the number of military houses counted as firm Akamatsu housemen was at first small. And most were of uncertain loyalty. The Matsuda were reluctant allies at best, and it would seem that whenever the occasion presented itself they joined the enemies of the Akamatsu. Within the smaller sectors over which the deputy shugo had been placed, authority was no more easy to enforce. The Urakami and Matsuda, within their spheres of influence, had to contend with local chiefs who managed to preserve a good deal of independence. Thus frequently the Akamatsu

were obliged to send direct commands to such families as the Iga of Osada-no-sho or the Sasaki of Kojima, for apparently the deputy shugo were unable to handle them. Between theory and practice in the application of authority a generous gap existed in Bizen. This is perhaps best brought out in the records of the attempt of the shugo to collect provincial taxes, called munebetsusen. In 1442 an attempt was made to collect such a tax for the purpose of supporting the rebuilding of Toji. The result was far from successful. Toji records show that fifty-six jurisdictional units

were approached in Bizen in the name of the shogun and shugo. 41 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1348-1349.

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 233 Of these, eighteen paid without resistance, six contributed under different auspices, seven resisted but were reapproached by the shugodai, twenty-six forcibly rejected the tax collectors. In some

of these areas the local inhabitants put up barricades behind which they fought off the shugo’s agents.” Such attempts to avoid

interference of the shogun or shugo were common during the Ashikaga period and led frequently to local uprisings or armed clashes.

It is apparent then that the authority held by the shugo of Bizen was at best a precarious thing and easily disturbed by conditions either at the political center of the country or at the local level. The Akamatsu fortunes, like those of so many of the shugo families, showed violent ups and downs. But there was a touch of romance to the Akamatsu story which has made it a favorite of Japanese historians. The downfall of the Akamatsu came at the

moment of their highest success. The occasion was one of the most shocking incidents in Ashikaga history, the Kakitsu disturbance of 1441 in which Akamatsu Mitsusuke assassinated the shogun Yoshinori. The incident marked not only a turning point in Akamatsu fortunes but in the history of the Ashikaga house as well.

The shogun Yoshinori is said to have brought to a height the despotic tendencies of the Ashikaga shogunate. By 1441 several trusted shugo had been killed by the shogun, and the Akamatsu were being treated in a high-handed fashion. When the shogun tried to take Akamatsu Mitsusuke’s lands from him to give to another member of the Akamatsu lineage, he was obviously seeking to utilize a division within the Akamatsu ranks to weaken the family. Mitsusuke invited the shogun to a theatrical performance at his residence in Kyoto and there assassinated him. Mitsusuke then returned to his castle of Kinoyama and fought to the finish

against shogunal forces led by his bitter rival, the house of Yamana. In the final engagement most of the Akamatsu family were exterminated and the Yamana took over the governorships

held by the family. The period of Yamana ascendancy over Bizen lasted from 1441 to 1467. During this interval the Yamana extended their suzerainty over the Matsuda and, after pacifying

the rest of Bizen, set up a deputy named Ogamo at the castle 42 Tsishi, 1.950-951. 43 Mizuno, “Akamatsu,” 278-277.

234. Bizen: the House of Akamatsu headquarters of Fukuoka on the eastern bank of the Yoshii River.**

The Yamana, it will be recalled, had been long-time rivals of the Akamatsu in central Japan and had held at one time eleven shugoships. In 1892 the Yamana had been cut back to three provinces in a battle which had presaged the first period of outstanding Ashikaga stability. Now with the defeat of the Akamatsu, the Yamana held nine provinces and again stood out as one of the greatest of the shugo.* It was chiefly because of this new surge of Yamana power and the effect it had upon the military balance among the shugo that the Akamatsu were not obliged to remain in oblivion. The Akamatsu’s loss of a strategic position in central Japan brought the Yamana face to face with the Hosokawa house, traditional recipients of the title of kanrei. Hosokawa Katsu-

moto thus advocated the revival of the Akamatsu house as a buffer against the Yamana. Several branches of the Akamatsu were encouraged to foment revolt against the Yamana in Harima, but without success. In 1458, however, some former Akamatsu vassals in a bold exploit managed to retrieve the imperial treasures which had been secreted by remnants of Go-Daigo’s followers in

Yoshino. For this act Akamatsu Masanori, one of the few surviving holders of the Akamatsu surname, was rewarded with the permission to revive the house of Akamatsu and was granted the shugoship of half of Kaga, the shd of Nyuta in Bizen, and the ho of Takamiya in Ise. Receipt of these grants was by no means a guarantee that a revived Akamatsu house could occupy a secure position in central

Japan. The Akamatsu had recovered only Nyita-no-sho from among their former holdings, and their position as shugo of half of Kaga province was largely up to them to turn into reality.*° Harima, their former home province, was still denied them. It is understandable then that the Akamatsu should have been foremost participants in the great Onin war between the Hosokawa and Yamana which broke out in 1467, opposing at several crucial times the council of compromise. For the war gave the Akamatsu a chance to recover their fortunes, and in fact to regain the three 44 Tsashi, 1.942-946. 45 Okayama-ken no rekishi, 200.

46 Mizuno Kydichiro, “Akamatsu-shi saiko o meguru ni-san no mondai,” in Ryoto Daigaku Dokushikai Sdritsu Gojanen Kinen, Kokushi ronshi (Kyoto, 1960),

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 235 provinces lost in 1441. During the years of war in Kyoto, the Akamatsu managed to clear the Yamana from Harima, fight their way back into Bizen, and to defeat the Yamana agent at Fukuoka. By the termination of the war in 1477, the Akamatsu had regained possession of the title of shugo of Harima, Bizen, and Mimasaka.

In Bizen, as before, they set up their agent, the Urakami, at Mitsuishi on the border between Harima and Bizen and subjected the Matsuda to subordination.

The high point of Akamatsu recovery in Bizen during this second stage was reached in the year 1480 when in great pomp the head of the house marched from Shirahata, along the coastal

highway through Bizen, to the foremost Shinto shrine of the area, Bizen’s Ichinomiya. In the course of this progress he stayed both at Mitsuishi and Tomiyama, the secondary center of Matsuda

power. In this way the Akamatsu chief attempted to assure the continued allegiance of his chief vassals in Bizen, the Urakami and the Matsuda, and sought to impress his authority upon the area.*"

But conditions in 1480 were not what they had been a century earlier. Deterioration of the powers of the Ashikaga shogunate left the shugo with little effective central backing, while the Onin war had disrupted local conditions everywhere. Local uprisings and the effect of Yamana intrusion into Harima had broken the

base upon which the Akamatsu house had once built its local hegemony. This base was never rebuilt, and so within three years after the 1480 progress Akamatsu authority in Bizen was reduced to all but a nominal thing. The Matsuda, finding an opportunity

to join with Yamana remnants, broke with the Akamatsu and began to contest for control of Bizen. The Urakami, remaining loyal to the Akamatsu, fortified the strategic castle of Fukuoka and with the aid of other Akamatsu supporters attempted to thwart the Matsuda. A great battle, fought in 1483 at Fukuoka, largely between the Matsuda and the Urakami forces, though inconclusive, broke the Akamatsu power over Bizen. In the years

which followed, both the Matsuda and the Urakami remained firmly entrenched in their strongholds, with the Yoshii River forming the boundary between them. The major loss from the confrontation of these two houses was to the prestige of the 47 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1165-1166,

236 Bizen: the House of Akamatsu Akamatsu house. Moreover, the Akamatsu were obliged to turn over to their vassals more and more of the affairs of Harima, where they were constantly beset by their traditional enemies, the Yamana, and by unrest among the local bushi. In a series of exhausting wars with the Yamana, the Urakami were called on frequently to do the fighting for the Akamatsu. Gradually the Urakami took over the position of leadership among the vassals of the Akamatsu until eventually rivalry among branches of the Akamatsu family gave the Urakami the opportunity to take up arms in their own cause. In 1522 Urakami Muramune killed the head of the Akamatsu house and assumed control over the former Akamatsu territories. The foremost shugo-daimyd which had touched the affairs of Bizen thus passed out of existence and the period of shugo rule in the province came to an end. The passing of Akamatsu rule over Bizen exemplifies the prob-

lems faced by the shugo in their attempt to maintain control over provirice-size territories. Sources of shugo power were unavoidably mixed. Shugo were first of all local military powers; at the same time they were appointees of the Ashikaga shogun. But the legitimization and the backing of the Ashikaga shogunate was of insufficient benefit. Even in a shugo’s home province the

discrepancy between authority by appointment and power in hand was dangerously great. The Akamatsu control of Bizen was particularly weak because of the limited number of kin-vassals it

had in the province. Although the Akamatsu won the title of shugo of Bizen by military action against the Yamana, Harima remained their home province, and the base of their real power. As a military power then the Akamatsu forces and the various strong-points upon which they relied were concentrated in Harima. In Bizen they were obliged to leave matters pretty much to their agent, the Urakami, and their uncertain ally, the Matsu-

da. In the final analysis, therefore, the ability of the Akamatsu to influence affairs in Bizen rested on their ability to demand loyal service of the Urakami and Matsuda and through them to hold down the local families (kokujin) of Bizen. The weakness of the Akamatsu grip on Bizen was further reflected in the pattern of land holding upon which it had to rely. The Akamatsu land base in Bizen was small and poorly distributed. Moreover, the major holdings of the Akamatsu were widely scattered and were by no means concentrated in Harima,

Bizen: the House of Akamatsu 237 Bizen, and Mimasaka. Thus a considerable discrepancy existed between the jurisdictional area over which the family claimed authority and the lands which backed that authority. In Bizen the major portion of land was still held in various capacities by local or absentee proprietary families and by numerous temples and shrines. This complexity of land tenures made for a great diversity in the pattern of political and military allegiances within the province. We can be sure that at no time did a neat hierarchy

unite all the fighting men of Bizen under the Akamatsu, but rather that conflicting claims of loyalty constantly divided them.

Each time war broke out between the Akamatsu and Yamana these local families seized the opportunity to better themselves, generally by joining against the Akamatsu. Doubtless because of the difficulty in maintaining control over the local families within the provinces, the shugo sought the backing of the Ashikaga shogunate whenever it could prove useful. Legitimization was essential. But the prestige conferred by the

shogunal appointment was a mixed asset. For to secure it involved the shugo in conflicts at the center of politics which eventually hastened their decline. And as the shugo competed among themselves for influence within the shogunate, they weakened the

very institutions upon which they hoped to rely at the same time that they neglected their provincial bases. Thus the passing of the shugo-daimyo was intimately related to the final decline of the Ashikaga shogunate and the collapse of the last vestiges of central authority in Japan. The Onin war, which briefly revived the fortunes of the Akamatsu house, was in fact the turning point in the ability of the shugo to serve as the primary agents of local government in the provinces.

IX. BIZEN AND THE SENGOKU DAIMYO HE hundred years which separate the beginning of the Onin

Tae in 1467 and Nobunaga’s entrance into Kyoto in 1568 delimit the period in Japanese history known as Sengoku: “the country at war.” The name is appropriate, for warfare wracked the entire country, and Bizen was to have its full share of battle and

bloodshed. But the clash of armies was not the only activity to leave a mark upon the provinces during this tempestuous century.

Momentous institutional changes were also at work across the country. Taken in its full measure of historical significance, the Sengoku period spanned a major watershed in Japanese history, when the Japan which had existed under the institutions of imperial rule gave way before a new and different state structure, the Japan which was to emerge from the full spread and maturation of feudal institutions. In most parts of Japan it was this century which brought to fullest development feudal practices of government and military organization, giving rise to the most extreme conditions of political decentralization. Political power,

which during the eighth century had been drawn out of the countryside into the imperial capital, was by this time almost com-

pletely returned to the provinces, and the provinces once again became the source of initiative in national affairs. For the first

time in nearly a millennium in Bizen local families with the power to enforce authority in their own right came into being. Not since the days when the Kibi and Wake families had divided the several districts of southern Bizen and Bitcht: between them

had the area produced indigenous rulers of such strength and capacity.

For Bizen the collapse of the house of Akamatsu ushered in the era of political decentralization which characterized the Sengoku age. For with the passing of the shugo, the hand of the Ashikaga shogunate was almost completely withdrawn from the province. To be sure, emperor and shogun remained in Kyoto as symbols of ultimate sovereignty, but their political roles were passive. These remnants of the old authority structure lingered on as shadowy repositories of legitimacy, but neither retained the capacity to interfere in local affairs. After the death of the shogun Yoshimasa in 1490 the shogunate possessed neither the prestige nor the power to impose upon a province a master who was not

Bizen: the Sengoku Dawmyo 239 already established as the local hegemon. The last remnants of

centralizing authority had been dissipated, and the country literally dissolved into autonomous territories. The fragmentation

of authority which had commenced with the separation of proprietary rights from control of the state was now as complete as it could become without the division of the state itself. It is important, of course, to reflect upon the fact that the state was not divided. The traditional locus of sovereignty and the ideal of a unified polity were not challenged. Yet the ideal was stretched to its limit. The conception of a unified central administration and of local rule as a function of central government was almost entirely abandoned, while the country fell into clusters

of unitary domains which resisted all influence from Kyoto. The years after the destructive Onin war of 1467 to 1477 saw the rapid breakup of the former shugo houses and the territories over which they had been placed. In almost every part of Japan the extended jurisdictional territories split up into smaller sections, either among contending branches of the former shugo lines or among contending vassal houses. The new territories were

smaller but they were more easily governed. Their appearance coincided with the rise of a whole new class of locally powerful military families, the so-called sengoku-daimy6. The process by which these new daimyo took over the provinces has been characterized as one of overturn, whereby underlings rose up to smite the powerful and the low-born emerged to appropriate the privi-

leges of the older military aristocracy. Such indeed is what happened. But the success of the new daimyo cannot be explained simply on the basis of their treacherous conduct, as the military chronicles have done. They rose to power both as a result of certain fundamental weaknesses in the power structures over which the shugo presided and through their own ability to exploit new and more effective means of organizing military power and controlling territory.

Although it was not until 1521 that the Akamatsu house was eliminated as a force in the affairs of Harima, the year 1483 provided the real turning point when the Akamatsu lost their control over Bizen, and the two families, the Matsuda and the Urakami, began to assert the kind of local independence which was to convert them into successful daimyo of the Sengoku age. Beyond 1483, then, Bizen entered its period of wars. Central authority

240 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo was reduced to absolute minimum and government had literally been brought down to the level of the two daimyo houses which remained as local hegemons. The maintenance of order was now a matter of local responsibility. There was no higher authority capable of enforcing a superior law or justice. The protection of

life or property now depended almost wholly on armed force and stout defenses. A record of these troubled times is extremely hard to come by, for there were few established centers which survived these years to carry their documents into succeeding ages. What we have, other than records of religious organizations, are chiefly genealogical tables and war chronicles of the main military houses.

These rather uncertain writings are limited in their content to the intrigues and battles which occupied the attention of the warring houses. Perhaps they exaggerate the incidence of warfare. Yet it would be futile to deny the desperate struggles into which the province was plunged once the Ashikaga shogunate lost its influence. Evidence of the degree to which war and defense became the chief business of the landed aristocracy is seen

in the dramatic growth of armed strong-points throughout the countryside. As the chronicler of the Matsuda house wrote, “The landed houses of each village and district now build fortifications

and erect castles. Day and night they must exercise constant vigilance.” A twentieth century historian has identified through document and field study the sites of 642 forts and castles in the three Kibi provinces of Bizen, Bitchu, and Mimasaka. Not all of these sites were in use at one time, but the evidence permits no doubt of the intensity of warfare in Sengoku days.’ The prevalence of warfare, or rather the constant need to defend land rights by force of arms, led to a fundamental change in the local basis of political life in Bizen after 1483. While at the

beginning of the fifteenth century Bizen had retained most of the external administrative features which had existed in the thirteenth century, by the beginning of the sixteenth century the entire political topography of the province was taking on a new

and different appearance. Most of the shden had entirely disappeared, and the boundaries of the province and of the old 1 Sanuki Matsuda keifu, ms., quoted in Okayama-shi shi, 2.1351. 2 Tsiishi, 1.987-1011. The count is based on Nagayama Usaburo’s indefatigable investigation.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 241 districts and villages (gd) held increasingly little meaning as administrative units. The contours of real power no longer coincided either with the boundaries of the shden or the old administrative

jurisdictions. In Bizen of the early sixteenth century the basic units out of which new combinations of political and military power were built consisted of armed men, their castles, and their lands held in fief. Such units were more intimately related to the geographical, or defense, topography of the region than to the

traditional patterns of proprietorship. For this reason we are obliged to turn our attention again to the inner topographical features of Bizen to study the configuration of rivers, hills, and valleys which became the base upon which the sengoku-daimy6 were to build their domains. Such a study must include Bizen’s neighboring provinces as well, for the daimyo of Bizen fought

out their lives in a military arena which embraced most of the Kibi area, in particular the provinces of Bitchi, Mimasaka, and Bizen.

This return to the raw topography of this region did not mean that the old administrative provinces and districts were necessarily forgotten. They remained as convenient terms of general geographical reference, and the areas over which daimyo held

their sway were generally couched in such terms. But from a functional point of view it was the geography, particularly the river systems, which influenced the configuration of military power. The lower Yoshii valley with its wide floor and open terrain formed a rich agricultural region stretching eastward from the banks of the river toward the borders of Harima. It provided the economic base upon which control of eastern Bizen generally rested. The Asahi River valley, separated from that of the Yoshii

by low-lying hills, constituted a separate region dominating western Bizen. Oriented roughly in a north-south direction, the Asahi valley contained two major economic centers: the coastal plain region controlled first by Tomiyama castle, later the great city of Okayama, and the interior valley around the present city of Kanagawa. The Takahashi River of Bitchtii passed through more rugged terrain than that of Bizen and hence was not endowed with plains of comparable size. The lower coastal plain of Bitchi, where the kokufu had been established, remained narrow and fragmented. Within the river valley itself, north-south communication was extremely difficult, and there was no adequate

242 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo base from which the entire river system could be dominated. There was an upper valley of some size with its center at the present city of Takahashi. There were also a number of tributary valleys running into the river from the west, notably those of the Oda and Nariwa, but these were of small size. The province of

Mimasaka was even more fragmented. The entire region was mountainous and was much less favorably provided with agricultural land. Except for an interior plateau, dominated by the present city of Tsuyama, most of the area was split into narrow valleys which gave rise to isolated pockets of military power but never of great size. If valleys formed the major bases of economic support for military power, they also served as the main avenues of communication within the Kibi region, providing the corridors through which armies circulated, as local forces moved against each other or as those from outside invaded the area. Thus Bizen communicated with the province of Harima, its neighbor to the east, over the watershed beyond the eastern tributary of the Yoshii River, and of course by sea. Bitchii communicated with Bingo across the watersheds of the western tributaries of the Takahashi River and also by sea. Mimasaka, though ringed by mountains to the north, was accessible from the south through the valleys of the Yoshii,

Asahi, and Takahashi Rivers, and from east and west through low passes. Eastern Mimasaka was geographically more closely

tied to Harima than to Bizen. This then was the stage upon which the drama of military

rivalry was played out in Bizen. The area of the three provinces contained several natural centers capable of nourishing military powers of some size. The open country to the east of the Yoshii River could support and in turn could be held by strongholds in

the low hills surrounding the plain. Such were the castles of Fukuoka, Mitsuishi, and Tenjinyama. Mitsuishi was particularly

important strategically, since it guarded the entrance to Bizen from Harima. The lower valley of the Asahi formed two natural focal points of military power, one located at Tomiyama, the other at Kanagawa. In the tributary valleys of the Takahashi, castles at Niimi, Matsuyama, Nariwa, Sarukake, Ashimori, and Kamogata each dominated a small but well-defined portion of Bitchi. Military centers in Mimasaka were less capable of offensive action but their defensive strength was enhanced by the rugged topography.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 243 Castles at Toyokuni, Katsumada, Tsuyama, Kuse, Katsuyama, and Mitsuboshi were the scenes of numerous bitter attacks during the sixteenth century. _ In Bizen the Sengoku period opened with the Urakami family, controlling eastern Bizen from its castle at Mitsuishi, opposed to the Matsuda family of Kanagawa who dominated western Bizen. Akamatsu influence was nearly gone. The Hosokawa (based primarily in Shikoku) still maintained a foothold at Kamogata on the

coastal plain west of the mouth of the Takahashi River, but not for much longer. The sub-valleys of the Takahashi River, each giving rise to a separate family hegemony, were finally brought under a single command by the Sho, who during the 1530's conquered the three strong-points of Sarukake, Nariwa, and Matsuyama. (See page 265. ) The chronicles of the major houses of Bitchu and Bizen are filled with intimate details of how the daimyo organized their forces and contested for local supremacy. The first of the houses of Kibi to mature was the Matsuda of the Asahi valley. This family,

it will be recalled, had been a power to contend with since the early years of the Ashikaga era. In 1483, on the eve of the great battle of Fukuoka, the Matsuda military organization was described by an early chronicler in the following terms: “The moun-

tain on which the [Matsuda] castle stands is in an area of deep valleys and precipitous slopes. To the east is a great river and thick pine forests, providing an impregnable location for the castle.

On top of the mountain is a tower and protective walls. In addition, garrison houses have been built, and in these the fighting men of half Bizen have been assembled.”* A roster of the major vassals of the Matsuda listed approximately 350 horsemen (ki) drawn from six of the eight districts of Bizen province. Altogether it was claimed that Matsuda mustered over 5000 men-in-arms. The hierarchy of vassals consisted of four members of the Mat-

suda family and the important vassal families of Iga, Yokoi, Omura, Ugaki, Hashimoto, Izumi, Nagaoka, Omiya, Nakajima, Namba, and Takaoka.* These families represented not only com-

mitment of manpower but the availability of an entire network of garrisoned castles, numbering over twenty in all. From the roster of vassals we can determine that the Matsuda did control

8 “Bizen gunki,” 27. | 4 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1325. Based on Sanuki Matsuda keifu.

244 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo by this time the five districts of Mino, Tsutaka, Akasaka, Iwanasu, and Kamutsumichi. The Matsuda castles whose sites can still be

identified, were so distributed that they thoroughly covered the major agricultural areas held by the Matsuda and their vassals. Radiating outward from the central castle at Kanagawa they controlled the middle and lower valleys of the Asahi River and much of the intermediate territory stretching eastward to the Yoshii River.®

The Matsuda family’s ambitions for the control of all Bizen were of long duration, and it will be recalled that the family briefly held the post of shugo of Bizen. Yet because of the Akamatsu and Yamana who managed to dominate Bizen from the east, this ambition was never fulfilled. When in 1480 Matsuda Motonari expanded his castle at Kanagawa, he aroused the suspicions of the Akamatsu Masanori who accused him of usurping authority and ordered the Urakami to attack him. The result was the great battle of Fukuoka in 1483. The battle conclusively

ended the possibility that the Matsuda might have acquired control of all Bizen, but it did lay the foundation for the establishment of an independent territory stretching to the shores of the Yoshii River. In 1497 the Urakami attacked the Matsuda castle of Tomiyama with 1000 mounted men. The Matsuda successfully drove off the attack, but lost the part of Kamutsumichi which bordered on the Yoshii. Again in 1502 and 1508 Urakami forces defeated the Matsuda near Tomiyama, but did not follow up their victories due to the pressure of events in Harima. Thus

the Matsuda were kept on the defensive toward the Urakami while they strengthened themselves in the less accessible portion of the middle Asahi valley. The Urakami, after their return to Bizen in 1467, utilized their position as deputy shugo to infiltrate eastern Bizen. Keeping the Matsuda on the defensive, they built up a solid military alliance stretching from the Yoshii River to the border of Harima. Then

when in 1521 Urakami Muramune killed the head of the Akamatsu family, he secured the western half of the Akamatsu domain for his own. The Urakami momentarily had within their grasp the ability to succeed the Akamatsu as masters of Harima and Bizen. But at the crucial moment Muramune was killed and 5 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1343-1844. A list of castles for 1532 is taken from “Bizen gunki.”

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 245 the Urakami house split into competing branches. Muramune’s three sons, falling back upon Harima after the campaign in which their father was killed, quarreled. Masamune took the castle of Murotsu in Harima, Kunihide took Todamatsu castle near the port of Katakami in Bizen, while Munekage entered Bizen and established himself at Tenjinyama castle in the mountains of the middle Yoshii valley. He was followed into Bizen by many of the chief Urakami vassals: Otabara, Higasa, Nobuhara, Akashi, Okamoto, Hattori, Ukita, and some hundred others. Having established himself at Tenjinyama, Munekage was able to extend his control over an area referred to in the chronicles as three districts of Harima, two of Mimasaka, and half of Bizen.*

This area formed a contiguous land mass with a hard core of holdings centering on three key castles: Tenjinyama on the central Yoshii River, Mitsuishi on the frontier of Harima, and Todamatsu near Katakami on the sea frontier. Urakami power based on these

strong-points fanned out but with diminishing authority to the borders of the Matsuda territory across the Yoshii River, to the rival Urakami of Murotsu in Harima, and into Mimasaka. The military chronicle Bizen gunki reports the following castle supporters of the Bizen Urakami in addition to their main castles:’

Castle Holder

Takatoriyama Shimamura

Toishi Ukita Yamato-no-kami Sone Akashi Kageyuki Aoyama Higasa Yorifusa Kidourayama Higasa Jinzaemon Iwoyama Takatori Bizen

Onakayama Nakayama Gorozaemon

Kasegi Akashi Hida

Susaimura Sasabe Kanjiré Yamatori Hiraga Daishin Sakodani Nukada Kisuke

Kumano-hogi Akashi Genzabur6

Sakane Akashi Ukyso

Katase Oka Buzen Tawara Ukita Tosa

Tonodani Onoda Sama-no-shin

é“Bizen gunki,” 41. 7 Ibid., 46. ,

246 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo

Mushiage Mushiage Kurddo Nishi Sue Toriyama Sama Oku-no-g6 Ukita Gorozaemon

Owari Sumi Etchu

A glance at the map shows that these castles covered most of Bizen east of the Yoshii River. Here was a powerful base from which to strive for mastery of the Kibi provinces. And, as we shall see, the Urakami nearly succeeded in this venture.

To the west of the Matsuda and Urakami, the first family to emerge into prominence in Bitchu was the Sho. In 1533 the Sho, who had been based on Sarukake castle, added Matsuyama to their possession. The following description coming from the Sho family genealogy describes the position of the family as of 1533. “The Sho had for generations been masters of Sarukake castle, strategically located on the Oda River. In 1533 the Sho extended their influence to Matsuyama castle and thereby controlled half of the province of Bitchu. The head of the Sho family consequently took the title of Bitchi-no-kami. It was also at this time that the Sho built the castle of Saita and placed in it their branch family, the Ueki. As a result the head of the Sh6 family became the locus of military alliances (hatagashira) of the entire province. Branch families consisted of the Ueki, Tsutsu, and Fukui. Related to the

Sho by marriage were the Mimura, Ishikawa, Narazaki, Kudo, and Noyama. Also closely related were the Tanaka, Otsuki, Date, and Ishiga. Besides these the small landholders of the area were

all his stipendiaries (kytinin).”* THESE descriptions give us a general idea of the geographical distribution of the newly emergent sengoku-daimy6, but what of the institutional foundations upon which these domains rested? How, first of all, did houses such as the Urakami or Matsuda justify their exercise of local hegemony? Was it purely on military grounds? It would seem not. Despite their ability to fight for their domains, the sengoku-daimyd were concerned with problems of legitimacy and were eager to obtain some sort of recognized status.

The Urakami and Matsuda, both having been deputies of the former shugo, could continue to lay claim to authority which had been vested in their lines by the Akamatsu. Whether the Matsuda 8 Komonjo-shi, 1.190. Sho House documents.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 247 tried for more ambitious titles is not revealed. The Urakami definitely did. After destruction of the Akamatsu house Urakami Muramune turned his attention to Kyoto and the politics of the Ashikaga house. He died, in fact, fighting for Hosokawa Takakuni, the Kyoto kanrei. But probably as important to Muramune’s status as any court titles he may have acquired was the fact that he controlled as puppet the last head of the Akamatsu house and claimed to act in his name. Among the sengoku-daimyo, then, the concern for legitimacy was ever present. But for most the acquisition of offi-

cial status was an ex-post addition to local power in hand, or else was grossly unrelated to the effective exercise of such power, as in the case of Amako Haruhisa, who received in 1552 fictional governorships over seven provinces, including Bizen and Mimasaka.° Kyoto thus remained the source of legitimacy and the focus of attention of those provincial daimyo who had a desire for honorary titles or court ranks. Until 1573, when the last Ashikaga shogun was deposed, legitimacy was generally couched in terms of shogunal appointments. Behind such hollow claims to territorial jurisdiction, how did the sengoku-daimy6é conceive of the limits of the domains over

which they actually exercised control? Here the jurisdictional boundaries of titles such as shugo or shugodai could hold little meaning. In actual practice, therefore, the domains of the Sengoku lords formed from the inside out, not as administratively defined subdivisions of the state. Their shape conformed, in other

words, to the territorial limits of the combined holdings of the vassals over which they exercised control, not to the abstract boundaries of provinces or districts. The true daimyo domain, therefore, was simply a composite of separate fiefs held either directly by the daimyo or by his vassals. This shift from assigned

jurisdiction to command jurisdiction became one of the distinguishing features of the new daimyo domains. If the sengoku-daimy6o domains took shape as regionally integrated systems of military proprietorships, the essential cores of

such domains were the hierarchies of military alliances which united the band of vassals around the central figure of the domain. Such vassal bands had been a long time in the making, for their origins date back to the early years of the Ashikaga pe9 Okayama-ken no rekishi, 260.

248 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo riod when such families as the Matsuda and Urakami began to extend themselves as the agents of the shugo. The organizational structure of such bands was the familiar one which placed primary

reliance upon kinsmen, but with ever increasing reliance upon vassalage as a primary cohesive force. These networks of alliances

obviously represented several generations of effort by the main family along two distinct lines: the gradual outward spread of family branches to strategic positions within the locality, and the subjugation and conversion to vassalage of other houses indig-

enous to the area. One of the most distinctive features of the

sengoku-daimyo vassal bands was the prevalence of identity be-

tween family names and place names. In other words within such bands were many families which had occupied a locality for a sufficient length of time either to take on the name of the locale

or to impart a name to it. In both the Matsuda and Sh6 vassal bands, between twenty and thirty percent of the vassal families bore the same surname as the name of the location of their castle.

The Urakami, perhaps because they had come into Bizen from neighboring Harima, had fewer vassals of this type.

The size of the elementary vassal units of which the daimyo domains were comprised naturally varied considerably, but the composition of each was quite standard. Each consisted of a lead-

ing family, its castle, and its lands and workers. In Bizen alone there is evidence of the construction of over 200 fortified spots during the Sengoku period.*° As we have already noted, not all of

these were active at one time, but perhaps a half of them were in use as defense points by the major vassals of either the Urakami or the Matsuda. Of course, most of these fortifications were small-

scale affairs, offering protection only to the proprietary family and perhaps a handful of immediate followers.

A typical castle of these times was built upon the ridge of a steep hill overlooking the cultivated valley floor where the castle owner lived off his lands. Since warfare was still a matter of bows and arrows, spears, and swords, fortifications were not extensive. Castles generally depended upon natural features to discourage

the approach of the enemy. Ramparts were mainly earthen or stone walls mounted by wood or plaster fences. Because of their location on mountain ridges, such castles generally consisted of a 10 Tsushi, 1.988-1001.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 249 number of circular protected encampments, called maru, which communicated with one another. Commonly only the major encampment, the hommaru, contained a tower erected to permit the castle chief to secure a broader view of the countryside and to give him a position from which to direct his men. The residence of the lord of the castle was located below the hill and was not protected by the castle itself. (In time of emergency the master of the castle and his men escaped up the hill to the fortification.) The lord’s residence provided for his family and perhaps for certain of his vassals who might make up a rotating military guard in times of peace. Clustered around the houses of the lord’s residence were buildings for storage of grain and, of course, military supplies. Nearby was generally the Buddhist tem-

ple patronized by the owner of the castle and the local shrine which frequently was dedicated to the family’s ancestral kami. Finally beyond the scattering of bushi residences and closer to the rice fields were the clustered huts of the peasants. Such combinations of fighting manpower and agricultural production making up the basic units of the daimyo’s organization may indeed have had something of a minimum size. And it is probably more than coincidence that the two daimyo who rose to power in Bizen after the middle of the sixteenth century both started out as minimal vassals, enfeoffed as minor castle holders each with the com-

mand of thirty men. Of course the main castle of a daimyo was a matter of some size and importance, permitting the continuous garrisoning of a large number of men-at-arms. The size of the castle at Tenjinyama

which served the Urakami family is a good example of an early mountain fortress. A modern survey shows the string of defenses which made up Tenjinyama castle to number sixteen walled enclosures covering a long narrow mountain crest and extending roughly 1000 feet from end to end. The internal areas of the main enclosures are listed as follows:™

Area

Name (acres )

Hommaru 6.00 se (ca. .17) Ni-no-maru 1.33 “ (ca. .04) 11 Shirittu Wake-gun Kydikukai, Wake-gun shi (Okayama, 1909), 90-91; “Bizen kojé ezu,” in Kibi gunsho shusei, vol. 8.

250 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo

, Nagaya-no-dan 8.20 “ (ca. .09) Sakura-no-baba 8.33 “ (ca. .20) San-no-maru 4.338 “ (ca. .12)

Hiro-no-dan 2.00 “ (ca. .06)

Minami-no-dan 1.66 “ (ca. .05)

Hida-no-maru 2.66 “ (ca. .07) While the actual functional use to which the several enclosures were put is uncertain, we may surmise that the Nagaya-no-dan contained barracks for garrison troops. Like so many similar Sengoku establishments, Tenjinyama proved adequate to withstand the kind of attack which neighboring daimyo were capable of mounting. And like other such castles it succumbed only to the unexpected appearance of superior firearms (acquired from the Portuguese ) and treachery among the Urakami vassals. As for the residential establishment built by the Urakami, which also served as the administrative center of their domain, we know

next to nothing. From the point of view of topography the territory around Tenjinyama was not suitable for a large establishment, and certainly no town or cultural center emerged under the Urakami auspices. (We know little about their activity in Harima. )

The Urakami domain in Bizen undoubtedly exemplified the extreme form of decentralization. Some of the other daimyo houses of longer pedigree managed to combine military strength and the patronage of arts and letters within the environs of their residential castles. The Matsuda were probably the most conspicuous in this respect. The town of Kanagawa which grew up around the Matsuda residence became a flourishing center of the Nichiren sect of Buddhism. But it was not until after the middle of the sixteenth century, when the castle city of Okayama was founded, that a major concentration of military power, and economic and cultural activity was assembled in Bizen. The province remained culturally decentralized during most of the Sengoku period. The internal organizations of the domains of the sengoku-daimy6

of Bizen, as would be expected, were based upon a typical lordvassal system starting with the daimyo’s household organization.

The terms kamon, ichizoku, or shéke continued to be used to designate the blood-related vassals of various types. The soryéd system of divided patrimony, however, was increasingly aban12 Sanuki Matsuda keifu, quoted in Okayama-shi shi, 2.1831,

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 251 doned. Though there is no specific evidence of this with respect to the families of Bizen, there is ample data from adjoining areas. The Mori house of Aki province to the west provides us with an excellent illustration. This family, which moved to western Japan from the Kanto in 1336, served as sub-shugo agents for the Hosokawa during the Ashikaga period. The MG6ri power structure was

based upon the sdry6 system until about the beginning of the fifteenth century. After a crisis in which the main family was attacked by one of its branch houses, the rule of undivided inheritance was adopted. The head of the family, succeeding to the main inheritance, built up a close following of vassals irrespective of family connection. Branch families were treated strictly as vassals (ienoko). In other words, vassalage was considered a more

trustworthy bond than kinship. By 1532 the head of the Mori house had created a band based entirely on the submission of oaths of allegiance (kishomon) and the reciprocal confirmation of land holdings.* Beyond the circle of blood-related families, the daimyo’s corps of vassals consisted of a wide range of allied families who had ac-

cepted the superior power of the daimyo and had become his enfeoffed vassals. The terminology by which such vassals were designated had already been widely in use, but the terms were becoming more specific in application. The general body of retainers was still called housemen (kenin) or retainers (kashin) or hereditary retainers (fudai). The smaller enfeoffed or stipended vassals of the main house were now quite frequently referred to as stipendiaries (kytnin ). It is also at this time that the term elder (karé or roshin) came into general use to refer to the senior vassals. Thus the head of the daimyo house generally relied for his administration and the formation of military policy upon a group of elders selected from among the ablest and most experienced of his vassals. Most often the group of elders was drawn from mem-

bers of the daimyo’s branch families and the most powerful of his vassals. The designation tozama (outsider) was now frequently used for vassals who had accepted the daimyo’s leadership after

a particular turning point in his rise to power. Generally these were families with long-established local ties which resisted sub-

mission by playing off one emergent daimyo against another. 18 Fukui Sakuji, “Mori-shi no daimyo ryéshusei no hatten,” Geibi chihdshi kenkyit, 5.6 (1954), 19-22.

252 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo Such families frequently declared their vassalage only after it was certain that the daimyo house was well on its way to local hegemony. Since by this time the main body of the daimyo’s band had

taken shape, these late adherents were treated as “outsiders.” Not much is known about the administrative techniques used by the sengoku-daimy6 in their territories. Probably there were several styles of organization, one in which the main house depended upon a rather small number of extremely large branch families or vassals who among them would divide up the bulk of the smaller vassals into regional groups or commands, another in which the daimyo maintained direct, personal command over all vassals whether large or small. The choice between such patterns depended somewhat upon topography and the length of time the daimyo family had been in residence a given locality. It seems most likely that the Matsuda command was divided into a number of sub-groups each identified with a distinct section of the Asahi River valley. The Urakami appear to have maintained a more unitary command. The exercise of local administration obviously followed the pattern of enfeoffment, and the daimyo would have little cause to interfere directly into the affairs of the individual fiefs. On the other hand, since the lands of the daimyo were scattered and since there were certain domain-wide problems, such as the control of religious institutions, the daimyo also must have established some sort of administrative organization with specified duties. The most common variety of official to ap-

pear in the documents is the local agent, or deputy (daikan). The following set of documents provides an example of the way in

which tax problems were handled between the Urakami chief and his local agent, in this case a member of the Ukita family:**

I. Concerning the market place established by Saidaiji in the clerk’s section of Kanaoka-no-sho, [the income from] this is positively commended for building purposes. In accordance with this our deputy’s impost is discontinued. Thus ordered

1492, 7, 25 Urakami Saburoéshiré Munesuke (his cipher ) To Saidaiji,

the temple agent 14 Komonjo-shu, 3.9. Saidaiji documents.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 253 2. Concerning the market place established by Saidaiji in the clerk’s section of Kanaoka-no-sh6, since [the income from] this is commended for building purposes, you will discontinue collection of imposts. Thus ordered

1492, 7, 25 Munesuke (his cipher) To Ukita Jirdsabur6d dono

When organized for military purposes the daimyo’s band of vassals was of course divided under various commands. Vassals

selected to lead military operations or large divisions of the daimyo’s command were generally called commanders (taish6 or shod ). Most frequently such commanders were also major castellans

within the daimyo’s territory. The general run of the warrior elite

were termed knights (ki). Each knight entered battle with his own group of followers (yoriki) drawn from his fief. While the use of the oath of allegiance was not new to the Sengoku period, by this time almost exclusive reliance was placed upon the oath as the mechanism for maintaining loyalty and com-

pliance to authority. Furthermore, while the grant of land in compensation for military service had become increasingly com-

mon within the military sector of the society since Kamakura days, by now nearly all lands were held as fiefs from an immediate military superior. The most common binding element in Sengoku society then was the oath of allegiance and the grant of

investiture or confirmation of land holdings. Unfortunately, examples of feudal documents of this period are scarce for the Bizen area, at least for the territories of the Urakami and Matsuda. On the other hand, since such documents are quite common else-

where and followed a stereotyped form, the following examples taken from the Iriki domain of Kyushu will serve the purpose: Oath (seimon)

That in the three provinces, whatever changes may take place, I will serve my lord singly and without reservations as in the past, That my sentiments have been reported to Murata dono several times in the past, and there remains nothing else. That in the event of any slander or evil report, the lord will inform me of it and that he will request me to state my mind.

254 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo If the above statements are false Names of kami (jimmei) Bummei 18, 6, 23 (1481 )

Shimotsuke-no-kami Shigetoyo”

In the above document the reference to “names of kami” was an abbreviated version of the oath taken in the names of Buddhist and Shinto deities (selected for both national and local importance) as follows: If these statements be false, let the punishments of The Tensho Daijinga of Ise, The Daigongen of the three Kumano, The Daibosatsu of Nitta Hachiman, The Temman Daijizai Tenjin, and The Daimy6djin of Upper and Lower Suwa be visited upon me.”° The iand grant naturally varied greatly according to circumstance, but the following example is fairly typical:

The west part of Yamato-in, and Arakawa and Hashima in Satsuma-no-kori, Satsuma-no-kuni are presented to you for the present since you would render loyal service. You shall hold (chigyd) them according to precedents.

Oei 10, 12, 7 (1404) Motohisa To Shibuya Danjo Shohitsu dono*’

Not only was authority within the military sector of Bizen’s society held together by such documents, the loyalty of the peasantry and performance of specific duties of all types was guaranteed by sworn oaths. Documents of this sort in which mem-

bers of the military aristocracy swore to protect religious establishments or to observe various prohibitions are quite common among the remaining records of Bizen. A statement of the following type is illustrative." A regulation [regarding] Kinzan-kannonji 15 Asakawa, Iriki, 295 (Japanese text p. 73).

16 Ibid., 294 (Japanese p. 8). 17 Ibid., 287 (Japanese p. 9),

18 Komonjo-shi, 2.22-23. Kinzanji documents.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 255 The above temple has been a place of worship for the shogun’s house and that of the shugo. Previously we the undersigned agreed to protect the hills, forests and woodlots of the temple. Accordingly our household (ichizoku), all of the samurai within the village, all peasants and those of lesser status will be firmly prohibited from entering the hills, forests and woodlots of the temple. If anyone should

violate this, he shall be punished. If by any chance there should be a failure to enforce this provision: An Oath Let the punishments of Honzon Senju Kannon, Chinju Sanno Gongen, Yumiya Hachimari Daibosatsu, and

the great and small deities be visited upon us.. . in token of which we place our joint signatures. Susuki Cha Yukikage (his cipher) (and seven others ) 1489

Under the sengoku-daimyo the transformation of the shden sys-

tem of proprietorship and land management into one based on enfeoffment was now complete. At the various levels of proprietorship and management a process of consolidation of the shiki rights

had long been at work. Among the practices which now govered the exercise of land rights the position of the daimyo was in

most respects identical to that of the old shéen proprietors. By this time the many separate levels of proprietorship (as revealed in the terms honke, ryoke, or ryoshu) and the various managerial functions (such as nasshd, kumon, or jit0) had been eliminated, and in their place there appeared a simple, uniform practice of

overlordship defined by the concepts of proprietary authority (ry6) and the rights of management (chigy0). To say that the rights of proprietorship had become uniform is not to imply that there was no distinction in the degree of independent exercise of seignorial authority. The possession of land

rights, even during the Sengoku period, was conditioned by precedents and admitted to the existence of transcendental authority. Land was never held “absolutely” as though in a vacuum.

There was always the superior authority which confirmed or granted rights of proprietorship. In the eyes of the superior such

256 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo land was held as the fief (chigydchi) of the inferior. Even the daimyo in theory held their domains at the pleasure of the shogun. It was characteristic of the fief-holder that he held comprehensive

rights of use and profit from the fief on condition that he give loyal service to his superior. Gone was the intricate division of inferior managerial functions. The differences between one chigyo

holder and another was now merely a matter of size rather than function. The situation has been admirably described by Asakawa:

In the meantime, these “dark ages” of anarchy saw the final stages of feudalization of Japan, both socially and politically,

or, in both private and public law. ... The shé.. . rapidly disintegrated into fragments; in these the old distinction of shiki and the division of control between the domainal lord and the kuni governor were obliterated, and were superseded by a new relationship frankly based upon vassalage. .. . All

domains tended to become fiefs held of lords above and divided among vassals below. Likewise, shugo, jito, and mydshu, as well as gokenin, had become empty terms. The complicated arrangement which they had once expressed having now been replaced by a new organization in the kuni. Civil and religious lords having all but vanished, and the shogun’s authority having been almost forgotten, the old shugo had become the overlord under whom the other lords and warriors were vassals and rear-vassals holding fiefs in a descending gradation in a scheme of hierarchical feudal relationships.*°

We should not assume, of course, that a statement of this kind fully described all of the political life of Bizen during the sixteenth century. Conditions were not so simple, and no single neat

system of authority embraced all of the land within the two daimyo domains into which Bizen had become divided. There were, for instance, a number of territories which did not come under the daimyo’s powers of enfeoffment, notably the holdings of temples and shrines, many of which still maintained connections with headquarter organizations in Kyoto or Nara. There were still a few absentee proprietorships, especially of the imperial family,

which were occasionally recognized by a shipment of annual 19 Asakawa, op.cit., 29.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daymyo 257 dues. And there were communities of merchants and artisans who existed outside the daimyo’s system of vassalage. But all of these groups depended increasingly upon the pleasure of the daimyo,

finding it useful or necessary to secure confirmation from the daimyo of their traditional land holdings or their charters of protection for commercial or craft activities. While within the ruling sector of Japanese society the rights of governance were undergoing consolidation into a simple form of feudal proprietorship, a similar process of consolidation and simplification of rights and responsibilities was affecting the condition of the cultivator class. Concentration of authority into the hands of a feudal elite tended to lift the level of direct participation by the managerial class in rural affairs, releasing an increasing number of the peasantry to work out their own self-management. Within the shden, the large farm family, the my6, had been

the basic unit of organization. While cultivators had lived together in communities, these groups had not served as units of administration or tax collection. Individual large families continued to serve as the objects of cooperative labor and taxation under the ubiquitous shden officials.”° But the unsettled conditions

in the countryside after the wars of the dynasties, the decay of the shéen system, together with an expansion of the farming sector

both in numbers and productivity, encouraged the formation of self-sufficient village communities. As peasant families separated

more and more into individual nuclear households, extended family connections were weakened in favor of neighborhood ties.

With the development of irrigation systems, regional programs for land reclamation, and the specialization of handicrafts, communal units of larger size became necessary. By the middle of the Ashikaga period, daimyo were depending more and more on the ability of peasant communities to manage their own affairs and

to pay taxes on a quota basis. The local populace, in such instances, was held accountable for purposes of administration, taxation, labor and military service according to village-size units. Such village units developed their own organs of self-government

and even of self-defense during the years of intense civil war which were to follow. In some localities the old administrative village units, the g6, came to take on new meaning as the villagers 20 It6, Hoken, 181-188,

258 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo within the g6 organized themselves for a more stable self-government.”* Below the g6 the smaller community, called mura or son, became the primary unit of local organization. Increasingly, also, the daimyo enfeoffed his vassals in terms of units of income derived from such villages. While the origins of the g6-son system of peasant organization,

as this new combination has been called, go back to the midAshikaga period, its full recognition in the land laws of the country did not come about until the last decades of the sixteenth century. In Bizen, in particular, the new village structure appears

to have been slow in making its appearance in documents of land transfer. Thus the old provincial and shéen terminology continued in use until well beyond the middle of the sixteenth century. We have already seen this in the 1492 documents concerning the market place established by Saidaiji in Kanaoka-no-sho. Even in the grant of fiefs to military vassals the old terms were still used by the Urakami. For example: In Bizen, Katase-go:

Koshika-my6, the proprietors regular-tax portion, and In Yoshioka-no-sho-south:

Fujino’s holding, and In Kanematsu-go: The one-third land-rent portion You shall surely hold the above and will render loyal service without equivocation. Thus ordered,

1572, 2, 23 Munekage (his cipher ) To Baba Gensho”?

In such a land document, of course, we may assume that each named parcel was a simple holding which could be kept in fief. There were no superior obligations upon the land. The old termi-

nology merely persisted as a customary means of naming par-

ticular units of land.

Our description of the conditions of local administration and land management in Bizen during the Sengoku period has em21 Shimizu, Chisei no sonraku, 121-166. 22 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1261.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 259 phasized the increasingly feudal nature of local government and hence the increasingly private nature of the exercise of authority. The conversion of what had once been a rationally organized, bureaucratic system of local administration to one based primarily upon personal agreements between lord and vassal, together with the stories of constant disorder and violence in the provinces, would lead us to suppose that conditions had greatly deteriorated for the inhabitants of the province of Bizen even by comparison with the Kamakura period. To some extent of course this is true. Life was indeed more insecure and the incidence of warfare far greater than in any previous time in Bizen’s remembrance. Yet there were other aspects to life in Bizen of the sixteenth century which lead to different conclusions. If the age was more turbulent, it was also filled with greater opportunity. By comparison with Bizen of the early Kamakura period, when we last took stock of the economic and cultural assets of the province, conditions during the Sengoku period showed many signs of growth. Most obvious was the dramatic increase in agricultural production. Production of handicraft goods, the circulation of commodities, and even the adoption of monetary currency were greatly expanded in comparison with what they had been three centuries earlier.

The number and variety of religious institutions had also increased, and the richness of cultural life which went on in the temples and shrines is attested to by numerous buildings and artifacts which remain from this period. While it would be impossible to describe in any great detail the economic and cultural achievements of the Ashikaga and the Sengoku ages, we would create an erroneous picture of sixteenth century life in the provinces were we to neglect developments in these fields entirely. An outstanding characteristic of the bushi families was their constant and generous patronage of religious institutions. Decentralization of political power first through the spread of the shden

system and then as military families gained large independent

holdings throughout the province meant that the sources of patronage were also multiplied and extended. Whereas the religious establishments of the Heian period had represented a limited number of sects and had been concentrated heavily in the southern portion of the province around the political center,

conditions had now changed greatly. New sects had gained a footing in Bizen, a few old sects, particularly Tendai and Shingon,

260 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo had staged revivals, and above all, with the breakdown of the shden proprietorships, temples and shrines became dependent upon direct patronage from the province itself. Many of the religious centers which had stood since the Heian period disappeared entirely as court support diminished, while new institutions patronized by the new military leaders flourished. Among

the long-established temples to retain local patronage was the Tendai monastery of Anydji. As the foremost temple in Nyutano-shé it received the support of the military stewards in the Kamakura age and of the deputy shugo of the Ashikaga period. Its records contain pledges of protection and grants of land from the Ashikaga, Akamatsu, and Urakami families and from their

retainers.” Kinzanji, a Tendai temple located in the area now occupied by the city of Okayama, was also patronized by members of the Urakami family and prominent military houses of southern Bizen. More important to the Urakami house was the great temple of

Saidaiji on the banks of the Yoshii River. It served both as a religious center and as an important market place. Saidaiji was a Shingon temple with origins going back to an establishment of different sectarian affiliations in the Nara period. Saidaiji grew to become one of the largest of the local temples in Bizen during the Sengoku period. Some ten branches were founded in the southern

portion of eastern Bizen, all of which received support from Urakami retainers. The burning of Saidaiji in 1507 has been commemorated in a painted scroll still retained by the temple. (See

figure 22.) The occasion was a wild raid into the province by Yamane Shimbei, a retainer of the Yamana house. As the scroll exclaims, Yamane earned the wrath of the Buddhist deities by setting fire to the Kannon chapel of Saidaiji. But there had been worse fires, one in 1495 and again in 1532 when a local peasant

uprising set off conflagrations which burned down the entire temple complex.”

Several bushi families in Bizen became strong converts to Nichiren and aggressively patronized temples of this sect through-

out the province. Honrenji, located at Ushimado, served as a guardian temple for the flourishing port town. It was actively patronized by the local castle chief, surnamed Ishihara, a family 23 Komonjo-shi, 1.3-5. Anydji documents, 24 Ibid., 3.1-3. Saidaiji documents,

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 261 which had a record of dominance over the Ushimado area from the Kamakura period on. The foremost patrons of Nichiren in Bizen, however, were the Matsuda.” The conversion of the Matsuda family to this militant sect went back at least to the begin-

ning of the Ashikaga period when we hear of the head of the Matsuda family traveling to Kyoto in order to present funds to the

priest Nichiz6. From this time the Matsuda headquarters of Kanagawa became a major center of Nichiren activity; by the sixteenth century heads of the Matsuda family had become fanatically attached to the sect and even attempted to forcibly extend its influence. There is a record that in the 1550’s the head of the Matsuda family attempted to convert Kinzanji to a Nichiren temple, and failing to do so, burned down the temple.** The following entry in Bizen gunki (Military Chronicles of Bizen) describes the incident: Of late the Matsuda have gone to extremes in their Nichiren beliefs. Determined to convert all temples in their domain to this sect, they burn down those which refuse. Kinzan Kannonji, and Kibitsu-no-miya were burned down at this time. A Nichiren chapel has been established within the castle at Kanagawa.”’

Apparently Matsuda religious fanaticism increased as the pressure

of rival military houses upon Kanagawa mounted. But of more lasting importance than the violent conduct of the Matsuda house

was the large number of Nichiren priests who went out from Bizen as a result of Matsuda patronage. Many of these were members of the Matsuda family itself or of its foremost vassal families. Their dedication to the Nichiren priesthood indicates how deeply Buddhism had penetrated into the fabric of provincial

life at this time.

Bizen for some reason did not develop into a particularly strong center of Zen activity. In the province of Bitcht, however,

located in the foothills above the present town of Soja, the monastery of Hofukuji grew into one of the largest Zen establishments in western Japan. This monastery at one time could claim land holdings extending over eleven gd. The monastic establishment itself is said to have contained over thirty buildings. 25 Ibid., 2.4-7. Kinzanji documents. 26 Tbid., 2. intro. 3. 27 Quoted in Okayama-ken no rekishi, 232-233.

262 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo Sesshi, the great priestly artist of the fifteenth century, was born in the vicinity of this temple and received his early religious instruction in Bitchi before entering the priesthood in Kyoto. Patronage of Shinto shrines was not neglected, though again the institutions which had enjoyed court support in previous years tended to decline in importance. Among provincial shrines the two dedicated to Kibitsu Hiko continued to be outstanding. Of the two the Bitchi shrine had greater local prestige and was consequently the more richly endowed. Records indicate that during the sixteenth century the shrine controlled lands that extended

over three g6 in the vicinity of the shrine. Keepers of Kibitsu shrine were still drawn from the Kayo family which traced its lineage back to one of the branches of the Kibi line. This family remained local land holders of some importance, and the family headquarters is said to have been fortified for protection like that of other bushi houses.” The example of the Kay6é family is rather

uncommon in the Kibi area, and we must imagine that most religious establishments remained undefended and strictly religious in their orientation. Bizen does not seem to have given rise to the kind of religious center which controlled large proprietary

domains or which set up military defenses to protect itself from daimyo authority. Most of the temples and shrines in Bizen remained small in scale and rather fully dependent upon the patronage of local bushi families.

Evidence of increased economic productivity in Bizen during the Sengoku period is necessarily impressionistic, but it is nonetheless quite abundant. In agriculture, as we have noted from the mention of wheat in the tax document of 1208, Bizen must have

begun at a very early age to adopt the practice of year-round cultivation. Documents found in Honrenji temple of Ushimado indicate that the practice of double cropping had expanded and that even triple cropping was practiced in some locations by the Sengoku period.” Bizen remained one of the highly productive agricultural regions of Japan. In the field of crafts and manufactures Bizen and Bitchu were also outstanding. Local mines produced copper and iron, the Inland Sea produced fish and salt, and local artisans were famous for tiles, pottery, paper, and especially 28 Komonjo-shit, 2. intro. 13-23. 29 Tbid., 2.66. Honrenji documents.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 263 swords. The swords of Osafune were among the most prized blades of all Japan. Markets and port towns also flourished in the Bizen area. The famous illustrated scroll depicting the life of Ippen Shdnin in the

late thirteenth century provides a glimpse of the market at Fukuoka. (See figure 21.) Here stalls were set up for sale of rice, fabrics, wine, foodstuffs, and metal goods. The market established on the grounds of Saidaiji has already made its appearance in the document of exemption granted by Urakami Munesuke. Port towns such as Ushimado, Katakami, Saidaiji, Kori, and Shimotsui com-

municated not only with the capital but also with Korea and occasionally the continent of China. Unfortunately, we have less evidence on how this commercial activity related to the existing political structure. As in other parts of Japan we can assume that merchant and craft communities gained patronage and protection from both the religious institutions and the military proprietors. As the sixteenth century progressed, local bushi became increas-

ingly active in the working of mines, the patronage of manufactures (especially swords and armor), and in coastal trade. A final measure of changing economic conditions in Bizen during the Sengoku period is visible in the practices of financial transaction and tax calculation. In the Nara period we noted that tax procedures relied heavily on manpower as a basic ingredient of payment. By the Heian and Kamakura periods the tax base had shifted largely to produce, with manpower being relegated to a relatively minor role in the form of corvée and special military duties. By the sixteenth century, especially with the spread of the system of taxation by village units, payment tended to take the

form of commodity and even monetary units. The use of copper coins either in actual cash transaction or as units of value for sale of land or payment of taxes is revealed in numerous documents surviving from this period. While land documents of the thirteenth century uniformly rely on measures of rice as the unit

of calculation, by the fourteenth century the use of strings of cash (kammon) had come into general use. By the sixteenth century there are documents in which the tax value of lands granted in fief is expressed in units of cash rather than measures of rice. This practice was rather slow to develop in the Urakami domain.” 80 Okayama-ken no rekishi, 211-218.

264 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo But documents from Bitchu, particularly those of the Fukutake house, show a definite conversion to cash units of tax calculation by 1576.7

SucH were some of the important cultural developments which form a counterpoint to the dominant theme of military struggle. By the 1550’s the scene was set in the Kibi provinces for another round of military activity to which we must now direct our at-

tention. During the next few decades the area reacted to two parallel developments. First, within the region itself, the major sengoku-daimy6é began to expand from their castle headquarters

and to engage each other in a struggle for local hegemony. On top of this was added a new wave of penetration into the area by aggressive military forces from adjoining provinces. Thus to the local military competition between the Urakami of Tenjinyama, the Matsuda of Kanagawa, and the Sho of Matsuyama was intruded the counterforces of outside pressures: the Méri of Aki pushing into Bitchi from the west, the Amako of Izumo pushing into Mimasaka from the northwest, the Yamana of Bingo and the

Hosokawa of Shikoku pushing in from the southwest. In some areas of Japan the sengoku-daimy6 rose to these new challenges, consolidated their forces and emerged to join the band of leaders

who formed the victorious coalition under the great unifiers of the late sixteenth century, Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi. But in Bizen the Urakami, Matsuda, and Sho were ultimately displaced by new and more energetic fighters: daimyo more capable of weathering the climactic battles of the wars of unification.

Our story begins with the chronicles of the Urakami house of Bizen. Urakami Munekage was obliged to meet the attack of his brother of Murotsu almost immediately after entering Bizen and establishing Tenjinyama castle. In 1532 the Murotsu forces loading some 2000 horsemen in 200 boats made a surprise landing on Bizen’s shores, and successfully assaulted the castle of Mitsuishi from the water side.**? The same force reduced Todamatsu castle where Munekage’s brother Kunihide was in command. Munekage himself sortied from Tenjinyama and drove off the Murotsu forces,

recapturing Todamatsu but failing to regain Mitsuishi. The 81 Komonjo-shi, 3.260. Fukutake House documents. 82 “Bizen-gunki,” 41.

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chronicles say nothing further about Mitsuishi. These attacks effectively split the Urakami territories into two parts, one centered on Harima and the other on Bizen. Also from this point the Bizen branch turned its attention almost exclusively toward Bizen and Mimasaka, leaving the affairs of Harima behind it. In

266 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo fact the Amako of Izumo were already threatening from the northwest. And by 1553 a battle between the Izumo and Bizen forces was to involve 15,000 men under Munekage’s command against an estimated Amako force of 28,000 men.

Munekage was not the best of daimyo either as a strategist or as a leader of men. For one thing he seems to have been more interested in life in Kyoto than the realities of war and administration in Bizen.** After a few years in Tenjinyama he seldom

took the field in person but relied on his vassals, notably the Ukita, to do his fighting for him. This in the end was his undoing.

The Ukita, a minor military family, had a history of service under the Urakami since the last decades of the fifteenth century. Almost exterminated in 1528, the family began a second start in 1544. In that year Ukita Naoie came of age and was given

a fief of 800 kan near the village of Otogo at the mouth of the Yoshii River.** The next year he was put in charge of 380 unmounted men (ashigaru) and given the exposed frontier fort of Otogo to hold. The area was beset with pirates and other dangers, but Naoie was obviously a military genius. Turning these dangers

to his advantage he quickly improved his position. By concentrating all his energies and resources into building up a military potential beyond the normal expectations of his meager fief, he managed to win some conspicuous battles, and within a few years he had extended his holdings to 3000 koku. From this beginning Ukita Naoie started his precipitous rise which within thirty years was to make him master of three provinces of Kibi. Naoie’s early moves within Bizen were made at the behest of Urakami Munekage. From them we can see that Munekage was still not in command of a secure following. Most of Naoie’s early exploits were against fellow vassals of the Urakami whose loyalty

Munekage suspected. Thus in 1545 we find him attacking the neighboring castle of Toishi, whose commander had begun to show signs of disloyalty to the Urakami. In 1549, having taken Toishi castle, he handed it over to Shimamura Kan’ami, at that time the foremost Urakami vassal in the lower Yoshii plain. He himself moved to Narabe castle in the midst of new lands given 88 “Wakeginu,” Kibi gunsho shisei edn., 3.40. 84 Okayama-shi shi, 2.1427. Information on the rise of the Ukita family and the

decline of the Urakami is given in great detail in chapters 55 to 61 (pp. 11941494) of the Okayama-shi shi. I have not documented specific data in the following paragraphs.

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 267 him for his meritorious service. In 1551 Naoie, at Urakami request, took in marriage the daughter of Nakayama Bitchu, lord of Kameyama castle, thus submitting to a strategic marriage calculated to cement relations between two Urakami vassals. In 1559, Urakami Munekage, suspecting his vassals Nakayama and Shimamura of treachery, turned to Ukita Naoie for aid. Naoie,

through a stratagem, destroyed both of these men and captured Kameyama castle. For this feat he was given “over half” of the lands vacated by his victims and the castle of Kameyama (hereafter more frequently called Numa). Naoie was by this time the prime power in the lower Yoshii plain. Holding Numa castle, strategically placed to command the plain and richly supported by the excellent agricultural land of the vicinity, he was able to put his own followers into his former castles. In fact, Naoie was now in a position rivaling that of his own overlord in power and wealth. He had become the foremost vassal upon whom Munekage relied, and he and his officers were constantly used to lead Urakami forces in Mimasaka or Bitcha. As it later developed, the

sense of comradeship in arms which developed at this time between Ukita Naoie and Munekage’s other vassals was eventually to make them more ready to follow Naoie than their ostensible overlord. In 1562 on Munekage’s order Naoie gave daughters in marriage

to the Matsuda house of Kanagawa and the Goto house of Mitsuboshi in Mimasaka. It was clearly the Urakami hope to stabilize the entire eastern Bizen-Mimasaka region under his command by these alliances. Momentarily, at any rate, the Matsuda house appears to have joined forces with the Urakami of Tenjinyama so as to permit the Urakami to assume leadership of all of Bizen. This act shifted the Urakami frontier westward into Bitcht and the valley of the Takahashi River. And it was this development

which precipitated the bitter contest for hegemony over Kibi between the Urakami and Mimura of Bitchu. By this time control of the Takahashi valley had shifted from the Sho to the Mimura, who were based at Nariwa and Matsuyama castles. The Mimura, in league with the Mori forces farther to the west, had recently driven the Amako out of western Mimasaka and were in a position to contemplate expansion into Bizen and Mimasaka, just as the Urakami looked toward Bitchu. The Mimura made their move first into Bizen, taking the castles of

268 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo Funayama and Okayama. Their stratagem was to bottle up the Matsuda and Ukita, preventing their entry into Bitchi. They then turned to Mimasaka and attacked the Goto of Mitsuboshi. Although the Bizen forces were blocked from moving westward, the northern route was open. Ukita Naoie sent support to Mimasaka, and in 1566 the Mimura leader was killed before the Goté

stronghold. Unsuccessful in Mimasaka, the Mimura remnants turned to direct attack upon the Ukita. In 1567 the Mimura sent two forces totaling 7000 men against Numa castle. Naoie met and utterly destroyed the Mimura forces and went on to send a force of 9000 men into Bitchi to attack Saita castle. In these cam-

paigns a number of southern Bizen castles hostile to the Ukita were destroyed, notably Tsuri and Funayama. The commander of Okayama castle, Kanamitsu Munetaka, a respected military leader of the area, gave his allegiance to Naoie. Thus Naoie emerged stronger than before; in fact, his successes began to rouse the suspicions of the Urakami.

From this point, Ukita Naoie, no doubt realizing that he was not trusted by Urakami Munekage, showed more caution in his relationship to his overlord. Perhaps he had already begun to aspire to eventual supremacy in Bizen. At any rate, we find him beginning to cultivate military alliances on his own outside of the Urakami band. In the course of the next years Naoie appears to have made strategic alliances with such families as the Amako of Izumo and the Kobayakawa of Bingo, distant daimyo who might be counted on to support a play for power inside Bizen. Armed with these alliances Naoie attacked and destroyed the Matsuda of Kanagawa in 1568. In this campaign, in which the Ukita forces resorted to their usual daring and strategy, we hear of the use of firearms for the first time. By now it is obvious that Naoie

was his own master as he campaigned almost yearly along the borders of the Urakami territories in an effort to extend his influence. In 1570 his forces were in Bitcht: clashing with the Mori and Mimura. At the same time he campaigned actively in Mimasaka. During the next few years the major castles of Mimasaka fell to either the Ukita or the Mori. Prior to this, Ukita Naoie had taken Okayama castle from the Kanemitsu. In 1573 he selected this castle as a new headquarters and proceeded to build a much greater establishment for himself and his armed forces. In the next three years Naoie was occupied

Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo 269 primarily in Bitchi. Here he eventually joined forces with the Mori family, which had expanded into the province from Aki, two provinces to the west. This alliance made possible the eventual elimination of the Mimura. With the fall of Matsuyama castle Bitchii went to the Mori and Ukita and was divided between them at the Takahashi River, the Mori occupying the western portion and the Ukita the east. Having resolved the danger from the direction of Bitchii, Naoie was now poised for an attack upon his feudal superior, Urakami Munekage. The moment came in 1577. Seizing upon a succession issue, Naoie plotted with Munekage’s vassals. The majority had

by now become more attached to Naoie than to the Urakami house. Naoie marched upon Tenjinyama castle and destroyed it, eliminating the Bizen Urakami line forever. Flushed with a sense of victory, and still in alliance with the Mori, Naoie pushed into Harima and began to take over other Urakami castles to the east. His farthest advance was to K6zuki castle, where in 1578 a new destiny confronted him. It was at Kozuki that Naoie first faced the massive forces of Oda Nobunaga moving in from the east and was forced to choose between retaining his Mori alliance or submitting to Nobunaga. As of 1578 a choice between the Mori and Oda was not one to be lightly taken. Both confronted Naoie with overwhelming might against which he could not hold aloof. But which side held the superior potential? To be sure, Nobunaga controlled the capital, but the Mori were nearly his match in terms of territory and manpower. And for Naoie, the Mori must have seemed an attractive alliance, for he had already joined them in many a difficult campaign. And he was aware, too, of the forceful momentum with which the Mori had pushed to the borders of Bizen. As of 1500 the Mori house had been only a minor castle holder at Koriyama in Aki province, vassal to the Amako. Mori Motonari, the head of the house at that time, in a crucial battle at Itsukushima in 1555 won control of Aki and Bingo. Shortly thereafter, he succeeded to the Ouchi domains of Nagato and Sud provinces. In 1566 he eliminated the Amako from Izumo and Inaba and stood on the boundaries of Bitcha. Already the Hosokawa of Kamogata had capitulated to the Mori. Shortly thereafter the Mimura, kinsmen of the Sh6, sided with the Mori and began to fight against the Sho. Despite their many commitments elsewhere, the Mori establishment,

270 Bizen: the Sengoku Daimyo now stretching over fourteen provinces, maintained an active interest in the penetration of Bitchi. After Motonari’s death in 1571, his successor Terumoto campaigned actively in Bitch. Using Kasaoka as a base, he destroyed the Mimura, and placed his uncle Motokiyo into Sarukake castle. The latter took the name of Hoida. In this way Sarukake castle became the center of Mori power in Bitchu, while the former castles of the Sho and Mimura forces became secondary military outposts. The Mori had moved

their frontier into Bitchi up to the Takahashi River where it touched the Ukita domains along a broad front. Ukita Naoie’s alliance with Mori Terumoto technically opened up the Mori frontier as far as the eastern border of Ukita power. The rapid push of the combined Mori and Ukita forces into Harima after the pacification of Bitchi may have been because their leaders caught the urge toward national conquest which was then in the air. But the moment was too late. Nobunaga was already

in the capital and had already thrown his ablest general, Hideyoshi, against the Mori coalition. These were the forces that met

at Kozuki. At the historic battle, the forces led by Hideyoshi numbered 150,000 and those supporting the Mori, 65,000. Ukita Naoie, claiming illness, provided only a token force. The ensuing battle was a draw, but the Mori forces withdrew behind the Takahashi River, leaving the Ukita to join forces with Oda Nobunaga.

When three years later in 1581 Naoie died, his son, then age eight, was confirmed in his holdings by Nobunaga, an indication that the Ukita house was now firmly in the fold of the expanding central authority based in the Kyoto area. The Mori bid for national hegemony had been momentarily thwarted.

X. NOBUNAGA, HIDEYOSHI, AND THE UNIFICATION OF THE DAIMYO Th story of the consolidation of the Kibi provinces under the Mori and Ukita houses has taken us through the Sengoku period up to the threshold of a new and dramatic era in Japanese history, when out of the turmoil of the “country at war” a national hegemony was again fashioned. Between 1568 and 1598 a powerful military force emanating out of central Japan, led by two military geniuses, Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi, hammered the daimyo into submission and imposed a rough unity upon them. The years over which Nobunaga and Hideyoshi pre-

sided, when the spirit of unification was abroad and the great daimyo were destined to fight their last battles, were dramatic not only because of the climactic struggles which shook the country but because of the far-reaching institutional reforms which swept Japan in their wake. Nobunaga, Hideyoshi, and their daimyo adherents not only forged the bonds of military unification but laid

a new political and social base upon which over two hundred years of peaceful existence under the Tokugawa shogunate was built. It was during the little more than thirty years after the rise of Nobunaga that most of the fundamental policies and institutions under which the people of early modern Japan were to live came into being. With unification came not only a cessation of

warfare but a new systemization of laws and procedures governing the exercise of sovereign powers, the structure of local administration, the management of land, the status of the cultivating and commercial classes, and the position of religious bodies within Japan. The great moving force which infused the last half of the six-

teenth century was the drive toward military consolidation and political unification. When precisely it was that the daimyo sensed the possibility of a national hegemony we do not know. But Nobunaga was not the first, and he fought out his life with competi-

tors such as the Mori, whose chances of success seemed no less potent than his. Once under way, unification proceeded by certain clearly discernible stages. The base was laid during the early sixteenth century with the appearance of the small regional hegemons to which we gave the name sengoku-daimy6. As these re-

272 Nobunaga and Hideyoshi gional lords of new and militant type filled out their territories and

added to their resources, they began to fall upon each other in an effort to extend their frontiers. The result, during the second quarter of the sixteenth century, had been the creation of a new group of daimyo with wider and more tightly organized domains. Such were the MGri while still masters of Aki, the Ukita in Bizen, and the Oda in Owari. From this point another somewhat different

process began. While the original domains of the daimyo remained roughly the same size and composition, expansion continued through the creation of leagues of daimyo clustered about a powerful leader. Within a given region the most powerful daimyo, reducing surrounding daimyo to submission, formed around themselves extended leagues of military houses over which they served as overlords. This is what had happened in western Japan by the time the Mori reached Bitcht. As of 1560 this trend toward

the clustering of daimyo had just begun. At that time the outstanding daimyo such as the Hojo, Nagao, Imagawa, Hosokawa, Yamana, Amako, Ouchi, and Shimazu, through their own domains and those of their daimyo allies, controlled about one-third of Japan. By 1572 the process had gone much further and over twothirds of the country had been brought under the control of thirteen great houses. These were the Uesugi, Hojo, Takeda, Tokugawa, Oda, Asakura, Asai, Yamana, Mori, Chésokabe, Otomo, Ryuz6ji, and Shimazu. Among the areas still lacking regional lead-

ership was most of central Japan from Kyoto to Bizen and the northern shores of Shikoku. The structure of these regional leagues on the eve of unification was fairly uniform. At the center of each was the leading daimyo backed by the hereditary housemen (fudai) who had constituted his original vassal band. United around this power core were al-

lied daimyo (tozama) who had accepted the supremacy of the regional overlord but retained considerable territorial independence. Of course not all territory gained by conquest remained in the hands of this latter type of tozama vassal. When possible the regional hegemon sought to eliminate competing houses and place his trusted fudai in the vacated territory. Regional hegemonies were extended by the reliance on both fudai and tozama type vassals, and it was this technique of expanding regional authority

which was to lay the foundation for a national unity. In other words, the leading daimyo, by extending both the power of their

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