GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact 9781407314235, 9781407343815

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BAR S2761 2015 Buxeda i Garrigós, Madrid i Fernández & Iñañez (Eds)

Global Pottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact Edited by

Jaume Buxeda i Garrigós Marisol Madrid i Fernández Javier G. Iñañez

GlobalPottery 1

B A R

2761 Buxeda i Garregos cover.indd 1

BAR International Series 2761 2015

02/09/2015 10:38:54

Global Pottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact Edited by

Jaume Buxeda i Garrigós Marisol Madrid i Fernández Javier G. Iñañez

BAR International Series 2761 2015

ISBN 9781407314235 paperback ISBN 9781407343815 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407314235 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Preface

This volume is based on the GlobalPottery-1st International Congress on Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact, which was held in Barcelona in May 2012. The need for organizing such a conference was obvious to the members of the Tecnolonial research project (HAR2012-33784 and HAR2008-02834/HIST, funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad of the Spanish Government) in view of the global circulation of goods after the ’discovery’ of the Americas and the first circumnavigation of the World. The organization of the conference was undertaken by the Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE) research unit at the Universitat de Barcelona and a significant group of scholars attended the conference, giving either invited talks, or oral or poster presentations. Even though some unexpected delays occurred, several of the communications presented at the conference, but also some new contributions, have been finally published after a peer-review process with independent referees. As editors of the volume we would like to take the opportunity to apologize for the delay, but at the same time we hope that, because of the quality of the contributions, the volume would be of wide interest. The GlobalPottery conference was a significant event in that it focused on the development of multidisciplinary archaeological and archaeometrical research in order to generate historical knowledge from the extant ceramic record of the Cultural Heritage. Up to now, there has been an important gap in the scholar community where specialists could discuss and define new trends on the field of ceramic studies in Historical Archaeology, a period characterized by a truly global world leading to an endless network of societies in contact. This gap is even more evident considering the limited number of projects embracing archaeological and archaeometrical methodologies that could serve for the development of interdisciplinary based knowledge. The aim of GlobalPottery is to fill this gap, providing scholars with a specialized international forum that deals with Historical Archaeology ceramic studies, primarily including the so-called topics of Post-Medieval Archaeology and Later Historical Archaeology or Industrial Archaeology. It is also the aim of GlobalPottery to promote the studies on societies in contact, bearing in mind that the colonization of America and the first World circumnavigation must be considered the beginning of the present Global World. The study of pottery contributes to our understanding of the transmission of ideas in the ancient world. Pottery is not only determined by function, but also by stylistic choices made by the potters and influenced by several cultural key factors. At the same time, Archaeometry can shed light on the material side of the archaeological record and artefacts, testing assumptions and hypotheses based on chemical, mineralogical, petrographic, and physical evidence, as well as the archaeological and historical information. Both perform a powerful tandem enabling robust hypotheses and thorough studies on a material that, by its ubiquitous presence, its durability and the multiple functions it assumed in past societies, is one of the most fruitful parts of the archaeological record. The papers presented in this volume show how the study of many different ceramic productions and technologies can contribute to our knowledge and understanding of the wide range of issues and problems identified so far in the field. None can be regarded as a less important contribution or targeted to a local audience. Indeed, it is a milestone of this conference that all contributions are seen to report on issues that is of international interest. Thus, the rich volume issued as an outcome of this Barcelona conference reveal the complexity of achieving a holistic approach for such a convulse and important historical period. This conference and the publication of this volume would not have taken place without the financial support of the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (Spanish Government) (HAR2011-13662-E), the Museu d’Història de Barcelona (MUHBA, Ajuntament de Barcelona), the Facultat de Geografia i Història de la Universitat de Barcelona, Beta Analytic Inc., and Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE). Especial thanks go to the members of the Organising Committee: M. Tous Mata, N. Moragas Segura, A. Alzate Gallego, C. Torrent i Riba, N. Müller, J. Beltran de Heredia Bercero, J. Núñez Marcén, S. Escribano Ruiz, F. de Amores Carredano, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti, M. C. González Marrero, V. Kilikoglou, S. G. Ferrer, R. Di Febo, C. P. Barrachina, and E. Miguel Gascón.

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, Lecturer in Archaeology and Archaeometry and director of the Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE) research unit, Universitat de Barcelona. M. Madrid i Fernández, Researcher in Archaeology and Archaeometry and member of the Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE) research unit, Universitat de Barcelona. J. G. Iñañez, Researcher in Archaeology and Archaeometry and member of Grupo de Investigación en Patrimonio Construido, GPAC, Universidad del País Vasco / Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, and IKERBASQUE, Basque Foundation for Science.

Contents

Preface

iii

Contents

iv

I Europe and the Mediterranean Sea

1

1 J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

3

2 C. Capelli and R. Cabella Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy)

27

3 R. Carta Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada

37

4 J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada

53

5 T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries)

67

6 S. G. Ferrer, N. S. Müller and V. Kilikoglou High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century

81

7 M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon

93

8 A. Nuretdinova Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria

103

9 L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

117

II The Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean

131

10 J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries)

133

11 F. Castro and É. Sousa Contemporary pottery from São Vicente, Madeira (old captaincy of Machico): characterization

145

physical and chemical

CONTENTS

CONTENTS

12 G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city

153

13 A. S. Cordell Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change165 14 M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities 175 15 M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic

195

16 S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

205

17 P. Fournier and R. L. Bishop Colonial pottery in Mexico

223

18 F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina) 241 19 C. Mena García Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida

253

20 K. L. Ness Globalization and luxury ceramics of the 18th - and 19th -Century Spanish-Atlantic world

263

21 C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina)

273

22 O. R. Soto Ortiz and F. López Aguilar The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case

287

23 M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia)

297

24 V. Velasquez S.H. Spanish olive jars in New Spain, Mexico

313

III The Indian and the Pacific Oceans

331

25 S. G. Ferrer, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, J. G. Iñañez and M. D. Glascock Local and European transport jars in Panama. Chemical and Mineralogical characterization

333

26 P. Grave, L. Kealhofer and M. Maccheroni Asian Stonewares in the Early Modern Period: global processes and local consequences

353

27 Huan Xiong On the Qianjiang Art of Chinese Porcelain

373

28 I. Pikirayi Ceramics, global networks of trade and interaction—the feira trade and the Portuguese in northern Zimbabwe, 381 16th –17th centuries AD v

CONTENTS

CONTENTS

29 T. J. Scarlett, A. M. Bastion, L. G. Cecil, Ch. W. Merritt and M. D. Glascock A Muddy Study: the Utah Pottery Project as a case study for archaeometric analyses of global flows of potters, pottery, and potting

vi

397

Part I

Europe and the Mediterranean Sea

1

1

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

Jaume Buxeda i Garrigós1 , Marisol Madrid i Fernández1 , Javier G. Iñañez2,3 and Cristina Fernández de Marcos García1 1- Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE), Departament de Prehistòria, Història Antiga i Arqueologia, Universitat de Barcelona, C/ de Montalegre, 6, 08001 Barcelona (Catalonia, Spain) ([email protected], [email protected], [email protected]) 2- Grupo de Investigación en Patrimonio Construido, GPAC, Departamento de Geografía, Prehistoria y Arqueología, Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea (UPV/EHU), Tomás y Valiente s/n, 01006 Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) ([email protected]) 3- IKERBASQUE, Basque Foundation for Science, María Díaz de Haro 3, 48013 Bilbao (Basque Country, Spain) The contact between the European and the Native American worlds was the beginning of a period of conquest and colonisation that broke or changed the tradition of the native populations, giving pass to a new political, economical, religious, and townplanning period. While the first European foundations were just survival driven ones, they became strategic foundation in order to develop a proper colonial enterprise. The European culture arrival into the Americas brought also a new material culture that modified the already existing native cultural world. At the same time, the European culture was also modified, and new cultural expressions emerge from these new complex societies. Pottery as a perdurable material remains is a privilege record of these processes. In order to shed light to this period of the European presence in continental America, an archaeological and archaeometric program is being conducted within the Tecnolonial project focussed on majolica, glazed coarse wares and transport jars, as well as indigenous and European-influenced pottery. One of the main results is that in order to assess a correct implementation of these studies, a deep knowledge of the production centers is compulsory. Two case studies will be here exposed, Barcelona and Seville, together with some examples of technological changes. KEYWORDS: SEVILLE, BARCELONA, REFERENCE GROUP, MAJOLICA, COARSE GLAZED POTTERY, COOKING WARE, TRANSPORT JARS, PROVENANCE, TECHNOLOGY

1.1

Introduction

The European arrival to the Americas ultimately changed the world as never before. It was the starting point of the global trade and travel that lead to the nowadays completely interconnected societies. These global processes represent a significant challenge for Historical, Archaeological and Archaeometrical studies due to their large scale and complexity. One of the first among such processes was the expansion and the building of an empire by the Crown of Castile, and this process is the focuss of our present research. Thus, the main objective here is to deepen our knowledge in aspects related to the interaction, influence and cultural change during the colonization process in the Americas during the 16th –17th centuries, focusing especially in the Spanish Atlantic colonial expansion. This is approached through the assessment of the distribution of the pottery produced in the Crown of Castile, and on a lesser extent that of

the Crown of Aragon, in the contact areas. This study takes into consideration the expansionism, discovery, and colonization processes stemmed from the conquest of the Canary Islands and the Americas by the Crown of Castile, but also that of the Basque whalers to Terranova and Labrador whose goal was not to colonize Canada (Bakker 1989; Loewen and Delmas 2011). As stated before, this research is essentially based on the study of pottery, which is a good, or a commoditised good, of intensive use and related to everyday life and symbolic activities, by all individuals (Appadurai 1986; Morley 2007). Furthermore, its ubiquity and abundance in the archaeological record turns pottery into an ideal artefact to address questions on interaction, influence and cultural change. Among other types of pottery, Majolica is a utilitarian pottery, but it also ought to be considered that many performance characteristics associated with this artefacts concern its capability to symbolize European modernity. Indeed, Majolica pottery may represent one

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García of the first Globalization icons, reaching an important status of modernity among indigenous cultures. However, majolica, with obvious elitist connotations, just represents a little part of the whole set of shards recovered at any archaeological site. Besides, Glazed Coarse wares and transport jars are always clearly outnumber although they did not receive the same attention by scholars due to their apparent lack of artistic quality. However, these ceramics played an important role as utilitarian pottery and as a suitable container for goods in overseas trade. Consequently, these ceramic productions are being increasingly considered a valuable item for studying the European influence, as well as the cultural change processes that affected Canarian and American societies during colonial period. Finally, it must be highlighted that from the methodological point of view, the study is based on the assumption that all colonial processes share meaningful characteristics regardless the historical period concerned (Hingley 1999; 2005), and that these characteristics might be understood as a cultural phenomenon used by the (political) power to coercively reinforce beliefs about differential allocation of power, prestige and wealth in society (Gosden 2004). Nonetheless, this project advocates that this study cannot be exclusively based on archaeological data, which mainly concerns the cultural meaning of the artifacts; rather an archaeometrical approach is needed in order to assess the material characteristics of technology. In other words, that means that artifact production and meaning production have to be brought forth in tandem. Clearly, the material characteristics of technology ought to be a reflection of the set of performance characteristics, technical traditions and skills embodied in the behavioral chain of artifacts (Schiffer and Skibo 1997; Schiffer 2001; 2011; Kingery 2001; Skibo and Schiffer 2008). In order to fully understand the complex stages of the artifact’s life history and its interactions with other technologies and social groups along the behavioral chain, a satisfactory interpretation of technical features is needed. This interpretation clearly must include archaeometrical characterization of the ceramic material as well as technical evaluation of different artifact designs. Along these lines, formulation of general principles about technology in this kind of colonial contexts clearly draws upon stronger evidences when writing sources are available as they permit a better evaluation of the interpretative models and theories proposed from the archaeological record (Lawrence and Sheperd 2006). All these studies need, however, a deep knowledge and understanding of the production centres and their complexity and change. This is necessary to identify the reference groups related to each production centre, but also to asses the technical features as well as the technological changes occurred through time. These changes and complexity must play relevant roles in the changes of the societies and, of course, may be an significant factor in the colonized areas. Two case studies will be here exposed, Seville and Barcelona, where complexity was higher than expected before. Finally, some examples of technological changes in colonized areas will be shown. 4

1.2

The pottery production at Seville

After the arrival of Columbus first expedition to the Americas, the Crown of Castile started the process of conquest of the newly "discovered" territories. Seville was then chosen in 1503 to host the Casa de Contratación, a central trading house responsible for the intended monopole that should control all relations with the new territories. The town was chosen because of its location, an important port on the Guadalquivir river, inland and far from the coast, protected therefore from attacks. Moreover, the town had already developed important structures thanks to its relevant role in the trade with Italy, England, Flanders and northern Europe (Chaunu 1983). The presence of Casa de Contratación ended in 1679–1680, when it was transferred to the town of Cadiz, on the Atlantic coast (Martínez 1993; Elliott 2005). By hosting this trading house, Seville became one of the main economics European centres of the time (Mena 1998). This economic activity and the enormous supplies that should be sent overseas implied the development of an overwhelming ceramic industry that even attracted potters from abroad (like Flanders or Italy). Most of the new workshops were located in the neighborhood of Triana, whose approximately 50 workshops were, during the 16th C, the 80 % of the existing workshops at Seville. The rest were located within the walls of the town, at the neighborhoods (collaciones) of San Pedro, San Vicente and San Marcos, as well as the area of San Telmo outside the walls (Figure 1.1). Obviously, the development of Triana, on the bank of the Guadalquivir river, was favoured by the easy transport of raw materials, especially clay that was exploited in different locations around the town (Morales 1989, 153; Sánchez 1994, 43–49, 75). Because of its relevance, the pottery production at Seville has received an important attention from the arthistorical and archaeological point of view. However, its study is uneven. Majolica has been the subject of detailed studies (see for example, Pleguezuelo 1997; 2003a; 2003b; Coll 2008; and especially Rice 2013 and references therein), while glazed coarse wares, for example, have attracted a lower interest (Amores and Chisvert 1993). A similar situation can be seen in Americas, where majolica has received possibly more attention than in Europe. But in that case it must be highlighted that also transport jars have been the subject of deeper study (Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1974; 1982; 1987; Deagan 1987). From the 1980s–1990s onwards the research has also included documentary sources (Sánchez 1994; 1996; 1998), as well as materials unearthed in modern scientific archaeological excavations, not only in the ground, but also in the fillings of the vaults of religious buildings (Amores and López 2009). In these excavations, several workshops have been identified, especially in Triana, for the period from the 13th to the 19th centuries. Among them, it must be highlighted the excavations at (i) La Cartuja (1987–1992) (Amores et al. 1997), (ii) Pureza 44 (1986–1987) (Lorenzo et al. 1990), where pottery was produced from the 15th to the 18th centuries—this workshop has been identified with that of the Italian potter Niculoso Pisano dated at the

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon first quarter of the 16th C—, (iii) Plaza de Armas (1997– 1998) (Mercado et al. 2001), identified as the possible workshop of the Italian potter Tomás Pesaro, (iv) Castillo de San Jorge (1998–2000) (Hunt 2001), (v) Valladares (Vera and Rodríguez 2001), identified as the Valladares family workshop, one of the most important workshops at the end of the 16th C–1st half of the 17th C, (vi) the fillings of Seville’s Cathedral vaults (Jiménez 2000), ranging from mid-15th to 19th centuries, and (vii) Plaza de la Encarnación (Amores and González 2004).

The archaeometric studies The archaeometric characterization of the pottery produced at Seville was first approach by American scholars involved in the study of majolica recovered in the Americas, in order to identify their origin as Sevillian (or from other production centres at the Iberian Peninsula, like Talavera or Manises) or as new American productions, as hypothesized several times from the archaeological studies (Fournier et al. 2009a). These studies were mainly based on Neutron Activation Analysis (Olin et al. 1978; Maggetti et al. 1984; Maggetti 1986; Jornet at al. 1985; Olin and Blackman 1989; Olin and Myers, 1992). From these early studies that from Myers and collaborators (1992) must be highlighted because it included, for the first time, a large number of ceramics recovered at Seville itself. On the one hand, 63 individuals that had been unearthed at the workshop located at Pureza 44, including 16 individuals from the early 16th C, the period of activity as Niculoso Pisano’s workshop, while the rest correspond to later 16th C assemblages. Besides, another 56 individuals recovered at other Sevillian contexts of the 16th -17th centuries were also characterized. This study enabled thus the establishment of the main reference group for Sevillian majolica of this period for archaeometric research. Those first studies were followed by several works that enabled a better knowledge of the Sevillian production, including also transport jars and glazed coarse wares (Monroy-Guzmán and Fournier 2003; Monroy et al. 2000; 2005; Jamieson and Hancock 2004; Blackman et al. 2006; Fournier et al. 2007; 2009b; Polvorinos del Río and Castaing 2010; Hughes 2014).

Recent developments. The Tecnolonial project In recent years, a research program has been established at the research unit Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE), Universitat de Barcelona, on the archaeometric characterization of modern pottery, not just majolica, but also transport jars, glazed coarse ware, and cooking ware among others. Thus, after a first study devoted to the identification of majolica from Barcelona and Reus recovered at the city of Mataró (Buxeda et al. 2001), and a preliminary comparison between Seville and Talavera majolica (Buxeda et al. 2003), several works were conducted within the frame of Ceramed and ArchSymb projects. The initial step was a large survey on different

majolica production centres in the Iberian Peninsula in order to get preliminary reference groups (Iñañez 2007; Iñañez et al. 2005; 2008; 2009a; 2010a; Buxeda and Iñañez 2010). Then, several consumption sites were sampled in order to get a first insight on the diffusion of these majolica centres (Iñañez et al. 2007a; 2009b). Nowadays, this research program is continued by the Tecnolonial project that, in the Seville case study, has deepen in the characterization and understanding of different types of pottery, not just majolica (Ferrer et al. 2013; Ferrer et al. in this volume-a1 , in this volume-b2 ; Fernández de Marcos et al. in press). If we center our attention to the ceramics unearthed in Seville and of presumed Sevillian origin, to date we have characterized up to 183 individuals by means of Xray fluorescence and X-ray diffraction analyses (a detailed description of the routines can be seen at Ferrer et al. in this volume-b) (Table 1.1). Eighty-eight out of 183 correspond to majolica tableware, but 8 out of them belong to the cuerda seca decoration style, a decoration style that is characteristic of the 2nd half of the 15th C and the 1st half of the 16th C, closely related to the Morisco Ware (Pleguezuelo 1992). It must be highlighted that these cuerda seca individuals do not come from modern archaeological excavation but from the collection of the Museu d’Història de la Ceràmica (nowadays one of the components of the Museu del Disseny de Barcelona) and (as it is the case for those ceramics from A. Sánchez Cabezudo private collection) can only be dated on stylistic grounds. Thus, the characterised cuerda seca ceramics must be dated to the 2nd half of the 15th C. Regarding the 80 majolica individuals, only 7 belong to these collections. The rest have been recovered at different sites of the town. Most of them were unearthed in the excavations of the workshops of Pureza 44, Valladares and Plaza de Armas, while some others come from excavations of Castillo de San Jorge and Plaza de la Encarnación. Their chronology can be established within the 16th C, but in Valladares and Plaza de Armas there are ceramics of a later chronology already in the 1st half of the 17th C. Moreover, two trivets, used two separate ceramics during firing, and four tiles were also samples at Pureza 44, while two tiles and one trivet were sampled from Valladares and Plaza de Armas workshops respectively. From the excavations of Plaza de la Encarnación, Rocío 11, and Castillo de San Jorge one tile and five transport jars were also sampled. All these ceramics can be dated back to the 16th C. If we consider the glazed coarse ware and the cooking ware it is easy to see that most of the sampled were recovered at Castillo de San Jorge. The chronology of those contexts is also within the 16th C. Finally, a very distinct picture is obtained in the fillings of the vaults of the Cathedral (the vaults of San Isidoro and Cámara Alta, and some other generically labelled as Cathedral) and La Cartuja. Most of the materials recovered in such fillings are transport jars, together with some glazed coarse wares and cooking wares. Significantly, if the chronology of such fillings is also within the 16th C, the construction of some fillings (San Isidoro and Cámara

1 S. G. Ferrer, N. S. Müller and V. Kilikoglou, High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century. 2 S. G. Ferrer, J. Buxeda i Garrigós, J. G. Iñañez and M. D. Glascock, Local and European transport jars in Panama. Chemical and Mineralogical characterization.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

5

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García Alta) can be dated after the writings sources. To synthesize the main results obtained to present we can see the dendrogram of the cluster analysis on the clr transformed data (Martín-Fernández et al. 2015) (Figure 1.2). This cluster analysis has been conducted on the 101 individuals not affected by postdepositional weathering processes (Buxeda 1999) in order to get a clear unbiased picture. The study of these results enables to identify up to 9 different groups (Table 1.2), but it must be highlighted that 11 individuals are not classed in any of the defined groups. This results show clearly the high complexity that offers the ceramic production at Seville, especially if we consider that the sampled individuals can be dated at the 16th C, with few deviations. As can be seen, the main difference, corresponds to the low calcareous nature of glazed cooking ware (Sev08) in contrast with all other products that are calcareous. This technical difference was something expected due to the desired performance characteristics of this pottery (Fernández de Marcos et al. in press), but the group show several compositional differences that point to further division if the number of individuals characterised increase. Leaving aside the 11 unclassed individuals and the Sev08 ones, the results of linear discriminant analysis on the same subcomposition ilr transformed show a good separation among the retained groups, reinforcing the previous interpretation (Figure 1.3). The first three linear discriminant functions account for the 89.28 % of the variance explained. The groups are in good agreement with the types of pottery and for the retained 90 individuals there is a clear cut on types and compositions. Groups Sev01, Sev02, Sev03 and Sev04 contain solely majolica, trivets and tiles, the materials related with the studied workshops, but also the mortars. Groups Sev05, Sev06 and Sev07 are formed just with transport jars. Finally, all glazed coarse wares are included in group Sev09. It seems clear, then, that function and technical parameters are related and are more relevant to explain compositions that the actual workshop where the pottery was produced. At least, this seems to be the situation with the three workshops here sampled. Even if the main factor that seems to be related to composition is the type of pottery, i.e. the intended function, changes in time can be inferred. Within majolica groups, Sev01 and Sev02 include all the cuerda seca individuals, together with a glazed coarse ware. These materials are supposed to be the older ones in this sampling, centred in the 16th C, with chronologies that could be in the 2nd half of the 15th C. Moreover, group Sev03 is just formed with pottery recovered at Plaza de Armas, and one individual from Valladares. Both contexts last until the 1st half of the 17th C and, therefore, an evolution in the technique of production can be envisaged. To present, thus, Sevillian production offers a very complex image already just for the 16th C. Technical decision about composition seem to be related to intended function for different main types of pottery. And these decisions seem to be shared by different workshops. Nevertheless, changes in time are envisaged in both ends of this 16th C. 6

1.3

The pottery production at Barcelona

A similar picture to the Sevillian one is offered by Barcelona, one of the main towns of the Crown of Aragon, whose products were most probably distributed around the Mediterranean Sea. Barcelona is a well-known majolica production centre although, until very recently, this activity was known by the written sources and by some specific toponyms remaining on the streets of certain areas of the city. Nevertheless, archaeological surveys conducted in Barcelona in the lasts decades have provided with many pottery ensembles, as well as with the discovery of five kilns, reinforcing the written sources and enabling us to date the potting production between 13th and 18th centuries. Parallel to this improvement in the archaeological knowledge, the research program on modern ceramics driven by the ARQUB focussed on Barcelona as one of the main case studies for production centres. Early studies provided a first insight on the characteristics of pottery produced at the town (Buxeda et al. 2001; Iñañez et al. 2005; 2007b; Iñañez and Buxeda 2007).

Barcelona in the Tecnolonial project In 2009, in the framework of the Tecnolonial project, the archaeometric program make a step forward in order to deepen understanding of the production and technological process of all the ceramics archaeologically identified. Thus, the selection of the individuals for being analysed was made taking into account archaeological contexts with accurate chronologies coming from several excavations that cover the whole town (Figure 1.4), considering Barcelona as a unique site. Moreover, the archaeometrical characterization was designed as a diachronic study where all the productions selected cover a wide period from the 13th C to the 18th C, spanning for a wider period than the one considered at Seville so far. As it will be seen, this will give a much better perspective of the technical changes and it will enable to link the development in ceramic production with significant social changes in a process of increment of complexity and development of technology. For this purpose, the sampling was a very wide range and representative of the Barcelona ceramic products during this period. For the 13th C, archaic majolica (a production equal to protomajolica), green glazed ware and glazed coarse ware, together with some individuals of the early transport jars (alfàbies), were sampled at different excavations all over the old town (Beltrán de Heredia 2007; 2009; 2012). Special attention was been paid to the material recovered at the two first kilns of this period excavated recently in Barcelona, i.e. the kiln of Carrer Hospital (Dehesa et al. 2009) and the kiln of Carrer Carders (Nadal 2012). For the period spanned over the 14th –15th centuries, green and manganese majolica, glazed and unglazed coarse pottery pottery were selected (Beltrán de Heredia 1998; 2006); with regard to transport containers from this period, transport jars as well as jugs were considered (Beltrán de Heredia 2012). In the same way, for 16th –17th centuries a selection of

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon decorated productions of lustre ware, lustre ware with blue decoration, and blue-on-white majolica (Llorens 1989; Telese 1991), some of them already documented during the previous century, was sampled; besides, imitations of Ligurian blue berettino, also called "Barcelona blue-on-blue" (Beltrán de Heredia and Miró 2008; 2009) and several vases of glazed and unglazed coarse pottery (Beltrán de Heredia 2006) were also selected. Finally, for the 18th C, it is important to highlight the archaeometrical characterization of polychrome glazed ware, the imitations of à Taches Noires pottery (including some vessels with addition of yellow decorations), as well as glazed coarse ware with yellow decoration (Beltrán de Heredia et al. in press), and some singular vases, such as ceramic hand-grenades also called "small pans/fire pots" (Beltrán de Heredia 2010, 206). The total set of individuals from Barcelona archaeometrically characterised so far is 327. Nevertheless, as it is also the case at Seville, a large number of individuals exhibit the effects of weathering, therefore the following summarised explanation will be centred on the 233 individuals not affected by such processes.

A summary view of the results The results of the data treatment can be summarized in the dendrogram of the cluster analysis using the centroid agglomerative algorithm and the squared euclidean distance on the subcomposition Na2 O, MgO, Al2 O3 , SiO2 , K2 O, CaO, TiO2 , V, Cr, MnO, Ni, Zn, Sr, Zr, Nb, Ba and Ce, clr transformed (Figure 1.5). The study of the dendrogram reveals again a very complex structure with the presence of several groups that include most of the analyzed individuals. The use of at least four different base clays (labelled A, B, C and E) are hypothesised. Adding further complexity, these four base clays are diversified in turn by different amounts of calcium, a differentiation that have significant implications from the technical point of view. If we center our attention to the products of the 13th C, those related with the kiln of Carrer Hospital, are classed all through the groups A1, A2 and A3 (Buxeda et al. 2011). Those groups differ basically by their CaO content enabling to distinguish among low calcareous ceramics (A1), border calcareous ceramics (A2) and calcareous ceramics (A3) (Figure 1.6, upper left; Table 1.3). However, beyond this intentional variation of the CaO content (Buxeda et al. 2009), the three groups are characterized by showing very high K2 O (Figure 1.6, upper right) and Al2 O3 (Figure 1.6, bottom left) contents, and high SiO2 content (Figure 1.6, bottom right). Regarding the ceramic products, groups A1, A2 and A3 include green glazed and glazed coarse pottery, transport jars, jugs and archaic majolica. However, while green glazed and glazed coarse pottery are well represented in all groups, archaic majolica, transport jars and jugs are just included in groups A2 and A3, it is in the border calcareous and in the clearly calcareous groups, being more abundant in the latter. That seems to suggest that there was not a specific recipe for the preparation of the paste of green glazed and coarse glazed pottery, whilst for archaic majolica and transport jars and jugs the seeking

of calcareous pastes is clear. But this search would not lead to differentiated recipes since the three groups exhibit a continuum in the CaO variations without a clear cut. Contrariwise, group E corresponding to materials from the kiln of Carrer Carders exhibits a very different composition, being low calcareous but with low Al2 O3 and K2 O content (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). Moreover, from the archaeological point of view only some of the coarse ware can be related to this kiln. Even if different in several ways, both base clays A and E were probably collected from Quaternary deposits closer to the two workshops (Buxeda et al. 2009; Di Febo et al. 2012) and the firing chamber of both kilns were simply excavated on the ground (Dehesa et al. 2009; Nadal 2012). Thus, in the light of all the above elements, the use of nearby raw materials, little technical specialization on the recipes and simple kiln structures built on the ground, suggest that there is still a technical simplicity in the ceramic production process. At the end of the 13th C a significant change is observed with the appearance of clay B. During the 14th and 15th centuries the group B1 is the main composition for ceramics locally produced. B1 group exhibits an increase of the CaO content compared with the preceding groups A and E. However, these CaO values are lower than the concentrations for later products (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). It is now, with B1, that the production of majolica starts. As it is common in majolica production, this new B1 products try to obtain a buff-light color paste to highlight decoration, while saving tin oxide to opacify the glaze. This is achieved by using higher CaO contents than the previous archaic majolica, selecting the few Tertiary outcrops existing in the Pla de Barcelona (Riba and Colombo 2009; Ventayol 2000). The closest Tertiary outcrop to the old town was located at the Turó dels Ollers (i.e. the Potters’ Hill) (Figure 1.4), where most of the toponyms about pottery production have survived. Nevertheless, to date there is no archaeological evidence of potters in that area at this early period and this change of location of pottery activity is just hypothetical. In spite of that, what is clear is that at this moment the exploitation of the base clay bed B for the making of green and manganese majolica production begins. But this advancement in majolica production does not mean a specialization of the production at this stage because with the same paste B1, coarse green and honeycolored glazed pottery and transport jars are made. In the 15th C a new significant change took place. Besides the B1 products, still present in the archaeological contexts, group B2 reached the market. B2 implied a new increment in the CaO contents as well as a higher values of K2 O, being the highest observed for the B productions (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). But from the technical point of view, the most significant change is that this B2 paste will only be used for majolica production, while paste B1 will be still in use for glazed coarse ware. It is also at that time, in the year 1402, that the potters’ guild (called Confraria de Sant Hipòlit) is established at the town. The guild was run under the regulations of Ordinacions d’ollers, gerrers i rajolers, and Majolica potters were also included. The founding of the guild and the regulation of their activities is a significant step in the process of change and improvement

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J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García of the ceramic production. During the 16th C the ceramic group B2 was the main one, although new groups like B3, C1 and C2 came into the picture. The group B3 can be distinguished by the CaO values, which are amongst some of the highest observed at Barcelona (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). Contrariwise, groups C1 and C2 represent ceramics with low contents of K2 O, Al2 O3 and SiO2 that can be differentiated one from each other by their CaO content; C1 corresponds to low calcareous ceramics whereas group C2 corresponds to border calcareous ones (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). Majolica is made either with paste B2 or B3, while C1 and C2 are employed in the elaboration of glazed and unglazed coarse pottery. This change would appear to be in line with the separation of majolica potters from the guild of Sant Hipòlit and the establishment of a new specific Majolica potters’ guild in 1531. This seems to be a new step in the process of specialization of the ceramic production at Barcelona. Finally, with regard to the 17th and 18th centuries, it is clear that ceramic ware from B2 group was no produced anymore, New ceramic groups appear now for the first time: B4a, B4b and B2d (Figure 1.6; Table 1.3). On the one hand, group B2d, initially classified within B2 group, is now clearly distinguished thanks to a larger number of individuals analyzed. On the other hand, groups B4a and B4b show, as it was the case for group B3, very high CaO content. This new recipe implies, again, an increase of the CaO content. The new pastes will be used for the elaboration of majolica but also imitations of Ligurian blue berettino pottery, continuing this latter during the 18th C. Besides, from the 18th C onwards, paste C2 is also used for the production of à Taches Noires pottery imitations, à Taches Noires pottery imitations with yellow decoration and coarse glazed pottery with yellow decoration. Finally, there is also the production of polychrome glazed pottery prepared with the B2d paste, dated also back to the 18th C, and the ceramic handgrenades made with the group B4b recipe. Thus, this period of centuries 17th and especially 18th mark the end of majolica productions and the beginning of new specialized ceramics, meaning a radical change in the organization of the ceramic production. This is also evidenced by the fact that now the known kilns are completely built, and will mark, eventually, the last great transformation in the preindustrial ceramic production.

1.4

Technological and Cultural Influences: a two-way road

In the previous sections we have shown that an in depth study of the production centres is necessary in order to understand the complexity and changes involved in pottery production at this time. This knowledge is at the basis of the definition of suitable reference groups, but also necessary in order to asses the technical parameters of pottery production. It is thus argued that this is the necessary frame to asses technical and, thus, cultural influences in societies in contact. In the present case, European impact on colonized culture technology may be divided into two different but 8

parallel phenomena: the adaptations and transformations of the European technology brought to the colonized area. On the one hand, local adaptations can be defined as the minor technological change provided by the local community, according to the availability of raw materials and traditional know-how, towards the achievement of a product typically related to the colonizers material culture and symbolism. For instance, majolica ceramics produced in Panama, where potters used non-calcareous clays at the same time that followed the technical recipes for glazing and pigments, as well as common Spanish decoration motifs (Iñañez et al. 2012). On the other hand, deep transformations on colonized culture technology lead to a new cultural product or new cultural expressions when secular local know-how and the adoption of external influences (at different degrees) merge. This is the case of Romita ware, in Colonial Mexico, which successfully combines traditional potting knowledge and decorative motifs with glazing techniques and some forms (Iñañez et al. 2010b).

Adaptations: the majolica case study Majolica is a tin lead glazed earthenware, also known as, loza, faience, or delftware, characterized by a creamy light-buff colored ceramic body and an opaque white tinlead glaze covering the entire outer surface of the vessel. Perhaps, the most characteristic feature of majolica pottery lies in the metallic oxide decorations that typically are applied on top of the opaque white glaze coat. The opaque white glaze is composed of silica and lead—a flux that serves to lower the temperature needed for melting silica. In the vast majority of European productions known to date the opaque white glaze of majolica is achieved by the recrystallization of cassiterite (SnO2 ), which reflects and disperse incident light in the glaze coat. Additionally, some productions may intentionally introduce the use of other particles, such as quartzes and/or feldspars, along with the cassiterite crystals (Tite et al. 1998; Molera et al. 1999; Vendrell-Saz et al. 2000; Iñañez 2007). The use of SnO2 , along with the tradition of lead glazing to achieve a high degree of waterproofing on the vessel performance, is common in medieval and postmedieval majolica pottery tradition in Europe, but not documented in the Americas until the arrival of the Europeans (Deagan 1987). Therefore, this technological feature is clearly linked to the new potting technologies brought by European colonizers, which arguably was adopted in New World pottery. To date, American majolica tend to show higher amounts of SnO2 , perhaps as a technological strategy in order to balance the use of low calcareous clays and blocking a strong reddish color signal into the glaze appearance. This is in opposition to most of the Spanish majolica, which use calcareous clays that provide with buff/light pink pastes (Iñañez 2007; Iñañez et al. 2008) (Figures 1.7 and 1.8). While blue, green, and white pigments follow European technical tradition making use of cobalt, copper and tin respectively, the most relevant differences are detected in

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon black pigments. Interestingly, the choice of actual potters regarding black pigments shows a dual component. In the one hand, potters from Panama used the same technology that was commonly employed at that time by the European majolica potters, manganese oxide. The extent of black also depends on the amount of manganese oxide, the more manganese oxide the darker, while lower amounts results in a brownish pigment instead. On the other hand, potting tradition from Puebla (Mexico) and Antigua (Guatemala) made use of iron oxides for black decorations, specifically magnetoplumbite (PbFe12 O19 ) is found as a black pigment. This mineral is formed under an important concentration of iron oxide in a lead-rich glaze during the firing. Thus, magnetoplumbite is identified in the iron enriched areas of the glaze being the responsible of the dark black color whereas hematite is identified in brownish areas (Iñañez and Speakman, 2011; Iñañez et al. 2013).

the glaze (Iñañez 2014). Instead, opacification in Romita ware ceramics is achieved by the use of a white mineral or clay slip that is applied to the external surfaces of the ceramic. In a second stage, clay slip body is covered by a transparent thin lead glaze layer (Figure 1.9). Scanning electron microscopy examinations reveals the existence of two different layers of material applied above the ceramic body. In the layer immediately above the clay matrix can be identified as the white slip from the previous photograph, due to its different textural characteristics (Figure 1.10, top). The thickness of the Romita white slip varies slightly from one sample to another and also depending on the area of the pot that is analyzed. Accordingly, the slip is estimated to range from 100 to 150 μm. On top of the white slip layer, a very thin and transparent lead glaze layer is found (ranging from 5 to 25 μm). This thin transparent lead glaze layer shows no apparent inclusions or crystals, which may had affected its visual transparency.

Transformations: the Romita case study

The chemical composition of the slip and glazes provides some insights of the features of Romita ware ceramics. Thus, it is now possible to identify the chemical composition of the white slip and glazes, which become separate entities. In this case, white slip is made out of a rich silica and alumina matrix. Additionally, the glaze coating of Romita ware is mainly composed of lead (> 50 wt %) and silica (around 30 wt %) (Table 1.4). Therefore, and also taking into consideration the low amounts of Na2 O and K2 O (< 1 wt % or lower detection limits), it should be considered as a high lead glaze (Tite et al. 1998). This last consideration can be directly related to the Iberian Peninsula majolica glazing technology tradition, which overwhelmingly used high lead glazes for their coatings during early and late Renaissance (Iñañez 2007). Finally, as mentioned above, tin is not used in either the white slip or the transparent lead glaze coat.

Romita ware, also known as Indigena ware, is earthenware covered with a white glazed coating, and found in many typological forms, such as porringers with leaf-shaped handles, compound-silhouette plates, bowls, and other forms similar to the forms of European and Mexican majolica. Decorations exhibited on the Romita sgraffito vessels usually found on colonial archaeological contexts in Mexico, like the 16th C Mexico City contexts, include characteristic decorative elements that may derive from prehispanic indigenous traditions, such as corn or eagles, as well as others more similar to the European renaissance style, including wavy valances, spirals, and circular motifs. Vessel forms are similar to Spanish majolica vessels in many cases. This may suggest European influence or inspiration in some of the vessels. Other vessels may be similar to the prehispanic traditional ceramics in the area. This suggests the adoption at some degree of European aesthetics among indigenous population, and competition between colonizers and indigenous people in the colonial market (see Lister and Lister 1982; Rodriguez-Alegria et al. 2003; Fournier et al. 2007; Iñañez et al. 2010b). The characterization of the glazing technology is of great importance for the study of Romita ware in order to assess technological features that this pottery may or may not share with European majolica. Therefore, Archaeometry can shed light on the understanding of the materials and technical traditions that potters used to manufacture Romita ware ceramics. Thus, SEM-EDS examinations have revealed the nature of the technology employed by ancient Mexican potters for achieving certain degree of opacification in Romita ware glazes. The purpose of opacifying a transparent lead glaze is to achieve a white "canvas", where chromatic decoration could be later applied, at the same time blocking the color of the clay body into the glaze. This latter aspect is of high significance, since it may introduce an undesired darker coloration in the glaze. Tin is typically the agent used in European majolica for achieving opaque glaze coatings, as pointed out in the previous section. In contrast to European majolica technology, Romita ware does not have SnO2 in

When compared to a true majolica, Romita ware lacks most of the technological features that are characteristic of majolica ceramics. Thus, the opacification is not achieved by the use of tin in the glaze mixture, but taking advantage of the use of a clay-like slip dominated by silica and alumina. Furthermore, the thickness of the glaze is unequivocally different. On the one hand, Romita ware glaze consists of a very thin transparent layer, with no apparent inclusions. On the other hand (Figure 1.10, bottom), majolica glaze consists of a thick opaque layer, usually ranging from 200 to 500 μm, whose opacity is achieved by the use of tin oxides, and often including different inclusions, such as quartz and feldspar grains. Finally, while the majority of the majolica bodies are consistent with calcareous pastes, with CaO content usually ranging between 15 wt % to 25 wt % (Iñañez 2007), Romita bodies were manufactured from non-calcareous clays, with CaO contents around 1 wt %, according to the NAA data (Rodriguez-Alegria et al. 2003). Therefore, the coloration of Romita pastes is dark reddish or brownish, likely due to the presence of hematite (Fe2 O3 ), contrasting with the buff light colored pastes of typical majolica, in which the process of incorporation of iron oxides into calcium iron silicates has been already established (Molera et al. 1998).

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J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

1.5

Ajuts de Personal Investigador predoctoral en Formació (APIF), Universitat de Barcelona.

Conclusions

In a recent paper Rice (2013) offered a general view, within the frame of political ecology, of the evolution of majolica production in the Iberian Peninsula and its transfer into the Americas by the Crown of Castile. The paper stressed the need for an integrated approach that could combine different sources of information (documentary, archaeological and archaeometric) that should be able to integrate the local case studies into a general view, being able also to observe and infer from diachronic changes. The Tecnolonial project shares most of the principles of the above mentioned approach. Concentrating on few case studies, some of them here presented, the main focus in to understand the complexity of pottery production, and distribution, defining reliable reference groups to approach provenance in a detailed scale, but also to study the technical aspects in a significant frame. For such purpose it is argued that if is fruitful to approach pottery production in extension, i.e. looking at different types of coexisting pottery, at the same time that diachronically. The patterns revealed in such approach shed light on the complexities of pottery production, but can also be related to significant changes in the societies where pottery is being produced. The former has been shown in the Sevillian case study, but limited in time to 16th C, waiting still to continue the work in earlier and later periods. The Barcelona case study, in a more advance state of development, has clearly shown the potential of such an approach. Further developments will deepen the present knowledge, enabling more significant understanding and inferences. Finally, it is also argued that a better understanding of the impact of such processes, i.e. in the present case the impact of the Castillian conquest, needs a deeper understanding of the production centres involved, but also (and this is also studied in the Tecnolonial project, even if not presented here) a much better understanding of the previous native pottery. Sound inferences precise clear frames accounting for complexity and patterns.

Acknowledgements The present paper is part of the research project Technological impact in the colonial New World. Cultural change in pottery archaeology and archaeometry (Tecnolonial) (HAR2012-33784 and HAR2008-02834/HIST) funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Spain). Early work in this research program form part of the projects Identification, Recovery and Improvement of ancient Mediterranean ceramic manufacturing technologies for the reproduction of ceramic artifacts of archaeological value (Ceramed), funded by the Research Directorate General, European Commission, European Community (ICA-3-CT2002-10018), and Building the concept of Europe. Majolica pottery as a common symbol of European countries in Modern times (ArchSymb), funded by the Marie Curie International Outgoing Fellowship for Career Development Program of the European Community (PIOF-GA-2008-221399). Cristina Fernández de Marcos García is indebted to the support of a predoctoral fellowship from the program 10

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Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Madrid i Fernández, M., and Gurt i Esparraguera, J. M., 2001, Provinença i tecnologia de les ceràmiques de ’Pisa’ i d”Obra de Manises’ del dipòsit de la Plaça Gran de Mataró, in La ceràmica catalana del segle XVII trobada a la Plaça Gran (Mataró) (J. A. Mellado), 155–170, Associació Catalana de Ceràmica Decorada i Terrissa, Barcelona. Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Madrid i Fernández, M., and Iñañez, J. G., 2003, Estudio de caracterización arqueométrica de las producciones de cerámica vidriada de Talavera, Informe de Recerca FBG301873, Equip de Recerca Arqueomètrica de la Universitat de Barcelona, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona (unpublished). Chaunu, P., 1983, Sevilla y América: siglos XVI y XVII, Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla. Coll Conesa, J., 2008, La loza decorada en España, Ars Longa, 17, 151–168. Deagan, K. A., 1987, Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500–1800, vol. 1, Ceramics, Glassware, and Beads, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington. Dehesa, R., Ramos, J., and Alcina, J., 2009, El forn del carrer de l’Hospital i la producció de ceràmica comuna vidriada monocroma i de vaixella verda a la Barcelona del segle XIII, Quarhis—Quaderns d’Arqueologia i Història de la Ciutat de Barcelona, 5, 184–201. Di Febo, R., Madrid i Fernández, M., Capelli, C., Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Iñañez, J. G., and Cabella, R., 2012, Noves dades sobre la producció medieval de Barcelona. La caracterització arqueomètrica del taller del carrer de Carders, Quarhis—Quaderns d’Arqueologia i Història de la Ciutat de Barcelona, 8, 150–164. Elliott, J. H., 2005, La España imperial, 1469–1716, Vicens Vives, Barcelona. Fernández de Marcos García, C., Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Amores, F., in press, Nuevos datos sobre la producción de cerámica de cocina y de loza basta de Sevilla en los siglos XV–XVI, SPAL: Revista de prehistoria y arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla. Ferrer, S. G., Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Iñañez, J. G., Amores Carredano, F., and Alzate Gallego, A., 2013, Sevillian transport jars in early colonial America: the case of Santa María La Antigua del Darién (Colombia), Open Journal of archaeometry, 1:e3, 10–15. Fournier, P., Blackman, M. J., and Bishop, R. L., 2009a, Empleo de Análisis Instrumentales de Activación Neutrónica (INAA) en el estudio del origen de la mayólica en México, Arqueología, 42, 151–165. Fournier, P., Blackman, M. J., and Bishop, R. L., 2007, Los alfareros purépecha de la Cuenca de Pátzcuaro: producción, intercambio y consumo de cerámica vidriada durante la época virreinal, in Arqueología y complejidad social (coord. P. Fournier, W. Wiesheu and T. H. Charlton), 195–221, México, PROMEP/ENAHINAH. Fournier, P., Castillo, K., Bishop, R. L., and Blackman, M. J., 2009b, La loza blanca novohispana: tecnohistoria de la mayólica en México, in Arqueología colonial latinoamericana. Modelos de estudio (coord. J. García

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1998. Actividades de Urgencia, Informes y Memorias II, 715–721. Molera, J., Pradell, T., Salvadó, N., and Vendrell-Saz, M., 1999, Evidence of tin oxide recrystallization in opacified lead glazes, Journal of the American Ceramic Society, 82, 2871–2875. Molera, J., Pradell, T., and Vendrell-Saz, M., 1998, The colours of Ca-rich ceramic pastes: origin and characterization, Applied Clay Science, 13, 187–202. Monroy-Guzmán, F., and Fournier, P., 2003, Elemental Composition of Mexican Colonial Majolica Using INAA, in Nuclear Analytical Techniques in Archaeological Investigations, Austria, International Atomic Energy Agency, 147–161, Technical Reports Series, 416. Monroy, F., Fournier, P., Falcón, T., and de la Torre, J., 2000, Mexican Colonial Majolica Analysis using Neutron Activation and X-Ray Diffraction Techniques, in 32nd International Symposium on Archaeometry (interactive CD), México, UNAM. Monroy, F., Fournier, P., Smit, Z., Miranda, J., Ruvalcaba, J. L., and de la Torre, J., 2005, Técnicas de manufactura de vidriados en mayólicas coloniales, in Arqueometría (eds. R. Esparza and E. Cárdenas), 55–71, El Colegio de Michoacán, Zamora. Morales Padrón, F., 1989, Historia de Sevilla. La ciudad del quinientos, Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla. Morley, N., 2007, Trade in Classical Antiquity, Key Themes in Ancient History, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Myers, J. E., Amores, F., Olin, J., and Pleguezuelo, A., 1992, Compositional identification of Seville Majolica at Overseas sites, Historical Archaeology, 26, 131–147. Nadal Roma, E., 2012, El forn de ceràmica del carrer de Carders. Un centre productor del segle XIII al suburbium oriental de Barcelona, Quarhis—Quaderns d’Arqueologia i Història de la Ciutat de Barcelona, 8, 130–149. Olin, J. S., and Blackman, M. J., 1989, Compositional classification of Mexican majolica ceramics of the Spanish Colonial period, in Archaeological Chemistry IV (ed. R. O. Allen), 87–112, Advances in chemistry series 220, American Chemical Society, Washington DC. Olin, J. S., Harbottle, G., and Sayre, E. V., 1978, Elemental compositions of Spanish and SpanishColonial Majolica ceramics in the identification of provenience, in Archaeological Chemistry II (ed. G. F. Carter), 200–229, Advances in Chemistry Series, 171, American Chemical Society, Washington DC. Olin, J. S., and Myers, J. E., 1992, Old and New World Spanish Majolica Technology, Materials Research Society Bulletin, 17, 32–38. Pleguezuelo, A., 1992, Cuerda seca: vajilla y azulejos (ss. XV–XVI), Atrio, 4, 17-30. Pleguezuelo, A., 1997, Cerámica de Sevilla (1248–1841), in Summa Artis. Historia general del arte, vol. XLII: Cerámica española (coord. T. Sánchez Pacheco), 343– 386, Espasa Calve, Madrid.

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el Siglo XVI a Través de la Documentación del Archivo General de Indias II: Ajuares Domésticos y Cerámica Cultural y Laboral, Laboratorio de arte, 11, 121–134. Schiffer, M. B., and Skibo, J. M., 1997, The explanation of artifact variability, American Antiquity, 62, 27–51. Schiffer, M. B., 2001, The Explanation of Long-Term Technological Change, in Anthropological Perspectives on Technology (ed. M. B. Schiffer), 215–235, Amerind Foundation New World studies series, 5, An Amerind Foundation Publication, Dragoon, Arizona, Univesity of New Mexico Press, Alburquerque. Schiffer, M. B., 2011, Studying technological change. A behavioral approach, Foundations of Archaeological Inquiry, The University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. Skibo, J. M., and Schiffer, M. B., 2008, People and things. A Behavioral Approach to Material Culture, Springer. Telese, A., 1991, La vaixella blava catalana de 1570 a 1670, Barcelona. Tite, M. S., Freestone, I. C., Mason, I., Molera, J., Vendrell-Saz, M., and Wood, N., 1998, Lead glazes in antiquity—Methods of production and reasons for use, Archaeometry, 40, 241–260. Vendrell-Saz, M., Molera, J., and Tite, M., 2000, Optical properties of tin-opacified glazes, Archaeometry, 42, 325–340. Ventayol, A., 2000, Mapa geotècnic de Barcelona, CD-ROM, Institut cartogràfic de Catalunya, Barcelona. Vera Reina, M., and Rodríguez Azogue, A., 2001, Excavación arqueológica de urgencia en el arrabal de Triana (calle Valladares nº 4, 4’, 5 y 5’), Delegación Provincial de Cultura de Sevilla, Sevilla (unpublished).

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Valladares (workshop)

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact 3

26

2nd half 15th (16th )

Fons Museu de la Ceràmica

8

16th –17th

Collection A. Sánchez Cabezudo

Total

SEV014,15,16,17,18,19, 20,23,25,26,27,28

16th

Encarnación

8

12

MJ0178

TRI001,2,7,8

SEV024

Table 1.1: Sevillian individuals sampled for archaeometric characterisation.

80

MJ0177,183,184

TRI003,4,5,6

MJ0355,356,357,358, 359,360,361,362,363, 364,366,367,368,369

16th

end 16th –1st half 17th

Rocío, 11

MJ0351,354

MJ0334,335,336,337, 338,339,340,341,342, 343,344,345,346,347, 348,349,350,352,353

Plaza de Armas (workshop)

MJ0318,322,323,330

MJ0313,314,315,316, 317,321,324,325, 326,327,328,329, 331,332,333

3

MJ0365

43

SEV012,13

SEV097

183

12

8

15

15

1

21

21

42

MJ0179,180,181,182, 185,186,187,188

end 16th –1st half 17th

Pureza, 44 (workshop)

SEV076,78,80,82, 88,90,91

MJ0319,320

1st half 16th

Castillo de San Jorge

2

SEV071,72 SEV073,74,75,77,79, 81,83,84,85,86,87, 89,92,93,94,95,96

SEV011,106

16th

Pureza, 104 SEV021,22,33

16th

SEV066,68,69,70

SEV029,30,31,32, 34,35,36,37,38, 39,40,41,42

13

SEV098,99,100,101, 102,103,104,105

SEV067

15th -16th

La Cartuja

5 5

23

SEV001,2,3,4,5,48, 49,50,51,52,53, 54,55,56,57,58, 59,60,61,62 SEV006,7,8,9,10

SEV063,64,65

Total

Transport jar

SEV043,44,45,46,47

Trivet

16th

Tile

ante quem 1516

Cuerda Seca

Catedral

Majolica

Cámara alta

Glazed Coarse ware

ante quem 1520

Mortar

Bóveda de San Isidoro

Cooking ware

Date

Context

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

15

Na2 O (%) MgO (%) Al2 O3 (%) SiO2 (%) K2 O (%) CaO (%) TiO2 (%) V (ppm) Cr (ppm) MnO (%) Fe2 O3 (%) Ni (ppm) Zn (ppm) Sr (ppm) Zr (ppm) Nb (ppm) Ba (ppm) Ce (ppm)

16

0.72 2.56 14.89 60.93 2.92 10.87 0.76 94 98 0.10 6.12 42 94 264 186 18 320 61

0.06 0.28 0.11 0.27 0.09 0.15 0.01 0 0 0.01 0.01 1 1 1 3 0 2 0

Sev01 (n = 2) x¯ s

0.15 0.96 0.91 2.68 0.27 1.10 0.05 3 4 0.01 0.43 4 5 25 23 1 36 5

1.13 3.43 13.99 51.70 1.79 21.80 0.70 72 76 0.10 5.22 39 90 463 172 16 348 53

0.05 0.15 1.03 1.21 0.32 2.66 0.05 6 6 0.01 0.45 3 6 29 6 1 27 7

Sev03 (n = 6) x¯ s 0.78 3.02 12.27 53.20 2.36 22.69 0.66 67 69 0.08 4.80 31 86 421 200 16 370 52

0.12 0.29 0.61 1.86 0.33 2.21 0.03 7 10 0.01 0.30 4 10 50 18 1 53 7

Sev04 (n = 25) x¯ s 0.68 3.39 14.51 51.94 2.99 19.82 0.66 86 62 0.11 5.77 40 91 434 147 17 392 59

0.08 0.15 0.37 2.16 0.06 1.46 0.02 6 3 0.01 0.19 1 4 25 10 1 26 7

Sev05 (n = 4) x¯ s 1.24 3.23 14.69 52.56 3.68 17.89 0.63 123 77 0.11 5.84 39 81 378 128 14 376 62

0.21 0.02 0.51 0.69 0.27 1.30 0.02 12 4 0.03 0.25 1 1 48 10 0 16 4

Sev06 (n = 3) x¯ s 0.70 3.34 15.18 53.99 3.11 16.67 0.69 126 93 0.09 6.09 40 89 394 143 16 412 67

0.08 0.30 0.59 2.39 0.11 2.05 0.05 8 6 0.01 0.34 3 6 26 11 1 34 5

Sev07 (n = 24) x¯ s 0.31 0.85 13.66 76.59 1.68 1.23 0.59 89 74 0.02 4.97 26 62 76 272 10 335 68

0.05 0.09 1.19 0.69 0.18 0.28 0.04 5 11 0.01 0.48 3 12 11 47 1 47 8

Sev08 (n = 8) x¯ s

¯ mean. s: standard deviation. Table 1.2: Summary of XRF results for major groups defined at Seville. x: ppm = parts per million (μg g −1 ); n = number of individuals.

0.87 3.36 14.23 57.81 2.66 14.71 0.66 84 93 0.11 5.48 37 88 364 164 16 393 43

Sev02 (n = 4) x¯ s

0.76 3.06 13.05 55.25 2.65 19.13 0.72 97 75 0.09 5.14 33 96 421 213 13 458 79

0.13 0.37 0.74 1.49 0.27 1.38 0.03 7 8 0.01 0.33 4 11 39 20 1 56 6

Sev09 (n = 14) x¯ s

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Na2 O (%) MgO (%) Al2 O3 (%) SiO2 (%) K2 O (%) CaO (%) TiO2 (%) V (ppm) Cr (ppm) MnO (%) Fe2 O3 (%) Ni (ppm) Zn (ppm) Sr (ppm) Zr (ppm) Nb (ppm) Ba (ppm) Ce (ppm)

0.41 1.56 19.25 65.31 6.04 1.32 0.73 127 87 0.03 5.19 29 106 93 133 17 940 68

0.04 0.03 0.47 0.58 0.19 0.25 0.02 6 10 0.01 0.25 5 14 13 12 1 130 7

A1 (n = 12) x¯ s

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

0.05 0.08 0.98 1.43 0.2 0.75 0.03 6 12 0.01 0.29 5 10 12 17 1 180 10

0.47 1.62 17.97 60.99 5.49 7.63 0.69 106 71 0.05 4.95 34 99 119 139 16 797 68

0.08 0.12 0.82 2.25 0.23 1.8 0.03 8 9 0.01 0.33 5 8 24 18 1 137 9

A3 (n = 41) x¯ s 0.63 1.91 16.21 59.39 4 10.86 0.78 98 67 0.08 6 38 115 148 227 19 564 78

0.11 0.13 0.5 1.16 0.19 1.48 0.04 16 10 0.01 0.27 3 11 16 17 1 69 8

B1 (n = 39) x¯ s 0.53 2.17 15.85 55.29 4.42 15.37 0.72 87 64 0.07 5.45 39 127 187 182 16 549 73

0.11 0.19 0.45 1.43 0.34 1.73 0.02 14 9 0.01 0.33 3 15 21 13 3 101 16

B2 (n = 41) x¯ s 0.63 1.75 16.18 59.14 3.29 12.45 0.74 109 77 0.09 5.55 37 109 254 226 17 733 80

0.13 0.21 0.57 2 0.15 1.14 0.02 4 8 0.01 0.28 2 2 19 22 1 76 10

B2d (n = 5) x¯ s 0.54 1.94 14.49 49.31 2.61 25.61 0.64 72 56 0.06 4.68 34 101 205 175 9 333 51

0.09 0.15 0.58 1.34 0.3 2.54 0.03 6 3 0.01 0.22 3 6 20 10 1 29 7

B3 (n = 7) x¯ s 0.71 1.87 13.26 47.71 2 28.98 0.59 68 39 0.07 4.68 30 93 349 184 18 359 59

B4a BCN243 0.41 1.83 14.17 49.86 3.07 24.82 0.65 82 45 0.06 4.99 30 95 260 188 16 410 64

0.05 0.01 0.01 0.23 0.05 0.03 0 8 0 0 0.11 2 1 13 1 1 17 11

B4b (n = 2) x¯ s 0.79 1.52 17.6 67 3.28 1.46 1.01 135 93 0.12 7.05 47 118 127 312 22 600 101

0.05 0.07 0.52 0.94 0.13 0.26 0.06 5 5 0.01 0.34 3 16 15 18 2 37 10

C1 (n = 10) x¯ s

¯ mean. s: standard deviation. Table 1.3: Summary of XRF results for major groups defined at Barcelona. x: ppm = parts per million (μg g −1 ); n = number of individuals.

0.42 1.54 18.39 64.53 5.83 3.58 0.71 115 77 0.04 4.81 31 100 98 138 16 879 71

A2 (n = 15) x¯ s 0.73 1.71 16.47 64.8 3.28 5.41 0.92 115 82 0.09 6.42 41 110 155 318 21 637 98

0.14 0.15 0.55 1.45 0.28 1.44 0.08 9 10 0.02 0.29 3 14 19 27 2 64 10

C2 (n = 24) x¯ s

0.59 1.21 15.1 71.78 3.51 1.26 0.77 109 72 0.05 5.58 34 82 95 304 17 705 88

0.07 0.1 0.68 1.16 0.27 0.56 0.07 9 7 0.02 0.47 4 17 10 31 2 65 13

E (n = 29) x¯ s

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

17

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

Na2 O MgO Al2 O3 SiO2 PbO K2 O CaO Fe2 O3 TiO2 SnO2

Glaze

Slip

0.6 (0.3) 0.2—1.0 9.9 (4.4) 31.6 (5.2) 56.0 (8.6) 0.0—0.6 0.1—0.9 0.0—5.1 0.4 (0.2) 0.0—0.8

1.3 (0.6) 0.5 (0.3) 36.8 (7.4) 52.2 (5.6) 0.0—7.9 0.8 (0.4) 0.1—4.0 4.4 (2.7) 1.2 (0.2) 0.0—0.4

Table 1.4: SEM-EDS Romita ware glazes and slips. concentration range (in wt %).

Mean and standard deviation (in parentheses) or

Figure 1.1: Map of Seville with the locations of potter’s workshops (from Fernández de Marcos et al. in press). 18

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

19 . Figure 1.2: Dendrogram from the cluster analysis using the centroid agglomerative algorithm and the squared euclidean distance of the subcomposition Na2 O, MgO, Al2 O3 , SiO2 , K2 O, CaO, TiO2 , V, Cr, MnO, Fe2 O3 , Ni, Zn, Sr, Zr, Nb, Ba and Ce, clr transformed of the 101 individuals retained















































                 














      

     

                       






      
 


    

                 

 

     







 









 
 
 
 
 




















             

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

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Figure 1.3: Matrix of bivariate plots of values for the first three linear discriminant functions (LD) of the subcomposition Na2 O, MgO, Al2 O3 , SiO2 , K2 O, CaO, TiO2 , V, Cr, MnO, Fe2 O3 , Ni, Zn, Sr, Zr, Nb, Ba and Ce, ilr transformed of the 82 individuals retained. Variance explained: LD1 = 54.33 %; LD2 = 22.27 %; LD3 = 12.68 %. White squares: Sev01; Gray squares: Sev02; Gray circles: Sev03; White circle: Sev04; Black triangles: Sev05; Gray triangles: Sev06; White triangles: Sev07; White diamonds: Sev09.)

20

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

Figure 1.4: Map of Barcelona showing the location of the excavations from where the individuals analyzed were sampled (Circles), the location of identified kilns (Stars), and the streets preserving toponyms related with the ceramic production (Black lines).

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

21

Figure
1.5:
Dendrogram
from
the
cluster
analysis
using
the
centroid
agglomerative
algorithm
and
the
squared euclidean
distance
of
the
subcomposition
Na2O,
MgO,
Al2O3,
SiO2,
K2O,
CaO,
TiO2,
V,
Cr,
MnO,
Ni,
Zn,
Sr,
Zr,
Nb,
Ba
and
Ce,
clr
transformed
on
the
233
retained
individuals
with
the
indication
of
the
defined
groups.
B4*
corresponds
to
B4a
and
B4b.

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

22

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

Figure 1.6: Boxplots for the defined groups. Upper left: values ln(CaO/Fe2 O3 ). Upper right: values ln(K2 O/Fe2 O3 ). Bottom left: values ln(Al2 O3 /Fe2 O3 ). Bottom right: values ln(SiO2 /Fe2 O3 )).

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

23

J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García

Figure 1.7: Microphotograph of a glaze of a majolica from Talavera by SEM, BS detector, showing SnO2 crystals (brighter crystals).

Figure 1.8: Stereoscope microphotographs showing the comparison between majolica from Panama and Talavera.

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon

Figure 1.9: Stereoscope microphotograph of the slip and thin glaze layer of Romita ware.

Figure 1.10: Microphotographs by SEM, BS detector. Top: Romita ware. Bottom: majolica.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

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2

Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy)

Claudio Capelli and Roberto Cabella Dipartimento di Scienze della Terra, dell’Ambiente e della Vita (DISTAV), Università degli Studi di Genova (Italy) ([email protected], [email protected]) A wide range of glazed wares have been produced and traded in the Mediterranean since the 10th century AD. During the middle Ages, two main technological/geographic production areas existed: in the Eastern Mediterranean white slips were used on the bodies, under transparent glazes, whereas in the Islamic areas tin-opacified glazes were employed. In the 12th –13th century glazed wares started to be manufactured also in a few centres in Italy. This paper will examine the evolution of the ceramic production, and the changes in trade routes and technical know-how in pottery making within the western Mediterranean up to the 19th century. Focus will be on the Ligurian workshops, whose glazed pottery was exported as far as the Americas. KEYWORDS: MEDITERRANEAN SEA, TRADE ROUTES, TECHNOLOGICAL TRANSFER, MEDIEVAL AND POSTMEDIEVAL POTTERY, TRANSPARENT AND TIN-OPACIFIED GLAZE, WHITE SLIP, ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSES, LIGURIA

2.1

The Mediterranean Sea routes: a network for the transfer of goods, pottery and technology

The Mediterranean Sea has facilitated the movement of people, goods and ideas since Prehistory. However, a real globalization took place with the Roman Empire that, at its apogee, succeeded to dominate the whole Mediterranean area and also parts of Europe and Asia. The widespread distribution, from the British Isles to India, of several Roman wares is a clear example of the globalization process we are referring to. The decline of the Roman Empire caused the collapse of the industrial system of pottery production; thus, part of the technological knowledge was lost forever. Some high-quality ceramics with peculiar glazes or slips, such as red slip-ware or black gloss-ware, were not produced again after Late Antiquity. Nevertheless, from the 10th century onwards, trade started to flourish again, and new pottery types were produced and circulated within the Mediterranean basin; these ceramics were mainly tableware with monochrome or polychrome glazes. Especially the latter combined aesthetic characteristics with functional features: the outlook was as important as the function of the glaze, which make these objects retaining liquids. Therefore, different solutions to cover the body and thus to obtain white backgrounds, so to emphasize the colours of the glaze and of the decorations, were developed in different areas of the

Mediterranean during the middle Ages (Berti and Mannoni 1991, Figure 2.1). In the eastern Mediterranean—mainly in the Byzantine areas—white slips were placed under transparent lead-rich glazes. Sometimes the slip was associated with sgraffito decorations. On the contrary, the productions of the southern and western Mediterranean—that is of the Islamic areas—are characterised by the lack of white slip and the presence of both transparent and tin-opacified glazes, showing alkaline to lead-rich composition. Moreover, the outer part of the body is often whitened, also when transparent glazes are used. It seems likely that this process was an intentional one, and that it was possibly due to the mixing of salty water with the raw clay, as it is still the case for the production of amphorae and coarse ware in Tunisia (Peacock 1984).

2.2

Origin and evolution of glazed ceramics production in Italy and in Savona in the middle Ages

Large quantities of pottery were imported in Italy in the middle Ages from the two areas mentioned above (Figure 2.1). This phenomenon was particular evident in Liguria, because that region is located in a strategic position, at the confluence of the main Mediterranean trade routes, and skillful traders were based in two important ports such as Genoa and Savona (Benente 2011, Figure 2.2).

C. Capelli and R. Cabella However, at the end of the 12th century a local production of high-quality glazed wares started in Savona. The most famous type of tableware is the Graffita arcaica tirrenica (Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito), characterised by a white slip and a transparent Pb-rich glaze, with sgraffito and painted green and brown under-glaze decorations made respectively with Cu and Fe oxides (Varaldo 1997, 2011; Capelli et al. 2007). This production was associated with non-sgraffito glazed tableware, either polychrome or monochrome (Capelli et al. 2002), and also with cooking ware without a slip (Capelli and Cabella 2011). Within a few years, the new pottery conquered the market in the Tyrrhenian area, also reaching the eastern Mediterranean (Varaldo 2011) and the Black sea (Waksman and Teslenko 2010). Savona and the surrounding area (from Vado to Albisola) did already have a tradition in terms of ceramics production, which had begun at least in Proto-history and which expanded during the Roman period with the production of coarse wares (Bulgarelli et al. 2011). However, the sudden appearance of Medieval glazed ceramics, without any archaeological evidence of a phase of experimental production, is associated with various archaeological evidence of a newly-acquired technical knowledge, such as the use of advanced kilns with a double-chamber structure, tripod stilts, white slip and Feand Cu-oxide pigments, and the firing in two stages. All these devices and features were previously unknown in Liguria, and it is not possible to imagine that they started to be used without a transfer of technical know-how, and perhaps of potters. Savona and its environs show peculiar geological and geomorphological features, which perhaps is one of the main reasons why Ligurian merchants decided to establish pottery workshops in Savona instead of choosing the most important centre of Genoa. In particular, that area is rich in good-quality clays (Pliocene marine marls and Fe-rich alluvial clays of Quaternary age, rich in quartz and silicate inclusions deriving from the alteration of the Paleozoic metamorphic basement, formed by gneisses and amphibolites outcropping along the coast, Giammarino et al. 2002). For that reason, the fabrics of the Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito and the other medieval types produced in the same workshops—as well as most of the local production of all ages—are well characterised by several discriminant inclusions, such as: gneiss and amphibolite fragments, quartz, mica, feldspar, amphibole, several heavy mineral individuals, and both calcareous and siliceous microfossils (Figure 2.3). Archaeologists point out that the Middle East might be the place were the new techniques were learnt, possibly at the time of the Crusades. Moreover, the tight commercial links between that area and Liguria might have been a trigger for imitation, that it shows up especially in the strong similarities in shape and decorations between the Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito and the Port Saint-Symeon ware (Riavez 2001), probably produced in the region of Antioch. This ceramic type was imported in Liguria, as shards recovered in archaeological excavations show, but it is difficult to distinguish between these two productions 28

with the naked eye. However, archaeometrical analyses have excluded a direct relationship between the two productions, as—besides the composition of the bodies— the technological features of the covers, in particular the white slips, are very different (Capelli et al. 2007). In fact, in the Savona sgraffito, as well as in the other local medieval productions, the slip is clayey (Figure 2.4, A, B), like it happens for most of the white slips. However, this particular type of slip is different because of its low quality, as it was made of non-kaolinitic, poorly refined clays, relatively rich in inclusions and Fe-oxides, responsible for its non-perfectly white colour. On the contrary, the slip of the Port Saint-Symeon ware contains abundant angular quartz grains in a scarce clay matrix (Figure 2.4, C, D) and possibly derives from the crushing of quartz-rich veins or rocks. Such a peculiar slip is not present in any westernMediterranean pottery production (Berti et al. 2006) and, because of its features, could be related to the technology of stonepaste or fritware (Tite et al. 2011), whose diffusion in the western area is limited to Egypt. An issue still debated concerns the so-called Protomaiolica ligure (Ligurian proto-maiolica, Varaldo 2011), characterised by black and green decorations made with Mn and Cu oxides and a peculiar cover consisting of a white slip associated with a tin-opacified glaze (Figure 2.4, E, F). A series of features, such as the similarity in shape and decorative patterns between the Ligurian proto-maiolica and the Savona sgraffito, as well as the presence of a limited number of shards of Ligurian proto-maiolica in 13th century contexts in Liguria and in other sites within the Tyrrhenian area (in Provence, Tuscany and Sardinia), led the archaeologists to consider the Ligurian proto-maiolica as an experimental high-quality type made by the same workshops that had previously produced the Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito. However, the petrographic and chemical analyses (Capelli et al. 2007) showed that the bodies, slips and glazes of the two productions (as well as those of the Port Saint-Symeon ware) are completely different (Figure 2.4 and Figure 2.5). On the contrary, these analyses made possible to associate the Ligurian proto-maiolica to numerous shards of monochrome types, commonly identified by archaeologists as Byzantine imports. These types of ceramics were recovered in Liguria and Provence and date to the 13th and to the early 12th century, that is, before the production of sgraffito wares started in Savona (Capelli et al. 2002). Therefore, it seems probable that the Ligurian proto-maiolica, and the monochrome glazed ware normally associated to it, were made in a production centre or in an area far away from Savona and probably not located in Liguria. However, the lack of typological, technical and compositional comparisons with other productions known within the Mediterranean area, as well as the scarcity of discriminant inclusions in the fabrics, do not allow to provide alternative hypotheses concerning the manufacturing area. As discussed above, and more in general, the archaeometrical study of the covers of several glazed and slipped wares by the means of optical and electron microscopy, lead to interesting results. In particular, the white slips can be divided into different groups,

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy) characterised by variable texture and composition of both the matrix and the inclusions, which can often be related to specific centres or production districts (Capelli and Cabella 2007). Moreover, the features of the slips, and their association with specific characteristics of the glazes, made possible to identify the production area of several plain monochrome glazed ceramics, much more frequently present, even though difficult to identify, in settlement sites, than it is the much more rare polychrome wares produced in the same workshops or production centres, whose provenance can be assessed more certainly (Capelli et al. 2002; Berti et al. 2006). Therefore, the unsuspected presence of important commercial fluxes between the eastern Mediterranean and Italy in the late middle Ages was revealed. The first certain production of a tin-opacified glazed ware in Savona took place in the 14th century with the maiolica arcaica (archaic maiolica, Varaldo 2011), characterised by green and black over-glaze decorations made with Cu and Mn oxides. There are similarity with the archaic maiolica made in Pisa from the 13th century, and, in fact, the production in Savona started in the following century when some potters from Tuscany moved to Savona (as recorded in written sources). However, the fabrics of the two productions can be distinguished in terms of both chemical (Picon, Démians and D’Archimbaud 1980) and petrographic (Capelli 2001) composition. Concerning archaic maiolica, the technical know-how was transmitted to Pisa from the Iberian Peninsula (Al-Andalus) thanks to the maritime trade of Pisan merchants in the western Mediterranean (Berti and Mannoni 1991, Figure 2.1). Further Italian productions of glazed wares started in the same period in Venice (sgraffito wares) and in some centres of Southern Italy (proto-maiolica). The techniques implying the use of white slip and tin-opacified glaze were transmitted respectively from the Aegean area and from Tunisia (Berti and Mannoni 1991, Figure 2.1). At the end of the 13th century, thanks to the links with the Iberian Peninsula developed also by the Ligurian merchants, a new fashion of decorating private and religious buildings with glazed tiles (azulejos) started in the region, especially in Genoa, Savona and in other centres on the western coast of Liguria. In Italy, this fashion is documented only in Sicily in the middle Ages, directly transmitted from northern Africa. The glazes of the Ligurian medieval azulejos, generally squared in shape, are tin-opacified or transparent but they are different from those produced in the Iberian Peninsula, as they are mainly decorated with a monochrome glaze that might be white, green, brown, and black. These features led the archaeologists to consider all these tiles as local productions, made by the workshops in Savona. However, petrographic analyses (Capelli et al. 2005)— also carried out on decorated tiles certainly imported from the Iberian Peninsula—have demonstrated that in a first phase (end of the 13th -beginning of the 14th century) almost all the Ligurian azulejos were imported from AlAndalus, probably from Málaga. The local production, precisely imitating in terms of colour and dimensions the original one, started only in the second half of the 14th

century. Málaga fabrics, characterised by the presence of quartz-miscaschist, phyllite and rare basaltic inclusions associated with calcareous microfossils only (Figure 2.6, A), can be easily distinguished from the fabrics used in Savona, showing gneiss and amphibolite inclusions associated with both calcareous and siliceous microfossils (Figure 2.6, B).

2.3

Apogee and decline of post-medieval ceramics production in Albisola

Another revolution, both in stylistic and technological terms, happened in Italy at the end of the 15th century with the Renaissance maiolica, characterised by Ca-rich, yellow and fine-grained bodies, Sn-opacified Pb-alkali glazes, as well as by over-glaze decorations in blue and yellow made with Co and Sb pigments (Tite 2009). The production of this innovative type of pottery started in central Italy, but some potters moved to Liguria, determining the development of a peculiar production, the Ligurian maiolica (Chilosi and Mattiauda 2004; Chilosi, 2011), characterised by blue decorations in an oriental-style, painted on either a white or a light-blue background (known as bianco-blu and smalto berettino, respectively). The early production centres were Genoa, Savona and the neighbouring village of Albisola. However, while this production early disappeared in Genoa, Albisola workshops acquired more importance. The Ligurian maiolica became soon afterwards a kind of "global pottery", as it was widely exported, not only to Continental Europe and Mediterranean areas, but reached also the Atlantic shores and the New World as early as the 16th century (Lister and Lister 1976; Iñañez et al. 2009). As it is the case for other Italian productions (Tite 2009), Ligurian maiolica is related to significant technological changes (Capelli and Cabella 2013, Figure 2.7 and Figure 2.8). After a short period of experimentation, once the right recipes for the clay-bodies and the glazes were established, the production process remained the same over the following centuries. The use of saggars was introduced for the first time. For the body, uniquely refined Pliocene marls were employed instead of the Ferich alluvial clays (sometimes mixed with the former) that had characterised the red-orange medieval fabrics (Figure 2.7 and Figure 2.8, A). The Sn-opacified glazes, thicker than in the archaic maiolica (> 0.2–0.3 mm instead of about 0.1 mm), show a Pb-alkali composition due to the mixture of Pb compounds, K-rich alkaline fluxes (wine lees), and ground quartz-feldspathic materials (Figure 2.7 and Figure 2.8, B). In general, the angular unmelted inclusions are quite abundant in the glazes and a frit was probably used in most cases. On the contrary, the medieval glazes (both Sn-opacified and transparent ones) were made with quartz-rich sands mixed with Pb compounds only and the relict inclusions are generally rare and rounded in shape (Capelli et al. 2007). Both Sb- and Co-based decorations were absent from the palette of Ligurian potters until the 15th century. The majority of the productions from the Iberian Peninsula (namely from Málaga and València, García Porras et al. 2012) largely imported to Italy and Liguria in the middle Ages, were instead decorated with Co-rich pigment

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C. Capelli and R. Cabella (powdered oxides?) used directly on the body (that is under the glaze). Thus, the cobalt is only partially dissolved (see also Perez-Arantegui et al. 2009 as for this technique). In the Ligurian maiolica the blue decoration was painted over the glaze (as well in the other types of Italian Renaissance maiolica) and the Co-rich pigment was probably mixed with a cassiterite-free glazing mixture. In correspondence with the dark blue decorations, a transparent blue layer over the uncoloured opacified glaze is clearly visible using a microscope (Figure 2.7, C, D). Cobalt is mostly dissolved in the glaze, even if a few Co-rich relict grains are often present on the lower surface of that layer (Capelli and Riccardi 2003). Recent archaeometrical analyses of early Renaissance tin-glazed pottery made in Savona and Albisola workshops, undertaken using optical and electron microscopy (SEMEDS), provided new insights into the first attempts of the local potters, still linked to the medieval tradition, to master the new production. Two groups of shards of rather low quality were identified, the first from Savona and dated to the beginning of the 16th century (Capelli et al. 2010a), the other from Albisola and dated as early as the end of the 15th century (Capelli et al. 2012). They are characterised by orange or yellowish-orange bodies, similar to the medieval pottery, made of a moderately Fe-rich clay matrix and numerous aplastic inclusions and the opacified glazes are relatively thin and with a high percentage of bubbles and relict inclusions (Figure 2.7, A and Figure 2.8). The two groups differ as for the composition of the blue pigment: Co is associated with As in Savona shards, whereas in Albisola ones Co is associated with Ni and Fe. Determining the chemical composition of blue pigments, is important in terms of chronology, allowing in particular confirming the precocity of the production in Albisola. In fact, according to previous studies (Zucchiatti et al. 2006), As is found in association with Co only in Italian Renaissance tin-glazed pottery dating after 1520 AD, as well as in the 16th -17th century Ligurian maiolica (Capelli and Riccardi 2002), whereas the association CoNi-Fe is typical of the Mediterranean ceramics and glasses dating to the end of the 15th -beginning of the 16th century (Gratuze et al. 1996). Not only pottery as a good, but also the technological know-how needed to make Ligurian maiolica was exported from Liguria as early as the 16th century. In a case study referring to 16th century ceramics in Granada, the analyses on various shards of tin-glazed pottery known as smalto berettino made possible to distinguish Ligurian imports from local regional productions (possibly from Seville), showing different fabrics, but similar technological features. In the same context there were also low-quality local imitations with no relationships with Italian imported ceramics (Capelli et al. 2010b). The glazes of these imitations differ from the original models because of a high lead and low alkali composition, low cassiterite contents and several coarse, rounded relict inclusions deriving from the direct use of an impure quartz-rich alluvial sand. The production of tin-glazed pottery continued successfully in Albisola until about the mid 18th century, when it almost disappeared, mainly because of the 30

diffusion of the English porcelain and white earthenware in the international market. However, it cannot be excluded that another reason of that decline was the scarcity of raw materials, due to the overexploitation of the local calcareous clays for several centuries (Capelli and Cabella 2013). The potters working in Albisola faced the crisis inventing a completely new ware: the so-called taches noires ware. This type of ceramic is characterised by red bodies (made with a mixture of Fe-rich clays and small quantities of Ca-rich clays), transparent Pb-rich glazes (coloured with Fe oxides, yellow when observed with under the microscope and brown macroscopically) and simple, informal under-glaze black decorations made with Mn oxides (Chabrol de Volvic 1824; Cameirana 1980; Capelli et al. 2013). The taches noires ware was a low-cost, but high-quality production of tableware and cooking ware, fired in saggars at high temperatures. The success of that innovative pottery was immediate and even greater than that of the Ligurian maiolica. Its distribution area covers the whole western Mediterranean, reaching Central America (Amouric and Serra 2013) and Canada (Moussette 1993). Pottery production represented the most relevant activity in terms of local economy: around 1800 AD, about 50 workshops were active in Albisola and Savona, manufacturing about 24 million taches noires ware items per year (Chabrol de Volvic 1824; Cameirana 1980). However, the production system faced a decline in the early 19th century, because of the Napoleonic wars, as well as because of the heavy duties on Italian ceramics imposed by Spain and France to protect their potters, unable to contrast Ligurian imports with low-quality imitations. Therefore, the potters from Albisola had to move, transferring abroad their technological knowledge. Albisola managed to maintain in the following years a more limited production, diffused on a regional scale, and consisting especially of coarse and cooking ware with monochrome black glaze, resulting from the addition of Mn oxides (Ventura 2011). However, to contrast the concurrence of the high-quality pots and casseroles manufactured during the same period in Provence using kaolinitic clays, local potters had to import these raw materials from Antibes and to mix them with alluvial clays (Cameirana 1970), in order to improve the thermal and mechanical resistance of their production.

Acknowledgements This paper is dedicated to Graziella Berti and Tiziano Mannoni, pioneers in the studies on Medieval and postMedieval ceramics and on the diffusion of technological know-how in the Mediterranean. We wish to acknowledge Marta Caroscio for the helpful suggestions and the improvement of the English version of the manuscript.

References Amouric, H., and Serra, L., 2013, Provence, Ligurie, Espagne, Le marché des Amériques à la lumière des

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Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy) découvertes subaquatiques (XVIIe-XIX s.), Atti XLV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2012, 151–164, Albenga. Benente F., 2011, Produzione e circolazione della ceramica da mensa in Liguria (XI–XVI secolo). Aggiornamenti e problemi aperti, in Terre genovesi. Ceramica a Genova tra Medioevo e Rinascimento (eds. L. Pessa and P. Ramagli), Atti della Giornata di studi in memoria di Guido Farris, Genova 2010, 63–86, Genova. Berti, G., and Mannoni, T., 1991, Ceramiche medievali del Mediterraneo Occidentale: considerazioni su alcune caratteristiche tecniche, in A cerâmica medieval no Mediterrâneo occidental, Actas do IV Congresso Internacional, Lisboa 1987, 163–173, Lisboa. Berti, G., Capelli, C., and Gelichi, S., 2006, Trasmissioni tecniche tra XII e XIII secolo nel Mediterraneo: il contributo dell’archeometria nello studio degli ingobbi, in Atti del IV Congresso di Archeologia Medievale (eds. R. Francovich and M. Valenti), Abbazia di San Galgano 2006, 455–460, Firenze. Bulgarelli, F., Gervasini, L., Gandolfi, D., Cabella, R., and Capelli, C., 2011, Il contributo dell’archeometria nello studio della ceramica comune in Liguria, in La ceramica e il Mare. Il contributo dell’archeometria allo studio della circolazione dei prodotti ceramici nel Mediterraneo (eds. S. Gualtieri, E. Starnini, R. Cabella, C. Capelli and B. Fabbri), Atti della XII Giornata di Archeometria della Ceramica, Genova 2008, 123–147, Roma. Cameirana A., 1970, La terraglia nera ad Albisola al’inizio dell’800, in Atti III Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Albisola 1970, 61–114, Savona. Cameirana, A., 1980, La ceramica albisolese a "taches noires", in Atti X Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Albisola 1977, 277–293, Savona. Capelli, C., 2001, Il contributo delle analisi mineropetrografiche per la caratterizzazione delle produzioni savonesi e pisane: considerazioni preliminari sulle maioliche arcaiche, in Atti XXXIV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Albisola 1999, 43–48, Firenze. Capelli, C., and Cabella, R., 2007, The archaeometric study of white slips: a contribution to the characterisation of medieval Mediterranean productions, in Archaeometric and Archaeological Approaches to Ceramics: Papers presented at EMAC ’05, 8th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Lyon, 2005 (ed. S. Y. Waksman), 155–159, BAR International Series, 1691, Oxford. Capelli, C., and Cabella, R., 2011, Archaeometric analyses of Mediterranean glazed cooking wares. The case study of Palazzo Ducale, Genoa (12th -13th c. AD), ArcheoSciences, 34, 45–57. Capelli, C., and Cabella, R., 2013, Il contributo delle analisi archeometriche alla conoscenza della maiolica ligure: risultati recenti e problemi aperti, in Atti XLV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica 2012. Maiolica e dintorni. Giornata di studi in ricordo di Arrigo Cameirana, Savona 2012, 373–382, Albenga.

Capelli, C., and Riccardi, M. P., 2003, Il contributo delle analisi petrografiche allo studio dei rivestimenti di ceramiche in blu: alcuni esempi, in Atti XXXV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2002, 19–27, Firenze. Capelli, C., Cabella, R., and Lavagna, R., 2010a, La transizione tra Medioevo ed epoca moderna. Studio archeometrico delle prime produzioni di maiolica rinascimentale a Savona, in Atti XLIII Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2009,15–24, Firenze. Capelli, C., Cabella, R., and Waksman, S. Y., 2007, Archaeometric investigation on 13th century glazed ceramics found in Liguria and Provence, in Archaeometric and Archaeological Approaches to Ceramics: Papers presented at EMAC’05, 8th European Meeting on Ancient Ceramics, Lyon 2005 (ed. S. Y. Waksman), 149–154, BAR International Series, 1691, Oxford. Capelli, C., Cabella, R., Bulgarelli, F., and Benente, F., 2012, La transizione tra Medioevo ed epoca moderna. Studio archeometrico di ceramiche di fine XV secolo ad Albissola Marina, in Atti XLIV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2011, 71–80, Albenga. Capelli, C., Carta, R., and Cabella, R., 2010b, Produzioni locali e importazioni savonesi di maioliche a smalto berettino all’Alhambra di Granada (XVI secolo): dati archeologici e archeometrici preliminari, in Atti XLII Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2009, 57–66, Firenze. Capelli, C., García Porras, A., and Ramagli, P., 2005, Análisis arqueométrico y arqueológico integrado sobre azulejos vidriados hallados en contextos des los siglos XIV al XVI en Liguria (Italia): las producciones de Málaga y Savona, in Arqueometría y Arqueología Medieval (ed. R. Carta), 117–169, Granada. Capelli, C., Gavagnin, S., Gardini, A., and Mannoni, T., 2002, Ingobbiate monocrome di produzione locale e d’importazione a Genova tra XI e XIII secolo. Problemi tipologici e archeometrici, in Atti XXXIV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2001, 25–35, Firenze. Capelli, C., Richez, F., Vallauri, L., Cabella, R., and Di Febo, R., 2013, L’épave du Grand Congloué 4: caractérisation archéologique et archéométrique d’un lot de céramiques à taches noires de Albisola-Savona, in Atti XLV Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Savona 2012, 7–16, Albenga. Chabrol de Volvic, G., 1824, Statistique des provinces de Savone, d’Oneille, d’Acqui, et de partie de la province de Mondovi, formant l’ancien département de Montenotte, Paris. Chilosi, C., (ed.), 2011, Ceramiche della tradizione ligure. Thesaurus di opere dal Medio Evo al primo Novecento, Cinisello Balsamo. Chilosi, C., and Mattiauda, E., (eds.), 2004, Bianco-blu. Cinque secoli di grande ceramica in Liguria, Milano. García Porras, A., Coll Conesa, J., Romero Pastor, J., Cabella, R., Cardell Fernandez, C., and Capelli,

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C. Capelli and R. Cabella C., 2012, Nuevos datos arqueométricos sobre la producción cerámica de Paterna y Manises durante el siglo XIV, in REMAI. Actas I Congreso Internacional Red Europea de Museos de Arte Islamico, 419–436, Patronato de la Alhambra y Generalife, Musée du Louvre, Victoria and Albert Museum. Giammarino, S., Giglia, G., Capponi, G., Crispini, L., and Piazza, M., 2002, Carta geologica della Liguria, scala 1:200.000, Firenze. Gratuze, B., Soulier, I., Blet, M., and Vallauri, L., 1996, De l’origine du cobalt: du verre à la céramique, Revue d’Archéométrie, 20, 77–94. Iñañez, J. G., Speakman, R. J., Buxeda i Garrigós, J. and Glascock, M. D., 2009, Chemical characterization of tin-lead glazed pottery from the Iberian Peninsula and the Canary Islands: initial steps toward a better understanding of Spanish colonial pottery in the Americas, Archaeometry, 51, 546–567. Lister, F. C., and Lister, R. H, 1976, Ligurian maiolica in spanish America, Atti IX Convegno Internazionale della Ceramica, Albisola 1976, 311–320, Savona. Moussette, M., 1993, La poterie d’Albisola en Amérique du Nord, in Un goût d’Italie, Céramiques et céramistes italiens en Provence du Moyen Âge au XXème siècle (eds. V. Abel, H. Amouric and A. Kauffmann), 98–99, Aubagne. Peacock, D. P. S., 1984, Appendix 1. Seawater, salt and ceramics, in Excavations at Carthage: The British Mission I.2, The Avenue du President Habib Bourguiba, Salammbo, The Pottery and other Ceramic Objects from the Site (eds. M. G. Fulford and D. P. S. Peacock), 263– 264, Sheffield. Perez-Arantegui, J., Montull B., Resano, M., and Ortega, J. M., 2009, Materials and technological evolution of ancient cobalt-blue-decorated ceramics: Pigments and work patterns in tin-glazed objects from Aragon (Spain) from the 15th to the 18th century AD, Journal of the European Ceramic Society, 29(12), 2499–2509.

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Picon, M., and Démians D’Archimbaud, G., 1980, Les importations de céramiques italiques en Provence médiévale: état des questions, in La céramique médiévale en Méditerranée occidentale. Xe-XVe siècles, Valbonne 1978, 125–135, Paris. Riavez, P., 2001, Atlit: Ceramica Port St. Symeon 12171291, Graffite "Crociate" del Mediterraneo orientale, Archeologia medievale, XXVIII, 505–532. Tite, M. S., 2009, The production technology of Italian maiolica: a reassessment, Journal of Archaeological Science, 36, 2065-2080. Tite, M. S., Wolf, S., and Mason, R. B., 2011, The technological development of stonepaste ceramics from the Islamic Middle East, Journal of Archaeological Science, 38, 570–580. Varaldo, C., 1997, La graffita arcaica tirrenica, in Actes du VIème colloque sur la céramique médiévale en Méditerranée (ed. G. D’Archimbaud), Aix-en-Provence 1995, 439–452, Aix-en-Provence. Varaldo, C., 2011, Ceramica medievale a Savona, in Ceramiche della tradizione ligure. Thesaurus di opere dal Medio Evo al primo Novecento (ed. C. Chilosi), 27–30, Cinisello Balsamo. Ventura, D., 2011, La ceramica popolare dell’Ottocento: maiolica povera, nero e giallo, in Ceramiche della tradizione ligure. Thesaurus di opere dal Medio Evo al primo Novecento (ed. C. Chilosi), 233–238, Cinisello Balsamo. Waksman, S. Y., and Teslenko, I., 2010, "Novy Svet Ware", an exceptional cargo of glazed wares from a 13th -century shipwreck near Sudak (Crimea, Ukraine)—Morphological typology and laboratory investigations, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 39, 2, 357–375. Zucchiatti, A., Bouquillon, A., Katona, I., D’Alessandro, A., 2006, The "Della Robbia Blue": a case study for the use of cobalt pigments in ceramics during the Italian Renaissance, Archaeometry, 48, 131–152.

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Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy)

Figure 2.1: Map of the Mediterranean Sea published by Berti and Mannoni (1991) showing the routes of the introduction of the techniques of the white slip (I1 , I2 ) and the tin-opacified glaze (A, B) in Italy.

Figure 2.2: Map showing the localisation of Liguria and its main pottery production centres.

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C. Capelli and R. Cabella

Figure 2.3: SEM images of the typical fabric of medieval tableware from Savona and Albisola; cf: calcareous microfossil, mi: mica, qz: quartz, sf: siliceous microfossil.

Figure 2.4: Thin section (left column) and SEM (right column) images of samples of Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito (A, B), Port Saint-Symeon ware (C, D) and Ligurian proto-maiolica (E, F). A: parallel nicols; C and E: crossed nicols.

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Technological transfer and trade routes of glazed wares in Medieval and post-Medieval times in the western Mediterranean. "Global pottery" from Savona and Albisola (Liguria, Italy)

Figure 2.5: Fe2 O3 -CaO and Cr-Ni binary plots showing the chemical composition fields of the bodies of Port Saint-Symeon ware (PS), Tyrrhenian archaic sgraffito (SV), Ligurian proto-maiolica (PM), and related monochrome types. Modified from Capelli et al. (2007).

Figure 2.6: Microphotographs (crossed nicols) of fabrics of glazed tiles recovered in Liguria. A: imported tile from Málaga; B: local production from Savona; cf: calcareous microfossil; gn: gneiss, mi: mica; ph: phyllite; qz: quartz.

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C. Capelli and R. Cabella

Figure 2.7: SEM (A, B, D) and thin section (C, parallel nicols) images of glazes of 15th –16th century Ligurian maiolica samples from Savona and Albisola. A: low-quality experimental production dated to the late 15th century; B: good-quality production dated to the late 16th century; C, D: examples of blue Co-rich decoration, consisting of a transparent layer over a tin-opacified glaze.

Figure 2.8: Ternary diagrams CaO+MgO-Al2 O3 -SiO2 and PbO-SiO2 -NAKCFM (= Na2 O+Al2 O3 +K2 O+CaO+FeO+MgO) showing the chemical composition fields of bodies (A; XRF and SEM-EDS analyses) and glaze matrix (B; SEM-EDS analyses) of pottery samples from Savona and Albisola. MED: medieval tableware production (star in Figure 2.8A: mean value); LM1: Ligurian maiolica, late 15th -early 16th century experimental production; LM2: Ligurian maiolica, mid- and late- 16th century production. From Capelli et al. (2007), Capelli et al. (2010a), Capelli et al. (2012) and unpublished data.

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Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada

Raffaella Carta Università di Sassari, Piazza D’Armi, 17, 07100 Sassari SS (Italy) (raff[email protected]) The object of this research is the Italian ceramics found in Alhambra (Granada, Spain). These are maiolica sherds (polychrome sgraffito and marbled slip ware) belonging to a chronological period from late 15th century up to the 18th century. These were made in the most famous and dedicated to the international trade pottery workshops in Italy such as Genova, Savona, Pisa, Montelupo, Deruta e Faenza. The first aim is to understand how did these vessels got to the Alhambra reconstructing the major routes for the southern Mediterranean trade. Secondly who were the people responsible for this trade, probably the Genovese merchants who traded with Granada since the Muslim period? And finally who were the owners of such rich items and why did they bought them. The factors which made Italian wares prevail as fashion items replacing Spanish vessels demonstrated by its presence in all the Mediterranean, Middle East, Europe and New World were analyzed. This pottery even influenced the tin glaze ware productions in France, Low Countries, England, Portugal and Spain. According to archeometric analysis there are some vessels made in Granada which tried to imitate Italian productions. The study undertaken with several methods such as catalogues, bibliographic and documentary inventories reveled the political and economical importance of Granada in the 15th and 16th centuries. Relations between Italy and Andalucía in Post-Medieval times were supported by Italian men the responsible for the diffusion of an Italian Renascence taste in the Iberian Peninsula. It’s possible that the holders of these vessels were Spanish or Italian new riches which gave military or economical help to the Spanish crown when conquering Granada and wanted to legitimize their new nobility by surrounding themselves with fashionable commodities. All these analysis were contextualized by the study of the changes in the urban topography in the considered time period. KEYWORDS: MAJOLICA, GRANADA, ITALIAN, RENAISSANCE

A group of Italian manufactured ceramics has been discovered in the Alhambra region of Granada and also during some urban archaeological excavations in the same city. Thanks to these discoveries it’s possible to demonstrate a socio-economic and topographical overview of the city in modern times in order to study the patterns of commerce and to present some historical thoughts. Without doubt, the items un-earthed in the Alhambra region are by far the most numerous, but are unfortunately, without stratigraphic context. There are 485 fragments all produced in different places: Savona and Genoa (205 fragments) (Figure 3.1), Montelupo Fiorentino (172 fragments) (Figure 3.2) and Pisa (12 fragments) (Figure 3.3), Deruta (28 fragments) (Figure 3.4) and Faenza (3 fragments) (Figure 3.5). They have a wide chronology, having been made between the second half and towards the end of the 15th century, through the 16th century continuously until the second half of the 18th century. It is mainly Ligurian majolica with blue on blue glazing and some fragments in white- blue with the most common decorations of the 16th century. There are also the most famous fragments from the centre of Valdarno region.

They are polychromic majolica with blue and lustre ware from Deruta. From Faenza there are very few pieces, but they are very significant, decorated alla porcellana and in compendiario. There are some exemples of polychrome sgraffito and marbled slip ware polychrome, which are typical of Pisa during the 16th and 17th centuries. Most of the shapes are open and correspond to dinner plates, soup bowls and bowls, one crespina and one salad bowl with a pedestal foot. The most ancient fragment is the bowl edge of archaic majolica of Pisa with radial decoration from the end of 15th century (Carta 2002, 129–139; Carta 2003; Carta 2004, 11–24; Carta 2007, 258–289; Carta 2008; Carta 2009). In this group, there are 65 fragments (10 of inspiration, 55 imitation and 2 identified as production waste). The characteristics of the mix include the covering and the craftmanship of the decorations, these fragments induce one to think about local imitations, as proven through an archaeometric analysis of some of the pieces (Capelli et al. 2005; Capelli et al. 2009) (Figure 3.6). The ceramics discovered during urban archaeological excavations (Figure 3.7) total 181 fragments of which 131

R. Carta are Ligurian majolica with blue on blue glazing, and 16 belonging to the blue on white typology (Figure 3.8). The remaining 14 fragments, all of which are Ligurian berettina, were collected in Castril. Although this group are consistently less numerous compared to the one’s discovered in the Alhambra region, they have the advantage of being derived from a firm stratigraphic context. There are also 10 fragments of polychromic majolica from Montelupo Fiorentino, 3 marbled slip ware Pisana, 9 from Faenza and finally 12 or 13 pieces which imitate Italian ceramics. The chronology of these pieces coincides with one of the manufacturers that was discovered in Palatine City (Carta 2004; Carta 2007; Carta 2008; Carta 2009). The presence of this material induces one to analyze the artistic influences of the Renaissance period and the most important cultural trends of the time. Besides the Major Arts, the dictate of this period influenced also the Minor Arts and the crafts applied to the objects production, such as the crockery. The ceramic represented a small part of Italian artistic production. However, due to the opportunity of making large amounts of money, the manufacture of ceramics created "the patronage phenomenon" mainly due in part to the princes of the Renaissance who wanted to attract potters to their court with a view to establishing their own workshops. On one side, the glass-lined handiworks were consumption goods which could be easily sold in a society with higher economic possibilities; on the other side, they were not necessary goods even though individual plates started to be used on the table (Goldthwaite 1997, 188– 189). The first tableware consumers were the middle classes, such as merchants and business men who could not afford to buy the silver and golden sets that adorned the tables of princes and nobles (Marzinot 1979, 190). In order to please these new consumers, several production centers started to develop an elaborate and extraordinary variety of shapes and decorations. Thanks to an articulated commercial organization, these products were transported and sold in foreign markets (Aliprandi and Milanese 1986, 265). Because of the technical capacity achieved, the available instruments and a fertile cultural ground, Italian ceramics became a model for all of Europe (Berti 1998, 90–91, 105–106). Ceramic production increased considerably between the 15th and 18th centuries, in particular during the 15th and 16th centuries. There were a variety of products of good quality readily available at modest prices which allowed more people to buy the coverted ceramic products (Aliprandi and Milanese 1986, 255; Goldthwaite 1997, 179). Its fame brought it to compete with in foreign market places with lustre ware and blue and lustre made in ValenciaManises. And with the markets along the Iberian Peninsula (González 1944; Llubiá 1967; Berti and Tongiorgi 1974; Martínez 1982; Berti and Tongiorgi 1985; López Elum 1986; Blake et al. 1992, 202, 224; Ravanelli 1992; García 2000). Spanish products were much sought after by the popular families because of their quality and there pleasing look. Because of this, in the first instance, some Italian potters imitated freely the Iberian decorative repertory 38

until they could substitute the Spanish ceramics in the national and international market (Goldthwaite 1997, 184– 185; Origo 1986, 89; Spallanzani 1986). Faenza, Montelupo Fiorentino, Pisa, Deruta, Génoa, Savona and Albisola were some of the most prolific Italian centers with a well organized distribution system. The ateliers from Valdarno invented a method thanks to which the adoption of shapes and standard decoration allowed the repetition of the same motive throughout the production process whilst, maintaining the same qualitative standards and competitive prices. This was possible because of the diversification and rationalization of the work, which occurred, mainly during the 16th century and it satisfied the increasing demand originating within the new social classes. It is almost possible to imagine a system developing for the "mass production" of ceramic fragments (Vannini 2002, 22–24). Every centre developed its own methods, all of which had its own place in the market. For example there was tableware richly decorated with different colours, like the one from Montelupo and Deruta, or the Faentin type with simpler decorations, characterized by good quality glazing and moving shapes were reminicent of metal manufactures. There was also the exotic Genoese type or the type from Savona with pale blue glazing or intense blue with grey or turquoise tones. It was known as blue on blue, which reproduced the transparency and the depth of the original Chinese from the Ming period. Finally the ingubbiata and sgraffito from Pisa inspired by classic Roman plates and imitating marble and precious stones, like in the case on the marbled slip ware. All this variety of typology was part of the set of nobles and business men, or important characters belonging to monasteries, hospitals and pharmacies. Soon these objects, which were half artistic and half for daily use, spread over the Mediterranean Basin and the North of Europe eventually arriving in America. The first exports of Italian ceramics started during the Middle Age’s with the sgraffito archaic of Savona; it has been dated starting from the 15th century, and the archaic majolica, from the 15th century, mainly with the bowls which have radial decorations in green and manganese. Even though, in the Modern Age, with the tableware from the workshops previously mentioned, the phenomenon increased exponentially and their presence therefore became more readily accessible. In the Iberian Peninsula in fact (Carta 2008, Carta 2012), the majolica from the Renaissance is proven to be from Catalonia (Telese and Cerdá 1996), Balearics (Gonzàlez 1998; Gual 1999), Aragon (Álvaro 1998), Denia (Gisbert and Bolufer 1995) and Novelda, in Alicante (Navarro 1992), Platería, in Murcia (Coll 1997), in Andalusia, mainly in Seville (Valor and Casquete 1989), Cádiz (Pérez and López Rosendo 2001), Málaga (Rambla et al. 1999), Granada (Carta 2003; Carta 2004; Carta 2007; Carta 2009) and Almeria (Duda 1972; Cara 1990; Carta 2003), in Galicia, in Ourense (Xusto and Fernández 2000) and in Santiago de Compostela (Castro 2009), and in Portugal, in Silves (Varela and Varela 1992), and also Alcazarseguer in Morocco (Redman 1980). The relationship between Italy and Spain facilitated the exchange of ceramic objects through a commercial traffic

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada system that was already very active in the Middle Age and it continued without interruption throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, growing stronger with the signing of treaties, such as the Madrid Convention. Business men, mainly from Genoa, were bankers of the kings, brokers and introducers of merchandise and artworks, thanks to the close relationships with the Castilian Court. Consequently, they affected the diffusion of these glazed products, especially in urban areas, where they also spread around these pleasing designs. The ceramics were exported via the harbor of the San George Republic, as it is recorded in the di Genova denomination documents (Aliprandi and Milanese 1986, 260; Marzinot 1988, 44; Farris 1990, 11). Business men who had already managed the commercialization of Iberian products, ropa genoesca, later commercialized both the Italian majolica and the laggioni (glazed tiles) coming from the centers previously named (Rebora 1974; Gelichi 1992; Berti 1995; Petti 1999, 52). The most popular mercantile families, such as Pinelli, Neri, Fieschi and Grimaldi became rich thanks to the trade with America between the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th centuries. They settled permanently in Spain, ordering the building of sumptuous palaces with elements from the art of the Renaissance (López Guzmán 1987; Demarchi 1988). The gold and the silver from the America’s induced economic improvement and the prosperity of foreign groups settled in the Iberian Peninsula, especially in Andalusia. The immediate consequence was the enlargement of the market and the increase in supply and demand that created new opportunities for the developing of handicraft industry. Some traditional activities, including the ceramics industry, were forced to increase exponentially their production and to develop new and faster work systems from within the traditional system of the potter’s guild (Gestoso 1903; López Torres and Rueda 1998, 172). In addition, the migration of potters was constantly increasing, towards different areas of Europe such as France, Flanders, Holland, Germany, England, East Countries and especially towards the Iberian Peninsula, which influenced markedly local production. Often craftsmen, who integrated without difficulty into the fabric of Spanish urban societies, settled definitively to living in their chosen cities with their own job. In doing so they introduced new ideas and contributed to the existing knowledge base. The first and most famous example of this kind of craftsman was Niculoso Pisano (Gestoso 1903; Morales 1977; Morales 1978). He taught a new technique which produced polychromic tiles with a smooth surface, called pisana, and decorated with motives grottesche, trofei and candelieri of the coeval majolica (Marzinot 1988, 43; Pleguezuelo 1992, 171–177; Galoppini 1993, 295–296, nota 3). Pisano undertook many important re-developments of the public and religious buildings of Seville also contributing to the diffusion of this type of Renaissance art. With his technological ingenuity he influenced not only the local production of ceramics but also that of other Iberian areas and areas close to Portugal (Gestoso 1903, 168–169, 172; Galoppini 1993).

Some Italian potters, especially coming from Genoa, Savona and Albisola, settled in popular productive centers in Seville, Talavera de la Reina (Sánchez 1999), in the current Castile La Mancha, Zaragoza, Teruel, Muel and Villafeliche in Aragon (Álvaro 1998), and others also in Catalonia (Cerdà and Telese 1998), where they started local manufacturing based on the infuences of the tableware produced by the main Italian workshops of the Renaissance. In Seville and Aragon they produced imitations very similar to the originals, but with a rougher aspect and not very well refined. The most reproduced typologies in the 16th century were Ligurian, in the specific the blue on blue, which is a bluish glazing that is reminiscent of oriental porcelain and handicrafts. In the while, in the 17th century, mostly in the workshops from Aragona, there were Ligurian motives with a foglia di palma, calligrafico naturalistic and calligrafico a tapezzeria, as the documents also testify (Olivari 1971; Milanese 1976; Marzinot 1979, 234; Cameirana 1985; Farris 1990; Cameirana 2004). The imitations from Seville with berettino glazing, called Guadalquivir ware or Sevilla blue on blue, were discovered for the first time in New Mexico and Florida by Goggin (Goggin 1968), Deagan (Deagan 1987) and Lister (Lister and Lister 1982). After that, there have been several excavations in Seville where other examples were found. On one side this fact shows the active commerce between the Spanish city and the Americas; on the other side it puts into evidence the huge success of Italian majolica that lead to the export and even to the extent of imitations (Gestoso 1903; López Torres and Rueda 1997, 323; López Torres and Rueda 1998, 172; Pleguezuelo and Sánchez 1997, 346–348). In other places, like in Talavera de la Reina and Ubeda, the original Italian ceramics influenced local production. The fine talaveranian ceramic is made with brilliant colours like yellow, green and blue; they are painted on a flat surface with stanniferous glazing which includes grotesques, masks, roses, figures with geometric shapes and biblical or religious scenes (Soler 1984, 469–470; Sánchez et al. 1977). The most abundant typology from Úbeda at the beginning is the one painted in blue with clear Mudéjares and Italian influences and a polychromic version that can be dated between the end of the 15th or the beginning of the 16th century, until the last years of the 17th or beginning of 18th century. Tableware, with polychromic decoration on a white background or on blue-turquoise glazing is from the 16th century, is reminicent of the manufactures from Venice, Savona, Deruta and Siena (Seseña, 1976, 10; Aníbal and Cano 1999, 38–45). In this general context there are the materials that are listed here, which allow doing some problematic considerations that would confirm some historical facts that are already well known. First of all they placed in evidence the importance of the city of Granada during the 15th and the 16th centuries, and the political and commercial importance that the city had abroad compared to the rest of the Iberian Peninsula; more than this, Italian manufactures identify the mercantile relationships between Italy and Spain through the short- and long-

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R. Carta range traffic where there was also the ancient Reign of Granada. These were solid contacts already in Medieval times, and they survived until the Modern Age thanks to the fact that Italian business men, mainly from Genoa, helped not only financially the Castilian monarchs in the war for the conquest (D’Arienzo 1993). Gradually, Italian business men were integrated in to society and often they used to hold important political and religious roles because of the prestige they achieved through their commercial activity and they contributed also to the diffusion of the aesthetics taste promoted during the Renaissance Age in the Andalusian territory. As a matter of fact, they had probably a very important active role in the circulation of the artworks, acting as intermediaries between the customers and the Italian workshops to whom they were more strictly bounded (Garzón 1974–1975; Garzón 1980, 426; Cortés and Vincent 1986, 111–113). It is well known that since the beginning of the 16th century the dictated suggested by this cultural trend reached the Iberian Peninsula through many channels. One of them, in the Andalusian case, was without doubt the presence of some Italian humanists in the Iberian land and the travel of some patrons or Spanish humanists in Italy. The Spanish humanists had a passion for the values and the formal expressions of the Renaissance and they wanted to take with them all this to reproduce it in their hometowns, commissioning works to Italian artists who often had to move to Spain to realize them (Petti 1999; Martín 2000). Granada continues to enjoy a major importance in Modern time, not only for the proximity with of the harbor in Málaga, which was a fundamental mooring post of international routes and cargo for several merchandises, but also for the commercial activity. This is confirmed by the data saved in the archive. The considerable presence of the Ligurians testifies to this remarkable recovery, after the first period following the conquest of the city. Moreover, it is possible that they could take the role of mediators in several economic and commercial operations, which previously had been carried out only by Muslims and the Jewish. The documents clearly show the predominance of the Genoese origin among the foreigners while, episodically, merchants from Milan, Siena, Valencia, Portugal are named and with a total absence of other operators, at least for the first years of the 16th century. In the Iberian and Andalusian marketplaces there were in particular Franco Doria, Polo Pinelo, Miguel and Jerónimo de Moneja, even if they did not have the same importance of Lomellini and Grimaldi, Marín, Espindola or Espinola and Centurione, Squarciafico, who were also present. Agostino Grimaldi, Agostino Binaldo, Damiano Fieschi or Francesco Marín had very close relationships with the Spanish Court (Vincent 1990). The notary protocols published by Juan de la Obra Sierra testify the permanence in the city of Italian operators during the years between 1508 and 1512 (de la Obra 1992). They were merchants and lenders who used to stay in Granada during short or long periods managing mostly of the traffic of silk, wool, paper, sugar, etc., without the rights of citizenship. Among the leading figures there were again Lomellini and Grimaldi. In the correspondence of Íñigo 40

López de Mendoza (1508–1513) (Meneses 1973–1974), who was General Captain, some members of these two important Genoese families performed two roles: collecting taxes for the soldier’s salaries in the territory of Granada and also as money lenders. The Agostino brothers and Giovanni Battista Lomellini already had an extraordinary mercantile activity: they used to import paper, golden threads, etc., and export wool, silk, fustians, rams, etc. In addition, Agostino Lomellini was a trustworthy man of the General Captain who used to commission him important missives. The Grimaldis used to live for the main in the city and they had lands in several places of the reign. Giacomo and Geronimo Grimaldi managed their mercantile activities on a wide territory thanks to the established relationships with the Genoese business managers who were living in Malaga, Seville and Medina del Campo and in the near minor sites. In 1518 Stefano and Carlo Centurione obtained the authorization from the Municipality to establish the bank that should have had the central office in the Lonja of the Merchants (Cortés and Vincent 1986). Silk was mainly sold and woven in the city, and it attracted a very high number of Ligurian operators that increased in the second half of the 16th century; the list of merchants proves this increase in the number of operators who managed this commerce in the years 1521–1555. The list has been published by Ramón Carande (Carande 2000). Martíno Centurione and Agostino Italiano used to buy precious merchandise and they had several houses close to Alhondiga. The Catholic Kings allowed them privileges for the production of silky cloths and wool and sugar in Málaga, Granada and Almuñécar (López De Coca 1989). Indeed, also the wool was included in the merchandises of Ligurian interest. In 1501 the Catholic Kings allowed the Genoeses the exemption of the tallage on wool tissues. The Centurione, Spinola, Lomellino, Veneroso, etc., had a real monpoly on this product. The working process for the wool was very long and complex; it needed to be collected when it was coarse, washed and tailored and at last taken to the urban centers from where it was exported. The collecting point was Huéscar, considered to be the city of the wool because of its position and that it was well connected by overland routes to Granada, Cartagena and Alicante, from where it was loaded into watercrafts sailing mainly to Italy. Every merchant had a series of factors (brokers) following the different steps of the production in a quite wide area, which included several centers like Jaén and Úbeda until Sierra de Alcaraz to the North of Murcia and Lorca (Cortés and Vincent 1986). Another activity carried on during the Castilian time was the sugar industry, which has been inherited by the Muslim Age, but with a family-run business. The Genoeses maganed mainly the commercialization of this product, and this is testified by the existence of a Geoese Aduana (custom) in Almuñécar that was for the sugar. In 1570 Bernabe of Espinola, César Castaño, Lorenzo and Nicolás Spinola were the owners of sugar cane plantations respectively in Almuñécar, Salobreña and Almeuz (Cortés and Vincent 1986). Immediately after the city conquest, more modifications

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada in the urban topography and the Alhambra are recorded, such as the construction of new buildings and the adaptation of pre-existing areas and the road system, concerning the needs of the new colonists that created the district ex-novo in the suburban areas. Narrow roads and bends didn’t adapt that well to the model of the Castilian city; for this reason the routes had been modified to be perpendicular and wide as much as possible; finally, they had been paved. Wide squares needed to be realized based on the model of the Castilian Plaza Mayor, scenario of several shows. They made an effort to enlarge the few already existing plazas and to look for space in the thick urban fabric in order to create new ones. The four main plazas where: Plaza Larga, Campo del Principe, Plaza Nueva and Plaza Bibarrambla (Torres 1947; Vincent 1993; Malpica 2006). All these works were promoted by the Catholic Kings and they had as a goal the conversion of Granada as the capital of the Spanish Kingdom. Charles V carried on the program of his ancestors completing the construction of the most relevant public and religious buildings, such as the Capilla Real, the Hospital Real and San Jerónimo, until the great project of his own residence, the Palace of Charles V, which is a unique example of the Spanish Renaissance (Revilla 1992, 144–145; Tafuri 1988) (Figure 3.9). The Castilian monarchs, nobles and dignitaries used this aesthetic concept as sign of power and social distinction and, at the same time as symbolic instrument in order to erase all signs of the Muslim presence (Vincent 1993). The majority of the fragments are from this period, between the first and the second part of the 16th century; they come from the urban intervention and from the Alhambra, and they consist of Ligurian majolica with berettino glazing in association with some Montelupino exemplars. Surely, during this century, the Italian tableware enjoyed greater success in Granada, as the presence of some fragments testifies. These fragments are inspired by the ones imitating them, and they repeat the same decorations. On the two production wastes of the group from the Alhambra some archaeometric analyses have been made; they indicate that a local production existed imitating the originals that in this case are Ligurian (Capelli et al. 2005; Capelli et al. 2009). It is possible that the local production is to be put in relation with the ovens that have been discovered in the Secano of Palatine City (Torres 1935, 434–437). Nevertheless this hypothesis should be borne out by other data such as: more retrievals of this type, the excavation of an atelier and the consequent study of the discovered material, a detailed archive research, the comparison with other existing manufactures in close proximity, such as the Sevillan imitations of the Ligurian majolica with berettino glazing (Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1982, 41–79; Deagan 1987; Valor 1989). Already from the end of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th centuries, some typology of ceramics from Montelupo and Deruta is present in the materials coming from the Alhambra and shows from one side that in the palatine city there were influential families living and from the other side it defines the permanence of strong

relationships between the Italian communities and the Castilian monarchs. It is practically impossible that at the current state of our investigation to know exactly who could be the owners of these manufactures. Still, according to the discovery of this tableware in the city, it is possible to develop a hypothesis. In the excavations which have been done mainly next to the important buildings, such as churches or convents like for example the Convent of Encarnación, or the buildings for the nobles like the Palace of Almirante of Aragón, and in districts affected by major modifications following the conquest of S. Matías (Rodríguez and Padial 1995; Malpica et al. 2002) (Figure 3.9). It is probable then that these ceramics belonged to people of a high social class, maybe a new Castilian nobility, which could afford a finer and more expensive product compared to the local articles. It would be interesting to find out what kind of class that was. Probably, it was a wealthy social sector of new Spanish and Italian rich people who helped military or economically the Crown during the war of Reconquista and they took part in particular to the capture of Granada. Often they were re-paid with donations of land in the recently conquered areas. In this sense it is emblematic the case of the village of Castril, which has been given to Hernando de Zafra, confidential secretary of the Catholic Kings, afterwards, the Castril village has been converted to a lordship. Some fragments of Ligurian blue on blue come from this area (Garzón 1974– 1975; Garzón 1980, 426; Cortés and Vincent 1986, 111– 113). The presence of these manufactures underlines the fact that a foreign aristocracy was steadily established in the city. The Italian community was already merged in the social urban fabric, achieving prestigious positions. The evident proof of this wellbeing is with no doubt the construction of elegant buildings and the nomination of distinguished politicians. According to the reports of Pedro de Deza, president of the chancellery, around 1575, 200 Genoeses were living in the city. They belonged to 24–25 families. Many of them already had citizenship, which allowed them to have tax exemptions. Some documents show that for the years 1575–1576, this prosperity increased and this is proven by the multiplying of the businesses and their control over several sectors of the urban economy (Cortés and Vincent 1986). Moreover, these Genoese families were elected to important religious roles. Agostino Spinola was archibishop in Granada between 1627 and 1630. They married into higher social classes: in 1560 Stefano Lomellini married Caterina Granada Venegas, who belonged to one of the most ancient and noble families. The documental data is corroborated by the documents obtained from the consulted urban excavations, in particular the ones realized in the previously mentioned district of San Matías and the one of the Duquesa, the district of Duquesa was new, and the name focuses the attention on the aristocratic residential destination. The annalist Henríquez de Jorquera (Henríquez De Jorquera 1987) infers that in this district there lived the noble Italian family Veneroso, married to the Lomellini (Cortés and

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R. Carta Vincent 1986). In 17th century there is a significant flexion in the number of majolica fragments that decreases in a prominent way until it disappears in the following century. This rare faction can be explained by different factors: from one side the developing of a local production of a good quality glazing ceramic, Fajalauza, certainly less fine compared to the Italian importations but it could satisfy the need of tableware for the table set (Ruiz 2001); on the other side there was the definitive abandon from Philip II of the project to convert Granada as the capital of the Empire, since he preferred the central Madrid, and he isolated the city. Granada became in one of the many provincial cities since it was no longer the centre of political and economic power. At this time the depopulation of the Alhambra started with gradual and inexorable decay of its marvelous palaces and gardens (Vincent 1993). Also the Castilian nobility became more provincial, and the Italians were integrated in the society of Granada until a point in which the only clue of their different origin was the surname. Their desire of being recognized as authentic citizens from Granada was openly shown in some patronage works and some donations to the Church. Stefano Lomellini gave a quite a lot of money for the building of a college for poor boys and a recovery room in the Hospital of San Juan de Dios. Bartolomeo Veneroso commissioned the painting of the altarpiece for the major altar of the San Pablo college, of the Society of Jesus, and he provided an income to the Hospital of San Juan de Dios; Orlando of Levanto founded in 1636 the convent of Sant’Antonio from Padua and San Diego, and he was involved in the creation of the Via Crucis in the Camino of Sacromonte (Cortés and Vincent 1986).

3.1

Conclusions

In conclusion, the study of a group of importation ceramics, which is so representative and it comes with the wider phenomenon of the artistic trend of the Renaissance, gave the possibility of registering the topographic changes affecting Granada, starting from the conquest by the Castilian troups, between the end of the Middle Age and the first Modern Age. There is confirmation of the historical data, already well known: the continuity of the commerce and relationships with the foreign operators, mostly Italians. The archaeological data, since the buildings still exist to this day, allowed to testify the modifications in the topography. This material, which is very peculiar in the archaeological context of the capital of the ancient Muslim kingdom, has been used as an instrument to analyze especially the transformation of the society of Granada, and in a general the Castilian society, from an economic and cultural point of view, the changing of the mentality in such crucial and complex moments such as the transit from the Middle Age to the Modern Age.

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giugno, Columbus 92, anno 4, ns. 7–8 (29), Genova, julio–agosto, 24–25. Duda, D., 1972, Due Früte Spanish-Islamische Keramik von Almeria, Madrider Mitteilungen, XIII, 345–432. Farris, G., 1990, Ceramica ligure del ’600 e del ’700, in Antica maiolica savonese. Collezione Principe Arimberto Boncompagni Ludovisi (ed. A. Cameirana), Savona, 11– 18. Galoppini, L., 1993, Alcuni documenti su Francesco Niculoso Pisano, in Sardegna, Mediterraneo e Atlantico tra Medioevo ed Età Moderna. Studi storici in memoria di Alberto Boscolo, vol. III, Cristoforo Colombo e la sua Epoca (ed. L. D’Arienzo), 295–317, Roma. García Porras, A., 2000, La cerámica española importada en Italia durante el siglo XIV. El efecto de la demanda sobre la producción cerámica en los inicios de su despliegue comercial, Archeologia Medievale, XXVII, 131–143. Garzón Pareja, M., 1974–1975, Hernando de Zafra, cortesano y hombre de empresa de los Reyes Católicos, Cuadernos de Estudios Medievales, 137–138. Garzón Pareja, M., 1980, Historia de Granada, Granada. Gelichi, S., 1992, Ceramiche e commerci con il Mediterraneo orientale nel tardo-medioevo (XII-XIII secolo), XXXVIII Corso di Cultura sull’arte ravennate e bizantina, Ravenna 1991, 197–208, Ravenna. Gestoso Pérez, J., 1903, Historía de los barros vidriados sevillanos (desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días), Sevilla. Gisbert, J. A., and Bolufer, J. 1992, Mayolica italiana en el registro archeologico de la ciudad de Denia (Alicante). Catálogo y algunas consideraciones en torno a su contexto material, in Atti del convegno internazionale della ceramica. Albisola, XXV, 7–40. Goggin, J. M., 1968, Spanish majolica in the New Word, tipes of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, Yale University Publicacion in Antropology, No. 72, Yale. Goldthwaite, R. A., 1997, Il mondo economico e sociale della maiolica italiana nel Rinascimento, Faenza, LXXXIII, fasc. IV–VI, 176–202. González Gonzalo, E. 1998, IV Cerámica medieval (ss. XIV– XV) y postmedieval (ss. XVI–XVIII) de importación en Mallorca, en su contexto arqueológico urbano, in Mallorca i el comerç de la ceràmica a la Mediterrània. (Fundació "La Caixa", 6 de maig–5 de juliol de 1998), 46–56, Barcelona. González Martí, M., 1944, Ceramica del Levante Español, vol I, Barcelona. Gual Cerdó, J. M., 1999, Catàleg de peces exposades», in Menorca en el barroc i les relacions comercials amb la Mediterrània. Un femer de ceràmica d’importació del segle XVII trobat a Ciutadella. Exposició organitzada pel Museu Municipal de Ciutadella del 19 de febrer al 3 d’abril de 1999 (ed. A. Camps Extremera), 23–48, Ciutatella de Menorca. Henríquez de Jorquera, F., 1987, Anales de Granada. Descripción de Reino y Ciudad de Granada. Crónica de la Reconquista (1482–1492). Sucesos de los años 1588 a 1646, Marín Ocete A. (ed.), tomo I e II, Granada.

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R. Carta Lister, F. C., and Lister, R. H., 1982, Sixteenth century maiolica pottery in the Valley of Mexico, Antropological Papers of the University of Arizona, 39, 41–79. Llubiá Munné, L. M., 1967, Cerámica medieval española, Barcelona. López de Coca Castañer, J. E., 1989, Los genoveses en Málaga durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos, in El reino de Granada en la época de los Reyes Católicos: repoblación, comercio y frontera (ed. J. E. López de Coca Castañer), vol. 2, Granada, 9–55. López Elum, P., 1986, Origen y evolución de los centros cerámicos: Manises y Paterna, in Coloquio Internacional de Cerámica Medieval del Mediterráneo Occidental, 163–181, Madrid. López Guzmán, R., 1987, Tradición y clasicismo en la Granada del siglo XVI. Arquitectura y urbanismo, Granada. López Torres, P., and Rueda Galán, M. M., 1997, La loza importada en Sevilla desde el siglo XIV al XVII, in Transferències i comerç de ceràmica a l’Europa mediterrànea (segles XIV–XVII). XV Jornades d’Estudis Històrics Locals (Palma, 11 al 13 de desembre de 1996) (coord. G. Rosselló Bordoy), 321–329, Palma de Mallorca. López Torres, P., and Rueda Galán, M. M., 1998, La imitación de la "berettina" en las producciones sevillanas, in Atti del convegno internazionale della ceramica. Albisola, XXXI, 171–177. Malpica Cuello, A., 2006, La Gran Vía y la transformación arqueológica de Granada, in La Gran Vía de Granada, 23–55, Granada. Malpica Cuello, A., De Luque Martínez, M. F., and Álvarez García, J. J., 2002, Excavación de apoyo a la restauración en la Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura, antiguo Palacio del Almirante de Aragón (Granada), in Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 2002, III Actividades de Urgencia, vol. I, 422– 427, Sevilla. Martín García, J. M., 2000, Gusto y promoción del arte italiano del Renacimiento en Andalucía, Cuadernos de Arte de la Universidad de Granada, 31, 23–38. Martínez Caviró, B., 1982, La loza dorada, Madrid. Marzinot, F., 1979, Ceramica e ceramisti di Liguria, Genova. Marzinot, F., 1988, I rapporti ceramici Liguria-Spagna dal XIII al XIX secolo, Columbus 92 (Genova), anno 4, ns. 7–8, 39–45. Meneses García, E., 1973–1974, Correspondencia del Conde de Tendilla (1508–1513). Biografia, estudio y transcripción, Madrid, Tomo I, 2 vols. Milanese, M., 1976, La ceramica postmedievale di S. Maria di Castello in Genova: contributo alla conoscenza della maiolica ligure dei secoli XVI e XVII, in Atti del convegno internazionale della ceramica. Albisola, IX, 269–310. Morales, A. J., 1977, Francisco Niculoso Pisano, Barcelona. Morales, A. J., 1978, Francisco Niculoso Pisano y los azulejos sevillanos del siglo XVI, in Actas del I Congreso de Historia de Andalucia, Sevilla. 44

Navarro Poveda, C., 1992, Ceramicas italianas encontradas en el Castillo de La Mola. Novelda, Betania, 40, 96– 100. Olivari, G., 1971, Notazioni iconografiche e stilistiche nella maiolica ligure del XVII secolo, in Atti del convegno internazionale della ceramica. Albisola, IV, 61–89. Origo, I., 1986, The Merchant of Prato: Francesco di Marco Datini, 1335–1410, Boston. Pérez Pérez C., and López Rosendo, E., 2001, Intervención arqueológica de urgencia en el solar de la Antigua Bodega de la C/Zarza n° 3, el Puerto de Santa María (Cádiz), in Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 2001, III Actividades de Urgencia, vol. I, 63–74. Petti Balbi, G., 1999, Circolazione mercantile e arti suntuarie a Genova tra XIII e XV secolo, in Tessuti, orificerie, miniature in Liguria XIII–XV secolo. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studi. (Genova-Bordighera, 22–25 maggio 1997) (eds. A. R. Calderoni Masetti, C. Di Fabio, and M. Marcenaro), 41–54, Bordighera. Pleguezuelo, A., 1992, Francisco Niculoso Pisano: datos arqueológicos, Faenza, LXXVIII, 171–189. Pleguezuelo, A., and Sánchez, J. M., 1997, La exportación a América de cerámicas europeas, in Transferències i comerç de ceràmica a l’Europa mediterrània (segles XIV– XVII). XV Jornades d’Estudis Històrics Locals. (Palma, de l’11 a 13 de desembre de 1996) (coord. G. Rosselló Bordoy), 333–363, Palma de Mallorca. Rambla Torralvo, J. A., Escalante Aguilar, M. del M., and Suárez Padilla, J., 1999, Intervención arqueológica de urgencia de un solar situado entre las calles Convalecientes - Santa Lucia - Azucena. Casco histórico de Málaga, in Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 1999, III Actividades de Urgencia, 471–478. Ravanelli Guidotti, C., 1992, Mediterraneum. Ceramica spagnola in Italia tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, Viterbo. Rebora, G., 1974, La ceramica nel commercio genovese alla fine del Medievo, 87–93, Genova. Redman, C. L., 1980, Late medieval ceramics from Qsar es-Seghir, in La Céramique Médiévale en Méditerranée Occidentale X–XV siècles, (Valbonne, 11–14 septembre 1978), 251–263, Paris. Revilla Uceda, M., 1992, La Alhambra cristiana, in Nuevos paseos por Granada y sus contornos. Tomo 1 (coord. M. Titos), 140–155, Granada. Rodríguez García, I., and Padial Pérez, J., 1995, Informe de la intervención arqueológica de urgencia en el solar de la Calle Santa Escolástica. Esquina Plaza de los Girones, Granada. Ruiz Ruiz, H., 2001, La cerámica granadina en los siglo XVII y XVIII, in Cerámica Granadina. Siglos XVI–XX (Granada, del 9 de octubre al 17 de noviembre 2001), 121–150, Granada. Sánchez-Pacheco, T., 1999, Cerámica de Talavera de la Reina y Puente del Arzobispo, in Cerámica Española. Summa Artis. Historia general del Arte, vol. XLII, 307– 342, Madrid. Sánchez-Pacheco, T., et al., 1977, Cerámica esmaltada española, Barcelona. Seseña, N., 1976, Barros y Lozas de España, Madrid.

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Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada Soler, M. P., 1984, Loza valençiana de los siglos XVII y XVIII, Faenza, LXX, 469–475. Spallanzani, M., 1986, Maiolica di Valenza e di Montelupo in una casa pisana del 1480, Faenza, LXXII, 164–169. Tafuri, M., 1998, El Palacio de Carlos V en Granada: Arquitectura "a lo romano" e iconografía imperial, Cuadernos de la Alhambra, 24, 77–108. Telese i Compte, A., and Cerdà i Mellado, J. A., 1996, Presencia arqueológica de cerámica italiana en yacimientos de Cataluña (s. XV al XIX), Faenza, LXXXII, 157–179. Torres Balbás, L., 1935, Tenería en el Secano de la Alhambra de Granada, Al-Andalus, III, 434–437. Torres Balbás, L., 1947, Plazas, zocos, y tiendas de la ciudades hispanomusulmanas, Al-Andalus, XII, 437– 476. Valor Piechotta, M., 1989, Noticia sobre el hallazgo de cerámica genovesa de Sevilla (siglos XVI–XVII), in Presencia italiana en Andalucía siglos XIV–XVII. Actas del III Coloquio Hispano-Italiano, 377–388, Sevilla. Valor Piechotta, M., and Casquete de Prado, N., 1989, La Torre de la Plata de Sevilla. Memoria de la excavación arqueológica practicada en su cámara inferior, in Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía Actividades de Urgencia, vol. III, 432–436, Sevilla.

Vannini, G., 2002, Produzione ceramica e mercato nel "mediovaldarno fiorentino" fra tradizione medievale e innovazione rinascimentale, in Le ceramiche di Roma e del Lazio in età medievale e moderna. Atti del IV Convegno di Studi (Viterbo, 22–23 maggio 1996) (eds. E. De Minicis and G. Maetzke), 18–32, Roma. Varela Gomes, M., and Varela Gomes, R., 1992, Cerâmicas vidradas e esmaltadas, dos séculos XIV, XV e XVI, do Poço-cisterna de Silves, in 1.as Jornadas de cerâmica medieval e pós-medieval. Métodos e resultados para o seu estudo, (Tondela 28 a 31 de outubro de 1992), 437–490, Tondela. Vincent, B., 1990, Les Génois dans le royaume de Grenada au XVIe siècle, in Rapporti Genova-Mediterraneo y Atlantico nell’età moderna. Atti del IV Congresso Internazionale di studi storici (ed. R. Belverdi), 151– 162, Genova. Vincent, B., 1993, De la Granada mudéjar a la Granada europea, in La incorporación de Granada a la Corona de Castilla. Actas del symposium conmemorativo del quinto centenario (Granada, 2 al 5 de Diciembre de 1991) (ed. M. A. Ladero Quesada), 307–319, Granada. Xusto Rodríguez, M., and Fernández Quintela, X. M., 2000, El centro histórico de Ourense. Arqueología y arquitectura, Revista de Arqueología, 219, año XX, marzo, 6–17.

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R. Carta

Figure 3.1: Majolica blue on blue from Liguria founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada

Figure 3.2: Polychrome majolica from Montelupo Fiorentino founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

Figure 3.3: Ceramic polychrome marbled slip ware from Pisa founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

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R. Carta

Figure 3.4: Polychrome majolica from Deruta founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

Figure 3.5: Majolica compendiaria from Faenza founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

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Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada

Figure 3.6: Imitation of Ligurian blue on blue founded in the Alhambra (Granada).

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Figure
3.7:
Map
of
urban
archaeological
excavations
where
it
was
discovered
Italian
ceramic.

R. Carta

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Diffusion and influence of Italian ceramics between Late Middle Ages and Early Post-Medieval times in Granada

Figure 3.8: Majolica blue on white from Liguria founded in urban archaeological excavations in Granada.

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Figure
3.9:
Map
of
Granada
which
shows
the
main
monuments
of
the
Modern
Age.

R. Carta

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

4

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada

José C. Carvajal and Peter M. Day The University of Sheffield. Department of Archaeology. Northgate House, West Street, S1 4ET Sheffield (United Kingdom) [Jose C. Carvajal’s current address is UCL Qatar. Qatar Foundation. Georgetown Building, PO Box 25256, Education City, Doha, Qatar] ([email protected], p.m.day@sheffield.ac.uk) In this paper an archaeological study of Early Islamic cooking pots in the Vega of Granada (South East Spain) is presented. This paper features a combination of information extracted from historical sources, stratigraphic excavations, morphological and technological analysis of pottery and petrographic studies. Combining this information together, we demonstrate a methodology that suggests the microprovenance of this pottery in relation to the sites under consideration. This in turns allows reflection on the distribution of the pottery over the Vega and the implications that it has for the social change that Islamicisation implied. KEYWORDS: CERAMICS, EARLY ISLAMIC IBERIA, PETROGRAPHY, COOKING POTS, EARLY MEDIEVAL ARCHAEOLOGY

4.1

Introduction

In 711 the Muslims conquered the Iberian Peninsula and the post-Roman society underwent a process of Islamicisation that transformed it substantially. This transition has frequently been studied from the point of view of changes in political institutions (Acién 1994, 1998; Guichard 1976), but little has been done in the way of production, consumption and distribution. This is despite important developments and projects achieved in the field of Medieval Archaeology in Spain and Portugal (see especially Boone 2009 and Glick 1995). Using these developments as a platform, it is our intention to present here an innovative approach to the cultural change entailed in Islamicisation in Iberia by using a combination of typological, technological and scientific analyses. We will introduce in this paper some results of the project ARANPOT (Archaeological Analysis of Andalusi Pottery), an initiative designed to investigate this social change in the Vega of Granada (south-eastern Spain) through the analysis of changes in the production and distribution of pottery. This research deals with a historical context which is still far from the beginning of the world system economy and its impact in ceramic production and distribution. However, it represents a time of change. It captures a context of contact between two different societies, in which the production and distribution structures of the PostRoman Iberian society were altered due to its inclusion and eventual assimilation into the Islamic society of the Mediterranean. Besides, it can be argued that this Islamic

society contained the seeds of what later would become the capitalist economy (Banaji 2007). It is therefore worth considering Islamic civilisation among the historical societies that are the object of analysis in this congress.

4.2

Archaeological background

The Vega of Granada is an internal basin surrounded by mountains and close to the Mediterranean sea (Figure 4.1). It is a semiarid area which irrigation since the Islamic period has transformed into a fertile plain (Carvajal 2008a, Jiménez 2007; Jiménez and Carvajal 2011 and Malpica 1997 for historical background). Although there were at least two Roman towns in the Classical Period in the area "Ilurco and Illiberis" the crisis of the Late Empire reduced the urban population significantly, and by the time of the arrival of the Muslims in the 8th century only one town seemed to have continued in occupation. This was Illiberis, the name of which was arabicised as Ilbirah (Adroher and López 2000; Carvajal 2008a; Martínez 1998; Roldán 1983). During the first Islamic centuries, however, a new town would emerge, Granada, and from the 11th century this settlement became the capital of the region (García and Lévi-Provençal 1980). The pottery of the Vega is well known from a morpho-typological point of view between the 8th and the 11th centuries thanks to previous research that established a sequence of development and transformation of this pottery on the basis of the evidence provided by five archaeological sites, including Ilbirah and Granada

J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day (Carvajal 2008a, 2009; Jiménez and Carvajal 2007). Since then, this sequence has allowed the dating and location of several new sites of the same period. By 2009, when this project was conceived, the number of sites available for research were already seven, and they all have been included in this paper. The sequence of pottery is supported by a combination of archaeological evidence and historically documented events (Carvajal 2008a, 359-380) and it runs in four phases: 1. Phase I: The first phase of the sequence is marked by the introduction of the technical and morphological innovations that would eventually lead to Islamic pottery as we understand it in later periods. The pottery that features these innovations coexisted with other types of pottery, more in line with the former Iberian traditions of the Late Roman period. The dating of this phase is roughly the 8th century and maybe some decades of the 9th . 2. Phase II: During the 9th and the first years of the 10th century, the new technical and typological features that will later characterise Islamic pottery were found throughout the assemblages and took over from the earliest traditions. The most telling element of this period is that there is evidence of the use of different technical solutions to achieve the same or very similar morphological types in different sites. This has been taken as evidence that suggests that, in spite of the occurrence of common types across space, the production of pottery was not centralised. 3. Phase III: The third period, that covers the 10th century and the first years of the 11th century, saw an important first centralisation of pottery production in the area. This is probably due to a concentration of population in a few sites (mainly for political reasons) and is easily seen in the technical and typological features of the pottery, which followed a consistent standard. The centre of production of the pottery was considered to be the political capital, Ilbirah, which is where the main concentration of population occurs. 4. Phase IV: In the final period, from the beginnings of the 11th century to the 12th century, there are no significant technical or typological changes. However, there was a relevant new development: the change of the political centre of the Vega of Granada, which moved from the town of Ilbirah to that of Granada. This in turn is clearly reflected in the distribution of pottery, which had a new centre of production in the political capital of Granada. It is important to note, however, that Granada, unlike Ilbirah, was the capital of a kingdom, and therefore had a stronger impact on the Vega that Ilbirah ever had.

4.3

A physico-chemical approach

ARANPOT was designed to build upon the first studies on the pottery and to produce new information with an alternative set of analytical techniques which included petrography, SEM and chemical analyses applied strategically to different parts of the pottery assemblage. This paper focuses on the petrographic analysis of the cooking wares. These wares used in daily activities require certain technological characteristics that make them especially suitable for archaeological analysis, as they 54

need to combine a minimally good performance and a good use of available resources. Besides this, the cooking wares are well dated in the Vega, comprising the backbone of the sequence exposed above (Figure 4.2). These characteristics combine to allow a relatively good interpretation on the microprovenance of different cooking pots in the Early Islamic Vega of Granada. Cooking pots of different periods were sampled from the seven sites of the Vega, which are, from east to west, El Castillejo de Nívar (Jiménez et al. 2009; Jiménez and Carvajal in press), Granada (Adroher and López 2000; Carvajal 2008a, 315–338; De la Torre 2010), Ilbirah (Carvajal 2005, 2008a, 253–293, 2008b; Jiménez and Carvajal 2007; Malpica et al. 2001; Malpica et al. 2004; Malpica et al. 2005; Malpica et al. 2008; Malpica et al. 2010; Malpica et al. in press), Cerro del Molino del Tercio (Carvajal 2008a, 295–300; Jiménez 2008; Molina et al. 1980), Cerro de la Mora (Carrasco et al. 1990; Carrasco et al. 1987; Carrasco et al. 1981, 1982, 1987; Carvajal 2008a, 307–313, Román 2006), Cerro de la Solana de la Verdeja (Álvarez 2009, Carvajal 2008a, 301–306) and Polígono del Manzanil (Ruiz 2008). The chronological span of these sites ranges from the 6th to the 12th centuries AD, and therefore it covers the four phases of development of the Vega that we have listed above (8th –11th centuries). The pottery sequence is still valid, because the morphotypologies are not different in that extended time period (Table 4.1). For the sake of clarity, in this paper we will use the term "assemblage" to refer to the set of pottery belonging to one of the four above mentioned phases in each one of the seven sites under study. According to this terminology, there are 28 theoretically possible assemblages, but the archaeological information provides reasonable evidence only for eleven assemblages to be studied with petrography (Table 4.2). There is very scarce information on the rest of the theoretically possible assemblages, and in fact some of them seem to have not even existed. Hence, our sampling strategy concentrates on the best known assemblages.

4.4

Petrographic analysis

Petrographic analysis was carried out on 174 samples from all the sites mentioned and aimed at the construction of a typology of fabrics based on the rock and mineral contents and the textural arrangement of the sampled pottery, features that depend on the geological environment of the raw materials and on the technological processes used for the manufacture of the pots (Whitbread 1986; 1989; 1995, 365–396). The results show seven different fabrics, the distribution of which offers some interesting data to understand issues of production and distribution of these wares in the Vega of Granada. These fabrics are in general terms very consistent, and they are very closely linked to sites.

Fabric RW1: sedimentary and low-grade metamorphic (Figure 4.3, A) In this group the main element is polycrystalline quartz of sedimentary or low-grade metamorphic origin. It

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada also appears as part of siltstones, sandstones and metasandstones with high contents of chert and an iron rich cement (grading to greywackes). The quartz crystals show undulose extinction almost in all cases. Chert and radiolarian chert are also documented. Mica, however, is rare, as a discrete mineral or as part of the few metamorphic rocks (muscovite schists or phyllites). Other sedimentary rocks, such as micritic limestones, mudstones grading into phyllites and occasional opaques are sometimes present.

and chlorite and biotite schist. Low-grade metamorphic and sedimentary rocks are frequent in the coarse fraction: quartzite, sandstone, siltstone and mudstone. Garnet and micritic limestone can be found too. A consistent gradation from meta-siltstones to phyllites has been detected in many samples. Most of the samples of Manzanil are in the area of meta-mudstones and most of El Castillejo in that of phyllites, but there is much overlap and a clear separation of subfabrics is not possible.

Fabric RW2: micritic limestone and mudstone (Figure 4.3, B)

Fabric RW6: rounded quartz (Figure 4.3, G)

There is a marked bimodal distribution in this fabric. The coarse fraction is composed almost exclusively of micritic limestone and mudstone. Chert is present as well, and even frequent in some samples. Quartz and mica are abundant mostly in the fine fraction.

Fabric RW3: schist (Figure 4.3, C) This group has characteristic low-metamorphic quartz with undulose extinction and mica-based rocks. Different kinds of schist, quartzite and discrete micas (white micas, including muscovite, and, to a lesser extent, chlorite) have been observed. It is common for the schist to contain opaques and garnets. Other minerals, including zoisite, sphene or tourmaline are components of the schist as well, but they are rare. Phyllite is relatively common, along with micritic (and in some cases fossiliferous) limestones, cherts, siltstones and discrete garnet. Other sedimentary rocks and a few fragments of detrital minerals, such as pyroxene, epidote and amphibole are documented. This fabric includes glazed samples that come from the latest phases of Granada and El Castillejo. In some cases these samples show a finer fabric, but the geological background is the same and we will not separate them for the purposes of this paper.

Fabric RW4: frequent schist with biotite, chlorite, muscovite, sillimanite and garnet (Figure 4.3, D) This fabric contains a range of distinctive schist composed of quartz with undulose extinction and distinctive colourless to pale brown, slightly pleochroic minerals. These minerals have low birefringence, but they show different features in relief, habit, extinction and pleochroism. Many of these minerals can be identified as biotite, in some cases altered to chlorite or to sillimanite (with tabular habit or rarely as fibrolite). Muscovite is documented, as well as rare sphene and staurolite. Garnets are frequent as a component of the schist and in discrete clusters. A few micritic limestones and rare mudstones grading into phyllites are also found. There are fragments of detrital hornblende, epidote and pyroxene.

Fabric RW5: phyllite and schist (Figure 4.3, E, F) This fabric has a strong presence of rounded to subangular fragments of low-grade metamorphic phyllite

This fabric is characterised by abundant fine to medium grains of mono- and polycrystalline quartz with rounded shape. Subrounded quartzite and other rounded metamorphic rocks (including muscovite schist and phyllite) are also abundant. Crystalline and micritic limestones are frequent to common, as are angular to subangular mudstones.

Fabric RW7: rounded quartz with mixed clays (Figure 4.3, H) This fabric is very similar to RW6: it contains fine monocrystalline quartz and common rounded grains of polycrystalline quartz. The documentation of abundant rounded textural features of red clay pellets over a fairly calcareous background points towards clay mixing.

4.5

Discussion

Microprovenance The distribution of fabrics by assemblages (Table 4.3) shows two important facts. The first is that in most assemblages there is a fabric that is predominant or, in some cases, the only one documented. In addition the diachronic distribution of the fabrics at different sites is of interest. In two of the sites with more than one documented assemblage (i.e. Granada and Ilbirah), the predominant fabrics remain unchanged in spite of substantial modifications in the morphology of the cooking wares. The other site with more than one documented assemblage (El Castillejo) has a different pattern. As we will see, this evidence can be explained with an interpretation of the microprovenance of the fabrics in the Vega of Granada and of the distribution of the vessels over the area. We will analyse in detail the fabrics documented at each settlement, starting with those with a dominant representation in sites. In the two phases represented in Ilbirah, II and III, the predominant fabric is RW1: sedimentary and Low Metamorphic. In Phases I, II and IV, represented in Granada, the Fabric RW3: schist is the only one appearing in phases I and IV. The assemblage of Phase II is composed of a very low number of sherds, only seven, and therefore it is only possible to ascertain the presence of Fabrics RW1 and RW3. In Verdeja, in Phase I, only Fabric RW4: biotite micaschist with altered minerals has been documented. Finally, Fabric RW5: phyllite and schist is the only one in El Castillejo in Phase I and is predominant

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J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day in Manzanil in Phase II. This is problematic, since these two sites are located at a distance from one another and they feature clearly different morpho-typologies, belonging to different phases. A closer inspection of the members of the group shows a clear trend in those from Manzanil to have finer-grade phyllites and lower frequency of schist than those of El Castillejo. As discussed above, this trend is not consistent enough to establish different fabrics or subfabrics, but used in combination with the archaeological information provided by morphology and stratigraphic phasing, it is safe to assume that they come from different production centres with a similar geological environment. Therefore, Fabric RW5: phyllite and schist represents two different assemblages of the Vega. According to the information above, there is a clearly predominant fabric in eight of the eleven assemblages of site and phase. Since sites of the Vega that are very close to one another have clearly different fabrics, it seems reasonable to assume that the areas of primary distribution and consumption of the pottery defined by these fabrics were very close to their production centre. The relationship of fabrics with the geological environment of the sites needs to be further investigated, but it is likely that the raw material sources for these fabrics were very close to the sites too. This all points to a location of the workshops in the sites themselves or at least very close to them, in line with Arnold’s model of resource exploitation thresholds (1985, 20–40). What can we say about those fabrics that show no clear predominance in sites? Two possibilities must be considered here. The first is that those fabrics are not documented in any other site, and are thus exclusive to the sites where they have been found. This can be considered as evidence supporting the existence of a production centre around the sites of recovery. The second possibility is that those fabrics are documented as predominant in another site. In this case, the suggested interpretation is that the vessels made in those fabrics were made around the sites where they are predominant, and subsequently were transported to the sites of recovery. An example of the first case is Fabric RW2: micritic limestone and mudstone, documented only in Ilbirah in Phase II. Analysis of clay samples (in progress) suggests that Fabric RW2 comes from a very similar geological environment as Fabric RW1. This is additional evidence to support the provenance of RW2 from Ilbirah, as an alternative fabric to RW1. Fabrics RW6: rounded quartz and RW7: rounded quartz with mixed clays have been located both in Mora and in Molino del Tercio. The sites of Mora and Molino del Tercio are only 5 km distant from one another, and therefore they can fall inside the catchment area for resources from a single centre of production, according to Arnold’s model (1985, 20– 40). The petrographic analysis indicates that Fabric RW7 seems to be based in Fabric RW6 with the addition of a different clay. Therefore, both fabrics can be considered to come from the same geological environment. In fact, the geological setting of the vicinity of the two sites is marked by the combination of outcrops of ancient marine sediments and the accumulation of fluvial sediments in the 56

centre of the Vega of Granada. All these facts suggest the existence of at least one production centre (perhaps two) in such an environment, in the sites of Mora and Molino del Tercio or nearby. The results obtained through the petrographic analysis and the distribution of fabrics in the assemblages allow us to propose the provenance of each one of the fabrics documented in relation to the sites known on wellgrounded reasons. The mineralogical content of the fabrics is consistent with the geological environment of the sites to which they have been assigned, according to geological maps (González et al. 1975; Lupiani and Soria 1985a; 1985b; 1985c). This fact reinforces the suggested interpretation. This in turn allows us to infer some social developments based on the distribution of vessels in the Vega of Granada.

Distribution As stated above, there is the possibility of assessing the movement of the cooking pots in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada by means of the fabrics located in sites to which they do not belong (marked as Present in Table 4.3). In Phase I we have three assemblages in El Castillejo, Granada and Verdeja. All these assemblages are composed of a single fabric which is attributable to each one of the sites. The inference from this fact is that, if there was any movement of vessels at this stage, it happened so sporadically that our sampling does not detect it. In Phase II we have evidence of some vessels moving. One of these exchanges concerns Fabric RW5, which is located not only in Manzanil (where it is predominant), but also in Mora and Molino del Tercio. Although the samples of Molino del Tercio seem to have some small differences, the affinity of fabrics, morphological types and periods of the assemblages allow us to suggest the provenance of these in Manzanil. Another case of distribution in this phase is the documentation of Fabric RW4 in Manzanil. Fabric RW4 is characteristic of Verdeja in Phase I, but it seems clear that the cycle of life of the centre of production associated with it overlapped at least for a time with Phase II and Manzanil. The most relevant case of distribution in this phase, however, concerns Fabrics RW1 and RW3, associated respectively to Ilbirah and Granada. These fabrics are documented in each assemblage of Phase II. This not only means that Mora, Molino del Tercio and Manzanil have samples of RW1 and RW3, but also that RW3 is found in Ilbirah and RW1 in Granada. This has some consistency with the historical record. Written sources indicate that in Phases II and III Ilbirah was the political capital of the Vega, but they also point to the emergence of Granada as a competing centre, at least during the final decades of the 9th century, close to the end of the Phase II (Carvajal 2008a, 318–319; Guraieb 1952a, 161; 1952b, 154). This distribution of vessels made in Ilbirah and Granada is in line with the significance of these two sites as political centres of the Vega. Phase III is only documented in Ilbirah, as unfortunately we lack documentation for the same period in Granada. The documentation of Fabric RW3 in this phase is evidence

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada of production still going on in Granada. The lack of documentation of other sites is most probably due to a drop in the number of occupied sites due to concentration of population. Sadly, it is impossible to assess the distribution of vessels at this stage, and therefore we cannot know if the changes that are observable in Phase IV were already present in this phase or not. Granada would take over as the capital of the area in Phase IV, and in fact it would become a much more important political centre than Ilbirah ever was. This has to be viewed in relation with the evidence found in the assemblages of El Castillejo and Granada in Phase IV. In Granada Fabric RW3 is the only one documented, and in El Castillejo it is dominant. This not only points to the disappearance of production of Fabric RW1 (and therefore of the production centre associated to Ilbirah), but also of a fall in production of Fabric RW5, related to El Castillejo. The cooking pots found in El Castillejo in this phase are manufactured in the production centres related to Granada. Unfortunately we still lack evidence to know if this happened in other sites of the Vega as well, and therefore more research is needed. The lack of Fabric RW1 documented in Phase IV fits well in the picture of the historical developments of the Vega. Ilbirah is said to be abandoned in the 11th century by its inhabitants, who moved to the town of Granada (Carvajal 2008a, 317–318; García and Lévi-Provençal 1980, 86–88). Instead, archaeological research suggests that the abandonment of Ilbirah was not total, and that the town was at least frequented until much later. A mosque existed until it was burned down in 1075 or 1076 CE (Catalán 1966; Carvajal 2008a, 256) and pottery typologies extend to the 13th century in some areas of the town (Malpica et al. 2008). Radiocarbon dating applied to human bones found in the cemetery of the site seems to confirm this possibility (Villafranca 2009). The movement of vessels from Granada to El Castillejo in Phase IV replicates in some way the situation observed in Phase II, in the sense that this movement is from political centres outwards, but there are some substantial differences as well. The low numbers of vessels involved in this distribution in Phase II suggest that centralisation of production can be discounted and that most of the vessels consumed in each site were made in a centre of production that could be considered local. This situation changed clearly in Phase IV, because a more complex system of production and distribution had been established in Granada. At present, it is not possible to say for the moment if Phase III was more a continuation of Phase II or a first step towards the change observed in Phase IV.

Fabrics and stability of production centres Another important fact that has been observed through the diachronic analysis of the fabrics of the cooking pots concerns their stability in relation to certain contexts. Granada and Ilbirah are both multiphase sites where the technological traditions observed show important changes in terms of morphology and modelling techniques (Carvajal 2008a, 2009), while the same does not happen

with their fabrics, RW1 and RW3. This offers a glimpse of an important issue. This is the relationship between those who contributed to the Islamic pottery tradition with the adaptation of former technologies and those who, coming from foreign places, introduced new techniques from their respective technological traditions. This combination of innovation and conservatism is very relevant in understanding the process of Islamicisation of Iberia from the point of view of those individuals directly involved in it. It shows clearly that there were open channels of communication between those who arrived and those who had been living there before, even if affected by political relations between conquerors and conquered. The careful examination of the technological elements of pottery production offers a window on the negotiations between different groups in the construction of meanings of daily life objects, and thus to the materialization of the conditions of social life (Barrett 1994).

4.6

Conclusions

The ARANPOT project aims to define the changes in pottery production and consumption in the Early Islamic Vega of Granada as a proxy to understand the material conditions of the social change that Islamicisation brought about. In this paper we present the results of the project regarding the petrographic analysis of cooking pots, with the following conclusions: 1. The distribution of fabrics in the sites and phases of the Vega suggests the location of workshops close to or perhaps inside the sites that have been studied. The organization of production, in spite of common morphotypologies, is predominantly local. 2. In spite of the predominantly local production, there is movement of vessels at least from the Phase II onwards. The origin of these vessels is located in Ilbirah or Granada, which are the centres of political activity in the Vega. It is therefore likely that this movement of vessels is related to the political significance of these centres in a way that needs to be further investigated. 3. Phase IV marks a very important change in the relations of production and distribution of the Vega of Granada. It shows an emerging monopoly over the supply of cooking pots to Castillejo by potters from Granada, which points to a much more elaborate system exchange. 4. It is not clear if the change that is evident on Phase IV could be dated earlier, perhaps in Phase III, while Ilbirah was still the capital of the Vega. More research needs to be done in this respect. 5. The contrast of the stability of choice and manipulation of raw materials, as evidenced by the diachronic consistency of fabrics in sites with the important morphological and technical transformations is good evidence of the shared construction of meanings that made possible the Islamicisation of Iberia. These interesting results from a petrographic analysis of common wares from the Early Islamic Vega of Granada show the potential of these studies when applied to cases of cultural change in historical contexts. In future studies projected by ARANPOT, more possibilities will be

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J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day revealed through the combinations of different approaches, assemblages and techniques.

Acknowledgements This research has been possible thanks to the project ARANPOT, an Intra-European Fellowship funded by the Programme of Marie Curie Actions in the Seventh Framework Programme of the European Union. The authors wish to acknowledge permission to study the materials from the following people and institutions: Prof. Antonio Malpica Cuello (Universidad de Granada), Dr. José María Martín Civantos (Universidad de Granada), Dr. Miguel Jiménez Puertas (Universidad de Granada), Mr. José Javier Álvarez García, Miss Ana Ruiz Jiménez, Miss Inmaculada de la Torre Castellano, Mr. Isidro Toro Moyano (Director of the Museo Arqueológico y Etnográfico Provincial de Granada), the Delegación Provincial de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía en Granada and the Dirección General de Bienes Culturales de la Junta de Andalucía.

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Ilbira (Cerro del Sombrerete, Atarfe), in Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía 2006 (Granada), 1838–1850, Junta de Andalucía, Sevilla. Malpica, A., Jiménez, M., Carvajal, J. C., and García, A., in press, La cerámica de Madinat Ilbira. El pago de la Mezquita, in Cerámica medieval e historia económicosocial: problemas de método y casos de estudio (eds. A. Malpica and A. García), THARG, Granada. Martínez, G., 1998, De Ilurco a Pinos Puente: poblamiento, economía y sociedad de un pueblo de la Vega de Granada, Diputación Provincial de Granada, Granada. Molina, F., Huertas, C., and Ocaña, M. J., 1980, Cerro del Cortijo del Molino del Tercio. Moraleda de Zafayona (Granada), Noticiario Arqueológico Hispánico, 10, 219– 306. Roldán, J. M., 1983, Antigüedad, in Historia de Granada I: De las primeras culturas al Islam (ed. F. Molina and J. M. Roldán), 160–358, Vol. I, Don Quijote, Granada. Román, J., 2006, Contribución al estudio del poblamiento en época clásica en la Vega oriental de Granada. El yacimiento del Cerro de la Mora (Moraleda de Zafayona, Granada), Unpublished PhD Thesis, Universidad de Granada, Granada. Ruiz, A., 2008, Informe preliminar de la intervención arqueológica puntual en el yacimiento de "El Manzanil", Loja, (Granada), 2008, Unpublished report submitted to the Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía, Granada. Villafranca, E., 2009, Informe de resultados datación C14 Campaña 2009. Retrieved from http://www. medinaelvira.org/doc/C14MI.pdf on September 2012. Whitbread, I. K., 1986, The characterization of argillaceous inclusions in ceramic thin sections, Archaeometry, 28, 79–88. Whitbread, I. K., 1989, A proposal for the systematic descriptions of thin sections towards the study of ancient ceramic technology, in Archaeometry. Proceedings of the 25th International Symposium (ed. Y. Maniatis), 127–138, Elsevier, Amsterdam. Whitbread, I. K., 1995, Greek transport amphorae, a petrological and archaeological study, Fitch Laboratory Occasional Paper, Oxford.

Extended references Carvajal, J. C., 2013, Islamicisation or Islamicisations? Islamic expansión and social practice in the Vega of Granada (south east Spain), World Archaeology, 45(1), 57–70. Carvajal, J. C., 2013, Islamización y Arqueología. Reflexiones en torno a un concepto controvertido y necesario desde el punto de vista arqueológico, in Arqueologia Medieval V: Recerca Avançada en Arqueologia Medieval (eds. F. Sabate and J. Brufal), 127–156, Universitat de Lleida, Lleida. Carvajal, J. C., and Day, P. M., 2013, Cooking Pots and Islamicisation in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada (al-Andalus, 6th –12th centuries), Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 32(4), 433–451.

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J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day Carvajal, J. C., and Day, P. M., in press, Cerámica, paisaje y cambio social. Análisis petrográfico de ollas en la Vega de Granada altomedieval, in El paisaje y el

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análisis del territorio. Reflexiones sobre el sur de alAndalus (ed. M. Jiménez Puertas), THARG, Granada.

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact S, M S, M, E, R V S R, M V R S, M S, M V S, M

850 − −925 CE 900 − −1000 CE 400 − −800 CE

800 − −925 CE

1000 − −1150 CE

650 − −800 CE

950 − −1150 CE

800 − −925 CE

800 − −925 CE 650 − −800 CE

800 − −925 CE

Ilbirah II Ilbirah III Granada I

Granada II

Granada IV

Castillejo I

Castillejo IV

Molino del Tercio II

Mora II Verdeja I

Manzanil II

Flat bases with wire marks Convex scraped bases Flat bases with wire marks Not enough data, but flat bases with wire marks observed Convex scraped bases. Five samples have internally glazed walls Flat bases with wire marks Convex scraped bases. NS110, NS111, NS112, NS113, NS114, NS115,NS116 and NS117 have internally glazed walls Flat bases with wire marks and convex scraped bases Flat bases with wire marks Flat bases with wire marks Flat bases with wire marks. Rarely, also convex scraped bases

Technological features

Table 4.1: Dates and characteristics of the assemblages of this study.

Morphological types documented

Dates

Assemblage

RW1, RW3, RW4, RW5

RW1, RW3, RW5, RW6, RW7 RW4

RW1, RW3, RW5, RW6, RW7

RW3, RW5

RW5

RW3

RW1, RW3

RW1, RW2 RW1, RW3 RW3

Fabrics present

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada

61

62 Present

Manzanil

800 − −925 CE -

Mora . 800 − −925 CE -

Molino del Tercio

-

Dominant -

-

-

-

-

Exclusive

-

RW2

Dominant Dominant

Present

Present

Present

Present

Dominant Present

Dominant -

RW3

Fabric

-

-

-

-

-

-

Dominant

RW4

Present -

-

Dominant

Present

Present

-

Dominant -

RW5

Verdeja

-

-

Exclusive (with M. Tercio) Exclusive (with Mora) -

-

RW6

-

RW7

800 − 925 CE -

Manzanil

-

-

Exclusive (with M. Tercio) Exclusive (with Mora) -

550 − −800 CE -

Table 4.3: Relation between fabrics and sites across the phases. Empty cells: the fabric is not present at the site. Present: the fabric is documented at the site. Dominant: the fabric is the most abundant in this site. Exclusive: the fabric is only documented at this site in any phase.

El Castillejo Granada

Present

Molino del Tercio

IV

Present

Mora

Ilbirah

Present Dominant

Granada Ilbirah

II

-

El Castillejo Granada Verdeja

I

RW1

Site

III

850 − −925 CE 925 − −1010 CE -

Ilbirah

Table 4.2: Assemblages documented and used in this study, with their dates.

Granada 500 − −800 CE 800 − −925 CE 1010 − −1150 CE

El Castillejo

550 − −750 CE 1000 − −1150 CE

Phase

Phase I Phase II Phase III Phase IV

J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada

Figure 4.1: Map of the Vega of Granada, showing the location of the sites discussed in this paper.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

63

Figure
4.2:
The
types
of
cooking
pots
sampled
and
their
appearance
in
the
Vega
of
Granada
over
time.

J. C. Carvajal and P. M. Day

64

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Islamicisation as cultural change and regional microprovenance. Petrography of cooking wares in the Early Medieval Vega of Granada

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

Figure 4.3: A: RW1 (PPL). Contains several grains of sandstone and metasandstone with chert. The smaller grains in the pictures are discrete fragments of chert and quartz. B: RW2 (PPL). Mudstones with micrite are abundant at the edge and in the core of the thin section. There are small grains of limestone. Quartz can only be seen in the fine section. C: RW3 (PPL). Muscovite schist can be seen in the left side. Near the centre, a fragment of phyllite contains abundant garnets and some fibrolite in between the mica. A grain of calcite can be seen clearly above the schist. D: RW4 (PPL). Biotite schist with garnets and other minerals define this fabric. E: RW5 (PPL): Fragments phyllite (left) and schist (top centre and bottom right) can be seen in this image. F: RW5 (PPL). Another sample of this varied fabric shows phyllites and siltstones in which the first effects of foliation can be appreciated (right). G: RW6 (PPL). The image shows rounded grains of quartz and quartz-based minerals and by subangular mudstones. H: RW7 (PPL). Red and black textural features suggest the mixing of clays using the same kind of base as in RW6. GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

65

5

Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries)

Tânia Manuel Casimiro1 , Mário Varela Gomes2 and Rosa Varela Gomes2 1- Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, FCT Post-doctoral Fellowship, Av. de Berna, 26C, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ([email protected]) 2- Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Av. de Berna, 26C, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ([email protected], [email protected]) Not that well recognized outside Portugal the Portuguese faience production started in middle 16th century in Lisbon and in early 17th century it was already being made in Coimbra and Vila Nova, near Oporto. The rapid development of this ware was due in part made to the enormous Portuguese commercial growth, mainly in its American and Asian colonies. However the characteristics of Portuguese faience, with aesthetical resemblance to Chinese porcelain, made its world distribution increase, a phenomenon somehow similar to what happens to Roman terra sigillata, traded by Romans, or with Chinese porcelain that Portuguese were the first to bring to Europe and the rest of the world. The major trade routes in the Atlantic, North and Central Europe and Indostanic Peninsula are at this point identified. Portuguese faience is a commodity that allows inferring technical, economic, social, artistic, ideological and symbolic characteristics relatively to its production contexts, trade and consumption. KEYWORDS: PORTUGUESE FAIENCE, WORLD TRADE, PRODUCTION CENTRES

5.1

Introduction

In this paper Portuguese faience is assumed as all softbodied light buff or pinkish fabric earthenware, covered with a lead-tin opaque white glaze, normally painted in blue or bichrome, rarely polychrome, produced in Portugal, regardless of its shape. The glaze was used in covering the entire ceramic body not only with aesthetical purposes but also for functional ones, as it waterproofs the sherd and increases its resistance. Portuguese faience or tin glaze ware has appeared scattered across the world in contexts raging between late 16th century to early 18th century. Although found in every place where Portuguese merchants traded or Portuguese commodities were taken by foreign traders, from Asia to North America, its amounts are higher in Atlantic coastal areas. The production of Portuguese Faience commenced around mid-16th century and manufactured by traditional methods until late 18th century when factories started to produce on a large scale. In this paper only the traditional methods production will be discussed since these were the ones which played an important role in the international trade networks.

5.2

Forms

There are not that many vessel forms produced on Portuguese faience from the 16th to early 18th century. The variability was essentially in the decorative grammar and not in the shape. Plates and bowls are clearly the most common forms sometimes in a ratio of 8⁄10. Consistently related to shape is function. Inside a household the same items would serve different uses. In Portugal most of these forms were used in daily household activities such as eating, drinking, storing and hygiene. However there are certain vessels that due to their physical and decorative attributes were not designed for daily use but in the decoration of the home or household. The objects found in abroad destinations, especially in Northern Europe and in English colonies are always of a finer quality and were certainly used for this purposes. Written evidence reveals the existence of cylindrical pharmacy jars, plates of variable sizes, pots and jars referred mostly in potters’ regiments. Nevertheless archaeological data have revealed that many different forms existed such as plates, bowls, tureens, tea pots, sugar pots, chargers, basins, pots, jars, bottles, boxes, lids, handled bowls, cups, chamber pots, holy water stoups, barbers bowls, spice containers, pitchers, aquamaniles, inkstands, figurines, funnels, candlesticks, pharmacy pots, ringing bells, among many others (Casimiro 2011, 129).

T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes

5.3

A grammar in blue and white

One of the most significant features of Portuguese faience is its decoration reflecting the taste and demand of Portuguese and European society during the late 16th , 17th and early 18th centuries. In spite of the fact that it was produced in three different centres across Portugal, potters tend to use almost the same ornamental motifs, indicating that there was a similar demand across the country even though there are some decorations or techniques that can be considered exclusive to each production site. Overseas influences are present from the first moments of fabrication, especially from Spain and Italy, inheriting classic motifs, not only in the drawings but also in shapes, possibly brought by potters travelling across Europe. The first faiences made in Portugal were clearly an imitation of the Sevillian productions, in particular with plain white carinated bowls and plates, a style often designated as Columbia plain or plain white (Goggin 1968, 117–126; Casimiro 2011, 144). This imitation was so honourable that until quite recently all these wares found in Portugal were identified and published as Spanish (Figure 5.3). But influences went beyond form and start to appear in decoration. Small spirals, inside geometrical panels are possibly the most common Spanish inspired decoration, but from muslin origin although many others can be traced with the same genesis. From Italy, inspiration came especially from Montelupo, Liguria and Deruta. The plates’ central area were decorated with mythological images such as Venus and Fortunes. During the mid-17th century lace decoration starts to appear in faience. It is still debatable whether this was an original Portuguese creation or whether it was inspired by the peacock feathers used to decorate Italian majolica in the late 16th century (Calado 2003) (Figure 5.9). Although European ceramics were important in Portuguese tin glaze productions, the most noteworthy legacy was incontrovertibly from China. The Portuguese presence in the Far East and the role of porcelain in everyday life, during the 16th and 17th centuries made this ware one of the most significant influences in faience (Gomes et al. in this volume1 ). Chinese porcelain occupied an important part in Portuguese domestic environments, not only in wealthy houses such as palaces, convents and monasteries but also in more modest locations (Gomes and Gomes 1991, 481, 482, 487, 488; Sabrosa 2008; Casimiro 2011a). Was the reproduction of Chinese symbols in faience attempting to take this new "porcelain" and its oriental style to less wealthy households? Lisbon potters knew that Chinese decorative patterns, namely from Wanli Period were required in Europe. Their own boats carrying such items were attacked and sized by the English and the Dutch. In 1619 during the Corpus Christi feast, the artisans assumed this imitation in some artwork by stating: "porcelain vases made in Lisbon in perfect imitation of the Chinese’ and the words: "Here our sovereign and beloved king, does the new craft offers, made in the Portuguese kingdom, what so expensive was brought from

China". A small panel depicted a ship arriving from India, unloading Chinese porcelain. In the same scene, several foreign ships loaded Portuguese blue-on-white pottery, whereas other boats, already full, set sail. Below the panel could be read "Et nostra perrant" (And ours go to various regions) (Calado 2003, 24). It is impossible to say when Portuguese faience started to use Chinese motifs as a major decoration. It probably happened somewhere during the last two decades of the 16th century, based on the archaeological evidence in places such as the Low Countries and England where this vessels are recorded in archaeological contexts as early as 1580s (Bartels 2003, 71). One of the most symbolic iconography in Chinese porcelain and subsequently in Portuguese faience, and other European productions, was the edge, which was divided into panels (Santos 1960, 43). In the late 16th century these were filled with chrysanthemums and fruits such as peaches and pomegranates (Casimiro 2013, 355). Around 1610 one of the most typical decorations of Portuguese faience, the aranhões (a free interpretation of several Chinese motifs by Portuguese potters) appear (Figure 5.7). In Chinese porcelain the Artemisia leafs, fans, gourds, sounding stones and paper rolls are always surrounded by strings ending in tassels (Casimiro and Gomes 2013, 202). This will be a great influence to the Portuguese aranhões, changing its original meaning and adapting them to a new European style. However Chinese influence does not end in the ledge. The central parts of plates were decorated by landscapes with mountains, rocks, pools and water streams, animals such as gazelles, hares, ducks, insects, and birds, among many others. These elements were surrounded by camellias, peonies, chrysanthemums, water flowers, fruits, Buddhist symbols, precious objects and Chinese anthropomorphic figures. Soon these scenes were mixed with European motifs. As a result many European coats of arms or human figures will appear in Eastern landscapes or surround by inspired Chinese motifs (Figure 5.10). Portuguese faience started as an elite’s commodity so it was frequent for noble and wealthy families to have their coats of arms painted in plates, bowls and bottles, somehow similar to what happened to Spanish and Italian wares. This was true not only for Portuguese families but also for foreign families and cities and even religious orders and hospitals (Casimiro and Gomes 2013, 203). These objects would certainly be a symbol of social status apart from the ceramics used by less wealthy people. Initially these armed plates and bowls should have been of an exclusive use by noble families. However, by the second half of the 17th century these symbols were everywhere attending to the high volume of occurrences in archaeological contexts in Portugal and abroad. The most frequent heraldic symbol was the standing lion. Around 1640 and during the stylization of the Chinese patterns known as aranhões a new type of decoration appears, named by Rafael Salinas Calado (1992) as desenho miúdo (fine draw). Using very fine paint brushes small elements such as human figures, animals, trees, flowers, rivers, buildings, among others were outlined in purple

1 M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro, Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon.

68

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries) or dark blue and filled in a light blue colour (Santos 1960, 34). The scenes are clearly of Chinese inspiration, although in some examples European anthropomorphic figures or some castles have been recorded usually telling a story. This is a very delicate production, possibly made for wealthy people. While faience became more available to everyone the potters created a new type of decoration that would only be acquired by rich people. This more complex decoration sometimes had Classic and Christian mythological scenes and other forms of political, anecdotic or even moralistic type. This decoration is not very frequent in overseas contexts and is believed exclusively produced in Lisbon. But Portuguese faience has many more decorations that cannot be related to any external influence developed originally by Portuguese potters, namely the numerous floral designs used essentially from 1635 onwards. This seems to be the case of the acanthus leafs. Appearing isolated in the first half of the 17th century, around 1660 they start to appear in garlands decorating the ledge of plates in a solution known as baroque garland, mentioned for the first time by José de Queirós (1907, 60). Ferns were also largely used in the decoration of faience from 1640 until the late 17th century mostly in plates and bowls. This is the same moment when large leafs are also used in the decoration of the same objects.

5.4

Production centres

Lisbon was first to produce faience in the mid-16th century. This new production was imitating southern Spanish wares, mainly from Seville, frequently found in Lisbon archaeological contexts (Sabrosa 2008) and even in production sites (Casimiro 2011, 144). The production of white tin glaze is documented since the 1540s in the Tagus south bench and this must have been the moment when it also started in Lisbon. A kiln was excavated in Mata da Machada (Barreiro) in the early 1980s producing white tin glaze ware (Torres 1990). Written documents indicate that this ware was being made in the city since 1561 (Torres 2012). The high percentage of tin glaze ware bowls and plates found in Lisbon’s early post-medieval archaeological sites suggest that for many years that the country must have been producing such items on its own and not importing in large quantities from southern Spain. Despite the three decades since the Barreiro’s kiln excavation just recently its importance was understood. Portugal was producing, consuming and certainly exporting what archaeologists thought were only Spanish productions. In Lisbon tin glaze ware was manufactured in the Santos-o-Velho and Santa Catarina areas. The location of the workshops is related to the proximity of the clay sources, the nearness of wood to fire kilns, but also near the river front since it was helpful to send pottery outside the city (Sebastian 2013, 57). Every archaeological excavation made in Lisbon has offered Portuguese faience. However the evidence for workshops was not so easy to find. Archaeological investigations have revealed workshop remains from half a

dozen sites namely in Rua de Buenos Aires, Largo de Santos, Largo de Jesus, Tercenas, Rua das Madres and Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga. These offered a large quantity of biscuit shapes as well as several saggars and kiln furniture (Batalha et al. 2012). Lisbon had a very well recognized industry clearly identifiable in Portugal and in other countries. In the inventory made in 1700 of the belongings of D. Ana Oliveira Leite, wife of Rodrigo Machado Carvalhal, there is the reference to twenty plates of fine Lisbon ware (Sequeira 1967, 71). In the North American Probate Inventories there are references to Lisbon ware, Lizbon ware and Lisborn ware (Wilcoxen 1999, 8, 9). In 1672 there were eleven workshops in the Santoso-Velho area (Mangucci 1996, 156). The increase in production transformed this ware, initially destined for wealthy people, into a product accessible to everyone and democratizing its consumption. When production started it was compared with Talavera, Venice and Chinese productions destined to rich people but from around 1635 it reaches every social class from palaces to hospitals, houses and taverns (Casimiro 2013, 358). At this moment we are not yet able to credit specific potters for specific productions. In fact, Lisbon pothouses were producing very similar objects. Only recently through archaeological finds it has been possible to determine the physical characteristics of the three production centres. These conclusions were taken from the direct analysis of several objects found in production areas. The Lisbon fabrics were white buff yellowish, especially in the fine quality wares and somewhat pinkish in less quality items. It is quite homogenous and compact and the number of inclusions quite small. Those are mostly very small quartz and mica, most of them naturally existing in the clay, although quartz could be added as sand, helping to reduce the amount of water in the paste. The glaze is of an excellent quality with a high percentage of tin increasing the whiteness and shine. Glazes are usually quite thick and very strong. There are some examples with a less quality glaze however made to internal use and rarely found in overseas contexts. As for the colours the percentage of oxides was probably a little less than in Coimbra or Vila Nova since it tends present a bit lighter colour than the other productions. However the same vessel can in fact present different shades of blue (Sebastian 2010, 512–516). The objects are mostly plates and hemispherical bowls with low ring foots. These are the shapes commonly found in Lisbon’s sites. At least since 1635 that Lisbon clearly had two types of production; a finer one destined to wealthier consumers, namely for exportation, and a more daily production used by people in their household activities. In Rua de Buenos Aires evidence of such production was discovered (Batalha et al. 2012). There is a high percentage of plates decorated with groups of concentric half circles, large petals and the Santiago cross. These were very frequent decorations in this period and very similar to other Lisbon and overseas finds. The floral decoration presents large petals together with

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

69

T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes chrysanthemums, although not inspired in the Chinese motifs anymore but following a more European style. In the medieval period the potters’ neighbourhood of Coimbra, in central Portugal, was located in the São João de Santa Cruz area, more precisely in the Rua da Moeda, Rua da Madalena, Rua de Estêvão Nogueira and Terreiro das Olarias (Carvalho 1921, 58). Contrary to what happened in Lisbon where red coarse wares and tin glaze wares were produced in different areas in Coimbra it was all made in the same city quarters (Tavares 1982, 14). The craft was well organized. It is the only city in Portugal where a document has survived explaining that no craftsmen, including potters, could open a workshop without a proper licence from the city hall signed by the craft judges and valid for a lifetime (Carvalho 1921). However, there is news of some potters working in Coimbra that had acquired their licence in Lisbon and would still work in the city. The first documents mentioning faience production date back to 1608, when Pedro Fernandes received a letter allowing him to produce white pottery from Talavera (malga branca de Talaveira), although probably this was already produced for some years at this time (Carvalho 1921, 125). Although white clay exists in Coimbra’s surroundings, this did not have the quality required for the production of high quality faience objects. In fact its characteristics led to frequent breakage of vessels. The problem was so severe that local authorities together with the craft judges even determined the quality and amounts of clay used. During the last decade several excavations have been made in the River Mondego’s waterfront where the workshops were located in the 17th century. Unfortunately the major part of the developed area did not have a proper archaeological evaluation. Nevertheless there are some sites where information is available, namely the Garagem Avenida excavation in 2003. This was a dumpsters’ area of several workshops with thousands of ceramic fragments, in biscuit and tin glazed (Cruz 2003). When compared with the Lisbon production the pottery produced in Coimbra is rougher. While in Lisbon and Vila Nova (Oporto) the fabrics are light buff or pinkish, in Coimbra they are pinkish or reddish. This is related with the low quality of white clay available only in Trouxemil and in Póvoa, making potters add red clays to the mixture. Inclusions are very frequent with the existence of quartz and ceramic grog. The glaze presents a low percentage of tin, making it more thin and less white and shiny. Coimbra’s blue is darker and with less variable shades that the objects from Lisbon and Vila Nova. The reason is clearly the paint and its production techniques. No evidence of yellow were yet found in the workshops archaeological excavations, although there are some authors who believe that the yellow in this production centre should be darker, almost orange (Pais, Pacheco and Coroado 2007). This theory still needs confirmation considering that these ideas were taken after the observation of the plates kept at the Museu Nacional Machado de Castro and there is no certainty that they were produced in Coimbra. The evidence from Garagem 70

Avenida can be dated mainly between 1630 and 1700, although some residual testimonies of older and more recent productions were also found. Plates and bowls are the more frequent finds, although some bottles, jars, boxes and lids were also recorded. The decoration found in such objects is quite similar to the one made in Lisbon and Vila Nova, although the drawings reveal a more naive method and less craft specialization. Aranhões and chrysanthemums follow the Lisbon style searching a Chinese inspiration but far from the beauty achieved in the capital’s workshops. Coats of arms are equally frequent. Clusters of concentric circles, beads and lace appear with very peculiar characteristics. There are some types of floral decoration that have not yet been found elsewhere except in Coimbra and in the places this production centre would supply. The production of faience in the North of Portugal is going to be established in the south bench of Douro in Vila Nova, nowadays Gaia. This suburb was an economic satellite of Oporto with its own industry producing essentially to supply the Oporto region but also international trade. Potters were located in the area of Santa Marinha, Mafamude, Oliveira do Douro and Valadares, in the most important streets, like Rua Direita or Coimbrã, today Rua Cândido dos Reis, and in its surroundings. The first reference to pottery production occurs in the 15th century. On December 20th 1460 there is a reference to the potter Martim Gonçalves from aalém, the other side of the river, at the Oporto’s city hall (Cruz 1942, 7). However, and despite the fragmented news of pottery production in Vila Nova it will be from late 16th century onwards that the industry will grow, essentially based on the production of fine tin glaze table ware. It is normally believed that the industry grew based on potters from other regions, namely Lisbon and Coimbra. Seeing the demand of faience from this northern city these men moved from their home towns into this area of the country bringing new techniques (Leão 1999, 47). In spite of already very populated Vila Nova was the best choice for the location of this new pottery industry. The river was so close that permitted the import of raw materials and the export of the finished product. The distance from Oporto was perfect since this was a dirty craft and the smoke and rubbish would not disturb the political and social elites. Vila Nova didn’t have white clay in its proximity. The white clay used in Vila Nova’s workshops in the 17th and 18th centuries was bought from Lisbon and most probably from Coimbra (Lepierre 1898, 86). The acquisition of clay by Vila Nova’s potters from Lisbon is registered in Oporto’s port books. The oldest cargo on board a ship dates from 1647 when the ship mastered by Manuel Lopes brought white clay from Lisbon to António Fernandes, a Vila Nova potter (Leão 1999, 25). The first reference to a kiln in this area goes back to 1605 when Cristovão Fonseca sells to Manuel Gonçalves a house and a potter’s kiln (Leão 1995, 42). Until quite recently, only written evidence could support the Vila Nova’s production in the 17th century. However in 2000 an excavation revealed the remains of a

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries) workshop in Rua Cândido dos Reis, dating to the second half of the 17th century. A house was associated with a kiln, dumpster, tanks and an area to smash the clay. Among the finds several eroded grinding stones were recovered possibly used to grind oxides. The pottery debris were essentially biscuit and other already finished forms all of them already broken (Almeida, Neves and Cavaco 2001). Although the site does not have a proper report or publication, the material was made accessible courtesy of the archaeological company Dryas, which allowed research into what type of artefacts were being produced at the site. This workshop was producing the type of pottery found not only in the area of Oporto, namely in Casa do Infante, but also in some overseas contexts, such as England and Newfoundland (Gomes and Casimiro 2013, 142; Dórdio, Teixeira and Sá 2001; Killock and Meddens 2005; Stoddart 2001). The production in Vila Nova was very variable with several different forms. In a letting contract of a house in Rua Direita (1723), Manuel Carneiro dos Santos had to give to the landlord 28000 reis plus two dozens of large plates, two dozens of small plates, one dozen of small bowls and half a dozen kitchen plates (Leão 1999, 34). Archaeological investigation enriched this information by showing other forms such as bottles, jars and some figurines. The fabrics are very similar to the capital productions, very homogenous and hard with some natural quartz and micaceous inclusions and some added quartz inclusions through sand and white ceramic grog. Light buff fabrics are the most frequent although sometimes they occur with a pinkish tone probably due to the use of some red clay (Sebastian 2010, 512–516). The glaze is of very fine quality with a high percentage of tin, very thick, white and shiny. Concerning the colours yellow is not very frequent in Vila Nova productions, but the blue tends to have a darker tonality than the one from Lisbon or Coimbra which may imply different ways of producing such objects or even the kiln temperature. The painting technique is somehow different from the two other production centres and its frequent to find some objects with "relief" paintings due to the accretion of paint. The decoration was a clear imitation of what was being manufactured in Lisbon with the same style and motifs. There was even some decoration which clearly succeeded or even became finer, such as lace. These present an excellent aesthetical quality and craft specialization different from the Lisbon and Coimbra’s lace. However there were other decorations such as the Chinese inspiration patterns with the edge divided into panels (metopes) filled by aranhões and chrysanthemums and the central bottom decorated with landscape and people and animals, especially rabbits that were not as beautiful as the Lisbon ones. Floral motifs are also frequent with large petals and leafs such as the motifs used in Lisbon and many objects decorated with geometrical patterns.

5.5

Regional and global distribution

For many years Portuguese faience was not considered as an international product. In fact when found abroad it was

frequently classified as Dutch, German, Spanish or even Mexican. Portuguese faience is found in some variable quantities across the world, especially in Atlantic coastal shores. This distribution cannot, however, have the same interpretations in all these places and archaeological context has to be taken into consideration. The amounts of Portuguese faience were never sufficient enough to fill an entire ship or even half of it, something that seems to have occurred exclusively with Chinese porcelain. Portuguese faience was a just another product of the vast range of commodities Portugal exported towards abroad destinations such as wine, olive oil, sugar, salt, fruit, and many others. Northern Europe is one of the areas where significant amounts of Portuguese faience has been identified in countries such as England, Ireland, Germany, Low Countries, Denmark, Poland, Lithuania, Sweden, among others. The presence in these countries is in fact related with the intense trading system Portugal had with Northern Europe based essentially on commodities such as salt and wine. One the other hand, the presence of several merchants with a Portuguese family background, most of them settled after Jews were expelled from the Iberian Peninsula in late 15th century, may have catalyzed the knowledge of such artefacts, many of them produced in Lisbon by demand and decorated with German and Dutch coats of arms and family names. The objects found in these countries’ archaeological sites can be considered of an extraordinary quality clearly destined to wealthy consumers. Portuguese colonies such as Brazil, Cape Verde, Sacramento in Uruguay or even Madeira and Azores, although involved in the trade of many different products, sugar was clearly the main one. Although geographically distant these territories were considered an extension of Portugal since most settlers were from Portuguese origin. In this sense the type of pottery found in such places is quite similar to the finds made in mainland Portugal ranging from high quality goods used by political and religious elites to lower quality productions found in domestic contexts and used by simple people in their daily activities. At this moment such discoveries have been made in places such as Funchal (Gomes and Gomes 1998), Cidade Velha in Cape Verde (Sorensen, Evans and Casimiro 2012), Sacramento (Fusco 1997) and in several places across Brazil namely in Vila Flor (Albuquerque 2008), Rio de Janeiro (Bandeira 2011), Bahia (Etchevarne 2007) and many other places. The presence of such wares in Spanish colonies in places such as Florida, the Dominican Republic and even Argentina is quite frequent. Nevertheless these were just recently recognized since for many years they were called Ichtuknee Azul sobre Blanco and considered a Spanish or south American production. Buenos Aires has an amazing collection of high quality Portuguese faience goods (Zorzi 2011). The North Atlantic trade towards Portugal was exclusively based on cod brought by Portuguese ships in the 16th century and by English ones in the 17th century. In return the ships took wine, olive oil, sugar, salt, food

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T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes stuffs, and as expected, pottery. Port books mention that thousands of Portuguese ceramics, faience and coarse wares were taken into Newfoundland in the second half of the 17th century. Archaeological excavations have in fact recovered a large number of such items in several fisheries and these can in fact be considered wealthy possessions (Gaulton and Casimiro 2015). Despite a strong distribution in the Atlantic coasts, the western Indian Ocean coastal and some hinterland locations have revealed some quantities of Portuguese faience. Although recovered in archaeological excavations in Kenya, India, Indonesia and Macau the number of finds is much smaller when compared to Atlantic locations (Gomes and Casimiro 2013, 181). There are many possible answers to this absence. First this was in fact a very long distance and the most important commodity acquired in such area of the world was spices, something that was traded in exchange of valuable goods such as precious metals. Ships did not have the space to carry much pottery. On the other hand it should not be forgotten that all of these locations were close to China and its porcelain kilns, a region where European productions were not so desirable, considering that they had access to the original products and not some blue on white European imitations of the same.

5.6

Conclusion

The discussion on the provenance of Portuguese faience in the world is considered here in diverse perspectives. The evidence found in former Portuguese colonies is easy to comprehend and interpret. Portuguese settlers took Portuguese faience with them, and its use suggests a continuation of Portuguese regular daily activities outside Portugal. Spanish colonies, considering their political proximity to Portugal, were also privileged in the knowledge and use of Portuguese wares, and thus it was easy to acquire and transmit European and Eastern Asian merchandise. As for English colonies the presence of Portuguese faience is related to the ability to acquire a high quality item, produced in Europe that could help European settlers to maintain a European life style. Lisbon was the most preferable workshop and the bulk of the evidence found in overseas contexts were in fact produced in that city. Nevertheless one cannot underestimate Coimbra and Vila Nova, since many plates and bowls produced at these workshops were in fact also recovered in places such as Ferryland in Newfoundland. Even though these ceramics are present in large amounts in other countries it is our belief that they were just a complement of a larger trading system involving especially wine, sugar, salt, species, cod and olive oil. Other products traded were fruits, clothes, furniture and of course pottery. Written evidence reveals that pottery occupied just a small amount of space in the ships’ cargo list. This was in fact a regular trade with several ships taking pottery around the year towards these colonies (Gomes, Casimiro and Gonçalves 2012). 72

This world trade happened mostly between 1580 and 1680, although there are occasionally finds that can found as late as the 18th century. As for Portuguese colonies archaeological and written evidence of such trade continues up to until these territories gained their independence from Portugal.

Acknowledgements The authors are part of a team responsible for an international project, sponsored by the Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia (PTDC/HIS-ARQ/111740/2009), and named "Portuguese faience across the world (16th to 18th centuries)".

References Albuquerque, P., 2008, A Faiança Portuguesa: demarcador cronológico na arqueologia brasileira, in Actas das 4as Jornadas de Cerâmica Medieval e Pós-Medieval, Métodos e Resultados para o seu Estudo, 221–270, Câmara Municipal de Tondela, Tondela. Bandeira, B., 2011, Estudo das Faianças Portuguesas Recuperadas nas Escavações no Paço Imperial: Praça XV de Novembro, Rio de Janeiro, Dissertação de Mestrado UFRJ/ Museu Nacional/ Mestrado em Arqueologia, Rio de Janeiro. Bartels, M., 2003, A cerâmica portuguesa nos Países Baixos (1525–1650): uma análise sócio-económica baseada nos achados arqueológicos, Revista Património Estudos, 5, 70–82. Batalha, L., Campôa, A., Cardoso, G., Neto, N., Rebelo, P., and Santos, R., 2012, Vestígios de um centro produtor de faiança dos séculos XVII e XVIII: dados de uma intervenção arqueológica na Rua de Buenos Aires, nº 10, Lisboa, in Velhos e Novos Mundos. Estudos de Arqueologia Moderna, 951–962, Centro de História de Além Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Calado,
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habitação setecentista em Lisboa, in O Arqueólogo Português, 5ª série, 1, 689–726. Casimiro, T. M., 2015, Portuguese faience in the South-West England, in West Country Households, 1500–1700 (eds. J. Allan, N. Alcock and D.), 339–356, Society for PostMedieval Archaeology, Boydell Press, Exeter. Cruz, A., 1942, Oleiros do Porto e Vila Nova, Boletim Cultural da Câmara Municipal do Porto, 5, 135–144. Cruz, M., 2003, Projecto Garagem Avenida Coimbra. Relatório de Acompanhamento e Escavação arqueológica,

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Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries) Instituto de Gestão do Património Arquitectónico e Arqueológico (texto policopiado). Dórdio, P., Teixeira, R., and Sá, A., 2001, Faianças do Porto e Gaia: o recente contributo da arqueologia, in Itinerário da Faiança do Porto e Gaia, 117–166, Museu Nacional de Soares dos Reis, Porto. Etchevarne, C., 2007, A faiança portuguesa do século XVII na Bahia, Revista Património Estudos, 10, 118–124. Fusco Zambetogliris, N., 1997, De azul pintada de azul. La cerâmica de la colónia del Sacramento, in Do Tratado de Tordesilhas ao Tratado de Madrid, 271–276, Sociedade Portuguesa de Estudos do Século XVIII, Lisboa. Gaulton, B., and Casimiro, T. M., 2015, Custommade ceramics, trans-Atlantic business partnerships and entrepreneurial spirit in early modern Newfoundland: an examination of the SK vessels from Ferryland, International Journal for Historical Archaeology, 19(1), 1–19. Goggin, J. M., 1968, Spanish Majolica in the New World, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, New Haven. Gomes, M. V., and Casimiro, T. M., 2013, Gold and spices route, in On the world’s Routes. Portuguese Faience (16th –18th Centuries), 181–182, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisbon. Gomes, M. V., Casimiro, T. M., and Gonçalves, J., 2012, Espólio do Naufrágio da Ponta do Leme Velho? Ilha do Sal, Cabo Verde, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Gomes, M. V., and Gomes, R. V., 1991, Cerâmicas vidradas e esmaltadas dos séculos XIV, XV e XVI, do Poço-Cisterna de Silves, in A Cerâmica Medieval no Mediterrâneo Ocidental, 457–490, Campo Arqueológico de Mértola, Mértola. Gomes, M. V., and Gomes, R. V., 1998, Cerâmicas dos séculos XV e XVII da Praça Cristóvão Colombo no Funchal, in Actas das 2as Jornadas de Cerâmica Medieval e Pós-Medieval, Métodos e Resultados para o seu Estudo, 315–348, Câmara Municipal de Tondela, Tondela. Killock, D., and Meddens, F., 2005, Pottery as plunder, a 17th century maritime site in Limehouse, London, Post-Medieval Archaeology, 39, 1–91. Leão, M., 1995, A olaria vilanovence no século XVII, Boletim do Grupo de Amigos de Gaia, 40, 37–48. Leão, M., 1999, A Cerâmica em Vila Nova de Gaia, Fundação Manuel Leão, Gaia. Lepierre, C., 1898, Estudo Chimico e Technologico sobre a Cerâmica Portuguesa Moderna, Impressa Nacional, Lisboa. Mangucci, A. C., 1996, Olarias de louça e azulejo da freguesia de Santos-o-Velho, dos meados dos séculos XVI aos meados do século XVIII, Almadan, 5, 155– 168.

Pais, A., Pacheco, A., and Coroado, J., 2007, Cerâmica de Coimbra. Do século XVI–XX, Edições Inapa, Coimbra. Queiroz, J. de, 1907, Cerâmica Portuguesa, Typografia do Anuário Commercial, Lisboa. Sabrosa, A., 2008, As faianças da Casa Côrte-Real, Largo do Corpo Santo, Lisboa, in Actas das 4as Jornadas de Cerâmica Medieval e Pós-Medieval, Métodos e Resultados para o seu Estudo, 109–142, Câmara Municipal de Tondela, Tondela. Sebastian, L., 2010, A Produção Oleira de Faiança em Portugal (Séculos XVI–XVIII), Unpublished PhD dissertation, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Sebastian, L., 2013, Techniques and workshops, in On the World’s Routes. Portuguese Faience (16th 18th Centuries), 57–73, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Sequeira, M., 1967, Subsídios da faiança nacional como prolegómenos à Real Fábrica de Louça, in Depois do Terramoto: Subsídios para a História dos Bairros Ocidentais de Lisboa, Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, Lisboa. Sorensen, M. L., Evans, C., and Casimiro, T. M., 2012, Pottery in Cidade Velha—Cabo Verde, in Velhos e Novos Mundos. Estudos de Arqueologia Moderna, 813– 820, Centro de História de Além-Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Stoddart, E., 2001, Picking up the pieces: seventeenth century tin glaze earthenware from Ferryland, Newfoundland, in A Collection of Papers Presented in the 33rd Annual Meeting of the Canadian Archaeological Association, 1–7, Ontario Archaeological Society, Ontario. Tavares, P., 1982, A cerâmica coimbrã no século XVII, in A Cerâmica em Coimbra, Comissão de Coordenação da Região Centro, Coimbra. Torres, C., 1990, Um forno cerâmico dos séculos XV e XVI na cintura industrial de Lisboa, in Fours de Potiers et "Testares" Médiévaux en Méditerranée Occidentale, 131–141, Publications de la Casa de Velázquez, Madrid. Torres, J., 2012, Quotidianos no Convento de São Francisco de Lisboa: uma análise de cerâmica vidrada, faiança portuguesa e porcelana chinesa. Dissertação de Mestrado em Arqueologia, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa (texto policopiado). Wilcoxen, C., 1999, Seventeenth-century Portuguese faience and its presence in Colonial America, Northeast Historical Archaeology, 28, 1–20. Zorzi, F., 2011, Mayólica Colonial en Buenos Aires. Trayectoria Social de un Conjunto Cerámico de los Siglos XVII y XVIII, Tesis de Licenciatura, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Buenos Aires.

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Figure 5.1: Map of Portugal with the location of production centres.

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Figure 5.2: World map with the countries where Portuguese faience has been found.

Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries)

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Figure 5.3: Bowl found inside Mata da Machada kiln (photo by T. Casimiro).

Figure 5.4: Fragment of plate produced in Coimbra (photo by L. Sebastian).

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Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries)

Figure 5.5: Plate manufactured in Vila Nova (after Gomes and Casimiro 2013, 52).

Figure 5.6: Small Portuguese faience jar found in Amsterdam (kept at Office for Monuments & Archaeology Amsterdam, photo by T. Casimiro). GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

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T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes

Figure 5.7: Aranhões plate found in Enkhuizen, Low Countries (after Gomes and Casimiro 2013, 120).

Figure 5.8: Portuguese faience plate found in Cape Verde (after Gomes, Casimiro and Gonçalves 2012, 48).

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Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries)

Figure 5.9: Portuguese faience bowl with lace decoration found in London (drawn by T. Casimiro).

Figure 5.10: Portuguese faience plate found in Hoorn (kept at Gemeent Hoorn, photo by T. Casimiro).

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6

High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century

Samantha G. Ferrer1 , Noémi S. Müller2 and Vassilis Kilikoglou2 1- Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB, GRACPE), Departament de Prehistòria, Història Antiga i Arqueologia, Universitat de Barcelona, C/ de Montalegre, 6, 08001, Barcelona (Catalonia, Spain) ([email protected]) 2- Institute of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology, N.C.S.R. Demokritos, Aghia Paraskevi, 15310, Athens (Greece) [Noémi S. Müller’s current address: Fitch Laboratory, British School at Athens, 52 Souedias St., 10676 Athens (Greece)] ([email protected], [email protected]) During the 15th –16th century, Seville boasted a flourishing pottery manufacture, producing transport jars to be sent to America. At the beginning, the medieval "cantimplora" was used as the main container, but technical requirements for long-distance trading led to the development of "botijas", as the standard type of transport jar. In the present paper, the mechanical performance and manufacturing technology of Seville transport jars is investigated in view of assessing potters’ strategies and elucidating the underlying material reasons that ensured the long term success of these vessels as transport containers for long-distance trade with the new continent. KEYWORDS: TRANSPORT JARS, BOTIJAS, MECHANICAL PROPERTIES, STRENGTH

6.1

Introduction

The sixteenth century is the beginning of the economic colonization of the Americas. In 1503 the Casa de Contratación (House of Trade) was established in Seville in order to control the economic activities with America. The city experienced an urban and economic growth, and new population settled in Seville when city expanded outside the medieval walls (Sánchez 1994). The vibrant economy gave rise to production and distribution of pottery. A new pottery district, Triana, was established in the south of the city and next to the fluvial port. Majolica pottery from Seville was distributed in Europe and especially in the new colonies in America (Sánchez 1996). But it is not only fine pottery that was sent to America: the new territories felt the need of utilitarian ceramics, such as glazed tableware and transport jars. New expeditions were carried out to settle new towns and new orders were placed to potters in Seville, mainly because pottery production was prohibited in America as a protectionist measure for the Spanish economy. Transport jars were sent filled with Spanish goods, like olive oil and wine, but they were also sent empty to bring back goods from America (James 1988). The present study of Seville transport jar technology aims at assessing potters’ strategies and elucidating the underlying material reasons that ensured the long-

term success of these vessels as transport containers for long-distance trade. This is achieved by correlating the mechanical performance of Seville transport vessels with the manufacturing technology of these specialized products, and is based on the chemical and mineralogical characterization of the archaeological material and on comparison of the observed material properties to the behavior of model materials.

6.2

The manufacture of cantimploras and botijas

The 16th century transport jars are the result of an amphorae tradition since antiquity. Amores and Chisvert (1993) points to the medieval dolias as the most recent ancestor. For long-distance trading, however, cantimploras (Figure 6.1, a) were used instead of the dolias during the first years of discoveries in America. Cantimploras were originally used in medieval terrestrial transport of liquids. They are flat in shape and of small size (from 21 to 36 cm of height approximately) with long and convex necks. But for long-distance trading since the late 15th century, they were adapted with spherical shapes, wider mouths, and interior lead green glaze for the transport of wine and oil. During the first half of the sixteenth century, these transport jars were sent to America, in the context of the exploration era and the first Spanish foundations, between

S. G. Ferrer, N. S. Müller and V. Kilikoglou 1493 and around 1570 (Deagan 1987). Since this was the first transport jar sent to America, Goggin (1960), in a first approach for the classification of transport jars, called it early style olive jar. After the stabilization of the Spanish economy and the establishment of the flota system (convoy system) in 1566, there was a high demand in ceramic containers. Cantimploras did not meet the requirements as a high demand consumer packaging for long-distance trading. Cantimploras were suboptimal to ship goods in bulk, because the vessel was made primarily for terrestrial transport. Botijas were designed to be stowed in ships in large quantities and supplied for the commerce with America under contract by the Casa de Contratación. They were manufactured close to the city and in the city itself, in transport jars workshops called botijeros. There was a semi industrial manufacture of these new transport jars. Botijas (Figure 6.1, b) were the adaptation of dolias for long-distance trading: they are larger in size (from 26 to 57 cm in height), and have thicker walls (from 0.7 to 1.4 cm of thickness) than the cantimploras and they were covered with vegetable fiber when stowed. Goggin (1960) classified them as middle style olive jars, and this was the typical jar for transport during the Spanish colony. The present paper focuses on the early and middle style olive jars, cantimploras and botijas dating from the second half of the 15th to the end of the 16th –early 17th century (Table 6.1).

6.3

Transport vessels and mechanical properties

Transport vessels are subject to considerable mechanical stresses during overseas transportation due to weight loads from overlying vessel layers, but also from collisions caused by movements of the ship. Since material failure in these specialized types of ceramic containers results not only in loss of the vessel but, in most cases, also in loss of its content, the ability of transport vessels to withstand mechanical loads is of great importance. Ceramic containers have been used for overseas trade since antiquity, and there is a series of studies that have examined the mechanical performance of the vessels, the affordance of the ceramic material and its response to mechanical stresses. These include for example a study of Hellenistic amphorae used in the trade of wine in Eastern Mediterranean and beyond (Hein et al. 2008) but also Roman amphorae manufactured in the Catalonian coast and employed for trade in the Roman Mediterranean have been examined (Buxeda et al. 2007; Vila et al. 2007; Martínez et al. 2007). Interest has centered on the examination of a ceramic’s resistance to crack initiation under mechanical loading, which is given by the fracture strength of a material. This is taken to indicate a materials ability to withstand mechanical loads without losing their (fluid) content. In the case of ceramic materials which show brittle fracture, the initiation of a crack is usually equivalent to the failure of the vessel, while in ceramics which show stable 82

fracture a propagating crack can be arrested through different mechanisms and energy is dissipated during crack propagation. Importantly, the mechanical properties of a finished vessel can be controlled in manufacture. Various parameters have been identified which influence the mechanical properties of clay ceramics: these include the amount, size, shape and kind of aplastic inclusions in the clay paste as well as firing regimes (Tite et al. 2001).

6.4

Experimental

For the present study, a random sampling (Table 6.1) of 24 sherds from transport jars was carried out. Types included cantimploras and botijas dating to the late 15th century and 16th century and unearthed from the church vaults of Seville’s Cathedral. These samples have previously been analyzed by means of X-ray fluorescence and X-ray diffraction and the results have already been published elsewhere (Ferrer et al. 2013, forthcoming). Mechanical tests were employed to investigate the fracture strength of Seville transport jars. In addition, material parameters which reflect potters’ choices in manufacture and which are known to influence a ceramic’s mechanical performance, in particular firing temperature and aplastic inclusions were determined, using thin section petrography and scanning electron microscopy. Thin section petrography Ceramic thin sections were characterised based upon the nature of their dominant non plastic inclusions, their clay matrix and textural characteristics as observed under a Leica Laborlux 12 POL S petrological microscope with magnifications of 25X to 400X. The main characteristic features were then summarized and an interpretation of ceramic technology was based upon the evidence seen in each section. Scanning electron microscopy Freshly fractured surfaces were carbon coated and examined in a FEI-Quanta Inspect scanning electron microscope to retrieve information on the ceramic microstructure. Mechanical tests Due to material constraints, both in terms of amount of available sample and in terms of geometrical constraints, fracture strength was in most cases determined on flat disc-shaped specimens cut from the archaeological sherds, in ball-on-ring experiments. Such samples, with a diameter of 30 mm and a height between 4 and 5 mm can readily be cut from sherds where curvature or sample size do not allow to cut the rectangular test bars required for determination of flexural strength as modulus of rupture (MOR) in three-point bending tests. For several samples, fracture strength was additionally determined in three point bending experiments. All measurements were carried out on an INSTRON 1195 universal testing machine, at a constant loading rate of 109 μm/min. The load as a function of displacement was recorded for every specimen. For the measurement on flat discs, the inner diameter of the support ring was 22 mm, and bending stress was then calculated according to (Roark

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High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century and Young 1989, 432), with an indentation radius r0 of 1 mm and poisson ratio 0.27. For the three-point bending experiments, every archaeological sample was measured on three bars. A span width of 40.8 mm was employed and MOR was then calculated according to standard methods (British Standards Institute 2002).

6.5

Results and discussion

Section petrography Results in thin sections show a groundmass of 80–90 % of matrix, some samples with less at 60–79 %, and some samples with more at 92–96 %. The matrix is calcareous, and some samples show secondary calcite. Colours range from reddish brown to yellowish brown in XP and reddish brown to grayish brown in PPL (40X). Moreover, in several samples core-margin differentiation is observed, with samples showing more grayish cores and reddish surfaces. Optical activity ranges from moderate to nonactive (with the majority of samples showing no optical activity), indicating medium to high firing temperatures. The frequency of inclusions is variable around 3–30 % (with the majority of samples between 10–20 % of aplastic inclusions). Inclusions are moderately sorted and sub angular to rounded. There is bimodality in samples: coarse fraction around 0.8 to 1.12 mm, and fine fraction of 0.2 to 0.6 mm. Fine fraction is always less than coarse (around 5 % of total inclusions). Additionally, the microstructure shows 1–5 % of macrovughs and microvesicles (0.4–0.64 mm). The ceramic fabric of samples from Seville (Figure 6.2) is consistent with raw materials derived from an eroded and weathered metamorphic environment. This is consistent with textual evidence which indicates that the raw material is extracted from the banks of the Guadalquivir river (Sánchez 1994; Lister and Lister 1987). The matrix contains iron rich pellets and is heterogeneous, possibly indicating clay mixing. The inclusions are composed of mono and polycrystalline quartz, alkali feldspars, micritic and sparry calcite as filling of microfossils like ostracods and foraminifera, white mica (muscovite), biotite, mica-schist fragments, serpentine, arenite, phyllite and amphibolite fragments. In terms of inclusions two tendencies are observed: some samples contain a relatively high proportion of mudstones inclusions while other contains relatively little mudstones but a higher proportion of metamorphic inclusions. According to typology, the first tendency is frequent in large transport jars like botijas, and the second in the smaller cantimploras, but there is a mix of large and small jars in the middle, making it impossible to assign them in two clear petrographic groups.

Scanning electron microscopy Examination of the birefringence of samples’ ground mass in thin section suggests that samples had consistently been fired to relatively high temperatures, above the onset of vitrification. This is supported by XRD analyses which

for all samples indicate firing temperatures between (850– 1050) °C. To corroborate this finding, few fresh fractures were examined additionally by SEM. Analyses by WDXRF revealed a calcium content around 16 % CaO for the samples. Calcareous clays develop a cellular structure shortly after the onset of vitrification which remains essentially unchanged from (850–1050) °C; in excess of these temperatures, the cellular structure collapses and a continuous vitrified layer, containing bloating pores is formed (Tite and Maniatis 1975). The ceramic matrix of the examined samples (Figure 6.3) shows the cellular structure which is expected for calcareous pastes fired to temperatures between 850 to 1050 °C. The well fused character of the glassy filaments suggests for the samples examined equivalent firing temperatures probably at the higher end of the range, c. (950–1050) °C.

Mechanical tests on Seville transport jars The results of the mechanical tests conducted on the fragments of transport jars are summarized in Table 6.2. Earlier data obtained from three point bending tests conducted on Sevillian jars are also included (Samples SEV001–SEV010), these were, however, obtained mostly from measurements conducted with a different span width and in several cases on less than three specimens. Comparing the data obtained on ball-on-ring and three point bending tests on the same vessels an increase of c. 60 % in biaxial testing was found. Control measurements which compared data obtained on ball-on-ring with three point bending data for a series of transport jars (Ferrer forthcoming) suggest that the corpus of measurements obtained on disk-shaped specimens in ball-on-ring tests can be compared to test data obtained by three point bending under the same loading speed, by applying a factor of 1.6. Outliers such as sample SEV045 can be explained with the relatively low Weibull modulus of clay based ceramics and the small number of samples tested. Overall, the mechanical tests conducted, either as MOR or inferred from the data on disc specimens by applying a factor of 1.6, found an average MOR of c. 18 MPa for the Seville transport jars.

Assessment of manufacturing technology The high firing temperatures employed in manufacture resulted in a vitrified microstructure and in stronger bonding between particles than is the case with the only loosely connected clay particles in low-fired specimens, thus affording the ceramic material with relatively high strength levels. The development of fracture strength in untempered calcareous clays upon firing is exemplified in Figure 6.4 for a model clay (c. 14 % CaO) (Müller et al. 2010) and reflects the development of microstructures in calcareous clays upon firing. While there is a significant increase in strength from 550 C to 850 C, within the range of temperatures which results in an open cellular structure of the ceramic body—c. 850–1050 C (Tite and Maniatis 1975)—strength levels remain unchanged. When looking at the average strength of Sevillan transport jars, a reduction of strength as compared to

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83

S. G. Ferrer, N. S. Müller and V. Kilikoglou the untempered model material can be observed. This is readily explained by the presence of aplastic inclusions in the archaeological material: aplastic inclusions introduce flaws and imperfections in the ceramic matrix during all stages of manufacture, which result in a decrease of fracture strength in the finished product. Kilikoglou and colleagues (1998) assessing the influence of quartz tempering on mechanical performance, found that fracture strength decreases as the amount of temper increases. They further attested that increasing the grain size also resulted in a decrease of strength levels, an effect which is, however, much less pronounced than the effect of temper amount (Figure 6.5). In terms of fracture strength, the addition of river sand to the clay paste in the manufacture of Sevillan transport jar was thus not beneficial. Aplastic inclusions, however, play a role in the workability of a clay paste: they may be added to correct the stickiness of clay and they are crucial in aiding to reduce shrinkage and deformation during drying. Importantly, aplastic inclusions also benefit the mechanical performance of clay ceramics in terms of their fracture energy: with increasing amount of aplastic temper material a shift towards more stable fracture is observed. So have Kilikoglou and colleagues (1995) observed that a change in fracture mode from brittle to stable facture occurs at around 20 volume % of temper material for quartz tempered calcareous ceramics fired at 950 °C. It can be argued therefore, that the use of calcareous clays and high firing temperatures in the production of Seville transport amphorae resulted in a vitrified microstructure, stable over relatively wide temperature range, ensuring high strength and consistent quality. The addition of moderate amounts of river sand ensured workability of the clay paste, prevented damage (warping, cracking) during drying and afforded the final product with capacity for energy dissipation during crack propagation without excessive loss in strength.

6.6

Summary and conclusions

Test results appear to reveal a tendency for a somewhat higher mechanical strength for cantimploras as opposed to botijas. This putative reduction in fracture strength and in resistance to crack initiation for the later transport vessels would, however, likely have been compensated by the thicker walls of these vessels. Not least given the relatively small sample number, further research is needed to corroborate this finding, and—if confirmed—to investigate how this may relate to variations in manufacturing techniques, and whether these represent a trade-off with other material properties, e.g. to achieve higher resistance to crack propagation, or are due to changes in manufacture governed by economic considerations. Overall, analyses of archaeological samples confirmed that a calcareous base clay, tempered with moderate amounts of river sand was employed in the manufacture of Seville transport jars destined for the trade with America. Jars were fired to high temperatures, resulting in a vitrified body, which afforded the vessel with the strength required to withstand mechanical loads during transportation and 84

to bring contents safe to their destination. The addition of river sand affected workability and drying properties of the clay paste. The aplastic afforded the final product with capacity for energy dissipation so cracking did not necessarily result in a loss of vessel. The wrapping of vegetable fibers around transport jars which has been documented for the middle style olive jars further alleviated mechanical stresses by absorbing and dissipating mechanical stresses arising from collisions with other vessels or the ships’ hull. Above all, however, it was the Seville potters who ensured the long-term success of Seville transport vessels, by selecting particular raw materials, tempering and firing strategies so that their produce was uniquely suited to withstand the strains and stresses of overseas transport.

Acknowledgements This study is included in the project Technological impact in the colonial New World. Cultural change in pottery archaeology and archaeometry (Tecnolonial) (HAR2012-33784, HAR2008-02834/HIST) funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Spanish Government). Samantha G. Ferrer is indebted to the predoctoral fellowship of the program Formación de Personal Investigador (FPI) (Spanish Government). Noémi S. Müller gratefully acknowledges support provided through a Juan de la Cierva Fellowship (Spanish Government) as well as though a Marie Curie ITN programme (NARNIA265010).

References Amores Carredano, F. de, and Chisvert Jiménez, N., 1993, Tipología de la cerámica bajomedieval y moderna sevillana (s. XV–XVIII): I, la loza quebrada de relleno de bóvedas, SPAL: Revista de prehistoria y arqueología de la Universidad de Sevilla, 2, 269–328. British Standards Institute, 2002, Advanced technical ceramics, mechanical properties of ceramics composites at room temperature, part 3: determination of flexural strength [BS EN 658-3: 2002]. Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Martínez Ferreras, V., and Vila Socias, L., 2007, Les primeres produccions d’àmfores romanes a la Tarraconense. Per una arqueometria del canvi tecnològic, de la producció i del consum, in La producció i el comerç de les àmfores de la Provincia Hispania Tarraconenses: homenatge a Ricard Pascual i Guasch (eds. A. López Mullor and X. Aquilué i Abadias), 151–161, Monografies, 8, Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya, Barcelona, Barcelona. Deagan, K., 1987, Artifacts of the Spanish colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500–1800. Vol. 1, Ceramics, glassware, and beads, Chesham: Smithsonian Institution, Combined Academic, Washington, D.C. Ferrer, S. G., forthcoming, Els contenidors ceràmics de transport al voltant del segle XVII. Arqueometria del intercanvi de mercaderies entre la Península Ibèrica

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High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century i l’Amèrica colonial. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona. Ferrer, S. G., Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Iñañez, J. G., Amores Carredano, F. de, and Alzate Gallego, A., 2013, Sevillian transport jars in early colonial America: the case of Santa María La Antigua del Darién (Colombia), Open Journal of Archaeometry, 1:e3, 10– 15. Goggin, J., 1960, The Spanish olive jar; an introductory study, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, New Haven. Hein, A., Georgopoulou, V., Nodarou, E., and Kilikoglou, V., 2008, Koan amphorae from Halasarna— investigations in a Hellenistic amphora production centre, Journal of Archaeological Science, 35(4), 1049– 1061. James, S. R., 1988, A Reassessment of the Chronological and Typological Framework of the Spanish Olive Jar, Historical Archaeology, 22(1), 43–66. Kilikoglou, V., Vekinis, G., and Maniatis, Y., 1995, Toughening of ceramic earthenwares by quartz inclusions: An ancient art revisited, Acta Metallurgica et Materialia, 43(8), 2959–2965. Kilikoglou, V., Vekinis, G., Maniatis, Y., and Day, P. M., 1998. Mechanical performance of quartztempered ceramics: Part I, strength and toughness, Archaeometry, 40(2), 261–279. Lister, F., and Lister, R. H., 1987, Andalusian ceramics in Spain and New Spain : a cultural register from the third century B.C. to 1700, University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Marken, M. W., 1994, Pottery from Spanish shipwrecks, 1500– 1800, University Press of Florida Gainesville.

Martínez Ferreras, V., Tsantini, E., Vila Socias, L., Jiménez Piqué, E., and Kilikoglou, V., 2007, Transport i emmagatzematge de les àmfores en l’Antiguitat: l’aportació de les ciències de materials, Empúries, 55, 39–51. Müller, N. S., Kilikoglou, V., Day, P. M., and Vekinis, G., 2010, The influence of temper shape on the mechanical properties of archaeological ceramics, Journal of the European Ceramic Society, 30(12), 2457– 2465. Roark, R. J., and Young, W. C., 1989, Roark’s formulas for stress and strain, McGraw-Hill, New York. Sánchez Cortegana, J. M., 1994, El Oficio de Ollero en Sevilla en el siglo XVI, Diputación Provincial de Sevilla, Sevilla. Sánchez, J. M., 1996, La cerámica exportada a América en el siglo XVI a través de la documentación del Archivo General de Indias: I. materiales arquitectónicos y contenedores de mercancías, Laboratorio de Arte: Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte, 9, 125– 142. Tite, M. S., and Maniatis, Y., 1975, Scanning electron microscopy of fired calcareous clays, Transactions and Journal of the British Ceramic Society, 74(1), 19–22. Tite, M. S., Kilikoglou, V., and Vekinis, G., 2001, Strength, Toughness and Thermal Shock Resistance of Ancient Ceramics, and Their Influence On Technological Choice, Archaeometry, 43(3), 301–324. Vila Socias, L., Hein, A., Kilikoglou, V., and Buxeda i Garrigós, J., 2007, Disseny amforal i canvi tecnològic al voltant del canvi d’Era: l’aportació de l’anàlisi d’elements finits, Empúries, 55, 27–38.

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Sample

Typology

Chronology

Provenance

SEV001 SEV002 SEV003 SEV004 SEV005 SEV007 SEV008 SEV009 SEV010 SEV011 SEV043 SEV044 SEV045 SEV046 SEV053 SEV054 SEV055 SEV056 SEV058 SEV097 SEV098 SEV100 SEV101 SEV104

Botija Cantimplora Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Botija Cantimplora Cantimplora Cantimplora Cantimplora Cantimplora Botija Cantimplora Botija Cantimplora Cantimplora

ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1514 ante quem 1514 ante quem 1514 ante quem 1514 16th -17th century 16th century 16th century 16th century 16th century ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 ante quem 1520 16th century second half 15th century 16th century 16th century second half 15th century

Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla Sevilla

Table 6.1: Samples studied, according to their typology, chronology and hypothesized provenance.

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High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century

Flexural strength Sample SEV011 SEV043 SEV044 SEV045 SEV046 SEV053 SEV054 SEV055 SEV056 SEV058 SEV097 SEV098 SEV100 SEV101 SEV104 SEV0011) SEV0021),∗ SEV0031),∗ SEV004∗ SEV0051),∗ SEV0071) SEV008∗ SEV0092) SEV0101),∗

Ball-on-ring (MPa) 28.5 28.3 25.4 26.2 30 27.2 31.4 35.4 20.1 35.1 19 32.5 22.6 33 36.4

MOR (MPa)

Ratio of fracture strength (Ball-on-ring/MOR)

18(2) 17(1) 11(2) 16(2)

1.6 1.5 2.4 1.9

19(1) 16(1) 21(2) 13(4) 22(3) 20(5) 15 12(5) 20(3)

Table 6.2: Flexural strength of ceramic samples obtained on ball-on-ring and three-point bending tests (MOR). Data obtained on earlier measurements in three-point bending tests are also featured for comparison reasons (SEV001–SEV010). 1) : span width s = 30.6 mm. 2) : span width s = 51.0 mm. ∗ : data from measurements on less than three test bars.

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Figure 6.1: Seville transport jars sent to America: a) Cantimplora, and b) Botija. (cf. Amores and Chisvert 1993; Marken 1994).

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High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century

Figure 6.2: Thin section photomicrographs (crossed polars) of samples a) SEV058, b) SEV098, c) SEV011, d) SEV046, e) SEV044, and f) SEV055. Field of view: 7 mm.

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Figure 6.3: Microstructure of the ceramic matrix as observed under the SEM. a) SEV053, b) SEV054, c) SEV055.

Figure 6.4: Average MOR of Sevillan transport jars compared to the strength of an untempered calcareous model clay fired to different temperatures. Associated microstructures of the model clay are indicated on the right. (cf. Müller et al. 2010).

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High-performance transport jars for long-distance trading during the 16th century

Figure 6.5: Influence of amount and size of aplastic inclusions on fracture strength. (cf. Kilikoglou et al. 1998). Indicating the average MOR of Sevillan transport jars.

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7

Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon

Mário Varela Gomes1 , Rosa Varela Gomes1 and Tânia Manuel Casimiro2 1- Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Av. de Berna, 26C, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, FCT Post-doctoral Fellowship, Av. de Berna, 26C, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ([email protected]) In archaeological excavations made in Portuguese convents and monasteries dated to the 16th , 17th and 18th centuries, a large quantity of Chinese porcelain has been recorded. This porcelain is related to the wealth and elevated social status of some of the nuns living in those religious buildings. Moralists from the aforementioned centuries criticized the luxurious and permissive environment of some of those convents, where the devotion paths and the material austerity were frequently forgotten. The excellent quality porcelain, rare and expensive, and other rich finds, such as jewellery, Iberian and Venetian glass, Italian and Dutch ceramics and exotic beads, from the Santana Convent demonstrate the aristocratic ways of life lived by some religious women and certainly obtained through Portuguese overseas trade. Besides the rich porcelain tableware used during meals or as a decorative element, a rare bowl decorated with erotic motifs was also found. This object, considering the religious context in which it was recovered, has caused a huge surprise, leading to numerous interpretations. KEYWORDS: CHINESE PORCELAIN, PORTUGAL, MODERN AGE, CONVENT, MONASTERY, LUXURY GOODS

7.1

Historical background

After Vasco da Gama’s discovery of the maritime route to India in 1498 the Portuguese would develop intense trade with the East. Lisbon received, in the first decades of the 16th century, luxury goods from different areas of the Indian subcontinent, Ceylon and indirectly from China. Later, in the mid-16th century the commercial traffic with China and Japan would also be established. Textiles, ceramics, ivory, rock crystal or gold objects, precious stones, jewels, furniture and spices were initially exclusive commodities for royalty and political, military and religious elites. Portuguese and European kings and princes, with whom Portuguese aristocrats, nobles and merchants maintained political or commercial relations, formed and enriched their kunstkammers (curiosity cabinets) with rare goods from the East. However, from mid-16th century onwards almost every church and convent in Portugal possessed Eastern textiles and others religious objects with the same origin. Simultaneously Portugal was also exporting such commodities to Europe through its commercial settlements in the Low Countries (the Portuguese factory in Flanders—Antwerp), but also to England and Venice. In addition to the large amounts of spices that were sold in bulk, textiles and Chinese porcelain were probably the

most considerable Eastern products with a huge economic significance. In 1522 D. João III, king of Portugal, ordered that every ship from India brings on board one third of its cargo in porcelain, signifying the enormous importance of this new import (Monteiro 1994, 19). The first porcelain objects were brought by sea during the first decade of the 16th century. A large flux is witnessed during the last two decades of the same century, with specific production destined for Europe (kraakporcelein). This would increase in the following decades as a result of Spanish, Dutch and English trade. Spanish and Portuguese royal inventories frequently mention the presence of Chinese porcelain, most of the times said to originate from India since in Portugal its trade was made and controlled by Casa da Índia a name given in 1506. Casa da Índia was an organization, somehow similar to a Customs House which purpose was to control the Portuguese overseas trade. Nevertheless also in the post mortem inventory from the Medina Sidonia duke, D. Juan Alonso de Guzmán, produced in 1558 at the Sanlúcar Palace states that there are: Dos porcelanas grandes de la India de Portugal labradas (. . . ). Otra grande de la India llana y la otra más pequeña con una figura em médio (. . . ). Otras dos porcelanas pequeñas de la India con unos

M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro peces y leones pintados. Un jarro aguamanil de la India. Veinte e dos escudillas grandes y pequeñas de la India. Tres brinquiños del mesmo barro de la India (. . . )

enormous quantities of Chinese porcelain used from late 16th century up to the 18th century. However it is important to remember that being a nun in those times was more of a social status than a religious or mystic devotion.

(two large porcelains from Portuguese India (. . . ) Another from India, plain and a smaller one with a figure at the middle (. . . ). Another two from India, smaller with painted fish and lions. One aquamanile jar from India. Twenty two large and small bowls from India. Three miniatures made from the same Indian clay (. . . )) (Urquízar 2007, 195–197).

7.2

Chinese porcelain, hitherto considered rare in Portuguese contexts was in fact the preferred ware by Portuguese elites, sometimes with a massive presence. Archaeological excavations, especially the ones conducted in urban areas have revealed a substantial presence of porcelain in aristocratic or bourgeois residences and female convents, dating from late 16th century to late 18th century. Despite the amounts recovered, the history of porcelain, its study, is still limited in Portugal. The first time Chinese porcelain from archaeological contexts was scientifically registered and studied in Portugal goes back to 1979, although the first publications were only produced in 1986 and 1991 (Gomes and Gomes 1984, 39–41, 44; 1991, 481, 482, 487, 488, Fig. 28). The finds published at that time were exhumed from the Silves’ almohade cistern-well, built in the 13th century, but filled in late 16th century. Inside the well about thirty porcelain fragments were recovered painted in cobalt blue on white. Two of them were probably manufactured during the Old Ming period (1400– 1407) and the remaining collection in the Mid Ming period (1488–1566) and during the Late Ming period (1566–1643). One of the fragments, a bowl’s bottom, was part of a kirande type bowl revealing its interior walls decorated in blue and the outside walls in green and phytomorphic golden motifs. This type of production goes back to the Chia Ching reign based on dated parallels. Another small fragment decorated with polychromes phytomorphic motifs can be classified as wucai porcelain and dated from the Wanli reign (1573–1619). Thirty years have passed since that discovery and based on the contribution given by urban archaeological excavations it is possible to infer that in some 17th century contexts Chinese porcelain is almost as numerous as Portuguese faience and never in smaller amounts when compared with Italian majolica or Seville tin glaze ware, also found in large quantities. This phenomenon must be related with the wealth of the Portuguese urban population and elevated social status of some of noble, military, religious and bourgeois individuals, enriched with the growth of overseas trade. In the study presented in this paper, nuns living in religious buildings, where one should preach poverty, chastity, enclosure and obedience, reveal that the reality was far from those ideals, as attested by the amount of luxury and wealthy environment surrounding them, especially the richness of the material culture with 94

Convents, monasteries and porcelain

Early Modern Age religious houses, save for the ones intentionally built in isolated and inhospitable locations, were most of the time located in suburban areas or even in rural zones, somewhat close to urban centres. These locations were chosen since those communities were almost self-sufficient and not only in need of large properties to settle and sustain the religious people but also all the others working there, to build religious temples, graveyards, cow stables, barns, water cisterns, wells, vegetable and flower gardens. Some of those convents and monasteries formed small worlds conveniently isolated from the profane world apart from daily lives. Despite all these isolation determinations, many of these religious houses were located inside urban areas due to several reasons but essentially because they provided important services to the civil population, especially in teaching and health areas. The Royal Hospital de Todos-os-Santos, a somehow public hospital, in Lisbon, was just an example. In fact many archaeological excavations have been conducted in monasteries and convents found in both northern and southern Portugal, although of different scales, from small tranches and surveys to large extensive ones. Based on the extension and published results, some of them deserve a proper reference such as São João de Tarouca, Santa Maria de Pombeiro, Tibães, Santa Clara-aVelha and Celas, the last two in Coimbra, Santana in Leiria, São Vicente de Fora, São Domingos and the nearby Royal Hospital of Todos-os-Santos, in Lisbon, Jesus in Setúbal and in a more recent times Santana in Lisbon. The specificity of archaeological excavations in convents and monasteries demands, in addition to the study of the wealthy material culture, an interaction with the surviving written documents with information about them. This is the only way to build diachronic models permitting archaeologists to accomplish the diverse and complex social, cultural and religious quotidian practices of these communities, as well as the ideologies which conducted to their existence. The study of ceramics found during the archaeological excavations performed in the old São Francisco Convent in Lisbon, allowed to infer that from a total of more than 4,000 fragment found inside a water cistern, only seventeen (0.42 %) were classified as Chinese porcelain. From those fourteen were plates and the other three, bowls, produced during the Zhengade (1506–1521), Jiajing (1521–1566), Longqing (1566–1573) and Wanli (1573– 1619) reigns (Torres 2011, 78–83, 98). An important collection of Chinese porcelain produced in the 16th and 17th centuries was found in the Santa Claraa-Velha convent in Coimbra and confirms the presence of nuns belonging to the wealthiest social elites in Portugal, "all noble" according to a Jesuit who, in the 16th century,

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon visited that religious house (Côrte-Real 2008, 42; Ferreira 2004). From the place where the Dominicans Santana convent in Leiria was located was recovered some 86 Chinese porcelain fragments dating to either the Zhengde (1506– 1521) or Jiajing (1521–1566), and the Qianlong (1736– 1795) reigns. Remains of 59 plates, 18 bowls, 3 pots and 6 undiagnostic fragments were also identified (Trindade 2011a, 2011b). In the São de João de Tarouca monastery, in Northern Portugal, the number of porcelain finds is very low with the identification of nearly hundred fragments, possibly as a result of the distance from Lisbon, the largest sea port for the entrance of such eastern commodities in Portugal. Although the study of material culture associated with Portuguese convents and monasteries is still in its infant stages it appears that in general female convents offer more evidence of Chinese porcelain than male religious houses. The reasons for such differences, possibly based on gender, are yet to be established but it cannot be denied that the range of variation so far has been establish from just some dozen fragments in fryers and monks houses to hundreds of sumptuous objects used in nuns daily lives.

7.3

The Santana Convent

In order to protect and conserve the structural and material archaeological finds from the Santana Convent, built in on a hill with the same name, it was demanded by several successive public offices in charge of Portuguese heritage (IPPAR, IPA, IGESPAR) and from Lisbon’s City Hall an archaeological intervention. This intervention was in mitigation ahead of plans to build there a new university campus of the Medical College of the NOVA University of Lisbon. The excavations took place in 2002, 2003, 2009 and 2010 in an area where part of the religious building was standing and some centuries later was built the Real Instituto Bacteriológico, later referred to as Instituto Bacteriológico de Câmara Pestana. The field work was supervised by two of the authors (R.V.G. and M.V.G.), professors of Archaeology at the Human and Social Sciences Faculty of the same University, and developed with the help of several students through a memorandum of understanding between both colleges and the University. When the archaeological excavations started some structures from the old convent were still standing such as a large cistern and a wide and deep well, although completely filled. The fieldwork allowed exploring the well and identifying the foundations of the convent’s church and cloisters. Two additional wells were also discovered, and a part of the garden belonging to that religious house with the remains of flower beds and benches, covered with tiles. Inside the cloisters, thirty three graves were identified in close to five enormous ossuaries and six large cesspits, made for hygienic purposes, since these were the places where organic remains were deposited, and filled with an elevated number of finds such as pottery, sometimes with complete objects of coarseware, glazed and

burnished ceramics, faience and porcelain, but also glass, small bulk finds, for example beads, medals and coins. Remains of many different food stuffs like animal and fish bones, egg shells, molluscs and others, gave valuable clues about the diet and subsistence of the religious community. Architectural testimonies and even part of a grave stone were found reused inside many building walls. Part of an ancient aqueduct was also discovered with material remains attesting to an interesting medieval domestic occupation. Founded in the second half of the 16th century (1562) and active until the 19th century, the Santana Convent was among the most important religious houses in Portugal. During the mid-18th century it hosted about five hundred people (Pires de Lima 1972, 360, 361).The Lisbon’s Santana Convent was only completely extinct in 1884 when the last religious woman living there died. Afterwards part of its compounds, including the church, were demolished in 1897 (Gomes and Gomes 2007, 75, 76) so the Real Instituto Bacteriológico could be constructed and completed three years later. The journal "Occidente" dated November 20th 1899 reported the opening and referred the connection of the convent to the poet Luiz Vaz de Camões, publishing the plant and three images of the temple (Gomes and Gomes 2007, 76). According to some documents, Camões was possibly buried in the graveyard next to the church and later his bone remains transferred inside the religious building before being sent to the Mosteiro dos Jerónimos in Belém, the final resting place of great names in Portugal’s History.

7.4

Description of the Chinese porcelain

Chinese porcelain from the Santana Convent was recovered in large quantities and was found together with Spanish faience, Italian majolica, German stoneware (dating from first half of the 16th century), Portuguese faience, tin glaze wares and enormous amounts of coarse wares, and glazed wares from local and regional workshops. Besides the identification of large recipients of Chinese porcelain or from the Asian Southeast, and even some anthropomorphic image made in ceramic, it was possible, for the first time, to identify in an early 17th century Portuguese context, some Vietnamese porcelain, made with a clear influence from China (Figure 7.1). Many other artefacts used in daily activities, devotional and religious actions, helped to integrate in the ideological, social and economic context the Far East porcelain finds. One can compare the percentage of three large groups of table ware found in two cesspits (pits 6 and 7, Figure 7.2): Chinese porcelain; Italian and Seville tin glaze ware and Portuguese faience. In the first context the Chinese porcelain is about one quarter (24 %) of those finds a similar amount to the finds of the other European wares (Italy and Seville), while the other half was of the very widespread Portuguese faience (Casimiro et al. in this volume1 ).

1 T. M. Casimiro, M. V. Gomes and R. V. Gomes, Portuguese Faience trade and consumption across the world (16th –18th centuries).

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M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro In the second pit the amounts are quite similar since porcelain and imported tin glaze wares have the same high frequencies (17 %), although Portuguese Faience is in a bigger number (66 %). The rich porcelain tableware used during meals or as decorative elements was mostly plates and bowls, but also other forms such as platters, betel boxes, jars, bottles, among others, dated from the first half of the 16th century (Jiajing reign, 1521–1566) or from the last decades of that century (Wanli reign, 1573–1619), some related to the Jingdezhen productions (1575–1605) are quite frequent. Other porcelains, dated from the 17th century are, as expected, more recurrent and possibly part of sets made for selling to the European market. Chinese porcelain from the 18th century was also found. A large plate with the bottom decorated in blue and the rim in red, green and golden corresponds to uncommon Chinese manufacture from mid-16th century (Figure 7.3, A). Another plate decorated with two birds, an insect, flowers and rock in blue or white reveals the ledge divided into metopes filled with flowers and birds and was produced in the Jingdezhen reign around 1575–1605 (Figure 7.3, B). An almost complete plate with three deer surrounded by a bucolic landscape with rocks and phytomorphic elements at the bottom is definitely of Wanli manufacture (1573–1619) (Figure 7.3, C). A lobbed rim plate decorated with lotus flowers and some egrets in a landscape with a pagoda (Figure 7.4, B) resembles a plate from the collection of the Museum Dr. Anastácio Gonçalves in Lisbon and to another from the Ardebil Shrine and it can be classified as a Jingdezhen production from c. 1565–1600 (Rinaldi 1989, 77, pl. 52; Pope 1981, pl. 94). At least two plates reveal at the top bottom some cranes, birds believed to be a symbol of long life (Figure 7.5, A, B). A bowl decorated with erotic motifs was also found. This object, unique in its exuberance and decorative grammar is well thought-out and in fact very problematic. Considering the religious context of the site, a religious house, its discovery caused a huge surprise and suggests many interpretations. It is indeed a unique example in the world of 17th century Chinese porcelain, since they usually do not present such decoration. In very rare bowls we have only one erotic image but not as explicit as these ones. Besides the intercourse scene found at the bowl’s bottom the Santana Convent find reveals four oval frames of lobbed sides in its outside walls, inside of which a sequence of sexual behaviours was drawn reminding a narrative or comic band. This artefact was probably an order performed by a Portuguese man in the middle of the 17th century, as it happened with many other objects made by demand since the arrival of the Portuguese in China and with complete table sets made in the 18th century or later, showing some noble or religious coats of arms and later from other nationalities. 96

7.5

Discussion

Although exceptional the Santana Convent finds are just a fragment on the history of consumption of Eastern goods in Lisbon and in Portugal. As one of the first European countries to reach that part of the world the exotic commodities possible to acquire in India and China always fascinated Portuguese people, as these will also charmed all European communities from the 16th century onwards. In this sense, porcelain should have been a fraction of all the things imported into Lisbon since many documents refer the presence of silk and other textiles, spices and fragrances, and the only one to subsist in the archaeological record. In Lisbon, and other parts of Portugal, these ceramics are common finds not just in convents but also in palaces or even in households. In the archaeological work carried out at the Santana convent it was possible to retrieve much knowledge related with the life and death in religious houses, completing an unavoidable cycle, but also with spirituality translated in many aspects of the cognitive life from those times. Some moralists from the aforementioned centuries, as fathers António Vieira (2001) (1608–1697), Manuel Bernardes (1644–1710) and others, criticized the luxurious and permissive environment of some of those convents where the devotion paths and the material austerity were, in truth, many times forgotten. One should remember the words of father Manuel the Elderly in 1730 (Velho 1730, 46, 313) referring to the table sets used in many convents when he writes "Genoa and India are and should be very distant from any nun", or I don’t know how a nun believes she can embellish her own cell with precious and golden blades and decorate it with Venetian glass and Indian and Japanese ceramic wares, lacquered trays and boards and other similar stuff transforming a religious cell into a cabinet or a secular window of precious items, denouncing the luxury of some convents in the use of Italian majolica and Chinese porcelain, still today in Portugal said to come from India . The erotic drawings seem to have been inspired in the bride books, a type of illustrated sexual instructions manual produced in China since ancient times, where the Kama Sutra and some Islamic influence can be found. The erotic scenes painted in Chinese porcelain or in small modelled figurines are usually believed to have been produced by demand of Dutch and English travellers and traders, a production which Imperator Qianlong (1736– 1795) would forbid supported by moral issues. Among rare recipients of Chinese porcelain there are three tall cups (height = 7 cm each), with a single sexual scene over white glaze, from the so called Hatcher Junk (1643–1646) (Sheaf and Kilburn, 1988, 67, pl. 100). Two saucer dishes, produced during the Kangxi reign (c. 1700) reveal love-making scenes nevertheless no explicit sex (Howard 1994, 43). A Kangxi beaker also reveals an erotic scene (Beurdeley et al. 1969, 119).

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon However if some Portuguese sailor or even a ship’s captain was found in Portugal with such object he would not be ignored by the Inquisition, very active in the 17th century. But was not a convent of pure nuns the best place to hide such precious rarity, at the time, certainly believed as a Devil’s work? Or was this an offer to one of the nuns living inside the convent? Nuns’ misbehaviour is a constant presence in Portuguese documents and these had constant lovers outside the convent. Two of the most paradigmatic cases were Madre Paula, the long lasting lover of João V, king of Portugal in the 18th century, or Mariana Alcoforado a nun from Beja who, in the 17th century was in love by a French knight and wrote him five letters expressing her feelings in 1667 and 1668. Other scandalous situations are known such as homosexual intercourse between nuns (Braga 2008) among other bad conducts. In this sense, the presence of erotic designs in the convent reveals that all preached morals were clearly being broken.

7.6

Conclusions

The excellent quality porcelain, rare and expensive, and other rich finds, found at the Santana Convent, during the archaeological excavations of its ruins, demonstrates the luxury, the exquisite taste and aristocratic ways of life lived by some of religious women, obtained based on the mercantilism routes supported by the Portuguese overseas trade over that period. The finds from the convent match with the religious house of rich people where the religious devotion and spirituality did not repudiate material prosperity, a wealthy table and the elegance of taste. All the material evidence points towards the presence of social elites situated within a cultural environment privileging novelty and rarity demonstrated by several finds but mostly by ceramics from Lisbon manufacturers but also from Italy or the far China.

References Bernardes, Pe . M., 1728, Nova Floresta ou Silva de Apophthegmas, e Ditos Sentensiosos Espirituaes, e Moraes; com Reflexoens, em que o Util da Doutrina se Acompanha com o Vario da Erudição, assim Divina como Humana, V, Oficina de José António da Silva, Lisboa Ocidental. Beurdeley, M., Schipper, K., and Fu-Jui, C., 1969, Chinese Erotic Art, VT: Charles E. Tuttle Co., Rutland. Braga, P., 2008, Casas de Deus ou antros do Demónio? Homossexualidade feminina em mosteiros e conventos (séculos XVI-XVIII), Turres Veteras, 10, 89– 94. Corte-Real, A., Leal, C., Munhós, M., Macedo, F., Bernardo, L., Ferreira, M., and Santos, P., 2008, O Mosteiro de Santa Clara de Coimbra: Investigação e síntese

de aspectos orientalizantes no espólio, in As Idades Medieval e Moderna na Península Ibérica. Actas do IV Congresso de Arqueologia Peninsular, 113–128, Universidade do Algarve, Faro. Ferreira, M. A., 2004, Espólio vítreo proveniente da estação arqueológica do Mosteiro de Santa Clara-avelha: resultados preliminares, Revista Portuguesa de Arqueologia, 7(2), 541–583. Gomes, R. V., and Gomes, M. V., 1984, Cerâmicas importadas, dos séculos XV e XVI, encontradas no Poço-Cisterna árabe de Silves, in Actas do 3º Congresso Sobre o Algarve, 1, 35–44, Racal Clube, Silves. Gomes, M. V., and Gomes, R. V., 1991, Cerâmicas vidradas e esmaltadas, dos séculos XIV, XV e XVI, do Poço-Cisterna de Silves, in A Cerâmica Medieval no Mediterrâneo Ocidental, 457–490, Campo Arqueológico de Mértola, Mértola. Gomes, M. V., and Gomes, R. V., 2007, Escavações arqueológicas no Convento de Santana, em Lisboa. Resultados preliminares, Olisipo, II série, 27, 75–92. Howard, D. S., 1994, The Choice of the Private Trader: The Private Market in Chinese Export Porcelain Illustrated in the Hodroff Collection, Zwemmer, London. Monteiro, J. P., 1994, A influência oriental na cerâmica portuguesa do século XVII, in A Influência Oriental na Cerâmica Portuguesa do Século XVII, 18–54, Museu Nacional do Azulejo, Lisboa. Rinaldi, M., 1989, Kraak Porcelain. A Moment in the History of Trade, Bamboo Publishing Ltd., London. Sheaf, C., and Kilburn, R., 1988, The Hatcher Porcelain Cargoes: The Complete Record, Phaidon-Christie’s, Oxford. Torres, J. B., 2011, Quotidianos no Convento de São Francisco de Lisboa: uma análise da cerâmica vidrada, faiança portuguesa e porcelana chinesa, unpublished Master dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Trindade, A. R., 2011a, Cultura Material, Luxo e Vivências de Carácter Secular em Conventos Femininos Portugueses (séculos XVII e XVIII). Alguns Contributos Históricos e Literários para Interpretação das Evidências Arqueologias, unpublished dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Trindade, A. R., 2011b, Porcelana Chinesa do Convento de Santana de Leiria, unpublished Master dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa. Urquízar Herrera, A., 2007, Coleccionismo y Nobleza. Signos de Distinción Social en la Andalucía del Renascimiento, Marcial Pons, Ediciones de Historia, Madrid. M., 1730, Cartas Directivas e Doutrinaes. Velho, Pe . Respostas de hua Religiosa Capucha, e Reformada, a outra Freira, que Mostrava querer Reformarse, Oficina de António Pedroso Galrão, Lisboa Ocidental. Vieira, Pe . A., 2001, Sermão do Demónio Mudo. No convento de Odivelas, Religiosas dos Patriarca S. Bernardo. Ano de 1651, in Sermões, 2, 333–361, Hedra, São Paulo.

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M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro

Figure 7.1: Santana Convent. Plates from the Ming dynasty (drawn by A. Machado).

Figure 7.2: Percentage comparative of ceramic groups found in Pit 6 and Pit 7.

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Convents, monasteries and porcelain: a case study of Santana Convent, Lisbon

Figure 7.3: Santana Convent. Plates and bowls from the Ming dynasty (drawn by A. Machado).

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M. V. Gomes, R. V. Gomes and T. M. Casimiro

Figure 7.4: Santana Convent. Bowl with erotic motifs (mid 17th century) (photos by C. Didelet).

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Figure 7.5: Santana Convent. Bottle, bowls and trey. Qing dynasty (drawn by T. Barbosa).

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8

Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria

Alsu Nuretdinova Archaeological Museum, Kazan Federal University, 18 Kremlevskaya Str., 420008 Kazan (Russian Federation) ([email protected]) This paper deals with attribution of mysterious medieval vessels widespread in the Muslim East in the 9th –15th centuries. The analytical study of sphero-conical vessels of the capitals of the Volga Bulgaria (Bilyar and Bolgar) is supported by typological analysis. We identified several centres of production of the ware and found out that the imported sphero-conical vessels were mainly brought to Bulgar settlements from Central Asia during a long chronological period - in the Pre-Mongolian time and the period of the Golden Horde. KEYWORDS: SPHERO-CONICAL VESSEL, VOLGA BULGARIA, MIDDLE AGES, HANDICRAFT, ALCHEMY, MERCURY

8.1

Introduction

Small vessels (mainly pottery) of 8–15 cm in height, the vessels with a rounded body and a conical bottom, which are called sphero-conical vessels in the archaeological literature, were widely known in the Islamic East in the Middle Ages. Sphero-conical vessels can often be found in the Middle East, Central Asia and Transcaucasia both in dwelling zones and handicraft quarters. There are more than twenty versions of possible use of sphero-conical vessels: mercury containers, lamps, "beer" bottles, perfume bottles, architectural details and others (Nuretdinova 2011). By technical characteristics sphero-conical vessels are referred to as refractory. Unlike other pottery these special containers are characterized by very thick walls (up to 3.5 cm), high density and solidity (5–8 points on the Mohs scale) (Salahov et al. 2006). All this was achieved by careful selection and processing of clays and high-temperature firing. The body morphology varies, but usually it is a thickened body with a narrow opening, probably to prevent the contents from spilling. Some of them are decorated with incisions, imprinting, relief elements, and glazing. This type of ware was made of other materials—glass, faience, bronze and lead. As for the Eastern Europe, a great number of spheroconical vessels (about 3000) were found during the excavations in Bulgar settlements: Bilyar, the capital city of the Volga Bulgaria of the 11th –beginning of the 13th centuries (1236); Bolgar, the capital of the Volga Bulgaria in the 10th century and during the Golden Horde period;

Suvar city which existed in the 10th –mid-13th centuries, Starokuybyshevskoe gorodishche of the 14th century and onwards. The adoption of Islam in the Volga Bolgaria in 922 explains the presence of vessels as adaptation to Islamic culture. The earliest settlements of Bulgar, where spheroconical vessels were found, are trade-and-craft villages: Izmerskoe I, Semenovskoe I and Bilyarskoe II villages of the 10th –11th centuries. Both imported (gray-and-yellow) samples and locally produced red-clay vessels were found in the settlements. Brick-kilns for sphero-conical vessels have not been found in the settlements of Bulgar of the 10th –13th centuries. However, the character of clay of spheroconical vessels does not differentiate them from unglazed red ceramics produced in Bolgar. The presence of local production is proved by the results obtained by spectral analysis and petrography. The intensity of cultural and economic links with the regions of Central Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East increased with the development of Bulgar cities; it is evidenced by a great number of sphero-conical vessels imported from these areas. The predominance of imported sphero-conical vessels made of thick loess clays over brittle and porous products of local potters becomes apparent. For example, in Bilyar, the capital of the Volga Bulgaria of Pre-Mongolian period (11th –13th centuries), there are 92 % imported gray and yellow samples, while local red ones are rare. A distinctive of feature of Bulgar settlements of this period is an expressive concentration of these products in handicraft centres. After the Mongolian invasion Volga Bolgaria becomes a

A. Nuretdinova part of the Golden Horde. In the second half of the 13th – 14th centuries the production of sphero-conical vessels was registered in Bulgar. There were several brick-kilns for sphero-conical vessels on the territory of the settlement. Compared with the previous period, red sphero-conical vessels of local production represented the majority in the time of the Golden Horde. Imported sphero-conical vessels in Bulgar settlements are not numerous, most of them are stamped vessels, reflecting the unity of material culture and processes of multicultural interaction between the regions of the Golden Horde. Topography of spreading the vessels in the Golden Horde Bulgar shows that this kind of pottery is found everywhere, both in residential and in handicraft areas, due to its application in household use, trades, alchemy, medicine and perfumery.

8.2

Typology

Sphero-conical vessel may consist of the following structural (constructive) elements: lip, corolla (or rim), roller or platform at the base of the cap, neck, platform at the base of the neck, body, bottom, relief elements. Of these, lip, body and bottom are the main structural elements. All other elements are optional, i.e. they are of secondary importance, and make the design of spheroconical vessel more complex, mainly in decorative attitude. Lip of sphero-conical vessels represented always bent rim in the form of lid. Generally the cap ends with a sharp cut and goes (deformed) in the throat. Such a construction of the hat was provided for the convenience of congestion and ligation, and then apparently became a handicraft tradition of the production of this type of ware. The body of sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria is round in the horizontal section. In vertical section body of sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria is presented in several forms: round - spherical, ellipsoidal, cylindrical, trapezoidal, conical, curly, zoomorphic, biconical. All sphero-conical vessels are protruding. Bottom of spheroconical vessels in longitudinal section can be: convex (conical, rounded) and flat. The combination of all components makes it possible to distinguish types of bulgar sphero-conical vessels (Figures 8.1 and 8.2). In what follows we will use a standard notation for size: D, diameter; H, height; T, thickness. To indicate the size of the design elements, symbols were used. Thus, a scheme of measurements of sphero-conical vessels was developed: D, diameter of body; d1, diameter of spout hole; d2, diameter of rim/spout; d3, diameter of roller or platform at the base of the neck; H, height of vessel; h1, height of cap; h2, height of neck; h3, height of roller or platform at the base of the neck; h4, height of body; T, thickness of the bottom; t1, thickness of the wall. Sizing of structural elements and their relationships (correlation) indicates the use by the ancient masters of close standards, certain patterns in the production of vessels. All design of sphero-conical vessels was proportional and therefore gave vessels graceful forms. Study sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria reveals two major groups based on technological features: 1, red clay (Figure 8.1), and 2, gray-and-yellow clay (Figure 8.2). 104

We proceed from the fact that variations in color are due to the nature of vessels (temperature, atmosphere in the oven) and features (specificity) of raw materials, i.e. color is seen here as a sign of technology. Types are allocated within each group based on morphological features. As indications of the type were taken morphological ones (shape of the body). Subtypes are located inside types according to features of the design of vessels, the proportions, the presence or absence of individual components, ornaments.

Group 1 It is represented by red clay vessels, having actually different colors from red to brown. To date, it is found that red color is characteristic of Volga vessels and, in rare cases, of Caucasian ones (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, 17). Within the group there are 5 types that distinguish of the form of the body (Figure 8.1). Type 1.I Vessels of ellipsoid form with an expansion of the body in their upper third (Figure 8.1, 1–7). Dimensions: H = 9.7– 14.2 cm; D = 8.2–10.5 cm; d1 = 0.4–0.8 cm; d2 = 3.2–4 cm. This type is referred 56 copies. Subtype 1.I.1 This subtype includes vessels with a hatshaped and a prominent-disk-shaped head, with tapered or rounded bottom (36 copies) (Figure 8.1, 1–3). Dimensions: H = 11.6–14.2 cm; D = 8.4–10.3 cm; d1 = 0.4–0.8 cm; d2 = 3.1–4 cm. More than half of the vessels are decorated with vertical polishing, sometimes there are 2 or 3 horizontal lines carved on hangers. All vessels are from the Golden Horde layer of Bolgar. Subtype 1.I.2 It is presented by vessels with a hat-shaped head with a conical bottom and elongated proportions (11 copies) (Figure 8.1, 4). Dimensions: H = 11–14 cm; D = 8.2– 9 cm; d1 = 0.6–0.7 cm; d2 = 3.4–3.6 cm. The vessels were decorated with vertical polishing. All vessels are from the Golden Horde layer of Bolgar. Subtype 1.I.3 Vessel with a massive head with a roller at the bottom of neck and a conical bottom (Figure 8.1, 5). Dimensions: H = 9.7 cm; D = 8.7 cm; d1 = 0.6 cm; d2 = 3.1 cm. Subtype is represented by one example of sphero-conical vessel without ornament which is originated in the Golden Horde layer of Bolgar. It can be assumed that this form of the vessel was taken from over subtype 2,I,4. Subtype 1.I.4 Vessels with conical and thick bottom (Figure 8.1, 6). Whole forms were not found. Dimensions: t1 = 2.5 cm. Sphero-conical vessels of this subgroup were covered by vertical polishing. All of them come from Bilyar (6 copies). Subtype 1.I.5 This subtype includes two vessels with conical bottom (Figure 8.1, 7). Both vessels are incomplete safety, with repulsed hats. Dimensions: h5 = 11.7–11.8 cm;

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Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria D = 9.5–10.5 cm. Vessels are ornamented with recessed flutings on the body and with three horizontal lines carved on the shoulder; come to Bolgar. Ornament in the form of flutings on the body is a characteristic design element of the dish with the peripheral regions of the later part of the Golden Horde period of Bolgar (Khlebnikova 1988, 84).

Subtype 1.III.2 Subtype presented by vessels with a rounded bottom and a large size (Figure 8.2, 12). Dimensions: d1 = 4–4.9 cm; t1 = 2.5–3.5 cm. Whole forms were not found. All bottles come with Bilyar (13 copies). In two vessels of this subtype there are signs applied after firing. According to S. Valiulina similar vessels are known in Georgia (Valiulina 2005, 161).

Type 1.II Distinctive features of the Type 1.II is its cylindrical body (Figure 8.1, 8–10). Dimensions: H = 10.5–12.8 cm; D = 8.1– 9.1 cm; d1 = 0.5–0.9 cm. There are 13 copies. Subtype 1.II.1 Vessels with conical bottom with a hatshaped head and elongated proportions are attributed 10 copies (Figure 8.1, 8). Dimensions: H = 11.8–12.8 cm; D = 8.5–9.1 cm; d1 = 0.5–0.7 cm. Sphero-conical vessels of this subgroup in several cases covered by the vertical polishing. All vessels are from the Golden Horde layer of Bolgar. Subtype 1.II.2 This subtype is presented by vessels with a hat-shaped head and round bottom—3 copies. (Figure 8.1, 9–10). Dimensions: H = 10.5–11.3 cm; D = 8.1–9 cm; d1 = 0.9 cm. Hanger of vessels were decorated with carved two horizontal lines. All sphero-conical vessels have brown color crock, which is characteristic of the overheated vessels. All come from Bilyarskoe II village (10th –11th centuries). The closest analogy to the form was found among the vessels from the personal collection of Poslavsky (mostly acquired in Samarkand) (Poslavsky 1905, Fig. 9, 12) and in the materials of Caucasian monuments (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Table 1, 5). Type 1.III This type is presented by rounded vessels with a hat-shaped head (Figure 8.1,11–12). Dimensions: H = 10.5–12.8 cm; D = 8.1–9.1 cm; d1 = 0.5–0.9 cm. This type includes 99 copies.

Type 1.IV Vessels with conical shape of the body and high, steep shoulders, sometimes at right angles to the neck (Figure 8.1, 13–15). Dimensions: H = 8.2–13.5 cm; D = 9–10.3 cm;, d1 = 0.4–0.7 cm. There are 117 copies. This type was found in the settlement of the Golden Horde Middle and Lower Volga. Subtype 1.IV.1 Vessels are filled with trapezoidal head (Figure 8.1, 13–14). Dimensions: H = 8.2–13.5 cm; D = 9–10.3 cm; d1 = 0.4–0.7 cm. Sphero-conical vessels were covered with vertical polishing. On several vessels there are signs made on the wet clay. All bottles come with a Golden Horde layer of Bolgar (109 copies) and Starokuybyshevskoe gorodishe (4 copies). The nearest analogies of sphero-conical vessels of this subtype are among the materials of the Golden Horde settlements: Uvek, Tsarev (Mikhalchenko 1974, 47, Fig. 1, 6.) and Krasny Yar (Pigarev 1994, Fig. 1, 4–5). Subtype 1.IV.2 Vessels that are different from the previous subtype the existence of low platform at the base of the neck (4 copies) (Figure 8.2, 15). Dimensions: H = 12–12.4 cm; D = 9.5–10 cm; d1 = 0.5 cm; d3 = 3– 4 cm. In two cases, fixed vertical polishing. Spheroconical vessels of this subtype were found in Suvar (1 copy), at the Golden Horde layer of Bulgar (2 copies), and at Starokuybyshevskoe gorodishche (1 copy). On one of the vessels fixed plate, after firing. Type 1.V

Subtype 1.III.1 This subtype involves the vessels (86 copies) with a hat-shaped head and rounded bottom (Figure 8.2, 11). Dimensions: H = 9.5–12.5 cm; D = 8.6– 10.5 cm; d1 = 0.8–1.2 cm; diameter of the body closest to the height of the body, which gives the main volume of the spherical form. Vessels of this subtype are usually ornamented with carved horizontal lines on the shoulder pads (one, two or three). One vessel is covered with a green glaze. The vessels of this subtype are dominant in early trading bulgar settlements in the layer of 10th 11th centuries (Bilyarskoe II, Izmerskoe I, Semenovskoe I villages), and also they were fixed in the early layers Bilyar (3 copies) and Suvar (1 copy). Most of the vessels are brown and they are a product of local production. There are four vessels with signs which were drawn before they were baked. Analogy to this subtype detected in the form of materials Transcaucasian: Dvin (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Fig. 48) and Baylakan (Minkevich-Mustafaeva 1959, 180); and the Middle East: Ray (Ettinghausen 1965, 218, pl. XLV, A).

This type includes vessels in zoomorphic versions. Subtype 1.V.1 To date, the type represented only by this subtype, namely by the vessel in the form of fish (Figure 8.1, 16). Head was repulsed. Dimensions: h5 = 16.5 cm. The entire surface is covered with carved lines that mimic the scale. This subtype is from Bilyar—from a collection of Pre-revolutionary Society of Archeology, History and Ethnography (Kazan Federal University). Sphero-conical vessels of a fish form known from Ahsikent (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, 14, Table IV).

Group 2 Group 2 (Figure 8.2) includes vessels of different shades of gray and yellow (light gray, light yellow, yellow-gray, graygreen, etc.). Yellow-gray and gray-green sphero-conical vessels found in Central Asia (Galiyeva 2001, 52) and Caucasian (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, 17).

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A. Nuretdinova Type 2.I Ellipsoid vessels with an expansion of the body in its upper third (Figure 8.2, 1–2). Dimensions: H = 9.5–13.9 cm; D = 7.3–10 cm. This type is referred 300 copies. Subtype 2.I.1 Vessels with a hat-shaped head, smoothly blending into the extended shoulders; vessel is completed by a conical bottom (Figure 8.2, 1–2). Dimensions: H = 9.5– 13 cm, D = 7.3–10 cm, d1 = 0.8–1 cm. This subtype to date involves 201 whole and in fragments of gray and graygreen vessels. The vessels are in Bilyar (174 copies.), Bolgar (10 copies), Suvar (17 copies) and Biliarskoe II village (2 copies). The closest analogy to the sphero-conical vessels of this subtype were find from Transcaucasian city Ani (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, 16), Central Asia (Galiyeva 2001, 57) and the Middle East (Pentz 1988, 91, Fig. 2). Vessels could be decorated with carved horizontal lines on the shoulder, in rare cases with grinding before firing on top of the body (Figure 8.2, 2). There are 17 vessels with signs made after firing. Subtype 2.I.2 Vessels with a hat-shaped head—4 copies (Figure 8.2, 3). Dimensions: H = 12.7 cm; D = 8.7 cm; d1 = 0.5–0.6 cm. Gray-clay vessels were decorated with almond-shaped pattern. All bottles come with a Golden Horde layer of Bolgar. Subtype 2.I.3 Thy subtype is marked by vessels with a hat-shaped head, broad and flattened platform (Figure 8.2, 4) in the base of neck, conical bottom, they are found in most excavations of Bilyar (35 copies). Dimensions: H = 13.9 cm; D = 9.5 cm; h3 = 1–2.5 cm; d3 = 4.5–6 cm. All vessels are gray-clay or gray-green. On one vessel, there is a sign. Close analogies to the vessels known in Khorezm and widely in the Middle East (Pentz 1988, 91, Fig. 2). Subtype 2.I.4 It includes a massive hat with a roller at the bottom and a conical bottom (Figure 8.2, 5). This roller is a transition of the cap in body (not neck). Dimensions: H = 12.7 cm; D = 8.5–8.7 cm; d1 = 0.4–0.6 cm. Grayclay vessels are decorated with the so-called honeycomb pattern. The number of vessels up to 19 copies: 18 copies from Bolgar and 1 from Starokuybyshevskoe gorpdishe. Sphero-conical vessels of this subtype are widely used in the Golden Horde. They are known in Costesti and Old Orhei (Kravchenko 1986, 61, Fig. 24, 1–5; Polevoy 1969, 135), Ukek (Nedashkovsky 2000, 100, Fig. 26, 1), the Red Yar Selitrennoe (Pigarev 1994 212–213, Fig. 1, 9.12.), Fustat (Scanlon 1981, 287, Fig. 4), Azak (Maslowskiy 2006, 418, Fig. 44, 1–3), Madjar (Rtveladze 1974 280–284), Saraychik (Samashev et al., 2008, 138). Subtype 2.I.5 Vessels with a hat-shaped head and a flattened bottom—6 copies. (Figure 8.2, 6). Despite the lack of whole forms, vessels are easily recognizable by the rich ornamentation, made using a stamp on the entire surface of the body, and the nature of the completion of the vessel (flat bottom). All vessels are gray-yellow color with slight tinge of green. The main ornamental motifs are the grape, 106

almond-shaped outlet, geometric shapes (triangles, stars, drop). One vessel is ornamented with rosettes with glaze inlay turquoise. The nearest analogies of the subtype were found among materials from Azak (Maslowskiy 2006, 418, Fig. 44, 12–13), Tsarev (Mikhalchenko 1974, 47, Fig.1, 7), Semirechensk region and Bolgar (described by Vinogradov 1922, 110, Table No. 6, 69,72), Turkestan (Gorodzov 1926, 156, Fig. 4); as well as this subtype is a fragment of the vessel, which is stored in the Hermitage, bought in Constantinople (Lenz 1904, 0102, Table VII). Type 2.II Sphero-conical vessels with a cylindrical shape of the body and a hat-shaped head—38 copies (Figure 8.2, 7–8). Dimensions: H = 10–11 cm; D = 7.5–8.5 cm. There are 62 copies. Subtype 2.II.1 Vessels with a flattened conical bottom— 38 copies (Figure 8.2, 7). Dimensions: H = 10–13 cm; D = 7.5–8.5 cm. There are 11 copies which were marked by signes after firing. All vessels come from Bilyar. Spheroconical vessels with cylindrical body is known among the materials of Ani and Dvin (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Table I, 3–4). Subtype 2.II.2 Subtype assigned by vessels with conical bottom and elongated proportions—3 copies (Figure 8.2, 8). Dimensions: H = 13 cm. Analogies of this subtype can be found among the materials of medieval Armenia (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Fig. 18, 42) and Central Asia (Vinogradov 1922, Table 4, 39, 42; Galiyeva 2001, 54, Fig. 1, 8–10). According to materials of badrab of 12th –early 13th centuries with Afrasiab vessels of type 2 Group 1 by Z. S. Galiyeva accounted 80 % of the total number of finds of sphero-conical vessels. They are also widely used in Sughd, Chach and Khorezm (Galiyeva, 2001, 54). Type 2.III This type is presented by sphero-conical vessels rounded form (Figure 8.2, 9). Subtype 2.III.1 Sphero-conical vessels with a hat-shaped head and rounded bottom, the diameter of the body is closely to the height of the body, which gives the main volume of the spherical shape. Analogies to this subtype are detected in the form of materials from Transcaucasian, Dvin (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Fig. 48) and Baylakan (Minkevich-Mustafaeva 1959, 180), and from the Middle East, Ray (Ettinghausen 1965, 218, pl. XLV, A). Type 2.IV Type assigned by vessels with teardrop shape of the body (Figure 8.2, 10–11). There are 32 copies. Galiyeva classified elongated vessels with guttate body and very drawn-out base to Type 3 Group 1 of sphero-conical vessels from Central Asia and she found that they appear in the 11th –early 12th centuries in Miankalskiy Sughd, Afrasiab, settlements Chui Valley, Khorezm (Galiyeva, 2001, 54).

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Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria Subtype 2.IV.1 Vessels with disk- shaped head and elongated bottom—24 copies (Figure 8.2, 10–11), originating from Bilyar and Bolgar. Vessels have a ledge on the shoulders and vertical rollers modeled relief images along of the body, one is covered in green glaze. The surface of the body can also be decorated with stamped designs. On one vessel there is the incised mark. According to Galiyeva the ornamentation of such vessels by vertical ribs is characteristic for Central Asian vessels in 13th –14th centuries (Galiyeva 2001, 54). The nearest analogies were found among the material settlements of Central Asia and the Lower Volga (Pigarev 1994, 212–213, Fig. I, 1; Mikhalchenko 1974, 47, Fig. 1, 4). Type 2.V Vessels with curved form of the body (Figure 8.2, 12–13). There are 6 copies. Subtype 2.V.1 Vessels with conical bottom and horizontal grooves on the body, made by finger pressure during molding of the vessel, which gives the vessel two-part form—4 copies (Figure 8.2, 12). There are no whole forms. On one of them there is a sign, made after roasting. The nearest analogy vessels subtype are baylakansky spheroconical vessel (Ahmedov 1959, 222). Subtype 2.V.2 This subtype includes the fragment of bottom sphero-conical vessel with a flat bottom (5 cm diameter) from Bilyar (Figure 8.2, 13). Flat-bottomed sphero-conical vessels were found in Baylakan (Ibragimov 1965, 220), Ukek (Mikhalchenko 1974, 47, Fig. 1, 2) and Termez (Vinogradov 1922, Table 5). In Central Asia in the pre-Mongol period, they are rare finds (Galiyeva 2001, 55). Type 2.VI Vessels filled with biconical shape of the body. Subtype 2.VI.1 Three sphero-conical vessels with hatshaped head and a flat bottom (Figure 8.2, 14). They are characterized by vertical grooves-flutings on the sides. All vessels are lifting material from Bilyars settlement. Another vessel of this type is presented in the exhibition of the National Museum of Tatarstan. This type of analogy is not detected. Type 2.VII A vessel with a trapezoidal shape of the body. Subtype 2.VII.1 A vessel with a conical bottom. The maximum diameter of the body is 9 cm. It is resented by fragments—1 copy. Yellow-clay vessel is ornamented by floral ornament. Sphero-conical vessel is from Bilyar. The closest analogy is the vessel of Dvina (Dzhanpoladyan 1982, Fig. 38).

8.3

Chemical Composition

The data on the chemical composition of sphero-conical vessels (Table 8.1) were obtained as a result of quantitative spectral analysis, carried out by R. Kh. Khramchenkova on a ISP-30 gadget in Geolnerud Institute (Kazan). The content of many components in the puddle of spheroconical vessels and especially their relationship shows the composition of the source raw materials. It is important to mention the absence of a reference framework for studying and comparing the results of the chemical analysis of sphero-conical vessels. Chemical composition of clay and loess from Central Asia deposits and some Central Asian gray-clay fragments were used to compare the results obtained. Forty-six samples were selected for analysis, namely 45 sphero-conical vessels and 1 local red-clay unglazed ceramic from Bilyar (No. 35) taken as a reference. Spheroconical vessels are samples from the following sites: 27 copies from Bilyar, 1 copy from Bilyarskoe II village and 7 copies from Bolgar. Besides, samples for comparison were taken from vessels from other regions: 6 samples from Baylakan (Transcaucasia), 2 from Pliska (the capital city of the First Bulgarian Empire of the 7th –9th centuries), 1 from Tsarev (Sarai-Berke) (one of the capitals of the Golden Horde, in the Lower Volga region), 1 copy of sphero-conical vessel (sample No. 46) brought by S. I. Valiulina from Kunya-Urgench (Khorezm, Turkmenistan). According to the chemical composition we selected several items; their relationships are shown in correlation graphs: (CaO + MgO) vs SiO2 , CaO vs MgO, Al2 O3 vs SiO2 , Fe2 O3 vs CaO, and Al2 O3 vs Fe2 O3 (Figures 8.3 to 8.7). This small sample is steadily divided into several groups. The division of sphero-conical vessels into a number of groups by basic elements (SiO2 , Al2 O3 , Fe2 O3 , MgO, CaO) let us think that there are several different centres of raw sphero-conical vessels manufacturing. Group I (samples No. 1 and No. 2) includes red clay sphero-conical vessels from Bolgar and sample No. 25 is a gray-clay sphero-conical vessel from Bilyar. This group is characterized by a high content of compounds of silica (SiO2 in the range 68.52–73.32 %), content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 ) in the range 6.006–7.794 %, content of compounds of aluminum (Al2 O3 ) in the range 9.545–12.42 %, relatively low alkali content (Na2 O in the range 1.44–2.91 % and K2 O in the range 1.361–1.94 %), and alkaline earth elements CaO in the range 1.83–2.17 % and MgO in the range 3.08–3.995 %. Group II (samples No. 30, 32, 34–36) implies red-clay sphero-conical vessels from Bilyar, Bilyarskoe II villages, and a fragment of unglazed ceramics Bilyar (No. 35). The group is characterized by relatively high content of compounds of silica (SiO2 in the range 77.34–82.12 %), with low content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 in the range 3.72–5.29 %) and aluminum (Al2 O3 in the range 5.67– 6.91 %), low alkali content (Na2 O in the range 2.09–3.13 % and K2 O in the range 1.75–3.15 %), and alkaline earth elements CaO in the range 0.89–1.27 % and MgO in the range 1.73–2.38 %. Group III includes two dark-gray vessels from Pliska

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A. Nuretdinova (No. 43–44), which are samples containing compounds of silica (SiO2 ) in the range 63.13–64.06 %, with high content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 in the range 9.295– 10.29 %), content of compounds of aluminum (Al2 O3 ) in the range 17.96–20.71 %, low alkali content (Na2 O of 0.569 % and K2 O in the range 1.876–1.94 %), and alkaline earth elements CaO in the range 0.686–1.358 % and MgO in the range 2.31–2.55 %. Group IV consists of yellow-clay and gray-yellow sphero-conical vessels from Baylakan (Transcaucasia), namely samples No. 37–42. Azerbaijani vessels are characterized by a low content of silica compounds (SiO2 in the range 40.71–53.27 %), content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 ) in the range 5.17–7.67 %, content of compounds of aluminum (Al2 O3 ) in the range 22.21–31.66 % (higher than the content in the previous groups), and relatively low alkali content (Na2 O in the range 1.49–2.18 % and K2 O in the range 2.03–3.15 %), but with calcium content higher than it is in the previous group (CaO in the range 7.84– 12.79 %). Group V (samples No. 3, 5–16, 18–24, 26–29, 31, 33, 45–46) is represented by yellow-clay and gray-clay sphero-conical vessels from Bilyar, Bolgar, Tsarev, KunyaUrgench, and a red-clay sample with turquoise glaze from Bolgar (No. 4). This group is characterized by silica content (SiO2 ) up to the range 51.86–66.53 %, content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 ) in the range 2.57–7.87 %, content of compounds of aluminum (Al2 O3 ) in the range 4.16–10.77 %, alkali elements Na2 O in the range 1.138– 9.53 % and K2 O in the range 0.843–3.21 %, and high calcium content (CaO in the range 6.77–22.55 %). Sample No. 17 is beyond the fifth group. It is the yellow-gray sphero-conical vessel from Bilyar with low silica content (SiO2 , 49.13 %), content of compounds of iron (Fe2 O3 ) of 6.006 %, content of compounds of aluminum (Al2 O3 ) of 7.84 %, high alkali contents (Na2 O of 1.332 % and K2 O of 1.876 %), and alkaline earth elements CaO of 22.43 % and MgO of 7.12 %. The results of quantitative spectral analysis indicate local character of sphero-conical vessels put in the first and the second group. Two centres of sphero-conical vessels production, Bilyar and Bolgar, were important in the Middle Volga region. Gray-clay and yellow-clay samples from settlements of the Volga Bulgaria mainly belong to one group together with the sample from Khorezm. A hypothesis of existence of Transcaucasian sphero-conical vessels among the materials taken from the Bulgarian settlements has not been confirmed. Thus, the preliminary result of small series of analyzes indicates the adjacency of imported sphero-conical vessels found in Bilyar and Bolgar and the Central Asian macro-region. At present it is impossible to divide the Central Asian macro-region into local regions. In order to have a complete picture it is necessary to analyze sphero-conical vessels from settlements of Central Asia, where the production of this type of ware has been registered. The relationship between the color of sphero-conical vessels and their chemical composition is of special interest. As one can see at Table 8.1 the presence of iron oxides (Fe2 O3 ) is a characteristic of all the groups, so the version 108

that the iron content is a characteristic feature of red-clay sphero-conical vessels does not work. Thus, the color of sphero-conical vessels is affected by three main factors: the nature of the raw material, temperature, and furnace atmosphere. The ratio of calcium and iron oxides (Fe2 O3 vs CaO) is interesting for the explanation of the color of sphero-conical vessels (Figure 8.6). According to J. A. Sokolov, if the ratio is greater than 0.8 the color is reddishbrown or brown; if the ratio is equal to 0.6–0.5 it is dark yellow, and if this ratio is less than 0.5 the color is bright yellow. Table 8.1 shows that the coefficient for red-clay sphero-conical vessels is much larger than 0.8, while a large amount of lime (CaO), typical for the gray-clay vessels sphero-conical (Figure 8.4), gives results lower than 0.32. According to N. S. Grazhdankina, the red color is obtained by using iron clay. However, the iron content is neutralized by calcium (CaO) and magnesium (MgO), characterized by high concentration of both elements is typical for gray clay and yellow clay in comparison with red clay (Table 8.1, Figures 8.3, 8.4 and 8.6). The raw material for ceramics was gray loess, loess-like loams and clays; all kinds of ancient unglazed and glazed ceramics of Central Asia were made of them. But gray color of clays was provided by impurity organic substance, burned-out and processed with the lapse of time. Fossils fade in the process of ceramic firing and the product assumes the color that corresponds to the composition of the clay. The data is the evidence of medieval ceramists’ experience in recognizing properties of the clay and their ability to consider and use the results of their observations. Chemical-technology studies of sphero-conical vessels let us consider them to be refractory products. It is known that refractories are characterized by silica content. The content of silicon oxide (SiO2 ) in the sphero-conical vessels is higher than in ordinary ceramics. This is typical for redclay sphero-conical vessels. According to I. N. Vasilyeva, sphero-conical vessels of molding compounds containing rolled quartz sand with concentration 1:3 and 1:4 have been registered. Adding sand was aimed at improving fire resistance of the pottery (Vasilyeva 1988). Thus, according to their chemical and technological characteristics, sphero-conical vessels are technical ware that could stand up considerable temperatures and be widely used in glass and steel production, as well as in alchemy. The results of the spectral analysis indicate the nature of the imported gray-clay and yellow-clay spheroconical vessels in the Middle Volga region. One should mention a small sample for analytical study. The standard base for the studying the chemical composition of spheroconical vessels should be created for future investigations.

8.4

Conclusions

These types of sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria are united in chronological groups, which, in turn, let us identify the character of vessels’ arrivals. At the turn of the 10th –11th centuries Bulgar craftsmen mastered the local production of sphero-conical vessels; it is proved by the predominance of locally produced sphero-conical vessels of brown color in the early Bulgar trade and craft villages—

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria subtype 1.III.1 and subtype 1.II.2. At the same time on the territory of the Volga Bulgaria appeared scanty grayclay sphero-conical vessels—subtype 2.I.1 and subtype 2.II.1. The Bilyar example shows that gray-and-yellow clay sphero-conical vessels predominated over local redclay products in the 11th century. One should mention only subtype 1.I.4 and subtype 1.I.5 among the few redclay sphero-conical vessels prevailing in the territory of the Volga Bulgar in the Pre-Mongolian period. The picture is different in the Golden layers of Bulgar, where redclay vessels, namely type 1.IV, became the dominant ones again. They are vessels with conical shape of the body. Richly ornamented sphero-conical vessels widespread in the Golden Horde (subtype 2.I.4 and subtype 2.I.5) were brought to the Middle Volga region. The chemical composition and correlation of the constituents allows determining several groups that show variations of elemental composition. Close distribution of Bulgarian and Bilyarian red-clay sphero-conical vessels was conditioned by common resource base of the Middle Volga. We compared the vessels from Azerbaijan and Bulgaria (Danube Bulgaria), which split into separate groups. If sphero-conical vessels from Baylakan were produced on the spot, the question of the origin of the Bulgarian samples is still open. Having examined a small sample we found out that there were no imported vessels from Transcaucasia (Azerbaijan) among the gray-and-yellow clay sphero-conical vessels of the Middle Volga. All imported vessels from Bulgar settlements are in Group 5, where the Khorezm sample from Kunya Urgench is a reference.

Acknowledgements The study was supported by the Russian Foundation for Basic Research, Project No. 14-06-31184 "Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria".

References Akhmedov, G. M., 1959, Nepolivnaya keramika Oren-Kala IX–XIII v., Materialy i issledovaniya po arkheologii, 67, 221–226. Dzhanpoladyan, R. M., 1982, Sferokonicheskiye sosudy iz Dvina i Ani, Yerevan. Ettinghausen, R., 1965, The uses of sphero-conical vessels in the Muslim East, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 24, No. 3, 218–229. Galiyeva, Z. S., 2001, Sferokonicheskiye sosudy Sredney Azii: k vorosu o tipologii ya khronologii, Sredney Aziya. Istoriya. Arkheologiya. Kul’tura: materialy konferentsii, posvyashchennoy 50 - letiyu nauchnoy deyatelnosti G.V. Shishkinoy, Moskwa, 52–61. Gorodtsov, V. A., 1926, Drevniye musul’manskiye svetil’niki v vide sferokonicheskikh glinyanykh sosudov, Trudy Gosudarstvennogo istoricheskogo muzeya, 1, 43–57. Grazhdankina, N. S., 1964, K istorii keramicheskogo proizvodstva v Sredney Azii, Istoriya material’noy kul’tury Uzbekistana, 5, Tashkent.

Ibragimov, F. A., 1965, Novyye tipy obzhigatel’noy pechi v Oren—Kala, Material’naya kul’tura AzSSR, VI, 212– 221, Baku. Khlebnikova, T. A., 1988, Nepolivnaya keramika goroda Bolgara, Gorod Bolgar. Ocherki remeslennoy deyatel’nosti, 7–102. Kravchenko, A. A., 1986, Srednevekovyy Belgorod na Dnestre (konets XIII–XIV v.), Kiyev. Lenz, E., 1904, O glinyanykh sosudakh s konicheskim dnom, nakhodimykh v predelakh musul’manskogo vostoka, Zapiski Vostochnogo otdeleniya Russkogo arkheologicheskogo obshchestva, 15, No. 4, 0101–0115. Maslovskiy, A. N., 2006, Keramicheskiy kompleks Azaka. Kratkaya kharakteristika, Istoriko-arkheologicheskiye issledovaniya v g. Azove i na Nizhnem Donu v 2004 godu, 21, 417–420, Azov. Mikhal’chenko, S. E., 1974, Spheroconusy Povolzh’ya, Kratkiye soobshcheniya instituta arkheologii, 140, 46– 50. Minkevich-Mustafayeva, N. V., 1959, Raskopki goncharnykh pechey na gorodishche Oren - Kala (Raskop IV), Materialy i Issledovaniya po arkheologii, 67, 174–185. Nedashkovskiy, L. F., 2000, Zolotoordynskiy gorod Ukek i yego okruga, Moskwa. Nuretdinova, A. R., 2011, Sferokonicheskiye sosudy: problema atributsii, Uchenyye zapiski Kazanskogo universiteta, Seriya Gumanitarnyye nauki, 153.3, 51– 62. Pentz, P., 1988, A medieval workshop for producing "Greek fire" grenades, Antiquity, 62, No. 234, 89–93. Pigarev, E. M., 1994, Sferokonicheskiye sosudy iz fondov Astrakhanskogo krayevedcheskogo muzeya zapovednika, Drevnosti Volgo - donskikh stepey: sbornik nauchnykh statey, 4, 210–215, Volgograd. Polevoy, L. L., 1969, Gorodskoye goncharstvo Pruto Dnestrov’ya v XIV v. Po materialam raskopok goncharnogo kvartala na poselenii Kosteshty, Kishinev. Poslavskiy, I., 1905, O glinyanykh sosudakh s konicheskim dnom, Protokoly zasedaniy i soobshcheniya chlenov Turkestanskogo kruzhka lyubiteley arkheologii, 5–18, Tashkent. Rtveladze, E. V., 1974, Sferokonicheskiye sosudy iz Madzhar, Sovetskaya arkheologiya, 4, 280–284. Salakhov, A. M., Tuktarova, G. R., Morozov, V. P., 2006, Zagadki sferokonicheskikh sosudov, Steklo i keramika, 7, 25–28. Samashev, Z., Kuznetsova O., 2008, Keramika Saraychika, Almaty. Skanlon, D. T., 1981, Zametka o fatimidsko - sel’dzhukskoy torgovle, Musul’manskiy mir, 285–287. Valiulina, S. I., 2005, Steklo Volzhskoy Bulgarii (po materialam Bilyarskogo gorodishcha), Kazan. Vasilyeva, I. N., 1988, O tekhnologii proizvodstva nepolinoy keramiki Bolgarskogo gorodishcha, gorod Bolgar. Ocherki remeslennoy deyatelnosti, 103–150. Vinogradov, Z. Z., 1922, Sfero-konicheskiye sosudy s uzkim gorlovym otverstiyem, 2, 17–119.

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A. Nuretdinova

No.

Colour

Settlement

CuO

MnO

CaO

Fe2 O3

Al2 O3

K2 O

MgO

Na2 O

SiO2

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

red red yellow-grey grey red + blue glazed grey grey grey grey grey grey grey yellow-grey grey yellow yellow grey yellow grey grey grey grey grey grey grey grey grey grey + blue glaze yellow red grey red grey red red red yellow yellow yellow yellow yellow yellow grey grey grey grey

Bolgar Bolgar Bolgar Bolgar Bolgar Bolgar Bolgar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyarskoe II Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Bilyar Baylakan Baylakan Baylakan Baylakan Baylakan Baylakan Pliska Pliska Tsarev Kunya-Urgench

0.007 0.009 0.007 0.006 0.007 0.004 0.008 0.005 0.006 0.006 0.006 0.008 0.006 0.007 0.006 0.005 0.006 0.007 0.006 0.006 0.015 0.005 0.003 0.006 0.006 0.016 0.2 0.013 0.012 0.0095 0.011 0.022 0.025 0.024 0.022 0.029 0.003 0.003 0.002 0.005 0.002 0.002 0.01 0.009 0.008 0.033

0.22 0.203 0.087 0.12 0.105 0.074 0.082 0.08 0.093 0.065 0.093 0.058 0.088 0.081 0.085 0.094 0.089 0.08 0.057 0.051 0.102 0.061 0.065 0.044 0.11 0.068 0.059 0.11 0.12 0.061 0.076 0.094 0.074 0.13 0.11 0.14 0.33 0.29 0.35 0.32 0.29 0.28 0.371 0.348 0.044 0.11

2.13 1.89 22.43 12.88 6.77 10.76 15.43 16.24 16.83 18.55 15.36 16.82 19.07 18.82 18.27 19.63 17.54 25.55 15.19 11.92 18.27 15.39 15.18 15.26 2.17 13.41 19.78 14.07 13.09 1.27 11.97 0.89 14.72 1.16 1.26 1.22 10.12 12.79 7.84 11.24 10.71 11.235 1.358 0.686 9.78 14.98

7.29 7.794 7.72 6.435 6.793 6.078 5.86 6.61 6.65 6.435 6.44 6.58 6.256 5.434 6.149 6.078 6.006 5.43 5.72 7.87 5.15 6.21 5.609 5.005 6.006 5.86 5.561 3.58 4.15 3.72 2.57 4.65 4.15 4.72 4.93 5.29 5.17 5.94 7.67 5.43 6.08 7.15 10.29 9.295 6.37 4.650

12.42 9.545 7.18 8.51 9.639 9.23 6.52 6.97 6.426 7.27 8.51 6.99 9.028 8.08 7.21 8.53 7.84 8.51 7.89 10.77 4.16 5.18 8.63 6.72 10.75 6.99 8.077 6.43 6.05 5.67 4.91 6.81 6.52 6.91 6.52 6.33 23.64 31.66 22.21 29.3 26.46 24.57 17.96 20.71 9.24 6.24

1.694 1.361 2.43 2.057 1.815 2.42 1.82 1.94 3.025 2.602 2.18 3.146 2.215 2.602 2.602 2.118 2.481 1.876 2.299 1.56 2.78 2.409 1.669 2.662 1.94 1.845 0.843 2.42 2.24 1.82 2.18 1.75 3.39 2.12 2.91 3.15 2.03 2.96 3.15 2.78 2.61 2.54 1.94 1.876 2.66 3.21

3.655 3.995 4.94 4.78 6.71 4.25 5.74 3.57 4.165 4.08 5.78 5.61 6.83 6.715 4.42 6.035 6.12 7.12 4.505 4.12 4.81 3.856 4.98 2.712 3.08 4.59 3.85 3.74 4.34 1.73 3.74 2.38 4.17 2.13 2.04 2.38 2.16 3.17 2.46 2.85 2.54 3.38 2.55 2.31 3.23 4.85

2.91 2.232 2.16 2.18 1.80 2.016 1.73 2.376 2.736 2.304 2.16 2.09 1.993 1.944 2.016 2.16 2.664 1.332 2.52 2.16 1.728 1.733 1.73 1.303 1.44 2.25 2.462 3.96 3.82 2.45 9.53 2.09 4.03 3.13 2.23 2.23 2.17 1.49 2.18 2.09 2.08 2.16 0.569 0.569 1.138 5.89

68.52 71.74 51.86 60.99 64.29 63.85 61.72 61.23 59.16 57.78 58.55 57.78 53.51 55.33 57.78 54.52 56.38 49.13 60.92 60.58 62.12 64.32 61.17 65.34 73.32 64.05 58.33 63.91 64.43 82.12 63.59 79.67 61.19 77.34 78.85 77.91 53.27 40.71 52.63 44.85 47.92 47.32 64.06 63.13 66.53 57.92

Table 8.1: Chemical compositions of sphero-conical vessels.

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Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria

Figure 8.1: Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria (Group 1).

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A. Nuretdinova

Figure 8.2: Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria (Group 2).

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Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria

Figure 8.3: Bivariate diagram of calcium oxide plus magnesia vs silicium oxide.

Figure 8.4: Bivariate diagram of calcium oxide vs magnesia.

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A. Nuretdinova

Figure 8.5: Bivariate diagram of aluminum oxide vs silicium oxide.

Figure 8.6: Bivariate diagram of iron oxide vs calcium oxide.

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Sphero-conical vessels of Volga Bulgaria

Figure 8.7: Bivariate diagram of aluminum oxide vs iron oxide.

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9

Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

Luís Filipe Vieira Ferreira1 , Isabel Ferreira Machado1,4 , Ana Maria Ferraria1 , Tânia Manuel Casimiro2 and Philipe Colomban3 1- CQFM-Centro de Química-Física Molecular and IN-Institute of Nanoscience and Nanotechnology, Instituto Superior Técnico, Universidade Lisboa, Av. Rovisco Pais, 1049-001 Lisboa (Portugal) (luisfi[email protected]) 2- Instituto de Arqueologia e Paleociências da Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Departamento de História, Avenida de Berna, 26-C, 1069-061 Lisboa (Portugal) ([email protected]) 3- Laboratoire de Dynamique, Interaction et Réactivié, UMR7075 CNRS-Université Pierre-et-Marie-Curie, Paris 6, 4 Place Jussieu, C49 batF, 75252 Paris cedex 05 (France) ([email protected]) 4- Polytechnic Institute of Portalegre, P-7300-110 Portalegre (Portugal) ([email protected]) Two representative samples of Portuguese faience production from the first and second halves of the 17th century were studied with the use of GSDR, micro-Raman, FT-IR and PIXE spectroscopies. These results were compared with the ones obtained for Chinese Ming porcelain, Wanli period (16th –17th C), which influenced the initial Lisbon’s faience production. The blue pigment in the 1st half 17th century of Lisbon’s production was obtained by addition of a cobalt ore in low concentrations, which gives no specific Raman signature. However, in most cases of the 2nd half 17th century, the Raman signature was quite evident, from cobalt silicate. KEYWORDS: POTTERY, GROUND-STATE DIFFUSE REFLECTANCE, MICRO-RAMAN, FOURIER-TRANSFORM INFRARED, PIXE

9.1

Introduction

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to send merchant vessels regularly to China, bringing back porcelains and other goods highly appreciated in Western Countries. In 1517 the Portuguese navigator Fernão Pires de Andrade reached Canton and started trading with China, and in 1557 Macao was established as a Portuguese trading position in China (Pendery 1999; Wilcoxen 1999). As a result of these voyages, Chinese porcelains (in many cases blue on white colour) and other products arrived in large quantities to Lisbon that became, in the 16th century, a very important trading port. Many goods were re-exported to the main countries in Europe, where they were highly appreciated and reached high prices (Casimiro 2006). Portuguese faience, or tin glaze ware, started to be produced in the first half of the 16th century in Lisbon and Barreiro. Although the initial productions were mostly inspired in Spanish and Italian models the possibility of manufacturing a white vessel decorated in blue made potters able to reproduce porcelain motifs. The technique used in faience was in fact already known in Europe for some centuries and consisted in covering a ceramic body,

generally with light buff fabrics, with tin glaze. Therefore, and bearing in mind the enormous demand for Chinese and eastern commodities in Europe, porcelains being one of the most desired ones, it is not a surprise to find this new ceramic production reproducing those items. Despite the attempt to imitate porcelain decorations, these reproductions were sometimes wrongly interpreted, since potters could not, most of the times understand Chinese symbols, creating new patterns of Chinese inspiration. (Casimiro 2006; Mangucci 1996; Casimiro 2008). There is now archaeological evidence that such production started in Lisbon at least in the middle of the 16th century, spreading to Coimbra and Vila Nova in early 17th century, followed by exportation to countries such as Holland, Germany, England or Ireland, and in a massive way in the 17th century (Casimiro 2006; Bartels 2003; Calado 2005; 1992; Casimiro 2010). It is now well established that Portuguese ceramics were found all around the world, based on archaeological evidence in all those countries (Casimiro 2010). In this sense, even that Portuguese potters did not fully comprehend the Chinese symbols, their productions would still resemble Chinese imports being consumed by people in Europe and beyond.

L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban In the present study, our first goal is the spectroscopic characterization of pigments and glazes in the 17th century Portuguese faience, which still remains to be done, in spite of the very interesting studies which appeared so far on close topics (Pereira et al. 2009; de Waal 2004). We compare the information obtained with different non-destructive techniques, with composition analysis achieved with very efficient nuclear reaction techniques. Ground state diffuse reflectance absorption spectra, with the use of the Kubelka-Munk treatment for absorption spectra evaluation were performed (Botelho do Rego et al. 2001; Vieira et al. 2007a; 2007b) in the UV-Vis spectral range and a comparison was made of the absorption spectra of two samples of Portuguese faience (which are examples of blue on white ceramics from the first and second halves of the 17th century) with a Chinese Ming white and blue sherd (Wanli period). FT-IR spectra, a powerful vibrational absorption spectroscopic technique for the pigment, glaze and clay characterization (Raskovska et al. 2010) were also obtained. Laser induced luminescence may give indications on the composition of the glaze, namely in the case of high containing lead glazes (Reiche et al. 2009; Salh 2011; Skuja 1992). Raman microspectrometry has been extensively used to investigate ancient ceramic art objects (de Waal 2004, 2009; Raskovska et al. 2010; Reiche et al. 2009; Colomban et al. 2003; 2005; 2006; 2008). It is probably the most powerful non-destructive method to characterize archaeological artefacts, namely glazed ceramics and coloured glasses. It can be used to obtain information regarding the crystalline or glassy structures, which are built from covalent bonds between the SiO4 tetrahedra in different modes. The Raman parameters ratio of the stretching (i.e. ~1000 cm−1 ) and bending (~500 cm−1 ) envelopes, measured as the band area ratio (Ip = A500 ⁄A1000 ), where Ip is the index of polymerization proposed by Colomban (Colomban et al. 2003; 2005; 2006; 2008), can be correlated to the processing temperature of the kiln and also glaze composition, namely establishing differences between silica-rich (strong band at ~500 cm−1 and a weak band at ~1000 cm−1 ) and for PbO rich glazes (where the band at ~1000 cm−1 dominates), or intermediate cases of flux⁄network-former ratios, all cases having different Raman signatures (Colomban et al. 2003; 2005; 2006; 2008). The particle-induced X-ray emission (PIXE) provided elemental characterization of all samples under study in this work and has been extensively used in applications to cultural heritage due to its non-destructive character. PIXE has high sensitivity down to trace elements and is easily implemented at atmospheric pressure. It is also extensively used in materials science and in earth and environmental sciences (Pichon et al. 2004; Salomon et al. 2008). The combination of all these spectroscopic techniques enabled us to identify representative parameters highlighting the differences in the three samples under study. The two selected sherds of Portuguese faience are of archaeological provenance and are considered representative of the Portuguese blue on white production of the first and second halves of the 17th century production in Lisbon (and also wine colour in the latter 118

case) (Casimiro 2011).

9.2

Experimental

Studied materials Figure 9.1 shows three blue on white plates. The two first ones are considered representative of the Portuguese blue on white production of the first and second halves of the 17th century production in Lisbon (Casimiro 2010). The third one is a Chinese Ming plate, Wanli period (1573 to 1629). Figure 9.2 shows the three sherds under study in the present work. The three sherds have dimensions of about 7 cm. Especieiro is a small dish used to serve spices during a meal. Aranhões means big spiders, these motives being derived from Ming decoration, modified by Lisbon’s pottery artisans who did not understand the Chinese meaning of the porcelain decoration. Therefore they introduced rude modifications into the initial pattern. The Wanli broken dish is about 50 cm diameter and a small sherd was used for this work. The choice of these two faience sherds was based on: they both were found in secure and well dated 17th century domestic archaeological contexts from the city of Évora, Alentejo, so their chronological determination is based not only in style but most importantly in stratigraphical layers. Based on style and shape they are quite representative of what was being produced in Lisbon and consumed in Portugal and abroad during the first and second half of the 17th century presenting technical and aesthetical characteristics quite typical of this production centre. Although just results for three sherds were presented, other sherds were characterized and the results obtained are fully consistent with the ones presented.

Ground state diffuse reflectance absorption spectra (GSDR) Ground-state absorption studies were performed using a home-made diffuse reflectance laser flash photolysis setup, by triggering the system in the normal way but without the laser fire (Vieira et al. 2007b), and in this way recording the lamp profile for all samples under study and also for two standards, barium sulfate powder and a Spectralon disk. This latter procedure has the advantage of excluding the sample luminescence (if it exists) because of the use of the analyzing fixed monochromator which is coupled to the ICCD (Vieira et al. 2007b) and also because of the use of time gates which enable one to exclude the sample luminescence. A powerful 450 W xenon lamp was used. The calibration of the system was achieved by using a "perfect" reflector (reflectance, R = 1.00 from a Spectralon disk). The reflectance, R, from each sample was obtained by scanning the excitation monochromator from 240 to 740 nm, and the remission function, F(R), was calculated using the Kubelka-Munk equation for optically (1−R)2

thick samples. The remission function is F(R) = 2R . Details regarding the data treatment can be found in Botelho do Rego and coauthors (Botelho do Rego et al.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience 2001) and Vieira and coauthors (Vieira et al. 2007a; 2007b), and references quoted therein.

9.3

Results and discussion

Ground state diffuse reflectance absorption studies Raman microspectrometry set-up Raman spectra were obtained in a back-scattering microconfiguration, with two instruments: i) a home made apparatus with a Cobolt Samba CW DPSSL, 300 mW, 532 nm as the excitation source, coupled to a SuperHead 532 from Horiba Jobin Yvon equipped with a 50x Edmund (or 100x Olympus) LWD objectives. The Raman probe was coupled to a HeadWall Photonics spectrograph (Raman Explorer 532 with a 100 μm entrance slit) and a Newton DU 971P-BV camera from Andor was used as detector for the Raman signals, working at -60 °C. The spectral resolution of this Raman spectrometer was ~2 cm−1 ; ii) a mobile HE532 Horiba Jobin Yvon (France), equipped with a matrix CCD detector cooled by Peltier effect at 200 K associated with Laser Quantum Ventus (UK) YAG laser lined at 532 nm, with a maximum power of 300 mW. The measuring 532 SuperHead from Horiba Jobin Yvon head equipped with a x100 Long Working Distance Olympus microscope objective is movable and the light (incident and coming back) is transmitted by optical fibres. The spectral resolution is ~4 cm−1 . Data acquisition was performed with the Andor software and data processing, namely the base line correction, when needed, was done with the LabSpec software from JY. FT-IR spectroscopy Infrared spectra were measured on a Varian 7000 FT-IR spectrometer in ATR mode (Golden-Gate, Diamond from Specac) or transmittance mode by the use of KBr pellets. Spectra were recorded at 1.0 cm−1 resolution, in the range 4000-500 cm−1 as a ratio of 72 single-beam scans of the sample to the same number of background scans from air. Baseline corrections were introduced whenever needed. The original samples were diluted in KBr (c. 2 % w⁄w) and ground to a finely divided powder with the use of an agate mortar and pestle.

Ground state diffuse reflectance absorption spectra for the Especieiro, Aranhões and Ming sherds are shown in Figure 9.3, a to f. Figures 9.3, a, c and e show the reflectance curves for the Especieiro, Aranhões and Ming sherds, obtained as explained in references (Botelho do Rego et al. 2001; Vieira et al. 2007a, 2007b). From the reflectance curves, and by the use of the Kubelka-Munk (1−R)2

function F(R) = 2R (also called remission function), the UV-Vis-NIR absorption spectra of the sherds could be obtained for the three cases, and these data are presented in Figures 9.3, b, d and f for the blue glaze and white glaze in all cases and also for the body in the Especieiro case. The blue glaze has absorption bands at about 524, 596 and 650 nm in all cases, which are characteristic of Co2+ in a tetrahedral environment. These absorption bands derive from allowed electronic 3d7 transitions of Co2+ (from the 4 A (F) ground state to the 4 T (P) and 2 T(G) excited states, 2 1 Reiche et al. 2009). The spectra are from strong blue glazes, and for light blue glazes the shape of the spectrum is the same, although less intense. From these three absorption spectra of the blue glaze, one can immediately state that cobalt pigments are responsible for the blue colour of these ceramics, although small differences could be detected from case to case, namely in the Ming sherds no absorption in the blue region between ~400 and ~450 nm, and a broader absorption band for Especieiro in the spectral region of λ < 520 nm, indicating the presence of some Co3+ ions in octahedral coordination (Stangar et al. 2003). Other pigments can also provide blue colours in ceramics, and Azurite, natural Lazurite or synthetic Ultramarine Blue, Cerulean Blue and Indigo should be mentioned. The absorption spectra of all these ceramic blues is completely different from the cobalt blue absorption (Reiche et al. 2009; Stangar et al. 2003; van der Weerd et al. 2003), enabling an immediate identification of cobalt blue.

Raman microspectroscopic studies PIXE experiments The particle-induced X-ray emission (PIXE) at the AGLAE facility of the Centre de Recherche et de Restauration des Musées de France is based on a 2 MV tandem accelerator (Pelletron 6SDH-2) that delivers a proton beam with 3 MeV energy. The PIXE experiment conditions are the following: for detection, two Si (Li) detectors oriented at 45° to the particle beam record the X-ray spectrum (Pichon et al. 2004; Salomon et al. 2008). The low energy X-rays (0.5-15 keV) are detected by a Gresham detector of 10 mm2 , with a Moxtek AP3.3 entrance window (energy resolution of 145 eV at 5.9 keV). A continuous flow of He is used to eject air from the volume between the detector crystal and the sample. The higher energy X-rays (4–40 keV) are recorded by a Gresham detector of 30 mm2 , with a 8 μm Be entrance window (energy resolution of 152 eV at 5.9 keV).

Figure 9.4 presents the micro-Raman spectrum obtained for the Especieiro sherd, a) for the blue glaze and b) for the white glaze. Surprisingly, the similarities are much more relevant than the differences, if one takes into account that in one case the analyzed spot is blue and in the other is white. The most relevant features are the huge Raman signature for SnO2 with Raman clear peaks at 474, 632 and 778 cm−1 . Also Rutile (a form of TiO2 ) peaking at 444 and 603 cm−1 could be detected. Therefore, the question arises: where is the Raman signature of the Blue Cobalt in this case? It is well established that low amount (~1–2 % w⁄w) 3d and 4f ions remain dissolved in the glass network and led to significant coloration (Colomban 2010). Figure 9.5, part a shows the micro-Raman spectrum for the blue glaze of Aranhões sherd and part b refers to the

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L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban white glaze. Contrary to the case of Especieiro there is a huge difference in the Raman signatures and a very strong new band becomes evident in the blue glaze peaking at 824 cm−1 . In the white glaze, SnO2 is also well seen. Ip is c. 3.5 in this case and it was about 1.8 in the Especieiro case, both measured for white glazes. The Raman band peaking at 824 cm−1 allows a clear identification of the Blue Cobalt pigment that exists in this case: it is cobalt silicate, olivine type, as reported for Delft faience by de Waal (2009) and in a previous paper for a 18th century French porcelain artefacts (Colomban et al. 2010, 2004a). The blue pigment in the 1st half 17th century of Lisbon’s production was most probably obtained by dissolving a cobalt ore in low concentrations, which do not lead to precipitation of the silicate (olivine type, common in leadbased glaze) or the aluminate (common in alumina rich glaze) phase. In this case no specific Raman signature is expected. However, in most cases of the 2nd half 17th century production, the Raman signature is quite evident, from a cobalt silicate. These findings point to the use of different glazing technique requiring higher temperature firing in the second case. The use of the polymerisation index, (Colomban et al. 2003; 2005; 2006; 2008), also supports this assumption, IP value rising from ~1.8 to 3.5, respectively. The wavenumber of the maximum of the SiO4 stretching massif is observed at ~980 cm−1 (Figure 9.5) in the first case, a value typical of lead-based glaze (Colomban et al. 2006). The Raman spectrum of the blue glaze of the Ming plate, pictured in Figure 9.6, exhibits two characteristic peaks at ~200 cm−1 and 510 cm−1 , leading to an immediate assignment of the blue pigment as being cobalt aluminate, CoAl2 O4 (de Waal 2004; Bell et al. 1997), according to the alumina-rich high-temperature fired glaze (Wood 1999). The Raman spectra from the blue pigments used in the Wanli porcelain and in the two Portuguese faience productions are quite different, turning this spectroscopy a suitable technique to enable an immediate distinction between them.

FT-IR spectroscopic studies FT-IR spectra played an important role in the identification of the blue pigment which exists in the Especieiro sample. The FT-IR spectra for Especieiro and Aranhões, are dominated by the SiO2 absorption bands at 1057 cm−1 , 797-781 cm−1 and 467 cm−1 , which are characteristic of silica rich matrix: Si-O-Si antisymmetric stretching band, Si-O symmetric stretching and Si-O rocking motion respectively (Stoia et al. 2010; Jonynaite et al. 2010). Superimposed on these curves, other bands can be observed, namely for Aranhões an absorption at 582 cm−1 , characteristic of cobalt pigment, olivine type, i.e. Co2 SiO4 . This result is in agreement with references (Stoia et al. 2010; Jonynaite et al. 2010) where a similar absorption band is reported for Co2 SiO4 for samples annealed at 1000 °C. The 860 cm−1 band, also reported for Co2 SiO4 (Stoia et al. 2010) is masked here by the stronger Si-O-Si stretching band of SiO2 . For Especieiro small bands at 664 and 120

578 cm−1 could be detected, these being characteristic of Co3 O4 , and not of CoO (Stoia et al. 2010; Jonynaite et al. 2010). The transformation of Co3 O4 into CoO takes place around 950 °C (Stoia et al. 2010), and CoO interacts with SiO2 from the matrix leading to Co2 SiO4 as unique crystalline phase in samples annealed at 1000 °C (Stoia et al. 2010).

PIXE studies Micro-PIXE is a sensitive, non-destructive elemental analysis on a microscopic scale allowing a quantification of elements between sodium and uranium which may exist in the samples under study from major to trace levels. Since it requires the use of a particle accelerator, PIXE measurements were made at the AGLAE facilities located in Louvre Palace. Glazes, pigments and body ceramics were studied with 3 MeV protons. The penetration depth for lead based glazes is about 60 μm and the spot diameter ranges from 250 μm to 500 μm. The excitation area was chosen by the use of a CCD camera. This technique has the great advantage of being capable of detecting Na, which X-Ray Fluorescence spectroscopy (XRF) cannot. Since the usual fluxing agents used in Portuguese faiences are Na2 O, K2 O, CaO, it is of obvious importance to be able to quantify the sodium oxide. The great advantage of XRF is, however, its portability, making this technique also very attractive. Table 9.1 presents the PIXE results for the chemical composition of the glazes (white and blue colours) for Especieiro, Aranhões and Ming sherds. The first general observation is that the chemical composition of the white glazes of the two sherds of faience is not too different from the one recently published for Portuguese tiles of the 17th century (Coentro et al. 2012). SiO2 exists in c. 60 wt %, quite different from the Chinese porcelain, which presents values larger than 70 wt %. In the faiences Al2 O3 remains around 5 wt % and the porcelain exceeds 12 wt % (which reveals the use of kaolin, an alumina-rich "clay" and of feldspar, an alumina-rich flux). The results obtained for the chemical composition of the bodies of these sherds revealed more than 20 wt % for Al2 O3 in porcelain whereas in the faience bodies the Al2 O3 content does not exceed 15 wt %. Also, quite remarkable difference exists in the CaO content of the bodies: non-calcareous body for Chinese porcelain, with less than 1 wt % CaO against a calcareous body for both faiences with more than 15 wt % CaO. In the Portuguese faiences SnO2 was used to externally cover and whiten the gray/yellow-coloured body of the ceramic and its composition reaches 5 wt % to 10 wt %, following the invention of Abbasid potters to compete with Chinese porcelains PbO ranges from about 20 wt % to 30 wt % in the faience and almost does not exist in the porcelain. If one considers the ratio of glass modifiers to network formers, i.e. 1/2N a

2 O + 1/2K2 O + CaO SiO2 + 1/2Al2 O3 in terms of wt %, one obtains c. 0.07 and 0.15 for the two faiences and for the porcelain, respectively. The amount of fluxing agents used for the porcelain is about twice the amount used for the faience.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience Table 9.1 also shows that the wt % of cobalt oxides used in the faience productions is much larger than in the Ming porcelain (about 0.2), showing the need of a larger amount of blue pigment to produce similar visual effects in the former case. The high level of MnO in Ming composition (Table 9.1) is interesting and consistent with previous data on blue chinese pigment: Chinese source of cobalt content a high level of manganese (and iron), sometimes more Mn than cobalt (Colomban at al. 2004b). As final considerations and taking into account all the spectroscopic data analysed so far, we conclude that Blue Cobalt colouring agents used in the Portuguese faience production in the first and second halves of the 17th century are different from the one found in the Ming porcelain, from the Wanli period. So probably the pigments used in the beginning of the Portuguese production were imported from other countries in Europe (Saxonia in Germany or Teruel in Spain), which are reported in literature as pigment’s producer centres (Zuchiatti et al. 2006) or produced in Portugal from mines at Alentejo where cobalt minerals were also extracted (Trindade 2009). Production centres were tentatively identified by Gratuze (Gratuze 1992; 1996), taking into account trace elements associated to cobalt: arsenic, nickel, bismuth. However, data from Table 9.1, do not allow an identification of the blue pigment origin in agreement with minerals 1, 3 and 4 as in Gratuze’s paper, pointing to either Germany or Alentejo’s production centres.

9.4

Conclusions

There is a clear difference in the micro-Raman spectrum of the blue pigments used in the first half of the 17th century and in the second half of the 17th and then in the 18th century, in most cases. In the older samples, the Raman spectrum did not allow a clear identification of the blue pigment. However, using diffuse reflectance ground state absorption spectrometry (GSDR spectroscopy) and FT-IR in the ATR or transmission modes, it was possible to make the assignment of the blue pigment as being Co3 O4 in a SiO2 matrix. Comparisons with the blue from a Ming sherd were also made and the blue pigment gave a clear signature of CoAl2 O4 . In the case of Aranhões, second half of the 17th century and also 18th century ceramics, the Raman spectra gave clear information: it is olivine type, a cobalt silicate, i.e. similar to the blue used in Delft pottery in the late 17th . The differences found between early and late 17th century faiences should be pointers for future studies of spectroscopic characterization of pigments and glazes of Portuguese faiences.

Acknowledgements Financial support by the Access to Research Infrastructures activity in the 7th Framework Programme of the EU (CHARISMA Grant Agreement n. 228330) is gratefully acknowledged for the PIXE experiments at the AGLAE facility of the Louvre Museum laboratory.

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L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban Colomban, Ph., Sagon, G., and Faurel, X., 2010, Differentiation of antique ceramics from the Raman spectra of their coloured glazes and paintings, Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 32, 351–360. Colomban, Ph., Tournie, A., and Bellot-Gurlet, L., 2006, Raman identification of glassy silicates used in ceramics, glass and jewellery: a tentative differentiation guide, Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 37, 841–852. de Waal, D., 2004, Raman investigation of ceramics from 16th and 17th century Portuguese shipwrecks, Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 35, 646–649. de Waal, D., 2009, Micro-Raman and portable Raman spectroscopic investigation of blue pigments in selected Delft plates (17th –20th Century), Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 40, 2162–2170. Gratuze, B., Soulier, I., Barrandon, J. N., and Foy, D., 1992, De l’origine du cobalt dans les verres, Revue d’Archéométrie, 16, 97–108. Gratuze, B., Soulier, I., Blet, M., and Vallauri, L., 1996, De l’origine du cobalt : du verre à la céramique, Revue d’Archéométrie, 20, 77–94. Jonynaite, D., Sentvaitiene, J., Beganskiene, A., and Kareiva, A., 2010, Spectroscopic analysis of blue cobalt smalt pigment, Vibrational Spectroscopy, 52, 158–162. Mangucci, A., 1996, Olarias de Louça e Azulejo da Freguesia de Santos-o-Velho: dos meados dos séculos XVI aos meados do século XVIII, Al-Madan, IIª Série, 5, 155–168. Pendery, S., 1999, Portuguese tin-glazed earthenware in seventeenth-century New England: A preliminary study, Historical Archaeology, 33, 58–77. Pereira, M., de Lacerda-Aroso, T., Gomes, M. J. M., Mata, A., Alves, L. C., and Colomban, Ph., 2009, Ancient Portuguese Ceramic Wall Tiles ("Azulejos"): Characterization of the Glaze and Ceramic Pigments, Journal of Nano Research, 8, 79–88. Pichon, L., Beck, L., Walter, Ph., Moignard, B., and Guillou, T., 2004, A new mapping acquisition and processing system for simultaneous PIXE-RBS analysis with external beam, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B-Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms, 7, 219–220. Raskovska, A., Minceva-Sukarova, B., Grupcea, O., and Colomban, Ph., 2010, Characterization of pottery from Republic of Macedonia II. Raman and infrared analyses of glazed pottery finds from Skopsko Kale, Journal of Raman Spectroscopy, 41, 431–439. Reiche, I., Roehrs, S., Salomon, J., Kanngieber, B., Hohn, Y., Malzer, W., and Voigt, F., 2009, Development of a nondestructive method for underglaze painted tilesdemonstrated by the analysis of Persian objects from the nineteenth century, Analytical and Bioanalytical Chemistry, 393, 1025–1041.

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Romani, A., Clementi, C., Milani, C., and Favaro, G., 2010, Fluorescence spectroscopy: a powerful technique for the non-invasive characterization of artwork, Accounts of Chemical Research, 43, 837–846. Salh, R., 2011, Concentration and annealing effects on luminescence properties of ion-implanted silica layers, Journal of Atomic, Molecular, and Optical Physic, Article ID 326368, 7 pages. Salomon, J., Dran, J.-C., Guillou, T., Moignard, B., Pichon, L., Walter, P., and Mathis, F., 2008, Ion beam analysis for cultural heritage on the AGLAE facility: impact of PIXE/RBS combination, Applied Physics A, Materials Science and Processing, 92, 43–50. Skuja, L., 1992, Isoelectronic series of twofold coordinated coordinates Si, Ge and Sn atoms in glassy SiO2 : a luminescence study, Journal of Non-Crystalline Solids, 149, 77–95. Stangar, U. L., and Orel, B., 2003, Preparation and spectroscopic characterization of blue CoAl2 O4 coatings, Journal of Sol-Gel Science and Technology, 26, 771–775. Stoia, M., Stefanescu, M., Dippong, T., Stefanescu, O., and Barvinschi, P., 2010, Low temperatura síntesis of Co2 SiO4 /SiO2 nanocomposite using a modified solgel method, Journal of Sol-Gel Science and Technology, 54, 49–56. Trindade, R., 2009, Imagens de Azul. Evidências do emprego de azul de cobalto na cerâmica tardo medieval portuguesa, Revista de História da Arte, 7, 236–263. van der Weerd, J., van Veen, M. K, Heeren, R. M. A., and Boon, J. J., 2003, Identification of pigments in paint cross sections by reflection visible light imaging microspectroscopy, Analytical Chemistry, 75, 716–722. Vieira Ferreira, L. F., and Ferreira Machado, I. L., 2007a, Surface Photochemistry: Organic Molecules within Nanocavities of Calixarenes, Current Drug Discovery Technologies, 4, 229–245. Vieira Ferreira, L. F., Da Silva, J. P., Ferreira Machado, I., Branco, T. J. F., and Moreira, J. C., 2007b, Surface photochemistry: Dibenzo-p-dioxin adsorbed onto Silicalite, Cellulose and Silica, Journal of Photochemistry and Photobiology A: Chemistry, 186, 254–262. Wilcoxen, C., 1999, Seventeenth-Century Portuguese Faiança and its presence in colonial America, Northeast Historical Archaeology, 28, 1–20. Wood, N., 1999, Chinese Glazes: Their origins, Chemistry and Recreation, A & C Black (Publishers) Ltd., London. Zucchiatti, A., Bouquillon, A., Katona, I., and D’Alessandro, A., 2006, The Della-Robbia blue: a case study for the use of cobalt pigments in ceramic during the Italian renaissance, Archaeometry, 48, 131–152.

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Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

Na2 O MgO Al2 O3 SiO2 K2 O CaO TiO2 MnO Fe2 O3 CoO NiO CuO ZnO As2 O5 SnO2 PbO

Especieiro 17th C, 1st Half (wt %) White Blue

Aranhões 17th C, 2nd Half (wt %) White Blue

Ming 16th –17th (wt %) White Blue

2 0.61 5.04 59.48 4.38 1.07 0.44 0.02 0.57 nd/nq 0.02 nd/nq 0.01 nd/nq 9.12 17.23

1.49 0.36 4.33 62.13 6.55 nd/nq 0.27 0.04 0.55 0.01 0.03 0.01 0.01 nd/nq 4.79 19.42

1.38 0.29 12.23 71.36 4.49 9.23 0.22 0.05 0.7 nd/nq nd/nq nd/nq 0.01 nd/nq nd/nq 0.01

2.38 0.53 3.53 54.51 4.72 1.19 0.19 0.02 2.37 1.52 0.42 nd/nq 0.03 nd/nq 6.25 22.34

1.42 0.42 4.9 55.46 5.04 1.8 0.1 0.18 1.44 0.81 0.3 0.03 0.02 nd/nq 1.28 26.8

1.48 0.22 12.02 71.49 4.8 7.26 nd/nq 1.45 0.98 0.21 0.04 nd/nq 0.01 nd/nq nd/nq 0.01

Table 9.1: Chemical composition of the blue and white glazes for Especieiro, Aranhões and Ming sherds, obtained by PIXE (wt %).

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L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban

Figure 9.1: Representative artefacts: a) Verão (Summer), 1st half of 17th century, Muzeum Narodowe, Gdansk, Poland; b) Aranhões, 2nd half of 17th century, Santa Clara a Velha, Coimbra, Portugal; c) detail of a Chinese Ming Ceramics 16th –17th centuries (Wanli period, 1573–1679). Private Collection.

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Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

Figure 9.2: Studied sherds: a) Especieiro Ceramics, 1st half of 17th century, Lisbon production, Portugal; b) Aranhões Ceramics, 2nd half of 17th century, Lisbon production, Portugal; c) Chinese Ming Ceramics 16th – 17th centuries.

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L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban

Figure 9.3: Ground state diffuse reflectance spectra for the three sherds under study: Reflectance versus wavelength for a) Especieiro, c) Aranhões and e) Ming sherds; Remission function versus wavelength for b) Especieiro, d) Aranhões and f) Ming sherds.

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Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

Figure 9.4: Representative Raman spectra for Especieiro sherd, after baseline subtraction: a) blue pigment under glaze; b) white pigment under glaze.

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L. F. Vieira Ferreira, I. Ferreira Machado, A. M. Ferraria, T. M. Casimiro and Ph. Colomban

Figure 9.5: Representative Raman spectra for Aranhões sherd, after baseline subtraction: a) blue pigment under glaze; b) white pigment under glaze.

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Spectroscopic characterization of pigment and glazes from the 17th century Portuguese faience

Figure 9.6: Representative Raman spectra for Wanli sherd, after baseline subtraction: blue pigment under glaze.

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Part II

The Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean

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10

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries)

Joaquín Roberto Bárcena1,2 and María José Ots1,2 1- INCIHUSA-CONICET, CCT-Mendoza, CC131, Avda. Ruiz Leal s/n, Parque Gral. San Martín, 5500-Mendoza-Rca (Argentina) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo (FFyL-UNCuyo), CCT-Mendoza, CC131, Avda. Ruiz Leal s/n, Parque Gral. San Martín, 5500-Mendoza-Rca (Argentina) Pottery remains in early colonial Mendoza include some types of European Majolica, as well as American and local styles. Our goal is the identification of posthispanic impact in ceramic goods in two main aspects: different context of demand and consumption of pottery and the most outstanding characteristics of local production. Archaeological and archaeometrical characterizations of these ceramics are introduced, and contrasted with the historical description of techniques in local ceramic production. Pottery consumption patterns are represented by a low density of European tradition ceramics and an increase in local production (mainly big containers associated to wine and olive production and distribution), according to regional economic development. KEYWORDS: POTTERY, EUROPEAN MAJOLICA, PANAMÁ MAJOLICA, GLAZED EARTHENWARE, TECHNOLOGY, LOCAL PRODUCTION, COLONIAL MENDOZA, SOUTHERN FRONTIER

10.1 Introduction

In this paper we introduce a characterization of Mendoza colonial pottery in different contexts, and our expectations about pottery record as related to social processes. Ceramics studies are a part of more general projects which investigate the Spanish colony in Mendoza; therefore we are interested in defining pottery production organization, distribution networks and consumption contexts closely related to regional historical processes.

Mendoza city and its surroundings constitute the southern Spanish frontier in the last periphery during the 16th and the 17th centuries (Gascón 2010). In this region, not only ceramics and other European goods were distributed and consumed since early settlements, but also pottery was produced quite early. Our contribution includes archaeological and historical approaches in order to characterize the European and local colonial pottery, local organization of production (production spaces, technological traditions involved) and distribution channels.

10.2

Archaeological and historical studies in Mendoza

Mendoza province is located in the Middle West of Argentina. In a continental perspective, it is located in the South Andean area, and it is characterized as the prehispanic frontier between farmer and hunter-gathered societies. In the 15th and 16th centuries this territory was the Inca empire southeast frontier. Spanish Mendoza city was explored and colonized by Spaniards in their journeys from Perú to Santiago de Chile, and finally it was founded in 1561 in Huentota Valley. Since then to 1776, the province was a part of Virreynato del Perú, in the Reino de Chile, in the eastern side of Andes Cordillera. Since 1776 it was a part of Virreynato del Río de la Plata, whose capital was Buenos Aires (Figure 10.1). In the 16th century, Huentota Valley and other places in north and center Mendoza province such as Guanacache lagoons, Uco Valley, Mendoza and Tunuyan basins were inhabited by small-scale level food production societies, called Huarpes. Huarpes were conquered by the Incas about the last decades of the 15th century, and as a result of the relationship with their expansive state, these communities underwent different changes in subsistence and socio-political organization. Since its foundation to the beginnings of the 17th century the Spanish population of Mendoza was low. Most

J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots of "founder neighbors" (vecinos) who received Mercedes lands in Mendoza, lived in Santiago; while the native population began to decline quickly by different reasons, such as labor service—mita—in Chile, illness, gets away and other resistance practices. Mendoza city periphery was occupied later, generally by Spanish Estancias located mainly in the city surroundings and in Uco Valley. Probably, as in prehispanic times (Bárcena 1994), Mendoza was the Chilean periphery in an Andean perspective from its foundation to the 17th century; then the Spanish imperial strategy changed to an Atlantic perspective, and Mendoza was located in a different position, changing from the previous situation of periphery to a border line one (Gascón 2010). In this process, Mendoza became a part of the Spanish south frontier between the 17th and the 19th centuries. These historical processes have been studied by both historical and archaeological approaches from a regional and diachronic perspective. Among these investigations, the archaeological ones have had a major development mainly in Mendoza city, site called Área Fundacional de Mendoza. The city had this location until 1861, when it was destroyed by an earthquake. Then, the settlement was rebuilt in a different place, wherefrom the city started to grow until now. Current researches in Área Fundacional consider this event, and all the processes related to the earthquake, both natural (e.g. fires, floods, etc.) and cultural (e.g. building destruction, debris removal, burials, etc.). Despite some antecedents of discoveries in rescues (summarized in Rusconi 1961), the first research project about Historical Archaeology in Mendoza city began in the 80’s (Bárcena and Schávelzon 1991). That was an urban intervention in order to study the 16th century Cabildo and Main Square, and subsequent occupations. From that work, archaeologists continued working at ecclesiastical properties and buildings near the city: Jesuitas/San Francisco (Schávelzon 1998), La Merced (Chiavazza et al. 2006), Santo Domingo (Ots 2001; Bárcena and Mulle 2011). The goals of these researches are very complex, because they study human settlement in Huentota Valley, and social changes. This process includes the Spanish settlement and the city configuration until 1861. These projects are also dealing with the peripheral rural space configuration process during the colony, interactions with other regions, and transformations in the native landscape (Bárcena and Ots 2012).

10.3 Colonial pottery studies: methods and materials In this contribution, we just refer to the results of these researches related to early contexts (16th and The archaeological record of the 17th centuries). "contact" or early colonial levels includes both native and European pottery traditions. The first ones are just prewheel, earthenware, unglazed, sometimes with painted geometrical decoration. On the other hand the Spanish ceramic record in Mendoza includes some types of majolicas, and other less specific earthenware. 134

In order to understand pottery production, distribution and consumption aspects, historical descriptions were considered together with archaeological studies of materials and contexts. Historical research included both, published and unpublished documents from Archivo General de la Provincia de Mendoza. Regarding archaeological researches, results of material culture studies from Área Fundacional and rural site La Arboleda (Valle de Uco) are summarized here. In Área Fundacional, pottery proceeds from excavations in convents, burials and domestic contexts associated to religious orders. La Arboleda was a 17th jesuitic Estancia, and pottery studied here proceeds from domestic contexts associated to a slaughterhouse in this Estancia. Pottery was classified by typological and technological attributes through macroscopical analysis of paste, surface treatments and decoration, and then compared with descriptions in catalogs from Florida Museum of Natural History (FMNH), Fundación Erigaie and D. Schávelzon (2001). European and American pottery styles consumed in Mendoza were identified. Likewise, local potteries were characterized by these descriptive criteria; and archaeometrical analyses (AAS and SEM-EDS) were introduced to explore technological attributes. Chronological frames of production and circulation of these goods were defined by both archaeological contexts and Thermoluminiscence dating. Finally, spatial distribution of local pottery was studied from historical references about commercial circuits and from archaeological pottery typology referred to in precedent publications.

10.4

European and American majolicas in Mendoza city

Current research shows that frequency of both European and American majolicas in Mendoza city is low in all the sites (Table 10.1). Moreover, these styles have not been registered in rural settlement around the city (Bárcena and Ots 2012). The European repertory include Talavera Tradition (blue on white, Ichtuknee), Triana Tradition (some subtypes like ramito azul, blanca and esponjada polícroma). As regards imported pottery produced in other centers in America, one piece of Más allá Polícromo was found just in Ruinas de San Francisco site (Schávelzon 2001). The most ubiquitous majolica produced in America which can be found in Mendoza is Panamá Polícromo style. Panamá Polícromo (Goggin 1968; Rovira 2001) is characterized by red (terracotta), hard and compact paste and a lower quality glazing than that of European majolicas. The remains found in Mendoza show marks of firing defects (burst bubbles). A sherd from Santo Domingo dependences was dated through TL in 1645 B.C. (Table 10.3, Sample JFMR31) (Bárcena and Mulle 2012), this date is within the production range of this style (Rovira 2001). Frequency of imported pottery in Mendoza was still low even in the last colonial centuries, when imports were opened to other markets than Spain. For example, to compare material evidence of Santo Domingo convents

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries) in Buenos Aires and Mendoza colonial cities in a similar late 18th century and early 19th century context, notable differences can be observed in consumption. Among "powerful" Buenos Aires Dominicans, most table ware (more than 90 %) was imported (Schávelzon 1990), whereas in Mendoza was hardly 7.4 % (Ots 2001).

10.5 Other no local types: Monocromo rojo and monocromo rojo bruñido Another exotic type, different from majolicas, is frequently found in city sites. This is fine earthenware, with very thin and compact walls, decorated with a red (or less frequently black) polished or burnished slip, sometimes with white lines painted in lips. These are small pieces (probably glasses and little jars and bottles). We are not sure about the origin of this style, but we think it probably comes from Santiago de Chile. These pieces are similar to a largely extended style in that city between the 16th and 18th centuries (even in earlier contexts too), called pulido brillante muy delgado (Prado 2006 and per. comm.). In Santiago, it was produced in convents for rich people consumption. Taking into account Mendoza-Santiago fluent colonial social and commercial relationships, it is highly probable that this ceramic type had a Chilean provenance.

10.6 Local production: historical and archaeological characterization Prehispanic pottery technology The use of the wheel to manufacture pottery pieces and techniques for glazed surface treatment were the main technological innovations introduced by European potters in Mendoza, as it happened in other places in America. Since colonial times, technology applied in pottery manufacture in Mendoza is totally different from previous prehispanic times. Late prehispanic local pottery style is called Viluco, recorded in archaeological contexts between the 15th and the 18th centuries, the last ones in posthispanic levels. It is a very good quality pottery: a type of prewheeled, painted earthenware, with thin walls, compact texture, fine and scarce plastic inclusions. The characteristic painted pieces are pucos (escudilla), little jars (about 12–15 cm tall) and aríbalos (an incaic transport container). There are big containers without decoration too. Although there is little Viluco pottery collection, it is possible to identify standardization in some shapes (Prieto and Chiavazza 2009). Decorative motives are polychrome painting (in red and black or brown colors), mostly geometrical (straight and curve lines, bands, points) circumscribed fields in neck and body of the vessel. Post-hispanic changes in technological attributes like paste composition, manufacture, cooking and decorative techniques were not recognized. Against our expectations, the use of wheel to manufacture ware has neither been identified through macroscopical nor through microscopical analysis (Ots 2001). Changes are identified

just in the standardization in new pieces (plates) (Prieto and Chiavazza 2009), and some stylistic variations in jar shapes and in some decorative motives (jars completely painted on red, parallel lines alternating red and black painting in plate lips). These vessels were mainly found in Mendoza city sites (Área Fundacional), and in only a few cases in rural colonial spaces (Ots et al. 2012). Regarding pre-hispanic production centers in Mendoza, there is a hypothesis about Viluco pottery production in the Incaic site Tambillos (Uspallata Valley) (Bárcena and Román 1990), among other possible workshops in Uco Valley (Mendoza province) and Retamito (southern San Juan province) (Ots et al. 2012), but archaeological research has not been able to find enough conclusive evidence up to now.

Historical information about colonial pottery production Despite the scarce population; the first Spanish settlements included "horno de texa" built in their properties in Mendoza city, according to early documents. Other references, later, mention "hornos de vasija", "hornos para fabricar botija"—references that were very frequent from 1650 (Rusconi 1961)—, or "botijerías". The last ones had, for example, "doce tinajas por cocer, con doce pilotes y cincuenta botijas, todo por cocer" (quoted from José Villegas 1650; Prieto 2000, 153). Kilns were associated with other subsistence economy activities: vineyards, wineries, mills. As a result of different social and demographic processes undergone in the city (Spanish population growth, rural surrounding occupation, Encomienda controls, etc.), c. 1610, the period called "subsistence economy" finished and began the "market economy" period (Prieto 2000). Mendoza produced mainly wine, oil and raw materials, and exported surplus, mainly to Chile, Córdoba, Alto Perú, and Río de la Plata (Coria 1988). Pottery production was associated with these industrial and commercial activities, usually taking place into the wine Haciendas (Lacoste 2007). Among other production centers in the city (they have not been localized yet), the pottery workshop installed by Augustinians in El Carrascal in 1657 is historically well known. Before that, El Carrascal was known as a clay mine—probably because of both firewood and water availability too—(Coria 1988; Prieto 2000). The workshop was in charge of African slaves, specialized in glazed big containers and tableware production ("botijeros" and "loceros") (Masini and Calderón 1979). In general, pottery considered as local production is called Carrascal. A later document (1808) which reports Agustinian Carrascal slave monopoly, mentions that they were "los únicos que fabrican tinajas y botijas" (Archivo General de la Provincia de Mendoza, Colonial, folder 144, doc. 5). A late description about Carrascal potters’ techniques argues that ...algunos descendientes de los esclavos de San Agustín fabrican una loza sumamente grosera...Modelan las piezas de barro arcilloso mezclado con arena, á la mano, ordinariamente,

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J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots sin emplear el torno...Dejan secar las piezas modeladas, las bañan por dentro con barniz de escoria de minas y las cuecen al horno (Lemos 1888, 129). Mining was an early Spanish interest in Mendoza. At the 17th and the 18th centuries, San Agustín slaves— among other african slaves and natives—worked in gold, plate, cooper and lead mines (Masini and Calderón 1979). According to other historical description, metal slags "impregnadas todavía de plata, cobre y oro, reducidas a un polvo finísimo, servían para confeccionar un betún con que se bañaban las piezas de esa loza" (Hudson 1931, 76). The colors of glaze obtained with this composition "no variaba del negro, del rubio, del verdoso más o menos subido" (Hudson 1931, 76). Those descriptions—coarse earthenware, handmade, glazed before cooking—, nevertheless, are not completely supported by archaeological record.

Archaeological and archaeometrical characterization of colonial pottery production Two types of vessels are conserved in local colonial pottery collections: big storage and shipping containers (pipas, tinajas and olive jars); and domestic ware (cántaros, botijuelas, jars, plates, lebrillos or barreños). To characterize local shapes we calculate the morphometry of complete vessels from Museo de Ciencias Naturales y Antropológicas J. Cornelio Moyano collection and sherds recovered during the excavations (Ots and Gorriz 2007). We use the shape/volume categories according to Rusconi (1961) and Lister and Lister (1976) descriptions. (Table 10.2 and Figure 10.2) Pipas and tinajas show the main characteristics of generic olive jars (according to FMNH Catalog): orange compact and coarse paste, unglazed earthenware, although sometimes the interior is partially glazed. Green glaze is present just in few early fragments, and other colors are more common later. Due to its low frequency we suppose there might be a foreign source of green pieces, although we cannot conclude either a local or imported source of some pieces just from technological attributes. The study of paste composition through macroscopical and binocular microscope observations of local colonial earthenware shows homogeneous and compact texture of paste, regular distribution, size and shape of inclusions (generally sand and quartz temper). These features are generally identified in wheel made pottery. Handmade pieces have more porous pastes, with heterogeneous and disordered bigger inclusions. (Ots 2001; Ots and Gorriz 2007). About surface treatments, vessels were just glazed, without painting. Little containers such as jars, bottles, cántaros, ollas; and open containers such as plates and lebrillos usually had both internal and external surfaces completely glazed. In big containers (pipas, tinajas and botijas), just the internal surface used to be glazed, and sometimes the outer surface shows an incomplete glaze (as drops, patches). Through macroscopical observation of glazes, different finishes were identified: shiny, smooth, 136

thick, thin, glossy. Usually, glaze application was not very careful: pieces conserved show loose glaze ("crawling"), cracked, glazed surfaces with bubbles. In order to characterize glazes some archaeometrical analyses were carried out. Ag and Cu presence in pottery samples of Cabildo de Mendoza were demonstrated through Atomic absorption spectroscopy (AAS) (Bárcena and Schávelzon 1991). X-ray analyses were carried out through SEM-EDS in pottery samples of La Arboleda, a rural site in Valle de Uco, 90 km south away from Mendoza city. These samples are included in the Carrascal pottery type, and were found in 16th and 17th century contexts (see Table 10.3, samples LAF2 3040 and LAF2 8090). Samples were cut and polished perpendicularly to the glass surface, mounted and carbon coated; they were then observed in a SEM JEOL/EO JSM 6610-LV equipment. Samples were observed at 10 kV. Microanalysis was done in EDS Thermo Scientific Noran System Seven 2.1 (MEByM-CCTCONICET, Mendoza). Sample M1 is a Carrascal plate, with macroscopical marks of wheel-making and light golden brown glazing in internal and external surfaces. Microanalysis identified mostly Pb (28 %) and Si (10 %) in glaze composition, Fe (2.9 %), Al (1.15 %) and minimal Zn, Ca and Mn (< 1 %). Through SEM-SE topographical characteristics of glaze were observed: the external surface is around 55 μm thick; and the internal surface is around 100 μm thick. In both surfaces, the interfase between body and glaze shows a low interaction, and crystals cannot be observed, which suggests a first firing before glaze application to a biscuit fired body (Tite et al. 1998) (Figure 10.3). Sample M3 is a Carrascal big vessel (jar?). The internal surface glaze is dark reddish brown and the external surface light golden brown. Parallel grooves typical of use of wheel are observed. Both internal and external surfaces show marks, pores and some sand inclusions which can be observed macroscopically. Mostly Pb (almost 40 %) and Si (12 %), Fe (2.5 %), Al (1.5 %), Ca (1.5 %) and minimal Zn, K and Mn (< 1 %) were identified in glaze composition through microanalysis of internal surface. An internal glaze surface 165–180 μm thick and an external one 50– 62 μm thick were identified through SEM-SE. In both surfaces, the interaction between body and glaze is quite low, which suggests a first firing before glaze application. Petrographical and SEM microscopes observation of ceramic bodies shows scarce rock inclusions, and pores, parallel oriented to the vessel walls (Ots et al. 2013). That characterization, although at an exploring level, contradict some aspects mentioned in historical description of Carrascal pottery production. Documents hold African labor participation, but, at present, features of African material culture cannot be recognized in Mendoza pottery production, as in other places (Buenos Aires, Santa Fe) (Schávelzon 1999, 2001). Aspects of native production technology cannot be observed either, which suggests low intervention of native labor in pottery production during the colony. Production technology described here follows all the aspects of European tradition, specifically in regard to techniques of manufacturing and preparation and application of glaze (Tite et al. 1998).

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries)

Pottery chronology in Mendoza colonial contexts Imported majolicas, "monocromo rojo" and local production glaze earthenware were found in archaeological contexts from the 16th to 18th centuries (Bárcena and Schávelzon 1990; Bárcena and Mulle 2011; Ots 2001; Chiavazza et al. 2003; Puebla et al. 2006). Although majolicas identified in Mendoza correspond to 1500–1850 typologies, there is persistence in their use until the 19th century. Even as a consequence of the cultural and natural processes already mentioned, in some cases majolicas are present until the 20th century levels (Chiavazza et al. 2003). Due to limitations to define site or occupation chronology just through typology, regional projects are interested in specifying it through absolute dating techniques, too (Bárcena 1999; Bárcena and Mulle 2011; Bárcena and Ots 2012). Here, we introduce a tendency of colonial pottery chronology from 16 samples dating through Thermoluminicense, taking into account the limitations of the method for more recent times (Table 10.3). TL dates were obtained using the thermoluminiscence analyzer Harshaw 2000 A-B (Laboratorio de Radioactividad y Termoluminiscencia, Facultad de Física, Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile). Samples of quartz were heated from environmental temperature to 500 °C, at a heating rate of 12°c /s, in an inert atmosphere provided by a 4 l/min extra pure nitrogen flow. For Paleodose measurement, artificial radiations were performed with a radioactive source of Sr90 (10 mCi, nominal), granted a 1.2 Gy/min dose. The annual average dose of D radiation was calculated by thermoluminiscent dosimetry. Doses were measured by using CaSO4 ; Dy dosimeters (Román and Deza 1998). The errors associated with TL dates were estimated using the method outlined in Aitken (1976). Results provide dates according to the chronological expectations for European and Panamá majolicas (1560– 1650 for the first ones, 1650 for the last ones) and for glaze earthenware (from 1550 to 1800). In local production, there is at least one case (Table 10.3, sample UTCL 484, and Figure 10.2, a) in which a big container (vol. 800 l)—Tinaja—preserves an inscription of a date (of manufacturing?): "19 de abril de 1632". However, the TL date is almost one century later. This example, together with other essays with well known date samples (among other antecedents) introduce a warning in the use of TL chronology. Based upon a chronological tendency offered by a set of 14 C and TL dates of historical contexts, it was demonstrated that, although they cannot offer certain calendar dates, TL results were able to separate and order pottery types sequentially (Bárcena 1999).

10.7 Local pottery distribution According to advances in historical archaeology researches in other Argentine regions, Carrascal pottery was found in Santa Fe la Vieja (Ceruti 2005), Buenos Aires (Schávelzon 2001), Córdoba (Schávelzon 2001), and other sites since early contexts (Figure 10.1). This geographical distribution matches with trade networks of regional products (Coria

1988; Ots et al. 2015). In these Litoral and Río de la Plata destinies, archaeologists describe both big containers and tableware from Mendoza, identified mainly by typological attributes, and by inscriptions conserved in many tinajas (Ceruti 2005). However, there are no other studies to define their characterization and provenance at the moment.

10.8

Conclusions and future perspectives

Research questions about production, distribution and consumption of pottery in colonial Mendoza is related with other historical processes in the city and rural surroundings. Imported pottery consumption was only identified in Mendoza city, in both civil (Cabildo de Mendoza) and religious contexts (La Compañía, Santo Domingo, and La Merced Churches, and other places). From the 16th to 18th centuries, the use of majolicas was not very frequent; there is a very low frequency of these types in the studied sites, and, also, the European pottery collection is just restricted to some Spanish types. Probably, this ware was part of settlers’ personal goods, and just in a few cases arrived at the city either by trade or smuggling. In Mendoza, Panamá Polychrome was as important as European majolicas. This type was not registered in other Argentine sites, thus supporting the hypothesis about the Pacific distribution networks of Panamá pottery (Rovira 2001), to which Mendoza was closely linked during colony times. Against our expectations, we have not identified other American products yet: for example, we expected to find more Chilean or Peruvian ceramics. In Mendoza city rural surroundings, slowly occupied by Spanish settlers later on, we were not able to identify any "exotic" types. Mendoza had a transandine position respect to its former capital city, Santiago de Chile. Therefore, during the first colonial centuries the city had a peripherical and autonomous situation to satisfy subsistence demands. In this geopolitical situation, Mendoza was not an isolated city; it was related to other regions in Argentina and Chile through trade and smuggling circuits in the Spanish empire southern frontier. However, the presence of imported majolica in Mendoza was lower than the one present in Río de la Plata cities and Santiago, connected with other markets by Buenos Aires and Valparaíso ports, respectively. Despite the scarce population, first Spanish settlements included pottery production for domestic consumption among other subsistence activities. Probably as a consequence of an autonomous status of Mendoza city, local pottery production started at the same time than settlement, and increased side by side with raw materials production and commerce growth in the following centuries. Imported products neither replaced, nor exceeded, local production ever. More than 85 % pottery in colonial sites is local. Although there are lots of research questions about this production, and we are just discussing some exploring and general data here, our purposes are more ambitious, because we are interested in defining both the organization of colonial pottery production and its changes in time.

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J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots We have not identified native tradition features in colonial pottery yet, and native labor in its production is not mentioned in documents, as it is in other production centers in America. According to a 17th century historical record, pottery was produced by African slaves at least in one workshop. Therefore, we aim at identifying which technological traditions were involved in local production, so we think this problem could only be solved by archaeological record. In this sense, data here presented supports the application of European techniques, mainly. Advances in archaeological researches demonstrate that Mendoza colonial pottery production was more complex than previously thought of. Even though we conventionally call Carrascal to all glazed earthenware pottery, there is a large diversity in shape and production techniques. Thus it is another unresolved issue to establish stylistic variations within local production repertory between the 16th and 19th centuries. This variability supports the existence of many production centers (both domestic and industrial), different technological traditions involved and diachronic changes in the production process. At present, we always assume that all glazed earthenware is local, but we are not so sure whether some types could be imported. Finally, also taking into consideration the wide range of spatial distribution of Carrascal pottery—whether its identification in other Argentine provinces is accurate—, we need to improve our archaeological and archaeometrical characterization of Carrascal type.

Acknowledgements These research projects directed by J. Roberto Bárcena were funded by Universidad Nacional de Cuyo (Secretaría de Ciencia, Técnica y Posgrado SECYT-UNC) and Agencia Nacional de Promoción Científica y Técnica (FONCYTSECYT). We also thank to GlobalPottery Conference organizers and to Secretaría de Relaciones Internacionales (UNC). To Silvina Lassa (MEByM-CCT Mza) and Juan Pablo Aguilar (INCIHUSA-CONICET).

References Aitken, M. J., 1976, Thermoluminiscence age evaluation and assessment of error limit: revised system. Archaeometry, 18, 233–238. Bárcena, J. R., and Ots, M. J., 2012, La Arboleda de Tupungato. Nota preliminar sobre el sitio fundacional del Valle de Uco, Mendoza, Comechingonia, 16, 147– 166. Bárcena, J. R., and Pannunzio de Mulle, M., 2011, Iglesia y Convento de Santo Domingo Soriano. Aportes sobre el registro documental de inhumaciones y arqueológico de ocupaciones en su predio del Área Fundacional de Mendoza, Zeta, Mendoza. Bárcena, J. R., and Román, A., 1990 (1986–1987), Funcionalidad diferencial de las estructuras del Tambo de Tambillos: resultados de la excavación de los recintos 1 y 2 de la Unidad A del sector III, Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 41–42, 7–81. 138

Bárcena, J. R., and Schávelzon, D., 1991, El Cabildo de Mendoza, arqueología e historia para su recuperación, Municipalidad de Mendoza, Inca, Mendoza. Bárcena, J. R., 1994 (1991–1992), Datos e interpretación del registro documental sobre la dominación incaica en Cuyo, Xama, 4–5, 11–49. Bárcena, J. R., 1999, Arqueología de Mendoza. Las dataciones absolutas y sus alcances, EDIUNC, Mendoza. Ceruti, C. N., 2005, Evidencias de contacto hispanoindígena en la cerámica de Santa Fe la Vieja (Cayastá), Revista América, 17. Chiavazza, H., Puebla, L., and Zorrilla, V., 2003, Estudios de los Materiales Cerámicos Históricos Procedentes del Área Fundacional de la Ciudad de Mendoza, Especial Naya. Coria, L. A., 1988, Evolución económica de Mendoza en la Época Colonial, Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza. Gascón, M., 2010, Una periferia colonial en el esquema defensivo imperial: Mendoza en el siglo XVII, Bibliographica Americana, 6, 2–10. Goggin, J., 1968, Spanish Majolica in the New World. Types of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, Published by the Department of Anthropology, Yale University. Hudson, D., 1931, Recuerdos históricos sobre la provincia de Cuyo, Revista mendocina de ciencias. Lacoste, P., 2007, La Hacienda vitivinícola (Mendoza y San Juan, siglo XVIII). Universum, 22(1), 152–185. Lemos, J., 1888, Mendoza, memoria descriptiva de la provincia por..., Obra mandada a ejecutar por el Exmo. Gobierno de la provincia para concurrir a la Exposición de París de 1889, Mendoza, Los Andes. Lister, F. C., and Lister, R. H., 1976, A descriptive dictionary for 500 years of Spanish-tradition ceramics (13th through 18th centuries), Special Publication Series, 1, The Society for Historical Archaeology. Masini Calderón, J. L., 1979, Aspectos económicos y sociales de la acción de los Agustinos en Cuyo (siglos XVII, XVIII y XIX), Revista de Historia Americana y Argentina, 17–18, 69–98. Ots, M. J., 2001, Arqueología e Historia Urbana: excavaciones en un antiguo solar de la Orden de Santo Domingo en Mendoza. Aportes para la caracterización tecnotipológica de la cerámica colonial, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza. Ots, M. J., and Gorriz, N., 2007, Aportes para la caracterización tecnotipológica de la cerámica colonial del Área Fundacional de la ciudad de Mendoza, in Arqueología Argentina en los inicios del nuevo siglo (Comp. by F. Oliva, N. de Grandis and J. Rodríguez), Vol. I, 403–412, Laborde, Rosario. Ots, M. J., Cahiza, P., and Bárcena, J. R., 2012, Archaeological and historical perspectives about ceramic production, distribution and consumption in border lands. Native technologies and post-contact changes in Middle West Argentina (15th and 17th centuries), GlobalPottery, 1st International Congress on Historical Archeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact, Abstracts, 38. Ots, M. J., Carosio, S., and Bárcena, J. R., 2013, Caracterización arqueométrica y tecnología de

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries) producción de la cerámica vidriada de Mendoza, Revista de Arqueología Histórica Argentina y Latinoamericana, 7, 131–158. Ots, M. J., Cahiza, P. A., and Gascón, M., 2015, Articulaciones del corredor trasandino meridional. El río Tunuyán en el Valle de Uco (Mendoza, Rca. Argentina), Revista de Historia Argentina y Americana, 50(1), 79–91. Prado Berlien, C., 2006, Precisiones en relación a un tipo cerámico característico de contextos urbanos coloniales de la zona central de Chile, in Actas del XVII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Chilena, Vol. II, 1011–1023, Valdivia. Prieto, C., and Chiavazza, H., 2009, La producción cerámica Viluco entre los siglos XV y XVII (Provincia de Mendoza, Argentina), Chungará, 41(2), 261–274. Prieto, M. del R., 2000 (1997–1998), Formación y consolidación de una sociedad en un área marginal del Reino de Chile: la provincia de Cuyo en el siglo XVII, Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 52–53. Puebla, L., Zorrilla, V., and Chiavazza, H., 2006, Análisis del material cerámico histórico del predio mercedario de la ciudad de Mendoza, in Arqueología del predio mercedario de la ciudad de Mendoza (ed. H. Chiavazza and M. V. Zorrilla), 157–217, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza.

Román, B. A., and Deza, T. A., 1998, Fechados arqueológicos por termoluminiscencia, in Arqueología de Mendoza. Los fechados absolutos y sus alcances (J. R. Bárcena), 399–407, Ediunc, Mendoza. Rovira, B. E., 2001, Presencia de mayólicas panameñas en el mundo colonial: algunas consideraciones acerca de su distribución y cronología, Latin American Antiquity, 12(3), 291–303. Rusconi, C., 1961, Poblaciones pre y posthispánicas de Mendoza, Vol. I Etnografía, Mendoza. Schávelzon, D., (coord.), 1998, Las Ruinas de San Francisco. Arqueología e Historia, Municipalidad de Mendoza. Schávelzon, D., 1990, Arqueología de Buenos Aires, Emecé, Buenos Aires. Schávelzon, D., 2001, Catálogo de cerámicas históricas de Buenos Aires (siglos XVI–XX). Con notas sobre la región del Río de la Plata, CD edited by Fundación para la investigación del Arte Argentina y Telefónica, FADU, Buenos Aires. Schávelzon, D., 1999, La cerámica de la población africana de Buenos Aires y Santa Fe (siglos XVIII y XIX), in Actas del XII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, I, 501–508, La Plata. Tite, M. S., Freestone, I., Mason, R., Molera, J., VendrellSaz, M., and Wood, N., 1998, Lead glazes in antiquity. Methods of production and reasons for use, Archaeometry, 40(2), 241–260.

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Site Majolica Type

La Merced (1) n %

Sevilla white Sevilla blue on blue Talavera tradition Talavera tradition, blue on white Ichtuknee blue on white Triana Triana del ramito azul Triana white Triana esponjada polychrome Triana anular Panamá plain Panamá polychrome Más allá polychrome

San Francisco (2) n %

1 1 4 1 3 1 1 -

0.13 0.13 0.5 0.13 0.4 0.13 0.13 -

3 6 20 3 14 24 16 45 7 2

Total majolicas frequency

12

1.55

140

Total pottery frequency

772

100

1839

Santo Domingo (3) n %

0.16 0.33 1.08 0.16 0.76 1.3 0.87 2.45 0.38 0.14

18 21 88 -

0.86 1 4.2 -

7.6

127

6.07

100

2091

100

Table 10.1: Relative frequency of majolica (quantified by potsherds). (2) Chiavazza et al. 2003; (3) Ots 2001.

Source: (1) Puebla et al.

Container/Shape

height

diameter

thickness

volume

Pipa Tinaja Botija or cántaro Jar, bottle, olla Lebrillo Plate

1–1.60 m 1–1.15 m 0.30–0.70 m 0.30–0.70 m -

1–1.40 m 0.40–0.50 m 0.25–0.30 m 0.20–0.50 m 0.25–0.40 m 0.20 m

0.025–0.03 m 0.014 m 0.005–0.017 m 0.005–0.017 m 0.009–0.01 m 0.005 m

500–1000 l 100–400 l 9–12 l 4–80 l -

2006;

Table 10.2: Carrascal pottery shapes (morphometry).

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GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact UCTL 1567 UCTL 475 UCTL 381 UTCL 2193 UCTL 479 UCTL330 UTCL 331 UCTL 435 UCTL 430 UTCL 324 UTCL 2194 UTCL 472 UTCL 484 UCTL 476 UCTL 477 UCTL 319

Majólica, Panamá Polychrome. JFM R31 e 11.13 V/b Tbo AC Talavera tradition blue on White. I4 San Fco. 65 Earthenware, jar. Plaza 33 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". LAF 2 3040 Talavera Tradition blue on White. San Fco. 69 Talavera tradition blue on white. A7 Cabildo 5 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". Cabildo 7 Earthenware tinaja. Plaza 47 Glazed earthenware jar. Plaza 42 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". Cabildo 3 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". LAF2 8090 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". San Fco. 62 Tinaja (19/4/1632). Moyano 74 Local earthenware. San Fco. 66 Local earthenware. San Fco. 67 Glazed earthenware "Carrascal". Mendoza 26

AD chronology 1645 AD 1560 ± 50 AD 1550 ± 50 AD 1565 AD 1590 ± 45 AD 1600 ± 50 AD 1610 ± 40 AD 1650 ± 30 AD 1675 ± 20 AD 1680 ± 30 AD 1715 AD 1720 ± 30 AD 1730 ± 20 AD 1790 ± 20 AD 1790 ± 20 AD 1760 ± 20 AD

TL result (BP = 2010) 355 ± 45 430 ± 50 440 ± 50 445 ± 45 400 ± 45 390 ± 50 380 ± 40 340 ± 30 315 ± 20 310 ± 50 295 ± 30 270 ± 30 260 ± 20 200 ± 20 200 ± 20 230 ± 20

Bárcena and Mulle 2011 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena and Ots 2012 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena and Ots 2012 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998 Bárcena 1998

Source

Table 10.3: TL dating of local and no local colonial pottery record from Mendoza province. BP: before present.

Datation code

Sample description and identification

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries)

141

Figure
10.1:
Relative
position
of
Mendoza
province,
and
other
cities
mentioned
in
the
text.
Highlighted
sector:
North
and
Central
Mendoza
province
(and
geographical
references
mentioned).

J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots

142

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries)

Figure 10.2: Carrascal pottery shapes. a) tinaja; b) olla and c) small jar ; d) plate. b and c modified from Bárcena (1999).

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

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Figure 10.3: Sample M1LA. a) external glazed surface; b) micrograph. SEM-SE image (950x) c) EDS.

144

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

11

Contemporary pottery from São Vicente, Madeira (old captaincy of Machico): physical and chemical characterization

Fernando Castro1 and Élvio Sousa2 1- Departamento de Engenharia Mecânica, Universidade do Minho, Campus de Azurém, 4800 - 058 Guimarães (Portugal) ([email protected]) 2- Câmara Municipal do Machico, Largo do Município 9200 - 099 Machico (Portugal) ([email protected]) Archaeological prospecting conducted in 2008 in Lameiros, São Vicente led to the identification of an unusual pottery production site with a kiln, whose dating can go back to the 19th century. The pottery centre has supplied a considerable area in the northern part of Madeira Island through the local markets, merchants and coastal shipping. The typological universe includes containers for storage of liquids and solids, with printed and carved decoration, as well as tiles and bricks. X-ray Fluorescence Spectrometry allowed a chemical characterization of samples of ceramic fragments obtained from the archaeological prospecting, as well as for local clays, for 13 different chemical elements. With the analytical results, chemical groups have been determined by a multivariate statistical analysis of the hierarchical clustering type. The results allowed us to form two groups, slightly different from each other, the first one with 43 samples and the second with 13 samples. Local clays are well included in the first group, even if relevant scattering has been observed in some minor elements, like calcium and manganese. The two groups differ especially in iron and titanium contents, with the other elements showing a quite similar chemical composition pattern. This work allowed us to obtain a full characterization of local pottery productions from São Vicente, in Madeira, helping in the determination of the origin of archaeological ceramic fragments found in that island and elsewhere. KEYWORDS: X-RAY FLUORESCENCE SPECTROMETRY, POTTERY, ARCHAEOLOGICAL CERAMIC FRAGMENTS, CHEMICAL CHARACTERIZATION, LOCAL POTTERY PRODUCTIONS

The present paper intends to briefly think over the chemical characterization results of samples coarse pottery fragments obtained from the archaeological prospecting from São Vicente, Madeira. This will help to determinate the origin of the archaeological ceramic fragments and the clay classification in the island and elsewhere. In addition, this short communication intends to refer the following three crucial subjects: the historical and geographical context, the typological and morphological issues of the kiln and coarse ceramic (examining the origin, production, and form), and the two groups of chemical characterization.

Until the 18th century this village belonged to the captaincy of Machico, an area that geographically included half of Madeira Island. Part of this site is included in the Madeira Nature Park and here it is possible to observe several species of indigenous forest, the Laurissilva, which is classified as World Natural Heritage by UNESCO. The pottery industry of the São Vicente dates back to the 17th century, when the settlement process in the North of Madeira was established. However there are still no archaeological evidences of ceramic from this period. This situation embodies the absence of archaeological rescue and preservation works in the historical centre and the surrounding area.

Location

The Archaeological Prospection and the Oral Tradition History—2008

The Banda do Sol Kiln Pottery site is located on the site of Lameiros, in São Vicente, in the North of Madeira Island, at 400 m of altitude. It is possible to witness local exuberant volcanic mountains and rural landscapes stones terraces (locally called poios).

In 2008, a project entitled "The Pottery in the Madeira Archipelago" detects the first physical evidences from the pottery kiln of Banda do Sol, at Lameiros, São Vicente. In this research we identified several coarse potsherds at the surface and the exact location of the kiln.

11.1 Introduction

F. Castro and É. Sousa In addition, we have recorded oral traditional with locals who witnessed the production of pottery vessels that were produced in the local pottery kiln, whose dating can go back to the second half of the 19th century. The interview led us to Mrs Gregory Andrade, an 81 years old person who was crucial to find the exact location of the pottery kiln, the clay extraction sites, and to understand the process of manufacture and to understand the correct terminology of the pottery forms.

The Pottery Kiln and the pottery forms The cited oral interview allowed us to realise that the structure of the pottery kiln was quadrangular, built with red and yellow volcanic tufa blocks (Figure 11.1). It can be inferred that while the lower part of the kiln, with the combustion chamber, appears to be more or less intact, the roof has collapsed. These rural potteries were usually close to the clay pits and were operated part-time by farmers, in a familiar industry, which normally was passed down through the generations. According to the data collected during the archaeological prospection, it was possible to identify different forms of Madeira coarse pottery, with different functions. At first, the major production, as the oral tradition confirmed, are the salting pot fragments (or cylindrical jars, locally called salgadeiras) (Figure 11.2), mixing pots (alguidares) (Figure 11.3), and large rounded jugs (púcaras) (Figure 11.4). Other forms such as soup bowls (terrinas), stoops (bilhas) and semi-cylindrical ceramic tiles were observed. Unfortunately no archaeological excavation has been performed in this site thereby the information about its production is still unclear and it is not possible to confirm if they were made there. The maximum diameter of the salting pot (Figure 11.2) is 400 mm. The border is simple outcurved with a slightly rounded lip. The paste is red M37 (Cailleux 1986). The body wall is approximately 10 mm thick. The rim flanges can be up to 10 mm across. The mixing pot has a flat inverted rim. The rim diameter is 200 mm with fine to medium-fine textured red paste, N25 (Cailleux 1986). The body wall diameter of the large rounded jug is approximately 8 mm. In this short sample of coarse ceramic it was also possible to detect the marks from wheel-thrown. The red surfaces were also decorated with incised designs (with wavy and straight lines). This decoration is also found in several objects from the 17th century from the archaeological contexts in the city of Machico and Funchal (Sousa 2011). The most characteristic paste colour is pale red or orange, with medium texture. Some of them had samples of deliberate inclusions (grogs). It was also possible to detect small crushed stones from geological origin. It is possible to assume that the ceramics were not finished since the pottery has been fired but was not glazed. From an historical point of view, glazed pottery was only introduced in the Madeira archipelago during the 19th century, particularly in the historical urban centre of the 146

capital, Funchal, with clays samples from the Portuguese mainland (Sousa 2011).

11.2

Chemical analysis of ceramic and clays samples interest for archaeological studies

A chemical characterization of samples of ceramic fragments obtained from the archaeological prospecting, as well as for local clays, was done by X-ray Fluorescence Spectrometry for 13 different chemical components: SiO2 , Al2 O3 , Fe2 O3 , CaO, MgO, Na2 O, K2 O, TiO2 , Mn, Ba, Zr, Sr and Rb. The analytical methodology included the cleaning of the surface of samples, its milling and the production of a fusion bead with a lithium borate based preparation. Chemical results were then normalized to 100 % for the 13 components, thus avoiding contamination effects, like moisture, vegetable and other organics as well as chlorides, from culinary uses, for example. The statistical treatment of the results considered hierarchical clustering methods, then comparing groups and individual samples compositions with those present in a large database managed by Laboratory of Chemical Analysis of TecMinho, Guimarães, Portugal. This database contains hundreds of provenance and archaeological groups, derived from more than 2,000 analysed samples mainly from archaeological and ethnographic ceramics, as well as clays, from Portugal and from some regions in the North of Spain (Castro et al. 1997; Castro 1999; 2004). The comparison of the chemical compositions of the groups with those in the database was done by the calculation of the Mahalanobis distance between groups. A total of 56 ethnographic ceramic fragments and 4 local clays were analysed. Ceramic fragments were of different types: 26 pottery fragments, 26 brick fragments, and 4 tile fragment. All fragments presented in Figures 11.2 to 11.4 are included in the 26 pottery fragments samples. The obtained results allowed to form 2 different groups of ceramic samples—group S. Vicente 1 accounting for 43 samples, and group S. Vicente 2, for 13 samples—, as well as one group for clay samples—with the 4 clay samples. The belonging of samples types to each of the so formed groups is indicated in the Table 11.1 below presented. For pottery samples, no relationships were found between chemical groups and ceramic typology, when considering forms, paste colour, grain size and texture. The fact that all brick samples are included inside group 1 could suggest that they were made with a lower quality or less depurated clay. However, the observed paste typology does not allow us to confirm this premise, as no relevant differences were found in this context. The following Table 11.2 summarizes the obtained results, in terms of group average and standard deviation for each component. These results show very slight differences between the 3 groups. As a matter of fact, the differences between these groups are not very significant from a statistical point of view. Except for elements Fe and Ti, where some significant differences appear between the groups S.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Contemporary pottery from São Vicente, Madeira (old captaincy of Machico): physical and chemical characterization Vicente 1 and S. Vicente 2. A scatter plot is shown bellow (Figure 11.5), illustrating the differences in content for these two components, inside the 3 groups. The fact that the differences between groups are quite small and that no major relationship between chemical composition and typologies, lead us to consider the formation of one global group, that we consider representative of the S. Vicente production, whose chemical average charactericanstics are shown in Table 11.3. This group is significantly different from any other groups present in the database, enabling us to consider this is the typical chemical composition pattern of local ceramic production in S. Vicente, Madeira Island. The quite high TiO2 content is coherent with the volcanic origin of the Island of Madeira, where a volcanic stratigraphic unit is identified exactly for the local: the Lameiros Volcanic Unit (CVI2), according to the Geologic Map of the island (Brum et al. 2010). As a matter of fact, Fe-Ti correlations are expected in volcanic geological materials, where the presence of constituents like ilmenite (FeO·TiO2 ) is normal (Carmichael 1967; Ahmad and Shrivastava 2004). Our results suggest that, in the extraction of local clays, different iron titanates concentrations could appear in different extraction zones, thus resulting in different FeTi concentrations. A global consideration of the local ceramic productions seems hence more adequate for future research purposes, as represented for chemical purposes by the "S. Vicente-global" group above described. The slight differences between S. Vicente 1 and S. Vicente 2 groups must however not be neglected; further research being need to confirm, or not, that such differences are relevant for archaeometric and ethnographic studies.

References Ahmad, M., and Shrivastava, J. P., 2004, Iron-Titanium

Oxide Geothermometry and Petrogenesis of Lava Flows and Dykes from Mandla Lobe of the Eastern Deccan Volcanic Province, India, Gondwana Research, 7, 563–577. Brum da Silveira, A., Madeira, J., Ramalho, R., Fonseca, P., and Prada, S., 2010, Nota explicativa da carta geológica da ilha da Madeira na escala 1: 50.000, folhas A e B, Ed. Secretaria Regional do Ambiente e recursos Naturais, Governo regional da Madeira, Região Autónoma da Madeira e Universidade da Madeira. Cailleux, A. de, 1986, Note Sur le Code des Coleurs des Sols, Boubée. Carmichael, I. S. E., 1967, The Iron-Titanium oxides of salic volcanic rocks and their associated ferromagnesian silicates, Contributions in Minrealogy and Petrology, 14, 36–66. Castro, F., 1999, Statistical and analytical procedure for the estimation of the provenance of archaeological ceramics, in Actes del 4t Congrés Europeu sobre Ceràmica Antiga, Govern d’Andorra, 52–58. Castro, F., 2004, Bases de dados analíticos sobre cerâmicas antigas portuguesas - interesse para a investigação arqueológica, Olaria, 3, 105–110. Castro, F., Oliveira, P., and Fernandes, I., 1997, Development of a methodology for the estimation of the provenance of archaeological ceramics, in Medieval Europe’1997— Volume 10, Method and Theory in Historical Archaeology (eds. G. De Boe and F. Verhaeghe), Zelik, 123–125. Sousa, É. D. M., 2011, Ilhas de Arqueologia. O Quotidiano e a Civilização Material na Madeira e nos Açores (século XV a XVIII), Dissertação de Doutoramento em História Regional e Local apresentado à Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa. Retrieved from http://www.cham.fcsh.unl.pt/ext/files/ activities/2012_tese_elviosousa.pdf on April 2015.

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147

148

53.97 1.74

x¯ s

S. Vicente 2

S. Vicente clays

11 0 2

Group S. Vicente 2

23.98 1.62

25.69 0.51

25.47 1.12

Al2 O3

13.48 1.10

11.79 0.72

14.37 0.50

Fe2 O3

0.72 0.20

1.26 0.22

0.69 0.13

K2 O

0.79 0.45

1.38 0.28

0.64 0.17

Na2 O

3.22 0.20

2.74 0.11

3.33 0.12

TiO2

1.42 0.69

0.91 0.18

1.19 0.27

CaO

2.13 0.54

1.85 0.22

1.91 0.19

MgO

Ba

308 68

293 55

310 59

Zr

515 49

727 49

580 47

Sr

119 30

111 25

123 25

45 2

46 8

44 3

Rb

x¯ s

52.23 1.31

25.49 1.11

Al2 2O3 13.80 1.21

Fe2 O3 0.83 0.28

K2 O 0.82 0.37

Na2 O

3.19 0.28

TiO2

1.18 0.53

CaO

1.95 0.44

MgO

308 60

Ba

614 80

Zr

123 41

Sr

44 5

Rb

Table 11.3: Chemical average characteristics of the S. Vicente production. Ba, Zr, Sr, Rb and Mn in ppm. The ¯ mean. s: standard deviation. other components in wt %. x:

S. Vicente global

SiO2

Table 11.2: Chemical analysis of formed groups. Ba, Zr, Sr, Rb and Mn in ppm. The other components in ¯ mean. s: standard deviation. wt %. x:

53.89 1.04

x¯ s

S. Vicente 1

SiO2

51.86 1.08

x¯ s

Group

15 26 2

Group S. Vicente 1

Table 11.1: Belonging of samples to groups according to sample type.

Pottery Bricks Tiles

Mn

1, 363 394

Mn

1, 705 923

1, 016 276

1, 501 424

F. Castro and É. Sousa

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Contemporary pottery from São Vicente, Madeira (old captaincy of Machico): physical and chemical characterization

Figure 11.1: Structures in red stone tufa from the pottery kiln of Banda do Sol.

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F. Castro and É. Sousa

Figure 11.2: Salting pot (salgadeira).

Figure 11.3: Deep dish (alguidares).

150

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Contemporary pottery from São Vicente, Madeira (old captaincy of Machico): physical and chemical characterization

Figure 11.4: Jug (púcara).

Figure 11.5: Scatter plot representation of Fe2 O3 % and TiO2 % in the formed groups.

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12

Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city

Gabriel Cocco1 , Leticia Campagnolo1 and Fabian Letieri2 1- Área Arqueología, Museo Etnográfico y Colonial "Juan de Garay", 25 de mayo 1470, 3000 Santa Fe (Argentina) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Departamento de Arqueología, Museo Histórico Provincial de Rosario, Av. del Museo s/n, Parque de la Independencia, 2000 Rosario (Argentina) (fl[email protected]) In this paper we present a general characterization of the archaeological pottery collection from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660), one of the first Spanish America cities funded in the La Plata River Basin during the Colonial Period. In recent decades, these collections were studied by different researchers because they constitute a reference for the European and Spanish-Indigenous material culture in Argentina and South America from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In 2009 a reclassification and analysis from local and foreign pottery was made in order to organize a reference’s collection to facilitate the comparative study of archaeological materials from other contemporary American settlements. This reclassification was based on macroscopic aspects, techno-typological characteristics, and context of production and use of artifacts. We present the results and propose the necessity to perform new analysis like archaeometrics studies in order to identify the European ceramic provenience and to analyze the technological changes on indigenous ceramic during the Colonial period. KEYWORDS: COLONIAL POTTERY, SANTA FE LA VIEJA, EUROPEAN PRODUCTION, LOCAL PRODUCTION, FIRST SPANISH-AMERICAN CITY, TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES, ARCHAEOMETRIC ANALYSES

12.1 Introduction Santa Fe was settled by Juan de Garay on November 15, 1573 next to the Quiloazas River (nowadays, San Javier) in the basin of the Río de la Plata River (South America). By the mid 17th century the city was abandoned and relocated 80 km further south, to what is now known as Santa Fe de la Vera Cruz, capital city of the province of Santa Fe. The Santa Fe la Vieja Archaeological Park encompasses the old layout of the city. It is located at km 78 on the Provincial Route N°1, Garay Department, Province of Santa Fe, Argentine Republic (Figure 12.1). It has an area equivalent to 65.50 hectares. In the north it borders a town called Cayastá; to the east it meets with the San Javier River; in the south, the Las Gringas Stream and in the West it borders Route No. 1. The preserved area comprises two thirds of the original settlement. There, homes, churches and the city hall (cabildo) are preserved on raw land, as well as different artifacts, e.g., Indigenous, Spanish-Indigenous, European, American and Oriental pottery. In 1949, the archaeological excavations carried out by Agustín Zapata Gollan allowed the identification of the site, the recovery of the architectural structures and the limits of the city to be determined. Back then, artifacts were not stratigraphically controlled, so part of the collection lacks

context and chronology (Cocco 2005).

Gollan’s research primarily focused on the central blocks, located next to the parade ground and was then extended to the west and north areas of the site. His work resulted in the localization of 49 ruins, of which only 30 were excavated.

Over the last decades, the site and its archaeological collections were studied from diverse theoretical and methodological perspectives. In regards to pottery, research focused on: demonstrating the cultural and ethnic identity of the site social groups (Carrara and De Grandis 1992; Carrara 1998), studying evidence of SpanishIndigenous contact (Ceruti 2005), establishing relations between artifact distribution and social stratification (Zarankin 1995), and creating a typology of colonial pottery from Río de la Plata, citing their geographic origin and chronological context (Schavelzon 2001). These classifications were based on macroscopic aspects, and helped establish several pottery types, regarding their manufacturing and origin (Cocco 2005).

G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri

12.2 Spanish-American cities in the 16th and 17th centuries Since the early 16th century, several Spanish expeditions explored the Río de la Plata. Some of them established short-living settlements such as Sancti Spíritus (1527), Buenos Aires (1536), Corpus Christi and Buena Esperanza (1536). The only settlement that remains is Asunción (1537). The Spanish who were isolated in the area of current Paraguay decided on a new settlement strategy: the foundation of cities. Santa Fe would be the first stage of such a policy, which would initiate communication with the Paraguayan area through the Río de la Plata and by land with the provinces of Tucuman and Cuyo. Through these provinces, communication with the Peruvian and Chilean Kingdoms would also be reached. As a consequence, the foundation of Santa Fe meant the beginning of Spain consolidating their presence in the fluvial corridor of the Parana. Later, the cities of Buenos Aires (1580) and Corrientes (1588) joined in, and Spaniards finally formed their presence in the region (Calvo 2004). The cycle of foundations which endures a large part of the 16th century draws a new map of an urban world, an interconnected world where the city itself extends its influence through the urban network, allowing the vast Spanish Empire to establish continental and maritime connections (Milletich 2000). In the beginning, just like most Spanish-American cities, Santa Fe was defined by fixed and formally created borders. However, these did not reflect the territorial reality as at the time, there was unexplored land occupied by Indigenous populations. Three boundaries were determined: the jurisdiction which extended over a wide portion of the area currently viewed as the territory of Santa Fe Province, those of the common land of the city—which included the environment immediately affected as lands of the commoner—and the city layout in the center (Calvo 2004). Within a wide jurisdiction assigned and only partially occupied by settlers, Garay distributed lands on which town dwellers built farms and populated ranches for cattle raising (cows and mules).

Multi-ethnic composition of society in Santa Fe Several ethnic groups lived together in the city: the Indigenous (Calchines, Mocoretáes, Chanás, Quiloazas, Guaraníes and Creoles), the European (Spaniards and Portuguese) and the African slaves (from Angola and New Guinea), creating a multicultural complex city, organized and controlled by the Spaniards (Gobierno de la Provincia de Santa Fe, 2004). In Paraguay, from where Juan de Garay’s expedition departed, an interbreeding process involving the Indigenous population had taken place. Some of the men born from those unions accompanied Juan de Garay 154

as members of the founding group of Santa Fe. Nine Spaniards and more than seventy Paraguayan Creoles, most of them half-breeds, participated in the foundation. The heads of the families amounted to 270 people (Areces et al. 1999), which leads to an estimate of 1,350 inhabitants, to whom unrecorded Indigenous and Africans should be added. When the city was founded, land was distributed and the territory on which the preexisting Indigenous societies were scattered was occupied. Therefore, conflicts and confrontations arose, and the Spanish military superiority prevailed. The fate of these original inhabitants was the encomiendas where rural tasks related to the city activities were performed, and later the Franciscan reductions of San Bartolomé de los Chanás, San Miguel de los Calchines and San Lorenzo de los Mocoretás (Calvo 2004). Domestic help was mostly assigned to the Guaraníes. They lived together with Spaniards and Creoles in cities as well as in rural areas. Others were incorporated by the religious orders of the Jesuits from Paraguay missions (Areces et al. 1999). Africans had been introduced as a servant workforce since the early 17th century. Those brought to the Río de la Plata were Bantu and came mainly from Congo, Angola and Mozambique (Golberg 2011). Between 1612 and 1615, over four thousand (4,515) slaves arrived in Buenos Aires. From that group, 3,463 were taken to towns located inland (Arsene 2011). By analyzing public records the presence of approximately 350 people in Santa Fe can be determined, which accounts for 20 %–25 % of the total population. Africans, who came from the ports of the slave market in Angola and Guinea, were assigned to domestic help and to artisanal activities (Gobierno de la Provincia de Santa Fe 2004). The proximity to Brazil favored the influx of the Portuguese into the Río de la Plata, motivated by trade and in particular by the introduction of slaves via the port of Buenos Aires. The early arrival of the Portuguese in Santa Fe was illegal (Areces and Tarragó 1999), but they eventually blended into the existing population.

12.3

Production and trade: circulation of commodities in the Río de la Plata area

The Spanish Crown structured its colonial policy by means of a monopoly which would ensure their obtaining gold and silver from American mines. Therefore, the system of fleets and galleons monopolized trade between Spain and the American colonies. Ships were allowed to leave only from the Spanish ports of Cádiz and Seville, and in America from Portobelo, Cartagena, Veracruz and La Habana. The arrival and departure of products between Spain and the cities of the Río de la Plata took place across the Pacific, from Portobelo to Lima. Trade permits for the port of Buenos Aires were granted only occasionally (Assadourian et al. 1986). In this context, the city of Santa Fe was erected as a meeting point of trade routes. Juan de Garay tried to connect Asunción with the Andes and Plata areas. The city was conformed in a space articulating the exchange

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city of products and commodities of American, European and Oriental origin which took place among Buenos Aires, Asunción and Cordoba, bound for Alto Peru. Products from Paraguay such as yerba mate, cotton, sugar, tobacco, wood and honey crossed Santa Fe on their way north, towards Potosí. The city of Santa Fe would do its part by becoming a producer of mules, vital to carry heavy loads, and for mine works in Potosí. Trade by the river was also important for Santa Fe, since it was a natural port where ships bringing products from Paraguay arrived. The city worked as a relatively self-sufficient economic unit. Town dwellers grew wheat, vines and vegetables, and the surrounding ranches raised cattle (Gobierno de la Provincia de Santa Fe 2004). Town dwellers and tradesmen developed trade. Any of whom were Portuguese—general stores or pulperías that allowed them establish their home and family (Calvo 2004). Even though the documentation on trade and acquisition of European pottery has not been studied in detail, inventories and testaments hardly mention them. "They sometimes refer to items of clothing, furniture, tiles for roofing or Chinese porcelain, but they never mention plates, trays or clay trays constituting 90 % of the colonial trash" (Ceruti 2010). However, it can be estimated that these products entered the city along legal routes from the Pacific Ocean, via inter-colonial trade, as well as smuggled in through the Atlantic Ocean.

12.4 Colonial pottery studies in Santa Fe la Vieja The ceramics collections that conform the sample analyzed in this paper are found in the Colonial and Ethnographic Museum and in Santa Fe la Vieja Museum Site. This collection constitutes only a fraction of the total recovered materials in the site since it was composed of materials chosen for their integrity or representativeness, while most of the artifacts from excavations remains in the site within the ruins in which they were found. For this reason it is difficult to estimate the total of archaeological materials and its representativeness in each group of ceramic collection. During the fifties the inventory of artifacts was made by weighting of stylistic criteria. Therefore the majority of European pottery was registered (n: 37,000) and only a small part of the local pottery was inventoried (less than 5 %). On the other hand it is estimated that in five of the thirty ruins excavated in the site are deposited 225,000 fragments approximately. In 2009, as part of a conservation project (Letieri et al. 2009), a reclassification of the artifacts in Santa Fe la Vieja was undertaken to organize a reference collection facilitating the study and comparison of materials from this site against other sites from the same period. The classification was done based on macroscopic aspects, including materials, manufacturing context (local, American, European or Asian), typological characteristics and contextual use of artifacts.

Locally manufactured pottery Pre-Spanish Indigenous pottery Artifacts were created by hunter-gatherers as well as farming societies that inhabited the area before the city was founded. At the arrival of Europeans the local and social context was complex and characterised by different ethnic groups named by the European as Calchines, Mocoretáes, Timbúes, Chanás and Quiloazas. These communities hunter-gatherers with subsistence and settlement patterns adapted to fluvial environments, they practiced small scale horticulture, occupying the insular and coastal of the Paraná River since the de beginning of the Christian Era. The material culture was mainly characterized by the ceramic implements. There are spherical, hemispherical, simple and complex vessels, fashioned by base modeling and rounding, with additional coiling. Their basic material was local clays with grog. They were fired over an open fire at low temperatures (less than 700 ºC). Decorative techniques include incising decoration and anthropomorphic and zoomorphic appendages. This kind of pottery is present at indigenous sites in Middle Paraná dating from 1500 B.P. to the colonial period. Ceruti (2000) and Rodriguez (2001) refer to this type of pottery as "Goya Malabrigo culture" a name also assigned to a pre-Spanish culture, predecessors of the populations contemporary with Santa Fe—Calchines, Mocoretáes, Timbúes, Chanás and Quiloazas. Even though it can be admitted that there was a pottery tradition with certain common characteristics along the Middle and Lower Parana, the use of such category is not shared by other authors. It is based on a normative concept of culture which can be identified from common "features" such as certain types of archaeological artifacts (Cocco 2010). Pottery artifact variability within the context of this historic-cultural perspective is not enough to explain complexity within a behavioral context which enables the understanding of the intricate socio-cultural panorama at the moment of arrival of European groups (Letieri et al. 2012). Tupí-Guaraní pottery The Tupí-Guaraní people came from Amazonia (Brazil), and before the arrival of the Spaniards, migrated south, settling in the delta of the Paraná River. The arrival of this Amazonian agricultural groups caused conflictive situations with the preexisting groups. However, the first guaraníes who lived in Santa Fe la Vieja were brought from Asunción (Paraguay) by Juan de Garay. There, they were reduced y lived together whit the Spaniards. In Santa Fe la Vieja city, guaraníes lived as European’s servant and they were one of the major local ceramic producers. Tupí-Guaraní pottery in Brazil is characterised by polychrome paintings using red, brown and black, on light slip background, usually white or red slip, and with plastic decoration techniques (Brochado 1981; Prous 2005), such as brushing, nail incising and corrugation. The

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G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri characteristic shapes are urns, cooking pots, conical bowls, glasses, dishes, and serving dishes. In Santa Fe la Vieja, pottery has stylistic and morphologic characteristics different from the Pre-Spanish Indigenous pottery in the area. Based on archaeological evidence and documentation, it is assumed that pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja was fashioned after traditional TupíGuaraní techniques (Ceruti 2005). Spanish-Indigenous and Afro-American pottery A set of artifacts from the site was defined as of SpanishIndigenous type due to morphological characteristics, secondary applications and decorative motifs. As mentioned above, the multiethnic characteristics of this Spanish-American city, its location on a bordering area and the difficult access to European products, all generated the need for self provision. In the case of artifacts for everyday use, Ceruti (2005) states that there are no records in Santa Fe la Vieja of any potter’s workshop employing European laborers. On the contrary, pottery which applied the "ring coiling" technique can be considered Indigenous or Spanish-indigenous, manufactured by indigenous potters during the ninety years of existence of the colonial city. Even though some pieces manufactured locally on potters’ wheels have been recovered, most artifacts made applying this technique came from Europe or other places in America (Ceruti 2005). The set of Spanish-indigenous artifacts is constituted by jars, flat base plates, pedestal plates, bowls, cups, chandeliers, chamber pots and canteens, which were recovered in plots of land corresponding to the central blocks of the city. This pottery type is characterized by the presence of European shapes and design motifs, manufactured with Indigenous pottery techniques, mainly Tupí-Guaraní. They are not replicas, but products which served the same functions as the European ones (plates, cups, jug) and new types of artifacts (bernegals "bernegal" is a ceramic cup with a wide-mouth and ripples) that emulate a hollowed calabash (Zapata 1985). This artifact was used to drink an infusion made of yerba mate leaves with the help of a spoon (a typical beverage of the indigenous groups of Paraguay and pipes) adapted to consumer practices in Spanish America (Figure 12.2). The macroscopic characteristics of pastes and firing type are similar to Tupí-Guaraní pottery found at the site. On secondary applications slip continued to be used, as well as red, white and black paint, but floral motifs and others inspired by majolics (Ceruti 2005) and european iconography were incorporated (Figure 12.3). On their part, Carrara and De Grandis (1993) define the set of Spanish-Indigenous pottery artifacts by the use of local raw material, the employment of manufacturing techniques of coiling or potter’s wheels and by European shape and decoration. Tableware featuring plates, saucers, pitchers and escudillas belong to this group. Studies on Afro-American pottery are recent in Argentina. In the case of Santa Fe, the identification tasks of pottery artifacts manufactured by Africans were conducted by Carrara and De La Penna (2005), Ceruti (2010; Cornero and Ceruti 2012) and Schavelzon (2001). The criteria 156

to classify and assign them to African populations are morphologic and stylistic. In the case of ceramic pipes, they are identified by the presence of a design featuring excavated triangles (Ceruti 2010; Carrara and De La Penna 2005) and a system of symbols related to religious cults. In addition, Ceruti (2010) identified Afro-modeled motifs on vessels painted in red, which we had initially included within the group of Spanish-Indigenous pottery. According to the authors mentioned above, this type of artifact was used in Santa Fe la Vieja as well as in the surrounding rural areas.

Foreign pottery A great deal of European artifacts (pottery)—about 37,000 fragments—is represented by different types of materials: glazed and unglazed pottery (earthenware), majolica, oriental porcelain, slipware and stoneware (Figure 12.4). The classification was done according to North American traditional typologies, based on descriptions of macroscopic and morphological aspects, focused on studies of European pottery present in America (Goggin 1960, 1968; Lister and Lister 1982; Deagan 1987). The pottery product characteristic of the 17th century imported in great quantities to America is majolica. Majolica technique was introduced into Spain in the 11th century, starting from the times of the Arab occupation, reaching its summit regarding production in the 16th and 17th centuries and showing a strong Renaissance influence (Sánchez 1994; Iñáñez 2007; Fournier 1990). The material record of Santa Fe La Vieja reflects the richness of the cultural diversity present in the New World. The settlement of a colonial society in the mid-16th century gave way to import demands regarding a variety of goods in a desire to reproduce the characteristic lifestyle of Western Europe (Deagan 1987; Sánchez 1998). Even though the collection of pottery imported of this site is mainly made up of Spanish products, Santa Fe also received goods manufactured in other European countries. As it was already mentioned, despite the monopoly on trade imposed by the Spanish Crown, European commodities circulated around the region, reaching it by means of the official Spanish trade, smuggled or via intercolonial trade. On the whole, pottery produced in Seville is outstanding. Great amounts of items were shipped from Seville to the New World. The commercial monopoly of Seville on trade with America increased the production and exports of its products. A rising demand by the growing American society activated greatly the local production to meet the market needs at a continental level (Sánchez 1994). The early majolica group of Moorish tradition, such as those referred to as Columbia Plain, Yayal Blue on White and Santa Elena, represented in this collection (438 frag.) reflects the Muslim influence on Spanish pottery. The origin and evolution of Seville pottery is closely linked to the Islamic presence in Andalucia. From the conquest of Islamic possessions by the Christian kingdoms, the

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city production of majolica presents in general certain stylistic and qualitative heritage of the previous period (Iñañez 2007). The types known in the American bibliography as Seville White and Blue on Blue have a greater representation in the sample (7260 frag.) corresponding to the period of occupation of the site. Renaissance influence is evident on Iberian pottery. During the 16th century, Seville pottery was subjected to multiple influences due to its production at the commercial port between the Mediterranean Sea and America. The presence of products from other producing centers, as well as the establishment of foreign potters caused changes in both technological and formal and decorative repertoires, resulting in a varied production of very diverse components, among which the Italian, Flemish, Talavera and Oriental components were outstanding (Sánchez 1994). Fragments of albarellos or drug jars referred to as Caparra Blue in American bibliography (13 frag.) and lusterware pottery (12 frag.) were also found at the site. lusterware pottery belonging to the Spanish-Moorish tradition, decorated in golden hues painted with metal oxides and of a high technical quality that deemed it a luxury product, was imported in great quantities. Pottery of the Talavera de la Reina type with Blue on White decorations is the most represented one in the collection (71 %—26,309 frag.). Three-coloured fragments were also found. This generic denomination refers to a decorative style which does not only apply to products manufactured at that location. According to Pleguezuelo (2001), pottery from Talavera reached a very high quality level in the 16th century, which led to the easy sale of the product, yielding significant profit. Thus, imitations were made at other production centers. The type referred to as Ichtucknee Blue on White (Goggin 1968; Deagan 1987) is also included in this group. The imitation of products from Talavera in Seville, as well as the difficulty in differentiating pottery from each centre has been documented by different authors (Gestoso 1903; Pleguezuelo 1992, 2001; Sanchez 1998; Lister and Lister 1982). The documents (Registro de Indias) refer to both, the exports of pottery from Talavera to America and the shipment of imitations produced in Seville since the late 16th century. In this sense, Gestoso (1903) mentions (. . . ) the great acceptance that pottery from Talavera enjoyed all over Spain when the Sevillean potters imitated them in different types of products. For the imitations referred to be the most similar possible, it seems natural that the craftsmen from those cities would have been brought here (. . . ) Even though differences between majolica from Talavera and its imitations from Seville were pointed out (Sánchez 1998; Pleguezuelo 1992; 2001) the place of origin of this pottery in Santa Fe la Vieja could not be identified following macroscopic criteria. This is due to stylistic similarities in its decoration and also the fragmented condition of the collection which amounts to 26,309

fragments, most of them smaller than 4 cm in size, even though some pieces of a high level of integrity were found. It should be determined if there is pottery of a Portuguese origin within this set, taking into account that "Lisbon, just like Talavera and Seville, faced with booming Chinese pottery, produced imitation tin-glazed pottery, which reached Spanish towns, particularly those located along the Atlantic coast during the unification period— between 1580 and 1640" (Rovira and Mojica 2007). The Portuguese presence in the city, as well as the trade being developed with the Portuguese colonies in the region makes us consider this possibility. In addition, the site also contains different fragments of unglazed vessels and others showing lead transparent glazing. The presence of unglazed reddish paste pottery known as Feldespato Inlaid Redware and Orange Micaceous and lebrillos, chamber pots and other vessels with green and brown glazing is to be highlighted. Within this group "olive jars" were the commercial container mostly used to store and ship commodities to the colonies (products such as olive oil, wine or other types of liquid or solid substances) where they continued being used. They are oval or round containers, with a round unstable basis and a narrow opening. Generally they show glazing inside when they were meant to contain liquids. They usually exhibit molded and stamped motifs or incisions on their walls, to help identifying their owners at the shipping port or else at their destination. A fragment of an olive jar found in Santa Fe la Vieja shows the incision of the initials "IHS". The use of Christian signs was a habit "acknowledging that these signs owned protective virtues aimed at guarding goods from the dangers of the journey (shipwrecks, pirates, etc.)" (Sánchez 1998). Pottery types of Italian origin manufactured in Liguria, Faenza and Montelupo (147 frag.), showing polychrome and Blue on White decoration inspired by Ming porcelain motifs, and Marbled Pisan slipware (22 frag.) produced at several centers in northern Italy were identified as well. This pottery production reached America via Seville (Lister and Lister 1982). American majolica is present in the pottery known as Panama Plain, Panama Blue on White and Panama Polychrome (288 frag.), whose production was assigned to the old city of Panamá la Vieja (1519–1671). By the mid-16th century pottery masters arrived to the New World, coming from Talavera and Seville. They managed to emulate the Iberian majolica of the times to meet consumption needs. Majolica from Panamá shows strong similarities—formally and in style—with the Iberian majolica, featuring motifs inspired on Moorish pottery and Chinese porcelain (Rovira 2002; Rovira and Mojica 2007). The important commercial activity of Panamá la Vieja, as being located on the way in the journey to the wealth of Perú, as well as products coming from Spain, might have played a vital role in the distribution of these pottery that extends a large part of the Pacific coast of America (Rovira 2002). Stoneware present at Santa Fe la Vieja came from the Westerwald region, in Germany (36 frag.). It is characterized by featuring salt enamel which produces a

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G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri grey, glossy glazing of an irregular texture, with little holes on the surface. The decoration is cobalt blue with stamped relief designs, incisions and medallions made with molds. Such high quality pottery, fired at high temperatures, has been produced in Europe since the 13th century. This material, of a great strength and hardness, is impermeable which makes it very convenient for the storage and transport of liquids. Such advantages determined its reception and vast circulation world widely. Slipware type pottery manufactured at workshops located in the area of the Werra and Weser Rivers, Germany, is outstanding (16 frag.). Werra slipwares are distinguished by the presence of a central figure crafted with the technique called sgraffito. Weser pottery is similar though simpler and is decorated mainly with geometric designs. Oriental porcelain is also represented in the collection (252 frag.). In Santa Fe la Vieja, there are mainly porcelain artifacts in Kraak style, from Wan-Li period (1573–1619), Ming dynasty (Cánepa, pers. comm.). By the end of the Ming Dynasty, around 1570, kraak appeared as a new style of blue and white porcelain that in no time became the largest and most varied porcelain group for export. Its unique material and aesthetical qualities made it highly appreciated in many countries around the world (Cánepa 2008). The maritime roads, first those of the Portuguese and later those of the Spanish when they set their base in Manila, Phillipines, in 1571, played an important role in the transportation of porcelain. The ship "Galeón de Manila" travelled regularly to Acapulco, in the New World, from where cargo was carried by land and later shipped to Seville. However, most part of the cargo, which consisted of Chinese porcelain, silk and other precious objects, remained in the New World for the Spanish vice-royalty.

12.5 Discussion and conclusions The variety of pottery types of local and foreign manufacture represented in the archaeological pottery collections of Santa Fe reflect the cultural and ethnic diversity of the population, as well as its social, political and economic context in which this Spanish-American city was placed (Figure 12.5). The quantity and diversity of artifacts constitute a reference for the study of the Spanish and SpanishIndigenous material culture in South America in the 16th and 17th centuries. Nevertheless, the studies developed so far are somewhat limited: • The use of typologies based on stylistic and formal aspects has presented difficulties to link artifacts with their manufacturing sites. As Iñañez (2007) indicates "these criteria are not sufficient to establish the origin of the fragments found at an archaeological site, since the pieces are usually highly fragmented (complicating stylistic studies) or present identical stylistic attributes but from diverse productions and origins." This is seen in pottery like "Talavera de la Reina" or Ichtucknee Blue on White (Goggin 1968; Deagan, 1987), a generic denomination not only 158

applied to pottery manufactured in that city, as it was copied in many manufacturing centres producing similar products (Pleguezuelo 2001). However, it has not been possible to include many fragments in these typological categories. • The characterization of local manufactured pottery was done based on morphological and stylistic criteria. Thus, it is necessary to devise new analyses to supersede the morpho-typological classifications, incorporating archaeometric studies to identify the technological changes in local pottery (Buxeda et al. 2008). There is currently a preliminary study of paste composition of pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja, a previous step to archaeometric analysis. Thus, new analyses will be opened allowing the identification of the origin of artifacts so as to link them with their manufacturing and use contexts. In this context, Santa Fe la Vieja is included in the "Tecnolonial" project of the group Cultura Material i Arqueometria UB (ARQUB) from the University of Barcelona, directed by Jaume Buxeda i Garrigós. This will help identify the manufacturing centres for the artifacts of Spanish origin found in Santa Fe la Vieja, and study the mutual influence among Spaniards, Indigenous people and Africans, as well as the creation of new identities in the context of a Spanish American city. In order to establish different groups of artifacts as intermediate step between visual and archaeometric analysis, a binocular microscope observation (20X–40X) was made and selected different groups of majolica, glazed and unglazed pottery (earthenware), Olive Jar and SpanishIndigenous pottery. This will contribute to the study of commercial flows used for their distribution, as well as their social and economic implications. On the other hand, although it is clear the European influence on the local pottery formal design, the archaeometric studies will clarify if this impact also occurs at a technological level. In this manner, it will be make a chemical characterization by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and Xray difraction (XRD) in ARQUB to determine the foreign manufacture ceramic materials provenience and technological changes in local artifacts.

References Areces, N., and Tarragó, G., 1999, La elite santafesina y los inmigrantes portugueses, in Poder y sociedad: Santa Fe la Vieja 1573–1660, Areces y Suarez ed. and Prohistoria, UNR, Rosario. Areces, N., Lopez, S., Regis, E., and Tarragó, G., 1999, La ciudad y los indios, in Poder y sociedad: Santa Fe la Vieja 1573–1660, Areces y Suarez ed. and Prohistoria, UNR, Rosario. Arsene Yao, J., 2011, La trata de los negros en el Río de la Plata: restricciones legales y contrabando en la época colonial, in La ruta del esclavo en el Río de la Plata (comp. M. Pineau, EDUNTREF, Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero, Caseros, Buenos Aires.

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Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city Assadourian, C. S., Beato, C., and Chiaramonte, J. C., 1986, Argentina de la conquista a la independencia, Ed. Hyspamérica, Buenos Aires. Brochado, J. P., 1981, A tradição cerâmica Tupiguarani na América do Sul, Clio, 3, 117–164. Buxeda i Garrigós, J., Madrid i Fernández, M., Iñañez, J. G., and Vila Socias, L., 2008, Arqueometria ceràmica: una arqueologia ceràmica amb mès información, Cota Zero, 23, 38–53. Calvo, L. M., 2004, La construcción de una ciudad hispanoamericana. Santa Fe la Vieja entre 1573–1660, Ediciones Universidad Nacional del Litoral, Santa Fe. Cánepa, T., 2008, Kraak porcelain: the rise of the global trade in late 16th and early 17th centuries, Jorge Welsh Books Publishers and Bookshellers, London. Carrara, M. T., 1998, Arqueología Histórica en Santa Fe La Vieja, Revista América, 14. Carrara, M. T., and De Grandis, N., 1992, El proceso de articulación social hispano indígena en Santa Fe la Vieja visto a través del registro arqueológico, in Reflexiones sobre el 5° Centenario, FHyAr, UNR, Rosario. Carrara, M. T., and De Grandis, N., 1993, La cerámica como indicador del contacto hispano indígena. Un ejemplo: Santa Fe la Vieja, in Primeras Jornadas de Investigadores en Arqueología y Etnohistoria del Centro-oeste del país (comp. A. M. Rocchietti), U. N. Río Cuarto, Córdoba. Carrara, M. T., and De La Penna, J., 2005, Pipas de fumar africanas en Santa Fe la Vieja, in Actas del XIII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, Tomo 4, 155–158, UNC, Córdoba. Ceruti, C., 2000, Ríos y praderas. Los pueblos del Litoral, in Nueva Historia Argentina, Tomo: Los pueblos originarios y la conquista, Cap. 3, 105–146, Editorial Sudamericana, Buenos Aires. Ceruti, C., 2005, Evidencias del contacto hispano-indígena en Santa Fe la Vieja, Revista América, 17. Ceruti, C., 2010, Los africanos en Santa Fe la Vieja, in Arqueología Argentina en el bicentenario de la revolución de mayo (eds. R. Barcena and H. Chiavazza), Tomo 3, UNCuyo. Cocco, G., 2010, Tendencias actuales en el estudio del registro arqueológico del período Holoceno tardío en el bajo de los saladillos, provincia de Santa Fe, in Arqueología de cazadores recolectores en la Cuenca del Plata (eds. G. Cocco and Feuillet), Editado por el Centro de Estudios Hispanoamericanos, Santa Fe. Cocco, G., 2005, Investigaciones arqueológicas en Santa Fe la Vieja, América, 17, 45–55. Cornero, S., and Ceruti, C., 2012, Registro arqueológico afro-rioplatense en Pájaro Blanco, Alejandra, Santa Fe: análisis e interpretación, in Teoría y práctica de la arqueología histórica Latinoamericana, Año I, Volúmen I, Ed. Centro de Estudios de arqueología histórica, UNR, Rosario. Deagan, K., 1987, Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500–1800, vol. 1, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Fournier, P., 1990, Evidencias arqueológicas de la importación de cerámica en México, con base en los materiales del ex-

convento de San Jerónimo, Colección Científica, 213, INAH, México. Gestoso Pérez, J., 1903, Historia de los barros vidriados sevillanos. Desde sus orígenes hasta nuestros días, Sevilla. Gobierno de la Provincia de Santa Fe, 2004, Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). Testimonio arqueológico-urbano de una ciudad americana meridional en el Período Colonial Temprano, Expediente para declaratoria de Patrimonio Cultural de la Humanidad. Goggin, J., 1960, The Spanish Olive Jar. An Introductory Study, Yale University Publication in Anthropology, 62, New Haven. Goggin, J., 1968, Spanish Majolica in the New World, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 72, New Haven, Yale University Press. Goldberg, M. B., 2011, Rompiendo el silencio y la invisibilidad africanos en la historiografía argentina. La Esclavitud en el Río de la Plata, in La ruta del esclavo en el Río de la Plata (ed. M. Pineau), EDUNTREF, Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero, Caseros, Buenos Aires. Iñañez, J. G., 2007, Caracterització arqueomètrica de la ceràmica vidriada decorada de la Baixa Edat Mitjana al Renaixement als centres productors de la Península Ibèrica, TDX-0205107-115739, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona. Letieri, F., Cocco, G., Campagnolo, L., Frittegotto, G., Pasquali, C., and Giobergia, C., 2009, Catálogo digital Santa Fe la Vieja, DEEC, Provincia de Santa Fe-CFI. Letieri, F., Cocco, G., De la Fuente, G., Meletta, H., and Alberico, C., 2012, La variabilidad y complejidad artefactual de la producción alfarera procedente del área de estudio correspondiente al primer asentamiento europeo en la cuenca del Río de La Plata: Fuerte Sancti Spiritus (1527–1529)—Un abordaje interdisciplinario, VCNAH, Buenos Aires. Lister, F., and Lister., R., 1982, Sixteenth Century Maiolica Pottery in the Valley of Mexico, Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, 39, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson, Arizona. Milletich, V., 2000, El Río de la Plata en la economía colonial, in Nueva historia Argentina, Tomo 2, La sociedad colonial, Ed. Sudamericana, Buenos Aires. Pleguezuelo, A., 1992, Sevilla y Talavera: entre la colaboración y la competencia, Laboratorio de arte, 5, 275–293. Pleguezuelo, A., 2001, "Lozas contrahechas". Ecos de Talavera en la cerámica española, in Catálogo de la Exposición Cerámica de Talavera de la Reina y Puente del Arzobispo en la Colección Bertrán y Musitu, 37–53, Museo de Cerámica de Barcelona, Barcelona. Prous, A., 2005, A pintura em cerâmica Tupiguarani, Ciência Hoje, 36:213, 22–28. Rodriguez, J., 2001, Nordeste prehispánico, in Historia Argentina prehispánica, Tomo II, 693–736, Editorial Brujas, Córdoba. Rovira, B. E., and Mojica, J., 2007, Encrucijada de estilos: la mayólica panameña. Gustos cotidianos en el Panamá colonial (Siglo XVII), Canto Rodado, 2, 69–99.

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G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri Rovira, B., 2002, Presencia de mayólicas panameñas en el mundo colonial. Algunas consideraciones acerca de su distribución y cronología, Arqueología de Panamá La Vieja. Sánchez Cortegana, J. M., 1994, El oficio de ollero en Sevilla en el siglo XVI, Arte Hispalense, Sevilla. Sánchez, J. M., 1998, La cerámica exportada a América en el siglo XVI a través de la documentación del Archivo general de Indias (I y II). Ajuares domésticos y cerámica cultual y laboral, Laboratorio de arte, 9 and

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11, 121–133. Schavelzon, D., 2001, Catálogo de cerámicas históricas de Buenos Aires (siglos XVI–XX). Con notas sobre la región del Río de la Plata, Buenos Aires, EVM. Zapata Gollan, A., 1985, El bernegal: Un capítulo inédito para la historia del mate, América, 3. Zarankin, A., 1995, Arqueología histórica urbana en Santa Fe la Vieja: el final del principio, Arqueología histórica en América Latina, 10.

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Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city

Figure 12.1: Santa Fe La Vieja geographical location.

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Figure
12.2:
Di erent
pottery
types
represented
in
Santa
Fe
La
Vieja.

G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri

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Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city

Figure 12.3: Comparison of hispanic indigenous and european shapes of artifacts.

Figure 12.4: Hispanic-Indigenous motifs.

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G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri

Figure 12.5: Different mayolica and foreign pottery types represented in Santa Fe La Vieja.

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Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change

Ann S. Cordell Florida Museum of Natural History, Dickinson Hall, PO Box 117800, 1659 Museum Road, Gainesville, FL 32611 (USA) (cordell@flmnh.ufl.edu) Apalachee colonowares of late 17th century Spanish colonial Florida consist of plain and red painted pottery made in European vessel shapes by Apalachee potters at San Luis using traditional materials and methods. Apalachee refugees from San Luis also made traditional pottery and colonowares at Old Mobile, in French colonial Louisiana. Comparative analyses documented further elaboration of forms and simplification in finishing and firing of colonowares at Old Mobile. Continuity was observed in tempering practices and many aspects of manufacturing technology. The results are consistent with expectations for continuity and change in traditional pottery made by societies undergoing relocation and/or colonization. KEYWORDS: APALACHEE COLONOWARE POTTERY, MISSION SAN LUIS, OLD MOBILE, LATE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, EARLY EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY

13.1 Introduction In keeping with the subject matter of this volume, the present study focuses on ceramic artifacts made and used subsequent to European contact and colonization in the New World. This paper represents a case study of local change in indigenous ceramic artifacts made and used subsequent to European contact and colonization. This focus is shared by other studies presented in this volumen (see Cocco et al.1 ; del Pino et al.2 ; Bárcena and Ots3 ; Soto and López4 ; Therrien et al.5 ). My study focuses on indigenous pottery from two colonial sites in the southeastern US—San Luis and Old Mobile, located in the eastern panhandle of Florida and southeastern Alabama, respectively (Figure 13.1). Colonowares of the Apalachee Province of 17th century Spanish Florida (Figure 13.2) consist of plain and red painted pottery made in European vessel shapes by Apalachee potters using traditional materials and methods (Hann and McEwan 1998; Vernon 1988; Vernon and Cordell 1993). This pottery, also known as "copy wares" (Vernon 1988, 76), "mission ware" (Deagan 1990a, 239),

and "hybrid wares" (Cordell 2013; Card 2013a), was made by Apalachee potters at Mission San Luis between 1650 and 1704. It is presumed that this pottery was made at the instigation of the Spanish missionaries to supplement imported Hispanic-tradition tablewares that may have been in short supply (Deagan 1990b, 308; Shapiro and McEwan 1992, 50–53; Vernon 1988; also see Charlton and Fournier 1993). Vessel form distinguishes this pottery from most other colonowares from British colonial sites and Spanish colonial Hispaniola (Deagan 1990a, 239; Hauser 2013; Vernon 1988, 79), however, comparable hybrid wares were made by indigenous potters at the sixteenth-century Spanish colonial site of Ciudad Vieja, San Salvador (Card 2007; 2013b). Previous studies of Apalachee pottery from Mission San Luis de Apalachee (8Le4), in present-day Tallahassee, Florida, document the extent of technological similarity between colonowares and traditional Apalachee pottery (Vernon and Cordell 1993). San Luis (now reconstructed as a living history village and National Historic Landmark [Friends of Mission San Luis 2008]) was the administrative center of mission activity in Apalachee Province from

1 G. Cocco, L. Campagnolo and F. Letieri, Colonial pottery from Santa Fe la Vieja (1573–1660). The study of European products and local production in a Spanish-American city. 2 M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela, Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities. 3 J. R. Bárcena and M. J. Ots, Archaeological characterization of Colonial pottery from Mendoza city and surroundings. Production, distribution and consumption contexts in the Spanish empire periphery in South America (16th and 17th centuries). 4 O. R. Soto Ortiz and F. López Aguilar, The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case. 5 M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero, Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia).

A. S. Cordell 1656 to 1704 (McEwan 1991, 36–37) (Figure 13.3). Colonoware manufacture at San Luis became an established component of Apalachee ceramic technology during this time. Production scale may have approached that of a household industry (Sinopoli 1991, 99), with potters assumed to have been Apalachee women (see Hann 1988, 246), whereas the users or consumers at the mission were Spanish colonists, soldiers, and perhaps some high-status Apalachees (McEwan 1992, 38). Interest in San Luis colonowares was rekindled by the recovery of Apalachee-style stamped pottery and colonoware brimmed dishes and pitchers at the early 18th century French colonial site of Old Mobile (1IM94), near present-day Mobile, Alabama (Figure 13.1) (Cordell 2001a, 2002a; Silvia Mueller 1991; University of South Alabama, 2011; Waselkov 1991, 2002). Refugees from Apalachee Province migrated to Old Mobile in 1704 (Hann 1988, 305– 306). San Luis residents are known to have been among the émigrés, thus it is likely that the very same potters made some of the pottery from both sites. The recovery of this pottery at Old Mobile provided an exceptional opportunity to document continuity and change in Apalachee pottery manufacture in general and colonowares in particular. In this paper I discuss similarities and differences between colonowares from the two sites in terms of continuity and change in Apalachee colonoware ceramic technology. Comparisons were made in terms paste, vessel forms, decorative styles, and manufacturing technology, criteria that are considered most useful for documenting continuity and change in pottery assemblages (Rice 1987, 464–465).

Apalachee and colonoware thin sections (data on file, FLMNH-Ceramic Technology Laboratory). Experimental refirings, or oxidation analysis (Beck 2006) indicate that clays with low to moderate iron oxides were used to make most of the pottery, but clays very low in iron oxides were used for making some traditional Apalachee pottery and colonowares, especially Mission Red Filmed (Cordell 2013, 89, Fig. 4, 7a; Vernon and Cordell 1993, 428–429). Typical colonoware vessel forms at San Luis include brimmed plates and bowls with foot-ring bases, cups, pitchers, and storage jars with handles, and candlestick holders (Cordell 2013, 90, Table 4, 2; Vernon 1988, 77). More recently, long-handled skillet forms have been recovered (Figure 13.2; Bonnie McEwan, pers. comm. 2012). Foot-ring and footed bases as well as large, thick handles are absent from traditional Apalachee pottery at San Luis (Vernon 1988, 77–78). Some technological characteristics indicate that more time and effort was expended in manufacture of colonowares. For example, the incidence of burnishing is higher in colonowares (Cordell 2001a, 26, 42; 2013, 94, Fig. 4, 11a), and vessel walls are generally thinner, especially in Mission Red Filmed (Vernon and Cordell 1993, 429– 431). Surfaces colors are less varied in colonowares than in traditional Apalachee pottery (Cordell 2001a, 28, 43; 2013, 94, Fig. 12a). Surface colors indicate that Mission Red Filmed vessels were fired in at least partially oxidizing conditions, while some plain colonowares were at least partially reduced (Vernon and Cordell 1993, 431).

13.3

Old Mobile Colonoware Sample

13.2 Colonoware Pottery at Mission San Luis Colonowares from San Luis consist of plain and Mission Red Filmed categories, the latter of which subsumes zoned red-painted and red-slipped varieties (Vernon 1988; Vernon and Cordell 1993). These contrast with surface and rim treatments on traditional Apalachee pottery, which include complicated stamping, incising, and folded/pinched rims (Cordell 2001a, 7, Fig. 4). At San Luis, colonowares make up about 10 % of the aboriginal pottery found in most Hispanic contexts and less than 2 % of pottery in predominantly Apalachee contexts (McEwan 1992, 13, 15, 24, 29; Vernon and Cordell 1993, 421). The sample discussed here consists of 82 sherds, including 53 plain and 29 Mission Red Filmed (Cordell 2013, 84, Table 4, 1), from Spanish village and Apalachee contexts (Cordell 2001a; Vernon and Cordell 1993). Apalachee pottery from San Luis, including colonowares, is tempered with grog (crushed potsherds). Six grog-tempered paste categories, representing at least two clay resources, were defined during the course of analysis using traditional microscopy (Cordell 2002b). Most traditional Apalachee pottery at San Luis is characterized by coarse to very coarse grog tempering (Cordell 2001a, 21). Grog temper is finer and less abundant in the colonowares, especially Mission Red Filmed (Cordell 2001a, 21, 38; 2013, 89, Fig. 4, 5a). This is corroborated by petrographic data from a very small sample of traditional 166

Once thought absent or very sparse in French colonial sites in the vicinity of Mobile Bay (Hunter 1985, 102– 103), Apalachee pottery, including colonowares (Cordell 2013, 83, Fig. 4, 3), is now known to have been present in some quantity from the excavations at French colonial Old Mobile (1MB94) (Cordell 2001a, 2002a; Waselkov 2002). The sample of Old Mobile colonowares consists of 129 partial vessels or vessel lots, including 52 plain, 64 red-filmed, and 13 lots which also show traditional Apalachee surface and/or rim treatments (Cordell 2013, 84, Table 4, 1). This hybridization or combination of traditional Apalachee decorative and European vessel form characteristics is rarely seen at San Luis (Bonnie McEwan pers. comm. 2012). The vessel lots come from five excavated Frenchstyle structures (Figure 13.4). Construction methods, artifact assemblages, and historic documents indicate that these structures include part of a seminary complex, a blacksmith’s forge, a presumed tavern, and two houses occupied by French colonists (Waselkov 1999, 2002). Additional colonowares were recovered from a contemporaneous local Mobilian aboriginal structure at the periphery of the site (see Figure 13.5, upper left) (Silvia 2000). This structure, referred to as the Indian House site (1MB147), may have included an Apalachee occupant on the basis of relative abundance of Apalachee-style pottery and colonowares (Silvia 2000, 302; 2002, 30).

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Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change Expectations for change in Old Mobile colonowares were articulated by considering the ethnographic literature regarding continuity and change in traditional pottery making in societies immersed in culture contact situations. Such studies demonstrate that there may be pronounced changes in terms of "elaboration" and/or "simplification" in aspects of style, vessel form, and manufacturing technology (Rice 1987, 452–454; 2015, 448). When compared to traditional Apalachee pottery, San Luis colonowares exhibit hybridization or elaboration in vessel forms; elaboration in style, and in aspects of manufacturing technology. Further changes would not be unexpected in colonowares at Old Mobile. Ethnographic studies also suggest that there may be conservatism in certain fundamental manufacturing and tempering practices, especially in utilitarian pottery (e.g., Charlton 1976; Foster 1962; 1965; Nicklin 1971; Reina and Hill 1978; Rice 1984; 1987, 460, 462–463; 2015, 442–443). Relocation and adaptation to a new "ceramic environment," with an unfamiliar range of ceramic resources (Rice 1987, 314–315), presents the obvious exception to this generalization. Thus we can expect Apalachee colonoware pottery at Old Mobile to have been made of new clay resources, although traditional tempering practices may be retained. The new social environment facing refugee Apalachees at Old Mobile included French and Canadian colonists, local Mobilian Indian groups, other refugee groups from northwest Florida, and enslaved individuals from other native tribes such as the Chitimachas (Silvia 2002). The diversity of pottery recovered from Old Mobile reflects the multiethnic character of this French colonial settlement (Silvia 2002, 27; Waselkov 1991, 1999). Apalachee refugees suffered severe population losses from disease during their stay in the Mobile area (Hann 1988, 306–308). Thus, changes in Apalachee-made colonowares at Old Mobile may reflect the hardships of life as refugees, as well as multiethnic interactions and adaptation to new resources.

13.4 Intersite Colonoware comparisons One aspect of colonoware manufacture at Old Mobile that was not anticipated is the dramatic increase in relative abundance of colonowares at the site. Colonowares make up 32 % of vessels recovered from the five Old Mobile structures (Cordell 2001a, 30) and 21 % of vessels from the Indian House site (Silvia 2000, 251, 310). These percentages are considerably higher than the 2 % to 10 % figures observed at San Luis. Although the excavated structures were French in terms of architecture and historical documents, it is apparent that Apalachee refugees furnished numerous pottery containers, especially colonowares, used at these contexts. The comparisons of Old Mobile and San Luis colonowares that follow are summarized from previous discussions (Cordell 2001a, 30– 45; 2002a, 47–51; 2013). As at San Luis, the predominant temper in the Old Mobile sample grog or sherd temper. Shell and incidental bone temper is present in several cases. Eight grogtempered, one grog-and-shell-tempered, and four shell-

tempered paste categories were identified in the Old Mobile colonoware assemblage, representing at least four clay resources (Cordell 2001a, 19, Table 7). Most of the categories, regardless of gross temper, represent local Mobile manufactures (Cordell 2001a, 37–38). This is based on their similarity to local Mobile clay resources, or through the presence of grog and other inclusions that can be related to these local clays or to the local shell-tempered Mobilian wares. Although a San Luis manufacturing origin was indicated for two traditional Apalachee-style vessels at Old Mobile, none of the colonoware vessels appear to have been made in Apalachee Province (Cordell 2001a, 22, 38). Fine-to-coarse grog temper is predominant in Old Mobile plain colonowares and this is consistent with the San Luis pattern. The San Luis pattern of finer grog tempering in red filmed versus plain wares also occurs in the Old Mobile sample (Cordell 2001a, 38; 2013, 89, Fig. 4, 5b). Grog temper is generally less abundant in the Old Mobile samples, but this probably reflects adaptation to the temper requirements of the new clay sources. The Old Mobile sample exhibits a wider range of refired, oxidized paste colors. Such differences are likewise attributable to characteristics of the new clay sources used at Old Mobile. Yet, Old Mobile red-filmed vessels are predominantly white firing, consistent with the pattern for Mission Red Filmed pottery at San Luis (Cordell 2001a, 39; 2013, Fig. 4, 7b). Continuity between traditional Apalachee-style pottery from San Luis and Old Mobile supports the premise that Apalachee refugees did indeed make the traditional Apalachee-style pottery and most of the colonowares at Old Mobile (Cordell 2001a, 29–30, 45–46; 2002a, 47, 51). Seven colonoware vessels are actually shell tempered and were most likely made by local Mobilian potters (Cordell 2001a, 45, 47). A larger number (35 %) of colonowares (all brimmed vessels) from the Indian House site were probably also made by local Mobilian potters (Silvia 2000, 251). These shell-tempered colonowares most likely reflect interaction between Mobilian and refugee Apalachee potters rather than, or perhaps in addition to, accommodation to French colonists’ demands for tablewares and serving vessels. The ranges of colonoware vessel forms at Old Mobile and San Luis are very comparable (Table 13.1), except for the absence of long-handled skillets in the Old Mobile assemblage. There are other interesting differences. Two brimmed vessels from Old Mobile have two corner points in profile (Cordell 2001a, 32, Fig. 11a [H]). No such "double brim" vessels have been encountered at San Luis. Old Mobile pitchers are sometimes lobed, grooved, or fluted, with red stripes painted in the grooves (Figure 13.5; also see Waselkov 2002, Plate 1 for color photograph). Grooved or lobed vessels do occur at San Luis, but none have red painting (Bonnie McEwan, pers. comm. 2012). Brimmed forms are predominant in the Old Mobile assemblage, accounting for 65 % of red-filmed vessels and 81 % of plain colonowares (Cordell 2001a, 31) (Table 13.1). At San Luis, 81 % of San Luis Mission Red Filmed vessels are brimmed, but only 19 % of plain colonowares in the sample are brimmed (Table 13.1), although they may be

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A. S. Cordell more plentiful in a larger sampling population (Cordell 2001a, 33; Shapiro 1987). Brimmed vessels are also prominent at the Indian House site (Silvia 2000, 249, 251). At San Luis, brimmed plates and dishes are only slightly smaller on average than their seventeenth-century Spanish majolica counterparts (Vernon 1988, 78), suggesting that Apalachee potters may have compensated for shrinkage characteristics of the potting clays in copying sizes of European plates and dishes. Comparisons show that Old Mobile brimmed vessels (Cordell 2001a, 32, Fig. 11) have slightly thicker vessel walls, thinner rims, thicker bases and foot-rings, larger angle of the brim from the horizontal, smaller base diameters, and larger mouth diameters than brimmed vessels from San Luis (Table 13.2). Brim angles from the horizontal indicate that colonoware brimmed vessels may generally be deeper than most contemporaneous majolica plates, as measured from late 17th century examples depicted by Goggin (1968, 168, 178). Brimmed vessels at Indian House are also larger than brimmed vessels at San Luis. It is not certain whether larger sizes were made intentionally or if the size difference (average 3 cm) might be attributed to differences in shrinkage characteristics of the new clay sources. Regardless, the mouth diameters are considerably larger than their European counterparts at Old Mobile (Silvia 2000, 138), a departure from the pattern at San Luis. Perhaps the generally larger size of brimmed vessels at Old Mobile and the Indian House was a compromise between desire for European-style tableware and traditional communal dining customs (Silvia 2000, 138). Old Mobile colonowares show a decline in foot-ring bases in favor of simpler footed bases (Cordell 2001a, 34, 35, Figs. 12A and 12B), which may indicate a reduction in time and effort in manufacture. Alternatively this may reflect inspiration from French material culture, as early eighteenth-century French brimmed plates and bowls typically lack foot rings (Barton 1981; Genet 1980). Old Mobile colonowares show an increase in strap handles at the expense of the loop handles predominant at San Luis (Cordell 2001a, 36; Vernon 1988, 77). Zoned red-painted designs on San Luis Mission Red Filmed sherds, occur on interiors of brimmed vessels and exteriors of nonbrimmed forms and the painted zones are typically bounded by incised lines (Figure 13.2). A similar pattern is observed in the Old Mobile sample, but without incising (Figure 13.6). Painted designs on brimmed vessels in the San Luis sample are more varied than those on Old Mobile vessels (Cordell 2001a, 41). The subset of 13 Apalachee style Old Mobile colonoware vessels consists European vessel forms in combination with complicated stamping or with impressed, ticked, or folded/pinched rims characteristic of traditional Apalachee pottery style (Cordell 2001a, 40, Table 34). This colonoware subset is otherwise consistent with traditional Apalachee pottery in many respects, including grog size, vessel thickness, and surface finishing (Cordell 2001a, 48). Burnished surfaces predominate in San Luis colonowares, especially Mission Red Filmed. The Old Mobile colonowares show a decline in the quality of 168

burnishing, with most vessels being well finished, but with no luster imparted (Cordell 2001a, 42; 2013, 94, Figs. 4, 11a and 4, 11b). Extensive dark coring is predominant in both assemblages (Cordell 2001a, 43), but the San Luis pattern of well-oxidized red-filmed, and poorly oxidized plain colonowares is not apparent in the Old Mobile samples (Cordell 2001a 43; 2013, 94, Figs. 4, 12a and 4, 12b). This does not necessarily mean that the Old Mobile samples were more poorly fired than San Luis pottery, but there are no indications of efforts to control or affect color development in firing of the Old Mobile sample.

13.5

Continuity and change in Apalachee Colonowares

All of these comparisons have shown that the increase in prominence of colonowares at Old Mobile is accompanied by pronounced changes in forms, styles and aspects of manufacturing technology (Cordell 2001a, 47–48). Elaboration of forms is evident in the "double brim" vessels with two corner points and the red-striped fluted pitchers. The subset with Apalachee stylistic traits shows further syncretization or hybridization of Apalachee ceramic styles and European vessel forms. Simplification of forms is evident with the loss of long-handled skillets and in the decline in foot-ring bases in favor of simpler footed bases. Zoned red-painted brimmed vessels exhibit simplification with the elimination of incising and in reduction in complexity of painted designs. Simplification is also evident in reduction of burnishing, in the apparent lack of effort to achieve or suppress oxidation in firing. Change in the colonowares is also evident in the use of new clay sources, occasional presence of different tempers, in the preponderance of strap over loop handles, and in slight differences in thickness and size of brimmed vessels (perhaps related to the properties of the new clays). But strong continuity in manufacture is evident in most vessel forms, in fundamental tempering practices, and in preference for using white-firing clays to make red filmed colonowares. Although the subset of hybrid colonowares with Apalachee stylistic traits shows elaboration, there is still continuity with traditional Apalachee pottery in other aspects of manufacture. The changes in colonowares at Old Mobile indicate that standards for colonoware manufacture, which may have been regulated by the Spaniards at San Luis, were relaxed at Old Mobile. The simplifications indicate reductions in time and effort expended in manufacture perhaps as an effort to expedite or streamline the manufacturing process. The introduction of French formal standards may also be indicated in the preponderance of brimmed forms and decline in footring bases at Old Mobile. Alternatively, or perhaps additionally, these changes may reflect the Apalachees’ growing preference for simpler brimmed vessels, as indicated by the relative abundance of colonowares at Old Mobile and their presence at the Indian House site, potentially home to at least one Apalachee (Silvia 2000, 352; 2002, 32). The hybridity in decoration and form seems to indicate unregulated artistic expression and choices made by the potters themselves.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change The embellishment of European forms with Apalachee decorative elements reinforces the Apalachee affiliation with the pottery. It also indicates a weakening of the functional or social separation between traditional Apalachee pottery and colonowares. The Apalachees’ apparent preference for brimmed vessels and other colonoware forms at Old Mobile probably began prior to their arrival, on the basis of relative abundance of colonowares at possible high-status Apalachee residences at San Luis (McEwan 1992, 38). High-status Apalachee from San Luis are known to have been among the émigrés at Old Mobile (Hann 1988, 305–306). Escalation of Apalachee colonoware pottery production at Old Mobile is probably related to accommodating the tableware needs of the French colonists and perhaps other resident Indian groups, as well as Apalachees’ own preferences for colonoware forms. It is unfortunate that we know little of this process, as there are only vague historical references to Indian pottery manufacture and its probable exchange for European goods (Silvia 2002, 28–29). The supply of Native American pottery for exchange is thought to have been provided through household industry manufacture by multiple native ethnic groups on the basis of the diversity of pottery recovered at Old Mobile (Silvia 2002, 28–29). In closing, the pottery assemblages at San Luis and Old Mobile have provided a remarkable opportunity to document both continuity and change in Apalachee colonoware pottery manufacture. The pattern of the results is in fact consistent with expectations for continuity and change in traditional pottery made in societies undergoing relocation and/or colonization. Given the relative abundance of colonowares and hybridization with traditional surface and rim treatments, it seems likely that colonoware pottery manufacture had become even more of an integral part of a new Apalachee ceramic tradition at Old Mobile, a testament to Apalachee resilience under the challenging circumstances of displacement and relocation. Other traditional Apalachee surface treatments and grog tempering, however, do not appear to have survived further migration to central Louisiana later in the eighteenth century (Cordell 2002a, 52–53; Hunter 1985).

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Dr. Kathleen Deagan encouraging me to participate in the GlobalPottery conference and thanks to the conference organizers for the opportunity to contribute to this volume. I am grateful to Dr. Bonnie McEwan (San Luis Archaeological and Historic Site) and Dr. Greg Waselkov (Center for Archaeological Studies, University of South Alabama) for the opportunity and funding to study their respective collections of pottery from San Luis and Old Mobile. This paper has benefited from constructive criticism from Drs. Prudence Rice, Bonnie McEwan, Kathleen Deagan, and other contributors/reviewers of this volume.

References Barton, I. W., 1981, Coarse earthenwares from the Fortress

of Louisburg, History and Archaeology, 55, 3–74. Beck, M. E., 2006, Linking finished ceramics to raw materials: oxidized color groups for lowland desert clays, Kiva, 72, 93–118. Card, J. B., 2007, The ceramics of colonial Ciudad Vieja, El Salvador: culture contact and social change in Mesoamerica, Ph.D. dissertation, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor. Card, J. B., (ed.), 2013a, Hybrid Material Culture: The Archaeology of Syncretism and Ethnogenesis, Occasional Paper No. 39, Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. Card, J. B., 2013b, Italianate Pipil Potters: Mesoamerican Transformation of Renaissance Material Culture in Early Spanish Colonial San Salvador. Chapter 5, in Hybrid Material Culture: The Archaeology of Syncretism and Ethnogenesis (ed. Jeb J. Card), 100–130, Occasional Paper No. 39, Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. Charlton, T. H., 1976, Contemporary central Mexican ceramics: a view from the paste, Man, 11, 517–525. Charlton, T. H., and Fournier, P., 1993, Urban and Rural Dimensions of the Contact Period: Central Mexico 1521–1620, in Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas (ed. J. Daniel Rogers and S. M. Wilson), 201– 220, Interdisciplinary Contributions to Archaeology, Plenum Press, New York. Cordell, A. S., 1993, Identification of a pottery production area at San Luis de Talimali, Florida, Paper presented at the 50th Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Raleigh, North Carolina. Cordell, A. S., 2001a, Continuity and change in Apalachee pottery manufacture, Archaeological Monograph, No. 9, University of South Alabama, Mobile. Cordell, A. S., 2001b, Report on the Investigation of Daub Construction Materials from San Luis de Talimali. Prepared for Dr. Bonnie McEwan, Mission San Luis de Talimali, Tallahassee, Florida. Cordell, A. S., 2002a, Continuity and Change in Apalachee Pottery Manufacture, Historical Archaeology, 36(1), 36–54. Cordell, A. S., 2002b, Traditional Apalachee Ceramic Technology at Mission San Luis de Talimali, Florida, Paper presented at the 59th Annual Meeting of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference, Biloxi, Mississippi. Cordell, A. S., 2013, Continuity and Change in in Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonowares Wares. Chapter 4, in Hybrid Material Culture: The Archaeology of Syncretism and Ethnogenesis (ed. Jeb J. Card), 80–99, Occasional Paper No. 39, Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. Deagan, K. A., 1990a, Sixteenth-Century SpanishAmerican Colonization in the Southeastern United States and the Caribbean, in Columbian Consequences:

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A. S. Cordell 2. Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands East (ed. D. H. Thomas), 225– 250, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. Deagan, K. A., 1990b, Accommodation and Resistance: The Process and Impact of Spanish Colonization in the Southeast, in Columbian Consequences: 2. Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands East (ed. D. H. Thomas), 297–314, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C. Friends of Mission San Luis, 2008. Retrieved from http: //www.missionsanluis.org/. Foster, G. M., 1962, Traditional Cultures and the Impact of Technological Change, Harper and Brothers, New York. Foster, G. M., 1965, The Sociology of Pottery: Questions and Hypotheses Arising from Contemporary Mexican Work, in Ceramics and Man (ed. F. R. Matson), 43–61, Aldine, Chicago. Genet, N., 1980, Les Collections archeologiques de la Place Royale: la faience, La Collection Patrimoines, Dossier 45, Ministere des Affaires Culturelles de Quebec, Quebec, Canada. Goggin, J. M., 1968, Spanish majolica in the New World, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, 72, Yale University Press, New Haven. Hann, J. H., 1988, Apalachee: Land between the Rivers, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Hann, J. H., and McEwan, B. G., 1998, The Apalachee Indians and Mission San Luis, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Hauser, M., 2013, Of earth and clay: ceramics of the African Atlantic in the Caribbean. Chapter 3, in Hybrid Material Culture: The Archaeology of Syncretism and Ethnogenesis (ed. J. J. Card), 50–79, Occasional Paper No. 39, Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale. Hunter, D. G., 1985, The Apalachee on Red River, 1763–1834: An Ethnohistory and Summary of Archaeological Testing at the Zimmerman Hill Site, Rapides Parish, Louisiana, Louisiana Archaeology Society, New Orleans. McEwan, B. G., 1991, San Luis de Talimali: The Archaeology of Spanish-Indian Relations at a Florida Mission, Historical Archaeology, 25(3), 36–60. McEwan, B. G., 1992, Archaeology of the Apalachee Village at San Luis de Talimali, Florida Archaeological Reports, No. 28. Nicklin, K., 1971, Stability and Innovation in Pottery Manufacture, World Archaeology, 3, 13–48. Reina, R. E., and Hill, R. M. II, 1978, The Traditional Pottery of Guatemala, University of Texas Press, Austin. Rice, P. M., 1984, Change and Conservatism in PotteryProducing Systems, in The Many Dimensions of

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Pottery: Ceramics in Archaeology and Anthropology (ed. S. E. van der Leeuw and A. C. Pritchard), 231–293, Institute for Pre- and Proto-history, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam. Rice, P. M., 1987, Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Rice, P. M., 2015, Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook, Second Edition, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Shapiro, G., 1987, Archaeology at San Luis: Broad-Scale Testing, 1984–85, Florida Archaeology, 3, Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research, Tallahassee. Shapiro, G., and McEwan, B. G., 1992, Archaeology at San Luis, Pt. 1. The Apalachee Council House, Florida Archaeology, 6, Florida Bureau of Archaeological Research, Tallahassee. Silvia, D. E., 2000, Indian and French Interaction in Colonial Louisiana during the Early Eighteenth Century, Ph.D. dissertation, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana, University Microfilms International, Ann Arbor. Silvia, D. E., 2002, Native American and French Cultural Dynamics on the Gulf Coast, in French Colonial Archaeology at Old Mobile: Selected Studies (ed. G. A. Waselkov), Historical Archaeology, 36(1), 26–35. Silvia Mueller, D., 1991, Containers: Aboriginal Ceramics, in Archaeology at the French Colonial Site of Old Mobile (Phase I: 1989–1991) (ed. G. A. Waselkov), 115–131, Anthropological Monograph I, University of South Alabama, Mobile. Sinopoli, C. A., 1991, Approaches to Archaeological Ceramics, Plenum, New York. University of South Alabama, 2011, Retrieved from http://www.southalabama.edu/archaeology/ old-mobile.html. Vernon, R., 1988, Seventeenth-Century Apalachee ColonoWare as a Reflection of Demography, Economics, and Acculturation, Historical Archaeology, 22(1), 76–82. Vernon, R., and Cordell, A. S., 1993, A Distributional and Technological Study of Apalachee Colono-Ware from San Luis de Talimali, in The Spanish Mission of La Florida (ed. B. G. McEwan), 418–441, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Waselkov, G. A., 1991, Archaeology at the French Colonial Site of Old Mobile (Phase I: 1989–1991), Anthropological Monograph I, University of South Alabama, Mobile. Waselkov, G. A., 1999, Old Mobile Archaeology, Archaeology Booklet 1, University of South Alabama, Mobile. Waselkov, G. A., 2002, French Colonial Archaeology at Old Mobile: An Introduction, in French Colonial Archaeology at Old Mobile: Selected Studies (ed. G. A. Waselkov), Historical Archaeology, 36(1), 3–12.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact 65 % 81 % 15 % 74 % 131

Old Mobile Red Filmed Plain w/ Apal. style

Indian House

Total count

a t = 2.39, df b t = 3.04, df c t = 2.05, df d t = 2.77, df e t = 2.79, df

5.4 6 5.9

5

-

3% 23 %

-

Grooved Pitchers

6

-

8%

9%

UID Grooved or Ridged

14

-

3% 2% -

12 % 15 %

Cup/Mug Small Bowls

5.9 5 -

Rimb 6.3 7 -

Base

Thickness (mm)

5.2 6.2 -

Foot ring 6.2 6.4 -

thickness (mm)

44.1 44.1 -

width (cm)

Brim

6

-

2% 2% -

8%

Candle Holder

25 28 28

Mouthc,d

12 9.2 9

227

23

60 52 13

26 53

Total count

Basee

Diameter (cm)

30

22 %

10 % 8% -

4% 26 %

Other or UID Forms

Table 13.2: Comparison of Brimmed Colonoware mean vessel dimensions.

39° 41° -

angle

Table 13.1: Comparison of colonoware vessel forms.

35

4%

17 % 8% 54 %

4% 23 %

Pitchers and Jars

= 114, p = .0183 for difference in mean body thickness = 96, p = .0031 for difference in mean rim thickness = 56, p = .0455 for difference in mean mouth diameter = 30, p = .0094 for difference in mean ratio of brim width to mouth diameter = 33, p = .0087 for difference in mean base diameter

San Luis Old Mobile Indian House

Bodya

81 % 19 %

San Luis Mission Red Filmed Plain

Site

Brimmed Vessels

Site and Pottery Category

Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change

171

A. S. Cordell

Figure 13.1: Map showing Apalachee Province and location of San Luis and Old Mobile. (Adapted from McEwan 1992, Figure 1) (Photographic composition by Pat Payne, Gainesville, Florida).

Figure 13.2: Apalachee colonowares from San Luis. (Photographic composition by Pat Payne, Gainesville, Florida).

172

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Late Seventeenth/Early Eighteenth-Century Apalachee Colonoware pottery: a case study in continuity and change

Figure 13.3: San Luis site plan (courtesy of Mission San Luis).

Figure 13.4: Old Mobile site plan showing structure locations and Indian House site. (Courtesy of the Center for Archaeological Studies, University of South Alabama).

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173

A. S. Cordell

Figure 13.5: Unusual Old Mobile lobed, painted pitcher. Archaeological Studies, University of South Alabama).

(Photograph courtesy of the Center for

Figure 13.6: Red filmed pottery from Old Mobile. (Photographic composition by Pat Payne, Gainesville, Florida from photographs provided courtesy of the Center for Archaeological Studies, University of South Alabama).

174

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

14

Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities

Miguel del Pino Curbelo1 , María del Cristo González Marrero1 , Jorge Onrubia Pintado2 , José Ignacio Sáenz Sagasti3 and José Mangas Viñuela4 1- Grupo de Investigación TARHA, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Facultad de Geografía e Historia, Departamento de Ciencias Históricas, Edificio Millares Carlo, C/ Pérez del Toro, 30, 35003 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Campus de Ciudad Real, Facultad de Letras, Área de Prehistoria, Avda. Camilo José Cela, s/n, Campus Universitario, 13071 Ciudad Real (Spain) ([email protected]) 3- Museo y Parque Arqueológico Cueva Pintada, C/ Audiencia, 2, 35460 Gáldar (Spain) ([email protected]) 4- Grupo de Investigación GEOGAR, Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria, Edificio de Ciencias Básicas, Campus Universitario de Tafira, 35017 Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain) ([email protected]) At the pre-Hispanic archaeological park of Cueva Pintada (Spanish for Painted Cave, at Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain), evidence shows that it was habited from the 7th century AD, with a main occupation from around the 13th century to the years around the beginning of the 16th century. This latter period corresponds to a dwelling site which undoubtedly was part of Agaldar, an indigenous place which was described in texts contemporary with the colonization of the island. The archaeological remains found at the dwelling site of Cueva Pintada have allowed us to reconstruct the materiality of this process of contact and assimilation. The few typological and archaeometrical analyses of pottery sets which have been carried out so far have emphasized the complex nature of this process. KEYWORDS: CANARY ISLANDS, GRAN CANARIA, CUEVA PINTADA, COLONISATION, ACCULTURATION, INDIGENOUS, SETTLER, POTTERY, CERAMIC PETROGRAPHY

14.1 Introduction The pre-Hispanic site of Cueva Pintada (Gáldar, Gran Canaria) shows two clearly distinct phases of activity. The first one started with the initial occupation of the place in the 7th century, and the second one corresponds to Agaldar, the dwelling site that occupied a preeminent position in the social and political organisation at the time of European settlement at the island (14th and 16th centuries). After the conquest, this site continued to house a large indigenous and mixed-race population. The archaeological remains located in the dwelling site enable us to reconstruct the material details of the process of contact and assimilation. In this sense, a study of the pottery recipients provides a particularly enlightening contribution. Studies of the typology and archaeometric investigations of some of these batches have shown a complex social situation in which the usual division between "local pottery" (made using the hand building technique) and "imported pottery" (made on a wheel) is insufficient. As with the Gran Canaria

indigenous/Hispanic settler classification that it is based on, this dichotomy ignores the presence of other players who fall in neither of these over-simplified categories, so the dynamics of the acculturation process are undoubtedly far more entangled.

14.2

Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada: Structure 12 and its contexts

Cueva Pintada consists of a set of overlaid rooms of different ages. The most recent phase of occupation, the one that interests us in this paper, most probably spans a period from the 13th century to the turn of the 15th –16th century, and represents an intense reorganisation of the pre-existing domestic area, which dates back to the 7th century.

Geological context This pre-Hipanic village is located in the northeast of Gran Canaria. The island is a volcanic edifice formed by the occurrence of a mantle plume that

M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela eventually drove to alkaline magmatic emissions (hotspot), initiating a process in which successive episodes of volcanic activity and erosion gave the island its current shape. This volcanic activity has been grouped in various cycles, in chronological order: Ciclo I, Ciclo II (also Roque Nublo), Ciclo III (also Post-Roque Nublo), and Ciclo Reciente (ITGE 1990). The composition of the resultant rocks is variable, including basic—basanites, basalts and tephrites—, intermediate—trachybasalts and phonolites—, and acid igneous—trachytes and rhyolites—; however, tholeiitic and ultra-alkaline compositions are rare (Ancochea et al. 2004) The pre-Hispanic dwelling site rests on the southern flank of Galdar hill (Figure 14.1), a volcanic cone of the Post-Roque Nubo cycle. The geology of the area is mainly volcanic, as can be expected, with fluvial deposits at the south and east of the site that are associated with the radial system of valleys that are characteristic of the island, and maritime deposits on the coastal areas to the north and east. The composition of the most abundant volcanic materials of the region corresponds to nephelitic basalts characterized by the abundance of olivine partially altered to iddingsite and augite phenocrysts, under the shape of magmatic flows and fragmentary rocks—the latters emitted by the same volcanic cone—with consequent differences in their texture and crystallinity. Also basanites and tephrites are present, the first ones characterized by their content in altered olivine, pyroxene and haüyne; and tephrites containing pyroxene and haüyne, but no olivine. Flows that are part of recent volcanic activity in the island are also abundant in the area, with similar mineralogical composition to the Post-Roque Nublo emissions (basaniticnephelinitic rocks and basalts). To the east and southwest of the archaeological site lie Mount Amagro and Guia hill. Both are outcrops of a Miocene date (Ciclo I) that were unearthed by erosion of the overlying rock layers. Their composition is very different from the one of Galdar hill, being composed by phonolitic-trachytic rocks that are characterized by the abundance of K-feldspars (sanidine and nephelinite) and much less frequent ferromagnesian minerals, limited to augite-aegirine, brown amphibole and biotite. Looking to the nearby eastern and northeastern coastlands, further outcrops of the Roque Nublo cycle are present, though their occurrence is limited to the coastline. In the area of Punta del Moreno, these formations are composed of basic volcanic flows, characterized by altered olivine, augite, less common biotite and amphibole, with apatite accessory minerals. Along the coastline to the east of Punta del Moreno are outcroppings of volcanic breccia composed of a number of different minerals and rock fragments bonded by a glassy groundmass.

Characteristics of the site We are not going to go into a description of this dwelling site now (Onrubia 2003; in press). One only has to remember the evident role that the cave complex plays in its organisation, with many of the dozens of documented semi-subterranean dwellings vying for space 176

in the immediate surroundings. Following a well-known prototype, and with some exceptions that appear to be for what is not strictly residential use, these dwellings are made up of rectangular rooms flanked by one or almost always two sleeping rooms, one off to either side (Figure 14.2). However, in what is merely a duplication of the prototype, two of these living units can be connected longitudinally by a corridor and therefore, seem to form part of a single dwelling. Built in an area of caves from the first phase and fossilised by what appears to be the base of an old retaining wall, the house catalogued as structure 12 (Figure 14.3) is perfectly in line with this pattern (Martín et al. 1994; 1996; Fontugne et al. 1999). This is a dwelling in which the central room has walls built exclusively of rough ashlar basalt, while the side bedrooms, showing remains of red wall paint, offer a mixture of basalt rocks and tuff stones. The floor of this room consists of packed earth that has been covered, at least in some areas, with a pale mortar that appears to be very rich in calcite. An abundance of archaeological material has been recovered from this floor in situ. Many of the numerous objects that have been found in the strata blocking off a small cave-chamber off the right-hand bedroom of the house undoubtedly come from dismantling this primary deposit. Fitted out and functional in the first phase of the village’s occupation, this cavity was sealed and blocked off by the bedroom walls during the construction and use of the house. The collapse of these walls during the process of ruin and fossilisation of the room has allowed the archaeological material associated with its original paving to migrate towards the inside of the rock chamber, and to sediment there in a secondary position next to other creep debris. The archaeological material located in the floor of the house and in the sediment deposits that clogged the small cavity annex are in fact, highly uniform. The indigenous series are found in abundance, including the characteristic clay figures and "pintaderas" (geometric adornments), as are colonial objects. It is in these latter repertoires that pottery recipients abound, together with more scarce metallic elements, such as iron nails and pins, enabling us to set the date of the last episode in which this house was used. Apart from any dating that may be provided by the typological analysis of the imported pottery, which we will come back to later, we have the dating precision that we can obtain from two kinds of colonial materials. We refer on the one hand to the monetary findings and, on the other, to a fragment of fabric that has been dated by 14 C. With regard to the coins, the most significant piece is undoubtedly a white diamond coined during the reign of Enrique IV (1454–1474). But this is not the only specimen located; as another similar diamond was recovered from the same archaeological contexts, coined in Toledo, and a Portuguese ceitil coin that could be attributed to the reign of Manuel I (1495–1521). It is true that the history of the circulation of coins in the Canary Islands makes it difficult to use these findings as a precise chronological indicator, as the absence of mints in the islands extended the duration of the legal tender value of coins greatly, with coins being re-

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities stamped at times to keep their value in line with the times they were in circulation. But it is still important that the vast majority of the coins found at the dwelling site are 15th and 16th century Castilian and Portuguese specimens (González et al. 2013). This time line is also significantly consistent with the range encompassed by calibrated radiocarbon dating obtained for a fragment of hemp taffeta of irrefutably European origin: 1450 to 1640 (Beta-321399: 350 ± 30 BP; Cal BP 500 to 310). Hence we find that this house seems to have been last used as a dwelling space between the final decades of the 15th century and the first decades of the 16th century. Its later use and abandonment thus coincide with the whole phase of contact, conquest and the earliest re-settlement of the island of Gran Canaria. It goes without saying that greater chronological precision would be desirable to interpret this structure and its archaeological context properly from the point of view of studying the process of acculturation of the Canary Island indigenous people; in other words, their ethnicity and assimilation.

14.3 The indigenous pottery recipients To date, it is not easy to characterise the pre-Hispanic pottery of Gran Canaria beyond some formal and decorative technological notions that almost always come from simple observation of the recipients and from comparing them with the traditional pottery of the island, or from checking them against references made in the narrative sources of the time of the European settlement process. The main work done to date has been the typologies drawn up from collections of complete recipients, but taken out of any chronological, and often spatial, context (González Antón 1973; Martín 1984). Proposed evolutionary models based on well-defined stratigraphic series, for their part, are far from abundant and for the moment, consist of partial studies applied to specific areas (Navarro 1990; González Quintero et al. 2009). The approaches taken to pre-Hispanic pottery found in the dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (Onrubia 1986; Fontugne et al. 1999) to date are no exception to this rule. For this very reason, a study of the indigenous recipients from a well characterised and dated structure such as this could turn out to be highly revealing, especially when the typological description is combined with an initial attempt at characterising the pottery paste, as we shall do in this paper. The sample of indigenous pottery from this structure that was analysed amounts to a total of 504 sherds. The first conclusion that can be drawn is that surfaces commonly present signs of some kind of smoothing process (n=470), showing fully (n=137) or partially (n=171) burnished surfaces. Recipients with smoothed surfaces (n=128) are usually found too, sometimes leaving a smooth, slightly irregular surface (n=34). Of the latter, only 4 present decorative motifs on the surface. At least 60 of the 137 that present a totally burnished surface on the other hand, have painted motifs and 30 are totally red slipped on at least one of their surfaces.

Cases of other kinds of decoration are rare: channelling distributed over the surface of the wall, or associated with the root of the neck of the ovoid recipients and, in only one case, oval-shaped impressions on the external surface of the wall. There are also impressions on the lip of at least two recipients.

Simple forms Based on the vessels that we have been able to reconstruct, the most recognisable simple forms are low open bowls whose inner and outer surfaces are treated very differently (Figure 14.4, A). The outer finish is usually rough, similar to the effect obtained after scraping (n=36). The interior surface, on the other hand, is usually well smoothed down, and even burnished in 22 cases. Although less common, the inner surface is also sometimes red slipped. These recipients are generally associated with flat or semi-flat lips, sometimes bevelled on the outside. On the other hand, at least 19 cases have been detected that show signs of being exposed to fire, and very similar recipients to those described here have been identified elsewhere as cereal roasters (Navarro 1999, 31). A second simple shape is presented by the recipients with concave walls and straight rims, and a slightly convex or flat base (Figure 14.4, B). In these cases, there is a wide diversity of sizes and diameters, although the constant factor among all of them is the existence of burnished inner and outer surfaces, including the base, and linear or geometric decorative motifs. Despite all of this, it is true that none of the cases identified in these variations has any associated appendages.

Compound forms As with the indigenous pottery of Gran Canaria, there is also an abundance of compound forms in this context. This fact, together with the high variability of forms shown by the hand-made pottery, and the fragmentation usually found among the materials, makes the job of reconstructing them from the archaeological registry a complicated one. The compound forms include the presence of carinated vessels that are characteristic of the island (Figure 14.4, C and D). These vessels have a concave inward-sloping wall that is joined to a spherical cap-shaped base by the fluting. There is only one of these vessels with no kind of decoration, the outer surfaces of two of them have been fully red-slipped and the rest show geometric motifs: triangles, circles and vertical bands. They all show very even surfaces and, once again, only one of them does not have at least one burnished surface. Where the appendage is present, it is trapezoid in shape; it has a perforation in the centre and it spouts from the line of the fluting, sloping in such a way that the distal end is above the proximal end. Bearing in mind the formal similarities, this group could be related in some way with the concave walled vessels described before. Another shape found is that of a vessel that tends towards a spherical shape, totally red slipped on the outside, with a concave neck and everted lip (Figure 14.4, E). Similar to this kind, but smaller in size, is another vessel

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M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela that is a horizontal oval shape with a straight concave neck (Figure 14.4, F). It has not been possible to establish the shape of the base of either of these two vessels. We have managed to reconstruct other vessels of different sizes with bodies in the shape of an inverted ovoid, flat base and a concave inward sloping neck (Figure 14.4, G and H). The appendages are usually close to the maximum girth of these vessels, which in the smaller vessels consist of spouts with a perforated lobe. The external surfaces of the walls are usually burnished, whereas a more heterogeneous treatment is given to the insides. The smaller vessels associated with handles-spouts have a better inner finish, possibly related to their function as liquid containers. The larger pottery on the other hand, has a more irregular inner surface, which could suggest a different use. Two of the three cases in which it has been possible to totally or partially reconstruct the shape, only present grooving at the base of the neck as decoration (Figure 14.4, H). This situation is repeated on another three incomplete vessels. The other complete recipient has been painted by way of decoration (Figure 14.4, G), with motifs that have already been described for other vessels from Gáldar, although applied to different shapes (Martín 1984, figs. 7 and 8). On the other hand, another specimen has also been partially conserved. This has been painted with an intense burnish, and the distribution of the decorative motifs, together with the characteristics of the burnish, are reminiscent of one of the vessels recovered from the nearby La Guancha burial mound.

Other shapes Along with the kinds described, other vessels have been found, but their characteristics pose new problems of interpretation that have not been duly addressed to date. First of all, we have an inverted cone-shaped vessel, with a lip that gets fatter on the outside and grooved at the top (Figure 14.5, left). Both surfaces are burnished and there is also a decorative motif painted on the outside, based on pairs of triangles that meet at one of the apexes. The inner surface is totally burnished and painted. This vessel has seven perforations around 1.5 cm in diameter on the flat base with indications of a foot, as well as the grooves on the lip. These cylindrical perforations have been made during the process of making the piece, while the clay was still damp and they are clearly related to the vessel’s function. News on vessels of this kind on the island of Gran Canaria is scarce. A similar vessel was found in the same dwelling site of La Cueva Pintada in the creep debris strata, and another, carinated one with orifices made after the piece was fired, so both the way it was made and its use seem to be different from the other two found at the site. In fact, this latter piece appeared in an interesting primary deposit of the first phase. The specialist literature describes vessels of this kind as coladores (colanders) (Pérez 1944; Jiménez 1946). This is a poorly defined name that refers to a heterogeneous set of recipients and sherds whose only common element is the fact that they have orifices in the wall. It is for this reason, despite being classified as "colanders", that it is 178

presently difficult to determine what their function really was. There are examples in other contexts in which similar cases have been related to the preparation of dairy products (cheese) and for cooking vegetable foodstuffs, especially barley (Stilborg 2006; Salvini et al. 2007), a very common cereal in the island dig sites. However, a more in-depth study of these pieces is required to enhance our knowledge about Canary Island specimens and to determine their function and chronology. Another vessel with unusual morphology with respect to the known kinds of pre-European pottery of Gran Canaria is horizontally ovoid in shape, with a lip that turns slightly outwards, bevelled and with decoration imprinted on it that consists of small depressions made around the circumference (Figure 14.5, right). Paste is dark coloured, with clear marks from irregular firing, and its walls are burnished. This form is similar to those described in the archaeological register of the island of La Gomera (Navarro 1992) and although at least one other oval section vessel has been found in the set, and other sherds with motifs imprinted on the wall and lip, this is the most evident case of similarities with the descriptions published for the island of La Gomera.

14.4

Colonial pottery

Although the study of pottery made on a wheel from this structure is still in its initial stages and the list of pieces may increase in the future, to date, the batch of common imported pottery is represented by two interesting specimens of containers for storage and transport: one dolia and one cantimplora. These are models that are very similar to those found in the filling of the domes of some churches, hospitals and convents in Andalusia, which, when studied made it possible to draw up a full register of types of these pottery recipients at the time (Amores and Chisvert 1993; Pleguezuelo et al. 1999). The dolia documented in this primary deposit is not glazed and it conserves a red slip mark that we have not been able to relate to any of the examples that appear in the specific literature that we have seen (Menéndez 2005; 2007, 16–120). Regarding the use of the term dolia, it is worth pointing out that we prefer to use it to distinguish these vessels from the cantimploras and botijas, on the basis of their particular and specific chronological location, which never places them in a context later than the early 16th century, when the dolias seem to have been replaced by these far more robust and larger containers that were also better suited to sailing on the high seas (Pleguezuelo 1993, 40; Amores and Chisvert 1993, 280–281). This idea is corroborated by the fact that no similar examples have been located in the first European settlements in America (Goggin 1960; Deagan 1987) whereas they have been documented in the Old World (Platt and Coleman 1975, 1291–1308; Hurst 1977, Fig. 33, 55–56). Cantimploras were the usual containers used on the Seville Atlantic trade at the end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th centuries, as can be seen from the fact that these models are found and distributed in different American

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities sites (Goggin 1960; 1968; Deagan 1987; Lister and Lister 1987). But, although the piece recovered at this site does not conserve the mouth, which was made of pale yellow paste with thin, unglazed walls, it could be included in the Type A category described by Pleguezuelo and coauthors (1999, 270–271) for which there is no record of finds at American sites, where, on the other hand, glazed specimens abound. At the shoulder, it bears a red slip mark that appears to be a simple Latin cross, found fairly frequently on vessels of this kind (Menéndez 2005; 2007, 116–120). As with the dolia described above, similar vessels have been recovered from European sites (Hurst 1977, 98–101; Francovich and Gelichi 1986, 306–309, 311, Fig. 5.2, tav. XI). Apart from these unglazed pottery pieces made on a wheel, associated with the group of storage and transport containers, the strata analysed provide an interesting batch of tableware of European origin, consisting of glazed jarras, jarritos, platos, cuencos and escudillas. Melados glazes are very common, with the use of manganese decoration underneath the glaze being especially common. The collection of fine tableware is rounded off with majolica style pottery, such as some platos decorated in blue and manganese, which American historiography calls Isabela polychrome, and certain cuencos and escudillas of loza dorada. Sherds of cuerda seca pottery were found in higher strata, but they are not the most frequent type. This is a batch of pottery that can also be dated to the 15th and 16th centuries. Although none of them come from this set, the archaeometric analyses of 18 fragments of colonial pottery from La Cueva Pintada has been carried out (Iñañez et al. 2007; 2009), and the results confirm the fact that most of the majolica ware comes from Triana (Seville), except for one piece of loza dorada, produced in Manises, hence confirming the hypothesis that we put forwards at the time (Onrubia et al. 1998). Only 4 of the 9 samples taken from pieces with melados and green glazes (5 and 4 respectively) could be assigned to Triana potteries (2 and 2). For now, the rest have not been attributed to any known pottery. As other similar batches of pottery have been recorded elsewhere in the Canaries (Tejera and Sosa 1998), we have already mentioned elsewhere (Onrubia et al. 1998) the undeniable similarity that many of the pieces of this colonial repertoire bear with other pottery recovered from African sites. This is the case of those that have been documented at the strata corresponding to the Portuguese presence in Alcázar Seguer (1458–1550), in the north of Morocco (Redman 1986).

of them was conducted by point counting (Stoltman 1989; 1991), results indicated in Figure 14.6. For this, a set of variables was defined as a function of the most frequently observed kinds of inclusion observed during the preliminary descriptions (Table 14.2). Groundmass and aplastic fraction were defined according to their granulometry, considering as groundmass particles smaller than 0.05 mm. Measurements were also taken of the diameter of the grain sections (coarse fraction), which were later transformed into a log scale (phi) to represent and interpret them (Figure 14.7). Finally, the nature of the lithological components of the samples was determined and pottery groups were defined from a petrographic point of view. In general terms, a high percentage of aplastics was found in the clay pastes (Figure 14.8), basically volcanic materials, such as for example a variety of fragments of rock, glass and groundmass and different minerals. Under the microscope and with crossed nicols (XP), all the pottery samples showed birefringence in the clay matrix, except for the cases in which they are partially or totally reduced. These latter cases behave like an opaque material, i.e., without any optic properties with either parallel (PPL) or crossed nicols (XP). This suggests minor changes in the clay matrix during the firing process, and therefore low firing temperatures and/or brief firing processes (Tite 1995; Whitbread 1995). The most common grain size of the non plastics is between fine and medium grain (with the highest frequencies normally around a millimetre in diameter), although there are exceptions depending on which pottery group we are referring to. On the other hand, the sorting of the aplastic particles is usually poor, which undoubtedly must be related to the heterogeneity presented by the temper included in the paste (Whitbread 1995). These non plastic components show clear signs of transport, with the typical appearance of rounded to sub-rounded grains of alluvial sedimentary materials with different states of textural maturity in most of the cases. Less frequent, but also present are sands that have suffer maritime transport. Bearing in mind the petrographic characteristics of the pottery pastes observed under the microscope and the nature of the non plastics found, these have been grouped in several sets, which are described below.

Group 1: Fragments of basalt with fresh olivines • Voids: Channels, planar and vughs. Parallel to walls. Single to open spaced. • Temper: Single to open spaced. Randomly oriented.

14.5 Analysis of pre-Hispanic ceramic pastes First of all the pottery sherds from structure 12 of La Cueva Pintada were analysed by a visual inspection and with the help of a low power stereo microscope. Groups were made according to fabrics identified, selecting representative individuals of the resulting groups. Eleven thin sections were then taken for petrography studies (Table 14.1). A systematic description of the thin sections was made (Whitbread 1989; 1995) and a modal analysis

• Matrix: PPL orange-brown. XP highly active, orangeyellow. This fabric is represented by ceramics with fragments of ultra-basic and basic volcanic rock with a porphyric, vacuolar texture (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9), with micro phenocrysts of colourless olivine and clinopyroxenes of green and yellow tones and, sometimes, with marginal zoning (varieties of augite). The groundmass of the rock fragments is dark coloured, although it usually turns paler

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M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela in central areas. Rounded vacuoles are also observed, sometimes coalescent, and without mineral filler. On the other hand, there are fragments of basic, porphyric rock with micro-phenocrysts of augite and iddingsitised olivine, to a lesser extent, on the edges. The groundmass is fine grained, comprising of iddingsitised olivine, clinopyroxene and an opaque glassy matrix. Other inclusions found in the paste are the fragments of microlithic, feldspar rock and dark glassy or golden groundmass material are less abundant.

Fragments of felsic rock are scarce, they have a microlithic fluidal texture with orange-coloured glassy groundmass, and micro to crypto-crystalline masses of mafic minerals (altered olivine and augite).

Group 4: Glass with stretched vesicles • Voids: vughs running parallel/oblique to the surfaces. Single spaced to open spaced. • Temper: Close or open spaced. Randomly oriented. • Matrix: PPL yellow brown with dark cores and D+ textural concentrations. XP yellow and orange.

Group 2: Bioclastic sands • Voids: vughs and vesicles. Single to double-spaced. • Temper: close o single spaced. Randomly oriented. • Matrix: PPL yellowish. XP active, yellowish colour. This group of pottery is characterised by the abundant presence of aplastic inclusions of sizes below 0.7 mm (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9). In general, these are fragments of rock and volcanic minerals together with rounded and sub-rounded bioclasts, showing a high level of maturity. Fragments of basic rock of porphyric texture with phenocrysts of augite and olivine, and fine-grained groundmass comprising of glass and mafic, opaque microcrystals of feldspars are conspicuous by their abundance. These grains are similar to those described in the previous fabric, with olivine crystals that have suffered partial or total iddingsitation. There are also fragments of basic porphyric rock with small olivine crystals, with a far lower degree of alteration, and opaque, glassy groundmass.

The feldspar (plagioclases) crystals are the predominant aplastic component in this group of pottery. It is the only group in which the mineral fraction exceeds the other non-plastic components (fragments of rock, volcanic glass and other minerals) (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9). These plagioclases show prismatic and tabular forms or they have a simple (Carlsbad) twin or no twin at all, and in some cases polysynthetic twinning is observed. The mafic minerals on the other hand, are scarce or absent (amphiboles and to a lesser extent, cream or green-coloured clinopyroxenes and iron and titanium oxy-hydroxides, which appear as opaque crystals). Fragments of volcanic glass on the other hand, are common, including the presence of some light-coloured ones with lentil or tabular-shaped vacuoles that have not been found in the other thin sections examined. Other, orange-coloured fragments appear with the other fragments, with vacuolar texture and round and ellipseshaped voids.

Group 5: Phenocrysts of haüyne Group 3: Basalts with iddingsitised olivines • Voids: Variable in morphology and quantity. Single to open spaced. • Temper: close to double spaced. Randomly oriented. • Matrix: PPL ochre and orange; XP orange to yellowish. This group is characterised by a presence of fragments of ultra-basic and basic rock with vitrophyre-like texture containing micro-phenocrysts of olivine and augite, similar to those described in Group 1 (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9). But in this case, the olivine crystals present clear signs of alteration, as they are iddingsitised and pseudo-morphed. Fragments of volcanic glass with similar characteristics to the groundmass of fragments of this kind are also frequent. Fragments of porphyric rock with fine grain microcrystalline groundmass similar to those described in the three previous fabrics are also common. These fragments present micro-phenocrysts of iddingsitised olivine and augite, sometimes forming small aggregates of crystals (glomero-porphyric texture). A similar percentage of crystals of feldspar have been found, generally fine grained and with no signs of alteration. 180

• Voids: planar, vughs and vesicles. Parallel / oblique to walls. Double to open spaced. • Temper: Close or open spaced. Randomly oriented. • Matrix: PPL orange (TF D+). XP very active orange tone. The main aplastics in this group are fragments of basic, intermediate rock with porphyric, sequential textures (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9), with cream-coloured microphenocrysts of clinopyroxene, sometimes with marginal zoning, haüyne of blue tones and generally with dark reaction edges and, to a lesser extent, micro-phenocrysts of amphiboles, with a crown of amorphous material, and opaques (iron and titanium oxy-hydroxides). The groundmass of these fragments is comprised of microlites and mafic minerals (opaques). The other inclusions and non plastics are very scarce or rare. These include mafic crystals (green-coloured sodium clinopyroxens and brown amphibole) and feldspars with polysynthetic twins. Rare crystals of biotite and feldespatoids have also been observed. Finally, fragments of hypohyaline rock with microlithic texture and glassy groundmass of orange-coloured tones have been found.

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Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities

Group 6: Basic fluid texture rock • Voids: channels, vughs and vesicles. Single to open spaced. • Temper: Close to double spaced, randomly oriented. • Matrix: PPL red-brown to black (core). XP active, yellowish and orangey colours. Fragments of felsic (intermediate) rock of trachytephonolite compositions are frequently found in this group of pottery (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9), with micro-lithic and fluidal textures, and the groundmass presents green, dark brown or black tones (glassy). Some fragments of basic rock of porphyric texture have also been identified, with phenocrysts of clinopyroxene and micro-lithic fluid textured matrix. Opaques are present in the matrix, and rarely as phenocrysts. Together with these fragments, there are others of basic rock of similar composition but with smaller crystals with porphyric, glomero-porphyric textures containing microphenocrysts of augite and micro-crystalline, sometimes crypto-crystalline groundmass, with an abundant presence of opaque minerals. Some prismatic crystals of feldspar have also been observed (sometimes forming clusters of several individuals) and, to a lesser extent, of mafic minerals (basically clinopyroxenes similar to those found in the lithic fragments).

Group 7: Altered feldspars • Voids: channels, sometimes running in parallel to the surfaces. Close to open spaced. • Temper: close or open spaced, with no clear orientation. • Matrix: PPL variable-coloured related to firing, ochre brown to black. XP active yellowish to reddish tones. The common thread running through this fabric is the presence of K-feldspar crystals with major sericitic alteration (Figure 14.7 and Figure 14.9). With these are also found other feldspars of fresh appearance, without twins. Moreover, fragments of felsic rock of microlitic texture are common, with opaque groundmass, possibly made up of altered volcanic glass. Opaque volcanic glass masses are also common. Finally in the category of miscellaneous, we have included other clay inclusions of greater optic density than the matrix (D+). This group must include the vessel that may possibly be related with the pre-Hispanic pottery tradition of La Gomera.

14.6 Discussion As Bourdieu (1980, 441–461) so relevantly points out, the domestic space, and above all the house, has the status of a microcosm, of a miniature image of the "natural" and "social" world. It is for this very reason that it is in the dwellings that the world of objects reaches its peak and where the relations that are liable to be established between

things, people and practises best illustrate the schemes generated by the habitus. This fact makes the study of the houses and their belongings particularly enlightening in the analysis of a process of colonial transition such as this. The spatial conception and the building techniques and materials used for structure 12 of the Cueva Pintada dwelling site suggest that it is linked to indigenous domestic architecture, without any apparent singularities as far as we know to date. The repertoires associated with its last functional episode however, reflect a range of different origins and traditions that force us to consider a series of questions about the real individual and collective identity of its final inhabitants and, in short, about the active role that these objects may have played, as both cause and effect at the same time, in the process of acculturation and ethnic construction. In other words, is this merely a case of Canary Island indigenous people who were assimilated to a greater or lesser extent? Or, on the other hand, are there any signs of the presence of other players associated with the new "colonial order"? How do the things and the house that contains them help to express, hide, or openly deny the dynamics of integration, resistance or subversion. The study of the pottery recovered may offer some clues in our attempt to answer these questions. The repertoire of indigenous forms reconstructed to date reveals a variety of types, related to the functions of storage, cooking, preparation and serving of food. The vessels that we have been able to reconstruct show many of the general characteristics traditionally associated with the pre-Hispanic pottery of the island. There are however, important differences in the finish with regard to the shape, capacity and other functional aspects that must be taken into consideration and added to the information that has been contributed by the evolutionary proposals made for the pottery of Gran Canaria to date. The study of the pottery pastes has enabled us to observe the size distribution of the non-plastic elements found, indicating that, at least in some cases, they were added intentionally, following bimodal distributions (Whitbread 1995). On top of this, there is an upper limit to the grain size of the largest fraction of the paste of around 2 mm (already reported in Fabbri and Maldera 1989), which could be related to some kind of intentional selection of grain size, such as sieving. Most of these aplastics seem to come from nearby sources of supply. Moreover, the description of most of the fabrics coincides with the materials present in the geological surrounding of the site, forming part of the Ciclo I and Ciclo III, both of them found in the area in study (Balcells et al. 1992; Ancochea et al. 2004). Regarding the temperature of firing, birefringence was observed in the matrix in crossed nicols in all the specimens. This fact indicates a low degree of modification of the matrix due to low firing temperatures. The recurrence of decorative forms and compositions on this pottery, together with the use of local raw materials and comparable working processes, would appear to suggest a certain identifying "style". This will include other nearby sites, such as the archaeological area of La Guancha, El Agujero and Bocabarranco, as well as the town of Gáldar, in possible relation to the petrographic groups of bioclastic

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M. del Pino Curbelo, M. C. González Marrero, J. Onrubia Pintado, J. I. Sáenz Sagasti and J. Mangas Viñuela sands (number 2). The two kinds of recipients that have been described above under the heading of "other forms" seem to differ from this style, although with significant differences between the two. We refer on the one hand to the "colander" and, on the other, to the unusual pottery that all signs seem to associate with indigenous productions from the island of La Gomera. Regarding the "colander", and even though some technical and decorative aspects clearly relate it to preHispanic Canary Island pottery, it is worth considering whether its peculiar typology is not more closely related to the influence of a different tradition. And we are not referring here to the need to take into consideration the fact that making these pieces using the hand building technique (coiling) formed part of the know-how of other individuals who at some time or another made pottery in Gran Canaria, such as mainland Spanish craftsmen (e.g. Serra and de la Rosa 1965, 141; Sempere 1999), indigenous people from the other islands or Moorish slaves (Navarro 1999; Zamora and Jiménez 2008). We refer above all to the possibility that the manufacture and use of vessels of this kind could be linked to a modification of eating habits introduced into the island by these other players. For this to be so of course, first of all, we would have to certify the fact that their function was less related to the manufacture of cheese, which, despite the controversy on the matter, we are certain that the aboriginal inhabitants of Gran Canaria engaged in, than with steaming ground cereals. And second, we would have to prove that this form of culinary preparation, characterised by making cous-cous, for example, a frequent foodstuff among the Moors, was really unknown to the indigenous Canary Islanders. Although narrative sources appear to confirm this ignorance, we cannot forget the fact that a piece has been found in a primary deposit from the first phase of occupancy of this site, albeit of a different kind and as the result of re-use, which shows several perforations in the base. The issue of the possible presence of a vessel from La Gomera in structure 12 of the Cueva Pintada dwelling site is no minor one. If the relationship of this piece with the pre-Hispanic pottery tradition of another island were to be confirmed, it would certify the genetic multiplicity of the site under study and, therefore, the complexity of the acculturation process itself. This pottery could only have reached the island at that time because, apart from the fact that the batch it belongs to has been dated to the end of the 15th century or beginning of the 16th century, we know that sailing between islands as far apart as La Gomera and Gran Canaria was far from a common event in preHispanic times. This by no means answers the question of the immediate cause for its presence in this dwelling. The arrival of indigenous people from the island of La Gomera in Gran Canaria during the conquest of the island (1477–1483) is well documented. In fact, right from the beginning of military operations, many of them, slaves set free by the feverish activity on their behalf of Bishop Juan de Frías, were wandering around the Real de Las Palmas camp. It is also well known 182

that a significant number of them formed part of the contingent that harried the Canary Islanders from Agaete Tower, a few kilometres to the south of Gáldar, under the command of Alonso de Lugo and Hernán Peraza, future Lord of La Gomera. As far as we know, these Gomera Islanders returned home to their own island at the end of 1482, when Fernando Guanarteme, a leading member of the indigenous Canary Island aristocracy living in this indigenous village, returned to Mainland Spain after reaching an agreement with the Castilians. His presence was no longer essential with the arrival of new reinforcements from the mainland in the same expedition, such as the two hundred crossbowmen from Biscay under the command of Miguel de Mújica, and above all with the determined collaboration that the Canary Islanders from Gáldar were to provide from then on in controlling and suppressing the final focuses of resistance of their fellow indigenous inhabitants. The possibility that some of these Gomera Islanders initially posted in the Tower of Agaete remained on the island during the rest of the military campaign and once the island was "pacified" cannot be entirely ruled out. Whatever happened, the presence of indigenous Gomera Islanders on Gran Canaria started to become really significant once the conquest was completed, due to the repression of a series of up-risings that occurred on La Gomera that culminated in the assassination of Hernán Peraza in 1488. These rebellions were finally put down once and for all, with the help of a large group of indigenous people from Gran Canaria, mainly from Galdar, with mass executions and mass deportations of the natives of the island to other islands of the Archipelago that had already been conquered, or to Mainland Spain. Gradually, and thanks to the intermediation of "procurers", including some indigenous Canary Islanders who took over from Bishop Frías, who died in 1485, in defending the indigenous Gomera Islanders who had been unjustly enslaved were saved, and in the case of those exiled to the mainland, they gradually returned to the islands. It is interesting to point out that many of the indigenous Gomera Islanders reached Gran Canaria from Tenerife, were we find them as soon as it was conquered (1496), continually harried by the Council. As far as we know (Betancor 2003, 203–242), the Gomera Islanders deported to Gran Canaria preferred to settle in the south of the island, the coastal strip between Arguineguín and the mouth of the Tirajana Ravine, and further upstream along this ravine, between Tunte and Fataga, re-using the dwellings of the pre-Hispanic dwelling site to a significant extent. But they probably also settled in other parts of the island, including Gáldar. For all the above, explaining the presence of a vessel such as the one found in Cueva Pintada in Gran Canaria is not a simple task. In the light of the narrative of events presented above, there is a range of different possibilities. It is possible that the pottery was made in La Gomera and reached Gran Canaria directly, or via some other territory where there were settlements of Gomera Islanders. In this case, their bearers could have been either these indigenous Gomera Islanders, aboriginal Canary Islanders or European settlers, including the inhabitants of the feudal islands,

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Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities the conquerors and first people to re-settle Gran Canaria, who maintained some kind of contact with them. The vessel could also have been made in Gran Canaria by some aboriginal Gomera Islander settled here temporarily or permanently. Unfortunately, the study of the pottery pastes is not yet conclusive with regard to resolving this issue. It is true that the analysis of its degreasants, where sericitised feldspar crystals appear that seem to indicate a plutonic origin of at least part of these elements, does not appear to contradict the possibility of an exotic origin. It so happens that this kind of rock, not to be found in the proximities of the site, can however be found in areas of the Tejeda intra-caldera, at the very summit of Gran Canaria, not far from where there are some of the well documented Gomera Islander settlements. Only new studies will be able to reliably determine the origin of the raw materials used to make this pottery and decide whether these are imported finished products or locally made by indigenous Gomera Islanders, very probably women, perhaps forming mixed domestic units, made up of natives of different origin, indigenous people and settlers—as some documents suggest. The presence of European pottery also poses similar problems as those posed by the imported materials, and their relative weight in comparison with the indigenous repertoires, in any context of colonial transition (e.g. Gosden 2004; Stein 2005). The data available at this time does not allow us a precise idea of the real proportion of either the one or the other. We can however, highlight the typological variability of the vessels imported from Mainland Spain that could suggest the existence of some new aspects in the form of presenting food and, therefore, in table manners, perhaps relating to the process of acculturation. Another fact worth emphasising is the exceptional character of some of the fine ware, such as those decorated with cuerda seca or lustre ware. The presence of this luxurious tableware speaks volumes of the high social status of the inhabitants of this dwelling, without saying as much in words, be they pure bred Canary Islanders, or a mixture of Gran Canaria natives and European settlers of different origin that, together with the indigenous people of the other islands, Moors and blacks, characterises the multi-cultural and mixed society that settled the incipient Hispano-Canary Island town of Gáldar. And we are just starting to catch the first glimpses of this entangled social reality thanks to the study of the pottery recovered in the indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada.

14.7 Final remarks The results obtained in the study of the structure 12 of Cueva Pintada represents a valuable testimony of the entangled acculturation process that took place in the Canary Islands for more than three centuries. The analysis of its ceramic productions has witnessed how the cohabitation of different cultural groups, and the development of stable inter and extra-insular communications, affected the lifestyle of the aboriginal population. In this sense, this paper represents the first

attempt to study those inter-insular relations through the study of material culture, normally outshined by the opposition between European and local materiality. Moreover, ceramic pastes characterization has allowed us to approach to the aboriginal production-consumption patterns of indigenous pottery, pointing to the use of local resources. In spite of that it can be said that raw materials employed were quite diverse, what can be possibly related to the co-existence of various productions at the site at the same time. Nevertheless, more work is needed in order to give an extensive explanation to the results obtained during our analysis. The lack of data to compare them with makes sometimes difficult to recognize which of the characteristics observed are part of the changes related to the acculturation process and which ones can be considered a relict from aboriginal traditions.

Acknowledgements This paper is the result of the collaboration between the members of two research projects: Arqueología de la aculturación y de la colonización. Gentes, objetos, animales y plantas europeos en Gran Canaria (ss. XV–XVI) (Gobierno de Canarias, ProId20100180, co-funded by ACIISI and FEDER) and Las relaciones sociales de producción en la isla de Gran Canaria en época preeuropea y colonial. Análisis de los procesos de trabajo (Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, Gobierno de España HAR2010-19328). This study is included in the project Technological impact in the colonial New World. Cultural change in pottery archaeology and archaeometry (Tecnolonial) (HAR2012-33784, HAR200802834/HIST) funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Spanish Government). Miguel del Pino Curbelo has a grant from the ACIISI, Gobierno de Canarias (Formación de Personal Investigador ACIISI, co-funded 85 % by FEDER).

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Sample

Petrographic group

CP 90-1 P CP 164-1 H CP 164-2 H CP 149P CP 234 P CP 382-1 P CP 382-2 P CP 470-2 P CP 485-1 P CP 485-2 P CP 535-1 P

Fragments of basalt with fresh olivines Basalts with iddingsitised olivines Glass with stretched vesicles Bioclastic sands Phenocrysts of Hauyne Basalts with iddingsitised olivines Basic fluid texture rock Altered feldspars Altered feldspars Basalts with iddingsitised olivines Bioclastic sands

Table 14.1: Samples selected and their pretrographic group correspondence.

Name

Description

Mafic lithics (ML)

Usually Porphidic texture Phenocrysts: Olivine and clinopyroxene Groundmass: feldspars, olivine, clinopyroxene, opaques and volcanic glass

Felsic lithic (FL)

Rock fragments formed mainly by feldspars Volcanic glass presents in variable quantities

Ferromagnesian minerals (FM)

Olivine, clinopyroxene, anphibole, opaques

Felsic minerals (FS)

Feldspars, feldspathoids, zeolites

Volcanic glass (VG) Voids (V) Groundmass (G)

Diameters smaller than 0.05 mm

Others

Table 14.2: Set of variables defined for point counting.

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10 km

Figure 14.1: Location and geological context (modified from ITGE 1990).

Cueva Pintada

0

5

N

0

1 km

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Figure 14.2: Plan of the archaeological site and location of the structure 12.

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Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities

Figure 14.3: Structure 12.

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Figure 14.4: Most common aboriginal ceramic types found in the structure.

Figure 14.5: Other shapes related to indigenous archaeological levels.

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Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities

Mafic

Figure 14.6: Average temper categories proportions for petrographic groups.

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Other Volcanic glass Felsic mineral Ferromagnesian mineral Felsic lithic Mafic lithic

Figure 14.7: Grain size distribution.

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Pottery at the Indigenous dwelling site of Cueva Pintada (13th –16th AD) (Gáldar, Gran Canaria, Spain). Contacts, conflicts and ethnic identities

Figure 14.8: Ternary diagram showing relation among temper proportion (T), pores (P) and groundmass (G).

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Figure 14.9: Microphotographs of thin sections of representative samples (PPL).

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15

Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic

Marlieke Ernst and Corinne L. Hofman Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, Van Steenis Building, Einsteinweg 2, 2333 CC Leiden (The Netherlands) ([email protected], [email protected]) Ceramics have been a major trade object since Europeans first set foot ashore in the Caribbean. Low-tech fabric and microscopic analysis of potsherds combined with spatial, contextual and post-depositional data of early colonial ceramics from the indigenous settlement site of El Cabo in south-eastern Hispaniola reveals new insights into the ways in which the Amerindian inhabitants perceived the European materials entering their village as luxury items. This paper discusses the nature and quantity of European ceramics present at El Cabo in the context of early trade contacts between Amerindians and Europeans in the island. KEYWORDS: CARIBBEAN ARCHAEOLOGY, HISPANIOLA, INDIGENOUS SETTLEMENT SITE, EUROPEAN TRADE WARE, COLONIAL INTERACTION

15.1 Introduction I forbade that anything so worthless as fragments of broken platters, and pieces of broken glass, and strap buckles, should be given them; although when they were able to get such things, they seemed to think they had the best jewel in the world, [...] (Columbus 1493 [in Eliot 2001]). Both in the Caribbean and in Europe pottery has a long history of being used for storage, serving and cooking, but also as a luxury, ritual or trade ware. The meaning of ceramics within societies of both regions changed radically after the first encounters in 1492. Both Amerindians and Europeans encountered new types of material culture, new forms of ceramics and new trade systems (Keehnen 2011; 2012; Mol 2011). Both parties perceived each other and each other’s material culture from fundamentally different worldviews. From early accounts by Spanish chroniclers it becomes apparent how Europeans viewed the indigenous material culture (Las Casas 1992; Pané 1999). However, due to the lack of indigenous written sources there is no ethnohistorical information as to how European material culture was perceived by the indigenous populations of the Caribbean. Investigations by the Caribbean Research Group (Leiden University) in collaboration with the Museo del Hombre Dominicano at the archaeological site of El Cabo in the south-eastern part of the Dominican Republic (Figure 15.1) have uncovered early colonial European materials in an indigenous settlement setting dating to the early 1500s

(Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Samson and Hoogland 2013; Valcárcel et al. 2013). In order to get an understanding of how the inhabitants of the early colonial component of this settlement perceived the "exotic" ceramics entering their village, a multi-facetted approach has been designed. This approach includes low-tech fabric analysis to document the texture of the clay bodies, microscopic analysis of pot sherds to identify possible intentional modification, and spatial, contextual and postdepositional analysis to establish the distribution pattern, find context and trampling rate of the early colonial ceramics at the site. Comparison with previous studies at the indigenous settlement of En Bas Saline (Haiti) and the two Spanish towns of La Isabela (Dominican Republic) and Puerto Real (Haiti) will contextualise the presence of European ceramics at El Cabo and their potential role in the early trade contacts between Amerindians and Europeans in the island.

15.2

Cultural setting of the Caribbean on the eve of the European conquest

Thousands of years of migration, interaction and cultural exchange between islanders and with mainland communities of South and Central America had resulted in the mosaic of peoples and cultures at the time of contact (Curet and Hauser 2011; Hofman et al. 2007; Hofman and Bright 2010; Rodríguez 2010; Rouse 1992; Wilson 2007). The Amerindian inhabitants encountered by the Spanish in the Greater Antilles are commonly known as Taíno (Rouse

M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman 1992). Taíno is a collective term used by scholars for a number of Native Caribbean groups who spoke a mutual intelligible Arawak language, and shared a great number of characteristics. It must be noted here that the usage of the term Taíno denotes heterogeneity, and does by no means refer to a single cultural group (Hofman and Carlin 2010; Hofman et al. 2008). Likewise, none of the 16th century chroniclers used the word Taíno in an ethnic or tribal way, they normally just used the word Indios. The indigenous peoples of the island most likely referred to themselves by the names of the island they lived on (Oliver 2009; Rouse 1992, 5). Irving B. Rouse (1986, 1992) made one of the major contributions to the recognition of the cultural and sociopolitical dissimilarities that existed among the various Amerindian peoples in the Greater Antilles. He made the division between different groups: Western Taíno on Jamaica, most of Cuba and the Bahamas; Classic Taíno on eastern Cuba and the islands of Hispaniola and Puerto Rico; and Eastern Taíno on most of the Virgin Islands, and possibly some of the Leeward Islands. Nowadays many researchers prefer to dismiss the word Taíno. The indigenous peoples of Hispaniola are known to have been politically and socially organized into hierarchical, nonegalitarian chiefdoms each led by a chief, named cacique. Subordinate to the chiefs were the nitainos and naborias, whom the Spanish associated with nobles and commoners. The chief could be either male or female and had political and religious power. Often the chief was attended by a religious specialist called the behique (Rouse 1992). Their subsistence economy was mainly based on the exploitation of marine resources and the cultivation of root crops, such as manioc, sweet potato, yam and zamia. Classic Taíno material culture is characterized by ceramics of the Chicoid series (Rouse 1992). The Amerindians were also involved in extensive trade and exchange networks. Amongst the trade goods were cotton, ground and polished stone beads and pendants, ornaments and tools of carved shell, bone, stone, wood as well as ceramics, gold, tobacco, foods and feathers (Mol 2011; Cooper et al. 2008). In addition to the multi-scalar inter-community networks which functioned on local, regional and pan-Caribbean scales (Hofman et al. 2007; Hofman and Bright 2010; Hofman and Hoogland 2011), the elites upheld intricate local trade networks, exchanging amongst each other (Mol 2007; Oliver 2009). They exchanged scarce or luxury items to establish and enhance political relationships (Deagan 2002, 30–40; Pané 1999, 21–22; Rouse 1992, 9–17).

15.3 Methods and approach A sample of the European ceramics (45 potsherds) of the early colonial component of the site of El Cabo was submitted to the following set of analyses: 1. Low-tech fabric analysis was carried out in cooperation with the Ceramic Laboratory of the Faculty of Archaeology, Leiden University, to document the texture of the clay bodies, in order to establish whether the pot sherds belonged to one or more vessels or whether they were traded as 196

individual sherds. The latter possibility is suggested by the historical sources which clearly state that individual sherds were used as trading objects (Eliot 2001). By fabric is meant the composition of a fired pottery; the total appearance of matrix and inclusions. It implies the texture, colour, hardness, type of non-plastics, their shape, size, quality, the presence of pores and cracks and their shape (Orton et al. 1993; Rice 1987). Since establishing the provenance of colonial pottery at El Cabo was not the focus of this study, the decision was made not to make a characterization of the mineralogical constituents of the sherds. Instead, fabric and the texture of the inclusions were studied. A binocular microscope with a magnification of 20X was used to perform the fabric analysis. 2. A microscopic analysis was performed to identify possible intentional modification of the pot sherds. Abrasion and perforation are possible ways to intentionally modify the pot sherds to make them into other objects. Several examples of modifications of European objects by the Amerindians are known from the Americas in general and the Caribbean more specifically; e.g. spoons being remodelled into pendants, forks being used as hair pins, abraded sherds being used as miniature pot lids or game pieces and needles of a navigator’s compass being turned into pendants (Dongen 1995; Knight 2010; Roe and Montañez 2011; Torres and Carlson 2011). A binocular microscope with a magnification of 10X and 20X was used to study the surface and the plane of the cracks. 3. Spatial and contextual analyses were applied to examine the distribution pattern and find contexts of European ceramics in the site in comparison to the Amerindian pottery. The spatial distribution of European and Amerindian ceramics across the site will be used to infer potential differential treatment of both wares before and after disposal. 4. Post-depositional processes were investigated to determine whether the European and Amerindian ceramics shared the same life-cycles before and after their deposition. The primary focus here is the possible variation in the rate of trampling between both wares. For this purpose a sample of 56 Amerindian (Chicoid) sherds was selected for comparison with the European materials. Trampling by humans and animals has been recognized as a major process by which archaeological materials and deposits are transformed in their formal and spatial attributes (Nielsen 1991; Schiffer 1983; 1987; Stockton 1973). In this sense, it is hypothesized that under normal conditions sherds of both wares would break in the same manner if they were of the same quality. The hardness of the pottery is of major importance with regards to trampling damage. The hardness of fired clay is influenced by several variables; i.e. the condition of the firing (temperature or firing atmosphere), the kind

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic of inclusions, microscopic features and the surface treatment (Rice 1987, 354–357; Orton et al. 1993, 69– 70). Since soft material is more easily damaged than hard material under the same trampling conditions the hardness of both the El Cabo Amerindian and European ceramics has been measured with Moh’s mineral hardness scale (Rice 1987, 354–357). 5. A comparative study with contextual information from other early colonial period sites in Hispaniola was deemed important to assess the presence of European ceramics at El Cabo and the nature of the trade contacts that led to their deposition at the site. For this purpose we have looked at the data from the indigenous settlement of En Bas Saline and the two Spanish towns of La Isabela and Puerto Real.

15.4 The indigenous settlement site of El Cabo The archaeological site of El Cabo is situated in the Higüey region on the south-eastern coast of the Dominican Republic in the Altagracia Province. Just offshore is a coral reef crest, where the waves break on the shallow part of the coral. This forms a protective barrier against big waves and storms coming from sea. Inland the site is surrounded by limestone cliffs, sheltering many caves. There is no direct access to the sea for people or boats. The nearest landing point is an inlet 4 km to the south, even though this is not the most convenient situation for fishing and seafaring it makes the site more easily defensible. The El Cabo landscape is comprised of eroded limestone with many water basins present (Hofman et al. 2006; 2008; Samson 2010). The Higüey region is important for Hispaniolan archaeology since it plays an important role in narratives of the origin of the indigenous peoples (Hofman et al. 2008; Samson 2010). The region has been a focus point in previous research by many scholars in which the site of El Cabo has been characterized as "one of the numerous coastal sites which occur along the coast at regular intervals between Cabo Engaño and Santo Domingo" (Ortega 1978; Samson 2010, 94–97). Excavation of the site took place between 2005 and 2008 by a team from Leiden University, in collaboration with the Museo del Hombre Dominicano, under the direction of Dr. Menno Hoogland and Prof. dr. Corinne Hofman and financed by the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (project number 360-62-030). The field team consisted of students from Leiden University and local inhabitants of the present-day hamlet of El Cabo. The aims of the research were to study the organization of settlement space and residence rules in a Taíno village community through the study of posthole features, burials and distribution of material culture (Hofman et al. 2006). During the four years of investigation a total of 1000 m2 was excavated (Figure 15.2). Radiocarbon samples provided a range of dates between the 7th and early 16th century. At its primetime, between AD 900 and 1400, the site was probably occupied by half a dozen neighbouring

groups, in clusters of three to five houses. The house structures in the core habitation area of the settlement (see Figure 15.2 main excavation unit) represent continuity in occupation from the 9th to the 16th century in the form of house trajectories. Houses were rebuilt in the same way after they were dismantled (Samson 2010). The material assemblage associated with this later component of the site consists of Chicoid ceramics and associated materials and paraphernalia. As in almost every other site in Hispaniola marine shell is the other large category of finds. The majority consists of molluscs which have been interpreted as food remains (Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Samson and Hoogland 2013; Valcárcel et al. 2013). However, it is possible that some of the shell residue was used for tools such as scrapers (de Ruiter 2009). There is also shell paraphernalia such as beads and pendants, earplugs and inlays presumably for wooden statues. In addition, there are stone and bone ornaments and tools (Hofman et al. 2008). In some areas of the site this material is mixed with early European colonial materials, such as in sectors 50 and 51 of the main excavation unit (Figure 15.2). The roughly 120 European artefacts which have been recovered include 100 ceramic sherds, five glass beads a few fragments of glass, animal bone and fragments of unidentifiable iron objects. Based on the number of artefacts, the site of El Cabo would seem, at first glance, a contact site in which European materials are poorly represented indicating short or indirect interaction (Hofman et al. 2014; Samson 2010; Samson and Hoogland 2013; Valcárcel et al. 2013).

Ceramic analysis After preliminary analysis in the Dominican Republic, a sample of 45 European ceramic sherds was taken to Leiden for further study (Figure 15.3). The 45 sherds were all between 1.3 and 5.1 cm long, with the majority of them being between 1 and 2 cm. The wall thickness of the sherds rather uniform; most sherds are about 1 cm thick, with some exceptions towards half a centimetre. The total weight of the sherds is 199 gr with an average sherd weight of 4.4 gr. Only four sherds are rims, one is a handle, three are fragments of handles (two of them fit together) and the rest are wall fragments. The rim pieces were too small to identify the exact shape of the original vessel. The handle has been identified as a Vertical handle (French 2004, 25). Five sherds were identified as pieces of plates and the rest are pieces of an independent restricted vessel with a composite contour. Most sherds are glazed with a green tin glaze but five pieces are decorated with a white/gray paste. None of the other ceramics are decorated or glazed. The type of glazing and the appearance of the sherds made it possible to identify two types of ceramics. The green glazed sherds are pieces of an Olive Jar which because of the handle type could be identified as an Early Style Jar (1500–1570). The rims have been identified as a Type A1 Rim according to the system of Goggin (Marken 1994, 51). The white glazed sherds are most likely to be Columbia Plain sherds from

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M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman a plate. The sherds all have the typical characteristics of Columbia Plain; a light white paste with fine minerals as inclusions, rather thick walls, some imperfections and the flattened shape of a plate with no flattened rim. The low-tech fabric analysis resulted into two types of fabric. Within both types the clay and temper are highly homogenous; all clays are of a white backing paste and all are tempered with sand (olive jar) or fine sand (Columbia Plain). All sherds were of a very hard baked type of ceramics (scale 3 on the Moh’s hardness scale). The analysis confirmed that the sherds pertained to only two vessels, one olive jar and one Columbia Plain plate. More in-depth analysis of the remainder of the collection of El Cabo, currently stored at the Museo del Hombre Dominicano in Santo Domingo, is necessary to confirm whether more sherds pertain to these two vessels. The microscopic analysis focussed on the surface and the plane of the cracks of the sherds. None of the sherds showed any signs of abrasion or other (intentional) modifications such as perforations that were made after the manufacture of the vessel. This suggests that individual sherds were not re-used after entering the site. The spatial analysis revealed that all sherds in the sample were recovered from a small area in the main excavation unit. This area is characterized by a lot of sweeping accumulations, with possible incidences of primary context finds. The deposits in this unit were so shallow that they probably do not represent the main or final dumping areas of the site. Waste was swept aside from the living area and created an accretion around an individual or a cluster of individual structures (Samson 2010). The distribution area of the colonial material can therefore be directly linked to a house trajectory (trajectory 2) in the habitation area (Figure 15.4). The material is clustered at the back of the latest house of this trajectory dated to the early 16th century; i.e. structures 21 and 38. One could argue that part of the artefacts may belong to house trajectory 1, since a fragment of a colonial glass bottle was recovered from a posthole from one of the structures in this trajectory. However, a fence between house trajectories 1 and 2 acted as a barrier between the houses indicating that the colonial finds are associated with house trajectory 2. House trajectory 2 has its origin in the 11th century and extends into the early 16th century. This trajectory is associated with some of the most elaborate finds in the main excavation unit. Next to the colonial material this trajectory also included the most elaborate Chicoid ceramics and other associated materials, i.e. the largest threepointer or trigonolith and a shell mask or guaíza. From the two guaízas that have been found at El Cabo, this was the most elaborate one. Although it is not entirely clear that whether these two objects are associated with house trajectory 2, the threepointer and the shell mask were found in natural hallows in the bedrock, suggesting artefact traps and/or deliberate deposition of these objects next to this house (Samson 2010, 151–281). The exceptional find of these artefacts may indicate that the house was the residence of an elite member or members of the community. Upon examination of the find contexts, and especially 198

at the variation between the way in which the colonial and Amerindian ceramics were discarded, it seems that the latter were deposited as typical sweeping material. Their distribution does not show any clear pattern. In contrast, the colonial ceramics appear to show a clear pattern of distribution within the disposal area. The olive jar was placed at the centre and flanked by two pieces of Columbia Plain. The European beads and the ornamental glass fragment were, possibly intentionally, positioned east of the olive jar. The deposition may have been done in small enclosed time "capsules". The deposition of objects into the ground within a certain pattern often indicates ritual disposal (Fontijn 2002). Also the disposal in small enclosed time "capsules" might indicate a ritual disposal. However, in contrast it can also mean that the sherds were not reused, lost their value and were thrown away at different times (Samson 2010, 283–284). The study of post-depositional processes focussed on the rate of trampling between the Amerindian and colonial ceramics. The colonial ceramics had a hardness of 3 on Moh’s hardness scale, while the Amerindian ceramics had a harness of 2.5. Striking is that the sample of 56 Amerindian sherds that were recovered in the same main excavation unit are not smaller than the colonial ones as was to be expected with softer sherds in a normal trampling process. The Amerindian sherds have an average weight of 3.6 gr., thus they were slightly lighter than the colonial sherds. The wall thickness of the Amerindian sherds is also a bit thinner overall (0.65 cm). This should result in smaller Amerindian sherds, but this is clearly not the case.

Comparison with contemporary sites in Hispaniola A comparison with contemporary sites in Hispaniola is made to assess the nature of the presence of European ceramics at El Cabo, and the underlying processes of trade and contact. En Bas Saline is a large Amerindian settlement site located on the north-eastern coast of present day Haiti. En Bas Saline is interpreted as the settlement of cacique Guancanagarí because of its large size and prominence in the region. The site was occupied from the pre-Columbian to the early colonial period, i.e. between AD 1250 and 1600. When comparing the prevalence of European materials with that of Amerindian materials it appears that there are few European artefacts and that they are of a rather small size. In total nine colonial sherds were recovered including one Columbia Plain, one Melado ware, and seven fragments of Biscocho. Deagan (2004, 10–31) proposes that there was a substantial early colonial occupation at En Bas Saline, but that the local indigenous community practice entailed few material alterations. The colonial encounter at this site was mainly a result of the annual labour draft, i.e. the encomienda system, in which Amerindian men moved to a nearby Spanish town for part of the year to work for the Spaniards while the women and children remained in the villages. La Isabela, located in the north-western part of the Dominican Republic, is the first European town in the Americas and was founded by Columbus on his first voyage

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic to the region. The settlement was built adjacent to an existing local Amerindian village, on the top of a rocky headland on the coast. Although La Isabela was a rather small settlement (about 150 x 190 m) and was occupied for only four years, many architectural structures and objects have been found at the site (Deagan and Cruxent 1993, 78–80). The European inhabitants of La Isabela were dependent on local materials and food economy. Many of the utilitarian ceramics or unglazed coarse wares recovered at the site were not imported from Spain, but manufactured locally (Deagan 1988, 208). However, the majority of the artefacts found at the site consist of European imported objects such as weaponry, clothing ornaments, coins, religious objects, and ceramics (Deagan and Cruxent 2002b). The most common types of ceramics are Columbia Plain, Melado, Vitreos, Loza Común and many types of majolicas. Most of these ceramics are utilitarian and were used in a domestic context for food consumption, but not for cooking. Most of the cooking was done using locally produced Amerindian ceramics (Deagan 2002b, 100–183; Deagan 1988, 208). Puerto Real is situated in north-eastern Haiti and the town is an outpost of the Spanish empire. The town was inhabited by Spanish, Amerindians and even Africans between 1503 and 1578. It was one of the first towns to be established as a colony of the Crown to control and exploit the people and resources of Hispaniola (Sauer 1966, 151– 155). Puerto Real reflects the Spanish adaptation to the use of local recourses. The land surrounding Puerto Real was not suitable for the cultivation of crops, therefore the citizens relied on trade for food supplies. In the second half of the 16th century, Puerto Real was ultimately abandoned (Deagan 1996, 83–110). The material culture remains from the site consist of predominantly ceramics (over 93 % of all materials recovered). Almost half of these ceramics is Amerindian. The vessels are thought to be used for cooking, and mainly food storage. Most of the colonial ceramics were of Spanish origin, but non-Spanish European and Asian ceramics were also found. All colonial ceramics consist of utilitarian wares, majolicas and non-majolica table wares. Glass, stone, metal and bone were also present amongst the artefacts (Deagan 1996). The European ceramics at Puerto Real show a large variety of ceramic types, some of them more common than others. Columbia Plain, UID (Unidentified) unglazed coarse earthen wares and the Olive Jar are the most prevailing types. The fact that the amount of Amerindian ceramics at Puerto Real is almost as large as the amount of colonial ceramics it is thought to be the result of the drafting of Amerindians for (forced) labour there. Women were brought in to cook for the Spaniards and they brought their own cooking pots with them (Deagan 1996, 200–210; Deagan 2004).

15.5 Discussion and conclusions The nature of the contact between the indigenous inhabitants of El Cabo and the Spaniards is not easy to establish. El Cabo is not named in the early historical sources. A map of Hispaniola from the beginning of the

16th century shows that the closest Spanish settlement to El Cabo is Santo Domingo, about 200 km away from the site. Santo Domingo was founded in 1498 by Bartholomew Columbus and no solid trading system is known to have been present between Santo Domingo and El Cabo. Initially the Higuey region was not exploited as an encomienda area. The first encounters in the region were mainly that the result of the Spanish trade of manioc between Santo Domingo and Isla Soana (Oliver 2009). It is therefore very likely that there was a significant, but not regular, Spanish presence in the Higuey region. On this basis, it is suggested here that the colonial assemblage in El Cabo is the result of a single instance of direct trade between the Spanish and the inhabitants of El Cabo, or alternatively the result of indirect (down the line) trade within local exchange networks. Since the first encounters between Amerindians and Spanish in the Greater Antilles, ceramics have played an important role in the exchange between the two societies. Many types of European ceramics have been encountered in indigenous sites throughout Hispaniola. The function of the European ceramics in indigenous sites like El Cabo, and En Bas Saline, clearly differs from the function of Amerindian pottery in an early Spanish town. In the former, European ceramics were clearly regarded as being of a higher value than local ceramics. A whole vessel or an individual sherd was likely seen as something valuable and not just for cooking or storage. In contrast, in the early Spanish towns, indigenous ceramics were brought in by the Amerindian labourers who were working for the Spanish. In this context the Amerindian ceramics were seen as utilitarian objects, mainly for cooking. It is noteworthy, although not surprising, that in all four sites Columbia Plain is one of the most prevalent types of ceramics. Although El Cabo seems to fit the pattern of early trade between Amerindians and Europeans in the island, it would be interesting to analyse the European ceramics from En Bas Saline, La Isabela and Puerto Real for their fabric composition, intentional modification, spatial distribution, find context and rate of trampling in a similar way as the El Cabo sherds in order to make a full comparison between the various assemblages. Only then will it be possible to infer how the European ceramics were incorporated into the different social settings and in the process were imbued with shifting values.

Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the organizing committee and the scientific committee of the conference for the invitation to participate in this publication. We would like to thank Dr. Menno Hoogland for facilitating the study of the colonial ceramics from El Cabo in the context of the project entitled "Houses for the Living and the Dead", financed by Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research. We appreciate his guidance and insights. We are thankful to Dr. Alice Samson for her suggestions and comments on the thesis version of this article by Marlieke Ernst; Loe Jacobs of the Leiden Ceramic Laboratory for helping with the fabric analysis; and Epko Bult for aiding

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M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman with the study of the post-depositional processes. We are also extremely grateful to Prof. Kathleen Deagan and Dr. Roberto Valcárcel Rojas for their original identification of the colonial materials from El Cabo. The maps and photographs are produced by Menno Hoogland, Alice Samson and Marlieke Ernst. Hayley Mickleburgh is thanked for revising the English language in this article.

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Town in Hispaniola, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Hofman, C. L., Bright, A. J., Boomert, A., and Knippenberg, S., 2007, Island Rhythems. The web of social relationships and interaction networks in the preColumbian Lesser Antilles, Latin American Antiquity, 18(3), 243–268. Hofman, C. L., and Bright, A. J., 2010, Towards a panCaribbean perspective of pre-colonial mobility and exchange: preface to a special volume of the Journal of Caribbean Archaeology, in Mobility and exchange from a pan-Caribbean perspective (eds. C. L. Hofman and A. J. Bright), Special Publication number 3, Journal of Caribbean archaeology, I-III. Hofman, C. L., and Hoogland, M. L. P., 2011, The multiscales of mobility and exchange in the pre-colonial circum-Caribbean, in Communities in contact. Essays in archaeology, Ethnohistory and Ethnography of the Amerindian circum-Caribbean (eds. C. L. Hofman and A. van Duijvenbode), 15–43, Sidestone Press, Leiden. Hofman, C. L., Hoogland, M. L. P., Samson, A. V. M., and Oliver, J. R., 2006, El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic, Presentation of the site and preliminary results of the 2005 campaign, El Caribe arqueológico, 9, 95–106. Hofman, C. L., Hoogland, M. L. P., and Samson, A. V. M., 2008, Investigaciones arqueológicos en El Cabo, oriente de la República Dominicana: resultados preliminares de las campañas 2005 y 2006, Boletín del Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 42, 307–316. Hofman, C. L., Mol, A. A. A., Hoogland, M. L. P., and Valcárcel Rojas, R., 2014, Stage of encounters: migration, mobility and interaction in the precolonial and early colonial Caribbean, World Archaeology, 46(4), 591–609. Keehnen, F. W. M., 2012, Trinkets (f)or Treasure: The role of European material culture in intercultural contacts in Hispaniola during early contact times, Unpublished Mphil thesis. Keehnen, F. W. M., 2011, Conflicting Cosmologies: The exchange of brilliant objects between the Taíno of Hispaniola and the Spanish, in Communities in Contact, essays in archaeology, ethnohistory & ethnography of the Amerindian circum-Caribbean (eds. C. L. Hofman and A. van Duijvenbode), 253–268, Sidestone Press, Leiden. Knight, V. J., 2010, La Loma del Convento: Its centrality to current issues in Cuban archaeology, in Beyond the Blockade: New Currents in Cuban Archaeology (eds. S. Kepecs, L. A. Curet and G. La Rosa Corzo), 26–46, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Las Casas, B. de, 1992, Historia de las Indias, 3 vols, A. SaintLu (ed.), Caracas, Fundación Bibliotheca, Ayacucho. Marken, M. W., 1994, Pottery from Spanish Shipwrecks, University of Florida Press, Gainesville. Mol, A. A. A., 2007, Costly Giving, Giving Guaízas: Towards an organic model of the exchange of social valuables in the Late Ceramic Age Caribbean, Sidestone Press, Leiden. Mol, A. A. A., 2011, Bringing interaction into higher spheres: Social distance in the late Ceramic Age

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Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic Greater Antilles as seen through ethnohistorical accounts and the distribution of social values, in Communities in Contact, essays in archaeology, ethnohistory & ethnography of the Amerindian circumCaribbean (eds. C. L. Hofman and A. van Duijvenbode), 15–43, Sidestone Press, Leiden. Nielsen, A., 1991, Trampling the archaeological record: An experimental study, American antiquity, 56, 483–508. Oliver, J. R., 2009, Caciques and cemí idols: The Web Spun by Taíno Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Ortega, E. J., 1978, Informe sobre investigaciones arqueológicas realizadas en la region este del pias, zona costera desde Macao a Punta Estada, Boletin del Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 11, 77–105. Orton, C., and Hughes, M., 1993, Pottery in archaeology, Cambridge. Pané, B., 1999, An account of the antiquities of the Indians, Translated by Griswold, Duke University Press, Durham. Rafinesque, C. S., 1836, The American Nations, 2 vol., Philadelphia. Rice, P. M., 1987, Pottery Analysis, A source book, University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Rodriguez Ramos, R., 2010, Close Encounters of the Caribbean Kind, in Islands at the Crossroads: Migration, Seafaring, and Interaction in the Caribbean (eds. L. A. Curet and M. Hauser), 164-192, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Roe, P. G., and Ortíz Montañes, H., 2011, Small vessels, precious contents: miniature pots and ceramic discs from the Punta Mameyes site (DO-42). Dorado, Puerto Rico, Paper presented at the XXIVth IACA Congress Martinique, July 2011. Rouse, I. B., 1992, The Taínos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus, Yale University Press, New

Haven. Ruiter, S. de, 2009, Analysis of shell material from El Cabo, Dominican Republic, Unpublished BA thesis. Samson, A. V. M., 2010, Renewing the House: Trajectories of social life in the yucayeque (community) of El Cabo, Higüey, Dominican Republic, AD 800 to 1504, Sidestone Press, Leiden. Sauer, C. O., 1966, The Early Spanish Main, University of Colombia Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles. Schiffer, M. B., 1983, Towards the identification of formation processes, American Antiquity, 48, 675– 706. Schiffer, M. B., 1987, Formation processes of the archaeological record, University of Mexico press, Albuquerque. Stockon, E., 1973, Shaw’s Creek shelter: Human displacements of artefacts and its significance, Mankind, 9, 112–117. Torres, J. M., and Carlson, L. A., 2011, Spindle whorls and fiber production: evidence from two Late Ceramic Age sites in eastern Puerto Rico, Paper presented at the XXIVth IACA Congress, Martinique July 2011. Valcárcel Rojas, R., Samson, A. V. M., and Hoogland, M. L. P., 2013, Indo-Hispanic dynamics: From contact to colonial interaction in the Greater Antilles, International Journal of Historical Archaeology. Walker, J. B., 2010, Lithics from Tibes Ceremonial Site: Analysis of the Stone Artefacts from the 1996–1999 Field Season, in Tibes. Power People and Ritual at the Centre of the Cosmos (eds. L. A. Curet and L. M. Stringer), University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Wilson, S. M., 2007, The Archaeology of the Caribbean, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Yeager, T. J., 1995, Encomienda or Slavery? The Spanish Crown’s Choice of Labor Organization in Sixteenth century Spanish America, Journal of Economic History, 55, 842–849.

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Figure
15.1:
Map
of
the
Caribbean
and
Hispaniola
with
the
location
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the
studied
sites.
Map
by
M.
Ernst.

M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman

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Shifting values: a study of Early European trade wares in the Amerindian site of El Cabo, eastern Dominican Republic

Figure 15.2: Site plan of El Cabo. Drawing by M. Hoogland.

Figure 15.3: Sample of the colonial ceramics from El Cabo: fragments of Columbia Plain (left) and Olive Jar (right). Photo by M. Hoogland.

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M. Ernst and C. L. Hofman

Figure 15.4: The spatial relation between the colonial finds and the house trajectories. The squares indicate the Olive Jar and the stars indicate the Columbia Plain. Illustration by A. Samson (Valcárcel Rojas, R., Samson, A. V. M., and Hoogland M. L. P., 2013).

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

Sergio Escribano Ruiz1 , Brad Loewen2 , Agustín Azkarate1,3 , Cristina P. Barrachina4 , Julio Nuñez5 and Yves Monette2 1- GPAC, University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Department of Geography, Prehistory and Archaeology, C. Tomas y Valiente, s.n., 01006 Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Université de Montréal, Département d’anthropologie, Pavillon Lionel-Groulx 3150 Jean-Brillant Montréal QC H3T 1N (Canada) ([email protected], [email protected]) 3- UNESCO Chair on Cultural Landscape and Heritage, CIEA Lascaray, Avda. Miguel de Unamuno, 3, 01006 VitoriaGasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) 4- ARQUB (GRACPE), University of Barcelona, Department de Prehistory, History and Archaeology, Montalegre, 6, 08001 Barcelona (Catalonia, Spain) ([email protected]) 5- University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Department of Geography, Prehistory and Archaeology, C. Tomas y Valiente, s.n., 01006 Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) ([email protected]) Basque expeditions to Canada between the 16th and 18th centuries left different material traces, from coastal fishing and whaling stations to personal artifacts. Among them is a significant pottery assemblage that has long remained poorly known. Different types of tin and lead glazed pottery as well as unglazed pots make up the typical ceramic collections of Basque sites in Canada. Building on research in the Basque Country and Canada, we have compared 16th and 17th century collections on both sides of the Atlantic, using analogous methods. This exercise has been carried out as a pilot evaluation and tried to target areas for a larger analytical program. The preliminary results suggests the presence in Canada of several Basque produced types, and also indicates that the most common ceramic type found on Basque fishing sites is not Basque, but likely French or maybe Spanish. KEYWORDS: FISHERIES, BASQUES, CANADA, POTTERY, HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY

16.1 Introduction Historical context From the 16th to the mid-18th century, Basque fishermen and traders developed an important economic enterprise in eastern Canada. Protected by the colonial and maritime policies of the Crown of Castile, Basque outfitters and crews managed to increase their traditional role of fishing power. While the development of a pre-industrial fishery in far-off waters can be traced to the Middle Ages and the "Ireland fishery" (Barkham 2000, 45), exploitation of the massive fish stocks in Newfoundland triggered a process of economic expansion that turned the Basque merchant community into one of Europe’s leading exporters of fishery products in the 16th century and much of the 17th century. Basque traders supplied European markets with products derived from whaling, mainly oil used for lighting, shipbuilding and in textile mills (Azpiazu 2008, 184; Huxley 1984, 518), but also baleen for the corset

industry beginning in the 17th century (Azpiazu 2008, 206–214). In addition, Basques marketed large quantities of cod, primarily destined for local markets and the Iberian Peninsula. Not least, Basque maritime merchants developed an extensive commercial network that was imbedded in a dynamic capitalist economy, with various mechanisms of participation and capital investment, and structured around a clear social hierarchy, all of which was characteristic of a world-economy (Wallerstein 2010, 23).

Research framework S. Barkham Huxley pioneered the study of the Basque presence in Canada in the 1970s and 1980s (Azkarate et al. 1992, 25–29). Her research in the 16th century archives at Zaragoza, Tolosa and Oñate marked the beginning of the study of Basque whalers in Canada, and it remains fundamental. The first excavations of whaling stations were carried out as a result of her encouragements, initially by J. Tuck of Memorial University of Newfoundland, whose work at Red Bay forged the whaling station model (Tuck

S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette 1981; 1983; 1984; 1985; 1986). Also at Red Bay was a major underwater excavation by Parks Canada of the wellpreserved remains of a Basque whaling ship, directed by R. Grenier (Grenier et al. 2007). Inspired by the originality of the Red Bay findings, other excavations of Basque whaling and fishing stations were initiated along the north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence as far west as the Saguenay River, notably by F. Niellon, J. Guimont, R. Auger, D. Lalande and, since 2003, W. Fitzhugh of the Smithsonian Institution (Washington, D.C.) on Petit-Mécatina Island. Archaeologists from the Basque Country also participated in this burgeoning field of research. In the 1980s, a team from the University of the Basque Country and the University of Zaragoza worked at the eastern entry of the Strait of Belle Isle. The initial project involved the survey and partial excavation of three whaling stations (Hernández et al. 1985). It was expanded in 1989 to include the excavation of seasonal stations at Pleasure Harbour and Chateau Bay (Azkarate et al. 1992). A Basque archaeological presence dominates at each of these seasonal or "migratory" whaling and fishing stations in the northern Gulf of St. Lawrence. As well, a seasonal Basque presence appears as a secondary component at several French year-round or "sedentary" fishing establishments in the southern Gulf (Loewen and Delmas 2011; 2012). In all, archaeologists have tested or excavated 27 land sites and six underwater sites with a Basque component dating from the mid-16th to the mid-18th centuries, of which Red Bay stands as a primary reference for its extensive remains and early date (Figure 16.1, bottom). For more than two decades, scholarly thought on the Basque presence in Canada relied on archival work by S. Huxley Barkham, R. Bélanger, L. Turgeon, J.-P. Proulx, and others. It led to an archaeological focus on 16th century whaling activities in the Strait of Belle Isle and, to a lesser extent, in the St. Lawrence estuary (Escribano 2014). The first full archaeological study appeared in 2007, on the underwater findings at Red Bay (Grenier et al. 2007). It included a study by G. Gusset, completed in 1992 and known in the meantime only to a few specialists, on the 16th century ceramics found on land and underwater at Red Bay (Gusset 2007). Availability of this baseline reference for the Basque archaeological sequence in Canada coincided with renewed interest in the Basque Country for a poorly understood aspect of the embryonic field of postmedieval archaeology: Basque ceramic production, use and export. In this paper, we develop a transatlantic perspective arising from the doctoral research of Sergio Escribano Ruiz on the pottery sequence in the western Basque provinces of Araba and Bizkaia from the 14th to the 17th century, and of Cristina P. Barrachina on the archaeometry of Basque Country ceramic production and its diffusion into North America beginning in the 16th century, both supported by the "Tecnolonial" project on Iberian colonial ceramic exports (Buxeda 2009). It benefits from a transatlantic collaborative framework that seeks to renew knowledge of ceramic material associated with the Basque presence in Canada, not only at 16th century whaling sites in the 206

Strait of Belle Isle, but also extending its enquiry to include fishing, trading and peopling activities throughout the Gulf of St. Lawrence up to 1760.

Objectives Our research framework includes a number of general objectives, namely: • To describe the diffusion of Basque pottery as part of these doctoral dissertations; • To determine what other ceramic provenances exist on Basque fishing sites and analyze their historical significance, in order to gain a more nuanced interpretation of the transatlantic fisheries; • To study the role that was played by ceramics in the Basque fisheries in Canada, from its acquisition as a fishery outfitting material to its cultural impact. The specific objective of this work is, however, to present the main conclusions reached in archaeological research conducted to date, based on a comparison of ceramics produced and/or used in the Basque Country in the 16th and 17th centuries, and While conclusive results have yet been gained, these initial findings form the basis for a larger analytical program.

Methodology Comparison of the Basque and Canadian ceramic records was conducted by seeking similarities in the paste, glaze, form and decoration of material recovered on both sides of the Atlantic. This comparison enabled an empirical update of the problems associated with ceramics found on Basque sites in Canada. It also helped in the preparation of an archaeometric strategy for studying provenances that is now in the implementation phase. The ceramic collections we consulted were those recovered during excavations at whaling and fishing stations in Labrador, Newfoundland and Quebec. A basis for comparison was provided by ceramics from sites in the western Basque provinces of Bizkaia and Araba (the sites are listed later; cf. Barrachina and Escribano 2012, 221). Our comparison excludes pottery from the province of Gipuzkoa, which was important in the transatlantic fishery but where ceramic production is unknown before the late 18th century. Indeed, in 1756, the Corregidor of Gipuzkoa wrote that all earthenware in the province was imported from Araba and Castile, which he considered regrettable (Ibabe 2002, 10). As our ongoing archaeometry project develops, it will include ceramic productions from the Gipuzkoan towns of Getaria and Bergara.

16.2

Canadian "Basque" pottery

Practical reasons also underlay our choice of sites associated with the Basque presence in Canada and our review of their ceramic collections. We prioritized collections deposited in the provincial centres, due to their easy access, at the cost of consulting all objects

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise exposed in various museums and those held at the Red Bay National Historic Site, which are less accessible, widely spread out geographically and, at Red Bay, form part of a separate research programme. These will be, exclusively, the collections considered in this paper. In Canada, archaeological sites are identified according to a system of geographic codes. For example, the principal site at Red Bay is EkBc-1. As well, Gusset (2007) established a typology for coarse earthenware and stoneware at Red Bay. For example, RB1 identifies Andalusian amphoralike olive jars (Table 16.1). These codes facilitate the identification of objects and types.

Newfoundland and Labrador While the most complete pieces found at Red Bay are exhibited at the National Historic Site of Red Bay, the repositories of the provincial archaeological authority (The Rooms) and Memorial University of Newfoundland (Archaeology Department, Queen’s College) at St. John’s hold the bulk of the collection, as well as collections from other sites in the province. It was possible therefore to gain an overview of the recovered ceramic assemblages. Queen’s College (Memorial University of Newfoundland) Among the Red Bay (EkBc-1) ceramics held at Memorial University, we identified five pottery types similar to those recovered in the Basque Country. 1. Green painted majolica (Figure 16.2, A) We documented several shards associated with a glazed pitcher decorated with green pigment. Both the ceramic paste and the form are common in the Basque country, especially from the 17th century when they become widespread in the archaeological record (Escribano 2009). 2. Lead-glazed coarse earthenware, orange to red paste (Figure 16.2, B) Displayed in the Hall of Queen’s College, a large orza (or preserving jar) with a brownish glaze on the inside displays a fired paste that greatly resembles ceramics produced at Salinillas de Buradón (Labastida) in southwestern Araba from the 14th century on (Escribano 2009). While the form seen in Canada has not yet been documented in the Basque Country, the pastes have the same diagnostic inclusions: iron oxide, mica and calcium carbonates (RB7.1). 3. Merida-type ware, or Portuguese redware While not well represented in the collections we consulted, we found several vessels that may attributed to a ceramic type once called Merida Ware—Gusset (2007) prefers "Merida-type ware"—and today considered as Portuguese Redware (Newstead 2008). One nearly complete pot can be admired by visitors entering the Hall of Queen’s College (Figure 16.2, C). Similar examples are documented in Basque sites we have analyzed, especially on the Bizkaia littoral during the late Middle Age.

4. Unglazed coarse earthenware (Figure 16.2, D) Several shards including a rim fragment resemble a production found mainly in Bilbao, in contexts dating since the16th century. Their paste is characterized by a light brown colour and relatively few inclusions that are almost imperceptible to the naked eye (RB5.1). 5. RB3 (Gusset 2007) This is the principal type of pottery associated with the Basque presence in Saddle Island, but does not seem to have been produced in the Basque Country. Its diagnostic traits are morphological (flat bottom pot, ovoid body, flared rim with a thickened lip and two banded handles), compositional (paste with abundant quartz inclusions and oxygen-reduced firing) and decorative (applied vertical digitated cords) (Figure 16.2, E). Abundant in the Saddle Island collection, it has a very sparse occurrence in the western Basque Country, where it is traditionally given a French provenance. Various hypotheses have been formulated as to its origin, from broad regions such as Provence (Gusset 2007) and Manche Department in Normandy (Azkarate et al. 1992, 132), to more precise centers such as Saintonge (Ibarra 2005, 89– 90; 2009, 201), Cox in the Toulouse region (Brassard and Leclerc 2001) and possibly Sadirac near Bordeaux (Loewen and Delmas 2011, 2012). Its origin remains debated and is an issue that archaeology should seek to resolve in the near future. During our brief stay at Queen’s College, we also consulted material recovered at the 17th century English habitation of Ferryland (CgAf-2). While most of the pottery was unfamiliar to us, one fragment (Figure 16.3, A), classified as Merida Ware (RB2) in the Canadian description, has identical attributes to a type found in the Basque Country, where it is called Alavese micaceous pottery for its characteristic use of mica temper (Solaun 2005; Solaun and Escribano 2006). This production has been traced back to the 8th century, and it extends beyond the 17th century. The Rooms The collection held at the provincial repository of Newfoundland and Labrador provides an image that is similar, if less complex, to that gained at Queen’s College. We consulted material from three Basque fishery sites. Positive comparisons were made at Saddle Island (EkBc-1), Western Arm 1 (EkBc-4) and Red Bay East (EkBc-17), all within the Red Bay complex. These sites yielded two types that are similar to ceramics documented in the Basque Country and also found in the Red Bay collection held at Queen’s College. Only one of the two types appears to be of Basque origin, specifically from Araba. This is the lead-glazed coarse earthenware (RB7.1) described above, which appears in two forms. The first (EkBc-17: 5179, Figure 16.3, B, photo on the left and drawing) is very similar to the orza (or storage jar) exposed in the Hall of Queen’s College, characterized by a molded rim, globular body, flat base and two handles. As well, the base of a bowl could be attributed to this type (EkBc-4: 100a; Figure 16.3, B, photo on the right); interestingly, it has a honey glaze and a hole in the lower

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette third of its body. The hole was drilled into the finished piece, and has been interpreted as a sign of repair (Stopp and Jalbert 2010, 160). Pending archaeometrical analysis, the visual attributes of this type tentatively link it to a production center from south-western Araba, in the area of Salinillas de Buradón (Labastida). The second type, a cooking pot decorated with applied bands (RB3), is much better represented than the first type. The vast majority of vessels recovered from Basque coastal occupations fall within this type. The forms are quite standard, and most of the variability lies in the motifs stamped into the applied vertical bands, the most common being a continuous geometric pattern (Figure 16.3, C, left) and we also note the occasional occurrence of seals that also have geometric patterns (Figure 16.3, C, right). Parks Canada (Ottawa) A small number of objects from Red Bay are held as references in the Ottawa archaeology headquarters of Parks Canada. These objects have no apparent equivalent among the Basque ceramics in our reference sample, whether among local productions or among imported wares. Only one vessel (Figure 16.3, D), fully preserved, has some resemblance to a type documented in Bilbao since the 16th century. It is a globular vessel with two handles attached to a small lip, possibly corresponding to the "unglazed coarse earthenware" (RB5.1) with a pale paste that we observed at Queen’s College in St. John’s. However, in the absence of fragmentation, we could not examine the paste under a microscope, so its attribution remains tentative and subject to further analysis.

Québec Collections from sites in the province of Québec are held at the provincial repository in Québec City. Our biggest surprise in the Canadian ceramic record was certainly the collection from Hare Harbour-1 (EdBt-3) on Petit-Mécatina Island (see Fitzhugh et al. 2011 for a synthesis of the work). Without question, this site has the ceramics that are closest to the Basque record, especially that of Bizkaia. This aspect distinguishes Petit-Mécatina from other known Basque sites in Canada, and may be explained by a later occupation (Fitzhugh 2009), by changes in Basque outfitting networks in the 17th century, for example toward Bizkaia (Loewen and Delmas 2011; 2012; Escribano 2014). The ceramic assemblage recovered to date features eight types whose presence is common on Biscayan sites of the Modern era. Four of these are consistent with ceramics from Red Bay and are described above (in order here: 1, 3, 4, 7). Of the remaining types, the majolica and lusterware are relatively common Iberian types (here: 5, 6), while the last two may be Basque in origin (here: 2, 8). 1. Cooking pots, RB3 and RB4 (Figure 16.4, A) At 18 individuals, these pots with vertical bands again constitute the most numerous type (Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 111). As in the Labrador examples, the decoration consists of a vertical band applied to the body, and knurled with a geometric motif. Some of the pots have a small imprinted stamp 208

surrounded by a circle, featuring geometric patterns of varying complexity. 2. Green painted majolica (Figure 16.4, B) The PetitMécatina assemblage contains several very fragmentary examples of tin-glazed pottery with green painted decoration. This technology may be associated with products from Araba workshops, dating from the 16th to at least the 18th century. 3. Coarse unglazed earthenware As at Red Bay (Figure 16.1, D and Figure 16.2, D), Petit-Mécatina has revealed this pottery type that is strongly represented in the Bizkaian record from the 16th century onward (RB5.1). However, this type is more abundant on the Lower North Shore of Québec than at the Strait of Belle Isle sites in Labrador. 4. Micaceous pottery At Hare Harbour-1, archaeologists recovered micaceous ceramic in low proportions (RB2), associated in particular with a cup, or pocillo (Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 113). Although we could not examine this ware during our consultation, its Basque context at Petit-Mécatina, coupled with the omnipresence of similar micaceous redware in the Basque archaeological record, may indicate its origin in Araba. Fuller analysis is required to establish the origin of this ware. 5. Blue and/or green painted majolica Archaeologists recovered at least two handled porringers, decorated in blue (Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 112, d) or blue and green pigment (Figure 16.4, C; Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 112, c). Judging by its technological characteristics, it can be confidently attributed to the workshops of Muel in Aragon, prior to the Moorish expulsion in 1610 (Álvaro 2002, II, 209). However, within this general category of tin-glazed majolica at Hare Harbour-1, other types seem to derive from other Iberian workshops. Despite their poor conservation, at least two fragments decorated in blue may be provisionally attributed to Seville. In addition, we note several fragments with a blue mottled or sponged decoration. Talavera potters used such a technique beginning in the second half of the 16th century (Martínez 1984, 18), and northern potters from La Rioja and Araba copied them in the 17th and 18th centuries (Glera 1994, 353, 368; Ibabe 1995, 66–68). Further study is needed to determine the origin of this type, even though its paste is reminiscent of products from Talavera de la Reina, near Toledo. If future study confirms that these majolica fragments respectively originate in Seville and Talavera, it would increase the ceramic diversity associated with Basque occupations in Canada. 6. Lusterware As with majolica, several workshops made lusterware in the Iberian Peninsula (Martínez 1982). It was first produced in southern Spain, but in the 16th and 17th centuries, the main producer was Muel in Aragon, along with workshops in Manises, Seville and Catalonia. The two lusterware fragments recovered at Hare Harbour1 were calcined, leaving their metallic decor as the most

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise diagnostic attribute, although it too is altered by heat and only visible on the outer surface. The motifs are simple concentric circles characteristic of Muel (Álvaro 2002, II, 192–193), but frequent also in Manises and Catalonia (Martinez 1982, 179–198, 235), and also documented in Seville (Pleguezuelo and Lafuente 1995, 231, Fig. 1; Pleguezuelo 2011, 83–106). While we prefer Muel as the origin of one fragment on the basis of its paste, we cannot rule out other origins, given the simplicity of the decorative motif and the altered condition of the paste. 7. Olive jars These containers were more widespread in the early centuries of Spanish colonization in America, but their presence is well documented at Hare Harbour-1, as on Labrador sites (RB1). Attributed to the Seville region, they are called jars, botijuelas and especially olive jars even though their contents could be quite variable (Azkarate and Nuñez 1991, 160–161; Amores and Chisvert 1994, 286). 8. Lead-glazed earthenware, white paste (Figure 16.4, D) We leave the most interesting type for the last (RB5.3). In addition to being one of the most abundant types at Hare Harbour-1 (Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 113), the Basque origin of this type seems clear. Its kaolinitic paste, the virtual absence of inclusions and the unusual nature of the glaze allow its recognition. Again pending geochemical analysis, we propose that its origin is in Bilbao, where several similar trivets have been recovered and where we find written and ethno-archaeological evidence of its production (Escribano et al. 2010).

16.3 Relation to the Basque pottery record We have described the ceramic types recovered from Basque sites in Canada that have similarities to the ceramic record of the western Basque Country. To further explore this relationship, we will now analyze the proposed origins of these productions and their representation in the archaeological record of Bizkaia and Araba, using Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) as our basic unit of comparison. Contextualization of the types similar to those found in Canada refers to pottery recovered from stratigraphic units assigned to the 14th -17th centuries from the following sites in the Basque Country (Figure 16.1, top): Araba province Vitoria-Gasteiz Catedral de Santa María, Palacio Ruiz de Vergara, Campillo Sur. Salinillas de Buradón (Labastida) Plaza Mayor, Estudio Histórico arqueológico de las Murallas, Sondeo 1, Estudio Histórico Arqueológico de la villa, Sondeo 3. Ocio Castillo de Lanos. Peñacerrada Plaza de los Fueros. Bizkaia province Bilbao Calle de Tendería 37-Artekale 34, Calle de Tendería 16, Calle de Tendería 3–5, Calle de

Somera 7–9, Calle de Ribera, Iglesia de San Antón. Orduña Calle de Barria 13, Calle San Juan 11, Calle San Lucas 5, Calle de Zaharra 2–4, Recinto fortificado. Durango Calle Komentukale 8, Calle Kalebarria 6, Torre de Lariz. Lekeitio Calle Monseñor Azpiri, Arraneguiko zabala. Gerrikaitz Solares 11, 13, 18. Bermeo Calle Nekazari 5. As mentioned above, the pottery from these sites form the sample used in the dissertations of Sergio Escribano and Cristina P. Barrachina.

Not Basque, but present at Basque sites The most abundant production represented on the Canadian Basque sites is undoubtedly the group of ovoid pots often decorated with vertical bands applied to the body (RB3 and RB4). However, we find no evidence of its production in the Basque Country. Moreover, RB4 is absent in the archaeological record of the Basque Country, while the presence of RB3 (unglazed, fluted strap handles, most with applied bands) is almost anecdotal, limited to only 0.19 % of the total number of analyzed ceramic individuals. Documented only at the Bizkaia sites of Gerrikaitz and Durango (Figure 16.5, A), it seems to be absent in the Araba sites we have studied. The chronology of its recovery contexts spans a century, from the first half of the 16th to no later than the 17th century. Another characteristic type found on the Canadian sites is majolica and lusterware from Muel in Zaragoza province that borders the Basque Country to the southeast (Myles, 2007, 120, Fig. 9.2.1; 121, Fig. 9.2.2; 123, Fig. 9.2.5). This type is present at Basque Country sites, but its moderate presence (0.63 % of total) appears to reflect its status as a luxury importation. It is noteworthy that its presence is very much concentrated in Bizkaia and that lusterware is most frequent. Sites at Bilbao and Durango monopolize nearly all of the fragments recovered, leaving its presence in Lekeitio and Gerrikaitz as anecdotal (Figure 16.5, B). The concentration of this ware in Bilbao and Durango, and its virtual absence in Araba, lead us to believe that these towns were implicated in the marketing and redistribution of Muel majolica and lusterware. We also note a relationship between Muel ceramics and the ovoid, banded pots. At the two sites where these pots have been documented, Muel ceramics were also recovered. As for the majolica from Seville, it is less frequent than Muel ware in the western Basque Country archaeological record, being limited to 0.32 % of the total. Most imports of Seville majolica are concentrated at Bizkaia sites in Bilbao and especially Durango, although it has also been documented in Vitoria-Gasteiz. As for Sevillan lusterware, two objects have been recovered in VitoriaGasteiz, and one in Bilbao (Figure 16.5, C). The most abundant lusterware in the Basque record is Valencian and originates in the Manises-Paterna area. Recovered vessels, mostly lusterware, make up 0.77 % of the sample and

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette concentrate in Araba, where 20 of 28 recovered fragments are documented (Figure 16.5, D). We see, therefore, a clear trend in the consumption of gilded lusterware, with Araba habitually buying from Manises and Bizkaia receiving its ware mostly from Muel. Finally, no site in the western Basque Country has revealed any Catalan lusterware, although we do find some Catalan green and black majolica in the Basque collections (Escribano 2012, 233); neither of these are represented at Canadian Basque sites. As for the olive jars or botijas (RB1), their representation in the western Basque record is very similar to that of Muel products. They represent 0.6 % of the total record and are absent in Araba, appearing only in Bizkaia. In this case, 75 % of the fragments have been recovered in Bilbao (Figure 16.5, E), with much smaller proportions reported in Durango, Gerrikaitz and Lekeitio.

Made in Bilbao When Sergio Escribano was consulting the ceramic collections related to the Basque fisheries in Canada, one of his biggest surprises was to recognize a production that is well known to Basque archaeologists. This is a ceramic type characterized by a white kaolinitic paste, decorated with a green or yellowish-brown lead glaze (RB5.2, RB5.3; CC7 at Hare Harbour-1). Recognized by him only at the site of Hare Harbour-1 on Petit-Mécatina Island, its high frequency at this site is remarkable (Fitzhugh et al. 2011, 113) and for being a type unusual on Canadian Basque sites (Loewen and Delmas 2011, 46). On our western Basque Country comparison sites, it is documented only in Bizkaia, in the towns of Durango, Gerrikaitz, Lekeitio and Bilbao. Present since the beginning of the 16th century, it is most abundant in Bilbao where two thirds of known objects are documented, and where there is evidence of its production. While ongoing explorations have thus far not located a workshop, excavations in Calle Ribera (Plata and García 2003) revealed trivets related to this production (Figure 16.6, C). In addition to the visual similarity of the paste and the glaze, archaeometric analysis confirmed the association between these trivets and vessels making up this type. Compared to other analyzed types, its chemical composition is clearly distinct, consisting of lowcalcareous kaolinitic clay (Figure 16.6, A), possibly mixed with illitic clay to facilitate its modeling and tempering, and it was fired at a range of 950 to 1050 °C. We find written references alluding indirectly to its production in an area around the Calle de Urazurrutia. This street is located just below the Miribilla quarries where, according to ethnoarchaeological evidence, this unusual clay may have been extracted (Escribano et al. 2010). This production is related to another possibly Bilbao ceramic whose kaolinitic paste is closely similar to the previous type, but in contrast has no glaze. It appears in the Bilbao archaeological record at the latest in the 15th century and its distribution lies exclusively in Bizkaia, in the towns of Durango, Gerrikaitz, Orduña, Lekeitio and especially Bilbao where 80 % of individuals have been recovered. While we are not as confident as in the previous case, this type may be related to the "coarse unglazed earthenware" 210

fragments recovered in Canada at Red Bay (RB5.1) and Petit-Mécatina. Although the similarity of the paste and the coincidence of both "Bilbao" types at Petit-Mécatina seem to point in this direction, archaeometric comparison is needed to determine whether this Canadian type can truly be given a Bilbao provenance.

Made in the workshops of Araba Araba has traditionally been the most important ceramic producing region in the Basque Country, and the province exported large quantities of ware to Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa. When we began our comparative study, we thus expected to identify examples in Canada that we could attribute to Alavese potters. Although their frequency in the Canadian record is lower than expected, three types may be, or seem to be, from Araba: micaceous pottery, leadglazed pottery and green majolica. Turning first to the micaceous pottery, it appears in small quantities in Canada where it was classified by Gusset (2007) as Merida-type ware (RB2). One Canadian fragment we observed—in the Ferryland collection— however seems to correspond with similar micaceous pottery made in Araba. While we are confident only of this fragment, it illustrates the problems that have long surrounded this classification in post-medieval ceramic studies. Newstead (2008, 2–3) has provided a good summary of the problem. Its genesis lies in the 1960s, when it was proposed that the origin of this ceramic was near Mérida, in southwestern Spain. Since the 1980s, however, many researchers have assumed a Portuguese origin and various names have been proposed, such as orange micaceous ware, micaceous Iberian ware or, most recently, Portuguese redware. The historiography surrounding this ware illustrates the complexity of determining the provenance of a pottery that has few visual diagnostic variables, as is the case of this unglazed and undecorated pottery. However, if an Alavese origin can be shown for some fragments now considered Portuguese, it would confirm the need for further study of a type of pottery, broadly characterized as micaceous ware that corresponds to a technological tradition deeply rooted in much of Europe. From Roman to recent times, micaceous pottery has been produced in Portugal (Aveiro, Lisbon, Coimbra, Prado), Spain (Álava, Barcelona), France (central Gaul, Alsace), England (Gloucester) and in the Americas (Mexico, USA, Canada), indicating a mode of production that existed in very distant places. Different aspects of this problem may be distinguished. First, the use of mica as a temper was widespread in the world and thus deserves attention in itself, to understand it technically. Second, redfiring micaceous pottery is common in Iberian Peninsula but regional production centers are poorly documented and may be numerous, and thus require a special analytical approach to characterize them and calibrate their extra-regional commercial importance. Finally, its widespread existence not only raises technological problems associated with macroscopic analysis, but also complicates archaeometric study. Analysts must develop more holistic classifications and reach conclusions based

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise on best possible interpretations, where critical diagnostic traits are separately considered in each case. Despites questions regarding its historiography, recognition and frequency on Basque sites in Canada, Alavese micaceous pottery merits a fuller description here. Associated with pastes whose color ranges from reddish to orange, this production often has a burnished-spatulated surface finish and, except for its characteristic mica, has hardly any inclusions. It arises in the 8th century and its use extends to the 19th century. It became the most widespread pottery in Araba in the 13th century, a position it held until at least the 17th century. There are several possible sources of this type of ceramic production, grouped in southwestern Araba around the wetlands of the Zadorra River (Solaun 2005, 172, 290– 292, 360–363). Its known distribution is limited to Alavese centers (Salinillas de Buradón, Ocio, VitoriaGasteiz: Figure 16.7, A) and to inland Bizkaian localities (Gerrikaitz, Orduña, Durango). It is undocumented in coastal Bizkaian towns (Bermeo, Lekeitio, Bilbao), where recovered micaceous pottery appears to be of Portuguese origin and is characterized by a greater number of inclusions, a gray pseudo-engobe and specific shapes. Portuguese micaceous pottery has also been found all the Bizkaia sites (Figure 16.7, B). Interior Bizkaia acts as a shared space for the consumption of Portuguese and Alavese micaceous pottery, with the latter reaching its northern distribution limit here. We have noted that one of the glazed productions documented in Canada (RB7.1) may come from the town of Salinillas of Buradón (Labastida), where several trivets of this type have been recovered (Figure 16.7, C) and production area has been located (Escribano 2009). The strongest arguments in favor of this comparison we may advance at this point concern the paste composition, which is particular for its temper of mica, quartz, iron and iron oxide (Figure 16.7, D). Another argument in favor of associating this Alavese production with the Canadian examples is its distribution in the Basque Country, which extends beyond the regional level. The forms, however, provide little basis for comparison, as the orza shape found in Canada has not been reported in the Basque Country, and forms such as cuencos (bowls) and porringers are widespread and thus of little help in identifying a production region. Representing 6.7 % of all documented ceramics, this type is present in all our western Basque comparison sites from the 14th to the 17th centuries, except Gerrikaitz. Such a wide distribution suggests that this production was for export, whether the vessels themselves and/or their contents. This idea is strengthened by its high frequency in the Basque record. Although its incidence is highest in Salinillas of Buradón and the nearby town of Ocio, it is frequent in Vitoria-Gasteiz and even in Bizkaia, where we find 40 % of all vessels of this type. Finally, the last production we may associate with Basque potters is a type of majolica that is sometimes decorated with a green pigment and is similar to a type known in the Basque Country as Cerámica Popular Vasca (Ibabe 1995). Although this production is also associated with smooth, undecorated vessels, in the present context

we will consider only green-painted examples, since they relate more clearly to the Canadian record. Comparable attributes include the paste, as well as characteristics of the glaze, the decoration and the forms. This type of pottery appears in the archaeological record of the western Basque Country from the 16th century onward, and its consumption becomes general in the second half of the 16th century and especially in the 17th century (Figure 16.7, E). However, it is not abundant, possibly due to its status as a luxury ceramic, amounting to only 0.63 % of our sample, an identical percentage to majolica imports from Muel. Significantly, this specific painted type has not been documented in Bilbao, where we only find nonpainted, plain majolica related to this paste. It is possible that this distribution pattern is related to the existence of a strong market for Muel ceramics, which curbed the consumption of luxury Alavese ware. The ware is present in the other Bizkaia localities (Durango, Orduna, Gerrikaitz and Lekeitio), while in Araba we find it only in VitoriaGasteiz, and we note its absence in Salinillas, Ocio and Peñacerrada. The pastes of the Canadian majolicas are very similar to this Alavese production and the forms and decors as well are almost identical (compare our Figure 16.6, E, with Myles 2007, 124, Fig. 9.26), leading us to believe that most likely the Canadian green-painted majolica is Basque in origin.

16.4

Conclusions

The archaeological work and the results summarized here (Table 16.1) suggest that several ceramic types recovered at Basque seasonal stations in Canada were, quite likely, made in the Basque Country. We have turned to Alavese and Bilbao workshops to find the origin of several types found with some frequency in the Basque fisheries in Canada. However, the most common type found on Canadian sites is not Basque, but most likely French or maybe Spanish. Alongside this predominant type, we have documented the presence of other ceramics imported into the Basque Country since the Middle Age and which are common in the Basque archaeological record. After some reflection on differences between European and North American archaeometric traditions, we have devised an analytical approach to verifying the Basque origin of some of the pottery types mentioned. Further archaeometrical research will seek to learn the provenance of the most widespread ceramic type found on seasonal Basque settlements in Canada, also present in the Basque ceramic record and whose source is tentatively situated in the Garonne Valley of southwestern France. As a final thought, we recall again our surprise at the asymmetry between the ceramic record of Canadian Basque sites and that of the pottery-producing western Basque Country, the provinces of Araba and Bizkaia. Only one site stands as an exception to this asymmetry, that of Hare Harbour-1 on Petit-Mécatina Island, which reveals close similarities with the Bilbao ceramic record.

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette

Acknowledgements This research is included in the project Technological impact in the colonial New World. Cultural change in pottery archaeology and archaeometry (Tecnolonial) (HAR2012-33784 and HAR2008-02834/HIST) funded by the Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad (Spain). Sergio Escribano’s trip to the conference held in Barcelona was funded by the GPAC, Grupo de Investigación en Patrimonio Construido (UPV/EHU, Basque Country University). We are grateful to Jim Tuck, Peter Pope, Amanda Crompton and Maria Lear (Queen’s College, Memorial University), Elaine Anton (The Rooms), Claudine Giroux, MarieHélène Blanchet, Caroline Parent (Laboratoire et Réserve d’archéologie, Québec), Frédéric Simard (Université de Montréal), Anja Herzog (Université Laval) and Gérard Gusset (Parks Canada), for their help on consulting the different collections at their locations in Canada. We want also to show our gratitude to the staff of the Museums of Archaeology of Vitoria-Gasteiz and Bilbao, and to the all the directors of the excavations where the discussed pottery was recovered. Our kindest thanks to all of them!

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise Vizcaya), Kobie. Serie paleoantropología, XXVIII, 171– 220. Loewen, B., 1996, El estudio de la historia marítima vasca en Canadá, Itsas Memoria. Cuadernos de estudios marítimos del País Vasco, 1, 151–166. Loewen, B., and Delmas, V., 2011, Les occupations basques dans le golfe du Saint-Laurent, 1530–1760. Périodisation, répartition géographique et culture matérielle, Archéologiques, 24, 23–55. Loewen, B., and Delmas, V., 2012, Opening the Basque box: a critical overview of Basque occupations in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Canadian Journal of Archaeology, 36(2). Martínez Caviro, B., 1984, Cerámica de Talavera, CSIC, Madrid. Martínez Caviro, B., 1982, La loza dorada, Editora Nacional, Madrid. Martinez Glera, E., 1994, La alfarería de La Rioja, Gobierno de La Rioja, Logroño. Myles, V., 2007, Spanish Majolica from the Underwater and Land Sites, in The underwater archaeology of Red Bay: Basque ship-building and whaling in the 16th century (eds. R. Grenier, M.-A. Bernier and W. Stevens), Vol II, 118–126, Parks Canada, Ottawa. Newstead, S., 2008, Merida no more. Portuguese redware in Newfoundland, Thesis (MA), Memorial University of Newfoundland, St John’s. Plata, A., and García-Camino, I., 2003, Iglesia de San Antón y su entorno (Bilbao), Arkeoikuska, 2002, 334–347. Pleguezuelo, A., 2011, Lozas y azulejos de Triana, Instituto de la Cultura y las Artes de Sevilla, Sevilla. Pleguezuelo, A., and Lafuente, P., 1995, Cerámicas de Andalucía Occidental 1200–1650, in Spanish Medieval Ceramics in Spain and the British Isles (eds. A.

Gutierrez and A. Vince), 217–244, BAR International Series 610, Oxford. Solaun, J. L., 2005, La cerámica medieval en el País Vasco (siglos VIII–XIII), Sistematización, evolución y distribución de la producción, EKOB, Colección de Patrimonio Cultural Vasco, 2, Gobierno Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz. Solaun, J. L., and Escribano Ruiz, S., 2006, Aproximación a la caracterización y organización de la producción cerámica tardomedieval en Vitoria-Gasteiz (siglos XIV–XV), Estudios de Arqueología Alavesa, 23, 227– 286. Stopp, M., and Jalbert, C., 2010, Searching for Inuit in the Unknow Labrador. A Community-University Reserach Alliance (Cura) Project, Provincial Archaeology Office 2009 Archaeology Review, vol. 8, 156–160. Tuck, J., 1981, Field work at Red Bay, Labrador, Archeology in Newfoundland and Labrador 1981, Annual Report, 2, 56–67, St. John’s. Tuck, J., 1983, Excavations at Red Bay, Labrador, Archeology in Newfoundland and Labrador 1982, Annual Report, 3, 95-117, St. John’s. Tuck, J., 1984, Excavations at Red Bay, Labrador, Archeology in Newfoundland and Labrador 1983, Annual Report, 4, 70–81, St. John’s. Tuck, J., 1985, Excavations at Red Bay, Labrador, Archeology in Newfoundland and Labrador 1984, Annual Report, 5, 224–247, St. John’s. Tuck, J., 1986, Excavations at Red Bay, Labrador, Archeology in Newfoundland and Labrador 1985, Annual Report, 6, 150–158, St. John’s. Wallerstein, I., 2010, El moderno sistema mundial. La agricultura capitalista y los orígenes de la economíamundo europea en el siglo XVI, Siglo XXI, Madrid.

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214 Escribano (2009): central Araba

Porringer, plate, pitcher. White tin glaze. Green painted decoration

Majolica. Buff paste, or reddish in one small pitcher (EkBc1:29)

Majolica. Rose-brownish smooth paste

Table 16.1: "Basque" ceramics from Red Bay contextualized in the present paper.

Aragon. Muel

Porringer, plate, pitcher. White tin glaze. Blue, green, lustred, painted decoration

Reddish orange paste

Canada: Petit-Mécatina Basque Country: Vitoria-Gasteiz, Salinillas de Buradón, Durango, Lekeitio, Orduña, Gerrikaitz

Canada: Middle Bay, Petit-Mécatina Basque Country: Bilbao, Durango, Lekeitio, Gerrikaitz

Canada: Middle Bay, Red Bay East, Western Arm 1 Basque Country: Ocio, VitoriaGasteiz, Salinillas de Buradón, Bilbao, Durango, Lekeitio, Orduña

France or Spain, unknown region Gusset (2007): Southwest, Provence or Spain Escribano (2009): Southwest Araba (Basque Country)

Pitcher, jug, jar, bowl RB7.1: pale brown mottled glaze RB7.2: partial greenish glaze RB7.3: clear glaze

RB7

Canada: Middle Bay, Anse Steven, Petit-Mécatina Basque Country: Lekeitio, Bilbao, Durango, Orduña, Gerrikaitz

Uniform and smooth white paste Gauvin (1995): 1.1.1.11 Brassard ad Leclerc (2001): 1.1.2.4

RB5

France, Southwest. Gusset (2007): Southwest or Provence. Brassard and Leclerc (2001): Rouen, Rhône-Alpes or Southwest. Monette et al. (2010) exclude Rouen, Provence, Charente Escribano et al. (2010): Bilbao

Jug, two-handles jug, bowl RB5.1: no glaze RB5.2: green glaze RB5.3: yellow glaze RB5.4: clear glaze

RB3

Canada: Château Bay, BlancSablon, Middle Bay, Anse Steven, Petit-Mécatina, Mingan, Anse à la Cave, île aux Basques Basque Country: Durango, Gerrikaitz

France, probably Southwest. Gusset (2007): Southwest or Provence. Brassard and Leclerc (2001): Cox. Régaldo (pers. comm. 2010): Sadirac Ibarra (2005, 2009): Saintogne Azkarate et al. (1992): Normandy

Brownish grey firing paste. Quartz and mica inclusions Gauvin (1995): 1.1.1.12 Brassard and Leclerc (2001): 1.1.2.8 Flat-bottomed cooking pot, two handles. Fluted strap handles. Decoration of vertical applied strips, printed with a knurl. No glaze

Various forms for storage, preparation and service. No glaze

RB2

Canada: Mingan, Petit-Mécatina, Île aux Basques Basque Country: Vitoria-Gasteiz, Salinillas de Buradón, Ocio, Bermeo, Bilbao, Durango, Lekeitio, Orduña, Gerrikaitz

Gusset (2007): Estremadura (Mérida) Newstead (2008): Portugal Solaun (2005); Solaun, Escribano (2006): central Araba (Basque Country)

Reddish orange hard paste. Mica inclusions. Brownish red surface Gauvin (1995): 1.1.1.2 Brassard and Leclerc (2001): 1.1.1.3

Other sites Canada: Petit-Mécatina, Anse à la Cave Basque Country: Bilbao, Durango, Lekeitio, Gerrikaitz

Amphora. No glaze or green glazed

Buff. Creamy white, buff, orange-yellow and sometimes whitish surface Gauvin (1995): 1.1.1.15 Brassard and Leclerc (2001): 1.1.1.1

RB1

Provenance

Andalusia. Seville.

Forms and decoration

Paste

Type

S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

Figure 16.1: Map of the sites mentioned: Basque Country (top) and Canada (bottom).

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette

Figure 16.2: Pottery from Saddle Island (Labrador), Queen’s College collection (Memorial University of Newfoundland).

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

Figure 16.3: Pottery from Ferryland, Newfoundland (A), at The Rooms, St. John’s (B and C) and at Parks Canada headquarters, Ottawa (D).

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette

Figure 16.4: Pottery from Petit-Mecatina Island, Quebec.

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

Figure 16.5: Not Basque pottery, although present at Basque sites.

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S. Escribano Ruiz, B. Loewen, A. Azkarate, C. P. Barrachina, J. Nuñez and Y. Monette

Figure 16.6: Basque pottery, made in Bilbao.

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Basque fishing crews’ pottery in Canada: a transatlantic evaluation of ceramic remains left by an Early Modern global enterprise

Figure 16.7: Pottery made in Araba, Basque Country (A, C, D, E) and Portugal (B).

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17

Colonial pottery in Mexico

Patricia Fournier1 and Roland L. Bishop2 1- Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, A.P. 96-098, México DF, 14391 (México) ([email protected]) 2- Smithsonian Institution, Washington D.C., 27898 Old Village Rd. Mechanicsville, MD 20659 (USA) ([email protected]) Historical Archaeology, Ethnoarchaeology and Archaeometry are combined to address issues of continuity, acculturation and hybridization of technological choices made in the production of glazed ware ceramics of Colonial and Republican Mexico. Through a historically situated investigation of where the pottery was made we can begin to glean information about the regional and social processes that were involved as Spaniards and Native American transformed formally formed beliefs and traditions. The discussion is illustrated through research on the effect of culture contact and colonialism carried out with specific reference to the ceramics from the Basin of Mexico, Oaxaca and Michoacán. KEYWORDS: MEXICO, SPANISH CONTACT, CERAMIC ANALYSIS, TECHNOLOGY, EARTHENWARE, MAJOLICA, NEUTRON ACTIVATION

17.1 Introduction Chances of gleaning new insights into the development of pottery production and technological traditions, and their changes through time are best sought through a combination of multiple research strategies involving Historical Archaeology, Ethnoarchaeology, and Archaeometry. Through a focus on historically situated technological choices we can trace the reflections of human behaviors and values that were involved in the selection, processing, manufacture and use of material culture in response to cultural, social, economic opportunities and constraints. The choices made during the operational steps in the manufacturing of pottery generate variation, and the study of such variation provides insights into the social processes that operated at the time objects were created. It is the use of such a multilevel, integrated approach that serves as our guide in the investigation of the historical, social, economic, and technological processes responsible for the patterning found in selected components of the changing material culture of Colonial and Republican Mexico. This paper presents aspects of a larger investigation using new information regarding stylistic and technological variation found in lead glazed earthenwares and majolica as a bridge to document how the Europeans and their descendants who colonized Mexico changed aspects of Native American societies, and in the process were themselves transformed. We have been involved in a decade long intensive program of chemical characterization

of ceramic pastes from different social contexts of Native American population. Instrumental neutron activation is used to provide highly sensitive and objective data on the elemental constituents of the ceramics pastes to monitor the directions in which objects and ideas were dispersed and obtained. Complete coverage of ceramic variation during any particular time from all over Mexico is impossible (Figure 17.1). Thus we mined the historical documents for information regarding principal centers of ceramic production. Data for distinctive compositions of ceramic pastes permit us to infer what pottery was made and at what location, albeit with varying specificity (e.g. Blackman et al. 2006; Fournier and Blackman 2008; Fournier et al. 2009). Through the study of the technologies responsible for the manufacture of these material remains and the contexts in which manufacturing, use, and dispersal occurred, we seek to increase information regarding both regional and local social processes and history of the Colonial and Republican eras in Mexico. Here we briefly document ceramic changes and hybridization processes resulting from culture contact and colonialism in three regions, each with particular pre-Columbian indigenous and historical roots: the Basin of Mexico, Oaxaca, and Michoacán.

17.2

The Basin of Mexico

The Conquest of the Triple Alliance Aztec Empire by the Spanish in 1519–1521 had a wide impact, but it

P. Fournier and R. L. Bishop was felt to differing degrees in the imperial capital, Tenochtitlan, and in its twin city of Tlatelolco (Barlow 1987; 1989). Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco remained important, but very different, centers of occupation after the Conquest. Hernando Cortés established his political power center of what became known as Mexico City on the ruins of the main temple precinct at the center of Tenochtitlan. This and the surrounding area, La Traza, became the capital of New Spain and were designated for the exclusive occupation of the Spanish, their retainers, native servants and slaves (Gibson 1964).

Post-Conquest pottery production in the Basin of Mexico The Basin of Mexico (Figure 17.2) is located in the central part of the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt, covering more than 9500 km2 , is characterized by a predominantly flat lacustrine plane, with a system of interconnected lakes: Zumpango, Xaltocan, Texcoco, Xochimilco, and Chalco (e.g. Díaz-Rodríguez et al. 1998). This endorheic basin was surrounded by several mountain ranges, developed by volcanic and tectonic activity during the Pleistocene. It encompasses an area rich in fluvial and lacustrine sediments and volcanic deposits, with particle sizes varying from gravel, sand, and silts to clays, with abundant calcium carbonates present. Fine clay particles are composed of different materials—mostly smectites such as montmorillonite—including crystallized and amorphous minerals derived from weathering of volcanic ash (e.g. Carreón-Freyre et al. 2003; Carreón-Freyre and Cerca 2006; Frederick et al. 2005). Consequently, raw materials were widely available to manufacture pottery, withstanding firing under different conditions and temperatures. During the early Colonial period (1521–1620), the inhabitants of Mexico City utilized a large variety of ceramic wares. Indigenous burnished ceramics, popular with the native elite, were widely accepted by the conquerors and their descendants. The ceramic inventory also included lead-glazed and coarse earthenware, which form the bulk of our archaeological collections (e.g. Fournier, 1990, 1997a). During this period, tin-glazed European majolicas, made in Spain and ceramic centers in Italy, known as white wares, were common as status symbols, although the supply was often erratic. The impact of the Spanish Conquest on native material culture was varied, gradual, and unequal, depending on a number of factors including location and access. In the case of ceramics, one result was the continuation of indigenous ceramic wares (direct tradition) while another could be seen in the stylistic, technological, and formal modifications of the native traditions (converging tradition) (see Wauchope 1956). Between 1521 and 1620 other, more traditional, Spanish ceramics began to appear, both those imported from Spain, and those manufactured in the New World. We will briefly note the variations in the pottery of Mexico City and Tlatelolco. Aztec Black/Orange burnished earthenwares continued to be produced and used in Mexico City and Tlatelolco, at least until the mid 1500s (González Rul 1988). However, 224

surface treatment began to deteriorate and cattail fluff (Charlton et al. 2007), which seems to be a Spanish introduction, was used as temper. Grinding tripod bowls (molcajetes) usually exhibit complex decoration and a wide variety of support forms (Figure 17.3, a, b). The vessels carry thick painted lines or bands, or naturalistic and figurative motifs mostly of Spanish design, including plants, flowers, fish, eagles and other birds. Moldedsupports depict eagle heads, full-body lions or just their paws, monkey heads, and faces of bearded men, among others. Flat or "butterfly antennae" shaped supports exclusively present thick lines or bands (Charlton et al. 2007). Red wares continue, but with a decline in surface burnishing on thick slips, with zonal burnished and plain smoothed areas on the vessels, as well as the use of a bright and shiny black pigment to paint designs. Red wares take on a great many new designs, finishes and forms—such as the shallow, flat-bottomed plate or bowl (Figure 17.4, a, b). In archaeological collections, a large percentage of the Colonial red ware excavated in Tlatelolco and other sites located in the central La Traza district or nearby display these innovations (Charlton and Fournier 2011; Charlton et al. 1995; 2005; Rodríguez-Alegría 2002). Tripod plates exhibit a wide variety of rectangular, circular, or hollow molded supports with elaborate patterns either in pre-Columbian or European style. Full-body Aztec warriors, eagles, eagle claws, stars, flowers, grapes, or gothic geometric patterns are common. Native potters learned to glaze ceramics from "the first master potter who arrived from Spain, despite the fact that he shied away from them" (Mendieta 1993, 404). Early Colonial bowls and small pitchers often exhibit stamped designs with pre-Conquest patterns (López Palacios 1998; Sodi 1994). Glazes tend to be applied to plain-bodied, local orange wares, and on rare occasions on Aztec IV Black/Orange molcajetes, sometimes referred to as Aztec V (González Rul 1988). At La Traza sites and in the Alameda district, Aztec V tripod molcajetes have zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supports (Figure 17.3, c) similar to those found on Aztec IV Black/Orange. The earliest historical documents referring to European potters in Mexico City date to the late 1530s, when one tornero (a craft specialist in wheel-throwing) and one ollero (a jar maker potter) were noted (Altman 1991; Lister and Lister 1982). By the mid-sixteenth century master potters of white wares from Talavera (Gómez et al. 2001) and later from Seville (Lister and Lister 1982) had established workshops in Mexico City. Their products, however, are difficult to separate from imported pieces without compositional analysis of the paste (Blackman et al. 2006; Fournier and Blackman 2008; Fournier et al. 2009). Early Colonial period majolicas are fairly common in the Templo Mayor excavations and elsewhere in La Traza and its vicinity, less so at Tlatelolco (Fournier 1990, 1997a, 1997b; Lister and Lister 1982; Rodríguez-Alegría 2002). Documentary sources record several other sites located in the Basin of Mexico that remained major potterymaking centers in early Colonial times, including those of Texcoco, Cuauhtitlan, Huitzilopochco (close to Coyoacan),

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Colonial pottery in Mexico Azcapotzalco, and Xochmilco (e.g. Hodge and Minc 1990, 418). The pottery at a few of these sites has been the focus of investigation using INAA (Instrumental Neutron Activation Analysis). For example, a study was carried out of Colonial Black/Orange sherds that found compositional similarities with chemically-based Texcoco and Cuauhtitlan groups (Nichols et al. 2002). Colonial red ware samples excavated in La Traza have been found to belong to a Tenochtitlan group, indicating to some extent continuity with Late Postclassic potting traditions (Rodríguez-Alegría 2002). The compositional distinctiveness of Late Aztec pottery (see Hodge et al. 1993), and its similarity to the earliest majolicas produced in Mexico-Tenochtitlan [Valle ware (Figure 17.3, d)—most likely made by the first master potters from Talavera de la Reina] can be illustrated in a binary plot using the concentrations of hafnium and thorium (Figure 17.5). The indigenous orange wares and the low grade majolicas are found to be similar compositionally when using 15 elemental compositions; aspects of that similarity are illustrated in the lower left area of the bivariate plot that shows an overlap of indigenous orange wares and low grade majolicas. Ellipses show the 90 percent confidence interval for the Valle Ware relative to the two elemental axes. Shown, as well, is the chemical separation from groups manufactured in Michoacán, that is pseudomajolica (Romita 1 and 2, see discussion below), and in Spain (Seville-Triana majolica and Spanish Olive Jars, all samples excavated in Triana). Previous research assumed that Moorish potters from Seville had been responsible for the introduction of majolica technology in Mexico City around 1540 (e.g. Lister and Lister 1982). However, this assumption is incorrect since on March 29, 1557 (Gómez et al. 2001), Bartolomé Carretero, a master potter from Talavera de la Reina, went to Valladolid to request a license to travel to New Spain. Two days later he presented the required witnesses and eventually a license was issued. Carretero states that up until 1556, only one Spanish potter had settled in Mexico City: Diego Vargas Piña from Talavera de la Reina. This master potter spent three years in New Spain trying to locate the clays and glaze components required to manufacture majolica. Before he was able to perfect the production process, the authorities forced him to return to his wife in Talavera de la Reina. There he shared his secrets with Carretero, who according to the witnesses was one of the best potters in his native Talavera and that his work was well known throughout Spain, where Moorish potters monopolized the industry. From Carretero and the witnesses we learn that in the kingdom there are only four "old Christian" potters and that Carretero is one of them. We learn, too, that Vargas Piña had not been able to find suitable clays; moreover, he had been forced to procure sand for the glaze from a way station located 260 km from the capital on the road to Veracruz. Due to such resource limitations, the quality of the wares did not equal those from Talavera but were similar to majolicas from Valladolid, in Castile. Testimonies pertaining to the location of the clay sources are unclear. However, one of the interesting findings

from our work points to the manufacture of early low grade majolica in Mexico City using clays that are similar in composition to those used to produce Aztec Orange wares during the Late Postclassic. These technological decisions represent pre-Hispanic and Colonial legacies, involving indigenous communities and hybridization with European canons with particular configurations, negotiations, survival, and adaptation, and, in general, resistance to Colonial rule (e.g. Mignolo 1998) during the mid 1500s in a viceroyalty far from Spain. Ceramics from the Basin of Mexico illustrate behaviors and strategies of indigenous people and people of European descent, or various ethnic groups and social classes, who sought power and improvements in their lives in postConquest central New Spain. We have documented the production of indigenous red and orange wares derived from pre-Columbian traditions, and continuities in the exploitation of raw materials during the early Colonial era for the production of tin-glazed wares in Mexico City. Compositional analyses highlight attempts at accommodation, successful in the economic realm, as both indigenous and Talavera potters created wares for European tastes or norms.

17.3

Oaxaca

In November, 1521, just four months after the fall of Mexico-Tenochtitlan, Spanish armies conquered the garrison of Huaxyaca, which had been founded by the Aztecs in 1496 to control the indigenous Mixtecs and Zapotecs of the present State of Oaxaca. After several years of disputes among the Spaniards for control of the highlands, valleys, and the Pacific coast in this area, the settlement of Antequera de Oaxaca was granted the status of villa by the Crown in 1526. On April 25, 1532, the king of Spain named it the City of Oaxaca (Chance 1982; Clarke 2000). By 1579 Oaxaca contained of a population of 500 Europeans and 300 Zapotecs, Mixtecs, and Mexican (Nahua) Indians who served in the houses of the colonists (Acuña 1984). The population rose to approximately 6000 inhabitants in the 1600s, increasing to more than 18,558 persons by 1777 (Chance 1982). During the Colonial period the city became the center of social, political, and economic development in Oaxaca Province through agriculture, cattle raising, sugar and cotton planting; cochineal dye extraction; silk production; and gold mining. The native elites of the area were incorporated and acculturated into the ruling class. Epidemics, forced labor, and enforced cultural changes in the Oaxaca valley, however resulted in a demographic collapse, with the decimation of the Indian population reaching dramatic proportions by the end of the first century of Spanish settlement (Chance 1982; Clarke 2000). As the regional center of Spanish power, eighteenth century Oaxaca was the third largest city in New Spain after Mexico City and Puebla. Most Indians and mestizos lived in indigenous communities, but the Crown encouraged the economic and social organization of Colonial life around towns and villages. The city was the focal point of the cochineal dye exchange and Spanish merchants made up

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P. Fournier and R. L. Bishop the majority of the elite, along with government officials, owners of large estates, clergy, administrators, artisans, doctors, lawyers, and manual laborers. Whites and Indians were mainly segregated, and many pre-Columbian indigenous crafts persisted in rural Oaxaca (Chance 1982; Clarke 2000). The Bishopric of Antequera was established by Pope Paul III on July 21, 1535, but it was the Dominicans who arrived in the region in 1528 that were the dominant force in the evangelization process in Oaxaca, establishing a province in 1592 with this city as its seat. In 1556 the Dominicans requested the city council to donate lands to build the monastery of Santo Domingo de Guzmán and construction began in the 1575 (Arroyo 1955; Burgoa 1989). The church was consecrated and by the 1660s the structure of the monastery was essentially complete. However, during the earthquake of 1696, much of the vaulting collapsed and the church was temporarily abandoned. Reconstruction began in 1766, reaching completion four years later (e.g. Arroyo 1955; Urquiaga 2000). In 1856 as part of the Republican Reform Laws that abolished monasteries and confiscated church property, the Dominicans were forced to move out of the Santo Domingo complex. The building fell to use as barracks between 1866 and 1902, becoming part of an army base 1935. It again served as a church in 1938 and in 1972 the principal cloister became a regional museum (e.g. Urquiaga 2000). The historic city of Oaxaca was declared a UNESCO Cultural Heritage site in 1987 and in 1993 the former monastery of Santo Domingo, as well as the adjacent lots, were turned over by the army to the Oaxaca State Government. Major restoration and reconstruction works and archaeological excavations were undertaken from 1994 to 1997 (Fernández and Gómez Serafín 1998a; 1998b; Gómez Serafín 1997; Gómez Serafín and Fernández 1998a; 1998b; 2005; Urquiaga 2000).

Pottery production in Oaxaca City The Oaxaca valley lies at the core of the Upper Atoyac Basin and was formed by Tertiary down-faulting with the boundary slopes developing across metamorphic rocks, while the valley bottom is flat and filled with alluvial deposits rich in clay, dating to the Quaternary (Clarke 2000). Spanish potters were active in the city of Antequera by 1552 (Chance 1982), and by 1572 there was at least one official, Francisco de Ojeda, producing white wares (Archivo General de Indias, Indiferente, 2060, No. 33 cited by Pasinski 2004). Roof tiles and bricks were being made in Oaxaca by 1579 (Acuña 1984, 38), as were abundant white wares that were "almost as good as that from Spain" (Acuña 1984, 37). The latter were distributed to other regions including the highlands in Chiapas and Guatemala (Pasinski 2004). Based on wedding records, during the period of 1693 to 1700, there were four creole potters, two mestizos and castizos, two free mulattos, and one Indian engaged in pottery making (Chance 1982). At that time, Jalatlaco, a native satellite town of the urban center, was an economically important center for pottery 226

production, and by 1717 Atzomba (modern Atzompa) and Coyotepec, located a few kilometers north or south of the city respectively, had become specialized in the manufacture of ceramics (Chance 1982). The excavations in the Santo Domingo de Guzmán complex uncovered more than 50 tons of sherds representing pottery locally manufactured and imported. Among the recovered ceramics were glazed pottery, red burnished ceramics, Chinese porcelains, Tonala burnished ceramics from Nueva Galicia (Jalisco), and majolicas (Gómez Serafín and Fernández 2005; Urquiaga 2001). A Spanish-style kiln was excavated in the former monastery garden, suggesting that pottery was produced there apparently during the Colonial period (Gómez Serafín and Fernández 1998b). For our investigation of Mexican Colonial and Republican glazed ceramics, 150 samples of majolica (Figure 17.4, c), kiln wasters, plain and brown on amber glazed ware, green glazed pottery (Atzomba type), and olive jar fragments were analyzed by INAA. Several chemical compositional groups could be readily identified within this sample set, six of which contained majolica sherds, dating from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Of 108 majolica sherds analyzed 74 % could be divided into three groups inferred to have been produced in Oaxaca. A three component plot of sodium, potassium, and scandium illustrates the separation among the three Oaxaca groups (Figure 17.6). A Oaxaca attribution seems to be warranted as two of the derived groups, designated Oaxaca 1 and Oaxaca 2, include wasters. The Oaxaca 3 group contains only majolica. While this group is separable from the others, the differences remain small and we believe that the Oaxaca 3 group is part of Oaxaca production. Reviewers of this paper called into question—not the fact that the three groups posited were separate—but that the reasons for separation may be due to postdepositional alteration involving uptake or leaching of the elements used in for Figure 17.6. Their reasonable concern is supported by evidence that they have acquired especially in studies of ceramic composition of coastal or island environment (see, for example Buxeda et al. 2001; 2002; among others). We agree that some level of post depositional effect may be present in any environment as can be appreciated by anyone who has ever considered the ironic substitution potential associated with the first two groups of elements ordered in the periodic table (Bishop 1980). Such alteration might be an explanation especially for the groups Oaxaca 1 and Oaxaca 2, which are only fully separable on their alkali element concentration. The small, variable "group" labelled Oaxaca 3 can be separated almost fully by scandium concentration. There may be, however, other factors that are being reflected in the Oaxaca data set. The Oaxaca valley is a high mountainous subregion, of extremely complex geology that lies within a rain shadow. An excellent, detailed study of mineral and clay source materials was carried out by Minc and Sherman (2011). Of particular relevance here are the highly variable sedimentary particles of K-feldspar and oligoclase, the local weathering conditions of which could have profound influence on sands, silts, and clays incorporated at some

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Colonial pottery in Mexico local level into the ceramic paste; this could account for the observed alkali variation. Additionally, an occasional spike in the uranium and thorium concentrations can be attributed to presence of the minerals allanite and monazite. We have not observed concentrations of uranium that exceed 6 ppm, about twice the average terrestrial abundance, level which may not have affected the rare earth determinations. Overall, many of the other elemental determinations show strong similarity across all samples. Beyond these stated confounding influences that might obscure our observation of patterning in the compositional data is the information from the ceramic classification that generally is made on the basis of surface and decorative features. Compositionally designated Oaxaca Group 1 is comprised of members of La Traza Polychrome, Remedios Blue or Green on Cream, and San Gabriel Glazed ceramics. The Oaxaca 2 group consists of members of the Aucilla Polychrome and Caparra Blue. Oaxaca 3 is made up of Santo Domingo Blue on White pottery. Of the 108 samples considered, only one (1) sample fails to fall into a group populated by other members of the same type. Therefore, despite well known concerns about the dangers of using alkali element concentration in the modelling of ceramic compositional data, the three groups are found to reflect cultural patterns of resource procurement, manufacture and decoration. Imports from Spain and central Mexico are present. Twelve percent of the majolica sherds analyzed belong to one or the other of two previously identified as Puebla compositional groups; 4 % belong to the Seville/Triana Spanish group; and 10 % are unassigned. Figure 17.7 is a bivariate plot of the concentrations of cerium and scandium that clearly shows the association of the sherds excavated in Oaxaca with the Puebla and Seville/Triana, rather than Mexico City, as well as the separation of the Oaxaca majolica groups from the others. The lead glazed earthenwares analyzed totalled 27 sherds. Figure 17.8, a plot of the elements tantalum, hafnium and thorium, shows data for two Oaxaca groups— Amber wares of Oaxaca 1 and Green glazed Atzompa pottery—most probably produced by indigenous potters (66.6 % of the samples studied), and Spanish olive jars (33.3 % of the glazed earthenwares studied). The plot also demonstrates the distinction of the three groups from other Colonial lead glazed ceramics. Groups of compositionally characterized pottery that show separation from other groups in any single dimension, such as that viewed in Figure 17.8, will remain separated regardless of the number of elements that are considered. Possibly in the 1570s or earlier, Spanish or creole potters developed a majolica tradition in Antequera, based on a fusion of multiple stylistic elements with roots in Europe and New Spain, evident in the reworking of Italianate and Moorish motifs already adopted in the majolica workshops in Mexico City and Puebla. We wonder if the Dominicans were responsible for the introduction of majolica production in Antequera. Oaxaca majolica, having a lower price since transport expenses would have been lower; production may have been designed to compete mostly in southeastern New Spain markets with majolica

that was either made in Spain or in Puebla. The presence of Puebla manufactured tiles in Oaxaca (Oaxaca Blue and Black/White, see Figure 17.7), probably in the seventeenth century, suggests that although majolica was produced in Oaxaca City, tiles from Puebla were chosen (probably because of the beauty of their patterns) to decorate walls in the Santo Domingo de Guzmán architectural complex. Urban settlements often organized their own local production of bricks and roof tiles. While glazed earthenwares were produced by some European settlers, the main local market suppliers were natives who, since pre-Columbian times, had the technical and practical skill required, needing only to adopt the use of Spanish technology to manufacture the glaze materials. The analysis of Colonial archaeological materials tends to indicate a very limited distribution pattern for coarse and lead-glazed ceramics outside of the production region. Majolica, however, was produced only under Spanish supervision at a few major centers. In this context Oaxaca Province became integrated as an important region into the larger Colonial society, economy, and polity of New Spain. The majolicas produced in Oaxaca City suited the tastes of Spanish settlers and reached neighboring areas of the viceroyalty.

17.4

Michoacán

The Lake Pátzcuaro Basin was the Tarascan or Purepecha heartland zone of an empire that covered approximately 75,000 km2 in western Mexico during the Late Postclassic (AD 1350–1525). This heartland area includes what is today Michoacán, zones of Jalisco and Guanajuato, and probably the Rio Balsas region on the Guerrero coast (Pollard 1993, 2004; Warren 1985). The Aztec empire on several occasions tried to conquer the Tarascans, but without success. Trade, however, occasionally took place at the frontiers of the empires, involving the exports of manufactured goods such as baskets, mats, ceramics, and metal objects (Gorenstein and Pollard 1983; Pollard 2004). By the time of the Spanish conquest, Tzintzuntzan was the Tarascan political capital and the Lake Pátzcuaro Basin was home to a population of 60,000 to 100,000 inhabitants (Gorenstein 1985; Pollard 2004, 2005; Warren 1985). On June 25, 1522, Spanish troops led by Cristóbal de Olid entered Tzintzuntzan without facing any resistance from the Tarascan king. What followed was a period of unease and at times violent subjugation due to the intervention of Nuño de Guzmán, who engaged in violent Indian slave raids and massacres (Krippner-Martínez 2001; Warren 1985). The Franciscan missionaries were the first to arrive in the area, followed by the Augustinians who moved quickly into Michoacán to establish a Catholic presence (Nesvig 2005). Between the first major intervention in the area by the Spanish in 1522 and 1533, Tarascan society and culture suffered severely both from Spanish conscription for the conquest of Western Mexico and from forced labor. Even before the Spanish forces arrived, epidemics introduced by the Europeans in central Mexico radically reduced the indigenous population, with tragic

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P. Fournier and R. L. Bishop consequences for the prevailing social order (Verástique 2000; Warren 1985). Vasco de Quiroga, the first Bishop of Michoacán, instituted a major program of social reform in the Tarascan homeland between the years of 1538 and 1565 (Nesvig 2005). The widely scattered Tarascans were congregated into towns organized around religiouscommunal institutions, with hospitals, a church and a school run by the natives but supervised by the friars and under the Crown protection to prevent abuses by the colonists (Monzón and Roskamp 2001, 188–189; Muriel 1990, 67–68). Aggregation of the native population was essential so that the Franciscans and Augustinians could more easily instruct the indigenous population in the beliefs of Christianity and the values of Spanish culture (Verástique 2000). By 1533 the town of Santa Fe de la Laguna, founded by Quiroga in a settlement named Guayameo, had a small hospital and a chapel (Artigas 2001). Local specialization in crafts occurred in different towns with different norms concerning dress, communal work and property (Verástique 2000; Warren 1985). Tzintzuntzan was briefly the site of the first Franciscan mission to be founded in the region and the Colonial settlement was destined to become the seat of the bishopric for west central Mexico. Nevertheless, the seat was moved south to Pátzcuaro in 1540 and subsequently in 1580 to Valladolid (modern Morelia), 40 km eastward, which became the capital of the Michoacán province (Pollard 2005; Warren 1985). Historians have opined that the socioreligious views held by the Tarascans and the Spaniards were compatible in spite of the impact of the conquest that affected area. The processes of cultural assimilation and resistance to culture change figure prominently in both cultures as the Spanish established their political, economic, and religious dominance in Michoacán, although cultural and religious syncretism occurred (Verástique 2000). Colonial regional markets institutionalized market exchange, either based on pre-Columbian networks or according to the needs of the colonists’ expansion into new territories in the Northern provinces, which needed a constant flow of goods through the Royal Road and its branches to the west, with Mexico City as the node of this network (e.g. Fournier 1999, 2006). Raw materials for pottery production were widely available in Michoacán. Fine pyroclastic materials, lake sediments, and volcanic ashes from the Pliocene-Holocene with volcanic breccias on the base (Corona-Chávez et al. 2006; Foster 2000) have contributed to the formation of fine clay deposits, particularly on the shores of the Pátzcuaro lake and more generally, around the Pátzcuaro Basin. Pre-Columbian craft specialists in Michoacán produced burnished ceramics with distinctive combinations of form, finish, and elaborate decorative motifs in Michoacán (Gorenstein and Pollard 1983; Pollard 2004). Pottery production was important in the region in the early Colonial period, since in 1542 the tribute paid by the Tarascans of Tzintzuntzan included plain and decorated bowls (Glass and Robertson 1975). In 1585 Jesuit Francisco Ramírez chronicled important events that were part of the cultural hybridization: the 228

Tarascans learned different crafts from the Spanish, being "very resourceful people who by themselves crafted goods... and when shown models, they would copy them perfectly" (Cortés 2003, 181). In 1643 the Franciscan Friar Alonso de La Rea recorded that the Indians were "notorious in all kinds of crafts, and their curiosities have travelled all over the world meriting applauses" (La Rea 1945, 136–137). Although neither Ramírez nor La Rea make any mention of ceramic production, considering that before the Spanish conquest the Tarascans were expert potters, the transition from burnished to glazed ceramics probably occurred in the mid-sixteenth century when the area was finally at peace following a few decades of interaction with the Franciscans and Augustinians, in the fertile educational context for acculturation created by the hospital-towns founded by Vasco de Quiroga. Guild ordinances were established for the arts in New Spain in 1556 restricting the activities of Indian craftsmen. Here, as in Spain, guild ordinances prescribed a rigid stratification of artisans into three groups: masters, journeymen, and apprentices (Barrio 1920). By the late sixteenth century, potters were already active in Pátzcuaro, where they had developed a lead glazed ceramics industry (Cervantes 1939; Garrido 1988). In 1583 viceregal authorities tried to regulate the activities of the local journeymen (oficiales) who produced lead glazed dishes and bowls in Pátzcuaro, to prevent low grade vessels from entering the market (Archivo General de la Nación, México, vol. II, Indios, exp. 718). The indigenous potters, the "jar makers" (olleros) who were not allowed to become journeymen under the guild ordinances in New Spain, were already producing dishes catalogued as "poorly made" in Pátzcuaro (Cervantes 1939, 18). That the quality of the ceramics made by the Tarascans was really poor is questionable, since the comments of the inspectors most probably were against the native potters who were working outside of the guild regulations that protected the production and trade ruled by "pure blood" Spaniards. Nevertheless, it seems that slipped and glazed ceramics were produced in this city or somewhere else in the Basin of Pátzcuaro well into the eighteenth or early nineteenth century. Spaniards and their Mexican-born descendants— increasingly mixed with the indigenous peoples of the area—have lived in the region since the 1530s. Tzintzuntzan, Santa Fe de la Laguna, and Capula are pottery-making and trading villages, in which farming is of secondary importance (e.g. Foster 2000). Until 1864, only Tarascan was spoken in Santa Fe de la Laguna, while in Capula and Tzintzuntzan both Tarascan and Spanish were spoken (Orozco and Berra 1864). Apparently ceramic production in Santa Fe de la Laguna began in the late 1800s (West 1948), but Tzintzuntzan and Capula were renowned as a pottery centers since early Colonial times (Romero 1862), and the wares from the former town were distributed all over Michoacán, Guanajuato, and Guerrero in the mid 1800s. In the mid 1940s American ethnographers documented the production of different wares in Tzintzuntzan, including white slipped vessels with painted decoration;

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Colonial pottery in Mexico the patterns depict scenes of Tarascan everyday life in the Pátzcuaro Basin, the flora, fauna, fish, and landscapes, becoming part of the ceramic tradition in the early 1900s (Foster 2000). Today female potters in Santa Fe de la Laguna produce glazed vessels, such as incense burners, candle holders, bowls, jugs, and dishes; a white slip is used to decorate some vessels, combined with green or yellow pigments. In Capula, women make table sets decorated with tiny white points, sometimes combined with colorful scenes of flowers and animals. Recently, richly-decorated skeletons and skulls, known as "catrinas", manufactured by both men and women became popular (Fournier et al. 2007). In 1982, Florence and Robert Lister used their studies of majolica collections from the Cathedral excavations in Mexico City to establish a taxonomic scheme which contained a white-slipped and lead-glazed ware they named Indigena. The latter included two distinctive ceramic types: Romita Sgraffito (Figure 17.4, d) and Romita Plain (Lister and Lister 1982). They believed that this peculiar kind of pottery was produced by the Nahua indigenous population of the Basin of Mexico in the mid sixteenth century as an inexpensive imitation of majolica. Vessels of Romita Plain are part of Indigena ware that have a clear colored surface while members of the Romita Sgraffito type exhibit patterns incised and painted in green, yellow, and brown. According to the Listers, Indigena ware represents a technological and cultural blend of stylistic Aztec and European patterns to decorate moldmade vessels, a form repertory mostly of European origin, with glazing as a surface finish, a technology introduced by the Spaniards (Lister and Lister 1982). A neutron activation based study of Romita Sgraffito and Romita Plain samples recovered at different excavations in the cathedral zone of the historic district of Mexico City by Rodríguez-Alegría and collaborators (RodríguezAlegría et al. 2003) criticized the interpretation posed by Lister and Lister. They compared the Romita analysis against the Mexican data base accumulated at the University of Missouri (MURR) but found no matches of the Indigena Ware to any previously formed clay or ceramic compositional group from Mesoamerica. Concluding from this negative evidence they reasoned that Indigena ware, especially members of the Romita types were either a Spanish import or were produced by Spanish potters in Mexico using "new" clay sources (Rodríguez-Alegría et al. 2003, 68). While the latter possibility is always present, and is often the result of impossible sampling demands, their conclusion regarding Spanish production is surprising. It is surprising because critical studies of contemporary ceramic production in Mexico (e.g. Foster 2000; Martínez Marín 1981) clearly document that Michoacán is one of the few areas where slipped and glazed pottery continues to be produced by Tarascan and mestizo craftsmen. Quite a different conclusion is found in the results of our archaeological and ethnoarchaeological field work in the Pátzcuaro Basin, where Indigena ware sherds are fairly abundant at all sites surveyed (Fournier et al. 2007). Moreover, Helen Pollard’s regional project uncovered

samples at well dated archaeological sites and excavated deposits (e.g. Gorenstein and Pollard 1983; Pollard 1977, 1983, 1993, 2001). Based on the analysis of 75 samples of Romita Plain, Romita Sgraffito, among 28 amber glazed ceramics, red burnished ceramics, kiln wasters, bricks, tiles, and clay from the Basin of Pátzcuaro, Michoacán zones, and other sites, two compositional groups were defined. The largest group contains a brick from Tzintzuntzan, an ethnoarchaeological sample of green and white/amber glaze from Capula, and red clay from Santa de la Laguna. The compositional group formed by glazed wares from Mexico and Puebla has a significant number of Late Aztec Black/Orange wares as well as Valle Ware majolica produced in the Basin of Mexico (Figure 17.5). Indigena ware samples all lie outside of a 99 % confidence interval using the Mexico and Puebla group as reference. Likewise Indigena ware fails to occur within a 99 % confidence interval of the Triana majolica or that of the Spanish olive jars. Foremost, based on our studies, the Michoacán region and particularly the Pátzcuaro Basin most probably is the production local of Indigena ware. Only a few sampled Romita ceramics could not be assigned to compositional groups Romita 1 or Romita 2. Several glazed wares, the brick and a roof tile from Michoacán, and some Guanajuato samples were found to have likelihood of membership in the Romita 1 and 2 groups (Figures 17.8 and 17.9), which are similar compositionally and are possibly from the same area. Based on the INAA results of samples from Uricho, generously provided by Helen Pollard, that predate 1606, Romita as well as amber lead glazed wares and even red burnished ceramics most probably were manufactured since the early Colonial period somewhere in the Basin of Pátzcuaro. With the results available, the northeast Pátzcuaro Basin and its vicinity could be the production loci, mainly Santa Fe de la Laguna and Capula north of the lake area. And finding samples in Zacatecas, Sinaloa, Chihuahua, and New Mexico, which turn out to be part of the Romita compositional groups (either 1 or 2), makes archaeological sense since probate inventories from northern New Spain dating to the 1700s included the entry "jugs from Michoacan" (e.g. Fournier 1989, 1997a, 1999). In 2003, Rodríguez-Alegría and his collaborators concluded, based on independent INAA analyzes, that Indigena ware was not manufactured in the Basin of Mexico, so their interpretation was partially correct. We have demonstrated that both Romita Plain and Romita Sgraffito were produced in New Spain, most probably by Tarascan potters, around the mid-sixteenth century, based on a fusion of Italian, Spanish, and native traditions. We must emphasize those inferences and mention that in sixteenth century Michoacán, there was a move towards a fusion of multiple stylistic elements with roots in Europe, evident in the reworking of Italianate motifs as well as the sgraffito technique to decorate the vessels. We doubt that Indigena ware was simply designed to compete at a lower cost than majolica vessels, either made in Spain or in New Spain (Lister and Lister 1987, 229). The genesis of technological styles amongst craftsmen depended on the adaptation to a perceived reality in a socialization process

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P. Fournier and R. L. Bishop (e.g. Verboven 2007). In 2010 a paper (Iñañez et al. 2010) reported the results of ICP analyses of glazes of Indigena ware samples, supplementing our findings. The interpretations presented about social processes reflect ours to a considerable degree (Fournier et al. 2007). It is gratifying that our research efforts and inferences, founded on the historical documents, trajectories of Colonial history, and ethnoarchaeological information, as well as paste composition, found an echo in other archaeometric investigations. The Basin of Pátzcuaro and Michoacán in general was integrated as a periphery into the larger Colonial society, economy, and polity of New Spain (Pollard 2005). Even if the region was peripheral, craft production including Indigena ware represents a hybridization of material culture that reached distant regions of the viceroyalty of New Spain, fit for the taste of the Spanish settlers and their descendants.

17.5 Final comments We want to emphasize that by approaching technological variables involved in pottery production through an extensive program of chemical characterization of ceramic pastes, a more comprehensive knowledge of the directions along which objects and ideas moved can be obtained. Through the study of the technologies used in ceramic production and the contexts in which manufacturing, use, and dispersal occurred, we gain information about social interaction between the indigenous and Spanish population, from the Early Colonial to the Republican period. The trade and production of lead-glazed ceramics and majolica, was decisively influenced by the demand of the colonizers’ markets. The new urban settlements often organized their own production of bricks and tiles, but production of majolica remained restricted to a few major cities such as the capital of New Spain, Puebla, and Oaxaca. Glazed earthenwares were manufactured by the natives— and also by some of the European settlers—wherever the technical and practical skill required existed in preConquest New Spain. Even if guild regulations were set in the mid 1600s, they were broken continuously even by the master potters in urban centers (e.g. Monroy-Guzmán and Fournier 2003), and native and mestizo potters managed to stay active all over New Spain.

Acknowledgements Funding to carry out field and laboratory research was provided by the Archaeometry Program (Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.), FAMSI (Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, Inc., Florida), and INAH (National Institute of Anthropology and History, México). Our gratitude is extended to M. James Blackman, who collaborated in the analyses and produced the original plots of compositional data. We owe many Mexican and American scholars who provided samples for INAA. 230

We appreciate the invitation to participate in the First International Congress on Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact, organized by the Universitat de Barcelona, May 2012, and contribute to this publication.

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Hodge, M. G., Neff, H., Blackman, M. J., and Minc, L. D., 1993, Black-on-Orange Ceramic Production in the Aztec Empire’s Heartland, Latin American Antiquity, 4, 130–157. Iñañez, J. G., Bellucci, J. J., Rodríguez-Alegría, E., Ash, R., McDonough, W., and Speakman, R. J., 2010, Romita pottery revisited: a reassessment of the provenance of ceramics from Colonial Mexico by LA-MC-ICP-MS, Journal of Archaeological Science, 37, 2698–2704. Krippner-Martínez, J., 2001, Rereading the Conquest: Power, politics, and the history of Early Colonial Michoacán, 1521–1565, Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park. La Rea, A. de, 1945 [1643], Crónica de la orden de Nuestro Seráfico Padre San Francisco, Provincia de San Pedro y San Pablo de Mechoacán, en la Nueva España, Ediciones Cimatario, Querétaro. Lister, F. C., and Lister, R., 1982, Sixteenth Century Maiolica Pottery in the Valley of Mexico, Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, 39, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Lister, F. C., and Lister, R., 1987, Andalusian Ceramics in Spain and New Spain, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. López Palacios, J. A., 1998, Cronología de la loza barniz plúmbeo: El caso de los candeleros novohispanos, in Primer Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Histórica (org. E. Fernández Dávila and S. Gómez Serafín), 468– 482, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Martínez Marín, C., 1981, La alfarería, Cuarenta siglos de arte mexicano (coord. X. Moyssén), 35–97, Herrero, México. Mendieta, G. de, 1993, Historia Eclesiástica Indiana, Editorial Porrúa, México. Mignolo, W., 1998, The Allocation and Relocation of Identities: Colonialism, Nationalism, Transnationalism, Mester, 27, 1–16. Minc, L. D., and Sherman, R. J., 2011, Assessing natural clay composition in the Valley of Oaxaca as a basis for ceramic provenance studies, Archaeometry, 53(2), 285–328. Monroy-Guzmán, F., and Fournier, P., 2003, Elemental composition of Mexican colonial majolica using INAA, in Nuclear Analytical Techniques in Archaeological Investigations, 147–161, Technical Reports Series, No. 416, International Atomic Energy Agency, Austria. Monzón, M. C., and Roskamp, H., 2001, El Testamento de doña Ana Ramírez de Acuitzio, Michoacán, 1637, Relaciones, 86, 187–207. Muriel, J., 1990, Hospitales de la Nueva España. Tomo I. Fundaciones del siglo XVI, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Cruz Roja Mexicana, México. Nesvig, M., 2005, Recent work on early Western Mexico and the revival of the black legend, Journal of Social History, 39, 531–538. Nichols, D. L., Brumfiel, E. M., Neff, H., Hodge, M., Charlton, T. H., and Glascock, M. D., 2002, Neutrons, Markets, Cities, and Empires: A Thousand-Year

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Colonial pottery in Mexico Perspective on Ceramic Production and Distribution in the Postclassic Basin of Mexico at Cerro Portezuelo, Chalco, and Xaltocan, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 21, 25–83. Orozco y Berra, M., 1864, Geografía de las lenguas y carta etnográfica de México, Imprenta de J. M. Andrade y F. Escalante, México. Pasinski, T., 2004, Proyecto Arqueológico. Ex-Convento de Santo Domingo. La Antigua Guatemala. Informe sobre la Cerámica de Importación. Siglos XVI al XVIII. Tomo VII—La Cerámica de México. Parte 3—Oaxaca y Chiapa de Corzo, Unpublished Report, Antigua, Guatemala. Pollard, H. P., 1977, An Analysis of Urban Zoning and Planning at Prehispanic Tzintzuntzan, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 121(1), 46–69. Pollard, H. P., 1983, La cuenca del lago Pátzcuaro: población y recursos durante el periodo prehispánico y comienzos del hispánico 1500–1550, Revista de la Universidad, 2, 22–33. Pollard, H. P., 1993, Taríacuri’s Legacy: The Prehispanic Tarascan State, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Pollard, H. P., 2001, Informe final al Consejo de Arqueología, INAH. Proyecto Desarrollo del Estado Tarasco: Los señoríos de Urichu, Xaracuaro, y Pareo (1990–1998). Tomo 3. La Cerámica, MS on file, Archivo de la Coordinación Nacional de Antropología, Instituto Nacional de Antropología, México. Pollard, H. P., 2004, El imperio tarasco en el mundo mesoamericano, Relaciones, 99, 115–142. Pollard, H. P., 2005, From imperial core to Colonial periphery, in The Postclassic to Spanish-Era Transition in Mesoamerica: Archaeological Perspectives (eds. S. Kepecs and R. T. Alexander), 65–76, University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Rodríguez-Alegría, E., 2002, Food, Eating, and Objects of Power: Class Stratification and Ceramic Production and Consumption in Colonial Mexico, Unpublished

Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. Rodríguez-Alegría, E., Neff, H., and Glascock, M. D., 2003, Indigenous ware or Spanish import? The case of Indígena Ware and approaches to power in Colonial Mexico, Latin American Antiquity, 14, 67–81. Romero, J. G., 1862, Noticias para formar la historia y la estadística del Obispado de Michoacan, Imprenta de Vicente García Torres, México. Sodi, F., 1994, La Cerámica Novohispana Vidriada y con Decoración Sellada del Siglo XVI, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Urquiaga, J., (coord.), 2000,La restauración del ex Convento de Santo Domingo Oaxaca, Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, México. Urquiaga, J., 2001, La restauración del exconvento de Santo Domingo de Guzmán en Oaxaca (México). Retrieved at http://www.campusred.net/mediateca/indice_ 2_1043.html on 6 July, 2006. Verástique, B., 2000, Michoacán and Eden: Vasco de Quiroga and the Evangelization of Western Mexico, University of Texas Press, Austin. Verboven, K. S., 2007, Good for Business. The Roman Army and the Emergence of a "Business Class" in the Northwest Provinces of the Roman Empire (1st century BCE-3rd century CE), in The Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC-AD 476): Economic, Social, Political, Religious, and Cultural Aspects (ed. L. de Blois and E. Lo Cascio), 295–314, Leiden, Brill. Warren, J. B., 1985 [1977], The Conquest of Michoacán: The Spanish Domination of the Tarascan Kingdom in Western Mexico, 1521–1530, University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Wauchope, R., 1956, Seminars in Archaeology, Memoirs of the Society for American Archaeology, American Antiquity, 22, No. 2, pt. 2. West, R. C., 1948, Cultural Geography of the Modern Tarascan Area, Smithsonian Institution, Institute of Social Anthropology, Publication 7, Washington, D.C.

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Figure
17.1:
Map
showing
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sampled
for
clays
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ceramics
in
México,
in
light
gray
(sherds
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L.
Bishop).

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Figure 17.2: The Basin of Mexico (adapted from Gibson 1964).

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Figure 17.3: a. Aztec IV Black/Orange molcajete; b. Aztec IV Black/Orange molcajete, molded support; c. Aztec V glazed molcajetes, molded supports; d. Early colonial majolica made in Mexico City, Valle Ware, Tlalpan White type.

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Figure 17.4: a. Early colonial burnished red ware, tripod plate, eagle head support; b. Early colonial burnished red ware, plate and bowl fragments; c. Antequera Bichrome (green/cream) majolica plate made in Oaxaca; d. Indigena Ware, Romita Sgraffito plate.

Figure 17.5: Binary plot illustrating the separation of compositional groups for the Basin of Mexico-Puebla (Aztec orange wares, colonial glazed wares, and majolica Valle Ware, n = 243; Michoacán (Romita Sgraffito, n = 63, and Romita Plain types, n = 47; and Sevilla-Triana majolicas, n = 512, and olive jars, n = 20).

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Figure 17.6: Tri-component plot of sodium, potassium, and scandium illustrating the separation among the three Oaxaca groups (majolicas and glazed wares).

Figure 17.7: Binary plot of cerium and scandium showing the association of the sherds excavated in Oaxaca with the Puebla and Seville/Triana group, as well as the separation of the Oaxaca majolica groups from the others. Group ellipses enclose 90 % confidence intervals about statistically refined reference groups: Puebla 1 (n = 138), Puebla 2 (n = 27), Mexico City (n = 243), Seville/Triana (n = 512), Oaxaca 1 and 2 (n = 104), and Oaxaca 3 (n = 10). 238

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Figure 17.8: Plot of hafnium and thorium, showing two Oaxaca groups, amber glazed wares of Oaxaca 1, green glazed Atzompa pottery, and Spanish olive jars. The plot also illustrates the distinction of the three Oaxaca groups from other colonial lead glazed ceramics.

Figure 17.9: Binary plot of the concentrations of hafnium and thorium (in parts per million) illustrating the compositional distinctiveness of the Romita 1 (n = 63) and Romita 2 (n = 47) groups, including Romita Sgraffito and Romita Plain types, burnished and glazed wares from Michoacán.

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18

Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina)

Fabián Letieri1 , Sergio Escribano Ruiz2 , Cristina Pasquali1 , Agustín Azkarate2,3 , Gabriel Cocco4 , Iban Sánchez Pinto2 and Guillermo de la Fuente5 1- Departamento de Arqueología, Museo Histórico Provincial de Rosario, Av. del Museo s/n, Parque de la Independencia, 2000 Rosario (Argentina) (fl[email protected]) 2- GPAC, University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU), Department of Geography, Prehistory and Archaeology, C. Tomas y Valiente, s.n., 01006 Vitoria-Gasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) ([email protected], [email protected]) 3- UNESCO Chair on Cultural Landscape and Heritage, CIEA Lascaray, Avda. Miguel de Unamuno, 3, 01006 VitoriaGasteiz (Basque Country, Spain) 4- Área Arqueología, Museo Etnográfico y Colonial "Juan de Garay", 25 de mayo 1470, 3000 Santa Fe (Argentina) ([email protected]) 5- National University of Catamarca, CONICET, Av. Rivadavia 1917, C.A.B.A. (Argentina) The arrival of Sebastian Gaboto and his expedition (1527–1529) meant the encounter between Europeans and diverse ethnic groups settled in the confluence of the Carcarañá and Coronda Rivers. The aim of this paper is to analyse this cultural dynamic through pottery analysis, not only based on the local pottery production, but also on the use of foreign artefacts and significance given within the multi-ethnic landscape. The ongoing analytical strategy, allows us to shed some light on the conquest process and its derived situations, that is to say, to test the integration or persistence of the cultural diversity during the early colonization period of America. KEYWORDS: EARLY COLONIZATION, SANCTI SPIRITUS FORT, LOCAL POTTERY, EUROPEAN POTTERY, CULTURAL CONTACT, ARCHAEOLOGY, ARCHAEOMETRY

18.1 Introduction Background This paper is part of the research project on the Sancti Spiritus Fort, located in the town of Puerto Gaboto, Santa Fe province (Figure 18.1). This settlement established by Sebastian Cabot (1527–1529), was the first European village and Fort in present day Argentina (Astiz et al. 1987); and is renown, at a historical level, for its early chronology, for being a response to a spontaneous attempt at colonization, and because its stratification displays the interaction between native and European societies. The earliest evidence is related to a pre-Hispanic habitat, represented by circular postholes that demonstrate the existence of architecture based on ephemeral wooden structures. The colonial period is represented by the construction of the European Fort associated with a large oval section trench defended by a raw land wall, and which has been filled with ashes containing abundant European, mainly Spanish, material. After their departure, the native societies continued to inhabit the site, as can be seen from

the abundant physical evidence that has been documented. Therefore, the short irruption of Sebastian Cabot’s expedition in this particular spot in the Great Paraná Basin offers us an extremely valuable material record that will enable us to analyse the cultural interaction that occurred between local societies and the Spanish expedition.

Material analysed Among the cultural material recovered, known for its quantitative and qualitative nature, we must highlight the pottery associated with the different settlement periods. In addition, the intense historical sequence embodied in the subsoil of the site is reflected in the pottery items recovered. Consequently, the Sancti Spiritus Fort pottery record could become a key element when assessing the influence of the Spanish expedition over local societies. Especially when there is a cultural horizon prior to the Spanish arrival (pre1527), one associated with their presence (1527–1529) and another created after they left (post 1529).

F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente

Objectives This circumstance makes it possible to address the study of the pottery from a diachronic perspective, comparing pre-1527 pottery items with post-1529 elements. This will enable us to determine whether this particular short and improvised colonial episode exerted any technological influence on the local production of pottery. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to assess the technological impact produced during a very specific episode of cultural contact; to analyze the dynamics of the pottery record in order to appreciate the production and use patterns of ceramic products, and, consequently, assess the impact of this tragic cultural encounter on the pottery of local and European societies and approach the importance of pottery in the social identity strategies of both societies.

Analysis of chronicles

Exposure To achieve the said objective we shall, in the first place, provide a description of each pottery collection with a view to determine, in the final stage, the degree and mode of the influence that European pottery production had on the local technology and/or vice versa, to assess the influence of local pottery on the usage of pottery products by the Spanish expedition.

18.2 Native pottery Historiographical retrospective From the late 19th to the mid-20th century, the indigenous pottery in the Argentinian Northeast region was approached from a historical-cultural viewpoint. During this period a vast production of archaeological studies presented in their descriptions this theoretical trend where the culture is conceived "as a set of shared norms that characterizes a particular social or ethnic group and that is reflected in the material through sets of objects with similar attributes: the styles" (Runcio 2007, 19). In this way, the stylistic characteristics of the ceramic artefacts were seconded to certain ethnic groups that occupied the region of the NEA, justifying the variability and complexity of the ceramic production according to similarities and differences in styles observed (Aparicio 1923, 1936; Gaspary 1950; Gonzalez 1977; Outes 1918; Serrano 1931, 1958). Serrano (1972) summarizes much of the archaeological studies by setting different archaeological periods of which the late period (1000–1500 AD) is the one of greatest interest for this work. This period is characterized by groups identified archaeologically as Ribereños Plásticos (Serrano 1972) and ethnically associated with the Chana Timbú groups that, within their pottery repertoire, they possessed opened or closed globular containers with incisions and zoomorphs appendages. These groups had occupied the island area in high places who persisted until the historical moments along with the guaranies, horticulturists groups whose ceramics are characterized by the polychrome, the corrugated and unguiculated 242

technique with a wide territorial dispersion. However, the documentary review provides a more complex social panorama at the time of the arrival of the European expedition where the territory was shared by many tribes of different cultures and named by Ramírez as Guaranies or Chandris, Querandies, Caracaraes, Chanas, Beguas, ChanaTimbús and Timbúes among other nations (Medina 1908b). From this perspective, papers on the pottery studied showed similarities or differences according to the dispersion of "features" found at archaeological sites; the presence of such features in different sectors was interpreted as the dissemination of those features, displaying the adaptive power of groups to different environmental contexts or justifying the existence or absence of interaction with other groups.

On the other hand, the testimonies documented by some chroniclers who belonged to Cabot’s expedition [Luis Ramirez (in Maura 2007), Diego Garcia de Moguer (in Medina 1908a) and Roger Barlow (in Taylor 1932)] are rich in detail and repeatedly describe certain aspects of the life of the native groups. These aspects were also observed by Schmidel (in Quevedo 1983) and Pedro Lopez de Sousa (in Varnhagen 1839) when they arrived in the region in subsequent years. The descriptions were closely related to the objectives of the colonizing enterprise; these first few eyewitnesses provide very detailed information concerning the ways of life of the groups that were in the area (subsistence, mobility, and diverse material culture exchanges, armaments, funeral customs and rituals, language, among others; with the exception of Barlow who witnessed a cannibalism rite performed by guaranies and indirectly mentions the arrangement of vessels around the victim. None of them describes the uses and customs conferred to the ceramic implements that makes it possible to identify or associate forms or decorative styles to certain groups that were in the area during the early period of colonization.

Ceramic Studies—Methodological Approach In order to study the native pottery production, a set of attributes were analysed to obtain a preliminary approach to their variability and complexity within this particular historical context, namely: the establishment of the village and fort of Sancti Spiritus. The purpose of the analyses performed was to observe certain secondary technological features found in the local manufacturing technique and, finally, to assess the presence of probable changes in pottery production due to the presence of the Europeans during the approximately three years of coexistence. The total of the sample is composed of approximately 12,000 fragments and a general characterization of a subsample composed of 1,800 rimsherds (13 %) was made, as these are considered to be diagnostic elements that provide information not only related to the techniques used to apply decorative elements but also to estimating the shapes of the containers.

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Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina)

Shapes of containers The shapes of the containers represented are highly variable, and were determined from the following parameters:

The latter refers to containers or fragments usually found in burial contexts (see for example Lothrop 1932; Vadano 1940).

Paste analysis • Containers with averagely reliable graphic representations: rims whose perimeters (taken at the mouth of the container) are between 10 % or more of the total perimeter expected (Orton et al. 1997, 194–197). This parameter enabled us to define, at least, the orientation of the rimsherd and a greater tendency was observed of containers with unrestricted shapes, (20 %), compared to the edges with restricted shapes (11 %) and the rest (79 %) were classified as "indeterminate". • The predominant technique used was coiling, which can be distinguished in some of the rimsherds observed. The sample is highly fragmented, which implied a serious limitation regarding the study of the shapes; so far it has been possible to plot 60 rimsherds. In this regard, the continued efforts at reassembling the pottery are expected to lead to a greater number of shapes, which will provide more information on dimensions, use and so on.

Application techniques (decorative) Of all the rims analysed in this first approach, we observed that 67 % had no treatment surface and, with respect to secondary application techniques (Schiffer and Skibo 1987; 1997), the most frequent, the following was obtained: There is an extensive presence of the application of slips (considering combinations with incisions and paint) in almost 50 % of the sample; this feature was generally associated with the water-proofing (sealing) of the containers. Incised techniques (26 % of the total sample) show a variety of motifs ranging from straight and dotted lines, forming multiple geometric, scaled or combined shapes, as well as zoomorphic figures as appendages, of which the most common representations are birds). Paint is not extensive (6 % of the total sample) and there are a few visible figurative motifs of representation patterns in red, white or black colours (or combination); although few fragments were found featuring linear or geometric polychrome motifs. Regarding corrugated and unguiculated application techniques, few rimsherd fragments (as well as fragments corresponding to the bodies of the containers) have been recovered. The use of this technique has often been attributed to Guarani groups (as mentioned briefly in the background section of this paper). Studies performed at Sancti Spiritus Fort on shapes and decorative technical attributes are correlated with the frequency of findings consistent with other studies in the area, i.e.: a relatively high percentage of slips (Serrano 1931; 1958), large numbers of rimsherds without any surface treatment (de Aparicio 1936), low percentage of rimshrerds with paintings and engravings and even lower percentages of unguiculated and corrugated rimsherds.

The sub-macroscopic (20X–40X) and petrographic (40X– 100X) analyses of ceramic pastes enable us to observe distinct patterns in the pottery production process. The study of 39 ceramic thin-sections under a polarizing microscope, carried out by Guillermo de la Fuente, indicates the presence of pottery manufacturing processes based on a well-established technical tradition regarding the way the containers were manufactured, characterized by paste tempered with felsic minerals (quartz, feldspars, muscovite and biotite) (Figure 18.2). Significant percentages of argillaceous inclusions and grog were observed, whereas the ancient potters used clay or mud with a high organic content. The frequent use of grog in the paste as a temper of cultural origin is a fairly widespread pottery manufacturing practice in various preHispanic populations in the Argentinian Northeast region (Figure 18.2) (Aparicio 1936; Frenguelli 1927; Serrano 1931—among others researches). Most of the ceramic pastes analysed presents reduced firing and, to a lesser extent, mixed firing with the generation of a grey-black nuclei core and clear margins defined in oxidizing environments, probably related to open and closed firing pits or wells (Figure 18.2).

Brief overview Therefore, we can say that the local pottery recovered at Sancti Spiritus Fort presents a variety of shapes, decorative application techniques and firing that are characteristic of the native people from the region (Figure 18.3). However, this brief description does not mask its complexity. The challenge, from now on, is to intensify the archaeological and archaeometric studies to understand its complexity within a complicated sociocultural context, such as the "contact period".

18.3

European Pottery

Archaeological background in the study of historical pottery The assessment and analysis of the archaeological background regarding pottery included both the American and the Spanish records. The central concept in American studies is "pottery type". This refers to the categories of pottery that share a specific and unique combination of physical features, such as type of paste, surface treatment and decoration (Goggin 1960, 1968; Deagan 1987, 2002; Lister and Lister 1981, 1987; among other authors). The analysis of pottery, whether at production or reception centres, has traditionally been considered from the perspective of the History of Art. Thus, priority has been given to the aesthetic and decorative elements, and, to a lesser degree, to the typological features, over

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F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente archaeological and archaeometric studies. However, these characteristics are insufficient to establish the provenance of the fragments that appear in archaeological excavations, since samples are generally fragmented or present similar stylistic attributes to productions from different origins (Iñañez 2007).

European pottery record at Sancti Spiritus Fort The diversity of the pottery recovered from the Sancti Spiritus Fort is linked to artefacts that belonged to Cabot’s expedition of 1526. 1111 fragments were selected and analysed. 92 % of the sample corresponds to commercial containers. Majolica only represents 8 % of the total. The majolica fragments studied present different types of paste, shapes, sizes and surface finishes. The types of pottery identified are: Columbia Plain (Columbia Gunmetal and Columbia Green Dipeed), Isabela Polychrome and Caparra Blue, according to American literature. 30 % of the sample could not be identified based on type. 59 % of the majolica sample corresponds to container body parts, 7 % to the base of containers and 34 % to rimsherds. Regarding shape, the following have been identified: plate, bowl and albarello, according to Amores and Chisvert (1993). Of the total pottery sample that corresponds to containers for commercial use, 48 % are fragments with internal glazing and 52 % are unglazed fragments, based on their surface treatment. 92 % of the unglazed sample corresponds to container body parts. Rimsherds (5 %) and bases (3 %) are poorly represented. 96 % of the sample of fragments with internal glazing corresponds to jar bodies. The rimsherds represent only 4 % of the sample. In summary, the above analysis displays the limitations of the type concept (decorative typology) and shape concept (morphotypology), since the sample is very fragmented and presents stylistic attributes that do not allow the identification of ceramic types and shapes.

to establish typological groups, through the analysis of shapes. The shape analysis is based on those described in Tipología común bajomedieval y moderna sevillana (Amores and Chisvert 1993). Finally, the composition was analysed, through the compositional analysis of the clay matrix under binocular microscope (20X–40X). The purpose of this analysis is to establish an intermediate step between visual and archaeometric analyses, facilitating its analytical implementation by representing a transition between two very different resolution analysis scales. This is also considered essential because, unlike the decoration or the shape—features that are more repetitive and easy to imitate—the study of the paste offers a safer link between pottery production sites and the finished products, providing the opportunity to group the different types of pottery produced at a given workshop or in a given production area (Escribano 2012).

Provisional pottery groups The proposed techno-typological analysis identified a total of 7 pottery groups according to the combined considerations of surface treatment, morphotypology and compositional typology (Figure 18.4). Group I Majolica. This group does not present inclusions in the clay, the paste is fine and refined; it has a single surface treatment: plain white, grey and green tin glaze. It is the largest group and would represent ordinary tin glazed earthenware. The group described, based on American literature, would correspond to the following types: Columbia Plain, Columbia Plain Gunmetal and Columbia Plain Green Dipeed. The few shapes identified by the edge sections were plates and bowls.

Analytical strategy Due to what has been explained in the preceding section, a comprehensive study was conducted, which included, in addition to the type and shape concepts, the characteristics of the paste in order to determine the pottery groups and the production centres to which they belong. The aim of this study was, on the one hand, to overcome the limitations of the type concept, and on the other hand, to establish a link between the pottery products and their production centres, understanding that each centre could manufacture different products for different uses and consumers (Pasquali and Escribano 2012). First of all, the surface treatment was studied through analysing the coating and the pigments. Glazing and painting pottery involves serious changes in production methods and in the organisation of the production system, which mark qualitative differences regarding use. The following variables will be considered for the analysis: internal-external glazing, internal glazing, nonglazing, colour of the glazing, monochrome or polychrome decoration. Secondly, the morphotypology was analysed 244

Groups II–III Majolica. These groups have the same clay characteristics as the previous one; however, they have polychrome decoration motifs. The tin glazing is also of a higher quality compared to the groups mentioned above. This would be pottery associated to lavish productions aimed at social distinction. Based on American literature, the Group II would correspond to Isabela Polychrome type, while the Group III is not recorded and could be produced in Italy or imitated in Seville. Shapes identified: plates (Groups II and III) and bowls (Group II). Group IV Majolica. This group presents inclusions in the clay (mainly quartzes); meanwhile the paste is chalky and porous. The tin glazing is polychrome and high quality. It cannot be ascribed to any pottery type based on American literature. No shapes were identified.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina) Group V Majolica. This group presents inclusions in the clay (mainly quartz), while paste is chalky and porous. The exterior surface is covered with blue tin enamel and interior with white to off-white glaze. According to American literature, this type corresponds to Caparra Blue type. Only one shape was identified, an albarelo. Group VI Commercial containers. The fragments analysed in this group present clay with, at least, these mineral materials: crystalline quartz, milky quartz and mica. The lead-based inner glazing (lead-tin-salt) is green and honey-coloured. The average thickness of the sample is 0.65 cm. Based on American literature they would correspond to the Early Olive jar type, represented in a single shape corresponding to a group used as containers for transport and to store products used in maritime or river commerce (Amores and Chisvert 1993). Group VII Commercial containers. As happened in the previous group, the fragments analysed present clay with, at least, the following mineral materials: crystalline quartz, milky quartz and mica. But they do not present glazing and the average thickness of the sample is 0.84 cm. Even if no type has been identified following the American literature, the shapes seem to correspond to storage containers for transport and to store products used in maritime or river commerce (Amores and Chisvert 1993).

Archaeometric analysis: some preliminary comments on provenience The archaeometrical study, developed by the team headed by Jaume Buxeda i Garrigós at the University of Barcelona, is still in its first stages. Even if a small sample is available for analysis, up to ten sherds have been already studied by X-ray fluorescence (XRF) and by Xray diffraction (XRD), and new fragments had been sent to increase the sample size. The main and preliminary conclusions on provenience are similar to those proposed by the macroscopical study, that is to say that most of them (except two samples) seem to come from the Sevillean area. The most interesting issue derived from the analysis is that these fragments share compositional features with the oldest Sevillean group, Sev01 (Figure 18.5) (Buxeda et al. in this volume1 ). Therefore, they are not similar to Triana pottery, but share chemical characteristics with the olive jars recovered in the early Spanish colonial settlements of Santa María la Antigua del Darién (Colombia), Vega Vieja (Dominican Republic) or Panamá Viejo (Panama), among others. Therefore, our example also shows that Seville was a really complex production centre that must be studied more deeply in the near future (Buxeda et al. in this volume).

18.4

Brief discussion. Social interaction and technological influence

On the one hand, as the chapter on native pottery has shown, the recovered assemblage presents a high variety of shapes and secondary techniques, not only before the brief Spanish presence, but also during the contact period and even after their exit. Pastes are compact and present reduced firing conditions made in pits or wells and were tempered with grog, but none of these features seems to be influenced by the Spanish occupation. By contrast, it is the widest and most common mode of production in the North East Argentinean region. On the other hand, European pottery is quite uniform and scarce in shapes. There is a bit more diversity in surface techniques, especially in glazing type and quality, but not more than was usual in 16th century Spain. Pastes, even if some differences exist, are also quite homogenous; but it is clear that they are not related to the native standard. According to this quick picture, we can stand that, by the moment, there is no evidence of European technological impact in the native pottery subsequent to the Spanish exit. By contrast, as no pottery production has been detected during the Spanish settlement, due to the nature of the expedition, it is very possible that they needed local pottery. That is why we think that we must focus on the Spanish use of native pottery, by centring our attention in the cultural interaction phase, which has not been fully excavated yet. Perhaps it is early to value the importance of pottery in the social identity strategies of both societies, but attending to these preliminary conclusions, we could think that the native material culture was important enough to the local societies to preserve their production cycles and continue with their consumption habits. Perhaps the Europeans also used their pottery to differ from the local societies during this two-year spam, as they did to mark social differences between themsleves (Pasquali and Escribano 2012); but, as we already noted, the different material necessities of a maritime expedition and a settlement attempt, were probably materialized in a mixed (local and European) pottery record. We hope that the current excavation works will reveal more evidence in both directions, on the technological change or continuity and in the European use of local pottery.

18.5

Final Remarks

As a final exercise, we want to underline that the site where Sancti Spiritus Fort was established has a unique stratigraphic sequence for the North East Argentinean area, that includes, in the same material document, prehispanic, hispanic and posthispanic remains. This circumstance provides us with an exceptional opportunity to retell the region’s history from an archaeological point of view. In relation to the aim of the work, for the time being, we could state that there is no evident change in the way of making pottery at the local sphere. It seems that the two-

1 J. Buxeda i Garrigós, M. Madrid i Fernández, J. G. Iñañez and C. Fernández de Marcos García, Archaeometry of the technological change in societies in contact. First examples for modern ceramics from the Crowns of Castile and Aragon.

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F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente year span was not enough, in this concrete case, to change the local modes of production and consumption of pottery. However, ongoing work, outside and within the fort, could reveal more information in this regard.

Acknowledgements The research on Sancti Spiritus Fort is funded by the Ministerio de Cultura (Spain) and the Consejo Federal de Inversiones (Argentina). Sergio Escribano’s trip to Barcelona was funded by the GPAC, Grupo de Investigación en Patrimonio Construido (UPV/EHU, Basque Country University). Thanks to all of them and also to the Tecnolonial Project crew, for their help and support.

References Amores, F., and Chisvert, N., 1993, Tipología de la cerámica común bajomedieval y moderna sevillana (ss. XV– XVIII): la loza quebrada de relleno de bóvedas, SPAL 2, 269–325. Aparicio, F. de, 1923, Contribución al estudio de la arqueología del Litoral: Un nuevo tipo de representaciones plásticas, Revista de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Tomo LI, 94–106. Aparicio, F. de, 1936, El Paraná y sus tributarios, in Las culturas indígenas del Río de La Plata, VII, 473–506, Imprenta de la Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires. Astiz, M.a E., and Tomé, A., 1987, Localización y descripción de Sancti Spiritus (1527–1529), Cuadernos Instituto Nacional de Antropología, 12, 203–251. Deagan, K., 2002, Artifacts of the Spanish Colonies of Florida and the Caribbean 1500–1800, Volumen 2, Portable Personal Possessions, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington and London. Deagan, K., 1987, The Archaeology of the Spanish Contact Period in the Caribbean, Journal of World Prehistory, 2, 187–233. Escribano Ruiz, S., 2012, El registro cerámico del País Vasco, Álava y bizkaia, siglos XIX al XVII. Retrospectiva histórica, in Estudiar el pasado: aspectos metodológicos de la investigación en Ciencias de la Antigüedad y de la Edad Media (eds. A. Castro Correa, D. Gómez Castro, G. González Germain, K. Starczewska, J. Oller Guzmán, A. Puy Maeso, R. Riera Vargas and N. Villagra Hidalgo), BAR International Series 2412, Oxford. Fernández de Navarrete, M., 1955, Colección de los viajes y descubrimientos que hicieron por mar los españoles desde fines del siglo XV. Disertación sobre la naútica y de las ciencias matemáticas que han contribuido a sus progresos entre los españoles, Ediciones Atlas, Madrid. Frenguelli, J., 1927, Nuevo tipo de alfarería indígena ornitomorfa, Consejo General de Educación de Santa Fe del Boletín de Educación, 4ta. Época, 24, 1–11. Gaspary, F., 1950, Investigaciones arqueológicas y antropológicas en un "cerrito" de la isla Los Marinos (Depto. Victoria, Entre Ríos) situada frente a Rosario, 246

Publicación del Instituto de Arqueología, Lingüística y Folklore, 23, 3–66. Goggin, J., 1960, The Spanish Olive Jar. An Introductory Study, Yale University Publication in Anthropology, 62, New Haven. Goggin, J., 1968, Spanish Majolica in the New World, Types of 16th to 18th Centuries, Yale University Publication Anthropology, 72, New Haven. González, A. R., 1980, Arte Precolombino de la Argentina, Introducción a su historia Cultural, Filmoediciones Valerio, 469, Buenos Aires. Iñañez, J. G., 2007, Caracterització arqueomètrica de la ceràmica vidriada decorada de la Baixa Edat Mitjana al Renaixement als centres productors de la Península Ibèrica, Tesis Doctorals en Xarxa, 0205107-115739, Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona. Lister, F., and Lister, R., 1981, The recycled pots and potsherds of Spanish, Historical Archaeology, 15, 66– 78. Lister, F., and Lister, R., 1987, Andalusian ceramics in Spain and New Spain, The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Lothrop, S. K., 1932, Indians of the Paraná Delta— Argentina, Annals of The New York Academy of Sciencies, Volume 33, Issue 1, 77–232. Maura, J. F., 2007, Luis Ramírez, Carta de Luis Ramírez a su padre desde el Brasil (1528): orígenes de los "real maravilloso" en el Cono Sur, 42–62, Col. Textos de la revista Lemir 2007. Retrieved from http:// parnaseo.uv.es/Lemir/Textos/Ramirez.pdf. Medina, J. T., 1908a, Diego García de Moguer, in Colección de Documento inéditos para la historia de Chile. Desde el viaje de Magallanes hasta la batalla de Maipo (1515– 1818), Cap. II, 232–246, Imprenta Ercilla, Santiago de Chile. Medina, J. T., 1908b, El veneciano Sebastián Caboto. Al servicio de España y especialmente de su proyectado viaje a Las Molucas por el estrecho de Magallanes y al reconocimiento de la Costa del Continente hasta la Gobernación de Pedrarias Dávila, Tomo I, Imprenta y Encuadernación Universitaria, Santiago de Chile. Mena García, C., 2004, Nuevos datos sobre bastimentos y envases en armadas y flotas de la carrera, Revista de Indias, vol. LXIV, nº 231, 447–484. Orton, C., Tyers P., and Vince, A.G., 1997, La cerámica en arqueología, Ed. Crítica, Barcelona. Outes, F., 1918, Nuevo jalón septentrional en la dispersión de representaciones plásticas de la cuenca paranaense y su valor indicador, Anales de la Sociedad Científica Argentina, Tomo LXXXV, 53–66. Pasquali, C., and Escribano Ruiz, S., 2012, Mayolicas en el fuerte Sancti Spiritus (1527–1529). Propuesta analítica y resultados provisionales, Revista del Museo de la Plata (Sección Antropología), Tomo 13 (in press). Quevedo, R., 1983, Ulrico Schmídel, Derrotero y viaje al río de la Plata y Paraguay (1534–1554), Biblioteca Paraguaya, Ediciones Napa, Asunción, Paraguay. Retrieved from http://bvp-org-py.lecom.com.py/ biblio_htm/schmidl/indice.htm on January 14, 2015.

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Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina) Runcio, M. A., 2007, El estilo en arqueología: diferentes enfoques y perspectivas, Espacios de crítica y producción, 36, 18–28. Schiffer, M. B., and Skibo, J. M., 1987, Theory and experiment in the study of technological change, Current Anthropology, 28(5), 595–621. Schiffer, M. B., and Skibo, J. M., 1997, The explanation of artifact variability, American Antiquity, 62(1), 27–50. Serrano, A., 1931, Arqueología del Litoral, Memorias del Museo de Paraná, 1–15, Talleres Gráficos Casa Pedrassi, Paraná. Serrano, A., 1958, Manual de la Cerámica Indígena, Ed.

Assandri, Córdoba. Serrano, A., 1972, Líneas fundamentales de la arqueología del Litoral (Una tentativa de periodización), 1– 79, Publicación del Instituto de Antropología, Universidad de Córdoba. Taylor, E. G. R., 1932, A brief summe of geographie by Roger Barlow, London. Vadano, V., 1940, Piezas enteras de alfarería del litoral, existentes en el Museo de Entre Ríos, Memorias del Museo de Entre Ríos (Notas Arqueológicas 2), 14, 1–22. Varnhagen, F. A., 1839, Diario de Navegaçao de Pero Lopes de Souza, 1530–1532, Lisboa.

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F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente

Figure 18.1: Puerto Gaboto’s geographical location (left) and Sancti Spiritus Fort’s position, as represented in the map of Cornelis van Wytfliet, 1597 (right, within the oval).

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Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina)

Figure 18.2: Prehispanic ceramic pastes from Sancti Spiritus Fort: (a) PG8 L.64 sherd, reduced firing core and quartz inclusions; (b) PG9 L.2 sherd, reduced firing core and oxidizing borders; (c) EU182 sherd, showing grog, in PPL; (d) EU2436 sherd, reduced firing core, quartz inclusions and oxidizing borders; (e) T364 sherd, fine quartz inclusions and reduced firing core; (f) PG3803 sherd, showing several grog inclusions in a oxidizing ceramic paste.

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F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente

Figure 18.3: Shapes of vessels and decorative techniques of the prehispanic pottery.

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Approaching the Cultural Complexity of Pottery from Sancti Spiritus Village and Fort (Puerto Gaboto, Argentina)

Figure 18.4: Groups resulting from the macroscopic study of the European pottery recovered at the excavations of Sancti Spiritus.

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Figure
18.5:
Dendrograms
from
the
cluster
analysis
performed
using
the
subcomposition
Fe2O3,
Al2O3,
MnO,
MgO,
CaO,
Na2O,
K2O,
SiO2,
Ba,
Nb,
Zr,
Sr,
Ce,
V,
Zn,
Ni
and
Cr,
ALR
transformed
with
TiO2
as
divisor.
On
the
left,
the
ten
samples
analyzed
(marked
with
an
arrow)
along
with
the
samples
from
Seville
and
from
the
recepetion
centres
of
Iberian
Peninsula,
Canary
Islands
and
America.
On
the
right,
the
ten
samples
alone. (Authors:
Jaume
Buxeda
i
Garrigós
and
Marisol
Madrid
i
Fernández).

F. Letieri, S. Escribano Ruiz, C. Pasquali, A. Azkarate, G. Cocco, I. Sánchez Pinto and G. de la Fuente

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19

Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida

Carmen Mena García Universidad de Sevilla, C/ Doña María de Padilla, s/n, 41004 Sevilla (Spain) ([email protected]) La región selvática del Darién, que actualmente comparten las repúblicas americanas de Panamá y Colombia, fue el escenario de una de las experiencias más tempranas e interesantes que se conocen de la conquista del Nuevo Mundo por los españoles. Santa María de la Antigua del Darién, fundada en 1510 junto a uno de los afluentes del Atrato, se convierte en la primera ciudad española de las tierras continentales y laboratorio fronterizo de prácticas guerreras y nuevas instituciones. Analizamos en estas páginas los orígenes históricos de este enclave, así como los esfuerzos arqueológicos para el rescate de la ciudad perdida. KEYWORDS: DARIÉN, SANTA MARÍA DE LA ANTIGUA, TIERRA FIRME, DESCUBRIMIENTO Y CONQUISTA, ARQUEOLOGÍA AMERICANA, COLOMBIA, PANAMÁ, URBANISMO COLONIAL

19.1 Conquistar y poblar La gran empresa pobladora y colonizadora fue lo que singularizó y dio sentido a la expansión hispánica en las tierras americanas. Sin duda, "el colosal proceso urbanizador acontecido en América entre 1492 y 1810 constituyó un fenómeno único en la historia de la humanidad por su densidad, equilibrio y continuidad en el tiempo" (Lucena 2005, 21). Como era de esperar, los españoles y en menor medida los portugueses trasladaron al Nuevo Mundo muchos de los elementos básicos de su cultura de origen, entre éstos el paradigma urbano y la convicción unánime de la superioridad de esta forma de organización enraizada en Grecia y Roma. La ciudad— la sociedad urbana—era considerada en aquella época como la forma más elevada de vida que podía alcanzar el ser humano, la forma "perfecta", según había sostenido Aristóteles muchos años atrás. El hombre, como zoon politikon, estaba destinado a vivir en sociedad y para ello era necesario que existiera un orden regido por la ley y la autoridad. Y así "vivir en república" (res publica), según el lenguaje de la época, era sinónimo de "vivir en policia" (polis), es decir llevar una vida urbana, ordenada y arreglada de acuerdo a unos cánones dictados para el bien común. Se ha dicho que si el conquistador puebla de ciudades el continente americano es porque trae la ciudad en su mente, en su legado cultural propio del Renacimiento y al mismo tiempo de tradición medieval, pues es portador de la reciente experiencia pobladora de la Reconquista ibérica contra los musulmanes. Esta praxis no surge y se extiende de forma espontánea. Responde, por el contrario,

a los dictados centralizadores de los monarcas hispanos y persigue una clara intencionalidad política dado que la concentración de los grupos humanos en villas y ciudades permite un control mucho más eficaz que la dispersión. Núcleos urbanos, centros de poder—civil y religioso—y de la actividad comercial que se expande sobre los territorios adyacentes en breve espacio de tiempo, como un tornado de fuerza arrolladora. En el proceso de conformación de las nuevas sociedades americanas el primer paso viene dado por la transformación de la hueste—grupo guerrero, por esencia explorador y trashumante—en colectivo urbano, lo que implica arraigo y estabilidad. La fundación de núcleos urbanos en las tierras arrebatadas a los indios constituye, además, para el capitán de la hueste la única vía para legitimar la conquista y cumplir adecuadamente con el pacto contractual de sus capitulaciones. Con demasiada frecuencia el conquistador actúa impulsivamente porque es consciente de que otros compañeros le siguen los pasos y pueden arrebatarle honores y privilegios. Y como las prisas siempre fueron malas consejeras, no elige el lugar adecuado. En numerosas ocasiones la estabilidad del asiento va unida a la fortuna del capitán—tal es el caso de Santa María de la Antigua, el reino de Balboa—o bien a las adversas circunstancias: geográficas, climáticas o estratégicas, que acechan el asiento elegido. Como es bien sabido, el fenómeno de los traslados de las ciudades americanas constituye un proceso tan señalado e interesante como el de las mismas fundaciones que perduraron en el tiempo. Un buen número de los nuevos asentamientos hispanos se fundaron, mudaron y abandonaron por voluntad del conquistador, por mandato de las autoridades o por razones de conveniencia de los

C. Mena García vecinos y tuvieron una historia, a veces tan fugaz que ni siquiera se conservan noticias de ellos. Pero otras tantas, una vez cumplida su misión originaria y perdida la razón de su existencia, se desvanecieron poco a poco tras una anticipada vejez. Cuando esto ocurría, los vecinos emprendían una forzada diáspora y se trasladaban a otros núcleos cercanos de mayores alicientes y con mayores posibilidades de éxito. Pueblos, villas y ciudades fueron de este modo abandonados por sus fundadores y engullidos por la vegetación o por el paso de los años, aunque algunas sobrevivieron durante mucho tiempo en el recuerdo de sus antiguos vecinos (Hardoy 1989, 9–39).

19.2 Los primeros asentamientos en la Tierra Firme Se ha señalado que durante los primeros cincuenta años (1492–1542) de la presencia española en America el proceso de urbanización territorial atravesó por dos etapas claramente diferenciadas. La primera de ellas se inicia en las Antillas, escenario temprano de la presencia hispánica y finaliza precisamente en 1519, tras la fundación de la ciudad de Panamá con Pedrarias Dávila. Durante los dieciséis años que promediaron entre el establecimiento colombino de Santa María de Belén (1503) en la costa atlántica, junto a la desembocadura del río Veragua, y la fundación de Panamá (1519) por el gobernador Pedrarias Dávila en la costa del Mar Pacífico, la Tierra Firme fue testigo de un rosario de fundaciones precipitadas y abortadas en muy corto espacio de tiempo hasta el punto de que hoy día muchas de ellas ni siquiera son conocidas. Todas respondían a los mismos condicionantes políticos, económicos y estratégicos dictados por la política estatal y por el razonable sentido común de los conquistadores: proseguir y trasladar la actividad exploradora desde el escenario insular del Caribe a las costas continentales y establecer relaciones seguras con España y con Santo Domingo, hasta entonces capital y motor de las Indias. Aquí en las tierras continentales del Darién, en el flanco occidental de la culata del golfo de Urabá, Santa María de la Antigua, fundada en 1510 por la maltrecha hueste del bachiller Martín Fernández de Enciso, se erige desde muy pronto como el centro matriz o núcleo de irradiación de otras fundaciones tempranas instaladas en la línea costera o en el interior del territorio, con mayor o menor fortuna. El propósito de los españoles de establecerse en el golfo de Urabá y en la región selvática del Darién se revela como un esfuerzo descomunal con un alto coste en vidas humanas. Desde 1493 las tierras americanas comenzaron a sepultar a españoles en sus entrañas, pero la primera frontera de la América continental fue, sin dudarlo, un auténtico cementerio de conquistadores. La conquista de la Tierra Firme se inicia con propiedad en 1510. Tras el fracasado propósito de las huestes de Nicuesa de establecerse en el litoral atlántico, en donde fundan el precario asiento portuario de Nombre de Dios (1510), los españoles supervivientes, diezmados y enfermos, se repliegan a las selvas del Darién buscando la ayuda de los guerreros que han llegado a aquellas tierras en compañía de Alonso de Ojeda. Éstos se establecen primero en la costa 254

oriental del golfo de Urabá en donde fundan San Sebastián (marzo de 1510), no más que un precario fortín en donde guarecerse de los ataques de la indiada, que terminará siendo abandonado por el acoso de los indios caribes. Con mayor fortuna se realiza, como ya adelantamos, un segundo intento en las tierras occidentales de esa misma culata. Nace así en 1510, tal vez por el mes de noviembre, Santa María de la Antigua del Darién, la primera villa de españoles, sostén y refugio de varios centenares de hombres y un puñado de mujeres liderados por Vasco Núñez de Balboa. Éstos han sobrevivido a la debacle acaecida a dos huestes gemelares, que operan a un mismo tiempo aunque con mandos diferentes en aquel territorio continental: la del gobernador Diego de Nicuesa en Veragua y la de Alonso de Ojeda en Urabá. Por extraño que pueda parecer, el nuevo asiento no se establece en la costa, como hubiera sido lo más razonable, sino en el interior de la selva, a orillas del río Darién (hoy Tanela) en un dédalo fluvial, inundable y húmedo, pero a buen recaudo de los ataques de los temibles indios caribes. El poblado arraiga y cinco años más tarde obtiene de la corona el título de "muy noble y muy leal ciudad de Santa María de la Antigua del Darién" (Real Cédula fechada en Burgos, 20/07/1515) lo que la convierte en la primera ciudad europea de la Tierra Firme. Más aún en 1510, año de su fundación, Santa María constituye además "el asentamiento más occidental de la civilización cristiana y también uno de los más meridionales junto con unas cuantas factorías portuguesas en África" lo que le proporciona una condición de frontera límite de extraordinaria importancia (Vignolo y Becerra 2011, 21) (Figure 19.1). El propósito de colonización y explotación de la Tierra Firme, bautizada como Castilla del Oro desde 1513, pone de relieve como ningún otro los inconvenientes de trasladar masivamente a grupos de españoles a tierras americanas sobre las que se poseía un conocimiento incompleto de sus recursos y clima (Hardoy 1989, 19). Ya los contemporáneos observaron que todos los esfuerzos de esta índole habían fracasado estrepitosamente con un elevado costo en dinero y vidas humanas y advirtieron al monarca con fundada razón para evitar que se repitieran. Bien es sabido que la expedición pobladora de Pedrarias fue uno de los proyectos más tempranos y ambiciosos que se conocen, sólo comparable al del Cristóbal Colón en su segundo viaje (1493) y al del gobernador Nicolás de Ovando cuando se dirigía a La Española (1502). Se trata en los tres casos de empresas estatales financiadas con caudales públicos y supervisadas directamente por las autoridades, una extraordinaria inversión para las exhaustas arcas reales. La implicación entusiasta de la Corona resulta evidente. Y así el rey Fernando declara en noviembre de 1513 que el proyecto que se preparaba para colonizar Castilla del Oro "es uno de los más grandes que hoy hay en el mundo" (Mena 1998, 34). En julio de 1514, a la llegada del nuevo gobernador Pedrarias al Darién, varios centenares de españoles se concentran en una sola población: el asiento de Santa María, que hasta ahora ha sido suficiente y acomodado a propósito para alojar a las diezmadas huestes de Balboa. Pero el gobernador viene en compañía de una expedición que sobrepasa los

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida mil colonos: una auténtica avalancha humana que inunda el humilde asiento español provocando la quiebra de la pequeña colonia con hambrunas y epidemias. En seis meses ha muerto la mitad de los recién llegados. Con urgencia Pedrarias dispone cabalgadas de exploración y conquista en todas las direcciones del territorio. Es preciso tener entretenidos a aquellos alborotados guerreros y de paso buscar alimentos en abundancia, los suficientes para sostener a un contingente que sigue siendo demasiado numeroso. También conviene descongestionar a Santa María de la Antigua distribuyendo a los españoles recién llegados por la geografía conocida o por explorar. En efecto, entre los planes del gobernador se incluye como una de las tareas más urgentes la de la fundación de nuevos asientos españoles en donde la población se reparta adecuadamente, y si estos asientos facilitan la comunicación con el nuevo océano, mucho mejor. Hace tan sólo unos meses (septiembre, 1513) que el extremeño Vasco Núñez de Balboa ha descubierto la Mar del Sur y aún no se descarta la posibilidad de encontrar en aquellas tierras una ruta transoceánica, un estrecho o vía natural, que conduzca a los barcos españoles directamente a las Molucas o islas de la Especiería. Pedrarias lleva instrucciones regias en tal sentido Que en los pueblos y lugares que hiciéredes dentro de la tierra los hagáis en parte que os podáis aprovechar para descubrir la otra tierra. Habéis de procurar con todo cuidado de tener fin en lo de los pueblos que hiciéredes en la tierra adentro, que lo hagáis en parte y asientos que os podáis aprovechar de ellos para por tierra descubrir la otra costa de la mar, que estos indios dicen que está tan cierta y tan cerca de la otra; y porque de acá no se os puede dar regla cierta ni aviso particular para la manera que se ha de tener en hacerlo, sino que la experiencia de las cosas que allí sucedieren os han de dar la habilidad y aviso de cuándo y cómo se ha de hacer (Mena 1992, 222). En los seis meses siguientes se produce una intensa actividad pobladora en tierras de cacicazgos indígenas, muchos de los cuales aún no han sido sometidos o simplemente se niegan a prestar colaboración. Se envían hasta siete entradas en todas las direcciones, todas con resultados muy mediocres. De manera precipitada, se ponen los cimientos de un rosario de fundaciones mal planeadas y abocadas al fracaso. Y ni siquiera hay tiempo para bautizar a algunas de ellas con nombres castellanos o prestados del santoral cristiano, como era costumbre. Surgen así Fonseca Dávila (ó Río de los Anades), establecido entre dos ríos, a unos veinticinco kilómetros de distancia al sur de Santa María de la Antigua, Pocorosa, Tubanamá, y el puerto de Santa Cruz, fundado por el capitán cordobés Juan de Ayora, que apenas duraron unos meses. Unas fueron abandonadas por la esterilidad del asiento, otras por la presión indígena, y otras por la falta de alimentos y minas de oro. Las enfermedades endógenas y los ataques de la indiada hicieron el resto. Fracasa el intento de los españoles de establecerse en la región del Cenú, al otro

lado del golfo de Urabá. Hasta allí se dirige por mar en septiembre de 1514 una expedición de doscientos hombres en tres embarcaciones dirigida por Pedrarias "el Mancebo", el joven e inexperto sobrino del gobernador, que tuvo que replegarse ante el acoso de los belicosos indios flecheros con un saldo de cincuenta fallecidos. Meses más tarde el capitán Francisco Vallejo lo intenta de nuevo con una hueste de ciento ochenta hombres que se pierde íntegra en aquellas costas. No le faltaban razones a Pedro de Ayllón uno de los guerreros que estuvo en Cenú cuando ya de regreso a España se lamentaba de que en la conquista de Tierra Firme "la gente que llevó el dicho Pedrarias pasaron mucha necesidad de hambre y dolencias y trabajos de la tierra y tales y tantos que en todas las Indias nunca se han visto ni oído otros tales". Tampoco se logra el propósito de establecer una cabeza de puente en la costa del Mar del Sur, en el cacicazgo de Tumaco, en donde Pedrarias intenta sin éxito por medio de su capitán Juan de Ayora fundar un nuevo pueblo de españoles en 1515, cuatro años antes del establecimiento de Panamá. Pero no todo fueron fracasos. La expedición que dirige en persona el gobernador Pedrarias a las tierras del cacicazgo de Careta, en el litoral caribeño, sacudidas por una auténtica guerra civil entre hermanos rivales, permite primero, el establecimiento de un fortín (diciembre 1515), y meses más tarde (agosto 1516), gracias a Balboa, la población de una nueva villa española, que recibe el nombre de Acla ó Huesos humanos en recuerdo de tantos guerreros como murieron en aquella lucha fratricida. El gobernador pretende establecer un eje Careta-Golfo de San Miguel, para conectar la costa atlántica y pacífica del istmo. Pues como observa Anderson, "the Darien was the first route across the Isthmus by white men and was seriously considered as a location for an interoceanic canal" (Anderson 1911, 1). El caso de Acla resulta especialmente interesante. El pequeño fondeadero caribe (Bahía de Aglotamate) sobrevive a duras penas hasta mediados de siglo, merced a su privilegiada ubicación junto a una ribera fluvial (río Arias) y al descubrimiento de minas de oro en sus cercanías. En adelante este enclave será utilizado como base de partida de muchas de las expediciones que se proyectan hacia el este de la gobernación. Se comunica muy dificultosamente con Santa María de la Antigua, la capital del territorio, en donde residen las autoridades civiles y religiosas, a través de un tosco camino, abierto a golpe de machete a través de selvas y vías fluviales. En 1524, acoge también con generosidad al pequeño grupo de vecinos que serán desalojados de la ciudad de Santa María en una extraña simbiosis reflejada en el nuevo nombre con el que se conoce a la villa: en adelante Santa María de la Antigua de Acla. Como tuvimos ocasión de manifestar los humildes asentamientos hispánicos del primer Darién, allá en las tierras selváticas que miran al Caribe, estaban abocados al fracaso y muy pronto fueron abandonados ante la atracción que ofrecían las tierras altas y las sabanas del litoral del Pacífico, mucho más favorables para ser colonizadas. Finalmente sólo arraigaron las cabezas de puente: Nombre

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C. Mena García de Dios (una vez repoblado en 1519) en la costa atlántica y Panamá en el Pacífico, de indudable valor geopolítico pues aseguraba la comunicación interoceánica a través de una vía, mitad terrestre, mitad fluvial—el río de Chagres, llamado originalmente "de los lagartos" (Mena 2011, 42–43). Cronología de las fundaciones tempranas de la Tierra Firme: Santa María de Belén (1503) Fundada por Colón en su cuarto viaje en tierras de Veragua. San Sebastián de Urabá (marzo de 1510) Fundada por la hueste de Alonso de Ojeda en la costa oriental de la culata del golfo de Urabá. Nombre de Dios (1510) Fundada por Diego de Nicuesa, abandonada y nuevamente ocupada a partir de 1519 por Diego de Albítez siguiendo órdenes del gobernador Pedrarias. Santa María la Antigua del Darién (a finales de 1510) Fundada por la hueste del bachiller Martín Fernández de Enciso en tierras del cacique Cemaco, en el flanco occidental del golfo de Urabá. Capital del territorio hasta 1519. Fonseca Dávila (1514) Fundada por el capitán Hernán Pérez de Meneses, también llamada el Río de los Anades. Santa Cruz, puerto de (1514) Fundado por Juan de Ayora en la provincia de Comogre; a unas treinta leguas de Santa María; destruida por un ataque conjunto de varios cacicazgos instigados por Pocorosa. Tubanamá (1514) fortín establecido por Juan de Ayora; destruida por los indios. Pocorosa (1514) fortín establecido por Juan de Ayora; destruida por los indios. Tumaco (1514) fortín en la costa del Mar del Sur (provincia de Chitarraga). Panamá (1515 o 1516) En tierras del cacique Careta. Fundada a fines de 1515 o en los primeros días de enero de 1516 por Pedrarias. En agosto de 1516 el gobernador envía a Balboa para que la repueble y lo hace con éxito. Acla (1519) en el Pacífico. Se convierte en la nueva capital del territorio que pasa a denominarse desde 1513 "Castilla del Oro", sustituyendo a Santa María de la Antigua del Darién.

19.3 Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: la primera ciudad española de la América continental Cuando los españoles se establecieron por primera vez y de forma permanente en el continente americano eligieron las tierras del golfo de Urabá y del Darién colombiano, ese inmenso tapón verde de la pluvioselva tropical,— uno de los más húmedos y densos del planeta—plagado de ríos, miasmas y pantanos, en donde todavía hoy se interrumpe la carretera panamericana que une a los dos continentes. Un lugar enfermo e insalubre, en modo alguno 256

recomendable para establecer una colonia con garantías de éxito. El pequeño fortín de San Sebastián de Urabá era insostenible y muy pronto los españoles, instigados por la hambruna y por las terribles flechas envenenadas de los indios tuvieron que abandonarlo, iniciando su particular peregrinaje al otro lado del golfo. Las circunstancias que rodearon a este éxodo permite concluir que la fundación del nuevo establecimiento "no respondía a una selección deliberada de un lugar adecuado, sino a la necesidad de encontrar un lugar seguro contra los indios de Urabá y conseguir alimentos" (Sauer 1984, 263). Tras una cruenta escaramuza con los indios de Cemaco, la famélica hueste del bachiller Martín Fernández de Enciso procedió a fundar una villa española con las solemnidades acostumbradas, dándole por nombre Santa María de la Antigua del Darién. Observa Kathleen Romoli que dicha villa fue ubicada "en un valle angosto y pantanoso, a cinco millas del mar, en una situación estratégicamente inadecuada, en donde era imposible producir alimentos para más de unos cientos de personas" (Romoli 1955, 20). En efecto, el lugar elegido se encontraba a considerable distancia del litoral, en lo más profundo de un valle inundable, rodeado de montes y pantanos, a la orilla de un río—el Tanela—que era utilizado como ruta estratégica para llegar al mar y escapar del aislamiento. Sin embargo, para sus primeros vecinos el asiento del Darién ofrecía, como ya dijimos, una importante y decisiva ventaja: era un refugio cómodo y momentáneo contra los ataques de los feroces urabáes, instalados en la orilla este del golfo, en Punta Caribana. Y por si esto no fuera poco, el poblado indio de Cemaco, en donde fue levantada la nueva ciudad española, disponía de una población pacífica y dispuesta a colaborar con los invasores. Allí los españoles encontraron alimentos en abundancia y la suficiente mano de obra para emplearla en sus granjerías y sementeras. (Mena 2011, 52 ss.). Lentamente la improvisada aldea fue consolidándose hasta alcanzar, como ya vimos, la consideración de ciudad, la más alta distinción urbana de aquellos tiempos y, como tal, su escudo de armas presidido por la imagen de Nuestra Señora de la Antigua, virgen sevillana protectora de la nueva urbe. Una primera reflexión conviene hacer respecto. A diferencia de otras ciudades americanas, cuando se funda la ciudad de Santa María de la Antigua no se elige un emplazamiento nuevo sino que se aprovecha el poblado de los aborígenes allí asentados, utilizando sus bohíos como casas, sus tierras de labor para el sostenimiento de los invasores y todos sus materiales para la edificación de las nuevas viviendas. Las solemnes declaraciones a las que tan dados eran los españoles de aquella época pueden conducirnos a error. Los cronistas de la conquista de Tierra Firme hablan con un alarde de magnificencia, carente de fundamento, de la "ciudad" de Santa María de la Antigua del Darién. ¿Pero realmente se ajustaba ésta al paradigma europeo de ciudad que hoy día comúnmente aceptamos? Es seguro que no. No lo fue en tiempos de Balboa y es posible que no llegara a serlo tampoco cuando Pedrarias la abandona, trasladando en 1519 la capital a la nueva ciudad de Panamá, por él fundada al borde del Pacífico. Aunque, sin duda, tenía razón Oviedo cuando declaraba con orgullo que: "...esta población es el principio y fundamento de todo lo

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida que en Tierra Firme, así en la costa del Norte como en la del Sur, está descubierto y poblado de cristianos", la descripción idílica que de ella nos ofrece, como vecino y defensor interesado de la nueva villa, debe interpretarse en este contexto al igual que tantos otros testimonios coetáneos: "Muy sana la tierra, e acudieron las labranzas mucho abundantes, e las minas del oro tiene a tres e cuatro leguas de la ciudad, e la ribera muy buena e de muchas pesquerías, e muy grandes monterías de puercos e venados e otras salvajinas; e no pueden dejar de conocer los que perseveraron que el Darién era la mejor cosa de la Tierra Firme". (Oviedo 1959, III, 236). Desconocemos la traza urbana de Santa María, si es que la tuvo. El sitio probable del asiento español, explorado por la expedición del rey Leopoldo de Bélgica, si bien no permite hacernos una idea exacta de su plano original, sugiere la existencia de "calles bien dimensionadas" (Verlinden y Reichel Dolmatoff 1958, 44). En 1514 disponía de un centenar de bohíos, una plaza o un gran espacio abierto, así como un remedo de hospital (de Santiago), una iglesia (de San Sebastián) y un convento de franciscanos con tres o cuatro frailes. Apenas sabemos nada más acerca de la estructura urbana de San María, si tuvo alguna ordenación de sus solares de acuerdo a un modelo regular, como luego se observa en el trazado de la ciudad de Panamá, y muy poco sobre el número de sus viviendas. Los más antiguos testimonios que se conocen manejan cifras dispares. Oviedo aseguraba que a su llegada al territorio, en julio de 1514, la villa disponía de "cien bohíos", pero tan sólo siete meses más tarde otro ilustre vecino duplicaba esta cifra: "Decid a Su Alteza—encargaba en febrero de 1515 el obispo Quevedo al maestrescuela Toribio Cintado—cómo hallamos este pueblo bien aderezado, más de doscientos bohíos hechos, la gente alegre y contenta, cada fiesta jugaban cañas y todos estaban puestos en regocijo, tenían muy bien sembrada toda la tierra de maíz y de yuca, puercos hartos para comer". Una carta del soberano a Pedrarias, redactada el 2 de agosto de 1515, aporta una nueva estimación sobre el número de viviendas: "Decís que ya hay en la ciudad del Darién trescientas casas y que ya hubiera mil si no hubiera sido por las dolencias". De acuerdo, con las instrucciones que lleva el gobernador, éste procede a repartir solares y tierras y ordena buscar un edificio adecuado para levantar una Casa de la Contratación en donde depositar las mercancías y otra para la fundición del oro. En la mayoría de los centros poblados por los españoles la Casa de la Contratación y la de la Fundición del oro fueron siempre objetos de primerísima atención. Así se observa en las islas antillanas, en donde un informante aseguraba allá por 1533 que "las casas mejor aderezadas son las de la Contratación y la Fundición" (Sánchez Bella 1968, 229). Y así ocurrió mas tarde en las tierras continentales. Claro que para ello habría de transcurrir mucho tiempo, el necesario para la sedentarización de la conquista y de los hombres que la protagonizaron. Por eso, no esperemos encontrar en el Darién—típico enclave fronterizo y guerrero—costosos edificios de cantería o de madera. Aquí todo es pura improvisación y precariedad constructiva, tal y como indican los testimonios de la época.

remedo de la española, era ante todo una comunidad de fieles cristianos, de ahí la importancia que siempre tuvo el edificio que la albergaba en cualquier centro urbano, por modesto que este fuera. Oviedo informa que la primitiva iglesia del asiento de Santa María de la Antigua se llamaba San Sebastián. Curiosamente los vecinos decidieron poner su iglesia bajo la misma advocación del santo mílite romano que murió asaeteado, y que había inspirado el primitivo asiento español—San Sebastián de Urabá—instalado en tierras del golfo. Más tarde, cuando el territorio se convierta en sede de un nuevo obispado se dispondrá la construcción de una iglesia catedral, bajo la advocación de Nuestra Señora de la Antigua, más espaciosa y acorde al rango eclesiástico de la urbe. A este respecto, el monarca había dispuesto que se le concedieran cuatro solares en la plaza de la ciudad y como rentas para su construcción dos caballerías de tierra y 150 castellanos. Cuando finalizaba el año de 1515, el obispo informaba que ya había sido levantado el edificio en medio de la plaza. Seguramente se trataba de una humilde construcción con cubierta de palma y bajareque, como el resto de las viviendas de los vecinos, aunque con mayores pretensiones, pues era allí donde se celebraba el culto divino. Una carta de aquellos meses nos la describe "como una honrada iglesia (hecha) de la manera de allá". ¿Y cuál era la manera de allá? Como cabría esperar de un poblado fronterizo, que había sido levantado con ímprobos esfuerzos entre ríos y ciénagas, en lo más profundo de la selva, las viviendas más utilizadas por los vecinos del Darién fueron las mismas que desde tiempos ancestrales usaban los indios del Caribe antillano y la Tierra Firme: los bohíos. Este habitáculo de pequeñas dimensiones y simplicidad constructiva fue adoptado rápidamente por los colonos que se asentaron, primero en las islas y luego en el continente, porque siendo fácil y barato cumplía con el requisito básico y urgente de protección climatológica. La tierra era generosa y proporcionaba los materiales de construcción necesarios cuando prácticamente se carecía de todo, incluido un modesto clavo, una teja o un ladrillo. A la postre los españoles terminaron valorando las cualidades de los materiales autóctonos: "Y puédese tener por cierto— asegura Oviedo—que los dos o tres años primeros, la cubierta de paja, si es buena y bien puesta, que son de menos goteras que las casas de teja en España" (Oviedo 1959, I, 144). E incluso llegaron a convertirse en diestros constructores de bohíos, y al igual que había artesanos en la construcción de las embarcaciones (carpintero de ribera) o de casas a la usanza española (alarifes), también hubo vecinos que se especializaron en la fábrica de bohíos. En aquellos días se les conocía como carpinteros de hacer bohíos, y sin dudarlo que esta ocupación terminaría convirtiéndose en un provechoso negocio. Muy pronto, sin embargo, esta arquitectura autóctona fue tamizada por el patrón cultural occidental y lentamente reprodujo el modelo residencial al uso, incorporando una tecnología constructiva mucho más compleja y refinada. Refiriéndose a las casas de los españoles, Oviedo observaba que

La iglesia era el centro más emblemático de cualquier población española. La sociedad colonial, trasunto y

Los cristianos hacen ya estas casas en la Tierra Firme con sobrados e cuartos altos e ventanas,

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C. Mena García porque como tienen clavazón e hacen muy buenas tablas y lo saben mejor edificar que los indios hacen algunas casas de aquestas tan buenas que cualquier señor se podría aposentar en algunas de ellas (Oviedo 1959, I, 144). Y más adelante se refería con orgullo a la vivienda que él mismo había mandado construir en Santa María de la Antigua por la elevada suma de 1.500 pesos de oro "que no tenía sino madera e cañas e paja e alguna clavazón", pero en la que "se pudiera aposentar un príncipe, con buenos aposentos altos e bajos e con un hermoso huerto de muchos naranjos dulces y agrios y cidros y limones". Por lo que puede apreciarse, en un corto espacio de tiempo el bohío o prototipo indígena adoptado por los españoles para la construcción de sus viviendas experimenta una importante transformación como resultado de la incorporación de los materiales y la tecnología autóctona a los conocimientos constructivos europeos y al empleo de materiales importados de la metrópoli, como ladrillos, tejas para las cubiertas, clavos y herrajes en general. Conforme la colonización se asienta con bases firmes, los vecinos comienzan a construir sus viviendas con voluntad de arraigo, lo que se traduce en la edificación de viviendas de mayor solidez y complejidad arquitectónica que tienden a imitar el modelo peninsular hasta en sus más mínimos detalles. De este modo, los bohíos o casas de materiales frágiles y perecederos, inspirados en el patrón indígena, son reemplazados poco a poco por viviendas construidas a veces a doble altura, bien en madera, bien en mampostería, con tapias de caña y barro. Ello no implica que el bohío desaparezca del paisaje urbano de la ciudad. Por el contrario, su estructura simple y su tecnología primaria la convierte en la vivienda prototipo de los grupos sociales más humildes y especialmente de indios, mestizos y gente de color. El bohío acabaría convirtiéndose en un elemento clave de diferenciación social para el vecindario en esa particular sociotopografía urbana que exhiben los primeros centros coloniales. ¿De qué población disponía el asiento español? En un periodo histórico tan temprano y tan escaso de recuentos fiables la respuesta no resulta nada fácil. Solo contamos con las declaraciones de los protagonistas de aquella aventura, datos que en ocasiones son inexactos e incluso contradictorios. Si confiamos en la veracidad del testimonio de Vasco Núñez de Balboa, en su carta redactada el 20 de enero de 1513, el asiento de Santa María disponía en sus inicios de unos trescientos españoles, en su mayor parte aventureros procedentes de España y otros que no habían tenido suerte en La Española (Medina 1913, II, 129, ss.). Pero en el verano de 1514 el número de vecinos había aumentado hasta alcanzar el medio millar, aproximadamente. Constituía aquel lugar—en palabras de Oviedo—"una muy gentil población". Sin duda, se trataría de un sencillo poblado de chozas con cubiertas de palmas y bajareques, similares a los bohíos de los indios, pero bien dispuestas y acomodadas para dar alojamiento a los quinientos quince hombres que formaban el vecindario, junto con los mil quinientos indios e indias que les servían en sus casas y rozas (Oviedo 1959, III, 232). Con la llegada de la expedición de 258

Pedrarias las cosas se complicaron, pues una verdadera avalancha humana de unas mil quinientas personas inundó el poblado, buscando acomodo a duras penas entre las viviendas de los vecinos o en improvisadas tiendas de campaña. La ciudad de Nuestra Señora de la Antigua fue durante algún tiempo con sus aproximadamente 3.500 personas, entre españoles e indios, la colonia más poblada de las Indias. En este legendario asiento aprendieron a convivir gentes de todas las clases sociales—miembros de la alta nobleza, hidalgos y pecheros—, y de razas distintas— blancos, negros e indios—así como esclavos y hombres libres, naborías e indios de encomiendas, artesanos de muy distintos oficios: carpinteros, albañiles, labradores, herreros, cirujanos... autoridades civiles y eclesiásticas. Todos ellos transplantaron en la selva del Darién la cultura occidental y el modelo de ciudad castellana que llevaban en la mente y que hubieron de adaptar con asombrosa habilidad a una nueva y desconocida frontera. Cualquier emigrante de cualquier época y lugar aspirar a llevar consigo todos los elementos de su cultura original a la que se siente estrechamente vinculado para reproducirla en un nuevo ambiente y en un medio espacial diferente. Esta es una práctica universal y atemporal. Ahora bien, como señalaba el antropólogo Georges Foster en un trabajo pionero publicado hace ya algunos años (Foster 1960), la rama de la cultura hispánica que emigra a través del atlántico a las tierras americanas queda por fuerza desprovista de muchos elementos que conforman su cultura de origen (bibliotecas, universidades, monumentos, etc.), pues sólo una parte limitada de esos valores pueden acompañar al emigrante en su viaje y estar presentes en su nueva vida. Desde esta perspectiva estaremos de acuerdo en aceptar que la emigración empobrece culturalmente al viajero aún cuando éste disfrute de un nivel de educación elevado. ¿Y cuáles son los elementos más frecuentes en el proceso de conformación cultural? Sin duda los que integran la cultura material, especialmente aquellos que por su tamaño pueden ser más fácilmente transferibles (ropa y enseres personales, utillaje agrícola, menaje doméstico, instrumentos musicales, materiales de construcción y decoración, etc.) o bien imitados y reproducidos en la distancia siguiendo los modelos peninsulares. Los tempranos centros coloniales, a medida que fueron creciendo y desarrollándose, demandaron de la península con mayor frecuencia una amplia variedad de productos agrícolas, ganaderos y manufacturas diversas con el deseo de reproducir en las tierras americanas el modo de vida europeo. Pero en sus inicios, los rudimentarios asientos americanos sufrían de aislamiento. Un frágil cordón umbilical—el de los barcos que surcaban las aguas del atlántico—los mantenía unidos a Castilla y garantizaba su supervivencia. Improvisados almacenes marinos trasladaron al Nuevo Mundo en un continuo ir y venir todos los insumos que una población aislada, acosada y casi siempre hambrienta demandaba con urgencia. Algunas de las flotas americanas de las que tenemos conocimiento, como la que conduce a la gran expedición colonizadora—tantas veces referida—que dirigía a la Tierra Firme del Darién (en la actual Colombia) el gobernador

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida Pedrarias en 1514, compuesta por veintiún barcos y unos 1.500 hombres, resultan una prueba evidente de este admirable proceso (Mena 1998). Un listado interminable de productos agrícolas y manufacturas metálicas, incluida una importante remesa de clavazón adquirida en las ferrerías del País Vasco, además de una completísima botica con su utillaje correspondiente (morteros, redomas, botes azules, vasija vidriada) y numerosos objetos cerámicos en su mayoría para contenedores de los alimentos (botijas peruleras, envases vidriados y encerados, tarros y jarretas) embarcaron a bordo de esta flota en un esfuerzo descomunal y admirable por garantizar la supervivencia de los colonos en las nuevas tierras. De ello ya nos ocupamos en una monografía que publicamos hace algunos años dando a conocer, por primera vez, todos y cada uno de estos envíos. Lamentablemente no disponemos aquí del espacio suficiente para profundizar en tan interesante cuestión. Sirva como ejemplo una breve inspección al equipaje embarcado por algunos de los viajeros más ilustres que navegaron en la flota, como el nuevo obispo de la diócesis del Darién, el franciscano Juan de Quevedo, para entender lo que decimos. Antes de abandonar la capital hispalense, Quevedo había hecho todas las previsiones necesarias para viajar al Darién. Los oficiales de la Casa de la Contratación proporcionaron al obispo y su nueva diócesis una lista interminable de objetos para el culto divino así como para su boato personal que acomodaron en once pesadas arcas. Pero, al parecer, sus compromisos celestiales no le eximían de otras necesidades más terrenales, sobre todo en lo referido al comer y al beber, nunca mejor dicho que "como un buen obispo". Y así fray Juan hizo acopio de una interminable lista de alimentos frescos y en conserva envasados convenientemente en jarras, botijas vidriadas y serones de esparto, además del ajuar y menaje de cocina necesario, así como otros enseres domésticos, como un brasero y una jaula, tres mesas con sus bancos respectivos, una silla de cadera y otras dos más pequeñas, dos camas completas ("una de su persona y otra de campo") y un cofre de madera de Flandes. También el obispo se preocupó de llevar consigo al que sería su nuevo hogar algunos animales, como una mula con la paja y la cebada necesaria para resistir tan largo viaje y hasta un gallinero con sus inquietas gallinas. Y lo que resulta más llamativo, transportaba además un preciado instrumento musical de cuerda y teclado: un clavicímbano o clavecín, destinado sin duda a la nueva catedral de Santa María de la Antigua del Darién y algo más propio de un soldado que de un religioso como doce rodelas, dieciocho lanzas y seis ballestas. Dieciséis contenedores, entre pipas, serones y barriles, alojaban herramientas y clavazón en abundancia, tan necesarias en las nuevas tierras. Por supuesto Pedrarias, gobernador y responsable de la flota, no se quedaba atrás, y en el listado interminable de objetos personales decidió también transportar para la construcción de su casa en la selva darienita un pesado cargamento de mil ladrillos, probablemente fabricados con barro del Campo de Tablada y adquiridos en los alfares sevillanos. Estos fueron, sin duda, los más beneficiados de todo el territorio peninsular con la nueva coyuntura americana (Mena 1998, 119–120).

En julio de 1514 el occidente invadió la selva del Darién. Los vecinos de la villa de Santa María de la Antigua, hasta entonces más india que española, recibieron los envíos peninsulares como un auténtico maná caído del cielo. Ellos proporcionaron los medios necesarios y fueron en gran medida los responsables de que esta precaria colonia, instalada en las márgenes de la periferia, sobreviviera y permaneciera firme durante algunos años actuando como punta de lanza de otras nuevas conquistas y laboratorio de novedosas experiencias.

19.4

En busca de la ciudad perdida. Los esfuerzos arqueológicos en la selva del Darién colombiano

Lentamente conforme la frontera se desplaza hacia las sabanas occidentales, al compás de la conquista militar del territorio, el Darién pierde interés. Como ya señalábamos en un estudio reciente, el agotamiento de sus lavaderos auríferos, la punción de los cacicazgos indígenas y la decisión de Pedrarias de trasladar el centro civil y religioso de la administración colonial a la nueva ciudad de Panamá, asomada al Pacífico, provoca su paulatina despoblación. Y es así como Santa María de la Antigua, antaño colonia numerosa, escenario vivo de una de las experiencias coloniales más fascinantes y peor conocidas del pasado americano, fue desmantelado para siempre. En 1524 la resistencia numantina de un puñado de vecinos, demasiado viejos o enfermos para buscar un nuevo paraíso, es doblegada por un ataque de la indiada que provoca una masacre y reduce a cenizas todas las viviendas. La frontera del oro y del hambre, escenario de encuentros y experiencias nuevas, paraíso de ilusiones y vidas truncadas, se cierra definitivamente para acabar siendo engullida por el verde esmeralda de una selva que todo lo arropa (Mena 2011, 29). ¿Dónde se oculta la primera ciudad continental de la América Hispana? Desde que fue desmantelada e incendiada en las primeras décadas del siglo XVI ya nadie se ocupó de ella. Sólo un puñado de negros rebeldes buscó refugio en sus ruinas para ocultarse de sus amos durante algún tiempo, tal vez sólo unos meses. Se inicia a partir de entonces un proceso de olvido que resulta irremediable. No obstante y durante algún tiempo la ciudad permanece viva en la memoria colectiva de quienes la conocieron u oyeron hablar de ella. Luego un largo silencio de siglos. La selva hizo lo demás: el proceso de sedimentación de los suelos aluviales y la cobertura vegetal fue colmatando el sitio y encerrándolo en las entrañas de la tierra como se esconde un tesoro a la vista de los hombres. Desde fines del siglo XIX y comienzos del XX, con la formación de las nuevas naciones americanas, las antiguas fronteras coloniales se desplazan acorde con los intereses

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259

C. Mena García estratégicos de cada país. Es así como el Darién de Balboa y Pedrarias, escenario de los tiempos más remotos de la historia panameña, pasa a formar parte desde 1903, año en el que Panamá se proclama como nación libre y soberana, de la república de Colombia. Actualmente ambos países,— Panamá y Colombia—reivindican como suyo propio el legado histórico de Santa María de la Antigua. Reina Torres de Araúz, la brillante antropóloga y etnógrafa panameña, consideraba hace ya algún tiempo que la aparente falta de interés de la comunidad científica por la ciudad española de Santa María venía justificada especialmente por las circunstancias medio-ambientales que caracterizan a esta región de la pluvioselva tropical, tan adversas a los trabajos arqueológicos. No sólo por la densa cubierta vegetal que han dificultado el hallazgo del sitio sino también por las condiciones climatológicas que sólo permiten las labores de campo durante la estación seca, no más de tres o cuatro meses al año (finales de diciembre a finales de marzo). Otros elementos han favorecido el abandono, en especial el desdén de la arqueología americana deslumbrada por las grandes y ricas áreas culturales prehispánicas y poco interesada en enclaves periféricos, como el que nos ocupa, y que ha sido percibido durante mucho tiempo como una especie de terra incógnita (Torres de Araúz 1975, 102 ss.). En un trabajo muy reciente dimos un repaso a las prospecciones arqueológicas más importantes que se han realizado a lo largo de estos dos últimos siglos, todas ellas encaminadas a una localización precisa del legendario asiento español y todas ellas muy meritorias no sólo por las adversidades medioambientales ya referidas, sino también por la escasez de medios económicos para financiar las labores (Mena 2011, 61–68). En los últimos años del siglo XX y comienzos del actual esta región fronteriza conocida como "el tapón del Darién", entre las actuales repúblicas de Panamá y Colombia, viene siendo escenario de graves conflictos armados que entorpecen y ponen en serio peligro el trabajo de los arqueólogos. Desde las investigaciones en el siglo XIX de Luis Catat y Armando Reclús a las del arqueólogo sueco Earl Nordenskiöld junto a Sigvald Linné (1927), las más importantes se realizaron desde mediados del siglo XX. En especial destaca la protagonizada por el infatigable monarca Leopoldo de Bélgica en 1956 para descubrir la ruta de Vasco Núñez de Balboa, que resulta especialmente relevante tanto por los resultados científicos como por la talla de algunos de los miembros de la expedición, en especial José María Cruxent, en aquel entonces director del Museo de Ciencia Naturales de Venezuela y al que se considera con rigor "el padre de la arqueología científica de Venezuela" y de buena parte del continente americano, así como el historiador belga Charles Verlinden y el arqueólogo austriaco Reichel Dolmatoff . Como ya señalamos, esta expedición realizada en el Chocó colombiano marcó un hito importante en la búsqueda de la ciudad perdida, pues dio como resultado la localización exacta del asiento en el municipio de Unguía, precisamente sobre un pequeño promontorio rodeado por el río Tanela y próximo a los ríos Tilo y Cutí, a unos siete kilómetros y medio de distancia de la costa. Allí bajo los restos de la ocupación española se descubrió un asentamiento 260

indígena e indicios importantes de la ocupación española como la cimentación de algunas viviendas, numerosos restos cerámicos y objetos metálicos, entre otras huellas testimoniales que indicaban la existencia de un poblado indo-español, lo que llevó a Charles Verlinden y Reichel Dolmatoff a la siguiente conclusión: ...prouver que c’est bien aux reste d’un établissement espagnol du début du XVIe siècle que nous avons affaire. Aucun autre établisement n’etant signalé par les textes Dans la région, il ne pouvait s’agir que de Santa María la Antigua del Darién (Verlinden y Reichel Dolmatoff 1958, 14). En adelante el municipio chocoano de Unguía recibe la visita de nuevas expediciones arqueológicas. Entre ellas merece citarse la del grupo de científicos panameños de la Universidad de Santa María de la Antigua (USMA), realizada en 1966, en la que participaron José Manuel Reverte, el rector, padre Benjamín Ayechu, y el vicerrector Carlos María Ariz. Y en la década de los sesenta y setenta las labores de campo realizadas por el arqueólogo colombiano Graziliano Vélez. La actividad arqueológica en el antiguo asiento español sigue hoy día en pie con renovado entusiasmo. Un equipo de investigadores del Departamento de Historia y Antropología de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, dirigido por los profesores Virgilio Becerra y Paolo Vignolo realizan desde el 2006 una meritoria actuación histórico-arqueológica en el caserío de Tanela, en pleno Chocó colombiano, a pesar de la situación de violencia y conflicto armado que sigue agitando a estos territorios.

Bibliografía Anderson, C. L. G., 1911, Old Panama and Castilla del Oro, The Sudwarth Company, Washington. https://ia700400.us.archive.org/20/items/ cu31924021199728/cu31924021199728.pdf Arcila Vélez, G., 1986, Santa María de la Antigua del Darién. Informe de las investigaciones, Presidencia de Colombia, Secretaría de Educación y Prensa, Bogotá. Cruxent, J. M., 1959, Informe sobre un reconocimiento arqueológico en el Darién (Panamá), Publicación especial de la Revista Lotería, 9, Panamá. Fernández de Oviedo, G., 1959, Historia General y Natural de las Indias, Ed. Juan Pérez de Tudela, 5 vols., Biblioteca de Autores Españoles (B.A.E.), Madrid. Foster, G. M., 1960, Culture and Conquest. America’s Spanish Heritage, Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc., New York. García Casares, J., 2007, Historia del Darién: cuevas, cunas, españoles, afros, presencia y actualidad de los chocoes, Editorial Universitaria Carlos Manuel Gasteazoro, Panamá. Hardoy, J. E., y Morse, R. P., 1989, "El abandono de las ciudades hispanoamericanas" y "Localización y causas de abandono de las ciudades hispanoamericanas durante las primeras décadas del siglo XVI", en

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Santa María de la Antigua del Darién: las huellas de una ciudad perdida Nuevas perspectivas en los Estudios sobre Historia Urbana Latinoamericana, 9–39, Instituto Internacional de Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo -IIED- América Latina, Buenos Aires. Lucena Giraldo, M., 2005, A los cuatro vientos. Las ciudades de la América Hispana, Marcial Pons-Fundación Carolina. Medina, J. T., 1913, El descubrimiento del Océano Pacífico: Vasco Núñez de Balboa, Hernando de Magallanes y sus compañeros, 2 vols., Santiago de Chile. Mena, C., 1992, Pedrarias Dávila o la Ira de Dios. Una historia olvidada, Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla. Mena, C., 1998, Sevilla y las flotas de Indias. La Gran Armada de Castilla del Oro (1513–1514), Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla. Mena, C., 2011, El Oro del Darién. Entradas y Cabalgadas en la conquista de Tierra Firme (1509–1524), Centro de Estudios Andaluces/Consejo Superior de

Investigaciones Científicas, Sevilla. Reverte, J. M., 1986, Santa María la Antigua del Darién, en Revista La Antigua, 36–37, 133–135. Romoli, K., 1953, Balboa of Darien: Discoverer of the Pacific, Doubleday, Nueva York. Sánchez Bella, I., 1968, La organización financiera de las Indias. Siglo XVI, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, EEHA, Sevilla. Sauer, C. O., 1966, The Early Spanish Main, University of California Press, Berkeley. Torres de Araúz, R., 1975, Etnoecología de una región histórica, Editora de la Nación, Panamá. Verlinden, Ch., y Reichel Dolmatoff, G., 1958, Santa María la Antigua del Darién, première ville coloniale de la Terre Ferme americaine, Revista de Historia de América, 45, 1–48. Vignolo, P., y Becerra, V., 2011, Tierra Firme. El Darién en el imaginario de los conquistadores, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.

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C. Mena García

Figure 19.1: Mapa del golfo de Urabá con los primeros asentamientos españoles en Tierra Firme (fuente: Sauer 1966. Dibujo: Roberto Iglesias, 2010).

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20

Globalization and luxury ceramics of the 18th - and 19th -Century Spanish-Atlantic world

Kathryn L. Ness Department of Archaeology, Boston University, 675 Commonwealth Ave, Suite 347 Boston, MA 02215 (USA) ([email protected]) This chapter considers the globalization of 18th - and 19th -century ceramic assemblages from sites located in Spain and Spanish Caribbean. Specifically, it considers ceramic types recovered from the United States Naval Stations in Rota, Spain and Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, as well as sites in Jerez de la Frontera, Spain, and St. Augustine, Florida, USA. Using these collections, this chapter analyzes the ceramics collected at these sites as well as various trade, political, and social factors that impacted the material culture of the 18th - and 19th -century Spanish empire. KEYWORDS: SPAIN, CARIBBEAN, FLORIDA, GLOBALIZATION, CERAMICS, 18th AND 19th CENTURIES

20.1 Introduction

For decades, scholars have studied the ceramic assemblages found on Spanish-American sites. As a result, these individuals have produced a wealth of information regarding the first two and a half centuries of Spanish presence in the Americas and how the settlers adapted to life in Spain’s new territories. The majority of their research, however, concentrates on earlier, Hapsburg-era towns and cities and therefore does not provide a great deal of information regarding the later, Bourbon-era SpanishAmerican territories and the events leading up to the settlers’ struggles for independence. In this chapter, I consider how 18th - and 19th century sites and ceramic assemblages from Spain and the Caribbean contribute to understanding the cultural changes that led up to the settlers’ attempts to gain political and social autonomy. While research on this topic is ongoing, my findings thus far indicate that both Spanish and Spanish-Caribbean sites from the 18th and 19th centuries reflect similar degrees of increased globalization and international trade, especially when compared to their predecessors. These trans-Atlantic parallels suggest that the Spanish individuals in the Caribbean continued to look to Spain as a model for socially acceptable material goods while beginning to develop a degree of material and economic independence.

20.2

Research in the Spanish-Atlantic

It is useful to begin this discussion with a brief introduction to previous studies in the Spanish-Atlantic in order to understand the background of current work in the region. To date, the majority of research regarding Spanish sites from the moderna era (c. 1492 to c. 1809) has concentrated on Spanish settlements in the Caribbean and southeastern United States. There, archaeologists have investigated topics ranging from the role of women and pirates to slavery and missionization (including, but not limited to, Deagan 1983; 2007; Farnsworth 1992; La Rosa Corzo 2003; Landers 1999; McEwan 1991; Singleton 2001; Skowronek and Ewen 2006; Thomas 1988). Of this wide range of topics, some of the most significant studies have addressed cultural development (Deagan 1983; 1995; 1996; 2003; Deagan and Cruxent 2002; Ewen 1991, 2000; Loren 2000; Voss 2005, 2008). For the past 60 years, many scholars working on American sites have asked broad social questions regarding creolization and early European-American adaptation. Through their work at sites such as La Isabella and Puerto Real, Hispaniola and St. Augustine, Florida, archaeologists Kathleen Deagan (1983) and Charles Ewen (1991) have argued that Spanish objects, such as ceramics, were frequently used in conspicuous displays of consumption and socio-cultural status. As the settlers began to develop their own cultural identity over time, they crystallized their own material cultural language and began to blend locallymade products, like Mexican majolicas and indigenous utilitarian vessels, with imported ceramics from Europe and Asia (Ewen 1991).

K. L. Ness Historical archaeologist Bonnie McEwan’s (1989) work in Sevilla further supported this research, as she demonstrated that 16th century sites in Spain and the Spanish Americas have yielded similar ratios of majolica, non-Spanish European ceramics, and utilitarian wares. She interpreted these parallels as indications that settlers in the Americas were mimicking Spanish consumption patterns, despite their use of indigenous-made utilitarian ceramics. In addition to contributing to American cultural development studies, McEwan’s research is one of the earliest and only American projects to adopt a transAtlantic perspective by comparing moderna era sites in Spain and the Americas. Because of this body of evidence from both sides of the Atlantic, scholars such as Deagan (1983), Ewen (1991), McEwan (1989, 1991), and Ross Jamieson (2001) have been able to demonstrate that some Spanish Americans used Spanish or Spanish-looking goods to highlight their connections to Spain. Although this trend does appear to have been the case throughout the Caribbean, southeastern United States, and the Andes, some archaeologists have recently begun to question the universal applicability of this hypothesis (Loren 2000; Voss 2005; 2008). Research on sites like Los Adaes, Texas and San Francisco, California, has highlighted the fluid nature of cultural identity and suggests that some settlers consciously chose to use different objects in order to identify themselves with nonSpanish groups for economic or social purposes. As American scholars are continuing to discover the diversity of Spanish-American cultural identity, Spanish archaeologists have become increasingly interested in 18th and 19th -century sites in Spain. Reports published in Spanish through venues such as Anuario Arqueológico de Andalucía indicate that a significant number of research projects and salvage excavations have investigated sites with moderna era components. Unfortunately, scholars working in the Americas often have trouble accessing these studies because the results are either published locally within Spain or only submitted to regional officials. Consequently, there have been relatively few studies like McEwan’s that take a trans-Atlantic approach and make use of the research being conducted on more recent Spanish sites. Current studies, such as the one discussed in this chapter, are working to fill this lacuna by conducting original research in Spain and comparing Spanish and Spanish-American sites. While more research remains to be done, this work has the potential to help inform scholars about changes in Spain and the Americas as well as their possible impacts on the Atlantic world.

20.3 The sites In this chapter, I consider four sites in Spain and the Caribbean region as case studies for investigating globalization and cultural developments in the Spanish Atlantic. While all of the sites were once homes of 18th and 19th -century families, they represent a cross section of rural and urban locations as well as economic levels. 264

In Spain, both sites are located in Andalucía, a region I intentionally chose because of its close economic and social connection to Spanish-America since the early 16th century. From the beginning of Spain’s activities in the Americas, all people and goods traveling across the Atlantic were required to register in the Casa de Contratación in Sevilla, Andalucía’s capital (Friede 1951, 333, 339, 345– 347; Deagan 1983, 20). In 1717, the Casa de Contratación was moved to Cadiz, which resulted in a local economic boom and increased trade between this area and the Americas (López 2005, 285). Consequently, I will consider two sites near Cadiz: La Calle Corredera, 39 in the town of Jerez de la Frontera, and El Cortijo del Arroyo (or Site B) on the joint United States-Spanish Naval Station in Rota (Figure 20.1). The first site, La Calle Corredera 39, is located just outside of the town’s medieval walls in an area that was a popular neighborhood for upper middle-class families in the 18th century (Aroca 2002). This site was excavated in 2005 by Spanish archaeologist Ester López Rosendo prior to the construction of a new residential building. Through her excavations and research, López Rosendo identified the site as the former location of a typical middle-class house that originally contained an open courtyard surrounded by an arcade and rooms (López 2005, 286). Although the site was used continuously since at least the 15th century, the majority of building and domestic activities took place in the second half of the 18th century (López Rosendo 2005). Because of the flourishing economic environment during this time, the occupants of the site owned and used a wide variety of luxury objects, including ceramics from the Netherlands, Portugal, Mexico, China, and other areas within Spain. While the household in Jerez is located along an urban thoroughfare near the city’s economic center, the second site site, in Rota, is outside the town’s walls and was most likely a farm. Today, El Cortijo del Arroyo is situated near the western edge of the joint US-Spanish Naval Station and has been subject to several walking surveys and at least two surface collections over the past sixteen years. Although more extensive archaeological testing remains to be done, the initial surveys revealed two concentrations of historicperiod artifacts as well as building foundations and an associated well. The marl building materials, which are concentrated in the eastern assemblage, include a two-room cellar feature and a larger area that measures twelve by seven meters. The lack of stones and roof tile fragments around the foundations suggest that it was a "wattle and daub" style structure with a thatch roof and plastered walls, similar to other houses documented in the area (Ruiz et al. 1991, 137). The western concentration of artifacts, in contrast, contains more ceramics and small finds but fewer building materials. My own study of the surface materials collected at El Cortijo del Arroyo suggests that these objects could date as early as the late 15th or early 16th century, although the majority of the remains appear to date to the 18th and 19th centuries and include a variety of majolica, whiteware, ironstone, porcelain, and possibly creamware (McClellan et al. 2001; Swanson 2007). The abundance

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Globalization and luxury ceramics of the 18th - and 19th -Century Spanish-Atlantic world of utilitarian ceramics, tableware sherds, and pipe stem fragments indicates that it was a domestic site. Similarly, the presence of a clay or stone marble, a fragment of a porcelain doll’s head, and a small clay torso possibly from a doll suggest that children lived at the site during at least the late 18th and 19th centuries. Like the Spanish households, the American sites discussed here also include urban and rural examples. For this study, I will consider the de Hita in St. Augustine, Florida as an example of relatively urban Spanish America and GTMO-22 on the U.S. Naval Station in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba as my rural examples (Figure 20.2). The de Hita site, which has been extensively excavated and studied since the 1970s, was home to the family of Gerónimo José de Hita y Salazar during the first half of the 18th century (Shephard 1983, 69). Gerónimo was a criollo, or an American-born individual of Spanish descent, and earned an annual salary of 264 pesos, which put him in the lower 60 % of Florida’s income distribution (Shephard 1983, 69). Despite the household’s economic standing, the family was able to live within the town walls and could afford ceramics imported from Mexico, the Netherlands, England, and Asia and had a significantly higher percentage of majolica sherds than their contemporary, lower class neighbors (Shephard 1983, 77). The second American site under consideration is located on the United States Naval Station in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Known as GTMO-22, this site is located on the southern coast of the base in an area known as Cuzco Beach. Situated near several other historic-era sites, GTMO-22 contains the foundations of a house as well as a significant number of architectural and domestic artifacts that range in date from the late 18th through the late 19th century (Sara and Keegan, 2004, 129, 133). In 2003, naval and contract archaeologists conducted a non-invasive survey at this site and took a small sample surface collection. In addition to hundreds of roofing tiles documented at the site, archaeologists collected 27 ceramics and photographed others in situ (Sara and Keegan 2004, 131). Fragments of shrapnel or armor recovered as well as the site’s location suggest that it was used as the Spanish commandant’s house during the famous June 1898 Battle of Cuzco Wells in the Spanish-American War. After the conclusion of the war, the site appears to have been abandoned and has only been subject to non-invasive archaeological survey and mapping. I want to stress here that I am using the term "urban" loosely. Neither Jerez nor St. Augustine was ever a major commercial or cultural center and, according to some, St. Augustine could even be described as a backwater town on the fringes of the Spanish-American empire. In both cases, however, their lack or economic and social prominence suggests that they would be prime locations to consider Spanish culture. In larger cities, such as Sevilla or Havana, cultural blending was more likely to occur because of frequent interactions with other countries via trade and diplomatic venues, therefore making it difficult to determine distinctly Spanish cultural traits. In addition, both La Calle Corredera 39 and the de Hita site are located within town boundaries whereas El Cortijo del Arroyo and

GTMO-22 are clearly rural sites at least a kilometer away from the nearest town center.

20.4

Ceramics in the Spanish Atlantic

Regardless of the location, these four sites have yielded relatively similar kinds of ceramics. All of them contained vessel fragments from a wide array of European, American, and Asian manufacturing centers, often combined with locally-produced table and utilitarian wares. Although a trans-Atlantic study of utilitarian ware could prove fruitful for developing a better understanding of daily activities in Spain and Spanish America, here I concentrate on tablewares and imported luxury ceramics as a way to understand the globalization of the later Spanish empire. The types of luxury ceramics found in Spanish-Atlantic houses changed over the course of the moderna era. As demonstrated by previous studies, majolica sherds are predominant at 16th - and 17th -century Spanish-Atlantic sites (Deagan 1983; McEwan 1989; Ewen 1991). Initially, these tin-glazed earthenware sherds were imported from Spain to the Americas and held a prestigious place in Spanish-American material culture. By 1550, the ceramic industry in the Americas was sufficiently developed to be able to supply Spain’s American territories with majolica vessels. The luxury ceramics produced by these American manufacturing centers clearly reflect Spanish aesthetics through the use of geometric patterns, stylized figures, and loose, almost "watercolor" brushwork. These aesthetics shifted slightly in the 18th century with the rise of French fashions in Spain, and artisans at the Real Fábrica de Alcora, north of Valencia, began to copy more intricate, refined French decorative elements. It is important to note that, by the mid 19th century, potters in Spain were beginning to make more refined, harder-paste ceramics, such as whiteware and ironstone. English merchant Charles Pickman, for example, found it more economical to produce whiteware in Sevilla than to import it from England, and he established his own factory in 1841 named La Cartuja de Sevilla, which is still active today (Arenas Posadas 1995, 163). Pickman is interesting in that he was among first generation of moderna era merchants to begin producing new ceramic technology such as whiteware in Spain. As such, foreign businessmen and potters illustrate a break from the tradition of their moderna era predecessors who appear to have focused primarily on decorative changes or new vessel forms rather than technological or typological innovations. While many typologies classify non-majolica ceramics, such as whiteware, as being non-Spanish, this break confounds the archaeological record because it makes it impossible to identify whether a whiteware sherd is from England, Spain, or elsewhere unless one happens to have a fragment of the maker’s mark. This complication is indicative of the challenges currently involved in identifying ceramic types in Spain, as many pottery workshops copied other, more well-known ceramic production centers. Furthermore, archaeologists have yet to create a detailed, functional typology for ceramics found in Spain that is comparable to the one currently used on

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K. L. Ness Spanish American sites, making it difficult to distinguish and accurately identify specific types. Consequently, my discussion here focuses on ceramic types writ large, as attempting to divide sherds into more specific types, such as different kinds of blue on white majolica, would most likely lead to errors in both identification and interpretation. Ceramics at the sites Throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, the average settler in the Caribbean region sought to follow Spanish fashions. This trend is especially apparent in places like St. Augustine where Spanish ceramics were often found in greater numbers among wealthier houses (Deagan 1983, 238–239). At the de Hita site, 64 % of the tableware was Spanish or Mexican majolicas while the rest were non-Spanish European or Asian vessels such as non-tinglazed earthenwares (35 %), white salt-glazed stoneware (4 %), porcelain (1 %), and creamware (> 1 %) (Shephard 1983, 77, 88). Excavations at other sites occupied by lower-income families have revealed that these households had a higher percentage of non-Spanish ceramics but strategically placed their majolica vessels in public areas, suggesting that they were considered the most important and socially prestigious vessels (Deagan 1983, 119–120). While the variety of the ceramic assemblage in Florida could be the result of irregular supply shipments and illegal trade activities, sites in Spain also indicate an increased diversity in the provenance of domestic tableware during the 18th century. At La Calle Corredera 39, for example, the occupants used a mixture of Spanish, Chinese, Portuguese, Dutch, and Mexican ceramics (Figures 20.3 and 20.4). Like the de Hita family, residents of Jerez owned a significant amount of majolicas (49 % of the ceramic tableware), including poorer quality vessels from Triana (Sevilla), similar to those that might have been shipped to the Americas and used by families in St. Augustine. In addition to these lower-grade items, the site yielded numerous high-quality vessels, such as two Chinese porcelain cups, at least eight jícaras (chocolate cups) from the Real Fábrica de Alcora, one Delft bowl from the Netherlands, and one Whieldon-ware bowl from England. López (2005: 285) has speculated that the diversity of the ceramics at the site speaks to the improved purchasing power of the citizens of Jerez because of the relocation of the Casa de Contratacion to Cadiz in the 18th century. This ability to obtain diverse types of ceramics is by no means limited to more urban areas. The 18th - and 19th century tableware sherds recovered at the rural El Cortijo del Arroyo include majolicas that range in date from the late 15th century to the 19th century. At this same site, nearly 60 % of the non-majolica ceramics consists of nontin-glazed earthenware, whiteware, ironstone, porcelain, and possibly creamware. At least one of these whiteware sherds was from the Pickman factory in Sevilla, indicating that at least some of the whiteware found at this site was locally made in Andalucía. Although further research at this site is needed, the sherds recovered thus far appear to 266

be from Spain, Portugal, Asia, and possibly Panama. The other relatively rural site, GTMO-22, also reflects a wide range of ceramic types and manufacturing centers. In addition to a large pile of tejas (roofing tiles) that was documented but not collected, archaeologists surveying this late 19th -century Cuban house site have found olive jar fragments (16 %), earthenware (28 %), whiteware/ironstone (48 %), and stoneware (8 %) sherds. While no majolica was collected during the initial survey of this site, more extensive research could yield tinglazed earthenware sherds, either from Europe or the Americas. Maker’s marks from the sample collected at GTMO-22 indicate that the sherds also represented a wide variety of European production centers, including Glasgow, Burmingham, Maastricht, and possibly even France. The presence of these non-Spanish European ceramics is hardly surprising, given the long-standing Cuban tradition of illicit trading with British and American merchants (Allen 1763; Ortega et al. 2004; Quevedo and Rodríguez 2011). Archaeological reports from Havana indicate that English ceramics, particularly pearlware, creamware, and whiteware from England and the United States have been frequently recovered from early 19th -century shipwrecks in the city’s port (Ortega et al. 2004). Historical documents also denote, however, that some of the English ceramics were legitimately imported through Cadiz, indicating that individuals living near the Casa de Contratación might have had access to the same types of vessels as their American counterparts. In addition to the variety of ceramic types recovered in Spain and the Spanish Americas, the sherds from both locations reflect multiple aesthetic influences. The Jerez assemblage, for example, consists largely of blue-on-white majolica vessels that reflect Talavera patterns as well as French, Portuguese, Dutch, and Asian decorative influences (López 2005, 285, 293). In contrast to the predominance of blue on white majolicas found at La Calle Corredera 39, at least half of the tin-glazed earthenware sherds from El Cortijo del Arroyo and the de Hita site are polychrome, indicating that their tables would have looked aesthetically very different and much more colorful than their Spanish, urban counterparts. Later ceramics recovered at both El Cortijo del Arroyo and GTMO-22 also reflect a variety of aesthetic influences. At the former site, archaeologists found plain and molded whiteware fragments, as well as transfer printed sherds that feature figural, geometric, and dendritic patterns in blue, black, purple, and red (Figure 20.5). Similarly, the majority of whiteware sherds collected at GTMO-22 feature banded decorations or stamped geometric patterns, while one of the ironstone fragments features an embossed wheat motif. Because these later sherds do not appear to have a clear aesthetic relationship to the majolica fragments found at El Cortijo del Arroyo, I believe that they represent changes in taste and availability rather than direct aesthetic replacements for more traditional majolica vessels, even if the whiteware vessels were locally made in Andalucía. I want to emphasize here that the Spaniards and Americans did not necessarily adopt non-Spanish European ceramics because they had no alternative.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Globalization and luxury ceramics of the 18th - and 19th -Century Spanish-Atlantic world Individuals living in Andalucía and the Americas continued to have access to majolica vessels. Cubans, like the residents of GTMO-22, participated in legitimate trade activities with Spain and therefore could have continued to purchase Spanish-made ceramics. Even today, there is a pottery store in Rota that sells majolicas that look remarkably similar to the ones recovered at El Cortijo del Arroyo, while visitors to Mexico can still purchase Puebla majolicas like the ones recovered throughout the Spanish Caribbean.

20.5 Globalization This shift toward foreign aesthetics and new ceramic types suggests globalization in both trade and cultural tastes, a change that is particularly striking when one considers the material culture from sites dating to the Hapsburg dynasty. While the term "globalization" is hotly contested among scholars, especially among historians studying relatively recent economic trends, I am using the term here to refer to "the acceleration of interregional contacts in speed, in increased volume, and in widening range" (Stearns 2003, 154). In the context of this study, therefore, globalization becomes apparent through the diversity of ceramics at specific sites, as the assemblages become increasingly varied in the 19th century and reflect a growing trend of interregional interaction and trade. As discussed above, the majority of ceramic sherds found at 16th - and 17th -century American sites are often majolicas imported from the Iberian Peninsula or made in Mexico. During this period, however, nearly five-sixths of the goods being imported to the Americas through legal channels in Spain were of non-Spanish origin and came from areas such as England, Flanders, France, Hamburg, Holland, Italy, and Portugal (Haring 1964, 113; Stevens 1702), not to mention the undocumented foreign goods made available through contraband trade and privateering. Despite the significant amount of foreign goods available in the Americas through both legitimate and illegitimate means, settlers in the Caribbean region appear to have intentionally sought out goods that looked Spanish in order to emphasize their social and economic connections with the mother country (Deagan 1983; Ewan 1991). Early in the Bourbon dynasty, during the mid 18th century, Spaniards adopted an increasing number of nonSpanish ideals, economic theories, and fashions (Herr 1958, 37–77), all of which impacted the kinds of goods that were considered stylish and available to the average Spanish consumer. During this period, the Spanish crown even went so far as to issue new trade regulations that allowed additional Spanish ports to trade with the Americas and revoked the ban on trade among Spain’s American territories (Deagan 1987, 22). While non-elite individuals rebelled against these changes, which they saw as a dilution of Spanish culture (Vicens 1970, 116–117), their ultimate acceptance of these new influences seems evident from their adoption of non-Spanish goods such as whiteware in places like Jerez and Rota. The globalization of thought and material culture in Spain also appears in the Americas at sites like GTMO-

22. The presence of whiteware and ironstone as well as the diversity of manufacturing locations of the sherds collected at this site indicate that the residents had access to and used similar types of objects as the family in Rota. Nineteenth-century Cubans, such as those living at GTMO-22, were undoubtedly able to obtain Americanmade ceramics, including majolicas from Mexico, although the objects that have been recovered thus far at the site are almost exclusively of European origin and resemble the types of objects found in Spain and Havana during this time. Consequently, I believe that the individuals living at GTMO-22 intentionally chose these materials, to some extent, and therefore demonstrated a conscious desire to stay abreast of European fashions while apparently ignoring the American-made "curiosities" that have been found in houses in Spain, like La Calle Corredera 39.

20.6

Discussion

I propose that this globalization could be a continuation of the trend Deagan and Ewen observed in the earlier Caribbean settlements. In these 16th and 17th centuries towns, the settlers found it increasingly important to appear Spanish in Spain’s Floridian and Caribbean territories, and objects that demonstrated or implied one’s connections to the mother country were highly valued and sought-after (Deagan 1983; Ewen 1991). While Deagan and Ewen posit that the increase in non-Spanish or SpanishAmerican ceramics is indicative of the development of a Spanish-American material culture, I argue that it is, in fact, in keeping with broader trends in Spain and Spaniards’ increased willingness to adopt northern European ideals and goods. The globalization that we find at these later sites might be an indication that those living in the Spanish Caribbean continued to "keep up" with Spanish fashions by consuming similar kinds of ceramics. The continued use of majolicas at sites in St. Augustine, Cuba, Jerez, and Rota as well as the presence of tejas and olive jars at GTMO-22 indicates that the American sites were not simply responding to general European innovations. They deliberately retained certain characteristic Spanish elements, therefore indicating the sustained importance of Spanish culture, fashions, and heritage in the Spanish Caribbean and circum-Caribbean region. While an analysis of vessel forms is beyond the scope of this paper, current research suggests that Spanish Americans selectively chose vessels that were similar to those used in Spain, further supporting the hypothesis that they continued to keep up with Spanish fashions and cultural developments (Ness 2015). This continued tradition of following Spanish trends does not negate the reality of a unique Spanish-American, Caribbean culture but rather supports its existence. Because they paid a great deal of attention to displaying cultural affiliation and associating themselves with Spain (Deagan 1983; Ewen 1991), Spanish Americans in this area could have assigned special significance and social meanings to objects that helped them accomplish this goal. Thus, while some ceramics might have indicated social status and wealth, the same vessels also could have

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K. L. Ness been used in the Caribbean to signify both their owner’s economic status as well as their social connections to Europe. In the 16th and 17th centuries, luxury tablewares such as majolicas took on multiple meanings. In Spain, they might have indicated the household’s wealth and the quality of their food; while in the Caribbean, scholars argue that such objects came to signify one’s wealth as well as one’s social and ethnic connections to Spain (Deagan 1983; Ewen 1991). This attitude seems to have continued in 18th and 19th centuries, as Spaniards could have seen ceramics such as porcelains, whitewares, stonewares, and ironstones as a means of advertising their ability to stay abreast of current fashions elsewhere in Europe. Similarly, their Caribbean counterparts might have used similar ceramic types to indicate both their wealth and their links to Europe, especially Spain. Current research is pushing beyond the idea of studying ceramic types merely as indicators of social and economic status or cultural affiliation. Effective examples of conspicuous consumption involve possessing luxury objects, such as tablewares, and using them in socially acceptable ways (Beaudry 2008, 191). Consequently, my ongoing research involves a consideration of vessel forms and how the objects were used in order to better understand the meanings and purposes of the ceramics recovered. As we assemble more information and learn more about distribution patterns, vessel forms and uses, and social activities at sites on both sides of the Atlantic, we will be able to ask deeper questions regarding the social function of ceramics and how owners and users perceived these objects.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Mary Beaudry, Dr. Amalia Perez-Juez, Dr. Andrea Berlin, Dr. Jose Antonio Ruiz Gil, Ester López Rosendo, Bruce Larson, Sean Sweeney, David Bienvenue, José Salido, Francisco Barrionuevo, and Kevin Ness for their support and assistance with my research. I am also grateful to the Junta de Andalucía and the Museo Arqueológico de Jerez for allowing me to study the artifacts from La Calle Corredera 39. The staff members at NAVFAC Atlantic have been invaluable for their help in Rota and allowing me to access the reports and information from Guantanamo Bay. I am grateful for the financial support of a Boston University Graduate Research Abroad Fellowship, a Boston University Graduate Student Organization fellowship, and a National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Research Improvement Grant (BCS-1340232), all of which made it possible to attend the Global Pottery 2012 conference, study the ceramic collections, visit sites, and work closely with archaeologists in Spain and Florida. Lastly, I would like to thank the organizers of Global Pottery 2012 for assembling a fascinating and valuable conference in Barcelona and the reviewers who provided valuable feedback in assembling this volume. 268

References Allen, R., 1763, A new trade laid open from the islands of Tobago, Granados, And others of the Leeward Islands, to the Spanish main, in the Kingdom of Peru, And from Cape Florida to the Havanna and La Vera Cruz, in the Kingdom of Mexico. By a gentleman who resided many years, D. Wilson in the Strand, London. Arenas Posadas, C., 1995, Sevilla y el Estado, 1892–1923: Una perspectiva local de la formación del capitalismo en España, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla. Aroca Vicenti, F., 2002, Arquitectura y urbanismo en el Jerez del siglo XVIII, Jerez de la Frontera, Centro Universitario de Estudios Sociales. Beaudry, M., 2008, "Above Vulgar Economy": The intersection of historical archaeology and micro history in writing archaeological biographies of two New England merchants, in Small worlds: Method meaning and narrative in microhistory (ed. J. F. Brooks, C. R. N. Decorse and J. Walton), 173–198, School for Advanced Research Press, Santa Fe. Deagan, K. A., 1983, Spanish St. Augustine: The archaeology of a colonial creole community, Academic Press, New York. Deagan, K. A., 1987, Artifacts of the Spanish colonies of Florida and the Caribbean, 1500–1800, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C.. Deagan, K. A., 1995, Puerto Real: The archaeology of a sixteenth-century Spanish town in Hispaniola, University Press of Florida, Gainesville. Deagan, K. A., 1996, Colonial transformation: EuroAmerican cultural genesis in the early SpanishAmerican colonies, Journal of Anthropological Research, 52, 135–160. Deagan, K. A., 2003, Colonial origins: The archaeology of colonialism in the Americas, Historical Archaeology, 37, 3–13. Deagan, K. A., 2007, Eliciting contraband through archaeology: Illicit trade in eighteenth-century St. Augustine, Historical Archaeology, 41, 98–116. Deagan, K. A., and Cruxent, J. M., 2002, Archaeology at La Isabela: America’s first European town, Yale University Press, New Haven. Ewen, C. R., 1991, From Spaniard to Creole: the archaeology of cultural formation at Puerto Real, Haiti, University of Alabama Press, Tuscaloosa. Ewen, C. R., 2000, From colonist to creole: Archaeological patterns of Spanish colonization in the New World, Historical Archaeology, 34, 36–45. Farnsworth, P., 1992, Missions, Indians, and cultural continuity, Historical Archaeology, 26, 22–36. Friede, J., 1951, The Catálogo de Pasajeros and Spanish emigration to America to 1550, Hispanic American Historical Review, 31, 333–348. Goggin, J., 1968, Spanish majolica in the New World; types of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries, Dept. of Anthropology Yale University, New Haven. Haring, C. H., 1964, Trade and navigation between Spain and the Indies in the time of the Hapsburgs, P. Smith, Gloucester.

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cultivo en extinción en el litoral gaditano, El Folklore Andaluz: Revista de Cultura Tradicional, 6, 123–145. Sara, T. R., and Keegan, W., 2004, Archaeological survey and paleoengironmental investigations of portions of U.S. Naval Station Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, Newport News. Shephard, S. J., 1983, The Spanish criollo majority in colonial St. Augustine, in Spanish St. Augustine: The archaeology of a colonial creole community (ed. K. Deagan), 65–98, Academic Press, New York. Singleton, T. A., 2001, Slavery and spatial dialectics on Cuban coffee plantations, World Archaeology, 33, 98– 114. Skowronek, R. K., and Ewen, C. R., 2006, Identifying victims of piracy in the Spanish Caribbean, X Marks the Spot: The Archaeology of Piracy (ed. R. K. Skowronek and C. R. Ewen), 248–270, University of Florida Press, Gainesville. Stearns, P. N., 2003, Treating Globalization in History Surveys, The History Teacher, 36, 153–160. Stevens, J., 1702, Spanish rule of trade to the West Indies, Samuel Crouch, London. Swanson, K., 2007, Ceramics of the Spanish-Atlantic world, MS. On file, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Va. Thomas, D. H., 1988, Saints and soldiers at Santa Catalina: Hispanic designs for colonial America, in The recovery of meaning: Historical archaeology in the eastern United States (eds. M. P. Leone and P. B. Potter), 73–140, Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C. Vicens Vives, J., 1970, Approaches to the history of Spain, Joan Connelly Ullman, trans, University of California Press, Berkley. Voss, B., 2005, From Casta to Californio: Social identity and the archaeology of culture Contact, American Anthropologist, 107, 461–474. Voss, B., 2008, The archaeology of ethnogenesis: race and sexuality in colonial San Francisco, University of California Press, Berkeley.

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Figure 20.1: Map of the Cadiz Province with the La Calle Corredera (Jerez de la Frontera) and El Cortijo del Arroyo (Rota) sites marked. Map drawn by the author.

Figure 20.2: Map of the western Caribbean with the de Hita (St. Augustine) and GTMO-22 (Guantanamo Bay) sites marked. Map drawn by the author.

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Figure 20.3: Guadalajara Polychrome (Aztec IV) sherds from Mexico recovered at La Calle Corredera 39. Photo taken by the author, courtesy of Museo Arqueológica de Jerez and the Junta de Andalucía.

Figure 20.4: Blue on White majolica sherd recovered at La Calle Corredera 39. Photo taken by the author, courtesy of Museo Arqueológica de Jerez and the Junta de Andalucía.

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Figure 20.5: Whiteware sherds from El Cortijo del Arroyo in Rota. Note the transfer print patterns on the upper two rows of sherds and the "Pickman" maker’s mark on the sherd in the lower left corner. Photo taken by the author.

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Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina)

Cristina Prieto Olavarría1,2 and Horacio Chiavazza2,3 1- Instituto Argentino de Nivología, Glaciología y Ciencias Ambientales (IANIGLA), Centro Científico Tecnológico (CCT), Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas (CONICET), Avda. Ruiz Leal s/n, Parque Gral. San Martín, 5500 Mendoza (Argentina) ([email protected]) 2- Laboratorio de Arqueología Histórica, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Centro Universitario, Mendoza (Argentina) (M5502JMA) ([email protected]) 3- Centro de Investigaciones Ruinas de San Francisco, Área Fundacional de Mendoza, Municipalidad de Mendoza, Ituzaingó 2134, Mendoza (Argentina) Abundant Viluco ceramics recovered in different contexts in the city of Mendoza, founded in 1561, demonstrate the presence of Huarpe ethnic groups during the period of Inca domination and the first centuries of the Spanish colonial occupation. The study of this ceramic style and its integration with the archaeological and ethnohistorical data have opened a window onto the potting practices of local groups in changing situations, and their function as visual symbols of power in the construction of new identities among these populations. KEYWORDS: CENTRAL WEST ARGENTINA, INCA DOMINATION, CERAMIC TECHNOLOGY, PETROGRAPHY, PRODUCTION, FUNCTION, ETHNOGENESIS

21.1 Introduction Archaeological studies carried out at diverse archaeological "points" (we use this term to refer to specific places within the city of Mendoza, considered to be a single, large archaeological site [Chiavazza 2005]) in the Founding Area of the city have led to research that addresses the last two thousand years of this valley’s human past. It is located in an ecosystem apt for settlement, with fertile lands and wetlands rich in resources (currently inexistent), a factor in evaluating the processes experienced by the indigenous populations before and after the arrival of Europeans. In this article, we focus on the study of Viluco ceramics made by the Huarpe ethnic group, recovered in domestic contexts of this area, dated between the 15th and 17th centuries AD. The Huarpes occupied the center and north of the Province of Mendoza, which was in the extreme southeast of the Inca (AD 1480) and Spanish (AD 1561) empires. This ethnic group is known from written documents dating to the 16th , 17th , and 18th centuries. Viluco pottery is the diagnostic material used to define the occupations of local groups during both periods of domination. In the sector known as the Founding Area, the city of Mendoza was founded in the year 1561 and according to the historical documents, it was home to a large Huarpe population. In this sector, no direct evidence of Inca

domination has been found, such as that known from other areas (structures [pukaras], grain stores, cemeteries of mitmaqkuna populations, evidence of ceramics from other parts of the empire), but the documents do mention the existence of a pukara and lands cultivated for the Inca in this valley (Bárcena 1994). The relationships maintained between local population and the dominators in the valley of Mendoza seem to have been based on exchange and fulfillment of mita (Parisii 2003). It is for this reason we consider Viluco ceramics to be the only material evidence of Inca domination, as these ceramics were produced beginning with the arrival of the Incas. Given the abundance of this pottery in Founding Area contexts and the lack of systematic analysis, we have considered it necessary to develop a research program focused on manufacturing technologies. Here, we will study the production process and the function that this type of pottery had in this sector of the valley of Mendoza, integrating archaeological and ethnohistoric evidence, with the goal of examining the type of relationships maintained by the local ethnic groups with the Incas and the Spanish. With respect to Inca Empire, relationships should be reevaluated in a framework in which domination was not exercised directly, as it was in tambos and imperial enclaves. In the case of European domination, the situation was distinct, as the principal Spanish settlement was in this

C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza area. In both cases we examine the appropriation of potters’ work and the introduction of new technological knowledge. In this sense, a contribution to the knowledge of potting practices and functions of these vessels allows one to reflect on the role that these objects had within a society decimated by imposed work systems (mita and encomienda), the transformation of these vessels’ use and consumption contexts, and the construction of new identities that developed, beginning with the imposition of systems that led to social, political, and economic restructuration of Huarpe groups.

21.2 Prior research Since the beginning of the 20th century, the Culture Viluco has been considered a material manifestation of the Huarpe ethnic group. The Huarpes were settled between the southern part of the Province of San Juan and the center of the Province of Mendoza, and between the Andes mountains and the Desaguadero River (Figure 21.1). Socially, they were organized by paternal lineage and politically constituted chiefdoms (Canals 1946). Based on ethnohistory, it has been proposed that they developed an agricultural economy based on maize, and practiced hunting and gathering (Canals 1946; Prieto 2000 [1983]; Parisii 2003). Recent archaeological and paleoclimatic research has defined the importance of fishing (there are lagoons in the desert and swamps in the valley) and gathering, which contrasts with the lack of evidence for agricultural products (Prieto and Chiavazza 2006; Chiavazza and Mafferra 2007). This premise has been reinforced by results from isotopic studies, which shows a reduction in C4 values beginning around BP 300 (Gil et al. 2008). Upon the arrival of the Spanish, Huarpe chiefdoms were undergoing processes of restructuring and increasing hierarchy, as a result of the effects of Inca domination. In this case, the domination was realized for Diaguita mitmaqkuna (Norte Chico region in Chile). This situation was taken advantage of by the Spanish conquistadors, as the Spanish conquest had laid its foundations on the previous Inca conquest. Both were based on the appropriation of agricultural land and local manpower, as the Huarpes had to fulfill mita in the central valleys of Chile under the Inca regime and again under the encomienda system (Bárcena 1994). In 1561, from central Chile, there was a European advance and the city of Mendoza was founded in an area populated by locals (Bárcena 1994). After the Spanish settlement and until 1610, there was close contact between both groups, with strong biological and cultural interaction. In the valley of Mendoza, indigenous settlements were connected to and interdigitated with Spanish lands; precise territorial separations did not exist between the dominated and dominant. Archaeological studies in the Province began with excavations in indigenous cemeteries in the Uco Valley (central Mendoza), the location of the southern SpanishIndigenous border between the 16th and 18th centuries. Contexts in these cemeteries were characterized by 274

associations of objects with diverse origins connected to indigenous and European prestige: gold ornamental belts; religious medals; glass beads, such as Aggri-Perlen beads (of possible Venetian origin, important exchange objects used by the Spanish); iron spear points; pins (tupus); Viluco vessels with Inca features; and vessels of diverse origins (Lagiglia 1978; Novellino et al. 2003). Lagigla (1978) characterized Viluco culture on the basis of items recovered from cemeteries, especially the Viluco cemetery. He developed a ceramic typology and defined two phases of development on the basis of their attributes: Viluco I, the development of local populations with influences from central Chile, prior to the arrival of the Inca (AD 1300 to 1450), and Viluco II, when they adopted Spanish, Inca, and Araucanian influences (AD 1450 to 1650). Absolute dates processed in the last few decades have made it possible to define the this culture’s chronological span from the middle of the 15th century to the end of the 17th century (Chiavazza 2005; Prieto Olavarría and Chiavazza 2010). This evidence, in addition to the analysis of domestic contexts and the ceramic study, has led to a consensus that Viluco ceramics were made beginning with the arrival of the Incas in the area (García 1996; Ots 2007; Prieto Olavarría and Chiavazza 2010).

21.3

Viluco ceramics: prior research on production and function

Viluco ceramics are characterized by diverse forms with orange surfaces, and decorations in tones of red, black, brown, and white; they can be monochrome, bichrome, or polychrome. The typology developed by Lagiglia (1978) remains an important point of reference today. The characteristic forms are keros (cups), jars, bowls (with and without appendages), and aryballoid jars. There are few studies focused on the production of Viluco ceramics, which have instead focused on analyzing the association of the pottery with the means of Inca domination. In the Inca enclave of Agua Amarga (Uco Valley), it has been proposed that manufacture was under the direction of Inca artisans (Ots 2007). In the case of Tambo de Tambillos (intermontane valley of Uspallata), it has been suggested that ceramics were manufactured by the local population under the control of altiplano functionaries (Bárcena and Román 1990). Generally speaking, in the areas far from the center of the empire, such as Mendoza, it is supposed that there was little control over product quality, and that the vessels were used by the local population to improve their own status (D’Altroy et al. 1994). With respect to the function of this pottery, there are no prior studies in the area, but studies from other areas emphasize the importance of the relationship between pottery, food, and drink in Tawantinsuyu (Bray 2003). In contexts of negotiations hosted by the state, food was a means of demonstrating asymmetrical power relationships. In northwest Argentina (NOA), it has been proposed that during Inca domination, authority continued to be held by local leaders, politically and ideologically integrated into the empire, as the circulation of goods like ceramics

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Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina) carried connotations of status and legitimacy. Pottery was a political tool, associated with the legitimization of power and hospitality, and it was used to demonstrate privileges and establish social limits, based on the creation of asymmetric reciprocity relationships between local elites and the rest of the population (Williams et al. 2005).

21.4 Samples and archaeological "points" in the founding area We analyzed all of the Viluco sherds (n = 4.056) recovered from excavations at three "points" in the Founding Area: Ruinas de San Francisco (RSF), n = 2.273, Alberdi e Ituzaingó (AeI), n = 532, and Edificio Plaza Huarpe (EPH), n = 1.251. RSF has been systematically excavated for over 15 years. The area documents a 2000 year occupational sequence, which includes a primary Huarpe domestic unit, called the Crucero Fogón, dated to the early period of SpanishIndigenous contact (AD 1510–1590, URU-0279, Chiavazza 2005). After the establishment of the city in 1561, the grounds belonged to Capitan Lope de Peña, and were later donated to the Jesuits. This religious order built a church and college in the 18th century, which was abandoned in 1767 following their expulsion from the Americas. From the second half of the 18th century until the earthquake in 1861, it was occupied by the Franciscan order. Due to the disturbances, Viluco pottery was found in all excavated levels, presenting two peaks of abundance in the Crucero Fogón: between depths of 150 cm and 200 cm, and between 210 cm and 250 cm. We dated Viluco ceramics with TL and obtained a resulted that covers the span between the late Agroalfarero period, Inca domination and Spanish-Indigenous contact (AD 1460, UCTL-1645; AD 1420, UCTL-1971) (Prieto Olavarría and Chiavazza 2010). The other archaeological "points", AeI and EPH, were excavated as rescue operations. Both were domestic areas during colonial times. In AeI, Viluco ceramics were found in the entire occupational sequence, though they were especially abundant in a Spanish-Indigenous contact feature (AD 1410–1550, INGEIS AC-1610, Chiavazza and Maferra 2007) and in a colonial midden at a depth of 240 cm, in which exceptional materials were recovered: Viluco ceramics with Inca motives, previously unknown in the Province (bowl rims with stylized appendages of camelid heads and a sherd of one-footed olla) (Figure 21.2, A and B); mayólica ceramics, glass necklace beads, of which an Aggri-Perlen bead stands out. This context was dated to the 17th century (AD 1641–1699, LP-2073, Prieto Olavarría and Chiavazza 2010). In the case of EPH, Viluco ceramics were concentrated in two features with carbon, found between the depths of 160 cm and 180 cm. We obtained two radiocarbon dates, between the 16th and 17th centuries (AD 1504–1589, LP-2052; AD 1635–1699, LP-2082) (Prieto Olavarría and Chiavazza 2010).

21.5

Theoretical and methodological considerations

For the study of ceramic production, analyses were oriented toward the definition of technological choices made by the potters. We included the study of morphometrics, surface treatment, firing, pastes, and decoration. These studies are framed in order to understand the assemblage of artifacts in its historical and social context. We understand technology as a dynamic cultural phenomenon, integrated into the social manifestations of every human group, involving the complete process of interaction with the material (Lemonnier 1992). In this framework, the options chosen by potters are relevant, because they are the result of a traditional learning process and social interaction, which affect the contexts of vessels’ production and consumption. Style is a polythetic phenomenon, in which different components do not reflect the same cultural aspects, they may emerge from distinct processes or phenomena of contact and change in the contexts mentioned above (Gosselain 1998). From this perspective, we analyzed the choices made by potters in the manufacturing process, which were governed by traditional knowledge, availability of raw materials, and the socio-cultural context (Dietler and Herbich 1998). Considering this orientation and the period we focus on, the proposals for the Quebrada de Humahuaca (Province of Jujuy, NOA) are relevant. The study of ceramics from the Spanish-Indigenous contact period and ethnohistoric evidence led to hypotheses related to the functionality and significance of ceramics from 16th and 17th century contexts, and their role in the process of ethnogenesis (López 2006). The premise is that during cultural contact and the processes of ethnogenesis underway in the Quebrada de Humahuaca, local ceramics presented decorative attributes connected to the prior Inca domination, defined as "post contact images" (López 2006, 194, translated from the Spanish). That is, local populations adopted symbols related to the Inca empire as a means of identifying with this group. Contexts that contained objects associated with the Inca and Spanish worlds (Aggri-Perlen beads) would then represent "the emergence of new social actors, which some authors call ethnogenesis (Bawden 2005), who through material cultural connected to them, linked to the phenomenon of resistance, would articulate both worlds, worldviews, and representational schemes in a new historical context" (López 2006, 194, emphasis in original, translated from the Spanish). The contexts we analyzed were highly fragmented and there is no evidence of in situ manufacture, which makes it impossible to address all the stages of the ceramic manufacturing process. For this reason we conducted an indirect analysis, studying the visible traces of the finished products: paste, firing atmosphere, surface treatment, and decoration. We analyzed the surface treatment based on direct observation. To study the firing atmosphere, fresh breaks were observed. In the case of decoration, we examined the techniques and colors used for the paint and slip. An

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C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza exploratory mineralogical and elemental analysis was done on Diaguita-Inca (Chile) and Viluco sherds, from different archaeological contexts in the north of the Province of Mendoza. This analysis used Raman Micro-spectroscopy (MRS) and energy dispersive X-ray fluorescence (EDXRF), neither of which have yet been used in the region (López Tuñón et al. 2011). The study of the pastes was carried out in two stages. First, fresh breaks were observed with a stereo microscope (10X and 40X); next, thin-sections were analyzed with a petrographic microscope. We defined technological groups based on matrix characteristics (firing, texture, and compactness) and inclusions (color, shape, size, and density) (Cuomo di Caprio and Vaughan 1993; Orton et al. 1993; Rye 1981); we selected the most representative sherds from each group for petrographic analysis. Thin sections were cut transversally, and we defined petrographic groups based on the principal source of the lithoclasts and crystalloclasts. In twelve samples, we used the method described by Whitbread (1996), selecting sherds that could be oriented (rims and necks), and made longitudinal cuts. This made it possible to identify the principal aplastic inclusions, and detect microstructural and textural evidence of the techniques used in ceramic manufacture. The results of the petrographic analysis were considered in terms of previous geological research in the north of the Province of Mendoza (Sepúlveda and López 1998). The hypothetical function of each morphological category was determined on the basis of morphometric studies, following ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological studies which propose that people classify their vessels and assign specific uses to each, and that this morphofunctional classification tends to be universal (Longacre 1981). We classify the vessels based on Lagiglia’s (1978) typology and a review of the complete vessels recovered from funerary contexts in the central and northern parts of the Province (n = 39) (Prieto Olavarría 2010a) (Figure 21.3). Based on the complete vessels, capacities were estimated, for which we defined the modes (volume) and made estimates of capacities of the fragmented assemblages. For volume, we calculated correlation coefficients (r) with measurements that could be taken from the fragments, and the possibility of estimating capacity based on regression equations (Prieto Olavarría 2010a). In parallel, we analyzed function based on the observation of use wear. We used criteria defined by Skibo (1992). Use wear in the fragmented assemblages was compared to the use wear seen on the complete vessels.

21.6 Results: analysis of production Some of the form categories defined in domestic contexts of the Founding Area are represented in cemeteries, such as the bowls with appendages, jars, cups, and aryballoid jars. But we also found forms that have not been reported from funerary or domestic contexts (Table 21.1): bowls without appendages, plates, bowls with appendages in the form of camelids, and a one-footed olla; the last two forms were only found in the carbon layer of AeI from the 17th century (Figure 21.2). 276

The plates are almost exclusively from Founding Area contexts (Prieto and Chiavazza 2009). Although the pastes and decorations are Viluco, the forms are similar to mayólica plates and have wheel marks, making them a form produced after the arrival of the Spanish in the valley of Mendoza, and demonstrates the adoptions of new technologies (the wheel), and new forms associated with new standards of consumption. Based on the analysis of the manufacturing choices made by the potters for the best represented forms, we observed that all categories tend to have similar attributes. That is, there are no substantial differences between vessels with Inca decorative features (bowls with appendages), and those without these features (jars and bowls without appendages) (Table 21.2). We have already seen this pattern in vessels from funerary contexts. In terms of surface treatment, smoothing on both surfaces predominates, and only among unrestricted vessels (bowls, bowls with appendages, and plates) is there more burnishing than in the restricted vessels, even though smoothed surfaces always dominate. In the case of firing atmosphere, complete oxidization is more common than reduction. In decoration, painting dominates all Viluco categories, especially in monochrome with reddish tones. Preference for this color may not be arbitrary, as it has been suggested that the use of red paint on ceramics is associated with Inca power, and concretely with the Inca himself (González 1998). In the analysis of the pigment composition used in the paints of Viluco and Diaguita-Inca ceramics, mineral differences were detected. In Viluco ceramics, reddish tones were produced with clays with and without the addition of hematite, white was produced from clays with calcium, and pyrolusite is the principal component of black. For Diaguita-Inca ceramics, red is characterized by clays with added hematite, white with anatase, and vegetal carbon is the principal component of black (López Tuñón et al. 2011). This difference can be explained by the exogenous origin of Diaguita-Inca ceramics, which would have entered Mendoza with mitmaqkuna mobilized from the Norte Chico region in Chile. Although the study is exploratory, the results suggest that the pigments used to decorate Viluco ceramics were made with the technological knowledge of local potters, a topic to explore more in-depth in future studies. In the stereo microscope analysis, we defined 57 technological groups, 22 of which we analyzed petrographically. We characterized five petrographic groups (Table 21.3, and Figure 21.4), which do not assume the exclusive presence of one type of mineral (other minerals may be present in lesser quantities). All of the thin sections have matrices with a microgranular texture, predominant in the percentage of the matrix (70 % to 90 %), greater than the inclusions (10 % to 25 %, in a few cases we found 30 %). Inclusions found in all samples were felsic minerals. Igneous rocks predominate, ranging from mesosilicic to acidic (andesites, dacites, rhyolites), as well as volcanic (dacites, andesites) and plutonic rocks (granites, granodiorites), which principally contribute quartz, plagioclase and potassium feldspar

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Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina) crystals. Metamorphic rock fragments are rare, including low grade metamorphites (metasandstones/metapelites), which make up the geological basement of the region. Among the less abundant inclusions, they are calcite end argillaceous inclusions. Calcite is a notable secondary inclusion, in a many cases powder was found filling cavities. One must take into account that the carbonated water from the eastern Precordillera range of the Andes may be later deposited onto the pastes. In other cases, calcite was found crystalized without filling the cavities and in this case, the calcite might come from the outcrops that there is in the north of Mendoza Formación San Juan or Formación Empozada. Another important aspect is the presence of opaque minerals in the majority of the samples and, independent of the origin of the inclusions, it is an attribute that is only seen in one of the petrographic groups in the local ceramics prior to Viluco (Prieto Olavarría 2012). Despite the reduced distance between contexts, it is notable that the petrographic groups have distinct frequencies in the archaeological "points". In RSF most sherds belong to group GR (granitic). In AeI, group VP (pyroclastic volcanic) predominates, and among jars, the percentage of group GR is the same. In EPH, group VP is abundant, but among jars, group GR is the most common. This variability could be explained by the situational mobility of the local chiefs toward the valley of Mendoza, which has been mentioned for the periods of Inca and Spanish domination (Parisii 2003). Another relevant point is that all petrographic groups are represented in all vessel form categories, and only the abundance of group GR made it possible make preliminary considerations of the relationship between this group and jars. In the longitudinal thin sections, some differences can be seen between petrographic groups. Group VO (volcanic) has aligned inclusions, and the cavities are long and narrow. In one sherd, it was possible to see the joint between the neck and the rim of the vessel, and the use of coil construction could be detected (Figure 21.4, C). In group VP, the inclusions are also aligned and cavities are rare and sub-rounded. In the thin sections of group GR, the alignment of the inclusions is not clear and cavities are very rare. Group VP, which is characterized by the almost exclusive presence of pyroclastic inclusions, was especially abundant in samples from AeI (Figure 21.4, A). We consider the incorporation of these inclusions to be related to new potting technologies appearing in the north of Mendoza with the arrival of the Inca (Prieto Olavarría et al. 2010). This is similar to the idea proposed for NOA, where such a technology may have appeared during the Inca period, together with a particular ethnic group (Chicha, southern Bolivia) or with vessels that circulated during this period. In NOA, the adoption of this practice by local groups has been proposed, as these types were connected to Inca legitimacy and status (D’Altroy et al. 1994; Williams and Cremonte 1994).

21.7

Analysis of function

Based on the study of complete vessels recovered from funerary contexts, we defined capacities for the two most common forms: bowls and jars. In bowls, estimates were possible based on rim diameter and total height and in the jars, based on maximum and minimum diameter, height at maximum diameter, and total height (Prieto Olavarría 2010a). In RSF, estimates were made for 100 jar sherds, 39 bowl sherds, and three bowls with appendages. In AeI, the analysis was done for five bowl sherds and nine jar sherds. In EPH, it was done with nine bowl sherds, 15 jar sherds, and one from a bowl with appendage. The results indicated that the capacities of the vessels represented in the domestic contexts of the Founding Area are more variable than in the complete vessels from cemeteries (we recorded volumes that were similar, greater, and smaller) (Tables 21.4 and 21.5). We infer that in domestic contexts there was a greater range of capacities represented between these vessels and funerary offerings, as the evidence implies that the latter were selected for their attributes related to the Inca empire. In terms of the hypothetical function of the forms, based on the proposal of ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological studies, we suggest that these were used principally for service and storage. As we define complete vessels (Prieto Olavarría 2010a), the bowls would have been used to serve food, and their different capacities would be related to the number of people involved in dining (individually or as a group). The plates also would have been appropriate for dining, but without relying on the complete vessels, we cannot make clear inferences. Jars are the type of vessels used for storage, and their size is related to the time of storage, so we suggest that the small jars were used for immediate consumption, while those of greater volume were utilized for longer term storage. In the case of the aryballoid jars and cups, we could not make estimates and we rely on the inferences made from complete vessels: aryballoid jars were appropriate for storage and cups for service. Viluco sherds with detected use wear were never more than 34 % of the total for each context (Table 21.6). In RSF, we noted traces of carbon, and in isolated cases, of surface attrition, which were present in 21.3 % (n = 162) of the total. In AeI, we only observed traces of carbon, present in 33.5 % (n = 178) of the total. In this context, use wear is more abundant in the bowls, and absent in bowls with appendages. In EPH, 32.1 % (n = 450) have traces of carbon, and in greater proportions of jar sherds, while they are absent in bowls with appendages and the one-footed olla.

21.8

Discussion and conclusions

The objective of the analysis was to clarify aspects related to the production and function of Viluco ceramics from contexts in the Founding Area of Mendoza. In these contexts, great variability of forms stands out, in relation to the morphological categories from the colonial indigenous

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C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza cemeteries throughout the Province. We suggest that the vessels recovered from funerary contexts were selected from a greater repertoire of vessels, which are well represented in domestic contexts in the valley of Mendoza. This selection would be related to the role of some vessels in contexts where demonstrating status and identity were fundamental, within a society undergoing an internal process of hierarchization, a result of successive contacts with two expansive imperial states (as we discussed above). The analysis of production was limited to the study of sherd attributes, as we did not have direct evidence of the process. The results make it possible to propose that there were no substantial differences in the technological choices made by potters in the manufacture of all forms of Viluco ceramics. Basically, we can affirm that Viluco ceramics are characterized by a majority of orange vessels with smoothed surfaces, firings almost exclusively in complete oxidizing atmospheres, and that decorations are predominately monochrome in reddish tones, which had special meaning for their association with the Inca. The evidence allows us to suggest that Huarpe potters shared knowledge in how to make ceramics. The origins and development of these techniques remain to be investigated, especially taking into account the preliminary evidence for differences in minerals used to prepare paints used on Viluco and Diaguita-Inca vessels, one of the principal ceramic types associated with Inca expansion in Mendoza. In terms of the pastes, diverse sources of locally available raw material sources were exploited, as identified litoclasts and crystalloclasts are part of the geological basement of the region. While the pastes share certain attributes such as texture, porosity and granularity, variability is noted in the origin of the inclusions, and some differences in micro-structure (orientation and cavities), although we see the latter aspect as only suggestive. If we take the presence of diverse paste types to indicate that one or more potters used numerous sources (Rye 1981), it is possible to think that in the case of Viluco, exchange and situational mobility of local groups toward the valley of Mendoza were responsible for this variability during Inca and Spanish domination, situations described in historic documents from the 16th and 17th centuries. We think that the existence of widely shared Viluco technological knowledge, though materialized in different pastes and possibly in diverse manufacturing techniques, demonstrates distinct scales of social integration of groups to whom potters belonged. On a larger scale, the producers shared ways of manufacturing related to the most visible attributes (form, texture, color, decoration) and probably the most important, in terms of vessel function. Additionally, on a smaller scale of social integration, knowledge was transmitted regarding the selection of raw materials suitable to make pastes, which might have been mediated by residence location or an intentional selection of sources. From this perspective, we suggest that ceramic production in the valley of Mendoza during and after to Inca domination developed within small groups, possibly at the family or chiefdom level, that is, in a context of decentralized pottery production. This idea does not contradict the idea described for Inca 278

tambos and enclaves, where controlled production has been proposed, as the contexts studied from the Founding Area of Mendoza do not indicate direct Inca domination. The ceramic analysis of the Founding Area allowed us to detect the existence of plates, a form almost exclusive to this area. These forms, which recall European mayólica plates, have wheel marks and are not similar to others produced in nearby areas, and would have been made by Huarpes in the context of the arrival of the Spanish. Their decorative attributes and pastes are not different from those of other Viluco forms, but reveal the incorporation of a new form associated with new modes of preparation, modes of consumption, and technology linked to new ways of doing things (the wheel). We think, as a hypothesis, that Huarpe potters could have made such plates under Spanish control, especially considering that religious orders integrated native potters into the system of production. In general terms, we recognize that interactions between different social groups and the changes produced by the arrival of the Inca, and then the Spanish, provoked the adoption of new stylistic options in the Huarpe population, adding to and modifying their technological knowledge. From this perspective, we propose that Viluco ceramics emerged and developed within the framework of social, political, economic, and symbolic pressures, as a polythetic phenomenon (in the sense of Gosselain [1998]), in which different components do not reflect the same cultural aspects, as they emerge from different processes resulting from contact and changes introduced into production and consumption contexts. In terms of vessel function in these domestic contexts, it was possible to define a greater variety of morphological forms and capacities, compared to the vessels found in cemeteries. We suggest that they were used for service, storage, and transport. The forms found in the domestic contexts are present in the entire Inca empire, such as bowls used for food consumption, jars, and aryballoid jars for storage and transport of liquids such as chicha. This is due to the fact that some vessels, especially those visible in consumption contexts (bowls, plates, and cups), were pertinent to ritual activities, and those of celebration and legitimation, and were true symbolic devices of social positioning. The ceramics used for transport were indispensible to state organization, with which it was possible to fulfill state obligations of redistribution, and also played an active role in reflecting the relationships of local groups with the Inca, especially among the most distant populations (Bray 2003; Williams et al. 2005). Use wear is not generally present on Viluco vessels, which makes it possible to reaffirm the idea of functions related to service and storage. The undecorated assemblages associated with Viluco must also be considered, which have been recently studied. All the vessels are almost completely covered in soot. This attribute, together with the described forms (ollas), suggests these would have been the vessels used to cook and process food (Castillo 2012). We postulate that Viluco was an assemblage that had a function related to food service and storage, and that various attributes (form and decoration) were inspired by pottery types that circulated during the Inca empire, and

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina) that one of their pastes (group VP) was associated with imperial status and legitimacy in the southern area of the empire. This evidence is associated with the relationship between pottery, food, and drink in Tawantinsuyu, which allows us to suggest that these ceramics played the role of visual mediators within local groups, and between these groups and the dominators, whether Inca or Spanish. This is especially the case if we take into account the fact that these chiefdoms found themselves in a process of hierarchization, while their labor force and lands were plundered, which led to their final social and political destructuration. Another relevant facet is that the majority of the vessels recovered from indigenous colonial cemeteries have attributes similar to Inca ceramics. We have even recorded the presence of twin vessels in the cemetery in Agua Amarga (Uco Valley), which make clear allusion to funerary practices inspired by the Inca. Based on the evidence recovered from the domestic contexts, we propose that the principal criteria in selecting Viluco ceramics to be left as funerary offerings, was their association with Inca power. From this perspective, items such as plates or bowl without appendages are not represented in the cemeteries, where objects function as meaningful and symbolic devices, defining social limits within local hierarchies, and between local and dominating hierarchies. Since elements of European origin related to status and power are present in the cemeteries (glass beads, iron weapons, medals associated with religious orders), it is notable that Viluco plates, associated with indigenous production in the early colonial years, are not represented in cemeteries. We think that plates were a part of the daily household furnishings in the urban space, where most of the interactions between conquistadores and the conquered took place, and where the assimilation of new technologies and integration of the indigenous population is evident. This situation was distinct in cemeteries, contexts with special symbolic value (tombs) near the Spanish-Indigenous border, where what we consider to be the construction of new identities in situations of social stress appeared (Prieto Olavarría 2010b). Based on the results and previous research on the Inca, we propose that the reorganization of traditional authority structures and social prestige systems, stimulated the production of Viluco ceramics during Inca domination. This idea is related to the means by which ceramic production was configured in sectors distant from the imperial center, in which little control was exercised over the quality of the products, and where vessels were used by the local population to improve their own status (D’Altroy et al. 1994). This is relevant if we consider that outside the tambos and Inca enclaves, there is scare evidence for imported ceramics during Inca expansion, for example in sectors as populated as the valley of Mendoza. In this sense, locally produced ceramics were important to satisfy the need for symbolically charged objects related to social positioning. These processes have also been documented in other areas, such as NOA, where a continuity was suggested between Inca and Spanish domination, and the active function of the vessels continued until the 17th century.

This idea is reinforced by the 17th century Viluco contexts in the Founding Area of Mendoza and in indigenous colonial cemeteries. In the 17th century in AeI, there is exceptional material, such as Viluco sherds with clear Inca similarities (bowl rims with modeled camelids heads, a one-footed olla) and elements that were important in mediating relationships between Spanish and indigenous people (Aggri-Perlen beads). This evidence make it possible to discern the complexity of the relationships maintained in an urban context, between local populations in the process of social de-structuration and late medieval Spanish society, in the marked process of change following its arrival to America. According to our proposal for the function of these ceramics in domestic contexts in the Founding Area and funerary contexts, in addition to previous research in other southern areas of the Spanish empire (López 2006), we offer reflections on the way that materiality reflects the construction of new identities by Huarpe groups, beginning with the imposition of a system that destructured it socially, politically, and economically. Taking into account the decorative and technological features of Viluco ceramics used during colonial times, it is possible to think that these could have been part of the "post contact images" (López 2006, 194, translated from the Spanish) after the arrival of the Spanish. The presence of vessels associated with Inca power in the cemeteries and in domestic contexts (zoomorphological appendages, a one-footed olla, pyroclastic inclusions) during the early centuries of the city of Mendoza, show that the indigenous people used this pottery to identify themselves to the Spanish, using symbols linked to the prior Inca domination in the incipient city’s environs. Thus, these objects had relevance in the daily interactions between indigenous and Spanish peoples, and not only in funerary contexts, articulating day in and day out what has been called "worldviews and representational schemes in a new historical context" (López 2006, 194, translated from the Spanish). It is from this perspective that we can consider, based on archaeology, the process of ethnogenesis that took place beginning with contact, and continued into the early colonial period in Mendoza. Increasingly in-depth knowledge of the ceramic manufacturing process, and its contextualization in a historical and social framework marked by the arrival of two empires to the area, leads us to consider the role that these objects had within a local society decimated by the new system of forced labor, encomienda, and the transformation of these vessels’ use and consumption contexts, which led to the incorporation of new technologies. In the future, analysis of new material and increasingly in-depth study of certain themes from historical documents will allow us to continue to reveal the complex processes of transformation and the emergence of new social actors during the early years of Mendoza’s colonial period.

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References Bárcena, J. R., 1994, Datos e interpretación del registro documental sobre la dominación incaica en Cuyo, Xama, 4–5, 11–49. Bárcena, J. R., and Román, A., 1990, Funcionalidad diferencial de las estructuras del tambos de Tambillos: resultados de la excavación de los recintos 1 y 2 de la Unidad A del Sector III,. Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 41–42, 7–81. Bawden, G., 2005, Ethnogenesis at Galindo, Perú, in Us and them, Archaeology and ethnicity in the Andes (ed. R. M. Reycraft), Monograph 53, 2, Los Angeles. Bray, T., 2003, Inka Pottery as Culinary Equipment Food, Feasting, and Gender in Imperial State Design, Latin American Antiquity, 14, 1, 3–28. Canals Frau, S., 1946, Etnología de los Huarpes, Anales del Instituto de Etnografía Americana, VII, 9–147. Castillo, L., 2012, El registro cerámico indígena sin atributos diagnósticos del predio Ruinas de San Francisco, Área Fundacional de Mendoza, unpublished degree thesis, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Argentina. Cuomo di Caprio, N., and Vaughan, S. J., 1993, Differentiating Grog (Chamotte) from natural Argillaceous Inclusions in Ceramic Thin Sections, Archeomaterials, 7, 21–40. Chiavazza, H., 2005, Los templos coloniales como estructuras funerarias. Arqueología en la iglesia jesuita de Mendoza, British Archaeological Reports, London. Chiavazza, H., and Mafferra, L., 2007, Estado de las investigaciones arqueobotánicas en Mendoza y sus implicancias en la arqueología histórica, Revista de Arqueología Histórica Americana y Argentina, 1, 127– 152. D’altroy, T., Lorandi, A., and Williams, V., 1994, Producción y uso de cerámica en la economía política Inka, in Tecnología y Organización de la Cerámica Prehispánica en Los Andes (ed. I. Shimada), 395–441, Lima. Dietler, M., and Herbich, I., 1998, Habitus, techniques, Style: An Integrated Approach to the Social Understanding of Material Culture and Boundaries, in The Archaeology of Social Boundaries (ed. M. Stark), 232–261, Smithsonian Institution Press. García, A., 1996, La dominación Inca en el centro oeste argentino y su relación con el origen y la cronología del registro arqueológico "Viluco", Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 48/49, 41–48. Gil, A., Neme, G., Tykot, R., Novellino, P., Cortegoso, V., and Durán, V., 2008, Stable Isotope and Maize. Consumption in Central Western Argentina, International Journal of Osteology, 19, 215–236. González, P., 1998, Doble reflexión especular en los diseños cerámicos Diaguita-Inca: de la imagen al símbolo, Boletín del Museo Chileno de Arte Precolombino, 7, 39– 52. Gosellain, O., 1998, Social and Technical Identity in a Clay Crystal Ball, in The Archaeology of Social Boundaries (ed. M. Stark), 78–106, Smithsonian Institution Press. 280

Lagiglia, H., 1978, La Cultura de Viluco del Centro Oeste Argentino, Revista del Museo de Historia Natural, III, 1–4, 227–265. Lemonnier, P., 1992, Elements for an Athropology and Technology, Antropological Papers, Museum of Anthropology University of Michigan, 88, Ann Arbour, Michigan. Longacre, W., 1981, Kalinga pottery: an ethnoarchaeological study, in Pattern of the past: studies in honour of David Clarke (eds. I. Hodder, G. Isaac and N. Hammond), 49–66, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. López, M., 2006, Imágenes Postconquista y etnogénesis en la Quebrada de Humahuaca, Jujuy, Argentina. Hipótesis de trabajo arqueológico, Memoria Americana, 14, 167–202. López Tuñón, J. A., Montejo Gámez, M., Chiavazza, H., Sánchez Vizcaíno, A., 2011, Los colores de la cerámica Viluco y Diaguita chilena: determinación de pigmentos utilizados en la decoración cerámica indígena de norte de Mendoza (Argentina) mediante Microespectroscopía RAMAN y Microfluorescencia de energía dispersiva de Rayos X, Congreso Peninsular de Arqueometría, Lisboa, Portugal. Novellino, P., Durán, V., and Prieto, C., 2003, Cápiz Alto: aspectos bioarqueológicos y arqueológicos del cementerio indígena de época pos-contacto (provincia de Mendoza, Argentina), Revista española de Paleopatología, 1, 1–16. Orton, C., Tyers, P., and Vince, A., 1993, La cerámica en arqueología, Editorial Crítica, Grijalbo Mondadori, Barcelona. Ots, M. J., 2007, Datos e interpretación sobre la dominación incaica del valle de Uco, Mendoza, in Actas XVI Congreso Nacional de Arqueología Argentina, II, 479485, Jujuy. Parisii, M., 2003, Dominación incaica en Mendoza, Allubgraf, Mendoza. Prieto, M. R., 2000 [1983], Formación y consolidación de una sociedad en un área marginal del Reino de Chile: la Provincia de Cuyo en el siglo XVII, Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 52–53. Prieto Olavarría, C., 2010a, La especialización artesanal alfarera de la cultura Viluco. Norte y centro de la provincia de Mendoza, unpublished doctoral thesis, Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades, Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina. Prieto Olavarría, C., 2010b, La cerámica del cementerio de Cápiz Alto (Departamento de San Carlos, Mendoza). Una aproximación a las identidades culturales, Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 63–64, 151–175. Prieto Olavarría, C., 2012, Perspectivas sobre el cambio tecnológico entre los períodos Medio y Tardío en el Norte de Mendoza. Aportes desde los estudios petrográficos, in Resúmenes de Ponencias V Jornadas Arqueológicas Cuyanas, 31, Mendoza. Prieto Olavarría, C., Castro de Machuca, B., and Puebla, L., 2010, Vitroclastos en la cerámica Viluco. Estudios petrográficos de la cerámica Viluco e histórica del norte de Mendoza, Boletín del Laboratorio de Petrología y Conservación Cerámica, 2, 2, 1–8.

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Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina) Prieto Olavarría, C., and Chiavazza, H., 2009, La producción cerámica Viluco entre los siglos XV y XVII (Provincia de Mendoza, Argentina), Chungara, 41, 2, 261–274. Prieto Olavarría, C., and Chiavazza, H., 2010, La alfarería Viluco y los contextos del Área Fundacional. Aportes al estudio de la dominación incaica y los primeros años de la colonia en el valle de Mendoza, in Actas XVII Congreso de Arqueología Argentina (ed. J. R. Bárcena and H. Chiavazza), II, 807–812, Mendoza. Prieto, M. R., and Chiavazza, H., 2006, Aportes de la historia ambiental y la arqueología para el análisis del patrón de asentamiento Huarpe en el oasis norte de Mendoza, Anales de Arqueología y Etnología, 58–59. Rye, O., 1981, Pottery Technology, Taraxacum, Washington D.C. Sepúlveda, E., and López, H., 1998, Hoja Geológica 3369-

II Mendoza, Provincia de Mendoza, Programa Nacional de Cartas Geológicas Republica Argentina 1:250.000, Boletín 252, Buenos Aires. Skibo, J., 1992, Pottery Function. A Use-Alteration Perspective, Plenum Press, New York. Whitbread, I., 1996, Detection and Interpretation of Preferred Orientation in Ceramic Thin Section, in Proceedings of the 2nd Symposium of the Hellenic Archeometrical Society, 413–425, Athens. Williams, V., and Cremonte, B., 1994, ¿Mitmaqkuna o circulación de bienes? Indicadores de la producción cerámica como identificadores étnicos. Un caso de estudio en el NOA, Avances en Arqueología, 2, 9–27. Williams, V., Villegas, P., Gheggi, M., and Chaparro, M., 2005, Hospitalidad e intercambio en los valles mesotermales del Noroeste argentino, Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, 9, 335–372.

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281

282

1,082

Total

655

375 82 198 58

37 1 20

Plates

38

25 10 3

Bowls with appendages

5

5 -

Keros

3

2 1

Aryballoid jars

Viluco Inca

Firing atmosphere

Petrographic groups

Technique and color of decoration

Surface treatment

Firing atmosphere

GR VO VOS H VP Oxidizing atmosphere

GR VO VOS H VP Oxidizing atmosphere Reducing atmosphere Smoothing (int./ext.) Burnished (int./ext.) Burnished (int.) - smoothing (ext.) Smoothing (int.) - burnished (ext.) Monochrome painting Bichrome painting Polychrome painting Modeling and monochrome painting Modeling and polychrome painting Modeling and bichrome painting Modeling, incision and monochrome painting Modeling, incision and bichrome painting Modeling

RSF

Petrographic groups

Manufacturing options

Archaeological point

AeI

1

1 -

One-footed olla

2,214

1,049 304 861

Indeterminate shapes

34 % 12.30 % 1.30 % 8.50 % 43.90 % 97 %

58 % 19.60 % 2.20 % 14.20 % 5.90 % 97.20 % 2.80 % 54 % 31 % 13 % 2% 70.10 % 27.10 % 2.70 % -

Bolws without appendages

-

-

41.50 % 9.50 % 7.50 % 41.50 % 98.80 %

41.40 % 37.90 % 3.40 % 13.80 % 3.40 % 100 % 78 % 21 % 1% 64.60 % 32.50 % 2.90 % -

Plates

42.50 % 14.80 % 2.70 % 33.90 % 6% 95 % 5% 89.90 % 1.10 % 3.10 % 5.90 % 75.10 % 19.10 % 5.80 % -

Jars

4, 056

2, 273 532 1, 251

Total

Table 21.2 – Continued on next page

20 % 10 % 70 % 100 %

44.40 % 22.20 % 5.60 % 27.80 % 96.40 % 3.60 % 68 % 28 % 4% 72 % 8% 4% 8% 4% 4%

Bowls with appendages

Table 21.1: Number of Viluco sherds and morphological categories for Founding Area "points".

780 134 168

Jars

Viluco

Bowls without appendages

RSF AeI EPH

Archaeological point

C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

EPH

Archaeological point

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact 29.30 % 48.60 % 16.50 % 5.6 % 96.40 % 3.60 % 81.50 % 9.90 % 6.10 % 2.50 % 74.90 % 22.70 % 2.40 % -

3% 73.1 %. 13.40 % 10.40 % 3% 92 % 6% 2% -

Reducing atmosphere Smoothing (int./ext.) Burnished (int./ext.) Burnished (int.) - smoothing (ext.) Smoothing (int.) - burnished (ext.) Monochrome painting Bichrome painting Polychrome painting Modeling and monochrome painting Modeling, incision and monochrome painting GR VO VOS H VP Oxidizing atmosphere Reducing atmosphere Smoothing (int./ext.) Burnished (int./ext.) Burnished (int.) - smoothing (ext.) Smoothing (int.) - burnished (ext.) Monochrome painting Bichrome painting Polychrome painting Modeling and monochrome painting Modeling and polychrome painting Modeling Modeling and incisión

Bolws without appendages

Manufacturing options

Table 21.2: Manufacturing choices identified in Viluco sherds.

Technique and color of decoration

Surface treatment

Firing atmosphere

Petrographic groups

Technique and color of decoration

Surface treatment

Continued from previous page

70 % 30 % 100 % 70 % 30 % 33.30 % 33.30 % 33.30 %

80 % 20 % 80 % 20 %

Bowls with appendages

43 % 24 % 12 % 21 % 92.90 % 7.10 % 96.80 % 1.10 % 2.10 % 67.50 % 24.10 % 3.60 % 4.80 % -

1.20 % 97.40 % 2.60 % 96 % 4% -

Jars

24 % 39.20 % 36.70 % 100 % 95 % 5% 61.50 % 30.80 % 7.70 % -

-

Plates

Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina)

283

284

RSF AeI EPH

10.2 % 33.3 %

LE

380 to 400 cc 260 to 1,050 cc

Bowls with appendages Jars

Large 750 to 1,100 cc 3,050 cc

7.7 % 60 % 22.2 %

S 20.5 % 20 % 11.1 %

L

Bowls without appendages

61.5 % 20 % 33.3 %

G -

LE 25 % -

S

100 %

L

G 75 % -

Bowls with appendages

77.8 % 6.7 %

LE

29 % 26.8 %

S

Jars

40 % 26.8 %

L

Table 21.5: Estimated capacities from Viluco sherds. LE: estimated capacity less than complete vessels. S: small, estimated capacity similar to complete vessels. L: large, estimated capacity similar to complete vessels. G: estimated capacity greater than complete vessels.

Archaeological point

Small

Morphological categories

Modes

Table 21.3: Petrographic groups.

Mesosilicic igneous rocks, especially andesites and dacites; in some cases basics (basalts) Mesosilicic igneous rocks (andesites, dacites) and in lesser proportion sedimentary rocks (quartz sandstones) Granitic plutonic rocks (granites, granodiorites) Heterogenous composition rocks: volcanic rocks (andesites, dacites, basalts) and granitic plutonic rocks (granites, granodiorites) Pyroclastic volcanic inclusions of acidic nature

Principal lithoclasts

Table 21.4: Capacities of complete vessels from funerary contexts (Prieto 2010).

VP

H

GR

VOS

VO

Petrographic group

31 % 22.2 % 40.2 %

G

C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Production and function of indigenous pottery during Inca domination and the early Spanish colonial occupation of the valley of Mendoza (central west Argentina)

Archaeological point

Shape

Use wear Traces of carbon Attrition

RSF

Bowls without appendages Bowls with appendages Jars Plates

21 % 25 % 23 % 14 %

1% 2% -

AeI

Bowls without appendages Bowls with appendages Jars One-footed olla

26 % 18 % -

-

EPH

Bowls without appendages Bowls with appendages Jars Plates Aryballoid jar

23 % 41 % 35 % -

-

-

Table 21.6: Use wear on Viluco sherds.

Figure 21.1: Map of the North and center of Mendoza with the principal sites mentioned in the text.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

285

C. Prieto Olavarría and H. Chiavazza

Figure 21.2: Viluco sherds from the Founding Area. A) One-footed olla (AeI). B) stylized appendages of camelid heads (AeI). C) bowl with appendage (RSF). D) plate (EPH). Image scale = 1 cm.

Figure 21.3: Complete Viluco vessels from funerary contexts. A) bowl with appendages (Agua Amarga, Uco Valley); B) kero (cup) (Barrancas, Mendoza Valley); C) jar (Tacuarí y 20 de Junio, Mendoza Valley); D) Aryballoid jar (Agua Amarga, Uco Valley). Image scale = 1 cm.

Figure 21.4: Photomicrographs of petrographic groups in Viluco sherds. A) Volcanic pyroclastic group (VP); B) Volcanic group (VO), cavities are filled with white calcite; C) Volcanic group (V), aligned inclusions indicate the joint between the neck and the rim and the use of coil construction; D) Granitic group (GR) with argillaceous inclusions; E) Volcanic sedimentary group (VOS); F) Volcanic and plutonic group. Images A, C, F taken in plane polarized light and B, D, E taken in crossed polars. Image scale = 0.5 mm, except A = 0.2 mm.

286

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22

The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case

Oscar Rodrigo Soto Ortiz and Fernando López Aguilar Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Periférico Sur y Zapote s/n, Colonia Isidro Fabela, Tlalpan, Isidro Fabela, 14030 Ciudad de México, D.F. (México) ([email protected], fl[email protected]) The Spanish conquest over the ancient Mexican territory produced changes in different aspects of the Prehispanic world, including material culture. In this paper, we will try to identify those attributes refered in previous Works as Prehispanic or Pos-conquest in the Red Burnished Ware, also called Rojo Texcoco, a ceramic of Aztec tradition, in an archaeological site in Central México. This ceramic group can also be used as a basis for the relative chronology of the site, and as a first approach to a more extensive thesis work that will include more groups of the Aztec Tradition ceramic, and other fundamental aspects as technological studies. KEYWORDS: AZTEC CERAMICS, ROJO TEXCOCO, RELATIVE CHRONOLOGY, CHANGE AND PERMANENCE, SPANISH CONTACT

22.1 Introduction Throughout the history of mankind, have been different historical processes in which some society in expansion, conquest or submit another. Product of these facts often occur processes that fuse traditions and cultural expressions of both groups. So, different elements of material culture can suffer radical changes or keep continuity traits, but hardly remain unchanged. This not only occurs in native beliefs or oral tradition, but is also perceptible in subtle changes in artifacts of all kinds (Orser Jr. and Fagan 1995, 223). There are in Mexico some examples of it. After the fall of the Mexicans cities of Tenochtitlan and Tlatelolco at the hands of the Spanish army in 1521, it started the Colonial era, and with it changes in different scopes, among which is the material culture, that is, objects manufactured or processed by man for daily use. In this paper we consider the case of Aztec Red Ware ceramic type of central Mexico, which also appears in the Mezquital Valley region. In this ware exists some changes between Prehispanic or Colonial era. Those changes can be in surface treatment or decoration that can be identified for one era or another. In this paper we will try to identify if in El Maye there is presence of these ceramic traditions, prehispanic and colonial, based in the attributes of each era, using a small data base created for this purpose, and as a trial for a more extensive work which will include more Aztec ceramic types.

22.2

El Maye

The state of Hidalgo, in central Mexico has different ecological and cultural areas. One of them is the region known as Valle del Mezquital (Mezquital Valley), which is mainly inhabited by the Otomi ethnobiological group or hñä-hñü, which archaeological evidence places it as the archaic civilization of the region (López 2005, 35). One of its major cities is the municipality of Ixmiquilpan, in whose suburb is located a settlement called "El Maye" (Figure 22.1). In this community is located the archaeological site of the same name. El Maye (UTM:144761743 E / 2263251N 1719 mosl) has been studied by the Proyecto Eje Valle del Mezquital of Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia (ENAH). Project Reports of the 1989 field season, indicate that the current population is upon a prehispanic settlement, and there is constant presence of ceramic materials in the area. In 2008, the project was invited by the inhabitants of the community, knowing the archaeological patrimony that was there and with the intention to incorporate these vestiges to an eco-tourist project in the zone. Several sites were reviewed, being El Maye the site that more archaeological information could throw, due to the conservation of their contexts. It was found because the construction of a highway required making a cut in a slope, showing in the profile walls and floors of stucco, in addition to great amount of ceramic fragments. This way, the excavations began that same year. In that season they were several foundations of walls, affected by

O. R. Soto Ortiz and F. López Aguilar sacking, dedicating that season and leaves from the 2009 season to identify the reaches of this illegal practice. The rest of the works of 2009 helped to identify with greater clarity the architectonic configuration of the site. Thereby, several terraces and different slopes, rooms and occupations were located (Lopez et al. 2009). The site has been identified as Tlazintla, the otomí head of the Altépetl—territorial political unit of the time—of Ixmiquilpan At the time of the contact, the main heads of the region consisted of a dual system, corresponding one to nahua-speaking groups, and the other of otomí, each one with their own governor. It is possible that this was founded during the Epiclassic (750–900 A.D.), and that is had displaced in different occasions, until being based finally in its present location (Lopez 2009, 26). The Spaniards arrived at the region around 1525, continuing with the model of double head, with an encomendero in each one of them. Probably the site was abandoned around 1570, because the head was changed of place (Lopez 2009, 27).

22.3 The ceramics of El Maye The analyses done to the ceramics recovered at the site, have identified it in their majority like part of the Ceramic Complex Azteca III Tardío, that is located between 1428 and 1521, extending until 1620 in countryside (Charlton, Fournier and Otis 2007, 446). This complex is conformed by different wares, such as Azteca Bruñida, Texcoco Bruñida (Red Burnished), Azteca Alisada, Lagos sin Engobe, Xochimilco Alisada, Cuenca Bruñida, Canal Bruñida y Chalco Bruñida (Cervantes, Fournier and Carballal 2007, 281). In addition, is recurrently kaolinitic ceramic of white, very fine and compact paste of the Meztitlán type, associated to independent settlement of same name, and also glassed pottery, own of the post-conquest time.

22.4 The Red Burnished Ware In this work we will focus in the Red Burnished Ware, because since the first fieldwork season, is the more recurrent type, also found in some offering context. Also, the prehispanic or post-conquest attributes are easy to recognize. This group is characterized by the presence of red painting, with burnished finishing in the surface. It was used in the Late Post-classic and in the Early Colonial periods. Different authors (Cervantes 1996; Cervantes and Fournier 1995; Gonzalez 1988; Hodge and Minc 1991; Charlton 1966, 1969; Tolstoy 1958; Parsons 1966; Minc 1994) have studied this ware at pre-Hispanic time and also in Colonial. This group is characterized by have a compact paste, and a texture that goes fine to medium. Its color can vary between bay and gray displaying in most of the cases a gray nucleus, product of an atmosphere of reductive baking. The surface has total red slip in most of the cases (Cervantes, Fournier and Carballal 2007). About decoration, Parsons (1966) indicated that the Red Ware can be divided in four types, according to the 288

chromatic combination of his decoration. In this way, there exist the groups Black on Red, Black and White on Red, being these two the most recurrent ones; it also appears White on Red type, showing only white or yellow paint on red background, and the Smooth Red type, which has only red paint on the surface, without any decoration. The decorative motifs that appear in this ceramics are diagonal or vertical lines in the outer wall, or grouped or covering the totality of piece, calling this pattern "combs", as well as a black band in the outer part of the edge; the same kind of lines in the body but without the band in the edge; the same lines and a band underneath the edge; equal to this last one, but two parallel bands to the edge instead of one, or more than two lines (Parsons 1996). Some more complex designs exists, which include spirals, stepped frieze, waved lines, in addition to a kind of braid that runs horizontally in the outside of the body (Figure 22.2). As far as the designs with white color, they are applied over black motifs like which already they were described (Figure 22.3). They can appear delineating the black painting, or groups of three "U" inverted ones in the solid band that appears in or near the edge, or circles on horizontal braids, besides occasionally use white paint in a false negative technique, exposing sections of black paint on red background (Cervantes, Fournier and Carballal 2007). It is important to indicate that in most of the occasions, white is fugitive painting, that sometimes leaves part of the color, but some others has disappeared completely, being able to perceive that there was presence of this white painting since they are left opaque marks over the red or black painting and with the form of the own reasons for the Black and White variety on Red. Although the general characteristics of this ware are similar in Late Posclassic and Early Colonial periods, there are reports of subtle changes that can indicate if it is before or after the contact. Charlton, Fournier and Otis (2007, 446) mentioned that new forms are introduced such as bowls and plates with inner decoration. There are changes as far as the techniques, observed in the surface finish, use of pigments, as well as in stylistic and formal aspects, distinguishing itself of their pre-Columbian predecessors. Many of them are derivations of the pre-Hispanic group, as far as generic forms, formal and decorative subclasses. The surface finish underwent variations. Unlike the ware produced at the pre-Hispanic time, in the colonial one it appears with differential burnishing, as well as occasionally with zonal painting, leaving some parts exposed of the natural color of the paste. Such authors indicate the presence of deep tracks of the burnisher, being able to present different directions, either horizontal, vertical or both, in a same piece (Figure 22.4). This is an important characteristic, since in the stoneware of preHispanic tradition, this phenomenon does not happen, being surface finish the uniform, in most of the cases horizontal, and it does not display any mark of the burnisher. Also they begin to appear decorative motifs in interior of the pieces, some of them horizontal bands in the wall. This decoration is an innovation that arises during the Early

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The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case Colonial period which goes from 1521 to 1560 (Charlton 1996, 462), and they are transferred from the Orange Ware to Red (Charlton, Fournier and Otis 2007, 447). Another attribute of this period, is the use of a black painting with certain brightness, which has been denominated "graphite" (Charlton, Fournier and Otis 2007). Another characteristic that can distinguish between colonial and pre-Hispanic pieces is the care in the decoration. While at the pre-Hispanic time the trace of lines is firm and careful, in the post-contact materials this characteristic does not appear, because the lines are neglecting. For example, in the "comb" decoration type, the lines in pre-Hispanic materials are straight and well parallel, of firm outline as it were mentioned, whereas in post-contact sherds the lines are not parallel, they are engrossed and they has coarser lines. Sometimes, they leave the body and they arrive at the bottom or they invade the interior of other motifs, situation that does not appear in pre-contact material (Charlton, Fournier and Otis 2007).

22.5 Analysis of the Burnished Red Stoneware of El Maye In order to separate the colonial units of the pre-Hispanic, in this work a small data base with specialized software was created, and designed particularly to identify the attributes that indicate with clarity the temporality of the Red Burnished Ware (Figure 22.5). Of such way, the general performances were placed (Stratigraphic Unit, Number of Stock, Season and Square of Excavation). Later fields were inserted describing the characteristics of the paste: texture, compaction, color and burning. It is indicated, in a single section if the piece includes edge, body bottom or some other section. Later one went to the surface of the piece, specifying in first instance, if the red painting were over all or not. This point is important because surface finish underwent changes after the conquest, showing specific characteristics. In this way, in the data base it is specified if the burnishing is horizontal and uniform, or if it were done in different directions. Also it is indicated if there is presence of striations, deep marks of the burnisher or crackle. The following point is the description of the decoration, which is also important because, just as the surface, can give us information about the possible temporality of the piece. First, which it is indicated is the location of the decoration in the piece, that is to say, if is inner or outer. Later the elements that appear are selected, and that already were described lines back. In case of appearing some non specified motif, a field was created in which the variants non contemplated are described. Also it is specified if the black painting has graphite appearance or not.

22.6 Selection of the sample In order to make the analysis, the sherds recovered in 2008 and 2009 excavation seasons, and identified as part of the Red Burnished Ware were looked for, because they were

the first investigations, and basing to us on the Law of the superposition of layers that it indicates that "In a series of layers and interface elements in their original state, the superior units of stratification are older and lower are older (...)" (Harris 1991, 53), reason why are inferred that in some of the superior layers it could be ceramic of the Red Burnished Ware of the Colonial Time, and would reduce their presence towards inferior layers, which should have presence of prehispanic sherds. This also will help to conform a relative chronology of the site. The Matrix Harris of El Maye indicates that the Period I, corresponds to the Early Colonial Period, and there are well identified an old looting pit.

22.7

Results

Once separated the Red Ware of the rest of the ceramics of their corresponding stock market, the fragments that had size sufficient to be able to classify itself (about 5 x 3 cm), and sherds should have significant attributes that provided information of its temporality., capturable in the data base. When two different fragments could be united and be identified clearly like of the same piece, they were taken like a single data.The final total of the sample was of 230 units, of which 147 are of Black on Red type and 54 of the Black and White on Red. Sherds in which white painting could only be appreciated on red bottom were 3, whereas possible Red Smooth was also 3 (Figure 22.6). The forms that appeared more were bowls of curved walls, with a total of 122, whereas bowls of straight walls was 48. Possibly were 3 bowls miniature, whereas 8 fragments were registered that are smoothing in the interior, showing the natural color of the paste, being pots. 24 fragments could not be identified, but they presented excellent characteristics for this investigation. Of the Black on Red type (Figure 22.7), as far as surface finishing, 96 present horizontal burnishing uniform. 29 show the burnishing in different directions, of which 15 present relatively deep mark of the burnisher. In decoration, the motifs that predominate are the described ones previously for this Type. In addition, they appear other motifs as horizontal "S", spirals combined with frets, possibly floral reasons (Figure 22.8), virgule as well as a motif in spiral in center of a kind of average flower. 24 presented decoration to the interior of the piece, treating in most of heavy lines horizontal parallel bars in the wall. Only a pair of bottoms presented; one with angulated "U" motif around a circle that is very possibly in center of the bottom, and the other non-identifiable circular motives, with black points. On the other hand, there are 54 sherds of the Black and White on Red Type. The treatment of surface in 48 of these cases is horizontal uniform and only in 6 it is in different directions. Only two presents deep marks of burnisher. In all the cases the decoration is outside. The reasons like are previously described, plus which they appear in panels formed by a perpendicular band to the one of the edge, wave or horizontal "S" or means circles in the band for the edge.

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O. R. Soto Ortiz and F. López Aguilar Only in 5 sherds black painting with graphite appearance was identified, one of which possibly presents mica in its outer surface. The motifs are a black circle with a black circle solid interior, or a black spiral. The last case stands out in addition to have a form in section different from the common ones, presenting a small rim in the outside about 2 cm underneath the edge. The stratigraphic units (UE) that presented major concentration of Red Ware in general, were, in sequence decreasing, the 22, 212, 9, 0, 77, 120 and 152. In all of them, the majority appears with horizontal burnished. The rest presented amounts smaller to 5 sherds in each one, which is represented in Figure 22.9.

22.8 Final considerations The case of the Red Ware is a clear example of the cultural changes that occur after the encounter of different societies that when making contact with, fuse ideological elements, political, religious, material, among others. Although subtle, in this Ware changes exist that can identify it like pre-Hispanic or colonial. Particularly we can take two attributes, differentiated clearly: the surface finishing and the location of the decoration in the piece. The ceramic analyses show that the Red Burnished Ware in El Maye appears with characteristics of both eras. It is certain that the majority presents the own characteristics of the pre-Hispanic time as is in graph 2 as far as the surface finish, and also the inner decoration is little, but it appears. With this information, we can assert that there was continuity in the occupation of the site at least until the Early Colonial period, which is reinforced with other etnohistorical sources, like the Ixmiquilpan Codex (Lopez 2009, 28). Other questions about changes or permanence in techonology, production and consumption are part of an extensive thesis work that is in process.

Acknowledgements To the Project Axis Valley of the Mezquital, and to its members: Mtra. Sabrina Farías, Mtro. Rodrigo Vilanova, Arqlga. Alejandra Castañeda, by its commentaries and observations to this work, as well as to Evgueni Santamaría, Nadia Sosa and Victor Hugo Anaya.

References Cervantes, J., and Fournier, P., 1995, La cerámica del periodo Colonial Temprano en Tlatelolco: el caso de la Loza Roja Bruñida, in Presencias y encuentros. Investigaciones arqueológicas de Salvamento, DSAINAH, México. Cervantes, J., Fournier, P., and Carballal, M., 2007, La cerámica del Posclásico en la cuenca de México, in La producción alfarera en el México Antiguo (eds. M. Carrión, B. Leonor, and A. García Cook), 277–320, INAH, México. 290

Cervantes, J., 1996, Proyecto SRE-Tlatelolco, Edificio Nuevo. Análisis Cerámico, Informe final (mecanuscrito), INAH. Charlton, T. H., 1966, Aztec Ceramics: The Early Colonial Period (mecanuscrito). Charlton, T. H., (ed.), 1996, Early Colonial Period Ceramics: Decorated Red and Orange Ware Types of the Rural Otumba Aztec Ceramic Complex, in Arqueología Mesoamericana. Homenaje a Williams T. Sanders, México, INAH. Charlton, T. H., 1969, Etnohistory and Archaeology: PostConquest Aztec sites, American Antiquity, 34(3), 286– 294. Charlton, T. H., Fournier, P. and Otis Charlton, C. L., 2007, La cerámica del periodo Colonial Temprano en la cuenca de México en La producción alfarera en el México Antiguo (eds. M. Carrión, B. Leonor and A. García Cook), 429– 496, INAH, México. González Rul, F., 1988, La cerámica de Tlatelolco, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Hodge, M. G., and Minc, L. D., 1991, Aztec Period Ceramic Distribution and Exchange Systems, Final Report submitted to the National Science Foundation. López Aguilar, F., and Fournier, P., 1989, Proyecto Valle del Mezquital. Informe de la Tercera Temporada de Campo: 1989, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. López Aguilar, F., 2005, Símbolos del Tiempo, Consejo Estatal para la Cultura y las Artes, Hidalgo. López Aguilar, F., 2008, Fundación y colapso. El altépetl de Ixmiquilpan
entre
los
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XVIII,
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and
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Fournier),
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1VCMJTIJOH. López Aguilar, F., 2009, Espacio, tiempo y asentamientos en el Valle del Mezquital: un enfoque comparativo con los desarrollos de William T. Sanders, Cuicuilco, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, ENAH, 16, 113–146. López Aguilar, F., 2009, Informe de la temporada de Excavación. El Maye, Ixmiquilpan, Proyecto Eje Valle del Mezquital, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. López Aguilar, F., 2011, Informe de la temporada de Excavación. El Maye, Ixmiquilpan, Proyecto Eje Valle del Mezquital, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. López Aguilar, F., Villanova de Allende, R., Zúñiga Alcántara, E., Sandoval García, G., Farías Pelayo, S., Celis Guillermo, R., Santa María Guadarrama, E., Aldana Vidal, C., Dansac Rivera, C., and Gómez Ambriz, A., 2008, Informe de la temporada de Excavación. El Maye, Ixmiquilpan, Proyecto Eje Valle del Mezquital, Escuela Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. López Cervantes, G., 1976, Cerámica colonial en la Ciudad de México, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. Minc, L. H., 1994, Political Economy and Market Economy under Aztec Rule: A regional Perspective Based on

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case Decorated Ceramic Production and Distribution systems in the Valley of Mexico, PhD, University of Michigan. Noguera, E., s.f., La cerámica posthispánica de contacto, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, Fondo Eduardo Noguera (mecanuscrito). Orser Jr., C. E., and Fagan, B. M., 1995, Historical Archaeology, Harper Collins College Publications, USA.

Parsons, J. R., 1966, The Aztec Ceramic Sequence in the Teotihuacan Valley, Mexico, PhD, University of Michigan. Tolstoy, P., 1958, Surface Survey of the Northern Valley of Mexico: The Classic and Post-Classic Periods, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 48. Vega, C., 1975, Forma y decoración en las vasijas de tradición azteca, INAH, México.

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Figure 22.1: Location of Ixmiquilpan (from López Aguilar 2009, 18).

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The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case

Figure 22.2: Horizontal "S" and comb motifs all over exterior.

Figure 22.3: Black and White on Red motifs. GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

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Figure 22.4: Different burnish directions.

Figure 22.5: Example of charter of registry for the data base.

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The Red Burnished Ware of Central Mexico: change and permanence. "El Maye" case

Figure 22.6: Percentage of sherds according to chromatic type.

Figure 22.7: Proportions of burnishing uniform and in several directions of the groups Black on Red and Black and white on Red.

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Figure 22.8: Spirals combined with friexes (from Vega 1975, 72).

Figure 22.9: Sherds in each Stratigraphic Unit.

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23

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia)

Monika Therrien1 , Javier Rivera2 and José Leonardo Patiño Romero1 1- Fundación Erigaie, Calle 10, 3–76, Bogotá (Colombia) ([email protected], [email protected]) 2- Departamento de Historia y Ciencias Sociales Universidad del Norte, km 5 Vía Puerto Colombia, Barranquilla (Colombia) ([email protected]) As a result of quantitative analyses of glazed-type pottery, it has been determined from archaeological sites in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia) that this type of pottery showed its widest distribution during the Colonial period and, as such, was the commonest of all household wares. The stylistic analysis indicates that its most frequent use was associated with food consumption, for which a great variety of artifacts were manufactured as regards shapes, decoration and colouring. On the other hand, the lead lixiviation analysis of different samples of this material demonstrated its possible impact on the health of the population during this period. KEYWORDS: GLAZED POTTERY, LEAD POISONING, LEAD LIXIVIATION, COPPER GLAZING, BODY HEALTH, FOOD CONSUMPTION, POTTERY PRODUCTION, POTTERY CLASSIFICATION, HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY IN COLOMBIA, COLONIAL PERIOD IN AMERICA

23.1 Introduction With the colonization of the American Continent, the Europeans introduced those elements needed to replicate as far as possible their everyday practices, to educate their descendants by the same patterns and, furthermore, to establish and maintain, consciously or unconsciously, their differences from the native populations. Cuisine was one of the habits that made it necessary to import and store the ingredients to prepare the food the Europeans were accustomed to, and also determined the household wares used for cooking, serving and eating such dishes. In the colonial territory of Nueva Granada (Colombia), archaeological studies carried out in Bogotá (Therrien et al. 2003) register the presence of pottery that served to meet these needs, the production techniques derived from European and Criollo, as well as from indigenous traditions. The analyses indicate that the mostly used elements for storing, processing and preparing food were made maintaining techniques, shapes and some decorations stemming from the indigenous tradition, while glazed ware, brought by the Spaniards was mostly used for serving and eating the food. Although initially this type of pottery was imported, it rapidly began to be produced locally, by both Spanish and Criollo—descendants of Spaniards born in America—artisans, as possibly shortly after the Amerindians and mestizos would do, who adapted this production technique to meet the widespread demand.

Consequently, they manufactured a great variety of glazed artifacts, applying lead to give this ware its characteristic gloss. Previous analyses carried out with glazed pottery samples show that the release of lead from these vessels may be increased by the type of ingredients in the food being served on such ware (Hayley 1994). Vinegar, lemon and other acid substances, for example, are some of those products favouring the release of this metal and its subsequent ingestion. Lead is one of the heavy metals most toxic to the human body, because the body lacks an appropriate mechanism to eliminate it. It has been demonstrated that the accumulation, and therefore the concentration, of most of this lethal element—90 %— occurs in the bones (Aufderheide et al. 1988). Thus, the daily consumption of fermented beverages, such as chicha which was also very popular, acid food and other preparations served and eaten on glazed ware, may ultimately have caused different digestive, neurologic, metabolic and motility distress and disorders, that would finally have affected the quality of life of the population. As the glazed ware is the type most frequently found in the archaeological excavations in Santafé de Bogotá, a research programme was proposed, aimed at developing three lines of evidence to make it possible to prove the actions and effects associated with the ordinary use of this material: on the one hand to measure the lead content levels in the glazed ware and analyse the

M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero conditions of its release in samples obtained from different archeological contexts and, on the other, to verify the possible accumulation of this metal in human skeletal remains. For this, material obtained in the city’s Colonial churches is available. The aim is, at the same time, to identify and characterize the source of the glazed material by means of petrographic and mineralogical analyses that allow recognizing the production circuits and circulation of the same. This article will focus on detailing the characteristics of glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá and on lead lixiviation tests carried out in several samples.

23.2 Pottery and glazing technique Pottery constituted, until very recently, one of the basic household elements for human beings, given its everyday use in domestic, ceremonial and construction activities (Shepard 1984). Because of the quality of the information supplied by pottery, due to its resistance, quantity and variety, it is one of the main archaeological evidences supporting the research objectives, because it serves as a basis to establish the chronology and spatial distribution where cultural processes take place (Orton et al. 1997). In this sense, based on pottery it is possible to establish the habits of human groups and the differences that emerged in the relationships mediated by the material culture—in hygiene and feeding practices, by esthetic and decorative tastes, to satisfy basic needs or sumptuous whims. In the American colonization context, the frequent variations in technical traditions and the styles of pottery that stem from them, are indicators of the contact between Europeans and Americans, of the confrontation of such different worlds and the continuous adaptations that the new demands for coexistence implied (Therrien et al. 2002, 15) and that materialized in local production and import of artifacts (Therrien et al. 2002, 15). A practice acquired on the European Continent a few centuries before the conquest of the New World was to preferably use glazed ware to serve and eat the food. This pottery technique gave gloss and uniform finish to the vessels. Evidently, to maintain their usage and at the same time provide a minimal sensation of familiarity in their new environment on American soil, the Spaniards brought the household wares with them to meet their needs, as well as the knowledge to reproduce them far away from their place of origin. Glazing techniques were first developed around 5000 B.C. (Rhodes 1990, 84), when the Egyptians used alkaline metals (lithium, sodium, potassium, rubidium, cesium, and francium) to give pottery a glossy and varied-coloured finish. Subsequently, lead glaze replaced the alkaline glazes which, because of being rather reactive and soft, its tendency to crack, peel off and crumble, and its use spread throughout the territories of Syria and Babylon and from there to Europe and Asia. Although the Greco-Romans used it, very soon Europe abandoned this technique, until it was introduced again with the invasion by the Moors of the Iberian Peninsula in the 7th century. Glazing started gaining preference, first in Italy and Spain, and then in other areas of Europe and America, were the 298

Spaniards popularized it as an element for everyday use. This technique not only depended on lead as its principal ingredient, characteristic in lead glazing, but also on tin, for manufacturing majolica or tin glazed ware. Lead oxide melts at 886 °C. However, when applied alone it is too soft, but with other oxides, such as silica, it acquires a matchless consistency and gloss. In their turn, colours are obtained by applying them either under the glaze, within the glaze itself or on top of the same. The colour in the glaze is obtained by adding different oxides: iron, nickel, copper, vanadium, uranium, cobalt, ruthilium, selenium, chromium, ilmenite, manganese, and cadmium oxides. For example, copper produces different shades of green, manganese purple and iron brown and red. Furthermore, firing temperature and type of atmosphere (oxidant or reductant) likewise affect the produced shades—it must be stressed, however, that lead glazing does not stand reductant atmospheres, generally needing an excess of air (Rhodes 1990, 175). The physical quality of the glaze, the intensity of the pigment, the components of the paste or whether the applied glaze was raw or fritted, must also be considered. All the above creates a wide range of colours depending on the potter and his/her skill in handling this group of variables. Likewise, given that lead is not present free in nature, but always in association with other metals, generally with zinc or silver, it is found in many different forms (Morales 2005, 148): • Litharge PbO. Yellow and very toxic. • Minium Pb3 O4 (= 3PbO). It is orange red and also very toxic, but its greater density makes it preferable, as it releases less lead dust. Their high oxygen content reduces the risk of darkening by reduction. • White lead or ceruse 2PbCO3 .Pb(OH)2 (= 3PbO.2CO2 .H2 O). Basic lead carbonate. It melts before minium does, but it is more expensive. Being less dense and of finer grain, its risk of air born poisoning is less. • Galena SPb (= PbO). Also known as lead sulfide. By toasting or oxidation it first produces litharge and then minium. Galena, potters ore or lead sulfide, is the most frequent form from which this mineral is obtained. It is found in volcanic deposits and is crystallized in cubes and has other components: cadmium, antimony, bismuth, and copper.

23.3 Glazing in Nueva Granada and Santafé de Bogotá Documentary sources and archaeological evidences have demonstrated the establishment of potteries in different cities in Nueva Granada (Fandiño 2000; Londoño 2006). Classification and analyses of pottery found in the excavations carried out in Bogotá’s historic centre demonstrate that glazed ware was the most frequently used ware in the area and strata corresponding to the Colonial period. However, it’s early presence is due to imports

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia) made by traders and because it was part of the household furnishing brought by the Europeans (Therrien et al. 2002, Colección Virtual de Cerámicas Arqueológicas Históricas in http://ceramicas.erigaie.org). Local production was initially in the hands of Spanish potters (Ome 2006) and some religious orders, who supplied the Spanish, Criollo and mestizo population. In his study of pottery in Colombia, Duncan (1985,55) stresses the role missionaries held in the same, like in the Jesuit evangelization and education model that was accompanied by potteries established in Santafé de Bogotá and Cartagena de Indias (Therrien et al. 2003; Therrien 2007). It is worth stressing with respect to this ware produced by the Jesuits who, although they depended on European techniques, did not use similar styles in both cities. In Santafé de Bogotá they used the lead finishing technique, while in Cartagena de Indias they used tin finishing technique. As such, the decorations as well as some vessel shapes, varied significantly. In Santafé de Bogotá, the utensils associated with eating may be differentiated in three easily identifiable technique traditions: indigenous, European and Criollo (Therrien et al. 2002). The indigenous tradition comprises vessels most commonly used in the kitchen to prepare, cook and store food. The pottery made in Europe was almost exclusively used as tableware on which meat, vegetables and stews were served and eaten, while the Criollo tradition, made on American territory, followed the Spanish manufacturing models and was used both as tableware and in the kitchen. The distribution of these pottery elements in sites excavated in Santafé de Bogotá, as recorded in the archaeological record in four houses and two former convents located in different sectors in the city’s historical centre (Therrien et al. 2003), evidence that glazed material is the most frequently found (57.54 % of total samples), followed by indigenous tradition type material (29.73 %) and, lastly, majolica or tin glazed ware from Europe (12.73 %). Lead gave earthenware a glass-like aspect, and its why this decoration technique was also known as "vedrío" (glass or glaze) and appears with this name in some testaments or as "vidrio" (causing confusion when it actually is about elements in glass). Although the applied glaze is presumed to be of lead, some authors (Llubiá 1967; López Cervantes 1976) state that besides this element, sand and common salt might have also been used. However, and although the Muiscas—the Amerindian group settled in the area where Santafé de Bogotá was founded—were known for their salt mining, this or other ingredients have neither been reported in archaeological studies on the preHispanic period, nor currently among artisans in the area surrounding the city (Broadbent 1974). Besides lead (sand and common salt when applicable), a metal oxide may be added to the mixture to obtain different colouring. Thus, copper oxide gives the mixture a green colour, iron orange or reddish and antimony yellow. In Santafé de Bogotá a combination of green on yellow was very frequently used. As regards yellow, Broadbent (1974) reported that to obtain this colour, the artisans in Ubaté—a village near Bogotá—apply the lead on a type of yellow clay.

However, the resulting colour is fainter than when using antimony. Green, orange and yellow are the colours, in this order and most frequently, the potters in the area employed to decorate the ware used by the people in Santafé during Colonial and Early Republic periods. Other oxides used were cobalt to obtain blue (used in the industrial pottery produced in Fábrica de Loza de Bogotá in the 19th century [Lamo and Therrien 2002]), tin for white and manganese for black. This colouring depended on the raw material. In the case of glazed pottery, fine clay was used and shaped on a potter’s wheel and, before applying the glaze, the ware was fired in oven for a first time. In the ware excavated in Santafé de Bogotá the raw material consisted of three different kinds of clay, the most frequent being a fine white paste (76.2 %) and less used, but in the same proportion, a salmon coloured paste (12.4 %) and a red paste (12.4 %). As regards the styles of lead glazed ceramics, the shapes and functions in different periods and for different tastes may be identified by plates, candlesticks, ewers, bowls and chamber pots, among others. Many of these objects present fluted rims (Figure 23.1) and wavy decoration on the body of the vessels (Figure 23.2). Regarding Santafé de Bogotá, rounded shapes (hemispherical) vessels predominate. As such, throughout the Colonial period the lead glazed plates, for example, mostly resemble the characteristic shapes of the Columbia Plane type (Goggin 1968; Deagan 1987, 55), until the wide rim was introduced at the beginning of the 19th century. On the contrary, stemming from the indigenous household ware tradition the plates were modeled with broader rims (as those seen in majolica ware in Goggin 1968, 138)—a form that did not exist before the Conquest—and which were decorated with native motives that changed over time (Figure 23.3) and are therefore classified as Contact and Colonial style wares. The comparison between glazed objects versus other local and imported materials, and the stratigraphic sequence analysis indicate that this ware took deep roots from the very beginning of the Andean plateau colonization, including Santafé de Bogotá. In this context, the glazed type is the most abundant and of greater variety in its styles—shapes and decorations—clay pigment and colouring of its lead glazed finish. These multiple variations are the results of transformations in the manufacturing processes and techniques over time, as well as of the different tastes and changing uses given to these glazed artifacts. Currently in Colombia there still exists a residual production of this kind of lead glazed pottery that implies a risk for consumers.

23.4

Lead and public health problems

Lead was first brought by Spanish merchants and miners (Restrepo 1884; West 1972; Biringuccio 1990). In the American colonies, the mines where lead was extracted were known as "alcohol" mines, as alcohol was the name given to galena or lead sulphide (Gomez and Fernandez 2007, 20). In Colombia’s Archivo General de la NaciónAGN (Colombia’s National General Archive) there are several references on such mines in places relatively

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M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero near Santafé de Bogotá on the central Andean plateau (Boyacá, Cundinamarca and Santander, more specifically in the areas of Soatá, Vélez, Gachetá, Guateque, Cáqueza, Tibasosa, Tenza, Socorro, and Charalá). Documentation ranges from the 15th to the 19th century, covering mining lawsuits, exploration licenses and increased extraction petitions, tax payments (quinto real), mining leases, titles of property deeds and reports regarding discovery of mines. In these documents the importance of lead as raw material also stands out. One of these documents even stresses the need of this element for defense purposes—the production of munitions (AGN, Fondo Bernardo J. Caicedo, Minas 3 Caja 18, No. 5)—although its main application was in silver mining using mercury technique. However, it has other uses, although in lesser proportion, among these to achieve a glossy surface finish for thrown ceramics and, later on, in industrial pottery (Lamo and Therrien 2002; Richards 1999). It also served as raw material for ornamental (buttons and crucifixes), household (pewter plates) and construction (windows and roofs) elements, besides the mentioned uses as munitions for different arms. The absence of silver veins in the Andean plateau possibly favored the use of lead in the manufacturing of these implements, particularly in Santafé de Bogotá. Lead is one of the heavy metals most toxic to the human body, because the body lacks an appropriate mechanism to eliminate it. It has been shown that the accumulation, and therefore the concentration, of most of this lethal element— 90 %—occurs in the bones (Aufderheide et al. 1988). The tolerable lead accumulation limit a body can stand is 40 μg/dl, according to WHO, although this rate tends to decrease substantially every day. Lead, once above this limit, affects the body and multiple symptoms make its toxicity evident, but, at the same time, with the diversity of ailments it causes it is easy to mix up the diagnosis. This may vary depending on the health conditions of the individuals who ingested the lead and the accumulated amounts. By the latter part of the 18th century, the ailments the exposure to lead produces (Richards 1999) were suspected, the medical identification of such ailments is a relatively recent phenomenon. This goes hand in hand with the fact that in our time the impact of lead poisoning on the populations has been widespread and higher. It is commonly known that populations depending on a direct exploitation and use of natural sources were not affected by the presence of heavy metals, such as lead, at least not intentionally. This is even more evident in Colombia, where the natives during pre-Hispanic times did not have any direct access to this resource. As such, their exposure, if any, would have been accidental (water, soil or some contaminated food). Following the Spanish conquest, the first signs of illness caused by the presence of lead appeared in people working in local activities, such as mining, coinage, manufacturing of military equipment and ammunitions, preparation of drugs, and pottery, among others, and in contact with this metal either by manufacturing or manipulation in these activities, without adequate health conditions or precautions, or by ingestion when eating on lead glazed 300

ware. Furthermore, some imported products may also have contributed to increase the poisoning sources: wine, tableware, pewter cutlery, dress ornaments, decorative objects, are some of these examples. This is how this deadly element may have turned, as regards Nueva Granada, into another of those silent enemies that caused ailments and affected the health of its inhabitants. Although already since the 18th century there are examples of scientists (such as chemists) hinting that the exposure to lead causes ailments, only with the development of occupational medicine in the 19th and 20th centuries have the negative effects of lead in humans been confirmed, from mild mental retardation to permanent insanity in those who have ingested doses above the tolerable limit (ATRDE 2007). In fact, so as the medical studies have determined the range of diseases that lead may cause, so attempts have been made to establish the acceptable highest daily intake level of lead not causing any harm to the body. Lead affects most organs and systems in the human body: kidneys, liver, joints, central and peripheral nervous systems, cardiovascular system, gastrointestinal tract, and reproductive and endocrine systems (Córdoba 2001). Effects vary, depending on the following variables: age, time of exposure, gender, previous health conditions, concentration level and ingested dose. Toxicological analyses use two criteria to estimate intoxication levels in an individual, the dose and the degree of intoxication. The dose depends on the consumed quantity and may be considered as lethal, 50 % lethal, minimum lethal, minimum toxic, maximum acceptable concentration, and threshold limit value. To establish the degree of poisoning, the time of exposure to the toxic agent is evaluated. This may be acute (exposure causing an almost immediate reaction), subacute (frequent exposure to the toxic agent producing subclinical disorders) or chronic (repeated exposure to the toxic agent in relatively small quantities that gradually accumulates in the body causing pathological manifestations) (Córdoba 2001; Valle and Lucas 2000). Depending on the examined variables, different symptoms may be observed, although the produced effects are the same whether the lead has been inhaled or ingested. For example, the gastrointestinal tract may present signs of irritation, nausea, cotton ball type vomiting, and black diarrhea due to the lead sulfide or gastrointestinal bleeding. These symptoms are sometimes accompanied by constipation and abdominal pain. However, the nervous system is the most sensitive, especially in children, where lead may cause severe and irreversible lesions. A child ingesting large quantities of lead may suffer anaemia, severe stomach ache, muscle weakness and brain damage. Even at much lower exposure levels, lead may jeopardize the child’s mental and physical development. Other associated symptoms are vomiting, nausea, ataxia, trembling, behaviour changes, nightmares, hallucinations, and coma, among others (Córdoba 2006). At the beginning of the poisoning process, free lead deposits in the kidneys and liver, from were it later is

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia) redistributed into the bones. Chemical analyses have shown that in adults approximately 90–95 % of the lead is stored in bones. In children this percentage reaches approximately 70 %, although in subadults the alterations at skeletal level are more frequent. Factors that help bone calcium resorption (vitamin D, sexual hormones, parathyroid hormone, etc.) also modify the way lead is distributed, deposited and released in the bone. Generally, the highest concentration of this metal is found in cortical bone, as compared to trabecular bone, generating: • Hydroxyapatite crystal alteration and, consequently, alteration in bone cell adhesion to the mineralized matrix. • Competition between lead and calcium at their binding sites, with calcium homeostasis alteration. • Alteration in the ability of bone cells to respond to hormones. • Impaired ability of bone cells to synthesize and/or secret matrix components (collagen, sialoproteins). • Inhibition of osteoblasts.

the

osteocalcin

production

by

• Alteration in the functional coupling of osteoblasts and osteoclasts (Sanin et al. 1998, 363–364). These anomalies at histological level are clearly related to the reduction in height shown by lead poisoned children and to bone malformations during the bone growth and remodeling process. Most authors coincide that the population most vulnerable to the effect of lead are children and pregnant women, who may suffer miscarriages. Lead poisoning may even cause fetal malformation. As such, special attention must be given this population as regards the establishment of standards defining maximum levels of lead intake through release in utensils and food contamination. Although the human body lacks efficient lead elimination mechanisms, in acute poisonings the lead may be eliminated through urine, gastrointestinal tract, sweat, skin exfoliation and hair loss. Consequently, treatment for patient in the first stages of lead poisoning includes inducing vomiting and maintaining urinary flow and, in more serious cases, gastric lavage and dialysis (Córdoba 2001). However, when the exposure has been chronic, it is not possible to eliminate the lead concentrations in the body, due to its above-described characteristics.

23.5 Archaeometric analysis Sample To evaluate the incidence lead had in the manufacturing of ceramic vessels during the Colonial period, samples from some archaeological excavations in Bogota’s historical centre were chosen, especially in the Liévano block, now occupied by the city’s Town Hall on one side of its main square (Fundación Erigaie 2007, 2010) and Casa Marqués de San Jorge, a Colonial manor located on the southern area

of the old city (Therrien et al. 2003). Additionally, a sample from the Convento de San Francisco in Villa de Leyva, a town also located in the Andean plateau, was included (Therrien 1995, 1997). The selection of six samples obtained in these sites was motivated by the high percentage of glazed pottery found in the archaeological excavations carried out in Bogotá and other places on the Andean plateau and by the reliability of the stratigraphic analysis associated with the materials and variety of shapes observed, offering important information regarding the possible uses of these artifacts. 1. Liévano 1 (Figure 23.4): Shape: Bowl; Stratigraphic position: Excavation Unit 5, Stratum 4; Colour and oxide: Green-copper; Variety: White paste. 2. Liévano 2 (Figure 23.5): Shape: Escudilla; Stratigraphic position: EU 5, S 4; Colour and oxide: Yellow-iron; Variety: White paste 3. Liévano 3 (Figure 23.6): Shape: Bowl; Stratigraphic position: EU 1, S 16; Colour and oxide: Green over yellow-iron and copper; Variety: White paste. 4. Marqués de San Jorge 1 (Figure 23.7): Shape: Cup; Stratigraphic position: EU 1, S 16; Colour and oxide: Green over yellow-iron and copper; Variety White paste. 5. Marqués de San Jorge 2 (Figure 23.8): Shape: Strainer; Stratigraphic position: EU 1, S 8; Colour and oxide: Yellow-iron; Variety: Salmon paste 6. San Francisco (Villa de Leyva) (Figure 23.9): Shape: Plate; Stratigraphic position: EU 120, S 24; Colour and oxide: Green-copper; Variety: White paste

Analysis process The analysis of archaeological pottery materials is considered within the area of archaeometry, in spite of generating a conceptual argument as regards its field of application (Montero Ruíz et al. 2007). However, the aim of this article in particular is to identify the chemical, physical and mineralogical properties of glazed ware. It provides valuable data for research in historical archaeology, opening the possibility for further information on these materials, so abundant in the archaeological record, waiting to be increased with new researches in the future. In fact, as regards contemporary material, a reduced amount of studies has been carried out to analyse glazed artifacts, in order to calculate any toxic effect these may cause. The USA Government, through FDA, has established permissible limits and scales for lead release from everyday household wares. Likewise, the European Union and OMS have published records that reveal the significant potential of glazed pottery as a source of contamination. The Colombian Government has also issued regulations regarding the amount of lead that may be used in the manufacturing of ceramic vessels (ICONTEC [Colombia’s Institute for Technical Regulations and Certification] 1999a, 1999b, Ministry of Social Protection and Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism 2008).

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M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero Taking into account the recommendations in the abovementioned regulations, to measure the lead levels of the archaeological pottery samples, absorption spectrometry was used. According to Hall (1970), this allows using small samples thanks to its higher sensitivity to many elements. Furthermore, methodological indications used in earlier archaeometric works to measure quantities of lixiviated lead in archaeological artifacts were taken into account. For example: Grandjean’s research on medieval glazed pottery and pewter ware in Denmark during the 18th Century, which were examined with an acetic acid solution and compared with the levels permitted in 1980 (Hailey 1994, 76); Kowal, Bettie and collaborators measured lead isotope contents in cans used by the Franklin expedition in the midnineteenth century (Hailey 1944); and, finally, the results obtained by Hailey (1994) in material excavated in Port Royal. Hailey proposes using the following method before analyzing the sample with atomic absorption spectrometry: After washing the sample in an alkaline detergent solution followed by two rinses, first with tap water and then distilled water, the vessel is filled with a 4 % acetic acid (reagent grade, in distilled water) solution to within 1/4 of overflowing. The vessel is then covered so that the sample will be in complete darkness. After a period of 24 hours at room temperature, the solution is stirred and a sample is taken. This sample is then analyzed by flame atomic absorption spectrometry (Hailey 1994, 79–80). However, in the Santafé de Bogotá sample, an additional variable was considered, because as the samples were mostly shards it was not possible to analyse the entire surface of the vessels. Consequently, the lead level measurement was changed and based on the area and not on the volume of the sample. For this, glazed fragments with uniform decoration were chosen that would allow reconstructing the original shape and dimension of the piece, and finally calculate the area and total lixiviation rate of the vessel.

Results Results were interpreted taking into consideration three basic criteria: the first linked to the lead release limits allowed for ceramic household ware, established by Colombian institutions, such as ICONTEC (1999a, 1999b), the Ministry of Social Protection and the Ministry of Commerce, Industry and Tourism (2008) and international such as WHO, FAO and FDA (2008), and BrF (2005) (Tables 23.1 and 23.2). These regulations establish the permissible lead release values, considering the size and shape of the piece, which in this case required performing a stylistic analysis in order to identify the shape of which the pottery fragment formed part and to calculate the total area of the vessel. The second criterion is defined as the permissible daily and weekly amount of lead intake, also established by international regulations (Table 23.2). 302

In this respect, WHO proposed 25 μg/kg as a provisional value for weekly lead intake or PTWI (Provisional Tolerable Weekly Intake). This value was adopted as regards average weight of children and adults. This table also includes the values corresponding to daily consumption (BfR 2005). However, WHO, in its 2011 report, considered that these PTWI values were not reliable, due to the diversity of factors involved in the diet of the populations that may vary the effects caused by lead intake (WHO-FAO). Nevertheless, for research purposes the value assigned as PTWI is useful to the extent that it allows establishing a parallel with the results from the analyzed samples. The third criterion relates to the degree of poisoning that an individual may suffer according to the relationship established between lead levels in the blood and the amount of ingested lead. As regards this, Kehoe proposes that an amount of 84.8 μg Pb/dl in the blood may be considered a health hazard (Kehoe quoted in Hailey 1994, 157). Likewise, according to the estimations carried out to establish the amount of lead an individual would have to ingest to show the symptomatology, it is suggested that with a 1.27 mg daily dose, the first poisoning manifestations would occur within eight years, while with 3.27 per day the individual would start showing symptoms already within only eight months (Table 23.3). Using these three criteria and taking into account the stylistic information of the materials and the estimation of the total area of the pieces, the six samples were analyzed with atomic absorption spectrometry and evidenced different lixiviation levels (Table 23.4). When comparing these data with the standards proposed at international level, specifically those established by EEU and ISO 6486-1 of 1999 (0.8 mg/dm2 ), four of the six fragments exceed the permitted lead release limits (Liévano 1 and 3, Marqués de San Jorge 1 and San Francisco). However, if considering the figures proposed by ICONTEC (1.7 mg/dm2 ), only three of the pieces exceed the indicated levels (Liévano 1, Marqués de San Jorge 1 and San Francisco). On the other hand, if considering the value for PTWI in a 70 kg adult, only the Liévano 2 sample shows a permissible figure, although slightly lower than the allowed value (0.25 mg). This suggests high lead lixiviation rates in these vessels and, consequently, lead intake with the daily consumption of food. When these results are compared with the lead accumulation levels in blood (Kehoe 1964, quoted by Hailey 1994, 157), the high lixiviation levels for the Liévano 1 and San Francisco samples would reach a blood value of 84.8 μg Pb/dl within a period of less than eight months, while for the Marqués de San Jorge 1 sample a period of approximately eight months is estimated and for the Liévano 3 a period of approximately eight years. Finally, the lixiviation levels for the last two samples (Marqués de San Jorge 2 and Liévano 2) would not, according to Kehoe’s parameters, generate enough lead accumulation to cause any poisoning symptomatology. These results indicate a direct relationship with the metal oxides used when colouring the artifacts. For example, the samples showing the highest lead lixiviation values (Liévano 1 and San Francisco) also present the

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia) highest amount of copper, the metal used to colour the surfaces green. Copper was also found to a lesser degree in the Liévano 3 and Marqués de San Jorge 1 samples. Finally, the samples showing the lowest lead release levels (Líevano 2 and Marques de San Jorge 2) had no copper in their decoration. This gives a clear proof that copper is the catalyst of the lead release process in the vessels, thus supporting Rhode’s (1999) approach as to avoiding greenglazed tableware because of its toxicity.

23.6 Conclusions Based on research carried out in Bogotá it has been established that during the entire Colonial period and part of the Republican, glazed vessels were the most common of household goods, being used as tableware to serve and eat the food. On the dinner tables there were glazed plates, escudillas, platters, jugs, cups and bowls, and in the kitchen some of these elements were employed for storing or cooking. On the one hand, the widespread and lengthy use of lead glazed vessels in Santafé de Bogotá caused different ailments and affected the health of the population who went on eating their food on this ware. The archeometric analyses carried out on six fragments of vessels found in excavations of archaeological sites in Bogotá and Villa de Leyva allowed establishing their lixiviation levels and, as such, the ways of ingestion of contaminated food, i.e. either by serving in such wares or by eating on the same. On the other hand, the taste for lead glazed pottery in Santafé de Bogotá may also have affected the incidence of poisoning with this heavy metal. The preference for green glazed wares, in greatest demand, involved the use of quite a large amount of copper oxide to achieve the wanted dark green colour. This, together with the proof that copper facilitates the release of lead compared with other types of oxides, also used to decorate vessels, add to the factors contributing to the ailments suffered by the city dwellers. The results obtained show the need to include criteria, such as typological and stylistic analyses of the materials, in archaeometric studies on pottery. This allows understanding and interpreting the circumstances that make a situation possible: the perpetuation of European habits, which in the case of Bogotá reached its whole population, leading to a high demand of this type of pottery in particular. This in turn is what led to the ailments suffered by the people in the city. Thus, the classification of ceramic materials by technique, shape, and decoration, and the proportion of such materials in stratigraphy are essential when studying the cultural material in archaeological sites. Also, the contrast of these results with those obtained from the analysis of the skeletal remains, from the Colonial period, will allow to associate food practices and body health with gender, social and ethnic factors. Likewise, the identification of centres of local production of pottery and the comparison of such pottery with those manufactured in Europe or other places in America, as well as of the circulation routes of the glazed

elements, may broaden the knowledge on this type of vessels and the cultural practices associated with their use.

Acknowledgements This article was made thanks to the support by Colciencias, that financed Leonardo Patiño’s scholarship within the framework of the Jovenes Investigadores 2012 programme, and by Fundación Erigaie within the Plan de Fortalecimiento Institucional 2012, and by Laboratorio Quimia Ltda., where the chemical analyses were performed.

References Archival sources Archivo General de la Nación—Colombia (AGN). Sección Colecciones. Fondo Bernardo J. Caicedo, Minas 3, Caja 18, No. 5.

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M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero //www.bfr.bund.de/cm/349/lead_and_cadmium_ from_ceramics.pdf on 5 February 2012. FDA Food and Drug Administration, 2008, Survey data on lead in women’s and children’s vitamin. Retrieved from http://www.fda.gov/Food/FoodSafety/ FoodContaminantsAdulteration/Metals/Lead/ ucm115941.htm on 18 January 2013. Fundación Erigaie. Retrieved from Colección Virtual de Cerámicas Arqueológicas Históricas, http:// ceramicas.erigaie.org/ on 25 November 2012. Fundación Erigaie, 2007, De lo privado a lo público en la Manzana Liévano: la configuración de los agentes urbanos hegemónicos en Santafé, siglos XVI– XX, Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia, Bogotá (unpublished report). Fundación Erigaie, 2010, Monitoreo Arqueológico en la Segunda Etapa: Desarrollo Constructivo Manzana Liévano, Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia, Bogotá (unpublished report). Goggin, J., 1968, Spanish majolica in the New World, New Haven, Yale University. Gómez, S., and Fernández, E., 2007, Catálogo de los objetos cerámicos de la orden dominicana del ex convento de Santo Domingo de Oaxaca, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México D.F. Hayley, T. I., 1994, The analysis of 17th , 18th and 19th Century ceramics from Port Royal, Jamaica for lead release: A study in archaeotoxicology, Resource Document Texas A&M University. Retrieved from http://anthropology.tamu.edu/papers/ Haley-PhD1994.pdf on 26 January 2012. Hall, E. T., 1970, Analytical techniques used in archaeometry, Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series A, Mathematical and Physical Sciences, 269(1193), 135–141. ICONTEC Instituto Colombiano de Normas Técnicas y Certificación, 1999a, NTC 916. Vajillería Cerámica de Uso Institucional, ICONTEC, Bogotá. ICONTEC Instituto Colombiano de Normas Técnicas y Certificación, 1999b, NTC 4634. Método de Ensayo Para Determinar la Liberación de Plomo y Cadmio en Recipientes Cerámicos en Contacto con Alimentos, ICONTEC, Bogotá. Lamo, C., and Therrien, M., 2002, Loza fina para Bogotá: una fábrica de loza del siglo XIX, Revista de Antropología y Arqueología, 13, 199–228. Lehman, R. L., 2002, Lead glazes for ceramic foodware, Research Triangle Park, NC-International Lead Management Center, Durham. Llubiá, L., 1967, Cerámica medieval española, Nueva Colección Labor, Barcelona. Londoño Díaz, W., 2006, Hacia la identificación de patrones de consumo de cerámica colonial: el caso de Popayán y Panamá Viejo, Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales—FIAN, Bogotá (unpublished report). López Cervantes, G., 1976, Cerámica colonial en la ciudad de México, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, México. 304

Montero Ruíz, I., García Heras, M., and López-Romero, E., 2007, Arqueometría: cambios y tendencias actuales, Trabajos de Prehistoria, 64(1), 23–40. Morales Güeto, J., 2005, Tecnología de los materiales cerámicos, Editorial Díaz de Santos, Madrid. Ome, T., 2006, De la ritualidad a la domesticidad en la cultura material. Un análisis de los contextos significativos del Tipo Cerámico Desgrasante Tiesto entre los periodos Prehispánico, Colonial y Republicano (Santa Fe y Bogotá), Unversidad de los Andes, Bogotá. Orton, C., Tyers, P., and Vince, A., 1997, La cerámica en arqueología, Grijalbo Mondadori, Barcelona. Ministerio de Protección Social y Ministerio de Comercio, Industria y Turismo, 2008, Resolución Número 1900 (21 de Julio de 2008). Por lo cual se expide el reglamento técnico para utensilios de vidrio y vitrocerámica en contacto con alimentos. Retrieved from http://avancejuridico.sic.gov.co/sic/ docs/resolucion_minproteccion_1900_2008.htm on 26 January 2012. Restrepo, V., 1884, Minas de oro y plata en Colombia, Editorial Echeverría, Bogotá. Rhodes, D., 1990, Arcilla y vidriado para el ceramista, Paraninfo, Madrid. Richards, S., 1999, Eighteenth-century ceramics. Products for a civilised society, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Sanín, L. H., González-Cossío, T., Romieu, I., and Hernández-Avila, M., 1998, Acumulación de plomo en hueso y sus efectos en la salud, Salud Pública de México, 40(4), 359–368. Shepard, A., 1985, Ceramic for the archaeologist, Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, D.C. Therrien, M., 1995, Estudio arqueológico del claustro de San Francisco, Villa de Leyva, Boyacá, Subdirección de Monumentos Nacionales—Instituto Nacional de Vías, Fundación para la Restauración del Patrimonio Cultural Colombiano—Banco de la República, Bogotá (unpublished report). Therrien, M., 1996–1997, Sociedad y cultura material de la Nueva Granada. ¿Preferencias o referencias? Aportes a la arqueología histórica en Colombia, Revista Colombiana de Antropología, 33, 5–51. Therrien, M., 2007, Más que distinción, en busca de diferenciación: arqueología histórica de Cartagena de Indias en el siglo XVII, in Cartagena de Indias en el siglo XVII (eds. H. Calvo and A. Meisel), 17–66, Banco de la República, Cartagena. Therrien, M., Gaitán, F., and Loboguerrero, J., 2003, Cultura Material y Ciudad. Civilidad y policía en la Santafé colonial, siglos XVI y XVII, Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales—FIAN, Bogotá (unpublished report). Therrien, M., Uprimny, E., Loboguerrero, J., Salamanca, M. F., Gaitán, F., and Fandiño, M., 2002, Catálogo de cerámica colonial y republicana de la Nueva Granada: Producción local y materiales foráneos (Costa CaribeAltiplano Cundiboyacense, Colombia), Fundación de Investigaciones Arqueológicas Nacionales—FIAN, Bogotá.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia) Valle Vega, P., and Lucas Florentino, B., 2000, Toxicología de Alimentos, Instituto Nacional de Salud Pública, Centro Nacional de Salud Ambiental, México D.F. West, R. C., 1972, La minería de aluvión en Colombia durante el período colonial, Imprenta Nacional, Bogotá.

WHO-FAO World Health Organization-Food and Agriculture Organization, 2011, Safety evaluation of certain food additives and contaminants, World Health Organization, Geneva.

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

305

306 Large hollow piece

Small hollow piece

Flat piece

3

Ceramic articles with an inner depth not exceeding 25 cm, measured from the lowest point to the horizontal plane at overflow level Ceramic article with an inner depth above 25 mm and a capacity less than 1.1 1 Ceramic article with an inner depth of 25 mm and a capacity equal to or more than 1.1 1

Articles that cannot be filled or can be filled, the inner depth of which, measured between the lowest point and horizontal plane at the uppermost rim level is lower o equal to 25 mm All articles that can be filled Cooking ware, storage vessels with a capacity above 3 l

Description

2.5 mg/l

5.0 mg/l

1.7 mg/dm2

1.5 mg/l

4.0 mg/l

0.8 mg/dm2

Permissible Pb limit

Table 23.1: Some technical regulations and permissible lead transfer limits for ceramic articles of everyday use.

NTC 916 Table "Maximum permissible lead and cadmium release limits" based on ISO 6486-1 1999 (ICONTEC 1999a, Lehman 2002)

1

Council Directive 84/500/EEC of 15 october 1984 relating to ceramic articles intended to come into contact with foodstuffs (European Community 1984) 2

Category

Regulation

M. Therrien, J. Rivera and J. L. Patiño Romero

GlobalPottery 1. Historical Archaeology and Archaeometry for Societies in Contact

Health, cultural practices and ceramic traditions: archaeometric analysis of lead glazed ware in Santafé de Bogotá (Colombia)

Criteria

FDA (2008)

Children under 6 years of age Children 7 years of age or more Adults

0.006 mg 0.015 mg 0.075 mg

BfR (2005)

Children with an average weight of 20 kg

Category 1: 0.0175 mg/dm2 Category 2: 0.07 mg/l Category 3: 0.07 mg/l

Adults with an average weight of 70 kg

Category 1: 0.0625 mg/dm2 Category 2: 0.25 mg/l Category 3: 0.25 mg/l

Table 23.2: Safe daily lead intake rates.

Daily lead (Pb) intake rate

Time

3.27 mg/day 2.35 mg/day 1.27 mg/day 0.6 mg/day

eight months four years eight years would not appear within the entire life span

Table 23.3: Daily lead intake rate in relation to time of appearance of first symptoms.

Liévano 1 San Francisco 1 Marqués de San Jorge 1 Liévano 3 Marqués de San Jorge 2 Liévano 2

Total piece area

Results of Pb release in mg/dm2

Pb lixiviation for total piece area in mg/dm2

5.152211932 dm2 4.294458 dm2 3.180862562 dm2 3.675663 dm2 4.77 dm2 2.489712178 dm2

54 16 1.1 0.4 0.1 900 °C) F1 (900 °C) F2 (950 °C) F3 (950–1000 °C) F4 (>900 °C) F2 (950 °C) F1 (Mediterranean